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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Abolition a Sedition - By a Northern Man - -Author: Geo. W. Donohue - -Release Date: October 10, 2012 [EBook #41014] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ABOLITION A SEDITION *** - - - - -Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - ABOLITION A SEDITION. - - BY A NORTHERN MAN. - - PHILADELPHIA: - - GEO. W. DONOHUE, - - NO. 22, SOUTH FOURTH STREET. - - MDCCCXXXIX. - - - Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the - year 1839, by GEO. W. DONOHUE, in the Clerk's - Office of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. - - - +---------------------------------------------+ - | Transcriber's Notes: | - | | - | 1. Obvious printer and typographical errors | - | silently corrected. | - | 2. Archaic and inconsistent spelling and | - | punctuation retained. | - +---------------------------------------------+ - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER I. - The character of the Abolition organization - - - CHAPTER II. - The American Anti-slavery Society a seditious organization - - - CHAPTER III. - The seditious character of the Annual Report of the American - Anti-slavery Society, of 1838 - - - CHAPTER IV. - The seditious character of the American Anti-slavery Society - farther considered - - - CHAPTER V. - Violent reforms, and their connexion with Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER VI. - The Abolition organization borrowed from the religious world - - - CHAPTER VII. - The anarchical principles of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER VIII. - The incendiary doctrines of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER IX. - Political responsibility in regard to slavery - - - CHAPTER X. - The romance of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER XI. - Every man mind his own business - - - CHAPTER XII. - Perfectionism - - - CHAPTER XIII. - Liberty and Equality - - - CHAPTER XIV. - Social and political effects of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER XV. - The bad effects of Abolitionism on the free colored population, - and on the condition and prospects of the slaves - - - CHAPTER XVI. - A hypothetical view of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER XVII. - Abolitionism considered as proposing no compensation for slave - property - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - The condition of American slaves as compared with other portions - of the African race - - - CHAPTER XIX. - The example of the Quakers, or Society of Friends - - - CHAPTER XX. - The South have done with argument - - - CHAPTER XXI. - Reasons why the Abolition movement, under its present - organization, will overthrow the Government - - - CHAPTER XXII. - The Abolition organization destructive of republican liberty - - - - -PREFACE. - - -We trust it will be obvious to all, that it was impossible to treat -Abolitionism according to its merits, or to exhibit its true -character, without regarding it as a RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT. There are two -prominent features of the moral and religious history of our country, -with which we have been compelled to come in contact. We, therefore, -take this opportunity so far to explain, as to bar the accident of -being misapprehended. First, then, we have averred the philosophical -connexion of antecedent and consequence between _Abolitionism_ and -_violent reforms_. It is proper, therefore, that we should state how -much we are willing to be understood as meaning by this couplet of -terms, having such a relation to the subject of this work. We say, -then, that by _violent reforms_, we mean those religious and moral -agitations of our country, which have proved alike unfriendly to -religious and social order, which are generally disapproved by sober -Christians, and we believe by the great majority of Christians, of -all, or nearly all, denominations. It is possible, that on a single -point we have hit hard a cherished opinion of many persons, for whom -we have the greatest respect; but as it relates merely to a _mode_ of -action, we must claim to be indulged in our own opinion in that -matter, as we allow the same privilege to others. - -In the next place, we have found it necessary, in the _exhibit_ we -have made of the political machinery of the Abolition movement, to -enquire into its origin; and it will be manifest to all, that it was -brought from the religious world. The fact, that the model of the -American Anti-slavery Society was borrowed from the Religious and -Benevolent Society system, could not implicate those institutions, in -the estimation of the public, unless they should see fit to follow the -same example, and so far as they might do it, by going over from the -religious and moral, into the political sphere; which, we trust, they -will be wise enough not to do. It was necessary to describe the -machinery of those Societies in order to give the true picture of the -one under particular consideration; but we have taken care at the same -time to state, that the American Anti-slavery Society has betrayed -and violated the principles of the Religious and Benevolent Society -system, by first assuming its model, and then passing over into the -field of political action. That all these machineries are well adapted -to political ends, whenever they may be perverted and applied in that -direction, it is unnecessary to say; and the only way to escape the -charge, is to avoid the fault. The Abolition Society has gone openly -into that field, on which account we have considered it fair and -exactly true to represent it as a _political organization_, and as -being necessarily such from the work it has taken in hand. - -Having, therefore, explained on these two points, we submit the work, -without farther comment, to speak for itself. - - _January 1, 1839._ - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE CHARACTER OF THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION. - - -There seems to have been a uniform impression among the great majority -of the citizens of the United States, that the Abolition movement in -this country is wrong, as it stands related to our political fabric; -but the exact character and extent of this wrong have not been so well -defined in the public mind, as to enable the people to see how a -remedy can be applied to arrest and control the mischief that appears -to be growing out of this agitation. Every reflecting person in the -land sees and feels, that it threatens to break asunder the American -Union; and few doubt, that such will be the result, if it is permitted -to go on. We take for granted, that the almost unanimous voice of the -whole country would concur in the opinion, that a violent dissolution -of the American Republic would be the greatest calamity that could -happen in this Western world. Can it be, then, that there is no -Constitutional power to suppress an organization, the rise and course -of which tend so directly and so inevitably to the disruption and -demolition of the Federal Government? Certainly, it would be a great -and notable defect in the political structure of the United States, -if there were to be found in it no principle of conservation against -such a danger, and if the people of this country were compelled to see -an enemy start up among themselves, and march directly to the -overthrow of the Government, without any power to resist. Doubtless, -in a last resort, the Union is too dear to the American people -generally to allow it to be sacrificed without an attempt to maintain -it, even if there should prove to be no provision in the Constitution -and laws. The necessity and importance of the case would create a law -for the occasion. The people would feel, that they have a better right -to defend the Union, than an enemy has to destroy it. But if the law -of necessity be waited for, the scale of chances as to the final issue -may have become doubtful--too doubtful and too portentous to be -prudently staked on such a hazard; and the American Union might be -lost forever. - -If, however, it can be shown, that the Abolition movement is at war -with the genius and letter of the National Constitution and of the -Constitutions of the States respectively, and with that social compact -which created the Union, and under which it has hitherto been -maintained, then clearly there will be presented a Constitutional -basis on which this movement can be opposed, and by which, if it shall -become necessary, it can be suppressed. We propose an attempt to -establish the position, that such _is_ the character of this movement, -and consequently, that there is a remedial power against its action in -the Constitution and laws of the land. - -Before we proceed to an array of the law which applies to the case, it -may be useful to inquire into the nature and character of the -organization, under which the Abolition movement is carried on. As -this machinery is so well known to the public, it will only be -necessary to refer to such general facts as the Abolitionists -themselves will not deny, however they may differ from us in the -character and name ascribed to them as a whole. - -We observe, then, that the American Anti-Slavery Society, under the -authority and by the action of which, this movement is conducted, is a -_grand and permanent political organization, self-elected, -self-governed, independent, and irresponsible, having no connexion -with the Government of the country, but yet usurping the appropriate -business of that Government_. - -It is an _organization_. This, certainly, will require no proof, as -nobody will deny it. It is formed after the model of the Religious and -Benevolent Society system, which has been in action for about thirty -years past, and which, in the later parts of this period, has grown -into considerable importance in the United States and in Great -Britain. The social influence of this system has been much greater in -this country than in the father land. But so long and so far as it was -confined to religious and benevolent objects, the political -authorities and feeling of the community seem to have taken little or -no alarm. It was obvious, from experience and observation, that these -organizations were armed with a wide spread, and many of them with an -all pervading influence; and that they were admirably calculated to -acquire power, and to bring to bear an efficient and energetic action -on their specific objects. In their history and progress, as their -exigencies have seemed to require, they have severally erected a sort -of State machinery, with a Constitution as a general basis of polity; -with the customary law-making, executive and judicial powers; with -principal and under secretaries; with a fiscal department; and with -numerous subsidiary agencies, according to the nature and extent of -their operations. Some of these institutions are engaged in -enterprises as wide as the globe, have numerous foreign establishments -of no mean consideration, and foreign colonies have been erected and -are governed by them. Nothing but a state machinery, with a -corresponding polity, was adequate to the execution of such designs. -And while they were confined to religious and benevolent operations, -they had not excited the jealousy of the political world; at least, so -far as we know, not to any considerable extent. - -And it may be remarked--as we shall have occasion hereafter to notice -more particularly--that the Abolition movement, under its present -organization, originated in religious sentiment, and commenced as a -benevolent enterprise. It was natural, therefore, in view of the -success which had attended these other institutions, and of the great -power and efficiency they had acquired over the public mind, to adopt -the same model--the same sort of State machinery in the several -departments of its organization. And thus, in the American -Anti-Slavery Society, we have an independent and powerful -Commonwealth, organized, like every other State, on the basis of a -Constitution declarative of its great and fundamental principles, -with a head, with a cabinet, with its various State departments and -secretaries, with a productive and regular system of fiscal -operations, with a polity of its own, with a vast republic of -subsidiary combinations, multiplying rapidly, and each constantly -increasing in numbers and influence, acquiring talent, wealth, and -power on a large scale, creating and sending forth upon the public a -world of literature of its own chosen character, in the various -forms of books, periodicals, journals, tracts, and pictorial -representations; and able, on the principle of such an organization, -while unresisted by any opposing power, to extend and wield an -influence, which, sooner or later, will dissolve the Union, and send -the Government of this proud Republic, in broken fragments, to the -winds of heaven. - -And it is a _political_ organization. It is true, indeed, that when -Abolition first broke out in New York, in 1834, the most prominent -leaders there disclaimed all participation in political matters, as -will appear from the following note, unless it is to be regarded as a -_ruse de guerre_ for the occasion: "It has been our object to address -the hearts and consciences of our fellow citizens, and to defend our -principles by facts and arguments; to encourage the people of color to -great circumspection of conduct and forbearance; _and to abstain from -mingling the objects of our society with either of the political -parties_." - -Signed, "Arthur Tappan, John Rankin, E. Wright, jr., Joshua Leavitt, -W. Goodell, Lewis Tappan, Samuel E. Cornish. - -New York, July 16th, 1834." - -The following _Circular_, from the Anti-slavery office in New York, -issued for electioneering purposes, in the New York political campaign -of 1838, would seem to show, that great advances have been made in -regard to the political character of this society, since 1834:-- - - "Dear Sir, - - "Enclosed you have a list of the publications of this society, - to which you will please direct any of our _Whig_ friends, who - may desire a knowledge of the _truth_. I am gratified that our - Abolition friends are to be found on the _Whig side_, rather - than the _Loco Focos_; for the cause of the country and of - humanity ought to go together. _If we can_ RIVET _ourselves - firmly on one of these parties, we can gain our object. Be - careful._ - I am yours, &c. per Arthur Tappan. - B. LE ROY." - New York, Nov. 1, 1838. - -This _Circular_ was addressed to P. W. Wesley, jr., and marked No. -126. How many _more_ were sent out, of course we do not know--it might -be _hundreds_, or it might be _thousands_. - -It is no more than fair, however, to observe, that Mr. Arthur Tappan -has disclaimed having authorized Mr. Le Roy the use of his name in -this instance; which, indeed, is of very little consequence, and in no -way affects the object we have in view by these references. Whether -the gentlemen, who signed the note of July 16, 1834, were really so -blind as not to see the _necessary_ connexion of their cause with -politics, we cannot pretend to say. If they _did_ see it, their -disclaimer, to say the least, was unbecoming. As men of common -discernment, they _ought_ to have known as well then as now, that they -could do nothing in this business, in the way they propose, without -affecting the politics of the country; and that the movement _in -toto_, from beginning to end, is political in its character and -bearings. Certainly, since that time, the Abolitionists have better -learned the position which they occupy. What shall we say? That their -early disclaimer was a cloak to conceal their designs? We would rather -suppose, that they did not know what they were about. Would, that we -could say, they are equally ignorant now, that thereby they might be -proved more innocent. Evidently, the disguise, if disguise it was, is -thrown aside. By their own public avowals and acts, official and -other, they are now fairly and openly in the political field. The -following resolution was passed at the Annual meeting of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, at New York, May, 1838: "_Resolved_, that we -deprecate the organization of any Abolition political party; but that -we recommend to Abolitionists throughout the country, to interrogate -candidates for office, with reference to their opinions on subjects -connected with the abolition of slavery; and to vote, irrespective of -party, for those only who will advocate the principles of universal -liberty." - -Three of the Corresponding Secretaries of this Society, James G. -Birney, E. Wright, jr., and Henry B. Stanton, issued a circular from -the office at New York, in July 1838, to Agents in the country, -quoting the above resolution, and remarking, that "resolutions -embodying the same idea have been passed by the New England -Anti-Slavery Convention, and we believe, by nearly all, if not all, -the State Anti-Slavery Societies;" and that "they think the time has -come, when the friends of the slave, throughout the free States, -should act fully up to the letter and the spirit of these resolutions. -We hope, therefore, you will, without delay, confer with Abolitionists -in your region on the subject, by correspondence, by holding meetings, -and in such other ways as may be deemed expedient, and take prompt and -efficient measures, _to secure the election of such candidates for the -National and State Legislatures_, as the friends of the slave can -cheerfully support. By order of the Executive Committee." - -The following is an extract from a letter written by Mr. Stanton, one -of the Secretaries who signed the above Circular, showing how well he -himself had been engaged in these duties: "From Lockport I returned to -Utica. By request I delivered an address in the Bleeker street Church, -the evening of the 10th inst. _on the political duties of the 40,000 -Abolition voters in this State_, (New York) _with reference to the -fall elections_." - -The following are extracts from the public, well considered, -authoritative and solemn document of the Annual Report of the American -Anti-Slavery Society for 1838:--"It is often said, that religion has -nothing to do with our republican politics; and hence it is inferred, -that a cause which is based upon and inseparable from religion, -should not presume to meddle with political affairs. But to make -the proposition true, we must read instead of _religion, -sectarianism_.... The religious principles of Abolitionism have -nothing to do with _sects_.... They are but the thoughts and opinions -of all who truly love God.... Abolitionism _must_ have much to do with -politics.... Abolitionists have resolved, _from the first_, to act -upon slavery _politically_.... During the year this principle has -produced the happiest results. The candidates of the opposing parties -have been questioned, and their answers published; and in cases too -numerous to mention, the election has resulted in favour of those who -most decidedly pledged themselves to Anti-Slavery measures." - -The _religious_ character of Abolitionism, as here confessed, will be -considered in a subsequent place. We do not dissent from the -suggestion conveyed, that religion has its political _rights_, under -the Constitution, as much as any other interest, feeling, or -principle; but we do not see the force of the distinction drawn -between _religion_ and _sectarianism_ for this particular purpose; -although the distinction is in fact obvious. Are not Abolitionists a -_sect_, and as strongly marked as any that can be named? They fall, -therefore, under the ban of their own rule. But, although religion has -its political _rights_, not excepting even _sectarianism_--and we have -yet to learn that there is any religion in the country, which is not -sectarian, both in its principles and modes of operation, not only in -relation to other religious bodies, but to Christianity itself, the -catholic standard--it must yet be very careful not to usurp political -_powers_ in this country--not to have _too much_ "to do with our -republican politics." "Abolitionism _must_ have much to do with -politics." The word "must," is italicised in the Report, and _may_, -therefore, be taken as intended to be emphatically significant. We -agree with them perfectly. But, that "Abolitionists have resolved, -_from the first_, to act upon slavery _politically_," is a matter -which they must settle among themselves, inasmuch as when they _first -set out_, they disclaimed it, as would appear from the note of July -16th, 1834, above introduced. - -Our object in these quotations, is not to inform the public generally -in regard to facts of this kind, as they are sufficiently well -known--but merely to throw out a few tangible materials, connected -with volumes of the same class, which might easily be collected, for -the purpose of justifying in our pages the conclusions we deduce from -them. We will trouble our readers with but one more which is from a -_clerical_ Agent of the Society in the western part of New York, dated -Aurora, Oct. 8, 1838. It is a letter to a fellow laborer in Chetauque -County. - - "Dear Sir, - - "I have just had assigned to me, by the Executive Committee of - the New York State Anti-Slavery Society, as my field of labor - for several months to come, Niagara, Erie, Chetauque, and - Cataraugus Counties. The first object to which I am bending all - my energies, is the holding of County meetings _before the - coming election, with a view especially of preparing and - exciting Abolitionists to carry their principles to the polls, - and wield all their_ POLITICAL, _as well as moral and - religious power_ for the redemption, &c. ... Can you not create - a _tremendous reaction_ at this time, &c.? ... The only way in - which we can move the proslavery and dough-faced politicians, - is by showing them our _political strength_, &c.... Now, will - you call together your Executive Committee, and fix on a time - and place for a Convention? Let me know immediately, and write - letters all over the County,--_have notices given out in the_ - CHURCHES, &c. ... and have town Abolition Meetings held before - the County Convention. - "Yours for the crushed slave, - "T. M. BLAKESLEY." - -These extracts may serve to indicate the zeal and activity of the -Secretaries and numerous Agents of this society, _clerical_ and other, -previous to the New York elections, and the modes adopted to secure -their ends. The interrogation of "candidates for the National and -State Legislatures," and for other civil and political stations, as -resolved upon and recommended by the parent Society, has been -scrupulously carried out. The correspondence between Messrs. Seward -and Bradish on the one side, and the official organs of the Society on -the other, while these two gentlemen stood before the people of the -State of New York as candidates, the first for Governor, and the -second for Lieutenant Governor, has been laid before the public--all -tending to the same point. Not being exactly satisfied with the result -of the election in New York, so far as it demonstrated the influence -of the Anti-Slavery Society, it has been suggested by Gerritt Smith, -Esq., who seems to be a sort of Dictator General in these matters, -that the Abolition societies should undergo a new organization, with a -view to the expurgation of the baser and unsound materials, by -requiring the despotic test of binding the conscience in the use of -the elective franchise. How this will go down, we are unable to say; -though it seems to us to be carrying matters with a high hand. -Doubtless, the business, in one form or another, will go ahead, in -despite of the imprudence of individuals, until the people of this -country can be made to see the real character and tendency of the -movement. Suffice it to say, as is sufficiently evident, that the -American Anti-Slavery Society is now a _grand political organization_, -aiming, by the use of political agencies and powers, at a radical and -great change in the American political fabric. We shall yet have -occasion to show, that this change, urged in this mode and under -present circumstances, unless the movement can be checked and -suppressed, must necessarily and inevitably dissolve the Union, and -consequently overthrow the Government, as it now exists. But our -immediate object is to establish the proposition, as stated in -_Italics_ on page 3, in order to prepare the way for the application -of those principles of American Constitutional law, which will prove -this Society to be a _seditious organization_. - -The most essential point of the proposition now under consideration, -is the fact, that the American Anti-Slavery Society is a _political_ -organization. That, we think, may be regarded as already established; -but it may still be fortified by the consideration, that it is -_necessarily_ so from the object it has in view, apart from the -position it has assumed before the public by its own avowals and -measures, and by the agencies it has taken in hand. Slavery, as is -well known, and as will hereafter be made apparent by the introduction -of authorities, is a corporate part of the American political fabric, -established by Constitutional law, and interwoven with the frame of -the Federal Government. It is not only a thoroughly pervading element, -and main pillar of political society in the slave-holding States, but -it is made a part of the supreme law of the land in the Federal -Constitution. It is impossible, therefore, from the nature of the -case, to institute any action, private or public, individual or -combined, in any form, or by any agency, to abolish or eradicate -slavery from American society, which will not be of a political -character. Consequently, the Abolition movement, which, as before -remarked, originated in religious sentiment, which was prompted and is -still sustained principally by religious men, and which borrowed the -model of its organization from the action of the religious world, by -instituting an exact copy, the moment it entered the field, was -transformed into a political body from the very nature of the work it -had undertaken, notwithstanding it was, and still is, actuated by -religious sentiment. It is nevertheless political, and it is all the -more dangerous, because religion is in it--not Christianity. We shall -by and by attempt to show the difference between Christianity and that -religion, which lies at the bottom, and is the instigator, of this -movement. We have seen, that, in the first setting out, the leaders -professed to disclaim political alliance; but, allowing they were -sincere in that disclaimer, they soon discovered it was a false step. -Throwing aside all disguise, they have now gone _the whole_ for -political action. At first, they were timid, perhaps--did not know -their strength, which might be a reason for not coming out under their -own flag. But, _crescit eundo_--the cause soon obtained sympathy, and -found way to importance; and behold! it dares to face the Government -of the country in open conflict, and to erect its batteries against -that Constitutional fabric, which has hitherto been so dear to -American citizens. - -We have stated, that this political organization is _permanent_. The -meaning under which we propose to sustain the application of this -epithet in this case, refers, by contradistinction, to a mode of -popular political action, which, we conceive, is authorised by the -Constitutional law of the land, and which proves equally, that a -_permanent_ organization of this kind is unauthorised and prohibited. -For the present we simply state, what we suppose will not be -contradicted, that the American Anti-Slavery Society is a _permanent_ -body, in distinction from those popular assemblages or conventions, -which are customarily held in this country for political purposes, -under the specific sanction of the Constitution and laws, which exist -only for the time being, which do not presume to arm themselves with a -distinct and separate polity, or to set up an imperium in imperio, -independent and irresponsible. - -We have stated also, that it is a _grand_ political organization. This -term is of no farther importance than simply to indicate, what is very -well known, that this Society is great and powerful. It claims to -wield 40,000 of the political votes of the State of New York. Whether -this be over or under the true estimate, we take it from themselves; -and it is probably fair to conclude, that they are equally strong in -most of the other free States. Admitting that they have one-half, or -even one-fourth, of this power, it is enough to justify the -application of this term. It is a _grand_ organization also, in -consideration of its vast and complicated machinery, of the variety -and extent of its operations, and of its means of influence. In 1838, -this Society reports 1350 auxiliaries, of which 12 were State -Societies, now 13, and 340 of these organized in the course of the -previous year; 38 travelling Agents, so constantly engaged, as to have -performed jointly 27 years' labour in one; 75 local lecturers, -circulating in adjacent towns, as far as convenient; money raised in -the course of the year, $40,000, being $5,000 in excess of the -previous year, notwithstanding the pecuniary embarrassments of the -community; the issues of the press, 187,316 copies of Human Rights, -193,800 of the Emancipator, 42,100 Circulars and Prints, 12,054 bound -volumes, 72,732 Tracts and Pamphlets, 97,600 of the Slaves' Friend, -and 40,000 of the Anti-Slavery Record. Total: 646,502. - -This society, therefore, is a _grand_, and in its moral and political -influence, a stupendous machinery. - -And it is _self-erected_, _self-governed_, _independent_, and -_irresponsible_. The truth of these statements, we think, is -self-evident in all that we intend, or desire to be understood, by -them. The first, certainly, is true. For what authority, independent -of its component parts, suggested, or sanctioned it? And the second is -equally true. For, where is the power, out of itself, that dictates, -or controls, its proceedings? The third and fourth are also true. For -what authority will they acknowledge, as competent to call them to -account? They are, indeed, responsible to public opinion; but the -relation we intend to express, is responsibility to some constituted -authority; and in this view our proposition is sustained, so far as -their designs are concerned. We presume they do not recognize the -right of any known authority to call them to account. We think it -fair, therefore, to represent this Society as _self-erected_, -_self-governed_, _independent_, and _irresponsible_. So far as our -individual opinion is concerned, we do indeed believe and hold, that -they are responsible to an authority that is competent to act upon -them, when a sense of public duty may require it, and that it is -sufferance only that screens the action of this Society from -uncomfortable rebuke. But we mean only to assert in our proposition, -what we suppose is true: that they do not _hold_ themselves -responsible; that there is no constituted, or official, connexion -between them and a superior power; and that they consider themselves -entitled to carry on the operations in which they are engaged, under -their present organization, without check, control, or interference of -any authority. - -Moreover, _there is no such connexion between them and the Government -of the country_, as is prescribed by constitutional law to popular -assemblages, or associations, for political purposes. There is, -indeed, no connexion at all. The government is not even advised of -the existence of this society by its own official acts; at least we -have never heard of it. - -And yet further--which is the last point of our proposition--this -society _has usurped the appropriate business of the Government_. They -have formally and solemnly declared, in various forms, so far as their -authority goes, that slavery is wrong by a higher and more imperative -law than that of the country, and set themselves directly to do it -away, by all the means they can employ, in the application of a -stupendous machinery of their own creation, and under their own -independent control. The elective franchise is only one means, and as -yet by far the least efficient. Without any balance of influence to -oppose and counteract the effect of their proceedings on the public -mind, they have been enabled, by the advantages and power of their -organization, to agitate the whole country, to throw the South into a -state of consternation, and to menace the overthrow of the Government. -No one doubts--and therefore we think we are justified in -saying--that, had it not been for the necessary posture of -self-defence, assumed by the slave-holding States, the Agents of this -Society, without waiting for the action of Government, would have -carried their incendiary measures directly into the South, and raised -a servile insurrection and civil war. It is true, indeed, that this -Society have commenced working hard at the polls, as a means of -accomplishing their end, and so far have recognized the principle, -that Government is to be consulted. But all their other operations, -which comprehend the principal sum of their labors, have been of a -character which would seem to imply, that the removal of slavery was -their business. They have never entered on that course of action for a -change in the political fabric of the country, which Constitutional -law prescribes, by acting on the Government, the only legitimate -organ. They have not even approached the Government, nor recognised -either its existence or authority for such a purpose. We speak of the -action of the Society _as such_, and not of the action of its -individual members in their capacity as citizens. If citizens, -desiring such an object, are required to address the Government, -instead of seeking to undermine the Constitution and laws, by indirect -and independent operations; and if this rule has been wisely enacted -for the public peace and safety, much more is it incumbent on a -powerful combination, in undertaking to change the laws of the -country--if it be lawful for such a combination to be formed--to -advise the Government of their wishes and proceedings. Just in -proportion as they are more influential and more powerful than -individuals, by virtue of association, is it more incumbent on them, -and more important, to consult the regular and constituted -authorities. - -But what has been the fact in regard to the operations of the American -Anti-slavery Society? Simply, that they have gone to this work just as -if it were their own proper business--as if there were no government -in the land. They have never addressed the Government; they have never -consulted it; they have never asked leave to be, to act, or to enter -this field; but have erected a republic of their own, with a State -machinery, and set themselves to change the government of the country, -as if it devolved upon them by original and indefeasible right. In a -word, they have taken in hand, by a virtual usurpation, the most -delicate, and the most disturbing political question, which could -possibly be agitated--a question, which, by the Constitutional frame -of our Government, belongs properly and only to the States where -slavery exists, and which, for that reason, the General Government -itself can never meddle with, without the consent of those States. -Clearly, the National Government is the only channel through which the -subject can be lawfully approached from the free States; by the -Federal compact the National Government is the public guardian of -slavery; and consequently, when ever its abolition is attempted under -the jurisdiction of the United States, independent of the action of -the General Government, and without the consent of the slave States, -it is a direct invasion of chartered rights, and a usurpation. - -We have now done with the proposition laid down for the argument of -this chapter, and will only repeat it in form for the consideration of -the reader: _That the American Anti-slavery Society is a grand and -permanent political organization, self-erected, self-governed, -independent, and irresponsible, having no connexion with the -Government of the country, but yet usurping the appropriate business -of that government._ - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY A SEDITIOUS ORGANIZATION. - - -We have shown, in the previous chapter, that the American Anti-slavery -society is a _permanent political organization_, attempting to effect -a change in the government of the country, by its own independent, and -we may add, sovereign, operations. We now propose to show, that such -an organization, under such independent and irresponsible action, is -unconstitutional and illegal, and consequently seditious. Even if -there were no law in the case, we suppose the sovereignty of a nation, -in other words, of the majority of the people, in a government -constituted like ours, is competent to interpose their authority to -prevent the damage of the Republic in an unforeseen exigency. So far -as Constitutional law is provided, it is the rule; but where it is -wanting, necessity becomes law, to be used in the best discretion of -the constituted authorities, in all emergencies in which the safety of -the public may demand such a resort. This is the original and -undisputed right of that sovereignty, which is always supposed to be -vested in a national and independent government. It is of the nature -of original legislation for a supposed occasion. It is the use of a -right, and a violation of no law, inasmuch as no law exists that is -applicable to the case. - -But, fortunately, and to bar all controversy, there _is_ a law -provided for the case now under consideration. It is well known--it is -written in the characters of blood on the pages of our history--that -our fathers fought and died to secure the right of the people to a -representation in the Government, and to be heard by the government, -whenever they feel the pressure of an evil demanding the interposition -and action of the public authorities, before a remedy can be applied, -in the usual forms of legislation, as the result of the use of the -elective franchise. But it is not to be forgotten, that the most -desirable, the most quiet, and the most salutary action of Government, -is the regular and uniform routine of its legislative, executive, and -judicial functions, as constituted for general purposes. But the -experience of history proves, that public exigencies may arise, when -the action of Government may be required out of the usual course; or -when the measures of a Government may operate so uncomfortably and -oppressively on the people, as to furnish occasion for an expression -of their will, before it can be conveyed through the channel of the -elective franchise. The Constitutional law of our country, both of the -Federal Government and of the States, has provided for these -occasions; and in that particular afforded an eminent advantage over -that despotic sway of absolute monarchies, which rebukes and -suppresses the expressions and interferences of the popular will. The -most valuable right of our free institutions is the choice of our own -rulers. Next to that, is the right of instructing them in a knowledge -of what the people desire. For the conveyance of this will two -Constitutional channels have been opened; one in the elective -franchise, and the other by the right of petition and remonstrance. -The use of both these rights is always supposed to have a direct and -immediate connexion with the Government: the first appoints the -Government, and the second instructs it. And there rights are found to -be sufficient, because, if a Government refuses to respect the popular -will, fairly expressed and well ascertained, the people have their -remedy in the franchise. They can appoint such rulers as will do their -pleasure. Hence there is never a necessity, and there can be no -apology, for the dangerous resort to permanent political combinations, -acting under an organized polity, independent of the Government of the -country, having designs upon that Government, either to control its -counsels, or to affect a change in its structure. But such precisely, -as will be seen, is the American Anti-slavery Society. - -Moreover, it is inconsistent with the _genius_ of a Constitutional -government, that such an organization should be permitted to arise in -its bosom, and make war upon it by original, usurped, and independent -functions. The Constitution of a nation knows no rival, admits of -none, within its own jurisdiction. It would be the same as to sanction -sedition and treason; it would be forging the weapons of its own -destruction, and turning a suicidal hand upon itself. The empire -claimed, and designed to be maintained, by a Constitutional -government, like that of the United States, is _sole_. It cannot, -without peril to itself, admit a rival political and independent power -on the same territory. But such is the American Anti-slavery Society. -It is an independent Commonwealth, a republic _within_ the Republic, -a State, having all the machinery of a State which its exigencies -require, and is perpetually adding to that machinery, without limit, -and without control. It has already proved sufficiently powerful to -disturb the peace of the country, to endanger the lives of its -citizens, and to threaten a dissolution of the Union; and who can say, -that it will not revolutionise the government, and introduce anarchy -and desolation? Such is the prospect, and such are the most sober -convictions of discerning and far seeing minds, if it is permitted to -go on. - -But let us look to the law which applies to the case. The Constitution -of the United States, and in accordance with that, the Constitutions -of the several States, in the same manner, and in like terms, have -provided a safety valve for the discontents and fermentations of the -popular mind, under real or supposed grievances, or under any -occasions of dissatisfaction, by guaranteeing freedom of speech and of -the press, the right of popular assemblies to declare and express the -public will, and the right of petition and remonstrance addressed to -the Government. The Constitution of the United States, on this point, -reads thus: "Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of -speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to -assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." - -The Constitution of the State of Pennsylvania has it thus: "The -printing presses shall be free to every person who undertakes to -examine the proceedings of the Legislature, or any branch of -Government; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the right -thereof. The free communication of thoughts and feelings is one of -the invaluable rights of man; and every citizen may freely speak, -write, and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of -that liberty.... The citizens have a right, in a peaceable manner, to -assemble together for their common good, and to apply to those -invested with the powers of government for redress of grievances, or -other proper purposes, by petition, address, or remonstrance." - -We have selected the Constitution of Pennsylvania for what it says on -this point, as it is more full than any other, and contains the -substance of all. We believe, that this extract, in connexion with -that from the National Constitution, comprehends the whole of the -Constitutional law of the country on the subject, and that is a fair -expression of the public mind--of the political creed of the citizens -of the United States, in regard to the particulars here represented. - -We observe, then, that certain _specific_ modes of combined popular -action for political purposes, are here licensed. Of course, we -suppose it is fairly to be inferred, that the framers of these -Constitutional laws did not intend to license _all_ and _any_ modes -_whatever_ of popular action for public purposes. Such an assumption -would be preposterous and absurd. It would be tantamount to the -setting aside of all authority, and the dissolution of _one_ all -government. On the contrary, the declaration, that _these_ modes are -lawful, is an implied and virtual declaration, that _other_ modes are -unlawful. We think there can be no mistake, and we trust, no -difference of opinion, on this point. Because, if other mode be -lawful, then _any_ and _all_ others are, and the rule falls to the -ground--is good for nothing; it is, in that case, a mere mockery of -legislation, and the community is left without law, and without -government, in this particular. - -Moreover, a consideration of the _occasion_ of this law goes to settle -the question of its meaning and limitation: It was the common and -known prohibition of these rights, under absolute and despotic -governments, and more particularly under the Colonial administration -of British law in America, that suggested these declarations of rights -in the establishment of our independence, and which caused them to be -adopted as parts of Constitutional and fundamental law. These rights -were deemed sufficient, and they have always proved satisfactory. They -have also been held very sacred. The people of this country would shed -their most precious blood, before they would surrender them. It was an -invaluable acquisition to liberty. And as this law is deemed -sufficient, and has proved so by experience, we suppose it will be -allowed to be equally important, that it should not be _transcended_, -as that it should be _maintained_; and that a licentious _extension_ -thereof is as criminal as an _abridgement_. It has every thing in it -that a people can ask, who are free to choose their own legislators -and magistrates. If the views of the public press, and the petitions -and remonstrances of the people, carried forward to the Government, -when they may see occasion for it, are not respected, the people know -their remedy, and can effectually apply it at the polls. They have -liberty of speech and of the press, the right of popular assemblages -for the discussion of public interests and measures, and the right of -petition, address, and remonstrance, guarantied to them; and to crown -the whole, they are themselves the source of all law and government, -always subjected to the will of the majority, in a Constitutional mode -of action. - -Now we ask, where is the license in the Constitutional law of this -land for such a political machinery as the American Anti-Slavery -Society? It cannot be found. Individuals are free to speak, write, and -publish, what they please, on slavery, or any other subject--_they -being responsible for the abuse of that liberty_. The people may -assemble, _in a peaceable manner_, and discuss any subject that may be -agreeable to them; they may pass any resolutions they may see fit, as -an expression of their opinions or wishes; but the _only -constitutional and lawful mode_ of popular action for political -purposes, designed to influence the measures of the Government, or to -effect any change in the laws, apart from the use of the elective -franchise, is for the people to connect themselves with the proper -authorities, by petition, or address, or remonstrance, unless they see -reasons for abandoning their purpose. There is no license for a -_permanent_ political organization, to act independently of the -constituted authorities of the land; nor to act _with_ them. -Government requires no such auxilliary; much less can it tolerate an -_opponent_ of such a character. The Government is the _only_ -permanent, political organization, which the Constitution recognises. - -We are inclined to believe, that these statements will commend -themselves to the common sense of all intelligent persons, and that -this position will be admitted as indisputable. What! an independent -political body _within_ the State, acting under a polity of its own, -plotting and carrying on designs _against_ the State, and claiming the -State's protection, while it is enacting treason, if it chooses so to -do! What an anomaly! Who ever dreamt that such a thing were possible? -Who would think that it could be advocated and defended--maintained as -a right? And yet, what else, and what less, is the American -Anti-Slavery Society? - -The wisdom of the Constitution, or Constitutions--for those of the -States, and that of the nation, embody the same identical -principles--in licensing such modes of political action as have been -quoted, and in prohibiting all others, is obvious. If any association, -or associations, of individuals, were at liberty to set up an -independent political machinery, to be extended without limit, and to -be managed without control or responsibility, there would be no safety -for the constituted authorities of the States and Nation. They would -be liable, at any time, to be undermined and overthrown by agencies -under their own eyes. There is equal wisdom in prohibiting such -combinations altogether; for there is no demand, there _can_ be no -lawful occasion, for them in such a government as ours, where the -people can always move, without let or hinderance, directly, towards -the objects they desire, or which the majority desire, under the -prescribed forms of the Constitution and laws. If it were allowable -for the people to depart from these forms in one instance, they might -do it in another; if in one degree, they might extend it at their own -option; and there would be no end to it. Sedition and treason, in that -case, would be authorised by law. But, most happily, the -Constitutional law of this land has been minutely scrupulous in -prohibiting all permanent political organizations, which are not -created by itself, as parts of one great political fabric, asserting -_sole_ empire over its own jurisdiction. We say, in _prohibiting_ -them, as we have before shown, that the license given is equally a law -of prohibition for all that is not licensed. - -This wisdom is moreover apparent from the consideration, that by -adhering to these forms, there is always a balance of influence -against any attempts to injure, or impair, or overthrow the -Government, Constitution, and laws of the land, or to surprise the -public by the advantages acquired by political combinations of a -permanent and organized character. The freedom of speech guaranteed to -one citizen, is guaranteed to all. Hence, the private influence of one -man on one side, is balanced by that of another on the other side, of -the same question; and between the two, the chances are in favour of -the right. The same remark applies to the influence of the press: -there is always a balance of power, operating on the public, so long -as the forms of the Constitution are observed. In the same manner, -popular assemblies of one party and the other, so long as they keep -within the Constitutional license, neutralize each other, in all their -inordinate excesses, and afford a chance for the right to prevail. -Whenever a petition, or address, or remonstrance is preferred to -Government, in regard to which there is a difference of opinion, its -undue influence will be counteracted by another. And so a salutary -balance of power is maintained in all the Constitutional modes of -political action. - -But the moment the Constitutional license is transcended, as in the -case of the American Anti-Slavery Society, this healthful balance of -power is lost. Such an unconstitutional organization steals a march -upon the public, and by the amazing power of its vast political -machinery, assails the Constitution and laws of the country, with no -rival influence to counteract it. While the rest of the people keep -_within_ the laws, this combination has _transcended_ them, and -occupies the field of its usurpation alone. There is no balance of -influence any where, that can lawfully be employed, except in the -strong arm of authority. The public, the Government, the world, have -been taken by surprise. Here is an immense and powerful combination, -that has suddenly leaped from the sphere of the religious world, -brought with it a machinery which was manufactured in that sphere, -seized upon affairs of State, usurped the business of State, and -neither the public, nor the Government, seem yet to know which end, or -how, head or tail, to take hold of the monster. It comes in shapes -unknown, unrecognized before, and has pounced upon the political -fabric of the nation, with an apparent determination to rend it -asunder, and tear it down before the eyes of the world. Like as Satan, -when he came with errand fatal to our race, from out Hell's regions, -and approached the gates that opened from that dark abyss, encountered -and addressed his monster child, so the Government, not less amazed, -seems also to say to this unexpected Apparition: - - "Whence, and what art thou, execrable shape, - That durst, though grim and terrible, advance - Thy miscreated front athwart my way?" - -But, we fear, that a like truce will not be made between these -parties. Like as "SIN" gave her own history to her Father, so the -world may yet be favoured with a philosophical account of this other -monster, a part of which, peradventure, shall be found in these pages. - -It is the perfectly anomalous character and position of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, that has so embarrassed and overwhelmed the -public mind, produced such a vast excitement, and frightened half the -nation. Armed with a machinery hitherto unknown in the political -world, it has broken through the bounds of law and the restraints of -the Constitution, opened its artillery on both these departments of -our political fabric, and so astounded the public, that few have yet -learned how this audacious assault has been planned and executed, or -what is the character of the enemy to be encountered. It is because, -in this political crusade, the actors have thoroughly transcended the -prescribed limits of Constitutional action, and entered a field -untrodden before, in an unknown shape, that the public know not where -to find them, or how to meet and take hold of them. The battle, -hitherto, has been all their own; and it cannot be denied, that they -have done execution, and stand responsible for infinite mischief. -Neither is it any less certain, in our opinion, that, with all the -advantage and power of their organization, if it should be recognized -as lawful, and permitted by the public authorities of our country to -go on, without check or control, they will revolutionize the -Government, and divide the Union. All beyond this is uncertain, and -fearfully so. - -Suppose the Abolitionists had kept within the bounds of law, and -contented themselves with that freedom of speech and of the press, -with such public discussions, and with such petitions, addresses, and -remonstrances to Government, as the Constitution authorises; suppose -they had been as mild and Christian-like in their action on this -subject, as the Quakers; their influence would then have distilled -like the dew, fallen like the rain, and cheered the heart like the -sun. In such a case, the subject could still have been discussed with -reason and temperance, throughout the wide community, not excepting -even the South; the South would not have been alarmed; the free -colored population would not have been, as now, filled with all -bitterness and malice; the amelioration of the condition of slaves -would have continued and increased, as before, instead of that -augmented rigour of discipline and surveillance to which the South has -been compelled by these violent measures; the country would have -remained in peace, and the whole subject would still have been open to -free and candid discussion every where, and with every body. Whereas, -the erection of this unconstitutional machinery, and the spirit with -which it has been swayed, has put the whole Republic out of temper, -and out of joint; has made pro-slavery men of one party, and fanatics -of another; has unfitted the colored population, free and bond, for -the culture of benevolence; has rivetted the chains of slavery with -tenfold power, blighted the prospects, and thrown forward the period, -of ultimate emancipation, for a time which baffles prophecy, unless, -peradventure--which God forbid--this movement shall prevail to break -down the Government, and let loose the spirit of fiends to desolate -the land. The strife henceforth will be, not that of benevolence for -the good of the slave--for the Abolitionists themselves are his most -dangerous foes--but it will be between this organized sedition and the -Government of the country--between the Constitution and a grand -political faction. And all this as the consequence of departing from -the wholesome regulations of law, of setting up a romantic sympathy as -a substitute for true benevolence, and fanaticism for Christianity. - -In view of the argument of this chapter, we trust we shall stand -justified with all reasonable minds, for the heading we have placed -over it, and for the title of the book. It has been from a -conscientious conviction of the seditious character of the American -Anti-slavery Society, that we have sat down to this task. The public -generally have felt, that this association was warring against the -supreme law of the land; but nobody has taken pains to set forth the -argument by which it is proved. Every body has seen, that the -tranquillity of the country has been disturbed, and a dissolution of -the Union threatened, by the action of this Society; but the more -common impression has been, that it is rather the result of rashness -and imprudence, than the effect of an unlawful political combination. -The popular disgust and indignation, with which some of the more -outrageous proceedings of Abolitionists have been received, have -arisen from a vague and undefined notion, that they were wrong--and -wrong in relation to the Constitution and laws of the land; but, we -think, that the true position, and proper political character of this -Society, as being seditious, has not generally been perceived. If, -indeed, we are right in the views here presented, we hope they may be -the means of enlightening the public. Abolitionists themselves, -especially the most active and determined, we have little hope of -benefitting; else, we might have studied more to humour their -prejudices, and gain them over to reason. We have rather been -convinced, that the greatness and danger of the error demand a -somewhat decided and vigorous treatment. We have observed with pain, -that the people of the South are getting more and more into the -feeling and conviction, that a dissolution of the Union will be -necessary for their own protection. In so far, therefore, as the -people of the North would deprecate such a result, it is most -desirable, that they should thoroughly understand the position and -character of the Abolition organization, in order that they may be -prepared to appreciate and treat it according to its merits. If, -indeed, it is a sedition, and can be clearly proved to be such, to the -satisfaction of the public, can it be supposed, that it would continue -to have the same moral power, even with its own advocates? Will not -many of them shrink from the thought of being traitors to their -country; and more especially when they shall have occasion to see, as -by this time they ought to see, that, in such a course, they are -rivetting, instead of breaking, the chains of slavery, unless they -succeed in plunging the nation into a civil war, which ought to be -still more revolting to their feelings? How much more should such a -conviction arm that portion of the Northern public, who have never -fallen into this delusion, with zeal and determination to vindicate -the honor of their country, and maintain its laws, not, indeed, by a -persecution of those who have been led astray, but by showing, in all -suitable ways, their unyielding attachment to the Constitution and -Government, in its unavoidable struggle against such an unlawful -combination, and by convincing the people of the South, that there is -a sympathy in the North, that will not abandon them in the trying and -perilous condition, into which they have been thrown by this seditious -movement? - -And would we advise an authoritative suppression of this sedition? We -say not, that we would. Ours is a Government of forbearance, because -it is the Government of the people. As we have reason to suppose, that -the public generally have not even yet discovered the true position of -the Anti-slavery Society, in relation to the Constitution, much less -can we presume to say, that the members of that Society, as a body, -have ever imagined, that they were involved in the responsibility of -seditious action against the Government of their country. We -charitably believe, that for the most part, their benevolent -sympathies have been worked upon by the exaggerated statements and -high colored pictures of more artful, of ambitious, and less innocent -men; and that, when left to choose between sedition and the Union, -they will unhesitatingly prefer the latter, even though the former, if -it had been a lawful enterprise, might still seem to them a worthy and -desirable object. But, if the extremity must unavoidably come, to -dissolve the Union and the Government, or encounter this movement by -the strong arm of authority, with our present views of its seditious -character, we cannot entertain a doubt, on which side it would be our -duty to engage. Nevertheless, our confidence in the good sense of the -people, leads us to hope for better things. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE ANNUAL REPORT OF THE AMERICAN -ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF 1838. - - -If the showing already made, in regard to the seditious _organization_ -of the American Anti-slavery Society, be a fair one, its action as -such becomes a conspiracy in the Republic, so far as it militates -against its political fabric. It is no more than fair to notice, that -in the first article of the Constitution of this Society, it is -assumed, that "slavery is contrary to the principles of _our_ -republican form of government." This is a very material point, vital, -fundamental, so far as it relates to the question now in hand. The -truth of this assumption would justify the _cause_, in which this -Society are engaged, so long as it should be sustained in a -Constitutional way; though it cannot justify an independent political -organization in the Republic for such an object. We have already -pointed out, as we trust clearly, the only Constitutional modes of -political action for reform, or any other purposes, under the -Government; and shown that this Society is unconstitutional. The truth -of this assumption, therefore, would not justify its mode of action, -and it would still be open to the charge of sedition. But, let us see, -whether this assumption be true. - -"Slavery is contrary to the principles of _our_ republican form of -government." If they mean to say, it is contrary to the principles of -the free States, as recognised and established for their own separate -jurisdictions, it is true. But it was quite unnecessary to say it, as -all the world knew it before. If they mean to say it is contrary to -the principles of a republican form of government in the _abstract_, -as a _theory_, it may be true, or it may be false, and depends -entirely upon the character of the theory that is set up. This is a -question, which cannot easily be settled, because it is a matter of -_opinion_, not of _fact_. The people of the South would be on one -side, and those of the North on the other; and we ourself, be it -known, should be on the side of the North. If the question be as to -the _common_ opinion, prevalent among mankind, of the principles of a -republican form of government, this Society is doubtless right on -_that_ ground. But we apprehend, indeed we know, and every body knows, -that it is not a question of opinion, but of fact, that is involved in -this assumption. Did the Society mean to say, that "slavery is -contrary to the principles" of the Slave-holding States? Manifestly -not. What, then, did they mean? Contrary to the principles of the -Government of the United States, undoubtedly. "Slavery is contrary to -the principles of _our_ Republican form of Government." We say, then, -that as a _fact_, this is _false_; and we need travel no further to -prove it, than from the Preamble of the Constitution of this Society, -in which this assertion is made, to the second Article, where we find -this clause: "While it (the Society) admits, that each State, in which -slavery exists, has the _exclusive_ right, _by the Constitution of the -United States_, to legislate in regard to its Abolition in said -State," &c. As this is a candid recognition of that part, and of those -"_principles_ of _our_ Republican form of Government," which we shall -have occasion in another place to introduce in form, it is superfluous -to quote the passages here, inasmuch as this Society, by its own -confession, has done the work _for_ us, and _against_ itself. It is a -simple question of _fact_; and that fact recognized, in express terms, -by the Society, in the second article of its own Constitution, the -assumption of the Preamble, in regard to this point, is proved to be -_false_. Slavery, therefore, is _not_ contrary to the principles of -_our_ Republican form of Government; and the Constitution of the -United States, (Art. II. Sec. 2d. Clause 3d.) which we shall hereafter -consider, recognises the _validity_ of property in the Slave, and -engages to defend it throughout the Union; and it is well known, that, -by the force of this law, runaway Slaves are habitually recovered. It -will be understood, that we are not discussing the propriety of this -law, but the fact. It is a "_principle_ of _our_ Republican form of -Government;" and as would seem, a potent and paramount one. - -All the other principles of the American Anti-Slavery Society will -avail nothing, _politically considered_, so long as they are false in -this. They have hazarded their whole cause, in an open and seditious -conflict with the Government of the United States, _on a false -assumption as to fact_! - -We shall now proceed to a consideration of the seditious character of -the ANNUAL REPORT of this Society, of 1838. This Society must now be -viewed, as we have proved it to be, in the light of a grand and -independent political organization, set up in the Republic, and at war -with it--as an unconstitutional and self-erected corporation. Any -political action it may assume, therefore, whether _for_ or _against_ -the Republic, is unconstitutional. The Government wants not its -help--certainly it has never asked for it--much less can it tolerate a -conspiracy. What may be lawful for a private citizen to do, is -unlawful for this Society as a political organization of its specific -character. What may be lawful for popular assemblies, or associations, -acting in the modes prescribed by the Constitution, for political -ends, of whatever nature, is unlawful for this Society, because it is -a body unknown to the Constitution and laws of the land. It is a State -_within_ the State, that has asked no leave to be, that is prohibited -by law, acting under a State machinery, disturbing the peace of the -State, and threatening its overthrow. - -The Annual Report of this Society of 1838, is a document of a -remarkable character, when viewed in this light. It is almost -exclusively political. It seems true enough, as its own language -declares, that "abolitionism _must_ have much to do with politics." It -discusses all the affairs of the nation, and of the States, in -relation to this great and portentous subject, as must be confessed -with no inconsiderable ability, and with a boldness which might -astound any one who looks at the position which this Society occupies, -and the sweep of its influence; and more especially, when we consider -the decorum, and the gravity, and the solemnity which, one would -think, ought to characterize such a document, emanating from so great -a body, on such an occasion, and so exciting a theme, when every -opportunity for reflexion had been afforded, and when there could be -little apology for violence of language, or uncourteous demeanor, -towards public men, and the public authorities. Even if the existence -and action of this Society had been constitutional and lawful, as it -was no doubt thought to be by its members, still there was something -in the elevation and responsibility of its position before the public, -on account of which the ordinary proprieties, which might seem to be -reasonably incumbent on all such bodies, had strong claims to be -respected. In all seriousness, we do not think the time has -come--certainly we hope not--when the political violence and rancour -of newspaper columns, can be regarded as becoming in such a document. -Could it easily be believed, by those who have not read this Report--a -document occupying one hundred and fifty-two crowded octavo pages, the -major part of which breathes the same spirit--that all public men, -from the President of the United States downwards, including -Senators, Governors, Ministers to foreign nations, Magistrates, and -officers of every grade, of the States and Nation, who may have -manifested any symptoms of opposition to Abolitionism, or whose public -acts have been unfavorable to it, are treated as if ---- but we will -not trust ourselves to describe it, lest we fall into the same excess -of rudeness. - -Freedom of speech, and of the press, in treating of public men and -public measures, is undoubtedly guaranteed by the Constitutional law -of this land; and if this Report had emanated from an authorised and -constitutional body, no legal exception could have been taken to its -character or terms, however it might seem to be indecorous and -undignified, not to say inflammatory and incendiary. In point of -dignity, as being the public and solemn act of such a body, we think -there could be but one opinion of its character. As if the genius that -presided over its composition were not prolific enough in nerve -astounding artillery, it seems to have taken out a license to cater -from the widest range of Newspaper authorities, and ex parte -statements and reports, for its facts and arguments, and for its -delicious treat of suavity and kindness. - -But there is yet a more portentous aspect of this Report, that remains -to be considered. We allude to its treatment of the decisions of the -highest Legislative Assembly of the Nation: the Senate and House of -Representatives of the United States. - -It is well known, that the disposal made in Congress of petitions on -the subject of Abolition, has not been agreeable to the members of -this Society, although it might be difficult to see how it could have -been done very differently, so long as the majority of both Houses -were opposed to the object; unless it be claimed as a right to occupy -the whole time of the National Legislature, in reading and discussing -these petitions, to the neglect of all other business, which would -seem to be very unreasonable. No new idea could be presented; the mind -of Congress was made up; and it would seem to be factious to demand a -separate consideration of every petition on this subject, without any -prospect or hope of a different result. So far from involving a denial -of the right of petition, any other course would have been a manifest -violation of public duty, in neglecting the ordinary and other affairs -of legislation. The wishes of these petitioners being known, the -design of the Constitution in regard to such a matter was answered; -and so long as they were known to be a very small minority of the -nation, and the great majority opposed, no action on the subject, in -the way of legislation, could be expected. It would be altogether -unreasonable, and "contrary to the principles of our republican form -of Government." Moreover, the great majority of both houses of -Congress considered it, not only disturbing, but unconstitutional, -either for them, as a branch of the Government, or for the people, not -citizens of the Slave States, to meddle with the subject, with a view -to legislation, as these petitions requested. Of course, no farther -action could be expected, in that quarter, till the use of the -elective franchise might carry into Congress a set of men of a -different opinion. - -Not to speak particularly of the charges of violating the -Constitution, thrown upon the House of Representatives, by this -Report; or of its "seditious members," as it calls them; or of the -"demoniac yells," by which the remonstrance of the Ex-President Adams -was silenced; it is more to our present purpose to call attention to -the treatment rendered to the Senate, in this same document, for the -resolutions passed in that body on this subject, in January, 1838:-- - -"Neither humanity, nor patriotism, will permit us to pass over this -proceeding of the Senate, without setting it in what seems to us its -true light. _We pronounce it a bootless usurpation--an act equally -unconstitutional and impotent._ If these expressions should seem -disrespectful towards the highest branch of the National Legislature, -let it be remembered, that that officially august body can claim to be -respected only while it respects the primary act of the people, by -virtue of which it exists. _When it oversteps the limits of the -Constitution_, for any object whatever, _its authority is forfeited_. -But when it oversteps those limits for the attainment of an object -which is in itself essentially absurd and impossible--when it essays -to do by mere resolutions what it would be ridiculous to attempt by -statutory enactment--_it must sink to the level of contempt_.... If we -are correct in these views of the nature and force of our Federal -Constitution, the Senate of the United States was employed from the 3d -to the 13th of January, 1838, _in enacting a farce_ well adapted to -turn legislation into mockery." - -Not to speak of the _exceeding indecorum_ of this language, as coming -from what ought to be a _reverend_, as it is doubtless a _religious_ -as well as a political body, it is certainly going quite far enough -for a power, whose lawful existence and action for any such purposes, -hang suspended at best in a doubtful balance. It falls on the ear like -the death sounding knell of revolutionary times. But we cannot -consider it doubtful, in view of the facts and reasonings heretofore -brought under review, whether this Society be a lawful one, or not. -Our own convictions compel us to "pronounce it," not simply "a -bootless," but _seditious_ "usurpation." - -Here, then, is a grand and permanent political organization, -self-erected, self-governed, independent, and irresponsible, having no -connexion with the Government of the country, but yet usurping the -business of that Government; having come into existence, and set up -its action, in violation of the prescribed forms of the Constitution; -with a distinct and systematic polity of its own creation, on a scale -comparing with the machinery of a State; with a President and -seventeen Vice Presidents; four Secretaries, one for correspondence -with lecturing agents scattered over the country, and for other -general purposes; one for correspondence with foreign countries; one -devoted to domestic political action and financial agents; and one to -record the doings of the Society; a Treasurer; a Board of one hundred -and three Managers; 1350 auxiliaries, 13 of which are on the grand -scale of State Societies; 38 travelling agents, and 75 circulating -within a narrower compass; disbursing an annual income of $50,000, -besides a vast amount of gratuitous labour; employing the power of -the press to the amount of 646,502 copies of various literary -productions annually distributed; and all these various forms of -political and combined power constantly augmenting. Such is the -machinery of this institution--and such the history of its origin,--an -institution, which, in its annual assemblage, by representation from -all its dependencies, dares, by its own public, recorded, and -proclaimed acts, to "pronounce" the solemn decisions of the Senate of -the nation "_an unconstitutional usurpation_," and to declare its -"_authority forfeited_!"--thus unfurling the flag of rebellion, and -like the Jacobins of revolutionary France, seeming to say to the -swelling of its train--Onward! Such a power legalized, with no balance -of influence to counteract it, with all the advantages of its -organization, of its peculiar and effective modes of operation, is -enough to revolutionize any State, and any nation. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY FARTHER -CONSIDERED. - - -Having proved the sedition of the American Anti-Slavery Society as a -political organization, which has usurped the business of the -Government, under a form prohibited by the Constitution, which of -course involves two points of criminality, we shall now proceed to -show, that it is seditious in another important and grave particular, -as having committed, and as continuing to commit, a trespass on the -political rights of the slave-holding States, as guaranteed to them by -the Federal Compact, and as recognized by the law of nations. - -In the first place, the action of this Society, as a grand political -organization, on the social fabric of foreign States--for the slave -States are foreign in respect to it--with the intent to change it -against their consent, and thus disturbing their domestic tranquility, -is a violation of the law of nations. This is sedition in a higher and -more important sense, than any combined assault on the social -institutions of a community by its own members, inasmuch as the remedy -is more difficult to be attained, and more momentous in its -consequences. It can be settled only by the sword. The noninterference -of one nation in the domestic condition of another, is an established -doctrine, and a settled maxim, of international law. A trespass on -this principle is always considered tantamount to a declaration of -war. Just in proportion as the peace of nations, in their relations to -each other, is more important than the domestic tranquility of a -single State, and the breach of it more difficult to be healed, is the -criminality of such trespass increased. The action of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, therefore, on the slave-holding States, as an -interference of this kind, is much more responsible and more criminal, -than as a violation of the social fabric of the United States. It -matters not what may be the faults in the social condition of any -State or nation, in the judgment and conscience of the people of -another State or nation; such considerations, however aggravated and -serious, furnish no ground or justification for interference; but the -fact of interference is war begun. - -The American Anti-Slavery Society, as we have seen, is a political -organization--unlawful, indeed, but yet such is its character--and as -such they have great power. They hold in their hands the peace and -well being of all the slave States. On the principle above -recognized--the soundness of which we dare to say will not be -questioned--its action on those States is war. It is impossible that -this Society should screen itself from this responsibility under the -plea, that they are only using that freedom of speech and of the -press, and other modes of social influence, which the Constitutional -law of the land has guaranteed. For we have shown, that in the -machinery they have set up, and in their modes of action, they have -transcended that law; and as a consequence it will follow, that they -have cast themselves beyond its protection. It will, moreover, be vain -for them to plead, that they are a part of the same nation, and that -however it may appear, that they have been guilty of sedition in -disturbing the tranquility, by violating the laws, of the Federal -Commonwealth, they have not trespassed on the law of nations. For, we -shall yet, and very soon, have occasion to see, that the sovereignty -of the States composing the American Union, is perfect and unimpaired, -in all that has not been resigned or prohibited in the Federal -Constitution for national purposes; and that, with these exceptions, -the several States occupy precisely the same position, in their -relations to each other, as do any other States or nations. And the -institution of slavery is not comprehended in these exceptions, but -remains the sovereign right of the States where it is established, so -far as it concerns other States, and other nations, and so far as -concerns the whole world out of their jurisdiction. It is therefore -true, that the American Anti-Slavery Society, being a political body, -incorporated in its own claimed and independent right, has made war on -the slave-holding States of the Union. - -But as it happens, this Society is a nondescript organization, because -it is an unlawful one. It has no territorial jurisdiction, and no -political relations, apart from its own constituent elements; it is a -parvenu and stranger among recognised republics and nations--a mere -pirate, a brigand, that has broken loose from law, and invaded, from -inaccessible ambushes, the peace of whole communities, putting in -peril the lives of their citizens, and their institutions. It cannot, -therefore, be approached by the injured parties, under that _lex -talionis_ of nations, which is customarily resorted to, when their -honor has been insulted, their rights violated, or their interests -impaired, by a foreign foe. This Society protects itself under the -shield of that Government, of the laws of which its very existence is -a violation. That Government, therefore, is responsible for its -action, and the injured parties have a claim upon it for -indemnification and redress of the evils which they suffer. In -existing circumstances, this is the only medium by which a remedy can -be obtained. Nevertheless, the law of nations has been violated by -foreign interference in the domestic condition of the slaveholding -States--an interference, which, in any other case, would be regarded -as a just occasion for retaliation by a resort to arms. - -In the discussion of this point of the subject, we have nothing to do -with the rights of the slave in relation to the authorities by which -he is held in bondage, any more than with those of the serfs of -Poland, or of Hungary, or of Prussia, in case the sympathies of this -Society should happen to take that direction, and make war on the -peace and social institutions of those countries. The two cases are -precisely parallel, and one is as justifiable as the other, by the law -of nations, and of human society as it exists. The authorities of -those countries would fairly hold the Government of the United States -responsible for such an invasion, in the same manner, as we are bound -by treaty with the British Government to maintain our obligations of -neutrality on the Canadian frontier, and to prevent our citizens from -invading the rights, and destroying the lives of British subjects in -their own territory. Even though it could be shown, that the Canadians -are oppressed, and deprived of their just rights, still it would be no -justification or apology for the interference of our citizens. The -same principle precisely applies to the action of the American -Anti-Slavery Society on the Southern States. - -But this Society is even more criminal than these invaders of Canada, -because it has first violated the laws of the United States by the -erection of a systematic and unlawful polity, an unconstitutional and -powerful machinery, the plans and scope of which, if not abandoned or -suppressed, are adequate to protract, perpetuate, and forever to -augment the illegal and destructive powers they have set in operation, -till they shall upset the Government, and desolate the South; whereas -the invasion of Canada is nothing more than the mad enterprise of a -few deluded individuals. Had they followed the example of the American -Anti-Slavery Society,--which, doubtless, they had an equal right to -do--and set up a like political organization, under like immunities, -and with like strength of preparation, they would inevitably have -involved this country in a war with Great Britain. What sufferance, -therefore, has been practised towards this Society! And what -protracted injuries have the Southern States been compelled to endure! - -As remarked in the previous chapter, it is the perfectly anomalous -character of this enterprise, which has so long embarrassed the public -mind. All not engaged in it, have felt it to be wrong; the wide spread -indignation, and the popular outbreaks it has occasioned in rebuke of -its designs and operations, show that it involves some great and -vitally important principle in our social fabric; but its distinct and -definite character, and its exact political position and relations, -have not heretofore been evolved and so exhibited, as to enable the -public to see it clearly, and to know how to treat it. It was the -suddenness and novelty of the movement, as a grand and unlawful -political transaction, that astounded the public mind, and threw it -from the balance of its wonted composure; but the agitation and -disturbance it occasioned are prima facie evidence of its aberration -from right principles--of its criminality. That cannot be regarded, by -sober minds, other than a highly responsible operation in society, -which breaks its peace, and puts in peril its political existence; and -we dare to aver, that the common impression of its criminality cannot -be without good reason. Even if no law had been violated, other than a -common and implied obligation of all good citizens to keep the peace, -and sustain the tranquil operation of our Constitution and laws, that -is enough to authorize a verdict of guilty against this Society on the -_general_ charge of a public nuisance. But in all points of view we -find there is recognised and written law for the case, and the common -feeling of the public mind is honored and sustained by the -investigation. We might fairly presume it impossible for this feeling -to be wrong, as it springs up spontaneously in the bosom of a -community where slavery is not only disapproved, but abhorred. - -It is morally certain, therefore, that it is not a feeling of -complacency in slavery, nor any desire, nor even willingness, to see -it perpetuated, that has arrayed itself so generally in the North -against the Abolition movement. But it is a conviction, that the -supreme law of the land has been invaded, and the certain knowledge, -that the public peace has been disturbed, and the stability and -permanence of our social and political institutions put in peril. It -is a correct view of the nature of our political fabric, which leads -the public mind, in such an exigency, to the conclusion, that the -people of one State have no right to interfere with the domestic -condition of another, unless that right has been _specified_ and -conferred in the Federal compact; and that even then, it can be -employed only in general concert by a representation of all the States -in Congress assembled. The people know, as they are bound to know, so -long as they claim the privilege of self-government, that the rights -of the several States, not transferred or prohibited by the general -Constitution, are sacred in their own keeping, and ought to be sacred -from foreign interference and invasion. And although they may not have -discovered, and as would appear, have not, as a body, that the -_organization_ of the American Anti-Slavery is an open and flagrant -violation of law, yet they have felt and been convinced, that its -_transactions_ are of this character. Hence the public feeling of -remonstrance and indignation, that has been manifested. It is not -unprovoked and wanton; it is not an opposition to the principle of -Abolition in itself considered, for all the early and abiding -prejudices of the North are on that side; it is not persecution, -however such a clamour may be raised, for there is no adequate moral -cause; but it is an attachment to the existing, and long tried, -institutions of the country, which, though they may not be perfect, -are yet deemed too valuable to be suddenly and ruthlessly broken down -by a faction--by an organized sedition. This feeling, therefore, is -worthy of some respect--nay, of the greatest respect--for it proves to -be based on sound Constitutional principles. We hold it to be -impossible, that a lawful enterprise could produce so great an -excitement, under a Constitution and Government so good, and so well -approved, as ours. - -But, having disposed of this subject, as a violation of the law of -nations, which involves the highest criminality, because it is liable -to work mischief on the largest scale, and of the deepest die, let us -consider it as a violation of the Federal Compact, in an Article not -yet introduced: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the -Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the -States respectively, or to the people." This is the Tenth Article of -the Constitution of the United States; and although it involves -precisely the same principle of international law, as that we have -just been considering, it presents itself here in the character and -with the sanction of a corporate element of our own political fabric. -It draws the line, in black and white, between the powers of the -nation and those of the States respectively. It leaves the States in -absolute and uncontrolled possession of all the sovereign powers, -customarily asserted and employed by sovereign States, which are not -delegated or prohibited in the general Constitution; and one of those -powers is a sovereign right of legislation and control over the -institution of slavery. Another, of course, is the common and national -right, universally recognized, of claiming the unrestricted scope and -benefit of the law of noninterference in regard to this matter. This -Article of the Federal Constitution places every State precisely on -the footing, and in the position, of nations entirely independent of -each other, in all particulars not surrendered or prohibited by this -instrument. Its language is, that all other powers--"the powers not -delegated, &c. are _reserved_ to the States _respectively_, or to the -people." Whatever may have been intended by this alternative of "_the -people_," it cannot be construed to qualify or restrict the object of -our present remarks. We suppose it points to the principle of general -sovereignty, as appears to be recognized in the Ninth Article, as -follows: "The enumeration, in the Constitution, of certain rights, -shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the -people;" that is--if we may be allowed the privilege of interpretation -here--those general rights of sovereignty, which belong to all -nations, acting in their Constitutional modes, authorizing measures -adapted to unforeseen exigencies. Certainly, this rule cannot be -construed to authorize a minority, or a faction, to do what they -please, or to depart from the constituted forms of law. And that is -all the bar we have any occasion, for our present purpose, to -introduce, whatever other interpretation may be given to it. - -The sovereignty of the States, in and over their own respective -jurisdictions, in all that is not taken out of their hands by the -National Constitution, is recognized and settled by the Tenth Article; -and the power to claim the privilege of _noninterference_ from foreign -quarters, as to their domestic condition, is a part of that -sovereignty. Consequently, if the people, or any association of -people, in one State, should interfere with the domestic concerns of -another, they are guilty of sedition in and against the Republic; and -on the principles of international law, if it be a seriously -disturbing movement--of which the injured party is constituted -judge--they have made war upon that State, and furnished a just -occasion of resort to arms, if remedy and redress can be obtained in -no other way. We speak not the language of advice, but of the law -simply--of recognized and established principles of civilized and -political society;--and so far as the question of sedition is -concerned, we speak of the supreme law of this land. In the condition -and relations of the members of our Confederacy, the remedy for such -interference is doubtless to be sought through the medium, and by the -action, of the General Government. If that Government should prove -incompetent, or be unwilling, to perform the duty claimed by the -injured party, and devolving upon it in such an exigency, the natural -consequence would be a dissolution of the Union, and a probable resort -to arms. And this is the result to which our country is now imminently -exposed by the seditious and criminal interferences of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, with the domestic condition of the slave-holding -States. They have no more right to meddle with Southern slavery, than -with that of the Irish peasantry, or of the miserable beings immured -in British Manufactories, or of Hungarian, or Polish, or Russian -boors, which, in each of these instances, is far more worthy of -commiseration and relief, than the slavery of the Southern States, and -calls louder for the offices of humanity, if any such interferences -would be tolerated. - -But the case is even stronger than has yet been stated. The General -Government itself cannot interfere in this matter, except to keep the -peace, and _prevent_ interference; and this they are bound to do. The -Federal Constitution has recognized the validity of slave property, -and established a law to maintain and defend it, throughout the -jurisdiction of the United States, as follows: "No person held to -service, or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping to -another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be -discharged from such service, or labor; but shall be delivered up on -claim of the party to whom such labor or service may be due." Art. IV, -Sect. II, Clause 3d. The Tenth Article of the Constitution cuts off -all interference of the General Government, in the matter of slavery, -as it exists in any of the States. Next, it debars interference to all -the States, in relation to each other. Much more does it debar such -interference to private citizens, or to any combinations of citizens, -in any State, or States, with the slavery of other States. For, -surely, that right of property, which the public authorities may not -infringe, may not be infringed by those who are not invested with -authority. Neither can a private citizen, or any combinations of -citizens, lawfully disturb or weaken the possession of property, which -is sanctioned and upheld by the laws of the land. - -Moreover, the General Government is bound by an express law of the -Federal Constitution to protect and defend this species of property -against invasion, conspiracy, insurrection, and violence: "The United -States shall protect every State in this Union _against invasion_; and -on application of the legislature, or of the executive, when the -legislature cannot be convened, _against domestic violence_." Of -course, this is a general and comprehensive rule for all possible -exigencies of the kind; but it is generally understood--the last -clause, particularly, respecting "domestic violence"--to have been -enacted in anticipation of _servile_ insurrections, and such other -disturbances as are liable to occur under a system of slavery. Any -how, the rule applies to these cases, and comprehends them; and that -is enough. The General Government is bound to keep the peace under its -own laws; and whenever the slave-holding States shall have occasion -for its services, in consequence of "domestic violence," or of -"invasion," they have a right to demand them, under this law of the -Constitution; and they would no doubt be promptly afforded. - -We see, therefore, that slavery is protected and defended at all -points by the political fabric of this country. We profess, that we -have no complacency in slavery, and never had: and that we have no -gratification in coming to this conclusion, so far as it presents the -prospect of the perpetuity of this acknowledged evil. But the time has -come when a far greater evil, than that of slavery, threatens this -land, in the unlawful measures which have been concerted, and which -are being unlawfully urged, to do it away. The time has come, when it -is important for the public to know what the law is, in relation to -this movement; that they may know how to appreciate it, and how to -act. The time has come, when it would be treason to the country -wilfully to conceal the law, or to misinterpret it; for the law is the -only power, that can settle this question in the public mind, on this -side of that fearful resort, which brings despotism first, and -barbarism last. Whatever the law is, we want to know it; the people of -this country want to know it; and we believe they will abide by it, -till, in peaceable times, they can make a better, if a better can be -made. - -The Abolitionists of this country are fast driving the people to the -law--to a law, which has long been asleep and forgotten, because there -was no demand for its authority; to a law, which we think, will -assuredly work against the Agitators; to a law, which may yet have -occasion to say to the tempest they have raised--"Hitherto shalt thou -come, but no further." - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -VIOLENT REFORMS, AND THEIR CONNEXION WITH ABOLITIONISM. - - -It can hardly have escaped the attentive observer of the history of -our country, that for a considerable period, and to a great extent, it -has been characterised by _violent reforms_, both in religion and -morals; and it would be impossible, in our judgment, to understand the -causes of the Abolition movement, if we should leave out of view this -important and prominent historical feature. All great movements in -society have their moral causes, and it is by referring to them, that -we are enabled to ascertain their true character. - -Religion has always been a potent element in American society, and it -is to the conservative power of Christianity, that we owe our greatest -blessings. But it does not remain for us to prove what history has -decided, that religion may be abused and perverted. In such a case, -it becomes important to distinguish between Christianity and religious -excesses, or corruptions, and to rescue the former from a -responsibility which would dishonor and injure it. When religion is -profaned and degraded by extravagant modes of action; when it becomes -rude and violent, instead of maintaining the genuine character of -Christian suavity and mildness; when it assumes an overbearing and -despotic dictation to private and public conscience, instead of the -kind and winning arts of persuasion, which shine so conspicuously in -the example of the Divine founder of Christianity, and of his -Apostles;--and more especially, when it has leaped from its -appropriate sphere of the moral, to the agitations of the political, -world, seized on a stupendous political machinery in violation of the -laws of the country, disturbed civil order to an alarming extent, -threatened to overthrow the Government, and to deluge the land in the -blood of a civil war--it is time to enquire into the causes of such a -movement, how it originated, and how it may be checked, if checked it -can be. These causes cannot be understood, without alluding to the -facts and events of our religious history; for it is after all, and in -truth, a religious movement, even by its own public and authoritative -confession, as before seen. The Constitutional law of this land has -carefully excluded religion from a participation in the authorities of -State, and it cannot lawfully meddle with its affairs. It is a notable -fact, however, notwithstanding these cautious provisions, that it has -finally and suddenly overstepped these constitutional barriers, and -usurped the most important and most momentous State questions, that -could possibly be taken in hand. - -In the first place, we remark, as a simple matter of fact--the -deductions from which will afterwards claim our attention--that -certain very extraordinary and painful scenes, sufficiently well -known, have been enacted in our religious history, bordering on -fanaticism, in some of the means employed, and modes adopted, for the -extension of the interests of religion, according to the particular -views of those engaged in these measures. So long, however, as those -excesses were confined to religious action, they have been tolerated -and protected by the laws of the land. It is the spirit of our -Government, and the general temper of the community, not to disturb -religion, even when its measures, in the judgment of the more sober, -are deemed very extravagant and fanatical. Hence the rather _forcing_ -methods that have been so extensively adopted to gain and multiply -converts, have been connived at, because they have been allowed to be -sincere, and it was hoped they might be useful, as a conscientiously -religious man is a better citizen than one whose sense of moral -obligation is not founded in religious motives. This high stimulation -of the moral world, however, has had the effect to produce an -extensive and powerfully active leaven of a specific character, which -seemed to require a wider scope of action, or an action the results of -which might be somewhat more palpable in the common regions of -society, than that which relates merely to the spiritual affections of -mankind. In a word, instead of being satisfied with the religion of -those "who declare plainly, that they _seek_ a country" not yet -possessed, it has shown a disposition to take under its charge a -country _already_ possessed. A religious faith, which ought to have -maintained ulterior and higher aims, has degenerated somewhat into a -religious patriotism; which still might have been well enough, as to -any objections from general society, if it had not transcended the -laws of the land. But it was perfectly natural, that a spirit which -was violent, and addicted to forcing measures in one department of -society, should also be violent, and employ like forcing measures in -another, whenever its drift or inclinations should tempt it from its -original and legitimate sphere of action. - -It will be understood, of course, that we allude, in the first place, -to the violence which has been so extensively manifested in religious -reforms; and next, to the same spirit which afterwards took hold of -Abolitionism. It was the breaking over of all religious order in the -first instance, which prepared the way for the violation of civil -order in the second. That boldness which trampled on custom in one -case, was naturally schooled to set at defiance the law in the other. - -But all breaches of propriety and of law, human or divine, are -generally a work of degrees. Moral reforms came next to the -religious--to neither of which, of course, do we take exception, any -farther than as respects the violence that has been practised. But it -is equally known, that the excesses which characterized one class, -have been carried into the other. That religious patriotism, if we may -call it so--an honorable appellation, certainly--which began to -trouble itself with the condition and affairs of the country, soon -discovered, that the state of public and general morals required -attention--a conclusion most natural and most worthy, and an object -which could hardly fail to meet with general approbation. And -accordingly it has been approved, and well sustained. It was a work, -in its various forms, from which much good was expected, and by which, -no doubt, much good has been done. - -But, unfortunately, the same excesses and the same violence, which -characterized the religious operations of the country so extensively, -were transferred into the moral reforms which were undertaken, and -became a principal ingredient, because it happened, that the most -violent religionists had a principal hand and a controlling influence -in these matters also. As in religion, they undertook to convert -sinners by force, so they undertook to reclaim mankind from their -vices by force; and as they had adopted various new inventions and -machineries for the former operations, so they did for the latter. But -_force_ was the dominant power in all--forcing opinions, forcing -conscience, forcing the will--in the one case fulminating the terrors -which come up from the future world to frighten mankind into religion; -and in the other, arming themselves with all the power of an -associated influence to destroy the characters of those who differed -from them in opinion, as to the best modes of moral reformation, or -who did not fall in with all their extravagant and coercing measures. -The sanctuary of domestic and private life was not secure from their -invasion; the thunders of authoritative anathemas pealed on the ears -of the public, from the solemn decisions of imposing popular -Conventions, to proscribe opposition and remonstrance, because it was -_assumed_ to be wrong and criminal, by a judgment _ex cathedra_; the -title was claimed to examine every private citizen as to his private -habits and opinions, and to denounce him, if heterodox; nor did they -wait even for that; for they had the sagacity to discover what a man -was by looking in his face. The character of no man was safe under -such an inquisitorial, all pervading, self-constituted, and -irresponsible tribunal, if he did not succumb at once to its -authority. - -Violent _moral_ reforms constituted the _second_ stage of advancement -with this disturbing spirit of our land; and the impunity which it -realized in its progress seemed to be a warrant for the still farther -extension of its domain. And behold! the next step was an invasion of -the political fabric of our country, by a crusade on the Southern -States for the rescue of the slaves! By this time a mighty moral -associated power had been arrayed for any violent enterprise that -should be set on foot. The entire ranks had been well schooled in a -thorough contempt of all opinions except their own, and seemed to -think, that the whole world were under a moral obligation to respect -and yield to theirs. Custom and law seemed to have no respect in their -eyes _because_ they were custom and law; but existing institutions -were rather assumed to be wrong _because_ they existed. They had found -the religious world all wrong, and undertook to revolutionize it -without scruple; they had found the conventional social state all -wrong, and assumed the task of imposing new laws upon that; and now -they have discovered that the political fabric of our country is -wrong, and have begun to tear it down, without leave, and in open -violation of the supreme law of the land. Before they had stepped foot -upon this ground, they had nothing to oppose them, and success -inspired confidence. Wrong themselves they could not be, in their own -esteem; they have never dreamed of being wrong; it is not the nature -of fanaticism. But this stepping out of the appropriate sphere of -religious and moral reform, into the arena of political strife, under -a vast and powerful political machinery of their own creation, puts -them in a new position. The religious world, and the conventional -social state, they might invade with impunity, and devastate at -pleasure; there was no adequate power to withstand them; but a -recognized and long established political fabric will not give way so -easy. - -Avaunt, ye infidels, and suspend your song of triumph, that religion -is fallen, though it cannot be denied, that she is dishonored. She has -been betrayed in her own house, and by her professed adherents: but -their true character stands revealed. Christianity has never -authorized such proceedings; but they are violations of her most -sacred principles. - -It requires but the slightest observation to justify the position we -have assumed, as to the connexion between Abolitionism and other -violent reforms. We do not, indeed, suppose it true, that all -Abolitionists have been engaged in the other; or that all who may have -taken part in the violences which came first, are engaged in the last. -We only mean to aver, that there is not only a natural and common -sympathy in all these movements, but that the most prominent leaders -in any one of them, are generally found in all; and that they are a -flock which instinctively jump together over the same fence, when any -one of them gives the lead. "We mean, moreover, to be understood as -maintaining, that Abolitionism is only a new form of an old spirit, -which, having found no great impediment in its former pranks, has -thought fit to lay aside the comedy, and attempt the more grave -enactment of a tragedy. This we regard as the philosophy of its -history." - -So far as Abolitionists themselves may turn their eyes upon these -pages, we beg leave to assure them, that we mean nothing uncharitable -by these remarks, or in our general treatment of this subject. They -must be quite aware that the affluence of language has been exhausted, -used up, and worn out, on their side, in epithets of censure on their -opponents; and that they are the assailants in the most important -particular. We believe, that the great majority of those, who have -been drawn into the Abolition ranks, are honest, good people; but, -that they are deceived. As we are convinced, that this business cannot -go on much longer, in its present shape, without ruining the country, -we therefore think the time has come, when the language of plainness -is demanded, if, peradventure, the deluded may be undeceived; at -least, that that portion of the public, not already committed to this -cause, may clearly understand its character and position. It professes -to be engaged in the cause of humanity and liberty; while in fact it -leads directly to anarchy and bloodshed. It originated in violence, -and has never lost its character--a violence which has been -successively jumping from one line of movement, and from one object of -assault, to another, acquiring strength in every stage of progress by -the principle of organization. Finding, that its coercive measures did -not answer all its purposes in the religious sphere, on account of -certain obstacles existing in the state of public morals, it buckled -on its armour for this new field, and applied the screw and lever to -the dead weights found there. After working awhile with the same -characteristic violence, and with some success, but on the whole, with -a reasonable prospect of defeat, on account of its mode of operation, -it jumped over into the political arena, where it now is, well at work -with accumulated and accumulating powers; and what shall be the end -thereof, heaven only knows; but it is, at least, a dangerous business. -Of course, in consequence of the division of its forces, it can only -carry on its former enterprises with diminished vigor, while it is -supremely bent upon this. But the immense machinery that has been in -operation, which is continually augmenting in its parts and power, is -growing more and more formidable, and more and more efficient. -Encountered it must be by the authorities of the nation, or else, in -our opinion, it will soon force those authorities to resign their -places. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION BORROWED FROM THE RELIGIOUS WORLD. - - -We have nothing to do with the merits of the Religious and Benevolent -Society system of this country; it is only necessary for us to allude -to the character, skill, operation, and efficiency of its framework, -to illustrate the fabric of the American Anti-Slavery Society, which -has been constructed precisely after that model. To accomplish the -various objects of the religious and benevolent public, they have -thought it expedient and necessary to erect themselves, by -association, into sundry bodies politic, or incorporations, which -originally were small, but which have gradually grown to considerable -importance. It has been found by experience, that by a skilful -organization, and by an economical application of its means and -agencies, a single Society, enjoying public favor, can operate upon -the whole country, to secure interest, raise money, and carry on its -designs. But the very necessities of the case have put in requisition -a sort of State machinery, which, as is well known, has been erected, -and in some instances extended, on a very large scale; and they are -conducted with as much system, as the affairs of a Nation, not -unfrequently with a superior tact and efficiency, as compared with the -ordinary concerns of the political world. The fact, that rotation of -office does not follow in these Societies, as in the State, gives them -greater advantage in this particular. The various officers and agents -become highly accomplished and skilled in their vocation, are -supported by fixed and adequate salaries, and can devote themselves -entirely to their work, from the day of their induction to the day of -their death. They are at home in their several places and spheres, and -know all about them. They understand by what means their objects can -best be obtained, are always growing wiser by experience, and -consequently more influential and powerful, in this particular. These -Societies have always a Head; a Council Board; legislative, executive, -and judicial departments of Government; Secretaries and -Under-secretaries; a fiscal system; itinerating Agents; subsidiary -organizations, multiplying in numbers, and increasing in influence; -journals, periodicals, tracts, books, &c. &c.--all subserving their -designs. These machineries are all the inventions of a single age, and -constitute a new era in human Society. They are, undeniably, -institutions of great influence and power. For religious and -benevolent objects, they seem to have been welcomed by the Christian -world generally, have been encouragingly sustained; and some of them -are engaged in large schemes, as wide as the human family, and might -vie, in the extent of their correspondence and responsibilities, with -the ordinary operations of political Governments. Confining themselves -to the objects and cares which they have assumed before the public, -they have neither roused the jealousies, nor encountered the -opposition, of the political world. Their powers are of a high order, -of great scope, and of no inconsiderable importance in the social -system. - -Exactly according to this pattern is the American Anti-slavery -Society. The simple fact, that it has borrowed this machinery from -this quarter, proves, that the argument of the previous chapter, -showing it to be a religious movement, is founded in truth. Such, -beyond all question, is its character. Neither is it any the less -political on that account. The sum of the matter is: IT IS RELIGION IN -THE STATE; and so much _worse_ than a _Union of Church and State_, as -that it is a _usurpation_, set up in defiance of the State's -authority, and in open violation of its highest, strongest, most -sacred law! - -It is well for the Churches of this land, that they are not engaged in -this business, that they have lifted their voices against it, and -acquitted themselves of its responsibilities. It would be enough to -sink Christianity amongst us to the lowest depths, to rise again, no -one could tell when. But, fortunately, the public, the world will see, -that this responsibility rests on a few, and only a few, designing, -ambitious, turbulent spirits; that the great majority of those who -have been drawn into this mad enterprise, are perfectly innocent of -any evil designs, have never dreamed of violating law, have had their -best feelings worked upon by exaggerated statements and false -representations, have been made to believe that this was their proper -business, and been constituted Judges of that which did not belong to -them, and which they know little or nothing about. We are disposed to -believe, to hope, certainly, that it will only be necessary for them -to be enlightened in the knowledge of their position, as members and -abettors of such an organization, to be induced to withdraw, and wash -their hands of its responsibilities. It is the moral power which their -numbers give to it, that constitutes its importance and influence. It -is in fact a vast and powerful machinery, from the very nature of its -organization, and the methods of its operation, so long as it can hold -its own; more especially, so long as it is in a state of actual -growth, and in an advancing career. The Government of this country, -and those States which are parties concerned, cannot be too much alive -to this fact. The public generally ought to understand it; and if the -knowledge and conviction should generally obtain, that this Society is -a seditious organization, and engaged in a work of sedition, which, by -continuance, may grow into treason, it is believed, that no more -acquisitions to its numbers and power could be made, and that it would -gradually die away, and cease to agitate the public mind, without the -intervention of the public authorities. - -We have shown, as we think, by the fairest argument, that this Society -_is_ an _organized_ sedition. But even if there were any doubt upon -the subject, that doubt ought to go in favour of public peace and -safety--_Ne quid detrementi respublica capiat_--lest the republic -receive damage. - -If, in the judgment of the constituted authorities of this country, -the public safety should require it, we have no more doubt of their -competency to dissolve the American Anti-Slavery Society, and -suppress its action as an organization, than of the power of a Court -of Chancery to issue an injunction to arrest an alledged and apparent -violation of law, till the case can be fairly tried. But whether, or -when, it may be expedient, is for the proper authorities themselves, -in their discretion, to decide. In such a case, the present component -parts of this Society would be reduced to the Constitutional basis, -with all the license of the Constitutional provisions; and on that -ground they would be harmless. Whereas, as a _permanent_ and -_independent_ political organization, they are an unconstitutional, -vast, formidable, and dangerous power. This Society is in fact a rival -Empire on the territories of the Republic; and the simple question is, -whether this usurpation, or the old and Constitutional Government, -shall stand. If this organization has _already_ attained sufficient -strength and confidence in its power, to refuse submission to the -claims of the Constitution, and if it would _now_ resist the empire of -the law, in case it should be asserted, the very grave and portentious -question arises, what is likely to be the state of things in this -country, after the continued action and growth of this Society shall -_compel_ the Government to take a stand against it? There is all the -difference between the two cases, as between the strength of a bud, -and the vigorous trunk and extended arms of a full grown tree. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE ANARCHICAL PRINCIPLES OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -_Nous verrons_--Onward! seems to be alike the maxim and tendency of -all violent reforms. It may be said, that Abolitionism has at last -come to a fair and palpable _denoument_, in the formation of the _New -England Non-resistence Society_, which was organized at Boston, in -September, 1838, with William Lloyd Garrison, and such others, men and -_women_, leaders. The fundamental principle of this new association is -_identical_ with that of the Abolition movement. Both hinge upon the -same pivot. Indeed, it will be found, that all the violent reforms of -our country are based upon this. It is stated in the Constitution of -the Non-resistence Society in the following terms: "It appears to us a -self-evident truth, that whatever the Gospel is designed to _destroy_ -at any period of the world, being contrary to it, ought _now_ to be -abandoned." The mischievous element of this proposition, as reduced to -practice by the violent reformers, is _occult_, and would appear in -its naked form by substituting for the last word "_abandoned_," that -of _destroyed_--"ought _now_ to be _destroyed_;" for these reformers -do not admit, that those customs and laws, judged by their -interpretation of the Gospel unlawful, may be retained till -_persuasion_ shall produce reform, and simply preach, that they -"_ought_ to be _abandoned_." But they clearly show their meaning is, -that they "ought to be _destroyed_" and that it is not only lawful, -but praiseworthy and a duty, to destroy them. _Destruction_ is the -ruling power of the code; and society, the world, is to take its -chances for the setting up of a better state of things. - -Now, we maintain, that this is a fair statement of the principles of -Abolitionism, and of all other of the violent movements. Their -doctrine of _immediatism_--if we may invent a new term--is always one -and the same, and always has been. Wherever they find an evil, or -wrong--_Down with it_--is the rule. _Fiat Justitia, ruat calum_--a -sound principle, certainly; and a good maxim, in prudent hands; but a -terrible one, in rash hands. - -It is a good thing, and a very instructive result, that the principles -of these Destructives have at last come out, and been openly published -to the world, in the Constitution and "Bill of sentiments," adopted by -the New England Non-resistance Society. There is now no longer a -disguise. They openly renounce allegiance to all government: "_We -cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human government!_" Here, then, -it is, fairly ushered into the light of day--_a condition of universal -anarchy_, the proclaimed Jubilee of these reformers. We have only to -say, that this new Society has come honestly and openly to the end, to -which all the _Immediatists_ of whatever name, are rapidly advancing. -The maxim--_Down with it_--which governs them all, and which is the -soul, body, and foundation of their enterprise--cannot stop short of -anarchy. There is nothing of importance in the avowed principles of -this new Society, revolting and shocking as they are, which is not a -legitimate consequence of Abolitionism; or, by the remotest degree of -relationship, cousin-german to it. In the first place, they renounce -allegiance to human government; the Abolitionists, to be consistent, -ought to do the same; for they have made open war against it. _They_ -have announced the doctrine of _Immediatism_[1] as their fundamental -principle; that also is the fundamental principle of the -Abolitionists. _They_ have levelled all distinctions in society, of -rank, color, caste, and _sex_; and the doctrines of Abolitionism, -carried out, have legitimately led them to this. _They_ have -proclaimed the Agrarian principle, in all forms of application, and -denied the right of defending property, or any civil inheritance, by -human authority, or force of arms; and Abolitionism requires the -sanction of this principle to affect its designs. _They_ recognise but -one ruler--the King of heaven; it is equally necessary for the -Abolitionists to set aside the authorities of earth. _They_ have no -country but the world, and no countrymen but mankind; the -Abolitionists seem to be equally devoid of patriotism. _They_ avow -that neither nations, nor individuals, have a right to defend -themselves against aggression; this will be convenient, and even -necessary, to Abolitionists, in the execution of their plans. _They_ -pronounce the doctrine, that "the powers that be are ordained of God," -"an absurd and impious dogma;" this, too, will be convenient to the -Abolitionists, and it might be supposed, they had adopted it. _They_ -declare against all military preparations; we presume the -Abolitionists are equally unfriendly to them, as they might prove -uncomfortable opponents in their career. "As every human government is -upheld by physical strength, and its laws enforced virtually at the -point of the bayonet," _they_ "repudiate all human politics" and -legislation; the Abolitionists are equally averse to the "politics" -and legislation of the slave-holding States, and of course to the -political fabric of the Union. _They_ deny the right of prosecution -and indemnification for felony, which of course would be impossible, -where there is no law; the Abolitionists deny the right of -indemnification for the deprivation of property in slaves. _They_ deny -the right of all punishment for crimes; this would be extremely -convenient for Abolitionists. _They_ deny that their "doctrines are -Jacobinical;" and why set up this defence before they are accused, -except from the consciousness, that all the world will pronounce them -so? The Abolitionists, too, as we think, are somewhat involved in this -predicament. The members of this new Society are advocates of -Non-resistance, _on one side_; and so are the Abolitionists: both are -averse to being _opposed_, except so far as it may afford them the -opportunity and title to plead the rights of the honest Connecticut -negro's conscience, who, being asked by his master, what it said, -replied, "Why, Massa, it says, I _won't_." But the members of this -Society are to be great fighters, after all, and that, too, in the way -of _aggression_, as they claim the right and declare the purpose of -making war "boldly, by the application of their principles, upon all -existing civil, political, legal, and ecclesiastical institutions;" -that is, as one, remarking well on their scheme, hath it, "to take the -greatest possible pains to get mobbed, persecuted, imprisoned, hung, -and murdered." And little pity would they get. They, of course, are -the framers of their own conscience, and its interpreters; and that is -the empire, the rights of which they claim, under their professions of -_Non-resistance_. Allow any man that, and what, repudiating the -restraints of law, could he ask more? - -[Footnote 1: The abstract notion, that whatever is judged to be wrong -in the customs or laws of society, _may_ and _must_ be broken down, or -rooted out, _forthwith_, without any regard to consequences.] - -But, notwithstanding the magisterial offices of society, they say, "We -believe that the penal code of the old Covenant, '_An eye for an eye, -and a tooth for a tooth_,' has been abrogated by Jesus Christ," &c. In -other words, we suppose, they mean to set aside the authority of the -Old Testament Scriptures; of course, the Decalogue: and _in_ course, -proceeding onward, the whole Bible. In this way, the Abolitionists -would gain an important point, and procure the right of making a Bible -to suit themselves. Thus endeth the career of violent reform--_in -universal anarchy_. The New England Non-resistance Society is the -climax; and it is remarkable, that there is scarcely a principle -involved in the public declaration of their Creed, which, in some -form of application, does not exactly suit the case and cause of the -Abolitionists.--None, we apprehend, which does not very naturally and -legitimately flow from it. _They were_ Abolitionists in the previous -stage of their career, and one of them was the founder of -Abolitionism.[2] It only happens, that he still keeps the lead; and he -and his present associates are only more consistent and more honest, -in having opened the entire budget to the public gaze. There are, -indeed, some few _outré_ peculiarities of this new Association, -ingeniously appended and incorporated, just enough to attract -attention, and make it interesting as a curiosity. But there is -nothing surprising in it, when we inquire into the causes which have -generated the extravagant opinions, and set on foot the violent -reforms, of our country. They may all be traced backward, through all -their stages, and in all their connexions, under the broad and clear -sun light of philosophical research. - -[Footnote 2: Of Abolitionism in its modern garb of a violent reform--a -totally, radically, and essentially, different thing from Emancipation -in the sense attached to it before this agitation commenced. -Abolitionism is now identified with an unconstitutional, and as we -have proved, seditious interference of a combination of people in the -free States, with the domestic condition of the slave States. It is -shorn of the honors, both of a humane and patriotic enterprise, and -merged in the responsibility of a political misdemeanor. This is the -sense in which we use the term throughout this work; and we have -supposed there was some foundation for ascribing the authorship of -this movement to the gentleman above alluded to. Certainly, he was the -most conspicuous actor, when it began to attract public attention. And -behold! he is at the head, and we suppose at the bottom--(for we take -for granted he must be the leader wherever he is)--of an Association -set up professedly and without disguise, to overthrow all Government. -This last stage--for we see not how it can go any further--is, in our -esteem, an open and fair _denoument_ of the principles of -Abolitionism. Not, indeed, that the Abolitionists, as a body, have any -such designs--for we charitably suppose, and fully believe, they have -not--but the action of their fundamental principle of _immediatism_, -to gain, by a _coup de main_, a visionary state of _perfectionism_, -cannot stop short of this.] - -It is proper to remark, that, in the comprehensive picture given in -this chapter, of the principles of the New England Non-resistance -Society, we have taken the liberty to lay aside the garb in which they -have presented them, except here and there a literal quotation, not -only for brevity's sake, but to show them in their naked form. We -think, however, that we have not misrepresented; and even if we have -done so, in any slight shades, the moiety of this delicious _morceau_, -is enough to show the _taste_ of those who have swallowed it, and -how the _physic_ is likely to operate. As to the feature of -_non-resistance_, it is what is vulgarly called a "fudge," they having -reserved to themselves the privilege of conscience, according to their -own interpretation of its prerogatives, and moreover declared their -resolute and unflinching purpose to "_assail_ all existing -institutions." Besides, this _pretension_, to adopt their own -language, is "a measure of sound policy;" for they could not otherwise -be tolerated for a moment; and they hope to gain sympathy by -_appearing_ not to resist, while they themselves are engaged in _open -war_ on every thing that is valuable and dear to society. To show the -connexion between this and things that had gone before, it is only -necessary to quote one sentence from their own hand: "The triumphant -progress of the cause of _Temperance_ and _Abolition_ in our land ... -_encourages us_ to _combine_ our own means and efforts for the -promotion of a STILL GREATER CAUSE." Far be it from us, however, by -this allusion, to disparage the Temperance reformation, any farther -than the violent and overstrained part of it is concerned. And this -qualification, we trust, will be satisfactory to all, whose good -opinion we have any hope of enjoying. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE INCENDIARY DOCTRINES OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -_Facit per alium, facit per se._ The accessory to a crime is by law, -and in justice, made responsible with the principal. No man can deny, -that the effect of the Abolition doctrines and measures on the -slave-holding States, if they were not resisted, would speedily lead -to insurrection and massacre; that scenes of this horrible kind would -be constantly occurring, till the whole South would become a field of -desolation. It is true, the Abolitionists say, it would not be so, if -the slave-holders would give up. This, however is a justification, -which, we suppose, is not likely to be admitted. Everybody knows, that -the slave-holders will not give up, and that they are more remote -from it now than when this agitation commenced. The Abolitionists are -responsible for having, by their imprudence and rashness, rivetted the -chains of slavery, and put far off the day of Emancipation, unless -they shall succeed in breaking up society, by forcing abolition--the -responsibility of which, we apprehend, would be immeasureably greater -than that which now rests upon them. The right or wrong of slavery -cannot now be discussed with any effect, because another great -question has forced that aside. It is the question, whether the -political fabric of the country, in relation to this subject, shall -give way to violence? The claim of the slave to his freedom, we think, -will never be listened to, till that is settled. We must take things -as they are, and man as he is. - -"No," says the Abolitionist, "God forbid. We stick to _principle_; and -our principle is, that the slave has a right to his freedom--a right -paramount to any artificial and accidental state of society that -exists, standing in the way of it; and the consequences of opposing -this claim, _be_ on those who take this stand." Is this a fair -statement? We are inclined to think it is, as to those Abolitionists -who lead and govern the cause. Certainly, we should be willing to -state it in any other form, if we could do it more fairly. We only -wish to know on what ground they stand, that we may know how to take -them. From all we have been able to learn of their principles, we -believe that the above statement does them no injustice. - -Let us, then, observe the following facts: The slave-holders are -resolved they will not give up; the Abolitionists are resolved they -shall. The more the latter do, in the way they are now engaged, to -accomplish their end, so much the more determined are the former to -maintain what they claim to be their rights. The former point, first, -to the Federal Constitution, as their security; next, to their own -swords. Such, undoubtedly, is the true state of the case. The right of -the slave to his freedom, as claimed by the Abolitionists in his -behalf, is out of the question, till this political warfare is ended; -and every step makes the case worse and worse. Such is the present -position of the cause of Abolition in this country: the Abolitionists -stick to their principle, that "the duty, safety, and best interests -of all concerned, require the _immediate abandonment_" of slavery. -Such is the language of their Constitution, italicised as above; and -they are accustomed to press that principle by all the means in their -power, _without regard to consequences_; and we think it may be fairly -added, as a general fact, _without respect to the supreme law of the -land_, which happens to be against them. They view the right claimed -for the slave _paramount to all law that stands opposed_. We believe -we do not mistake in this. Every one may see what such principles, -carried out and enforced, lead to; and when we consider the certainty -of their being opposed, and opposed to the last, we think it not -unjust to pronounce them _incendiary_ in their character. - -We will illustrate this state of things by a case of fact. We happened -to be acquainted with a very estimable and exemplary clergyman, some -ten years ago, or more, mild and benevolent in his disposition, bland -in his manners, of unquestionable piety, and in all respects -agreeable; but we observed, with some concern, that he appeared to be -tending strongly to the way of violent reforms. In the spring of 1838 -we were glad to meet him again, as an old friend; but found him -thoroughly in for Abolition, according to the modern type. In the -course of conversation, it was suggested, that Abolition, hardly -pushed, would chance to make some bad work. "No matter," said the -gentleman, "the principle is sacred." "And must be maintained at all -events?" "Certainly." "But it may occasion the effusion of blood." "We -can't help it." "There will be insurrections and massacres." "That is -the fault of those who committed the first sin; and they must take the -consequences." It will be seen, that they who committed the first sin, -were out of the way many generations ago, and were never citizens of -this country. "But, do you mean to advocate the _instant_ manumission -of all slaves, without regard to consequences?" "Certainly. Slavery is -sin; and all sin ought to be left off instantly." "But do you not see, -that slavery is interwoven with a complicated state of society, -political and domestic; and that it is impossible to do it away -_immediately_?" "No matter; it is wrong, and ought not to continue a -moment." "But your doctrine will produce anarchy." "No--God will take -care of that. God never required any thing, that will produce a bad -result. Obedience to his will is always safe; and disobedience unsafe. -Slavery is sin; and all sin should be repented _now_, radically and -thoroughly, in practice as well as in heart." "But, there is the law -of the land." "And there is the law of God, and of nature." "But the -law of God says, _the powers that be are ordained of God. Put them in -mind to be subject to principalities and powers, and to obey -magistrates._" "That is a general rule, and was never intended to -vitiate the authority of conscience. If it is to be construed -strictly, and without exception, we had never had the Protestant -Reformation, nor American Independence. The indefeasible rights of -conscience, and of liberty, in the sense now maintained, may always be -asserted, and ought to be." "But may we go on a crusade, in behalf of -others, for these objects?" "Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself, -and shalt not suffer sin upon thy brother." "Then you are in favor of -carrying Abolition _forthwith_, as best it can be done, in despite of -the law of the land, and without regard to consequences?" -"Undoubtedly. It is impossible, there should be a higher law, than -that asserted in this cause. The law of the land will never be -altered, if we let it alone; and the only way to bring it about, is to -press matters by agitation. There are always enough on the side of -order, and we have no fear of consequences in so good and holy an -enterprise," &c. &c. - -We have abridged this dialogue, and profess no more than to give the -substance of it. And when we compare it with all we have seen, heard, -and read on the side of Abolition, and with the ordinary features of -the movement, we see not but it is a fair representation. Any persons, -however, are at liberty to qualify it, as they may think it deserves. -There are, doubtless, Abolitionists of all shades and degrees; but -there is a common ground, on which those who constitute the strength -of the movement, meet. We suppose it ought to be allowed, that most of -them _profess_ respect for the authority of law on this point, and -that they intend nothing but Constitutional modes of reformation. The -Constitution of their great Society, proposes "to do all that is -_lawfully_ in our power to bring about the extinction of slavery." But -every one construes the law for himself; and generally, that is -lawful, which sets up the right of the slave to his freedom, as -paramount to the law of the land. That we do no injustice to -Abolitionists by these statements, is open to proof, by the high -authority of the last Annual Report of their Parent Society, in which, -however startling it may seem, they have not only in effect, _but in -form_, set aside the authority of the Federal Constitution, in regard -to slavery, by _construction_! After quoting the well known third -clause of the second Section of the Fourth Article, which recognizes -the validity of property in slaves, and provides to defend it, having -first stated, that, "if strictly construed it could not apply to -slaves," because it does not _name_ them _as slaves_, the Report goes -on to say: "It is obvious to remark, in the first place, that the -_intentions_ of the framers--_whatever by historical evidence we may -ascertain them to have been_--_cannot bind_ us to an interpretation of -the Constitution which its own language does not render necessary, and -which is inconsistent with objects for which it was professedly -framed, to wit, 'to establish justice,' and 'to secure the blessings -of liberty.' _But we go further_: We contend, that when the -Constitution was framed, it was the understanding of _all parties_, -that slavery was soon to be abolished by the States, and the clause -intended to facilitate the recovery of fugitive slaves was a mere -_temporary_ concession, to _expire_ with the unhallowed anomaly which -called for it. If such be the case, it need hardly be said, that the -slave States, after having _violated_, on their part, that good faith -which was implied in the compact, _have no right_ to urge its -fulfilment, beyond the letter, on the other part." "Beyond the -letter." "The _letter_" does not happen to _name_ slaves. - -Now, if _this_ is not _coming out_, and by the highest authority, by -their own solemn and sanctioned Annual Scripture, declaring _null_ and -_void_ the law of the land, and its highest law, in relation to the -subject of controversy, it might be difficult to say what would be so. -They even set aside the universally established rule of -interpretation, confessing to the _intention_ of the law, but denying -its authority. Henceforth the public may know what to expect. We -think, that, with this document lying before our eyes, it is no libel -to say, the Abolitionists _do not respect the law_; and that they have -made up their minds, to trample it under foot. Their measures, and -their language, would certainly imply it. They seem to be so far -carried away by their sympathy for the slaves, that the hazard of -causing to flow in rivers the best blood of the land, by a civil war, -seems hardly sufficient to effect an abatement of their zeal; and if -the slave-holders and their families, should be butchered in the -strife of Abolition, "that is the fault of those who committed the -first sin, and they must take the consequences." _Immediate, instant -emancipation_ is the word and the _principle, whatever comes_. There -is no law above it--none that must not give way to it. Let the public -judge, whether this principle be not incendiary, and sanguinary, in -the most revolting aspects. The only barrier, hitherto supposed to -stand in its way, the Federal Constitution, is swept away by an -authoritative commentary, and the license to go forth to battle, has, -by this act, received the sanction of the Supreme Legislative Assembly -and high Court of the American Anti-Slavery Society! - -We think the time has come, when the public of this country have a -right to demand, whether the Abolitionists do indeed intend thus to -_force_ the application of their principles, in contempt of law, and -at the hazard of all consequences. Let them avow this scheme openly, -and it will be enough. The uncharitable imputation of occult criminal -designs is unwarrantable. But we submit, whether the passage just -quoted from the Annual Report of this Society is not sufficiently -open; and whether the habitual developements of the great movement, as -made before the public, in so many forms, do not corroborate and -confirm the impression which this document is calculated to produce? - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITY IN REGARD TO SLAVERY. - - -We believe the Abolitionists are accustomed to find one apology for -the movement in which they are engaged, in the assumption, that all -the Members of the American Union are responsible for the existence of -slavery therein, if not equally, yet in part; and being -conscientiously opposed to slavery, their conscience obliges them to -act in obedience to its dictates. They cannot, therefore, choose to -abstain from this enterprise, if they would. We propose here to -consider this question, as it cannot be denied, if the assumption be -founded in truth and justice, that there is some weight in the -statement. It is obviously proper to begin at the _beginning_, and -enquire where the responsibility rests for introducing slavery into -this country. - -We say, therefore, that it was imposed upon this country against the -avowed wishes, and resolute remonstrances of the ancestors of those, -who now have charge of the evil that was thus entailed; and that -resistance to the imposition came to the brink of a rebellion--nay, -was a cause of rebellion. - -"So early as 1502, the Spaniards begun to employ a few negroes in the -mines of Hispaniola; and in the year 1517, the Emperor, Charles V., -granted a patent to certain persons for the exclusive supply of 4000 -negroes annually, to the islands of Hispaniola, Jamaica, Cuba, and -Puerto Rico."[3] John Hawkins, an Englishman, received the honors of -knighthood, and was made Treasurer of the Navy, by Queen Elizabeth, -for his achievements in the slave trade. Elizabeth, James I., Charles -I., and II., were all in the habit of chartering companies to carry it -on. Charles II., his brother, the Duke of York, noblemen, gentry, and -_ladies_ of high rank and quality, were subscribers to these -companies; and England, Europe, revolted not at the deed! The public -conscience of the world seemed to tolerate it! When the slave trade -first commenced, from Great Britain, under Elizabeth, the American -Colonies did not exist. The succeeding princes patronized the traffic, -and introduced slavery into their American provinces. "In 1760, South -Carolina, a British Colony, passed an act to prohibit further -importation; but Great Britain rejected this act with indignation, and -declared that the slave trade was beneficial and necessary to the -mother country. The Governors of the Colonies had _positive orders_ to -sanction no law enacted against the slave trade. In Jamaica, in the -year 1765, an attempt was made to abolish the trade to that island. -The Governor declared, that his instructions would never allow him to -sign the Bill. It was tried again in 1774, but Great Britain, by the -Earl of Dartmouth, President of the Board, answered: _We cannot allow -the Colonies to check or discourage, in any degree, a traffic so -beneficial to the nations._"[4] - -[Footnote 3: Bryant Edward's West Indies.] - -[Footnote 4: Professor Dew's Review of the Debate in the Virginia -legislature, of 1831-'32.] - -The history of legislation, in the Colony of Virginia, records -_twenty-three_ Acts, imposing duties on the importation of slaves, -with the avowed design of suppressing the trade. "In 1772, most of the -duties, previously imposed, were re-enacted, and the Assembly -transmitted, at the same time, a petition to the Throne, of which the -following are extracts:-- - -"'We are encouraged to look up to the Throne, and _implore_ your -Majesty's paternal assistance, in averting a calamity of a most -alarming nature.... The importation of slaves into the Colonies from -the coast of Africa, hath long been considered a trade of _great -inhumanity_, and under its present encouragement, we have too much -reason to fear, will endanger the very existence of your Majesty's -American dominions. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, we most -_humbly beseech_ your Majesty _to remove all those restraints_ on your -Majesty's Governors of this Colony, which prohibit such laws as might -check so very pernicious a commerce.' - -"The _first_ Assembly which met in Virginia, after the adoption of her -Constitution, prohibited the traffic; and '_the inhuman use of the -royal prerogative_' against the action of the Colony upon this -subject, is enumerated in the _first_ clause of the first Virginia -Constitution, _as a reason of the separation from the mother -country_."[5] - -[Footnote 5: Professor Dew.] - -Such was the _common_ feeling of the Southern Colonies, though more -decidedly manifested in Virginia. They never invited, they never -tempted the slave trade, except by a silent acquiescence for a -season, in what was imposed upon them by the cupidity of foreigners, -and the mandates of authority, before the public conscience of mankind -had begun to remonstrate; and the moment they opened their eyes to its -domestic results among themselves, they set their faces, and employed -all their lawful powers, against it. - -"Federal America interdicted the slave trade from her ports _thirteen_ -years before Great Britain; she made it punishable as a crime _seven_ -years before, she fixed _four_ years sooner the period of -non-importation--which period was earlier than that determined upon by -Great Britain for her Colonies."[6] - -[Footnote 6: Walsh's Appeal.] - -For the introduction of Slavery into America, therefore, the Americans -themselves are acquit of all political responsibility. All that can be -said is, that individuals purchased slaves that were brought and -offered, when the public conscience of the world tolerated the -traffic; but it was under the authority, and by the imposition, of a -parent Government, in another Continent, that slavery was reared into -a domestic and political institution, the process all the while having -been solemnly protested against by those whose voice had a claim to be -heard, and who were most intimately concerned, until it grew into a -magnitude and importance, too formidable to be dealt with by a violent -hand of excision and extirpation--sufficiently formidable, indeed, to -demand the utmost wisdom and prudence of man for its treatment and -ultimate disposal. - -Thus, having fairly wiped from the American escutcheon the political -responsibility of introducing slavery in this Continent, and among -ourselves, it remains to be considered, how far the present generation -of slaveholding Americans are responsible for this state of things. -The sum of the matter lies in one short sentence: _They were born into -the world the heirs of this condition._ In no manner or degree are -they responsible for it, any farther than they maintain it, and _as_ -they maintain it. We suppose the Abolitionists themselves would not -differ widely from us here, except as, peradventure, some of them may -take their stand on the theological proposition--"In Adam's fall we -sinned all." If, however, it may be assumed, that all agree on this -point, it is the simple and the great question at issue. The slave -States say, that is _their_ business; and the Abolitionists say, it is -_ours_. This is the _contest_--the question _to be tried_. - -And one of the apologies of the Abolitionists, for interference in -this concern, is, that the whole nation is involved in the -responsibility. Let us see, whether this be true. It must be admitted, -that it requires some study to comprehend the nature of our political -fabric, as a nation, with the relations of its parts to each other, -and to the Unity; but still, like a mathematical problem, though -obscure and misty to the intellect, before it is laid down and -demonstrated step by step, it is afterwards no less clear and -satisfactory. It happens, that this task has already been done in a -former chapter, and requires only to be restated here. The great -principle, and its whole scope, are laid down before the eye, in the -tenth Article of the Federal Constitution.[7] By this rule, the -respective States are declared possessed, by original right, of all -independent and sovereign powers, not "delegated or prohibited" by the -Federal Constitution. In these limited attributes of sovereignty, -therefore, they are placed precisely on the footing of all other -independent States and Nations; and as the institution of slavery, and -all legislation over it, is one of these "reserved" powers, it -follows, that all its responsibility devolves on those States, in -which it exists, and is maintained. It is impossible it should extend -any farther, from the nature of the compact. It is a simple -proposition, and may be understood by any body, by a child, that I -cannot be responsible for that which the laws of society forbid me to -meddle with; and this is precisely the proposition which sets forth -and limits the responsibility of slavery in the United States. The -Union was formed on these conditions, and in an exigency under which -the parties were forced to combine for common good, with mutual -concessions thus specified, in the same manner as a society of any -individual persons is formed by mutual compact and mutual concession, -and the responsibility of every member is limited by the line thus -marked out. As he is not permitted to trespass on the rights secured -to others, he cannot be held responsible for any thing that would -demand such a trespass. If the rights thus secured are invaded, or -violated, the administration of justice does not devolve on individual -members of the community, or on any combination not provided for by -law, but on the constituted and public authorities. Even though there -be manifest injustice for which the law does not provide a remedy, or -injustice sanctioned by law, the same principle applies, and the evil -can be redressed only by a constitutional legislation. - -[Footnote 7: Page 52.] - -But, it is said, the principle of slavery is incorporated and -sanctioned in the Federal Constitution; and we are all at least so far -responsible. This, surely, will not be urged by Abolitionists, who -have formally and publicly declared, by their own mode of legislation, -as shown in the previous chapter, that this principle has ceased to -exist, and is no longer binding. But suppose it does exist. It neither -declares, nor sanctions, the _right_ of slavery _as such_: but simply -interposes the authority of a principle, which applies equally to all -the States, to enable them to maintain and secure their domestic -institutions, as established by their sovereign will--a principle, -which may accidentally operate more in favour of one State, than of -another, but which is equally important to all, and is habitually -employed by all. The Government of the United States, therefore, is -not responsible in this matter, politically considered; and therefore -not responsible at all, as it exists only as a political institution. -All these public relations are political, and can involve no other -responsibility than that which is prescribed by the laws of the social -state, as it exists. The relation of the master to the slave involves -a responsibility which applies to private conscience, and the master -must answer for it. So also the relation of the master to that -political commonwealth which maintains slavery; and he must answer for -that, to the extent of his political influence and relations. And so -with every member of such a commonwealth; but farther than this, he -cannot be held to account. This, we think, is the legitimate domain of -conscience, and the limit of responsibility, in regard to this -subject. - -But, it will yet be said, that the Government of the United States is -the public guardian of slavery, by the force and habitual application -of the fourth article of the Federal Constitution; and therefore, all -the citizens of the Republic are involved in this responsibility, and -consequently have a right to concern themselves about it. -Notwithstanding, it cannot be denied, that the Federal compact bars -this claim; and the Christian's conscience might find its salvo in the -Scripture which saith--"He shall abide in the Tabernacle and holy hill -of the Lord, who sweareth to his own hurt, and changeth not." In the -day of trial, our fathers swore to this compact, and bound their -children in the covenant, if we accept the inheritance; if not, then -we have no voice in the matter. But, we think, the political pledge of -the general Government to maintain the domestic institutions of the -several States, in case of need, so far as they do not interfere with -the prerogatives "delegated," or those "prohibited," does not involve -a responsibility for the _character_ of those institutions--not at -all. - -The _Union_ is admitted to have been indispensible to our National -Independence, and the slave States came into it on the condition, that -the institution of slavery should not be disturbed, and that it should -be maintained in the way the Federal Constitution prescribes. Whether -slavery was right or wrong in itself, or how long it should be -maintained, were questions never submitted; but were left among the -"reserved" rights. The Union never had any responsibility in the -existence of slavery; it never assumed any; it has never had any -whatever; it has only covenanted to protect the sovereign rights of -the slave States, as it has the sovereign rights of all other States, -leaving to them the sovereign control over their own domestic -institutions, without assuming any one item of responsibility in -regard to their character. The principle which forbids the -interference of the Union, absolves it from responsibility. - -But still the Abolitionist holds his ground, as a religionist, and -declares, that he is bound to have a care for all his fellow -creatures, and to help them, wherever he sees them laboring under any -evils, physical or moral, or any wrongs social or political. So far as -his benevolence extends to those who suffer under social and political -wrongs, if they happen to be beyond the limits of his own -Commonwealth, we can only give him a piece of advice, which he may use -or not, at his own discretion, viz. that, till the world gets to be in -a more favorable state for the range of his sympathies, as a -religionist claiming to carry his religion into politics by force, he -had better be content with the wisdom of Moses, who, as it would seem, -saw fit, not only to tolerate, but to _legalize_, slavery--for -whatever may be said of _different forms_, it cannot be denied that -the _principle_ was there. Or, with the wisdom of the Apostle Paul, -who, instead of interfering with the political fabrics of his time, in -regard to this as well as other matters, sent back Onesimus, a runaway -slave, thereby recognizing the legal claim of his master, Philemon, -with such messages as these: "If he hath wronged thee, or oweth thee -ought, put that to my account.... Whom I would have _retained_ ... but -_without thy mind_ would I do nothing.... Though I might be much bold -in Christ to _enjoin_ thee that which is convenient, yet for love's -sake I rather _beseech_ thee." Or, with the wisdom of the Apostle -Peter, who said: "Servants, be subject to your Masters with all -fear--not only to the _good_ and _gentle_, but to the _froward_. And -what glory is it, if, when ye shall be buffetted for your faults, ye -take it patiently; but if, when ye do well, and suffer for it, ye take -it patiently, this is acceptable to God." It is also written by "such -an one as Paul, the aged: Let as many servants as are _under the -yoke_, count their own Masters worthy of all honor, that the name of -God and his doctrines be not blasphemed, &c. _These things_," saith he -to Timothy, "_teach_ and _exhort_." For, we think, the Abolitionist -would be much better employed in imitating these illustrious examples, -than by inculcating sedition, and stirring up insurrection. Or, if -this should not suit his taste, then we would advise him by all means, -to let the politics of foreign States alone, as it is a delicate and -dangerous business, not as yet tolerated by the actual state of -society. If he thinks so, he may rely upon it, he has made a mistake. - -If, however, he insists on being thus occupied, and since his labors -are not well received in the slave holding States of America, and seem -likely to do more hurt than good, we would advise him to "shake off -the dust off his feet against them," and turn to another field, and -still _more_ remote, as he likes distant objects. If he would do the -greatest amount of good, and since he is resolved to have a _foreign_ -field, let him try where the evil exists in more aggravated forms. For -there is actually less slavery in the United States, in proportion to -the population, and the whole of it in a milder form, than in any -other part of the world, civilized or uncivilized. For what is the -_name_ of a thing, apart from its essential attributes? Slavery, -fairly defined, is the unequal and unjust depression of man in -relation to his fellow man, as the result of an artificial state of -society, which has been erected, and is maintained for the advantage -of the few, and to the disadvantage of the many. The degree of -depression, and the amount of _oppression_, are accidental. Both are -greater in any other part of the world that can be named, beyond the -bounds of the United States, than in the slave States of the -South--if, perhaps, we except the North American British -Provinces--now being invaded on Abolition principles. - -If the Abolitionists are resolved to interfere with the domestic -condition of other States for the relief of the oppressed, and cannot -otherwise satisfy their consciences, let them go to England, to -Ireland, and to the British manufactories. We assure them, they will -find work enough there, and enough of slavery too, as that particular -form of evil is especially to their taste. Let them go to the -Continent of Europe, and they will find enough of it any where in that -field--more especially in Italy, in Spain and Portugal, in Hungary, in -Poland, and above all, in Russia. Let them go to the tribes and -nations that border on the shores of the Mediterranean; let them -penetrate into Northern, Southern, and Eastern Asia; it is all a ripe -field for their sickle, or if they like it better, for their -sword--for it will no doubt soon come to that. Let them go to -Africa--which their sympathies would naturally lead them to first--and -there, independent of the temptations and effects of the slave -traffic, as all travellers inform us, they will find slavery in such -amount, and in forms of such horrid and murderous cruelty, as to show -the fields of its abode in the Southern States a paradise in -comparison. There they will see, that it is better to be a slave in -America, than a free man in Africa, without justifying slavery; and -that the best conditions of African barbarism could never be envied by -the worst of American slavery, if both were equally well known to the -parties, having their option between the two. There they might learn, -that God, in his high and inscrutable providence, can bring good out -of evil, and that, by the lights of American civilization, and the -blessings of American Christianity, thrown out upon Africa from these -shores, that long suffering, abused, and "pealed" race, may yet hope -to receive some indemnification for their bleeding wrongs. - -But do the Abolitionists reply, "that if we enter on the fields of -Europe, or of any other countries, for political action, by any -efficient force, to rescue the oppressed, we shall lose our heads." -That, indeed, may be a wise thought. Or, "if we attempt it by secret -operations, and by emissions of the press, clandestinely introduced, -we shall embroil our country in a foreign war." There is little doubt -of that. Or, "if we organize a political machinery at home, -industriously occupying years of preparation for descent, waiting for -an opportunity, and it is known that our force is likely to tell with -effect, when the time of aggressive action shall arrive, it will -produce the same result, unless our own Government shall interpose, -and suppress our movement." This, too, is doubtless a fair conclusion. -But, let it be remembered, that a foreign war is infinitely less to be -dreaded, than a domestic and civil one; and that it is no less -certain, if the Abolition movement is not suppressed, we must have the -last. The cases are parallel: as a foreign Nation could not endure -such interference, neither can the slave States of the South. There is -as valid and justifiable a right of interference in one case, as in -the other, and an equal provocation for resort to arms, if the General -Government should not interpose its authority, and arrest the -movement. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE ROMANCE OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -We live in an age of romantic sympathy and religious sentimentalism. -There is a charity that prefers a remote object, to one that is near. -A blind beggar, with every appearance of want and wretchedness, sits -daily by the way side, to ask alms. Floods of population swim along, -and now and then he gets a penny; but no body stops to ask him of his -misery, or sympathize with his woes. He is a solitary, uncheered being -during the day, in the midst of a busy, moving, and apparently happy -world; and as night comes on, he feels his way to his wretched hovel, -if he has one, and lies down in rags and filth, to sleep as he can. He -may, or may not, have some one to comfort him there; but the world -never asks. In every crowded population there are hundreds of poor and -wretched beings, whose wants are fruitful of sorrow, and whose pains -are without relief. They live in misery, and die without comfort; and -that, too, while surrounded with an affluence that knows not how to -dissipate its treasures. The sound of the light steps of the happy is -heard in the street, but they enter not the uninviting abode to -inquire into the wants of its tenants; the carriages of the wealthy -roll onward; but the suffering poor, so near at hand, are not -remembered. Even if you apply to the public in their behalf, you will -chance to receive for answer, "they are worthy of their doom, and are -only reaping the wages of their sins. We have known them well, and -generally speaking, there is little merit, and a slender reward, in -relieving such objects." - -But, form a Society of these very persons, and send out an Agent to -the Antipodes to hunt up the misery that may be found there, to report -in due form on precisely the same cases of distress, or on such, -perhaps, as are not half so worthy of pity, and the tear of sympathy -will be seen trickling down the cheek of the sentimentalist, as he -reads the printed document in his easy chair, or listens to the fervid -eloquence of the platform orator, who feels the same pleasure in -telling the story which his hearers do in receiving it. "'Tis distance -lends enchantment," and because these persons can luxuriate in the -indulgence of their benevolence in agreeable circumstances, without -being compelled to come in actual contact with the squalid and -disgusting forms of misery; or like Howard, to sacrifice home and -comfort to look it up, and administer consolation at the expense of -ease and better society. - -To all this we have no objection. Even if the statements are -exaggerated, and the pictures highly colored; though the Agents -engaged in this work know well, that their support depends on the -interest they create; though there is not half the good accomplished -that was dreamt of, or is supposed; nay, though all the fruits of this -sympathy were expended on the way to its objects, and in sustaining -this machinery, still the world is made better, and the compensation -is abundant, though nothing else be gained, but the good and kind -feeling it has kindled up at home. It is even better, that they who -will not relieve the miserable objects that lie at their doors, or -perish in the streets, or starve in the comfortless abodes of their -own city or town, should have some small pittances of their abundance -drawn out by the workings of a romantic sympathy for the remotest -objects, than that they should do nothing at all. If they feel not for -the wretched before their eyes, it is yet good that they can be made -to feel for those who are far off. - -The Christian missions of the age, and all purely benevolent -enterprises, which meddle not with the political structures of -society, are most worthy of patronage and support, _under a suitable -organization_. However they may, in some degree, fall under these -strictures, our remarks are only an echo of practical and faithful -missionaries, who have themselves written largely on the romance of -Missions, and laboured to chasten the views and expectations of -contributors to the cause, and to establish the work on the basis of -sound Christian principle. As we have before intimated, the Abolition -movement is a wandering star, an eccentric and fiery orb, that has -broken loose from the Religious and Benevolent Society system, with -all its armor on, and betrayed and violated the principles of that -system, by plunging into the battle field of political strife, and -running riot in a wild and mad encounter with the political interests -of mankind. It is a comet out of place, thrown off from its own sphere -by the violence of its centrifugal action, and comes dashing on its -way into a family of planetary worlds, whose orderly course around a -common centre it threatens to throw into confusion, and is likely to -plunge full sweep on that great central ORB which gives us light and -heat, and which, we hope and pray, will be able to sustain the shock -without injury. - -The romance of Abolitionism is well illustrated in the history of that -crusade which roused all Europe, and led forth its armies upon the -plains of Western Asia against the infidels, to rescue "the Holy City" -from "the abomination of desolation;" and we will venture to say, that -the great majority of Abolitionists are equally and no more wise, in -the expedition to which they are lending their aid. They know just as -much of the real state of things in the slave-holding States, and seem -to be equally blind to the romantic character of the enterprise. - -Let it be always understood, that we make no controversy with the -Abolitionists, as to the right or wrong of slavery, in this country or -any other, or in any case whatever. For in all cases, we presume, that -we are as much opposed to slavery as they are. We consider, that this -question is entirely forced aside by the position assumed by the -Abolitionists, and by principles they have avowed before the public, -which must necessarily supercede this question, till those principles -are practically settled. Abolitionists claim the right to a political -interference, which is denied to them alike by the Constitutional law -of the land, by the expressed opinions of our national authorities, by -the parties most intimately concerned, and by the general voice of -public opinion. And this is the ground upon which we meet them, and -only upon this ground. We have no objection to their opinion -concerning the inexpediency and sin of slavery, or to any proper modes -of expressing that opinion. This has long been known to be the common -opinion of the North, without disturbing society in the South; and the -action of that opinion, in a proper way, was likely to make advances, -and ultimately to gain its object, if it had not been checked by this -inauspicious interference with existing political society and -political claims. Abolition, in the peculiar circumstances and -relations of American political society, can never, as we think, be -_enforced_ by political action from abroad; it can only be gained -through the moral sense of those who have the charge of slavery, in -connexion with their interests. While, therefore, we declare the -general ignorance of Abolitionists of the real state of slavery, as a -reason why they should not meddle with it in the way they propose, we -protest against being represented as the apologist of slavery. - -Since, therefore, the people of the North cannot interfere -_politically_ with the slavery of the South--for we deem ourselves -entitled to assume this ground, in view of the reasons already -presented--and since a wide spread and powerful political combination -is in the field, mustering additional forces, and stirring up their -ranks to an onward course, by exaggerated and unfair representations, -we think it important, by all suitable means, to endeavour to break -that spell of romance, which, we conceive, has no small share in this -undertaking. We say, then, that the great body of Abolitionists have -not the means of knowing, and consequently do not know, the real -condition of slavery in the States where it exists, either as to what -it is in itself, or as to what it is in comparison of other states of -society in this and other countries. Instructed and excited by the -documents and various literary emissions of the Society--all of which -appear to be greatly exaggerated in their representation of facts, -inflammatory in their character, and some of the most influential of -them purely fictitious--they have obtained views of slavery at the -South which cannot be sustained by the truth of the case, and have -been stirred up to a sympathy which is for the most part romantic. -_All_ their views of the practicability of that form of action they -have assumed, being itself an unlawful organisation, as we have shown, -and at war with the political structure of our society, are, as we -think, purely romantic. They are generally, therefore, involved in an -atmosphere of romance on this subject. - -As to the practicability of _immediate emancipation_--which is the -avowed doctrine and aim of the Abolitionists--either for the good of -the slaves, or the safety of society, it receives the unqualified -negative of all Northern men and foreigners, who have visited the -slave-holding States, without having been previously committed to the -principles of Abolitionism; and that, too, against all the reports -that have been brought from the British West Indies, down to this -time, by the Agents of the American Anti-Slavery Society, or through -other more circuitous or direct channels. Every practical man may see, -that the experiment of emancipation in the West Indies is not yet -fairly tested. We have read Thome's & Kimball's "Six Months' Tour" and -Professor Hovey's "Letters," and compared them with other evidence and -the unalterable principles of human nature; and after making those -abatements which experience teaches are always due to ex parte -statements, we honestly conceive, that the argument is neutralised, -and the whole subject is necessarily left in suspense as to the -legitimate influence of such testimony. - -We say, then, without fear of contradiction, that every disinterested -_man's_ report from the South, whether American or foreigner, on the -question of _immediate abolition_, declares decidedly and solemnly to -the Abolitionists, "Gentlemen, you are wrong. It is impossible." - -But the doctrine of _immediate_ abolition, _dictated_ to the -slave-holding States, and _imposed_ upon them, even though it were -safely practicable, assumes the right of interference, and therefore -cannot be expected to be conceded by those concerned, and who claim -the right of originating and deciding this question for themselves. -The same right has been claimed by the Northern States, where slavery -formerly existed, and in no case have they seen fit to attempt -_immediate_ emancipation. To enforce it upon the South by foreign -dictation would be despotic, nay, an invasion, and, as we think, -"contrary to the principles of our republican form of Government." We -declare, in the first place, that foreign, that is, Northern -Abolitionists are, from the necessities of their position, -_incompetent_ judges of this question; and next, that they are -unconstitutional, and therefore unlawful judges. Certainly, we do not -mean by this to debar the right of opinion, or any constitutional -modes of expressing it; but only, that they have no right to sit in -judgment on this question for the purposes of dictation and -legislation, or for that which is tantamount to legislation, to -_enforce_ this principle. - -Moreover, some of the most influential literary emissions of the -American Anti-Slavery Society are _purely fictitious_, and generally -so exaggerated and highly coloured, or so unfaithful in not giving the -whole truth, as to misrepresent the truth. "The narrative of James -Williams," which has probably had more influence, and excited more -feeling, than any other single document, and which was thought of -sufficient importance to be made conspicuous in the last Annual Report -of the Society, by devoting one third of a page _to attest its -veracity_, notwithstanding the Abolitionists had been sufficiently -advised, _that it was false_. They have at last been forced to make -public confession, _that it is a fiction_! It is impossible to say, -what proportion of the issues of this Society are of this character, -because the proof of a negative, especially in such matters, is always -slow and difficult; but the exceeding avidity of the Abolitionists to -take up and accredit such stories as "the Narrative of James -Williams," directly in the face of rebutting and conclusive evidence, -and the strong temptations in such circumstances to fiction, may -fairly establish the presumption, that many of their issues are purely -fictitious. - -But exaggeration of statement, over-coloring of facts, and keeping -back parts of truth which are essential to a correct judgment, are -precisely of the nature of fiction. Such is the concurrent testimony -from all quarters, and such the evidence of probability in the very -nature of things, that this part of the budget must be immense. Every -body, who has visited the slave States, _knows_, that slavery there is -_not_ what it is represented to be in the publications of the American -Anti-slavery Society, in general, or in particular. Certain specific -evils, necessarily resulting from a system of slavery, no fair man can -deny; that some of these are of a revolting character, candor requires -to be confessed; that there are cruel and inhuman masters, is no less -true. So also are there cruel and inhuman parents, husbands, masters -of indented apprentices, and various other superiors in the relations -of life, _out_ of the slave States. We will venture to say, from -authoritative evidence submitted to the British Parliament, amounting -to many volumes, that there is more maiming of the human body, and -more crushing of the human mind, from infancy to the grave, in the -manufactories of Great Britain, by the cruelties inflicted on that -perpetual bondage which in fact endures from generation to generation, -than the _whole amount_ of the same class of evils inflicted on _all_ -the slaves in the United States, notwithstanding the immense -difference between the number of persons in one case and the other; -and that this result may be established by the best certified -evidence. If it should be said, that the bondage of the British -manufactories is voluntary, we reply, _it is not_, and that the _law -of necessity_ which imprisons its victims there, while they can work, -on a bare subsistence, without enough to get away, and dismisses them -when they can work no longer, without providing for their support, is -far more cruel than American bondage, where the law that makes it -hereditary, provides for the sick and superannuated. We are quite -aware, that one of these cases does not justify, though it relieves, -the other, by the light of comparison. There is no state of society in -the world, not even in the free States of North America, where these -cruelties and inhumanities cannot be found in great abundance. And why -do not the Abolitionists begin at home, and tear down society in their -respective Commonwealths, because these enormities are to be found, -notwithstanding the law and public opinion are against them, in the -same manner as law and opinion are against them in the slaveholding -States? Or, since they have a propensity to these foreign missions, -why do they not go to the nations of Europe, where bondage is more -cruel, and where they might, in that proportion, be more useful, if, -peradventure, they are likely to be useful at all? In all these cases, -and in all parts of the world, these cruelties are exceptions to the -general state of society, not the rule. - -The decrease of the slave population of the West Indies, and -the better economy--barbarous indeed--of keeping it up by -importation, was adduced in evidence of the inhumanities of the -system. And we think very fairly so. By the same rule, the rapid -increase of the slave population in the Southern States, over the -whites in the same States--it being in the proportion of 80 to 100 of -the whites, and of 112 to 100 of the slaves, in the term of 40 -years--proves, that slavery in the United States is comparatively -mild. It is commonly reported and believed, by disinterested visitants -to the slave States of the Union, that, from all appearances, the -slaves, as a body, are the happiest people in the world. And although -we are far from advocating the doctrine, in application to involuntary -and hereditary bondage, as an element of society, that, "where -ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise;" yet the real condition of -American slavery, when fairly ascertained, may go to show, that the -pains taken by Abolitionists, in the use of false testimony, to awaken -a romantic sympathy in the North, and to muster and urge on a violent -crusade upon the South, in violation of the laws of the land, and of -the obvious proprieties of man's social condition, thereby disturbing -the public peace, and threatening to bring about a civil war, involves -a very grave responsibility. It is undoubtedly true, that the -Abolitionists of the North know very little about Southern slavery; -and that they know far less about it now, than they did before the -Abolition press, under the American Anti-Slavery Society, began to -instruct them. Nearly all their sympathy is romantic, resting on "the -baseless fabric of a vision;" and they may rely upon it, that their -crusade upon the South has as little hope of good result, as may now -be read in the history of the crusade of the Christian nations of -Europe upon "the Holy land." - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -EVERY MAN MIND HIS OWN BUSINESS. - - -The observance of this rule would secure universal peace. There would -never be quarrelling, never war, on the smaller or larger scale; but -the breach of it soon produces difficulty, and leads to strife. We -have stated in a former chapter, to the effect, that the causes of the -Abolition movement of this country, cannot be understood, without -allusion to certain cognate events and reforming schemes, that have -been set on foot among us, and to certain extravagant and peculiar -features of those reforms, which fairly entitle them to the name of -_violent_. For example, it was assumed, that the action and scope of -Christian benevolence could not stop short of calling all men to -account for their principles, manners, habits, and especially meats -and drinks, according as these interrogators, _alias_ inquisitors, -might judge to be wrong. Great Societies were formed to give to these -measures the weight and sanction of their publicly declared opinion; -and under the shield of Conventional and solemn resolutions, which -struck at the root of all independence of private opinion and private -character, and excommunicated from good society all that should refuse -a strict conformity to these published "Bulls," by stamping them with -the _taint_ of immorality, their Agents went forth upon the land to -deal authoritative rebuke and denunciation against dissentients. The -rest is known. All we have to say is, that schools of this kind--and -we have only pointed to _one_ of many--were admirable preparations for -the Abolition movement. A public that would bear all this, it was -thought, would bear any thing else; and they who had been accustomed -freely, and with little opposition, to use these high prerogatives in -the religious and moral sphere, ventured _one_ step farther, into the -_political_. They did it without scruple, seeming to regard themselves -as well entitled to one field, as to the other; and to this day, they -seem not to have discovered the impropriety of the trespass. - -Now, let it be understood, that the application of these remarks does -not go a whit farther, than to comprehend those violent reforms, of -which the great body of the religious public of this country, of all -denominations, or nearly all, are heartily tired, and earnestly wish -them a good riddance. We think we are entitled, without offending any -Christian, not an Abolitionist, to point to this indubitable source of -this great movement, inasmuch as it would be impossible to do justice -to this subject without this leave. It is the wide spread sanction -that has been given to _meddling_ and _interference_ in the social -state, and the protracted and almost undisputed use of this -prerogative, that has conjured up the spirit of Abolitionism, and -given it weight and influence among that class of persons, who -sustained the other violent reforms, with few exceptions. They have -generally passed readily and regularly, as a matter of course, from -one sphere of action to the other, accumulating forces as they -advanced. It is even astonishing to observe, how that gem of society, -independence of private character, and the right of private opinion, -has been marred and prostrated before the authoritative edicts of -these high and formidable Associations, the most extravagant of which -were concocted in caucus, and forced upon the public, by those very -men who will generally be found in the Abolition ranks. - -We think it a great mistake, in the administration of the social -state, and highly injurious to it, that this title to interfere in the -affairs of our neighbors, has been so widely sanctioned. It is bad in -itself; and bad in all its results. Once give sanction to this -principle by public authority, and there is no end to the modes and -forms of its application, in private life or public affairs, in the -religious or political world; and there is scarcely any thing more -fruitful of strife, or more mischievous in its workings. The reformer -assumes, that he has a right, and is bound, to seek the good of his -neighbour--_in his own way_, of course--and there is the mistake. And -if he can get the sanction of the public, on a large scale, as to the -use of his _particular_ modes, he is then backed by authority, and is -confident. He will then march directly into society, and rebuke and -denounce opposition with little ceremony. We are doubtless understood -by these allusions. The rule laid down becomes a bed of Procustes: If -any one's legs happen to be too long, they must be cut off; or if too -short, they must be stretched out by force. And so it goes. There is -no such thing as private judgment, private conscience, or independence -of character; but a man's soul, and body, and every thing must yield -to authority; or, he will have the mark set upon his forehead, and be -denounced, as the enemy of society, because he does not agree in -opinion with these men, as to the best modes of promoting its -interests. - -Great and lamentable as the evil of Abolitionism is in our country, -and inauspicious in its aspects, we confess, we are not sorry, since -it has come to this, that these violent reformers have now got into a -position, in which they must encounter an authority that will be -likely to rebuke their _meddling interference_, in terms and in a -manner which they have not heretofore experienced. Having taken -political ground, in violation of the laws of the country, they must -henceforth look "the powers that be" in the face, and render an -account for their temerity. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -PERFECTIONISM. - - -This is a theological term, and announces the doctrine, as we -understand it, that it is possible for man to be perfect in this life, -and perfect at once. It is a species of _immediatism_; indeed, it is -the essence of it, its origin, and foundation; and out of this -abstract, theological, and visionary scheme grew the practical and -momentous doctrine of _immediate_ abolition. This is the application -of _perfectionism_ to politics, which was originally a religious -notion. At all points we see, therefore, that Abolitionism has to do -with religion, and religion with it. Whether such an interference of -religion with politics, will be agreeable to the people of this -country, remains to be seen. - -_Perfectionism_ is an old doctrine in the religious world, but has -recently been revived in this country, and extensively adopted in the -ranks of these violent reformers, whose impatience would not allow -them to wait for the action and effect of the ordinary and generally -approved means of improving society. With the abstract notion in their -heads, that all sin ought to be left off _now_--from which, and so -far, we have no inclination to dissent--they have jumped to the -conclusion, that it can, must, and shall be; and accordingly have -adopted a system of action which assumes, that all departments of -society, social, moral, religious, and political, can be managed on -this principle. - -It will be seen, that the principles of the New England Nonresistance -Society, which have been set forth in a former chapter, are the -legitimate result of this doctrine. They have stepped at once on the -ground of universal anarchy, by renouncing allegiance to all human -government, because they say it is badly constituted, and ought to be -broken up _instantly_. Nothing wrong in society, they being judges, is -to be tolerated for a moment. The entire fabric of society, therefore, -being wrong, requires to be dissolved at once. It is fortunate for the -public, that in the case of the New England Nonresistance Society, we -have a fair exemplification of these principles. _It is perfectionism -carried out._ We need go no farther to see what this doctrine, reduced -to practice, will lead to. - -It may be seen, therefore, _whence_ the doctrine of _immediate_ -Abolition has come, and how it proposes to sweep every thing before it -that stands in its way. Like the members of the Nonresistance Society, -the Abolitionists are fighting characters. The former declare, "We -propose to assail iniquity in _high_ places and in low; to apply our -principles to _all existing civil, political, legal, and -ecclesiastical institutions_." The Abolitionists differ from this -scheme by taking one thing at a time; in that, they are doubtless more -wise. But it is precisely the same principle applied in this -particular direction. - -It will be seen, therefore, that the peace of this country has been -disturbed, and the integrity of our political fabric menaced, by a -visionary, and we may add, fanatical religious notion. In violation of -the Constitutional law of the land, so far as respects the nature of -the Abolition organization, as shown in the second chapter and onward, -and also in violation of a distinct, established, and well known -principle of our Government, to wit, that religion shall not enter -into the State, the Abolitionists, as a religious _sect_--for it -cannot be denied that such is their character--have marched directly -into the political field, with this anarchical principle in hand, and -under a vast and powerful political machinery, have assailed the -Government of the country, and directly interfered with the -Constitutional prerogatives of foreign States. They have solemnly -declared, in their highest and most authoritative State paper, the -Annual Report of the Society, as before seen, that these -Constitutional regulations, defining the prerogatives of the slave -States, are null and void, and no longer binding. Of course, it is not -to be supposed they will respect them. And will the people of this -country allow a _religious_ faction to take possession of the -Government, and dictate to Sovereign States, with which we are in -solemn covenant to protect and defend them in these matters, what they -shall do--to _enforce_ their principle of _perfectionism_ on the -political structure of our society, to dissolve and overthrow it? - -We do not mean to say, or to intimate, that Abolitionists are all -_perfectionists_ in the religious sense of this term, and in regard to -_all_ modes of improving society. That is not true. But we do mean to -say, that Abolitionism emanates from this source, and that, like the -gradual progress of all error, it is only a stage to the admission of -the full sweep of the doctrine. It is a notable fact, however, that -the religious perfectionists of the country, who are numerous, are -almost to a man Abolitionists, and the most violent of the sect. - -It is not necessary to suppose, that perfectionism in the community -should have pervaded the entire mass before it can do mischief; or -that it cannot have a surreptitious influence on individuals, in -regard to particular subjects and in particular applications, while -they disclaim the doctrine, and that very sincerely. In this way a man -may be an Abolitionist, yet not a perfectionist in general. - -The doctrine of perfectionism may be much safer as a theological than -as a political notion, for individuals than for society; inasmuch as -the religious perfectionist keeps two separate moral reckonings: one -for his virtues, the other for his faults. When he happens to be -guilty of a fault, he is in a state of _lapse_; at other times in a -state of _perfectionism_. We hope his faults are rare; but when he -happens to get into them unavoidably, society holds him up. But alas! -when society _lapses_, who and what will hold that up? This single -question brings the whole subject before the mind's eye, in its -political bearings, and suggests the folly and madness of that -doctrine, which attempts to introduce perfectionism into the social -system. - -As the religionist professes respect for the Bible, and for Divine -authority, it may be well to refer him to these examples on this -particular point. We say, then, that, although God is an _immediatist_ -in the authoritative force of his law over the conscience of -individuals, he is not an immediatist as the Governor of the world. -Clearly, it cannot be denied, that God could have made human society -perfect _at once_; but for some good reason he has not done so. If it -should be replied: "It is because men do not _obey_"--Very well. We -speak of a _great fact_, under God's administration of the world. -Moreover, if the _Divine_ legation of Moses be allowed, we have the -authority of the Saviour, that he enacted a certain law of divorcement -"for the hardness of their hearts;" that is, as we suppose, on account -of the bad state of society, and not because it was right: "for it was -not so from the beginning."[8] For the same reason, as _we_ hold, -though we have not the same authority for saying it, Moses _legalized_ -slavery. If it was _not_ for that reason, then the slave holders have -the highest authority for the institution. It is impossible to get off -from this dilemma by the plea of _different forms_, while the -_principle_ stares us in the face. Forms of society are _accidental_, -and never agree exactly, and often differ widely, under the same name, -in different ages and countries. - -[Footnote 8: Matth. 19: 8. Mark 10: 5.] - -John the Baptist was a Divinely commissioned teacher. "And the -_soldiers_ likewise demanded of him, saying, And what shall _we_ do?" -Though not a member of the New England Nonresistance Society, we are a -little bit of a Quaker, and hold that the principles of Christianity -are at _war_ with war. Consequently, if _immediatism_ is to be forced -upon society, according to _our_ notions, John should have replied: -"The first thing, my friends, is to lay down your arms." But, "he said -unto them, Do violence to no man; neither accuse any falsely; and be -content with your _wages_." - -We believe it true to say, that no Divinely commissioned teacher ever -attempted to introduce _immediatism_ as an element of the social -fabric; or ever protested against the action of society for want of -it, so long as we understand immediatism to be an attempt to sweep -away, by one stroke, every fault, or defect, or imperfection of -society. Such was not the example of _Christ_; and such was not the -example of the Apostle Paul, in application to slavery itself, as will -appear in his courteous treatment of Philemon, a slave-holder. So also -in this Apostle's doctrine, and in the doctrine of the Apostle -Peter.[9] History proves, that the persons called "servants" in these -passages, were slaves, or the property of their masters. Yet the -Apostles never felt authorized, or saw fit, to disturb this state of -society, bad as it was in this particular, and many others; but they -availed themselves of the facilities afforded them by the existence of -political society to apply _immediatism_ to the consciences of -individuals, in regard to the state of their hearts, and to their -personal conduct. - -[Footnote 9: I Cor. 7: 20, 21. I Tim. 6: 1, 2. Eph. 6: 5, 9. Titus 2: -9, 10. Coloss. 3: 22, and 4: 1. I Pet. 2: 18, 20.] - -If, indeed, the Abolitionists will produce a _Divine_ commission, -sustained by miracles, entitling them to go _one step_ farther than -any other Divinely commissioned teachers have ever gone, by investing -them with authority to _remodel_ political society, we will respect -their claim, and advise the public to do so. But till that time, we -think it fair to say, that the _preaching_ of such doctrines as they -choose to maintain, moral, social, religious, or political, -_independent of any political organization_, such as they _now_ have, -to sustain them, is all they are entitled to by the Constitution and -laws of this land. By _preaching_, we mean, of course, to comprehend -all the _prescribed_ Constitutional modes of political action, so long -as they choose to meddle with politics. Preaching to _private_ -conscience, is one thing; and that is the office of Christianity, -within the range of its own precepts. But the political constitution -and administration of society, is another thing; and this, in _our_ -opinion, Christianity never presumes to meddle with. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -LIBERTY AND EQUALITY. - - -Aware, that we are constantly liable to perversion as to the intent of -our remarks in these pages, it is proper for us to say, that we have -not taken up this topic in order to bring our interpretation of it to -bear against the right of slaves to their freedom. That is a question -which we do not assume to discuss, though we have signified our -opinion, and are ready freely and frankly so to do on all proper -occasions. But our object at this time is to correct the vague, -poetic, and romantic notions which are commonly attached to these -terms. In this country, their origin may fairly be ascribed to a -notable declaration, so often quoted from our national bill of rights: -"that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed by their -Creator with certain unalienable rights, among which are life, -liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Now, what is the meaning of -this? The history of those times, and of the occasions which produced -it, will answer this question. - -First, as to the term _Liberty_. The British Government refused the -Colonies a representation in the law-making power of the empire, and -this was the ground of the quarrel, the cause of the Revolution. We -have, then, in this great historical fact, a fair and clear -interpretation of the meaning of the term "liberty" in the declaration -of Rights, viz. the right to a representation of the people in the -law-making authority. So much and no more, we conceive, is the meaning -of this term in this place; and that is enough for the free and full -action of "the principles of our republican form of Government." In -connexion with the provisions of our National and State Constitutions, -the people are thus constituted the law-making power. That is, they -are entitled to _govern_ themselves. But the very idea of Government -is _subjection_ to law, not a _liberty_ for every man to do as he -pleases. This last meaning is the _vague_, _poetic_, and _romantic_ -notion commonly attached to this term--to do as one pleases; whereas, -the Constitutional and proper meaning is the _right_ to a voice in the -making of law. In the strict sense of the term, therefore, it is not -liberty, but a right. The moment a man enters into society, he -resigns his liberty, and consents to be _subjected_ to the -regulations of the community, of which he is a member. There is no -liberty, except in the simple state of nature, where man is isolated -from man, and becomes a solitary savage. - -Having alluded to _the state of nature_, it may be proper in this -place to observe, that the same poetic fancies are constantly played -off on "natural rights," as on liberty and equality; whereas, the -slightest reflection ought to teach us, that all society is artificial -and conventional, and that no man who enters into society can any -farther lay claim to "natural rights" than the law allows. Every -regulation of society is so far an infringement on natural rights, if, -indeed, we have any correct notion of the meaning of these terms. It -is difficult, indeed, to define natural rights. We have never yet seen -it done, and confess our own inability for the task. What is the use, -then, in talking about that for which we cannot find even a -definition? We have a right, however, since it is used for practical -purposes, to make it mean something. Say, then, that it means such -rights as a savage would be entitled to, when alone in the desert, to -do what he is inclined, as in such circumstances he would not -interfere with any social right. But in society men give up their -natural rights, if the above is a fair statement of what they are; and -the law becomes the rule of right. The whole system of society is -artificial, and at war with natural rights; and he who claims the -privilege of natural right, in opposition to the established code of -society, asserts the right of rebellion. We have no objection, -however, that any body should give us a definition of natural rights, -that would lead to a different conclusion, if it can be done; but till -that time, we are compelled to say, that this talk about natural -rights, for any practical purpose in society, is something we do not -understand, unless, for example, it be the right to live and to -breathe; and even that may be forfeited to the law. Suppose the -murderer sentenced to be hung, should claim the privilege of natural -rights--would he be heard? Natural rights, as we understand them, are -not available in society, when they interfere with law. That is to -say, the law is always above them, and must be, so long as it is -judged best to maintain the social state. There is not a single -natural right that can be named, which may not, in given cases, be -abridged, or controlled, or superseded, or entirely suppressed, by the -artificial organisation of society. To talk of natural right, -therefore, as being paramount to law, simply because it _is_ natural -right, is arrant nonsense--mere declamation, at best. - -But, to return to "liberty." We have seen, that the Constitutional -meaning of this term in our Charter or Bill of rights is limited to -the single and simple claim to a voice by representation in the power -of making law, and that laws are made for our _subjection_. All the -rest beyond this is _duty_, _obedience_, _not_ liberty. Law limits and -circumscribes us at all points, in the house and out of it, every -where, in relation to every body, and to every body's rights. All the -rights of our fellow beings, as secured by law, are an abridgment of -our liberty. The higher the degrees of civilization, which add to the -multiplication of laws, so much greater is the abridgment of liberty. -That is, the more perfect society is made, so much less of liberty do -we have; and, as good citizens, we are not only contented with it, but -we prefer it. For the advantages of society, we enter into terms of -mutual concession; and every degree of concession cuts us off from -liberty. - -Now for the romance of "Equality"--"that all men are created _equal_." -And what is the meaning of this in the Charter of our rights? Simply, -that royal blood, and noble blood, is no better than any other blood; -and therefore, that we will have no king, and no aristocracy. The -hereditary and divine right of kings, and the hereditary right of -nobles, are here barred, and the _people_ are enthroned in their -place, with all the chances open before them of _rising_ in society, -according to their merits, even to the highest honors of the Republic. -This, we think, is the exact meaning of equality in this place, and -that it goes no farther than to cut off the hereditary claims of kings -and nobles, and of privileged orders in the community--that is, of -orders privileged by the enactments of Constitutional law. But this -principle, obviously, was never intended to apply practically to -general society, nor to any ranks of society below these degrees. In -this sense of the term the whole community is reduced fairly to what -is generally understood by the republican level: that all may have a -chance to rise according to their merits. But who will say, that it -was intended to make a President of the United States of a man, who -has no sort of qualification or claim to that office? Or to raise any -man to an honor or office, to which he is not judged to be entitled by -a majority of those voices appointed by law to determine such a -question? Who will say, that it was intended to annihilate those -grades of society, which the use of common rights necessarily creates, -because one man is more industrious, or more virtuous, or more -fortunate than another? Who will say, that it was intended to -establish the Agrarian principle, that because the industry of one man -has built him a good house, the lazy, idle, and worthless man has a -right to claim a part of it, and a part of the wealth of its owner? -Or, that all inequalities of wealth and condition in life, produced by -different degrees of virtue, application to business, and good luck, -are to be levelled by making all things common, and an equal -distribution to every man, whatever may be his character? We are -disposed to believe, that our American society is hardly yet prepared -for the application of such a rule as this; or that there is a single -man in the community who will relinquish his fairly acquired rights -and property to those, who may happen not to have acquired the same -advantages. - -As a matter of fact, there is no such thing as equality among men, nor -can there be. There is no equality in their physical powers, none in -the circumstances of their birth and education, none in the privileges -and wealth which they inherit or acquire, none in their social -advantages--_no_ equality in any thing. The two men cannot be found -who are in all or any respects exactly equal. If all the talents and -powers of the whole community were solely devoted to produce equality, -they would be unequal to the task. Neither God nor man ever instituted -equality. We do not say, that God could not have done it; but, to our -taste, he would have spoiled creation, if he had. We desire, -therefore, and think we have good reasons, to be contented with such a -Universe as he has made. We desire also to be contented, that any man, -by his virtues or good fortune, should be more elevated and better off -than ourself. If we are not, we sin: "Thou shalt not covet." This -Divine law, was enacted for such a case, as well as others; and the -very frame of society was intended to maintain these inequalities; -that is, to secure to every man his own rights. - -What, then, becomes of this _song_ of liberty and equality--this -poetry and romance of popular declamation--this soul-stirring and -heaven-appealing claim?--Has nothing really been acquired? Yes, much: -We have acquired the right of making our own laws, and cut off kings -and nobles from all claim to hereditary ascendancy. This is a great, a -mighty achievement, if we prove wise enough to know how to use it. We -hold it to be an advance in human society--a most important -acquisition to the liberties and rights of mankind. But it will be -seen, that the general and vague notion commonly attached to these -terms is utterly without foundation--mere poetry and romance. - -We may ask, then, with what propriety the Abolitionists apply this -passage in our National bill of rights to slavery? Obviously, there is -no warrant for it, if we stick to the meaning and intent thereof. If -they see fit to give it another meaning--to force a construction from -it that was never intended, of course, in such an arbitrary -interpretation, we can have no farther controversy with them, than to -state, that it _is_ arbitrary. - -We deem it proper to say, that the Bill of Rights set forth in the -Declaration of our Independence, was never intended for such an -application; but that this particular passage was limited to the two -single points which we have noticed. It neither affirms nor denies, it -neither vitiates nor strengthens, the claim of the slave to his -freedom, because it never contemplated the case. We are now settling a -question of fact. To be wrong is one thing; to be inconsistent -another. That there is wrong in slavery we do not deny; but we do say, -that there is no inconsistency in the existence of slavery in the -United States with our National Bill of Rights, when fairly -interpreted. It will doubtless be allowed, that the Federal -Constitution is a good interpreter of that Bill; and that decrees the -perpetuity of slavery, at the will of the slave States. The -_consistency_ of our Government, and of our country, therefore, is -maintained and defended, in this particular, against all imputation to -the contrary, whatever may be the _right_ of the case. If any body -chooses to say, that the _principle_ involved in this passage of our -Bill of Rights _reaches_ the case of the slave, we have no objection. -For, we frankly confess, we have always thought so too. But we deny, -that it was ever intended to have such an application, and that there -is any inconsistency, however there may be wrong, in the existence of -slavery in our country, so long as we abide by the Bill of Rights and -the Constitution as the rule, when interpreted according to their -meaning. - -We gained a great step in the acquisition of our National -Independence; but we did not arrive to a state of _perfectionism_. -Since that time we have made advances in society, for the better, too. -We have abolished the slave trade, and slavery itself in all the -States north of Mason's and Dixon's line; and it is manifest, that the -slave States bordering on the free, are greatly affected by the -influence of the latter, to make slave property less valuable, and to -lead towards emancipation. But so long as the laws of the land are -respected and maintained, the slave States can never be compelled to -emancipation by foreign dictation; nor will they be advised. By the -existing regulations of society, there is no power authorized to -advise them. We, of the North, in like circumstances, would not be -advised. Every State and nation is the best judge of what may be -expedient in the management of its own domestic polity; and if any of -its component parts are depressed and oppressed, they have an -undoubted right to relieve themselves, if they can, at their own risk. -But the law of nations, which is the highest and most important of all -laws, and the breach of which is most momentous in its consequences, -does not authorize, but forbids, interference. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -SOCIAL AND POLITICAL EFFECTS OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -First, its _social_ effects. It has produced a very unhappy state of -feeling in the North. Just in proportion to a man's unreasonableness, -if he happens to be in the wrong, will be his zeal to maintain his -cause; and the effect of his zeal on all concerned may generally be -measured by the same rule. The Abolitionists are believed to be in the -wrong; and the extreme zeal and infatuation, not to say madness, with -which they urge their cause, would seem to prove them so. Why should -men, conscious of the rectitude of their principles and conduct, be -violent? Even if they were in the heat of battle, dignity and self -possession, and even generosity towards their foes, would be more -becoming. That they are the aggressors, is certain. Who else began it? -Like as a man, who slanders his neighbour, will take all possible -pains to prove it is not slander, and by-and-by believe his own story, -because he has told it so often, and is determined to have it so; so -the Abolitionists, becoming fervid in their cause, persuade themselves -that they are right. But they appear to the rest of the community so -unreasonable, and so manifestly wrong, that the effect of their zeal -on the public mind is very unhappy--more especially so, as the -interests of the country, which are dear to all good citizens, are put -in great peril by their movement. Hence families, neighbourhoods, -towns, cities, and the whole community, are divided, and driven to -acrimonious controversy on this subject. We scarcely recollect any -occasion of public excitement in this country, that has given birth to -greater violence of language, to more uncharitableness, or greater -bitterness of feeling, than this. That this bad temper has been all on -one side, it would be unjust to say; but that the Abolitionists have -had a good share of it, we think it no libel to suggest; nor are we -prepared to say, that they have endured opposition in the most -Christian-like way. We hesitate not to say, that their literary -publications are of a very inflammatory character. Even the grave and -solemn document of their last Annual Report--or which ought to have -been grave and solemn--is so rude, violent, and denunciatory--so much -like a tear-all-down--that the nerves of a well composed person, as we -will venture to say, will be not a little _dis_-composed in the -reading thereof. One is shocked to think, that we have come to such -revolutionary times, as that production would seem to indicate--that a -grand political organization, wielding such a tremendous sway of -influence, as the American Anti-Slavery Society, should take upon -itself to declare the Constitutional law of the land null and void, -and no longer binding; and by one stroke of the pen to abrogate the -authority of the Senate of the Nation, and proclaim their decisions as -worthy only of contempt. What next? But we forbear; for we seem to -feel, that we are getting into the same strain, inasmuch as the record -of the simple facts of their history is too exciting to be set in -their true light. No wonder then, that the people of this country -have felt themselves injured and outraged by such bold assaults on -that social edifice, under the shadow, and within the precincts of -which, they have and hold all their most valuable privileges. It is a -pity, indeed, that fellow citizens and christian brethren should be -driven so far asunder, and be filled with so much animosity, by such -an unnatural broil. On whom does this responsibility rest? In our -judgment, on those who have instigated the quarrel, on the aggressors, -and not on those who act merely on the defensive, in vindication and -support of the Government of the country. The question, now, is not -the rights of the slave; that is entirely set aside by another, which -this controversy has forced into its place--the peace of the country, -and the integrity of the Union. - -But the social effects between the North and the South are much more -unhappy, than between the Abolitionists and Anti-Abolitionists of the -North. Time was when a northern man could go to the South without -suspicion, and be received in all good faith. But it is no longer so. -The very name of a Northerner is odious at the South, till his -personal qualities shall happen to make him agreeable. Time was, when -a Southern man could enjoy himself in visiting the North, and be -honored; but now he feels, that every second man he meets with may be -an Abolitionist, to him a name of horror, because he loves his wife -and his children, and thinks of the terrible scenes which the -doctrines and measures of the Abolitionists expose them to. In the -social intercourse of the North with the South, there has been raised -a barrier of a very formidable character, and every month and every -day it is getting worse and worse. It is impossible it should be -otherwise, so long as the end of this sad controversy cannot be -foreseen. - -The violence of language used by the Abolitionists against the slave -States and slave holders, is most uncharitable and unwarrantable, and -its social effects pernicious. The people of the South are _men_, and -remarkable for their courtesy and hospitality to strangers. They have -been educated to think and to feel, that slavery is justifiable in the -circumstances under which it has come down to them. They do not view -the subject as we Northerners do. And admitting that they are wrong, -the worst that could be said of them is, that they are unenlightened -in this particular. They are found to be gentlemen, amiable and kind, -and many of them Christians--yes, Christians. Philemon, of Bible -notoriety, was a Christian, and a slaveholder. And yet the -Abolitionists do not hesitate to call them MONSTERS in human shape! - -But the _political_ effects are still worse, in so far as they are -more important and more momentous. Abolition is a fire brand on the -floor of Congress, which we have reason to fear is gratifying to the -movers of this sedition. But the worst of all is, the South is -evidently anticipating and preparing for a dissolution of the Union; -and no spirit of prophecy, now the gift of mortals, can foretell the -consequences of such an event. If it shall be forced by this -agitation, one of the first measures of the South will be to visit -with tremendous vengeance all disturbers of their peace in this -particular concern; and who of us, in like circumstances, could blame -them for it? And the misfortune will be, that the innocent will not -always escape, as every Northern man will of course be suspected. -Would it not be difficult to maintain peace between two such -Republics? Evidently, nothing is more to be deprecated in a political -horoscope, than a dissolution of this Union. The South is essential to -the North, and the North to the South, on the terms of the Federal -compact; but put them asunder, by such a cause, and the chances are, -that they will be implacable enemies. To all these evils are we -exposed by the Abolition movement, besides what have already come. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -THE BAD EFFECTS OF ABOLITIONISM ON THE FREE COLORED POPULATION, AND ON -THE CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF SLAVES. - - -It cannot be denied, that Abolitionism has created a very unpleasant -state of feeling in the minds of the free colored population, and made -them unhappy; that it has excited them, in no inconsiderable degree, -to insubordination as citizens; that it has vitiated their domestic -and social character, as servants, wherever they are employed; that it -has invested them with an importance, in their own esteem, which the -present state of society is not prepared to award them, and -encouraged them to assume airs which are often rebuked to their great -unhappiness, and to the disturbance and injury of their temper; and -that it has exposed them to insult and outrage from the lower classes -of the white population, which very naturally provokes the same kind -of treatment in return, and consequently keeps alive perpetual feuds -in these conditions of life, not unfrequently leading to tragical -results, in which generally the colored people have the worst of it. - -It will be observed, that we are now stating facts, not principles. -Abolitionists may say, it ought not to be so, and we admit it. But -their error is, in this, as in all departments of their cause, that -they build and go on the principle of _perfectionism_, and refuse to -submit to the suggestions of practical wisdom--of experience. They -assume, that it is possible to manage society just as if it were -perfect in its structure, and morally perfect in all its component -parts, and insist, that it shall be so managed. The consequence is, -that disturbance instantly insues, on the attempt to enforce their -principles, and the colored people are doomed to suffer the evil -consequences of the rashness of their pretended friends and -benefactors, besides that they are injured in their temper and -character as citizens. - -Again we observe, that we are stating facts, as we know that we are -exposed to misrepresentation. We say, then, what every body -knows--though we regret the fact as sincerely as any one can--that the -free colored people of this country, with few exceptions, have risen, -in person or by genealogy, from a depressed condition, from a state of -bondage, which, in connexion with the public feeling and prejudice -against the race, on account of a difference of physical constitution, -subjects them unfortunately to social disadvantage, in a white -population, who have always had the ascendency, and to whom society, -as it exists, owes its origin and maintenance. This may be wrong in -the widest view and with the most generous construction of human -rights, as they are commonly maintained in the abstract; but it is a -fact. We say, moreover, in reference to such a fact, it has never been -known, in the history of human society, that such a class has risen, -by a single step, to a full equality of social immunity and privilege. -We know it is a doctrine of _perfectionism_, but it is not a -practicable doctrine, in our opinion. It will doubtless commonly be -regarded as impossible for such a class to be qualified, except by -time and degrees, for such a station in society with a white -population. To attempt, therefore, to enforce it on the people of this -country, in such circumstances, is only to make the colored people -unhappy, to put a claim into their mouths which they cannot hope to -realize, and to arm the white population with still stronger -prejudices against them. - -Look, for example, to the effect of the Abolition agitation, in the -formation and adoption of the new Constitution of the State of -Pennsylvania: Before, free colored people, of specific qualifications, -were entitled to the privilege of electors; now they are all -disfranchised. We are inclined to the opinion, that if all -the Northern States were now engaged in remodelling their -Constitutions--especially where the colored people are numerous--they -would do the same thing, merely as the effect of the Abolition -movement. However this may be regretted, it is a natural consequence, -and on the Abolitionists rests the responsibility. Just in proportion -as they violently urge their measures, will the social privileges of -the colored population be abridged, and their comfort, happiness, and -prospects impaired. Before this agitation commenced, the colored -people were comparatively contented and happy, their privileges were -being extended, they were gradually rising in the scale of society, -and every body--at least the public generally--were gratified to see -them rise, and ready to help them. There was a common pleasure in -encouraging the worthy and industrious of their color; and though an -Abolitionist may be surprised at the fact, _we_ have entertained them -_as guests_ in our house, and at our table for days in succession, in -the same manner and with the same hospitalities which we are -accustomed to render to those of our own color, and with much greater -satisfaction, because we were delighted to see such proofs of their -excellence and worth. And notwithstanding that the measures of the -Abolitionists have thrown formidable obstacles in the way, we declare, -we would do the same thing again, in like circumstances. But however -worthy they may be, and the more worthy they are, they would be -backward and diffident in accepting such hospitalities, simply because -the effect of the Abolition movement has been to depress, instead of -raising them in society. It has abridged their privileges at all -points, and in all their relations with the white population, the -Abolitionists only excepted. Nor can the favor of the Abolitionists be -regarded as a fair and full indemnification for the loss they have -sustained by such an unfortunate alliance, inasmuch as the highest and -most influential agencies of society are now, and are likely to -continue, indirectly armed against them, by maintaining the -Government, and defending the institutions of the country, against -violence. The effect of the agitation, generally and particularly, on -the colored people themselves, and on the white population -individually and collectively, is to abridge the privileges of the -former, and to injure them. - -We are aware, that the Abolitionists will probably say, such -incidental and unavoidable evils are always the concomitants of great -reformations in society. We suppose, of course, they will not say, it -is a proof of the justice of their cause, as such a reason would go to -authorize any mischief. These facts, then, are admitted. Indeed, we -see not, how they can be denied. It remains to be seen, whether the -final result will be any better than the beginning. We fear it will -not. - -But the effects of Abolitionism on the condition and prospects of the -slaves, is even and far worse than on the free colored people. It has -rivetted the chains of slavery with a manifold firmness and strength; -it has greatly abridged the privileges before allowed them for -intellectual and moral culture; it has barred the door, in the slave -States, against all open and free discussion of the subject of -emancipation, which before was tolerated; it has interdicted all -intercourse between the North and South, that presumes to meddle with -the subject of slavery, and of course raised an insurmountable barrier -against the social influence of the North in this particular -direction; it has barred the influence of public opinion on slavery -from all quarters beyond the slave States; it has driven the South as -a body to maintain the _principle_ of slavery _out_ and _out_, without -restriction or qualification, whereas before, a large portion of the -slave-holders were ready to admit it was wrong, desired to see their -way out of it, and were open to advice; it has caused to be -established a most rigid police and surveillance over the system; it -has multiplied the enactments and increased the strength of -legislation for its protection and defence; it has nerved the arm of -the law with greater vigor and determination; it has bound the slave -States together by stronger ties in defence of a common interest; it -has given sanction to Lynch law for the summary treatment of -offenders; and for all these, and many other reasons that might be -named, it has put far off the day of emancipation, if it has not -determined the _perpetuity_ of slavery. - -Here, again, the Abolitionists will perhaps say, it only proves the -right of our cause, and that all this is the struggle of a last and -dying effort. But, it might be wise for them not to forget, that the -bulwark of the Nation's Constitution stands between them and slavery; -and that, till that is pulled down and trampled under foot, as they -themselves have set the example in their last Annual Report, they will -not have gained their object. Nay, though the fabric of the Nation -should be broken in pieces by their hands, and thrown to the winds of -Heaven, such is the spirit they have kindled in the South, that they -would be compelled to wade through blood, and with iron heel to -trample on the carcasses of their opponents, before they will have -triumphed. We speak of men as they are, as they always have been, and -as they are likely for some time yet to be; and in doing so, the -language we employ is no figure of speech, but, as we think, the -veritable prophecy of the future. And by the time the Abolitionists -shall have done this work, there will be good room and a fit -opportunity for the establishment of a despotism unrivalled in -severity by any known to the present age, as the only adequate remedy -for the anarchy they will have produced. - -Such are some of the lamentable effects of this lamentable movement, -as they bear on the free coloured people, and on the condition and -prospects of the slaves of this country; and we submit them to the -serious consideration of those whom it may concern. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -A HYPOTHETICAL VIEW OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -We think it must strike every intelligent observer--every one -certainly that lays claims to any knowledge in the workings of -society--that _immediate_ Abolition, whenever acquired by the measures -now in operation--admitting it can be effected without a civil war, -though we do not believe it can--must find the two conflicting -parties in the worst possible humour in relation to each other. On the -one side would be arrayed the Abolitionists with their protégés; and -on the other the party defeated after a long and violent struggle. In -the mean time all the colored people, now free or in bondage, will -have been filled with the most violent hatred and animosity towards -the opponents of their claims. The feeling already produced in that -class of colored people, that has come under the influence of -Abolitionists, may serve as an illustration; and the well known -principles of human nature may fill out the complement of the lesson. -It would be seen by the people of this country, in the progress of -events, long before this object shall have been attained, that an -immediate emancipation at any time, brought about by such means, will -place the country in a most undesirable and perilous condition. These -anticipations and apprehensions must necessarily, as we think, mount -to an insuperable barrier.--Self-preservation is the first law of -nature; and when that comes to be the question, either with -individuals or with society, people are not wont to suspend action to -discuss casuistry or right.--The drowning man seizes the plank within -his reach, even though he should hear the voice of a remonstrant, -giving some very subtle reasons why he ought not to do so. So society, -finding itself in peril, from within or from without, will save -itself, if it can. We are inclined to believe, that the harder -Abolition is pushed in its present shape, and under its present avowed -principles, so much greater will be the apprehensions of the people, -as to the consequences of its success. We think they will never -consent, that three millions of the colored race should be raised by -one step, from the condition in which they now are, to a full equality -of privilege with all other citizens, backed by such a party as the -Abolitionists, and actuated by their principles. The dangers would be -too obvious and too imminent to admit of parley. They must first be -made to believe in _perfectionism_, before they would venture on such -an experiment. Every stage of the progress of Abolitionism hitherto, -instead of allaying those apprehensions, has only served to augment -them. If the peace of the country can hardly be maintained now, and is -more and more disturbed at every successive stage of the movement, -under its present organization, who can answer for it a little while -to come?--Much more, who could answer for it in the hottest of the -conflict? The Abolitionists insist on principles, apart from -emancipation, which rouse popular indignation, and occasionally blow -it into flame, even while the people know that the power is in their -own hands. But when once they shall be obliged to see, that these -principles are actually going into practice by force, throughout the -length and breadth of the land, it requires no prophet to foretell how -they will feel, and how they will act. Honestly, we do not think it -among the possible events of the future, that Abolition principles, as -they now stand forth before the public, can be forced upon the people -of this country; but on the contrary, that, foreseeing the evil, they -will take care to prevent it. - -The Abolitionists cannot appeal to the effects of emancipation in the -British West Indies, even on the ground of their own showing, to allay -these apprehensions; for there is no parallel between the two cases. -Every circumstance and every attribute of the question, as it exists -here, in its essential influences, are at variance with that example. - -But so long as our political fabric remains such as it is, it would -seem to be folly to discuss this subject on this hypothetical basis. -We have only taken this license for a moment, for the sake of showing, -that, if this political structure of our society were all out of the -way, and if the slave-holders had no interest or voice in the -question, the avowed principles of the Abolitionists, apart from the -difficulty of political rights, would erect an insuperable barrier in -the public mind to the accomplishment of their designs. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -ABOLITIONISM CONSIDERED AS PROPOSING NO COMPENSATION FOR -SLAVE-PROPERTY. - - -The political frame of society governs the world, the doctrines of -_perfectionists_ to the contrary notwithstanding; and we shall be -heartily thankful that it is so, until we can fall into better hands -than this visionary fraternity. And since the Abolitionists have come -into the political field, it might be wise for them to consider, -whether they can carry their measures in contempt of established -political principles. The responsibility of slavery is divided among -the community of nations; and there are few of those which profess -respect for the code of international law, and feel obliged by their -political relations to regard it, that have not some share in it, -directly or indirectly. Among these exceptions, if there is any, is -the Government of the United States. For we have seen, that it has -never made itself responsible for the slavery of individual States. We -have also seen, that the slave States are not responsible for its -introduction, but that it was imposed upon them by authority. And -before the public conscience of the parties concerned had become alive -to the enormities and guilt of the slave trade, and much more before -slavery itself had become the subject of public remonstrance, it had -attained to a growth in the Southern States, not easily to be -eradicated. So long, therefore, as political society is dominant, and -is bound together by common ties, by common interests, and by common -principles, no part of such society can claim of another part the -relinquishment of property in slaves without an indemnification. This -principle, it will be observed, does not vitiate the claim of the -slave to his own freedom; it only affects the parties concerned in the -political structure of general society. - -The British Government acquitted itself honorably on this point, in -decreeing the abolition of slavery in its West India Colonies, and -voted a full indemnification for the property, the right to which was -thus effaced from the statute book. We say, a _full_ indemnification, -notwithstanding it is commonly rated higher, as quoted in this -country. The reason of this high quotation results from the fact, that -it is not commonly considered, perhaps not known, that slave property -in the British West Indies had depreciated so greatly and so rapidly -in a few years, by political aspects having a bearing upon it, as to -have passed, in very large amounts, into other hands, at the -depreciated price, by the necessities of bankruptcy, and consequently -graduated the valuation of all such property in the same -circumstances. Whenever, therefore, that property should be -transferred to other holders for any purpose whatever, the commercial -valuation at the time would of course be assumed as the rule of -estimate. That was the rule consulted by the British Parliament, and -it was considered, that the 20,000,000 sterling was a fair estimate of -the property redeemed. But, whether this be the exact truth or not, -the principle of indemnification was recognized, and was supposed to -have been honorably respected in this transaction. - -Clearly, it must be seen, that by the political history of the world, -and the action of general society, under the sanction of which all -those commercial transactions have been carried on, which have -determined and graduated the valuation of slave property from time to -time, in all and any States where it exists, the public faith of the -world that has sanctioned and tolerated slavery so long, and thereby -profited by it, is pledged as the guardian of that property to the -indemnification of the holders, whenever the public conscience shall -demand it to be annihilated, as to its previous form, and return to -that law which generally prevails in human society. There is not a -man, woman, or child, in the circle of Christendom, hardly in the -world, that has not profited by slavery, in a commercial point of -view, which is the only point we are here concerned to notice. Much -less is there one such individual in the free States of our country, -that has not profited by it. All the property of the Northern States, -and all their commercial interests, have been interwoven with it. It -is that property which has determined the value of ours, and ours that -has determined the value of that, reciprocally. And just in proportion -to the foreign commercial relations and transactions of our country, -does the same rule apply to the respective communities with which we -have maintained such intercourse. The amount of the slave property of -the South is not theirs, except in the convenient title of a -regulation of general society; but it is the world's, or all that part -of the world's, where commercial transactions have determined its -estimate. But since it has been convenient for the world, for general -society, that it should _vest_ in certain persons, in the same manner -as any other property vests in certain other persons, either here or -there, in this country or any other, and that no persons should have -any other title in any other property than that which is held by this -conventional rule for general good, it would be a manifest and -flagrant injustice, robbery, for one part of general society to demand -of another part, to resign this title without indemnification, while -the party making this demand claims to hold its own. Of course, this -question does not touch the right of the slave to himself, or in any -way affect that claim. - -It may be seen, then, how this matter stands in the United States. We -strike at the very foundations of society, when we use our influence -to impair the rights of property, as established by general consent; -and the impulse of the blow, in the circle of its action, must -necessarily return to ourselves, in its natural, or rather artificial, -channel, as society in all its parts is an artificial edifice. We can -no more move upon the South for such an object, than they can move -upon us; in laying our hand upon their property to impair its title, -we impair our own in the same degree. For our convenience and profit, -be it known, the title to slave property has happened to vest in them; -and for their convenience and profit the title to our property has -happened to vest in us, because we happen to be here and not there, -and they there and not here. Both titles are equally sacred in the -relations we bear to each other. - -Unless, therefore, the Abolitionists have made up their minds to go -into this field in the character of pirates and brigands, we see not -how they can move an inch, till they are prepared to make the tender -of indemnification for the release of the property which they claim. -We aver solemnly, that it is with pain we have written the last -sentence, and that if any other terms would have represented the exact -truth of the case, as it stands before our mind, we should have -preferred them. We agree with the Abolitionists as to the _wrong_ of -slavery, though we dissent from them, both as to the expediency and -duty of _immediate_ emancipation, in view of all the facts and -circumstances of the case; and we dissent from them utterly, _ab imo -pectore_, as to the _validity_ of slave property, not in relation to -the slave, however, but in relation to general society; and we are -prepared to go with the nation for redemption by a fair -indemnification. Though we may have little at stake in such a concern, -yet he who has little may feel the burden more than he that has much. -We are prepared, however, to point out a way, the burden of which no -man will feel, and one that is practicable, too. To enforce abolition -without indemnification, would be as bad for the slave, as for the -master, because it would be the ruin of both; it would blot from -future history all those political Commonwealths, because they would -be absolutely too poor to maintain themselves. - -The most formidable difficulty of Abolitionism, therefore, and the -most disorganizing principle, of all, plants itself on the very -threshold of the enterprise: _non-indemnification_. Their only reason, -so far as we understand, is, that indemnification would be a tacit and -implied confession on the _right_ of slavery. Admitting, that -Abolitionists themselves think and feel so; the rest of the public do -not; Abolitionists, therefore, would neither be weakened in principle, -nor injured in fact, by giving up this point, except in the workings -of their own imagination. This can be a valid objection only as it -vitiates principle before the eyes of the public, and in the view of -opponents. That, however, not being the fact, the objection ought to -lose its force. But suppose some mischievous wags _should_ say to the -Abolitionists: "Well, gentlemen, you have given up a main principle, -after all"--as they would be intitled to make declaration of their -reason for consenting to indemnification, they would not only be -defended on that point, but receive credit for making a concession, -that involves no sacrifice of principle, for the public good. Consent -to indemnification, either for one reason or for another--and every -man may have his own reason--and one of the principal causes of the -contest is superseded. But will the Abolitionists, from sheer -stubbornness, insist upon a point, which, if carried, will ruin the -slave States, and reduce them to beggary, involving in the catastrophe -the ruin of the slaves; upon a point, which levels its blow at the -foundation stone of the fabric of society, as it has heretofore -existed; upon a point, which, unless human nature be miraculously -changed, can never, no never, be gained, without the effusion of -blood, no one can tell how much, or what state of things may succeed? -Let that point be once properly adjusted, as it may be without -compromitting the principles of either party, and much, very much will -be gained towards pacification. It is not unlikely, indeed, that the -zeal of some engaged in the cause, when they shall find that they may -be required to put their hands in their pockets, will be somewhat -cooled. And is it not reasonable to suppose also, that some other -men's zeal will be somewhat sharpened, when they shall find what will -be to them--without imputing any such motives to the aggressors--a -horde of bandits at their doors to rob them of their all? - -But it may possibly be said, "We do not exactly see how the giving up -of slave property, without indemnification, will be the ruin of the -slave States." Then we think it must be for the want of eyes. - -The value of all capital is commercial, and accidental, and depends on -the ever shifting conditions of political society. This may be seen -and illustrated by the fluctuating price of that species of capital, -called stocks, which is to be found in the market of every civilized -community. The price of stocks never makes a false report, as to the -political aspects of society, but is as infallible a guage in this -particular, as is the thermometer of the weather; and the wise -statesman understands it. The same principle which determines the -value of this species of capital, determines the value of every other. -It only happens that the guage of one is always visible, and that of -the others invisible, until they come into market. - -The moment emancipation for the British West Indies began to be -agitated, the value of slave and other property connected with it, -began to fall, and continued to fall, till the certainty of the event -reduced it to about one third of what it would otherwise have been, at -which time it was redeemed by the British Government at the commercial -valuation. It was only public faith in the Government which kept it -from going down to nothing; and _this nothing_ would of course have -been the ruin of the former state of society. What might succeed to -such a revolution, would have depended on contingencies which no human -foresight could solve beforehand, as every thing would have required -to be erected on a new basis. It is a new basis even as it is, but -saved from the wreck of a revolution by the care of the British -Government; and it is to be hoped, that the wise counsels and strong -arm of that Government will make it do well. It is, however, to be -observed, that the actual depreciation of slave and other property in -the British West Indies, during and in consequence of the Abolition -agitation, was so much loss to the individual holders during that -period, it being 40,000,000 sterling in slave property alone, if the -price of redemption be assumed to have been _one-third_ of the -hypothetical estimate. It may, possibly, be said, that this is -imaginary; but the only sure criterion is the commercial value at any -given time, which is always the true value. - -In the same manner, the slave property of the southern States, and -other portions of their wealth necessarily connected with it, will -sink instantly, whenever it shall be seen that the Abolition movement -is likely to break down the only protection which it has; and the -wealth of the slave States will dwindle, and continue to dwindle, so -long as there is any uncertainty in their political prospects arising -from such a cause, and in exact proportion to the degree of that -uncertainty. This is a principle, a law of society, that is sure to -prevail over all other laws, because it is the concentrated action of -the entire machinery of society on a single point for the time being, -and so far as occasion calls, resulting not from the force of -legislation directly--though it may be indirectly--but from the -watchful care which every man has over his own interests, in a given -state of things. - -Political economy, in all its accidental bearings and in its scope, -is, indeed, deep water for any man to dive into; but there are -certain practical principles, applicable to this question, which may -be obvious to all minds. First, slave property is the capital of the -slave States. No dispute about that, as a general truth, and -sufficiently comprehensive to decide the question now before us. -Consequently, it is this property which gives value to all other -property. Take it away, without a fair consideration, without -indemnification, and all that portion of the United States is ruined. -This is the nutshell of the matter, and comprehends it all. - -"No, no," it is said: "the same bone, and muscle, and sinews are -there." Nay, but you have changed the whole machinery of society; you -have revolutionized it; you have put the master in the power of the -quondam slave, and constituted the latter master over the former, -without leaving the quondam master a penny in his pocket, unless -peradventure, by some good luck, here and there one may have an -interest somewhere else beyond the reach of your rapacity. Even with a -fair and full indemnification in the present master's hand, or subject -to his order, after such a revolution; and in the midst of its -disorders and unsettled condition of things, it would be, as we think, -somewhat more than enough to baffle ordinary wisdom and perseverance -to establish permanently and comfortably that new and untried state of -society, that would be required; and it is not unlikely, that enough -would abandon the attempt in discouragement,--seeking a better fortune -in other States and Territories of the Union--to leave the residue -inadequate to sustain the interests of the several Commonwealths thus -deserted, in any degree of prosperity. They might dwindle and decline, -till all would be glad to be out of them, if they could -conscientiously. This is purely a question of domestic and political -economy, that would depend on the practical workings of such a system. -If this were the only field open before them, then they would all be -compelled to stay, and put to their strength, and make the best of it. -But we know, that men are always governed by their interests, and -habits, as to where they will stay or go. - -Certainly, we do not present the doubtfulness of such a prospect, -pending on such contingencies, as an objection to the measure; but as -one that claims to be considered in this discussion, that will of -course be considered by the parties immediately concerned. It is -impossible to determine beforehand how many influences, in such a new -state of things, might operate to their discouragement or the -contrary, or what would be the balance of those influences on either -side, after each shall have been neutralized by each, to the extent of -their action. It is sufficiently obvious, however, that they would -require all the capital invested in a fair indemnification for the -property resigned, to work such a system advantageously. It would be -enough, and probably more than many of them could well endure, to -change all their habits of society and of living so entirely as the -new system would require; and those who could not satisfactorily -accommodate themselves to it, would of course emigrate--and a general -disposition to emigrate would probably involve political ruin--that -is, ruin absolute; for nothing is better for mankind, in their -associated capacity, than political prosperity, and nothing worse than -political adversity. - -Admitting, then, that the effects of the operation of such a system on -the internal condition, absolute wealth, and political prosperity of -the present slave States, would present the result as _simply -doubtful_, as to what it would be with the capital of indemnification -available on the premises--what would it be without any -indemnification at all? We think this question might fairly be set -down as the end of the story and of the argument. Every practical man -must see, that it would be beggary and ruin; and that the entire field -must be abandoned to the colored race, now there, to set up such a -state of society as they might be able, unless the Government of the -United States, in charity, should take it in charge as an immense poor -house, to make the best of it they could--the white population in the -mean time, reduced to poverty, and going out where they might, to -begin the world anew. - -But do the Abolitionists say, "These are questions we never regard -ourselves as bound to consider, and consequences with which we have -nothing to do." But gentlemen, you _are_ bound to consider these -questions; you _cannot_ rid yourselves of the responsibility of these -consequences, if the work that produces them be yours. "But, _no -matter_ what becomes of the master, so the slave be free; if the -master _should_ be ruined, he has well deserved it." _Say_ this, -gentlemen, but _once_--say it _openly_, _fairly_, _publicly_, that the -world may understand you--and we think, that will be enough. - -But do the Abolitionists still say, "We can neither talk nor treat -with persons or parties, who speak of '_slave property_,' of property -in the persons of men, a thing not possible _to be_, and an idea not -to be tolerated for a moment, wherever, and whatever authority, may -have usurped it." This may be a very good reason why they should not -talk _at all_ on the subject, since it is a simple matter of fact, -which constitutes the matter and ground of controversy. We hope we -have a proper respect for scruples of conscience, and that we are -sufficiently unwilling to disturb nervous sensitiveness; but we have -not forgotten honest Joe's definition of his own conscience, in a -certain case, when hardly pressed, viz. "I wont." Nothing would more -effectually put a party in argument, _hors de combat_, than such -logic. There is really no getting at them; and yet they insist on -having to do with the matter. We have probably as great an aversion to -_the thing_ signified by these terms, as the Abolitionists; at least, -we used to have, and we have seen no good reason for a change of -sentiment. But for the practical purposes of so great a theme, if we -think fit to meddle with it, we see not how such language can be -avoided, as it is indispensible to set forth the facts of the case. - -But, if the Abolitionists prefer to foreclose debate, by saying, "We -lay our hands upon our swords, in the presence of all persons, who -shall presume thus to insult humanity, and assume this defiance in the -presence of the country, and before the world, as to the cause in -which we are engaged, the Constitution and the laws of the land and -the Government and all the slave States to the contrary -notwithstanding," there is of course an end of logic, and of "free -discussion;" and their position would be well understood, under such a -frank avowal. But we cannot say, that we are prepared to commend it; -although we are unable to see, how this violent setting aside of the -only terms of debate, through the medium of which the subject can be -approached, and yet urging forward the irresistible momentum of their -tremendous machinery on the parties most intimately concerned in this -question, is much short of this. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -THE CONDITION OF AMERICAN SLAVES AS COMPARED WITH OTHER PORTIONS OF -THE AFRICAN RACE. - - -There is nothing but the most _enlarged_ view of a great question, -that can fairly determine its merits; and it cannot be denied, that -slavery is _one_ of the great questions appertaining to the social -state of mankind, and to the political state of the world. It is so -great, in our opinion, that it can neither be disposed of by the logic -of visionary theorists, nor by a _coup du main_ of an ill-considered -and intemperate effort, nor by any legerdemain of political quackery. -Ever since human society was set up, so far as history deposes, -slavery has been a component element in one form or another. We -suppose, there are some good reasons for saying, that there is no -institution--we beg pardon of the Abolitionists for using this -term, and assure them that we mean nothing by it but the fact--none, -that can assert a more ancient date, except that of matrimony, and the -natural relations accruing therefrom; and none that has been more -uninterrupted, since it was first set up. Reason might teach us, -therefore, that a custom thus sanctioned by time and the history of -human society, so deeply rooted, so thoroughly interwoven, and -incorporated with the social fabric of large portions of the human -family, however wrong it may be, so long as there is not a uniform -opinion on the subject among those who have the charge of it, cannot -be eradicated and put out of the way by a single blow. - -We are aware, that the Abolitionists have published some very strong -and significant doctrines, intended to be applied to the evils of the -social system. For example in their last Annual Report:--"The very -_vitality_ of human society for these six thousand years, has -consisted in the victories of certain institutions over others--_of -the new over the old_--of the better over the worse--just as the -heart, by successive tides of regenerated blood, chases corruption and -death from the bodily system. Tyranny in all ages, has striven to -carry this moral (political) non-intercourse (non-interference) law -into practice, but never with success. Had it succeeded, where would -have been our Christianity and its successive reformations?" &c. Who -would not say, "Good Lord deliver us" from the operation of a -principle, thus boldly avowed, which asserts the right and necessity -of everlasting revolution! and which plants itself on the platform, -_that might is right_! Christianity itself is not protected from its -invading sweep: "its successive _reformations_!" Where is the man in -history, or living, that can lay claim to have _reformed_, or now to -_reform_, Christianity? The very suggestion is blasphemous. And yet, -it would seem, an ACT of this kind is even now, and among us, proposed -to be enacted, because, forsooth, Christianity, after all "its -reformations" and improvements, is not quite bold enough, is rather -doubtful, and has even thrown out some suggestions a little adverse to -the necessities of present exigencies! - -But to return: Abolition simply, and in itself considered, is not the -only question to be discussed, as the whole matter now presents itself -to the mind of the public, and claims consideration. The phasis of the -subject comprehends the broad disk of society. The Abolitionists have -forced their opponents to this wide view, by having set the example. -They have brought up so many questions, and implicated so many -principles, as to have set aside the main question; at least have -thrown it into the back ground, so that the term Abolition no longer -suggests alone the primitive idea of emancipation, nor hardly suggests -it at all; but arrays before the mind a _system_ of principles, social -and political, which are regarded by most people as of a very -revolting character. It is impossible to meet such a foe without -taking into consideration the ground which he occupies, without -reconnoitring and surveying his position. He has already betrayed the -poor slave, vitiated his cause, rivetted his chains, made all his -prospects more hopeless, put far off the day of his emancipation, and -at last run foul of a precipitous, frowning, and immoveable rock, that -is likely to sit long in dignified composure on the base of the -eternal hills, while the assailant exhausts his energies and breaks -his sides by dashing against the rude and projecting points below. - -The opponents of Abolition principles, therefore, are treated very -unfairly when they are of course set down as opposed to emancipation. -This latter question cannot now be taken up, till the battle is -concluded in defence of other and more momentous principles, for the -subversion of which a disciplined army of Destructives has rushed into -the field. Nevertheless, so long as the Abolitionists continue to hold -up the slave--whose prospects they have ruined, till he gets better -help--as a shield for the accomplishment of other ends, it still -remains necessary to give reasons why emancipation cannot be brought -about with that precipitate haste which the Abolitionists propose. - -We design, however, in this chapter, not to aim directly at the point -above suggested, but to present somewhat of the _comparative -condition_ of the slaves in the United States, principally in relation -to the history of the African race, since, at the time, and previous -to the time, when the slave trade commenced, with the purpose of -coming fairly to the conclusion, whether their condition in this -country is an improvement or deterioration; and consequently, whether, -in the Providence of God, and in their social right, as a distinct and -separate race, they have a fair claim to the instant elevation among -the people of this country, which the Abolitionists demand for them, -if it can be obtained only at the expense of social order, and at the -peril of our institutions. - -First, we observe, that the African race, in the Middle, Western, and -more Southern parts of the Continent, have for many centuries, or from -time immemorial, been most barbarous and degraded, and in the practice -of domestic slavery on the largest scale and in the most inhuman -forms, entirely independent of the effects of the slave traffic by -exportation from Africa to America. - -"It is evident," says Mungo Park, "that the system of slavery which -prevails in Africa is of _no modern date_. It probably had its origin -in the remote ages of antiquity, before the Mohammedans explored a -path across the desert. How far it is maintained and supported by the -slave traffic, which for two hundred years the nations of Europe have -carried on with the natives of the Coast, it is neither within my -province, nor in my power to explain. If my sentiments should be -desired concerning the effect of a discontinuance of this commerce on -the manners of the natives, _I should have no hesitation in saying_, -that in the present unenlightened state of their minds, _my opinion -is, the effect would neither be so extensive nor so beneficial as many -wise and worthy persons fondly expect_." - -Park estimates the domestic slavery of Africa, on an average, at -_three fourths_, and Lander at _four fifths_, of the population. Some -travellers have gone much higher, and we have seen it put down at -_nine tenths_. - -"In a speech delivered in the British House of Commons, by Mr. -Henniker, in 1789, the speaker asserts, that a letter had been -received by George III. from one of the most powerful of the African -potentates, the Emperor of Dehomey, which exemplifies the notions of -the Africans about the right to kill and enslave prisoners of war. He -(the Emperor) stated: 'That as he understood King George was the -greatest of white kings, so he thought himself the greatest of black -ones.' He said, that he could lead 500,000 armed men into the field, -that being the pursuit to which _all_ his subjects were bred, the -women _only_ staying at home to plant and manure the earth. He had -himself fought _two hundred and nine battles_, with great reputation -and success, and had conquered the great king of Ardah. The king's -head was to this day preserved with the flesh and hair; the heads of -his generals were distinguished by being placed on each side of the -doors of their Fetiches; with the heads of the inferior officers they -paved the space before the doors; and the heads of the common soldiers -formed a sort of fringe or outwork round the walls of the palace. -Since this war he had experienced the greatest good fortune; and he -hoped in good time to be able to complete the outwalls of all his -great houses, _to the number of seven, in the same manner_. - -"Mr. Norris, who visited this Empire, testifies to the truth of this -letter. He found the palace of the Emperor an immense assemblage of -cane and mud tents, enclosed by a high wall. The skulls and jaw bones -of enemies slain in battle, formed the favorite ornaments of the -palaces and _temples_. The king's apartments were paved, and the walls -and roofs stuck over, with these horrid trophies. _And if a farther -supply appeared at any time desirable, he announced to his general_, -THAT HIS HOUSE WANTED THATCH, _when a war for that purpose was -immediately undertaken_."[10] - -[Footnote 10: Professor Dew's Review &c.] - -"All these unfortunate beings," prisoners of war, says Park, "are -considered as strangers and foreigners, _who have no right to the -protection of the law_, and may be treated with severity, or sold to a -stranger, according to the pleasure of their owners. There are indeed, -regular markets, where slaves of this description are bought and sold; -and the value of a slave in the eye of an African purchaser increases -in proportion to the distance from his native kingdom; for, when -slaves are only a few days journey from the place of their nativity, -they frequently effect their escape; but when one or more kingdoms -intervene, escape being more difficult, they are more readily -reconciled to their situation. On this account the unhappy slave is -often transferred from one dealer to another, until he has lost all -hope of returning to his native kingdom. - -"A battle is fought; the vanquished never think of rallying again; the -inhabitants become panic-struck; and the conquerors have only to bind -the slaves, and carry off the victims and their plunder. Such of their -prisoners as through age or infirmity are unable to endure fatigue, or -are found unfit for sale, are considered useless, _and I have no doubt -are put to death. The same fate commonly awaits chiefs, or any other -persons who have taken a distinguished part in the war._" - -The Rev. Stephen Kay, Corresponding member of the South African -Institution &c., gives a most heart rending account of the horrid -barbarities of war; of the great extent and atrocities of slavery; of -the extreme degradation and hardships of females, who are always -regarded and treated as slaves, and no longer valued when they become -useless; of modes of torture and killing too shocking to be narrated; -all of which, and many other atrocities of African barbarism, are the -common scenes of those regions of Africa which he visited. Major Laing -is to the same point, and various other travellers that have found -motives to visit Africa, or to penetrate into its interior. There is -no diversity of testimony on the subject, but one common voice going -out upon the world, through a variety of channels, running back for -ages, and from numerous and remote sections of that dark and cruel -Continent, all certifying to their extreme barbarism and brutal -degredation, with scarcely a gleam of intellectual light, or social -comfort, beaming out from their history. Do not the readers of Mungo -Park recollect the story of poor Nealee? Does not the world know the -fate of Park himself, and of Lander? And are not the testimonies -abundant to the barbarous treachery and atrocious cruelty of the race, -independent of the effects of that European traffic in human flesh and -blood, which began, between two and three hundred years ago, to draw -off a fraction of this immense amount of human misery, which could -scarcely be increased by the agonies and suffocations of "THE MIDDLE -PASSAGE"? It was, indeed, this very state of things which presented -temptations and opened the door to that traffic, which transplanted a -portion of the African race to the Islands and Continent of this -Western hemisphere. It is to the Africans themselves, that this trade -owes its origin--to their barbarism, to their everlasting trade in -war, and the glutting of their own marts with the blood and sinews of -their own flesh all to the sore evil of this Continent, and to the -inexpiable scandal of Christian Europe, that the flood gates of -African barbarism were let out upon these Western Isles and shores, to -gratify the lust of gain in those monsters who carried on and profited -by the traffic, and to entail a long protracted curse on the less -guilty, though not innocent, tenants of this new world. - -The continuance of this traffic, and the inhuman over-working of this -race in the South American and West Indian Colonies appertaining to -the Governments of Europe, are too notorious to require recitation. We -are more concerned to notice the history and character of that slavery -which is to be found in our own Republic, as the result of that trade -which disgraced Christendom, and imposed on the Nations that tolerated -and patronized it a fearful responsibility. - -Now, what we have to say, in reference to the facts and general -allusions appertaining to the history of the African race, -comprehensively stated in this chapter, the truth and fairness of -which we presume will not be drawn in question, is for the simple -purpose of comparison. It is not to apologize for slavery; it is not -to palliate, in any degree, the guilt of those agents who introduced -it to this Continent; it is not to justify the principle of slavery; -it is not to extenuate any of its evils; but simply to determine the -question, so far as it may be obvious in the lights of such -comparison, whether that portion of the African race to be found in -the United States, are actually better off than they would have been -any where else, in all reasonable probability? - -We think, then, we are prepared to say, that when all the evils of -slavery in the Southern States of this country are put together, -without abatement in the smallest item; when the domestic slave trade -is posted and summed up in all its worst features and worst -consequences; when all the overworking of the proedul slave is -brought into the account, with its attendant cruelties; when the -driving system, so far as it exists, and all arbitrary severities of -discipline for offences, are considered; and nothing of evil that -belongs to the whole system in the United States be left out, the fair -conclusion will be, that the whole sum is but a small fraction of the -same classes of evils that from time immemorial have belonged and -still belong to the barbarism of the father land of this race--not -reckoning other evils, scarcely to be told for their number, or -estimated for their enormity or magnitude, to be found there, but not -to be found here. - -Although the difference is not of the same kind, nor probably so -great, still the comparison of the slavery of the United States with -that which has existed in the West Indies and other parts of America, -presents the former in the light of comparative comfort and happiness. -It may be said, indeed, that in the British West Indies, the quondam -slaves, so cruelly treated and so severely overworked, have at last -come to their freedom; but it is by far too soon to estimate the -result. In St. Domingo, where they have been free, or said to be free, -nearly a half century, they are still under "overseers," and -"drivers," still subject to the law of "passports," still forced to -work a specific number of hours on penalty of fines, imprisonments, -and sundry severe modes of discipline, under "the _Code rural_" and -"the _Code Henri_," differing in despotic character only, that the -people are slaves to the Government, and not to private owners, and -driven to work by a black man instead of a white man, when universally -they prefer the white, as being more merciful of the two. The three -great staples of Hayti fell off from 1791 under the French, to 1822 -under Boyer: Sugar from 163,405,220 lbs. annually to 652,541 lbs.; -Coffee from 68,151,180 lbs. annually to 35,117,834 lbs.; and Cotton -from 6,286,126 lbs. annually to 891,950 lbs.; and have since declined, -till the public revenue has fallen below the expenditures of the -Government. - -We see, then, that the _evils_ of American slavery are _blessings_ as -compared with the general fate of the African race in their native -Continent, independent of the effects of the exportation of slaves to -foreign parts; and that they are light in comparison of other foreign -servitude down to this date. - -Let us now turn to the scale of comparative comfort and of actual -privilege. In the first place, American slaves are placed in the midst -of a high state of civilization, where their very bondage has rights -secured by law which would be a blessing in Africa, even after -deducting the entire scope of the arbitrary sway of masters. They are -clustered round a refinement of manners, which, though it may have -little influence for the benefit of the proedal slave, acts -powerfully on the great body for their personal improvement and -elevation in the scale of intellectual and moral being, and remotely -has a favorable effect upon all. A great portion of them have been -admitted to no inconsiderable degrees of intellectual and moral -culture; domestic and body servants are often found highly improved -and accomplished, whose principles, morals, and manners would be a -good example to a large part of our white population; the privileges -of the Gospel, and its blessed and eternal hopes, have been brought -within the reach of a greater proportion of the slaves, than of the -white population, who customarily _use_ them, when brought to their -doors, and these privileges were being still farther extended till the -crusade of the Abolitionists caused them to be abridged; the system of -American slavery makes it the interest of the master to be careful of -the physical constitution of the slave, that it should not be -impaired, and in this particular makes it preferable to the more cruel -bondage of British manufactories; American masters are compelled by -law to maintain the sick, the infirm, and the aged; the law itself -enacts penalties for inhuman treatment, and public opinion sustains -it, notwithstanding that in this, as in all states of society, the law -may be better than the practice, still, however, it has its general -influence for the protection of the slave, and demands justice for -him when abused as well as for the abused white man; many of the -slaves of this country have emerged, and are constantly emerging, from -a state of bondage to a state of freedom, till they amount to about -one sixth of the colored population, and are admitted to important -civil, social, and religious privileges, though not to all which the -Abolitionists claim for them, yet important and invaluable as compared -with what they would have been likely to enjoy any where else; the -public opinion of this country, previous to the present Abolition -agitation, not excepting even that of the slave States, had been -constantly growing more favourable to an increased amelioration of -slavery, and to ultimate emancipation. - -In a word: If we take into consideration the origin of this race, the -barbarism, the brutal degradation, and the customary inhuman vices of -their ancestry, which remain the same to this day in Africa; if we -look at the different conditions and fate of other portions of the -same race, who, in consequence of such a state of things in the land -of their fathers, have been carried away from their native shores; and -then compare the whole with the general progress of nations and tribes -in human improvement over the face of the earth, we shall, as we -think, be compelled to the conclusion, that no other people can be -found on the globe, civilized or uncivilized, who have, within the -same period of time, risen so much, or been improved so much, as a -body, in their actual condition, social character, privileges, -relations, and prospects, for time and for eternity, as that portion -of the African race now to be found in the United States of North -America. - -Let it not be understood or said, that we adduce this _great fact_, as -a bar to any claims that may be fairly asserted by the colored people -of this country, bond or free, or in their behalf, to still farther -improvement; but only, that it is proper--that in present -circumstances, we are bound--to take the most enlarged view of so -great a question; that we are bound to consider, as human nature is, -and in such a world as ours, that all nations and tribes, in their -best estate, necessarily advance in improvement by _degrees_; that one -tribe or nation cannot claim to rise at the expense of another, more -especially when their own vices have put them at the bottom of the -scale; and that all must fall in with the fair, proper, and -unavoidable influence of time, events, and accidental circumstances, -over which society, in a regular and constituted course of action, has -no control. To insist on breaking in upon this general and -conventional movement by violence, on disturbing the established order -of human society, to force forward one race, one nation, one tribe, -and one class, at the expense of another, and in violation of the -recognized principles and actual frame of society, is treason to -society, and to the general rights of mankind. The time of absolute -_perfectionism_, either as to individual character, or as to the -structure of human society, in our opinion, has not yet come. And -while all are anxious for improvement, public and private, and are -striving for it, all must consent to carry it forward on recognized -principles--on principles which will not tear down society, and -subvert and overthrow important advantages and vital interests already -acquired for common good. - -We say, then, as much as we sympathize with the colored population of -this country--and we solemnly aver, that we are not wanting in such -sympathy--in all that they are deprived of social advantages and -political privileges enjoyed by the white population, in all that they -fall below the most satisfactory standard and elevation in human -improvement--we say, that we do not see how they can fairly claim to -rise by _one step_ to such a desirable point, contrary to the usual -modes of progress in human society, and contrary to the known laws and -capabilities of human nature, if it must be to the disturbance of the -peace of the community, and to the great peril of our Government and -its institutions. We have seen, that the colored population of this -country, as a body, have not been injured, but benefitted, by the -position which they now occupy, not only in comparison with the -history of the race to which they belong, but also in comparison with -the common history of other tribes and nations. They undoubtedly -occupy at this moment the highest point of actual comfort, of social -condition, and of general privilege, which has yet fallen to the lot -of any portion of the African race. - -We have now done with this branch of the subject, and have only to -add, that we shall be treated with great injustice, if these -considerations are received as having been offered for any other -purpose than a shield alike to the social and political fabric of our -country against violence, and to the best interests of the colored -race. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -THE EXAMPLE OF QUAKERS, OR SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. - - -The Quakers have generally received credit for being a peace-loving -and peace-making Society of Christians; and we are compelled to admit, -and have great pleasure in doing so, that they have always sustained -the character. They have always been known as the opponents of -slavery; but their modes of protest and remonstrance have been -conducted in the spirit of Christianity. They have never broken the -public peace, directly or indirectly, in this conflict of principle; -they have never outraged public feeling by obtruding their opinions in -a violent way; they have not sought to raise mobs against themselves, -and thus get the advantage of a cry of persecution; but they have -published their principles in a quiet, and in that way, most -influential manner. All the world has known, that the Society of -Friends have been opposed to slavery, as well as to war; but society -has never been battered by their artillery, by violent and -uncharitable denunciation, by defamation, by exaggerated and -fictitious stories, by inflammatory appeals, by threatening to -overthrow a fabric which they cannot conscientiously support, by -undermining the authority of Government and proclaiming it forfeited, -and by sowing the seeds of servile insurrection and popular violence. -It is known, that a Quaker will not eat sugar or molasses made by a -slave; that is a fact that tells--sets people to thinking. It is the -silent, insinuating action of principle on society and into the minds -of men. The Quakers will do nothing, directly or indirectly, to -countenance and support slavery, so far as they can avoid it. Their -precepts are known, and their example is seen. They are a living -epistle before the world, on this and some other subjects. They use -freedom of speech and of the press; they employ persuasion and -remonstrance in a Christian like way; they give "line upon line, -precept upon precept, here a little, and there a little;" but they do -no violence. They are faithful and true to their principles, and -consistent in practising as well as preaching them; but they assume -not the responsibility of disturbing others in the use of a privilege -which is so important and dear to themselves. They seem to understand -the rule: "Do unto others, as ye would that others should do unto -you." Hence the Quakers never disturb the peace of society. They are -good neighbours, good citizens, good, we presume, in domestic and -private life, and as we hope, good Christians. - -Such is the legitimate action of Christianity, and such is the -strongest possible proof, that a man is actuated by Christian -principle. Such was the example of Christ and his Apostles. There is -not a single intimation, nor fair inference from any fact, that they -ever made war upon the existing fabric of society, any farther than -the silent action of their principles would _gradually_ operate a -change in the social state and in social institutions. Such is the -Divine superiority of Christianity: silent, but effective and -irresistable in its march--irresistable, _because_ it is never -violent--because, veritas valebit, truth will prevail. - -But, alas! how utterly opposed to all this are the measures and -movements of the Abolitionists! They seem as if they would take heaven -and earth by storm; but if they happen to raise a storm over their own -heads, they demand impunity from its effects. Stirrers-up of mischief, -they deny the right of its re-action on themselves. It is ridiculous, -absolutely. If a man will be a fool, he must _reap_ his folly; if "he -sows the wind," he must be content, if the elements in their natural -workings should so decree, "to reap the whirlwind." - -If, indeed, we have given more credit to the Quakers than they -deserve, we hope, if any of them have got out of the way into the -Abolition ranks under their present flag, they will see the propriety -of getting back again as fast as they can, for the good reputation of -their own Society, that hereafter there may be no exception among them -as a good example worthy of imitation in all such matters. - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -THE SOUTH HAVE DONE WITH ARGUMENT. - - -"Yea, doubtless," saith the Abolitionist, "for reason fails them." And -so we have all done with argument; for we shall not stop to reply to -this. "The South know their rights," said a Southern gentleman the -other day on the floor of Congress, very significantly, and in -relation to this subject. This, we believe, is the present common -feeling of the slaveholding States. They have made up their minds; and -we think they will have the sympathy of the reasonable part of -mankind. Their present attitude is that of pointing the people of this -country to the bulwark of the Federal Constitution; and if that will -not protect them, "they know their rights." We do not quote this -language to expose the Southerners to the charge of holding up a -menace; for we do not accept it as such, and think it would be unfair -for any body to do so. They stand on the defensive; they have been -assailed, and are yet assailed; they have felt themselves insulted on -the floor of Congress by indirect attempts to invade their rights of -State sovereignty; they have been compelled to special legislation and -other public action to defend their own territories from violation; -they have dreamed of seeing their wives and children butchered, and -their houses pillaged and burned; they have seen, in imagination, and -as a natural consequence of the Abolition movement unresisted and -unchecked, all these and many other horrors of a like kind, enacted -before their eyes; they have seen the Government upturned, society -dissolved, and anarchy stalking amid the triumphs of its own -desolation over their fields; and with such prospects before them, as -the result of a foreign interference, organized in open violation of -the laws of the land, and in the face of a solemn national compact -forbidding such aggression, and engaging to protect and defend them -against it, are they not entitled to say--"We know our rights?" How -long must they suffer--how long must they be menaced by such invasion, -before they may say, we will suffer it no longer? A day of anxiety is -as a year of torment; a year of such suspense, is as an age of agony. - -And what will they do? Why, clearly, break loose from the Union, to -which, generally, they have already made up their minds, in case of -necessity, they being judges--if the straws in the wind are any sure -indication of its career--"Necessity needs no law." If the Government -of the country will not protect them, they must protect themselves, or -try to do so. They may fail, and prove impotent; but when men are -insulted and outraged, especially the men of the South, they are not -nice calculators of consequences; and it is for us of the North to -determine, whether we are willing to see our brethren of the South -driven to such a resort, by the continued action of an unlawful -combination, that exists and has grown up among ourselves; whether, -indeed, we are willing to see the Government of this proud Republic -rent asunder by such a cause, and to hazard the consequences. - -If any body thinks these remarks are not well founded, we are sorry -they are not better observers of the symptomatic phenomena of our own -society. If they should think them unreasonable and out of place, we -are sorry for that also, as we have judged otherwise, and take leave -to invite their attention to the next chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -REASONS WHY THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT, UNDER ITS PRESENT ORGANIZATION, -MUST SUCCEED IN OVERTHROWING THE GOVERNMENT. - - -We do not believe, after what has taken place, that the Abolitionists -will be able to carry _emancipation_. Their imprudent and rash modes -of action seem to have barred the door effectually against that event -for the present. We think it reasonable to say, that without the -concurrence of the slave States, such an event is impossible. But such -is the character, effectiveness, and irresistible sweep of their -organization, that it cannot fail to break down something; and that -something, we fear, will be the Federal Union. We now propose to give -our reasons for this apprehension. Those reasons are embodied in the -unconstitutional and illegal character of the Association. - -The political structure of our Government cannot be too much admired -for the balance of power which is every where to be found in its -Constitutional modes of action. The theory seems to be a perfect one. -But the moment there is a departure from the rules, or a violation of -the principles of Constitutional law, the machinery is embarrassed, -and danger threatens. In the same manner as the action of the -Government demands a strict adherence to these rules, so also does the -action of the people. We have seen in the second chapter what rules -the Federal Constitution and those of the States prescribe to -individual and popular action for political purposes, independent of -and in addition to the privilege of the elective franchise: freedom of -speech and of the press, and the right of petition, address, and -remonstrance to the Government. It was there stated, that the license -given to these proscribed forms constituted equally a law of -prohibition to all _other_ forms, as it would be absurd to suppose, -that a written law of this kind is not a law of limitation; in other -words, that it is no law at all. It was also shown, as is manifest at -first sight, that this license is all sufficient, as the people always -have their remedy in the elective franchise, if the Government do not -regard their wishes, as expressed in these modes. No occasions can be -expected to occur, that would require to transcend these salutary -rules; and we believe the existence and action of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, as an independent political body, is the first -instance, in the history of our country, by which they have been -transcended. - -It is true, indeed, that a popular charge has been brought against the -Masonic Institution, as having been perverted into political action, -and as being dangerous to the liberties of the country on that -account. How far this charge is just, it is impossible for us to know, -as we have never been a member of that Society. It is sufficient to -observe, that the very suspicion of such action has operated, as is -well known, almost entirely to suppress that Institution, and wind up -its history in the country. Had the truth of this charge been obvious, -and as susceptible of proof, as in the case of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, we need not say what would have been its fate. -The legislation of the country would have settled the matter soon. We -believe it to be a self-evident proposition, that the genius of a -Constitutional Government, or of any government whatever, does not -admit of a rival independent political organization on the same -territory; that it cannot tolerate _any permanent_ political -organization _at all_ independent of itself; much less one of -unlimited powers. It would not be very acceptable, even if it were to -come in as an auxiliary, but would rather be regarded as an insult. -There is no point of view in which we can conceive it would be -welcome. - -It would be ridiculous and impotent to say, that the action of the -American Anti-Slavery Society cannot be liable to objection, since it -is open, and not secret, like the Masonic Institution, admitting that -the latter is fairly accused by popular suspicion. Such a plea would -justify the acts of fraud, theft, felony, and crime of any -description, if they be done openly. It is only the more astonishing, -that it should be endured. But the reason of that we have already -stated: It is a new thing under the Sun; the public have been taken by -surprise; and have not even yet recovered from the shock. It was taken -for granted, that religion could not find its way into the State over -such Constitutional barriers erected to intercept the trespass; and -yet it is there--the religion of a _Sect_--of a great, powerful, -fanatical, religioso-political sect--which, having leaped the wall, -has carried with it a great and powerful political machinery from -another region, and is well at work, as if it were perfectly at home. -It may be said, that the political world has never yet had such a -fellow worker before, and looks at it askance as a strange companion, -not knowing what to make of it. Doubtless, after a little reflection, -a more definite opinion will be formed of its unwelcome character and -awkward position. - -But, it is proper to exhibit more distinctly the beautiful and -symmetrical action of the Constitutional law of this land, when -scrupulously observed in regard to such matters, and how a departure -from it leads to difficulty. It will be seen, that freedom of speech -and of the press, and the right of petition, address, and remonstrance -to Government, as guaranteed, are important safety valves, through -which to give scope to individual opinion, and vent to popular -fermentations. The regular action of these powers in the -Constitutional modes, and through the Constitutional channels, are -always balanced by each other. That same freedom of speech and of the -press which is guaranteed to one individual or party, is guaranteed to -another; and the inordinate excesses of each are sure to be -counteracted by the ordinary sway of these Constitutional principles; -at least, so far as the imperfect state of society will allow. It -seems to be the highest attainment of a practical political sagacity. -In the same manner, the action of associated popular movements, when -they aim to affect and influence the Government, is always balanced by -the counteraction of one party as opposed to the other, so long as -both keep within the prescribed forms of the Constitution and laws, -and connect themselves regularly with the Government in the recognized -modes of petition, address, or remonstrance. In this way it is -impossible that one party should gain a sudden, undue, and -overwhelming advantage, to which they are not fairly entitled by the -merits of their cause, and by a fair hearing before the public. - -But the moment that one party, or any new party, is permitted to set -up an independent, permanent, and unconstitutional political -machinery, having no connexion with the Government, but acting under a -polity of its own, as much and as truly as an independent empire, and -thus instituting a mode of action unknown to the Constitution and -laws, this salutary equipoise of influence is lost, in the same manner -as by throwing an ounce weight into one of two scales equally -balanced, the other is made to kick the beam. Such is the character, -and such the overbearing power of the American Anti-slavery Society in -the political condition of our country. There is, there can be, no -balance of influence, apart from the interference of authority, except -by setting up another unconstitutional organization, to put aside the -Constitutional Government, to carry on the war between themselves, and -settle the questions in dispute, as best they might; in other words, -to establish the reign of anarchy. - -So long as the American Anti-slavery Society is permitted to exist, -and to carry on its operations under its present form, it is not the -reason of their cause that prevails, but the power of their machinery -in its action on the public mind. All opposing influences, so long as -the Government is inactive, are like the scattering, random, and -over-shoulder shot of a routed and retreating host that is flying in -the field before the well-formed, steady, and disciplined march of a -triumphant army--triumphant, because there is no corresponding agency -to oppose them, not because they have the right. Such, precisely, is -the effect of all the newspaper squibs that are fired off on the -Abolitionists, and such the effect of the unorganized remonstrances of -the public. The Abolitionists are in the field with a disciplined -army, officered, paid, with a full staff, and an adequate -Commissariat. In other words, they are a regularly organized and -permanent political body, acting under a complete State machinery in -all that their exigences require, adding to it at pleasure, with ever -active and industrious agents, with money at command and the power of -the press, and as independent of the Government of this country as the -throne of the Sultan at Constantinople--and yet doing the business -of the country! - -There are most obvious reasons, why such a power, once recognized as -suitable and proper, will carry all before it, till it shall have -dissolved the Government of this country. The Abolitionists have all -the native and long cherished feeling of the North on their side, as -being opposed to slavery in principle; they have all the advantage of -the sympathies of our nature, when we consider the _manner_ in which -they represent the case; they have the common and prevailing popular -ignorance of the nature of our political fabric to aid them--for it is -not to be supposed, that the people generally will have clear and -uniform views on a question upon which Statesmen differ; and to the -effect of all these natural and social auxiliaries, they superadd the -power of their immense, combined, and variously ramified machinery, -which steals every where upon the public, catching every man, woman, -and child, whose benevolent sympathies are naturally open to their -appeals, and when once they are indoctrinated after the manner and in -the school of the Abolitionists, and become possessed of their spirit, -there is little chance for the sway of those principles on which our -political society is based. It is not the fair argument of the cause, -but the power of this political combination, that bears such sway. -There is no chance for a candid hearing before the public, and for the -due influence of all the considerations which appertain to this -momentous and complicated question, because the constitutional -balance of power, designed for such exigences, has been prostrated by -an usurpation, and every thing is made to give way to isolated and -abstract opinions, and to the dictations of political quackery. -Fanaticism rules, and not reason; and the natural and inevitable -consequence will be, that the gradual accumulation of this moral -power, thus acquired, will swell to a magnitude, and urge on a -momentum, before the pressure of which the Union will be compelled to -yield and break down. The people of the South will be annoyed and -vexed, till they can be annoyed and vexed no longer. Then will be the -beginning of the end. - -Are we understood? Is it not clear, that it is this political -usurpation of an unlawful power, that puts the country in peril? Let -this irregularity, this transcending of law, be reduced again to the -Constitutional basis, and all this excitement, alarm, and danger, will -die away, because the healthful Constitutional balance of influence -would be restored. Opinion would then encounter opinion on common -ground, with no undue advantage of one party over another. - -"But, then," say the Abolitionists, "we must give up our cause." It -will have an equal chance with any other. "But," they add, "we have -nine points of the law against the Constitution: actual possession of -the field, and do not choose to give it up." We are quite aware, that -usurpation will always hold on to its unlawfully acquired power, as -long as it can; and it is not to be expected, that the Abolitionists -will readily concede, that they have been guilty of such a fault. It -is a novel experiment in the history of our country; and as to its -form, novel in the history of political society. Religion has often -usurped political power, and the Constitutional frame of our -Government has taken great pains to guard against it; but, we will -venture to say, that no human foresight ever anticipated a trespass of -this kind: that, by an independent organization of its own devising, -religion should come armed into the field, to eject the previous -occupants by force--not to divide power and the spoils, but to take -sole possession, and set up a new order of things to its own will. - -We shall be as stout an advocate for the political rights of -religionists of all persuasions, as any body; at the same time we are -not prepared to concede to them the right of an independent political -organization, in violation of the law, to disturb the peace, endanger -the Government, and overthrow the institutions of the country. That -the Abolitionists have been guilty of this trespass, we are sorry, -because the country is the sufferer; that they should be compelled to -tread back, and resign their ill gotten power, we shall be glad, -because we believe, that law, propriety, and the good of the country, -require it. We believe, too, that the good of the slaves, and the -welfare of the free colored people, require it. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION DESTRUCTIVE OF REPUBLICAN LIBERTY. - - -If the main argument of this work is sound--and we are unable to see -why it is not--the tables are fairly turned on the Abolitionists, who -have been crying out for freedom, and the freedom of the Constitution. -Enough, we trust, has been said, in the progress of these discussions, -to show, that the action of the American Anti-Slavery Society, as a -grand and permanent political organization, destroys that balance of -individual and popular influence, which the Constitutional law of this -land was intended to establish, fortify, and secure; and which is, in -truth, the grand palladium of our liberties. The chapter immediately -preceding brings this matter to a point. - -The freedom of speech and of the press, and the rights of popular -action, as guaranteed by the Constitution, or Constitutions, are not -worth a penny, so long as the agency of such an institution as the -American Anti-Slavery society is permitted to be brought into the -field against them. For it is overwhelming by the force of its polity. -No matter what may be the prevailing feeling of the public, at any -given time in regard to it; no matter how many single voices may be -raised in remonstrance against the Abolition movement; no matter how -many newspapers may blaze away at the common enemy; no matter how many -resolutions of rebuke may be passed by the Senate of the Nation; no -matter what other forms of action, by whom soever or where soever, may -be instituted, within the prescribed forms of the Constitution, to -encounter this foe; yet, so long as the Government, which is the only -agency that can treat with such an unconstitutional usurpation on -equal terms, remains inactive, they will avail nothing. They are all -crippled and rendered nugatory by the moral power and irresistible -momentum of this regular system of means, under a State machinery, -that is brought into the field. The Abolitionists know their power, -under such an advantage, and laugh their enemies to scorn. By the -influence of their organization, by its constant, systematic, and all -pervading action, they expect, and not without reason, to carry all -before them in the free States. - -All the freedom guaranteed by the Constitution to their opponents is -worth nothing in the scale against such a power; it is annihilated. -There is no equality of privilege between the parties. - -The reason why the public generally have not understood the character -of this enemy, is because it came by a sudden leap, by a sort of -somerset, from the religious world, with the operations of which the -public, as a body, have not concerned themselves. It is in fact a -foreign organized power, that has stolen a march on the territories of -the Republic, obtained a footing, and gained an alarming ascendancy, -before the public were apprized of the fact, or had any true knowledge -of the character of the invaders; and such is their overpowering -influence, by virtue of a political polity, that the privileges -secured by the Constitution and laws, as a means of opposing them, are -rendered utterly valueless, in any thing short of the interposition of -authority. - -How can the private action of individuals, how can the press in its -customary forms, how can the resolutions of popular assemblies, of -legislative bodies, of Congress itself, counteract the movements of -such on organization? They are utterly impotent. Their influence -expires with their acts; while that of this Society, on account of its -systematic and efficient organization is untiring, assiduous, is every -where, lives forever, and is forever augmenting its forces. The -American Anti-Slavery Society can command all the money it wants, and -money will command agencies of every description; money is the -animating soul of every political body. - -It is of no use, therefore, that the Constitutional law of this land -has secured these sacred privileges, so long and so highly valued, -while the same law is transcended and trampled under foot by this -antagonist power. All the imagined advantages of this boasted freedom -are annihilated by the sweeping claims and prerogatives of this -usurpation. All our liberties are but a name, if such an organization -may come in, expunge them from the Charter, and abolish their sway, by -setting up a power which the Constitution itself cannot contend with, -without calling to its aid the arm of authority, because the rules of -the Constitution are violated. - -Having discharged this duty--a sincere and conscientious duty, as we -profess--to the country, to the cause of humanity, and above all, to -that God whom we desire to worship and serve, we are content to submit -the question to the public, and await their decision, whether, a new -DYNASTY, under the form of a RELIGIOSO-POLITICAL ORGANIZATION, shall -be permitted to take the field; or whether, the OLD AND CONSTITUTIONAL -GOVERNMENT shall stand? - - -THE END. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Abolition a Sedition, by Geo. W. 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W. Donohue - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Abolition a Sedition - By a Northern Man - -Author: Geo. W. Donohue - -Release Date: October 10, 2012 [EBook #41014] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ABOLITION A SEDITION *** - - - - -Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 41014 ***</div> <div class="figcenter"> <img id="frontcover" src="images/cover.jpg" width="400" height="600" alt="" /> @@ -5413,382 +5374,6 @@ GOVERNMENT shall stand?</p> <p class="book-end">THE END.</p> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Abolition a Sedition, by Geo. W. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Abolition a Sedition - By a Northern Man - -Author: Geo. W. Donohue - -Release Date: October 10, 2012 [EBook #41014] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ABOLITION A SEDITION *** - - - - -Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Matthew Wheaton and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - ABOLITION A SEDITION. - - BY A NORTHERN MAN. - - PHILADELPHIA: - - GEO. W. DONOHUE, - - NO. 22, SOUTH FOURTH STREET. - - MDCCCXXXIX. - - - Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the - year 1839, by GEO. W. DONOHUE, in the Clerk's - Office of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. - - - +---------------------------------------------+ - | Transcriber's Notes: | - | | - | 1. Obvious printer and typographical errors | - | silently corrected. | - | 2. Archaic and inconsistent spelling and | - | punctuation retained. | - +---------------------------------------------+ - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER I. - The character of the Abolition organization - - - CHAPTER II. - The American Anti-slavery Society a seditious organization - - - CHAPTER III. - The seditious character of the Annual Report of the American - Anti-slavery Society, of 1838 - - - CHAPTER IV. - The seditious character of the American Anti-slavery Society - farther considered - - - CHAPTER V. - Violent reforms, and their connexion with Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER VI. - The Abolition organization borrowed from the religious world - - - CHAPTER VII. - The anarchical principles of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER VIII. - The incendiary doctrines of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER IX. - Political responsibility in regard to slavery - - - CHAPTER X. - The romance of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER XI. - Every man mind his own business - - - CHAPTER XII. - Perfectionism - - - CHAPTER XIII. - Liberty and Equality - - - CHAPTER XIV. - Social and political effects of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER XV. - The bad effects of Abolitionism on the free colored population, - and on the condition and prospects of the slaves - - - CHAPTER XVI. - A hypothetical view of Abolitionism - - - CHAPTER XVII. - Abolitionism considered as proposing no compensation for slave - property - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - The condition of American slaves as compared with other portions - of the African race - - - CHAPTER XIX. - The example of the Quakers, or Society of Friends - - - CHAPTER XX. - The South have done with argument - - - CHAPTER XXI. - Reasons why the Abolition movement, under its present - organization, will overthrow the Government - - - CHAPTER XXII. - The Abolition organization destructive of republican liberty - - - - -PREFACE. - - -We trust it will be obvious to all, that it was impossible to treat -Abolitionism according to its merits, or to exhibit its true -character, without regarding it as a RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT. There are two -prominent features of the moral and religious history of our country, -with which we have been compelled to come in contact. We, therefore, -take this opportunity so far to explain, as to bar the accident of -being misapprehended. First, then, we have averred the philosophical -connexion of antecedent and consequence between _Abolitionism_ and -_violent reforms_. It is proper, therefore, that we should state how -much we are willing to be understood as meaning by this couplet of -terms, having such a relation to the subject of this work. We say, -then, that by _violent reforms_, we mean those religious and moral -agitations of our country, which have proved alike unfriendly to -religious and social order, which are generally disapproved by sober -Christians, and we believe by the great majority of Christians, of -all, or nearly all, denominations. It is possible, that on a single -point we have hit hard a cherished opinion of many persons, for whom -we have the greatest respect; but as it relates merely to a _mode_ of -action, we must claim to be indulged in our own opinion in that -matter, as we allow the same privilege to others. - -In the next place, we have found it necessary, in the _exhibit_ we -have made of the political machinery of the Abolition movement, to -enquire into its origin; and it will be manifest to all, that it was -brought from the religious world. The fact, that the model of the -American Anti-slavery Society was borrowed from the Religious and -Benevolent Society system, could not implicate those institutions, in -the estimation of the public, unless they should see fit to follow the -same example, and so far as they might do it, by going over from the -religious and moral, into the political sphere; which, we trust, they -will be wise enough not to do. It was necessary to describe the -machinery of those Societies in order to give the true picture of the -one under particular consideration; but we have taken care at the same -time to state, that the American Anti-slavery Society has betrayed -and violated the principles of the Religious and Benevolent Society -system, by first assuming its model, and then passing over into the -field of political action. That all these machineries are well adapted -to political ends, whenever they may be perverted and applied in that -direction, it is unnecessary to say; and the only way to escape the -charge, is to avoid the fault. The Abolition Society has gone openly -into that field, on which account we have considered it fair and -exactly true to represent it as a _political organization_, and as -being necessarily such from the work it has taken in hand. - -Having, therefore, explained on these two points, we submit the work, -without farther comment, to speak for itself. - - _January 1, 1839._ - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE CHARACTER OF THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION. - - -There seems to have been a uniform impression among the great majority -of the citizens of the United States, that the Abolition movement in -this country is wrong, as it stands related to our political fabric; -but the exact character and extent of this wrong have not been so well -defined in the public mind, as to enable the people to see how a -remedy can be applied to arrest and control the mischief that appears -to be growing out of this agitation. Every reflecting person in the -land sees and feels, that it threatens to break asunder the American -Union; and few doubt, that such will be the result, if it is permitted -to go on. We take for granted, that the almost unanimous voice of the -whole country would concur in the opinion, that a violent dissolution -of the American Republic would be the greatest calamity that could -happen in this Western world. Can it be, then, that there is no -Constitutional power to suppress an organization, the rise and course -of which tend so directly and so inevitably to the disruption and -demolition of the Federal Government? Certainly, it would be a great -and notable defect in the political structure of the United States, -if there were to be found in it no principle of conservation against -such a danger, and if the people of this country were compelled to see -an enemy start up among themselves, and march directly to the -overthrow of the Government, without any power to resist. Doubtless, -in a last resort, the Union is too dear to the American people -generally to allow it to be sacrificed without an attempt to maintain -it, even if there should prove to be no provision in the Constitution -and laws. The necessity and importance of the case would create a law -for the occasion. The people would feel, that they have a better right -to defend the Union, than an enemy has to destroy it. But if the law -of necessity be waited for, the scale of chances as to the final issue -may have become doubtful--too doubtful and too portentous to be -prudently staked on such a hazard; and the American Union might be -lost forever. - -If, however, it can be shown, that the Abolition movement is at war -with the genius and letter of the National Constitution and of the -Constitutions of the States respectively, and with that social compact -which created the Union, and under which it has hitherto been -maintained, then clearly there will be presented a Constitutional -basis on which this movement can be opposed, and by which, if it shall -become necessary, it can be suppressed. We propose an attempt to -establish the position, that such _is_ the character of this movement, -and consequently, that there is a remedial power against its action in -the Constitution and laws of the land. - -Before we proceed to an array of the law which applies to the case, it -may be useful to inquire into the nature and character of the -organization, under which the Abolition movement is carried on. As -this machinery is so well known to the public, it will only be -necessary to refer to such general facts as the Abolitionists -themselves will not deny, however they may differ from us in the -character and name ascribed to them as a whole. - -We observe, then, that the American Anti-Slavery Society, under the -authority and by the action of which, this movement is conducted, is a -_grand and permanent political organization, self-elected, -self-governed, independent, and irresponsible, having no connexion -with the Government of the country, but yet usurping the appropriate -business of that Government_. - -It is an _organization_. This, certainly, will require no proof, as -nobody will deny it. It is formed after the model of the Religious and -Benevolent Society system, which has been in action for about thirty -years past, and which, in the later parts of this period, has grown -into considerable importance in the United States and in Great -Britain. The social influence of this system has been much greater in -this country than in the father land. But so long and so far as it was -confined to religious and benevolent objects, the political -authorities and feeling of the community seem to have taken little or -no alarm. It was obvious, from experience and observation, that these -organizations were armed with a wide spread, and many of them with an -all pervading influence; and that they were admirably calculated to -acquire power, and to bring to bear an efficient and energetic action -on their specific objects. In their history and progress, as their -exigencies have seemed to require, they have severally erected a sort -of State machinery, with a Constitution as a general basis of polity; -with the customary law-making, executive and judicial powers; with -principal and under secretaries; with a fiscal department; and with -numerous subsidiary agencies, according to the nature and extent of -their operations. Some of these institutions are engaged in -enterprises as wide as the globe, have numerous foreign establishments -of no mean consideration, and foreign colonies have been erected and -are governed by them. Nothing but a state machinery, with a -corresponding polity, was adequate to the execution of such designs. -And while they were confined to religious and benevolent operations, -they had not excited the jealousy of the political world; at least, so -far as we know, not to any considerable extent. - -And it may be remarked--as we shall have occasion hereafter to notice -more particularly--that the Abolition movement, under its present -organization, originated in religious sentiment, and commenced as a -benevolent enterprise. It was natural, therefore, in view of the -success which had attended these other institutions, and of the great -power and efficiency they had acquired over the public mind, to adopt -the same model--the same sort of State machinery in the several -departments of its organization. And thus, in the American -Anti-Slavery Society, we have an independent and powerful -Commonwealth, organized, like every other State, on the basis of a -Constitution declarative of its great and fundamental principles, -with a head, with a cabinet, with its various State departments and -secretaries, with a productive and regular system of fiscal -operations, with a polity of its own, with a vast republic of -subsidiary combinations, multiplying rapidly, and each constantly -increasing in numbers and influence, acquiring talent, wealth, and -power on a large scale, creating and sending forth upon the public a -world of literature of its own chosen character, in the various -forms of books, periodicals, journals, tracts, and pictorial -representations; and able, on the principle of such an organization, -while unresisted by any opposing power, to extend and wield an -influence, which, sooner or later, will dissolve the Union, and send -the Government of this proud Republic, in broken fragments, to the -winds of heaven. - -And it is a _political_ organization. It is true, indeed, that when -Abolition first broke out in New York, in 1834, the most prominent -leaders there disclaimed all participation in political matters, as -will appear from the following note, unless it is to be regarded as a -_ruse de guerre_ for the occasion: "It has been our object to address -the hearts and consciences of our fellow citizens, and to defend our -principles by facts and arguments; to encourage the people of color to -great circumspection of conduct and forbearance; _and to abstain from -mingling the objects of our society with either of the political -parties_." - -Signed, "Arthur Tappan, John Rankin, E. Wright, jr., Joshua Leavitt, -W. Goodell, Lewis Tappan, Samuel E. Cornish. - -New York, July 16th, 1834." - -The following _Circular_, from the Anti-slavery office in New York, -issued for electioneering purposes, in the New York political campaign -of 1838, would seem to show, that great advances have been made in -regard to the political character of this society, since 1834:-- - - "Dear Sir, - - "Enclosed you have a list of the publications of this society, - to which you will please direct any of our _Whig_ friends, who - may desire a knowledge of the _truth_. I am gratified that our - Abolition friends are to be found on the _Whig side_, rather - than the _Loco Focos_; for the cause of the country and of - humanity ought to go together. _If we can_ RIVET _ourselves - firmly on one of these parties, we can gain our object. Be - careful._ - I am yours, &c. per Arthur Tappan. - B. LE ROY." - New York, Nov. 1, 1838. - -This _Circular_ was addressed to P. W. Wesley, jr., and marked No. -126. How many _more_ were sent out, of course we do not know--it might -be _hundreds_, or it might be _thousands_. - -It is no more than fair, however, to observe, that Mr. Arthur Tappan -has disclaimed having authorized Mr. Le Roy the use of his name in -this instance; which, indeed, is of very little consequence, and in no -way affects the object we have in view by these references. Whether -the gentlemen, who signed the note of July 16, 1834, were really so -blind as not to see the _necessary_ connexion of their cause with -politics, we cannot pretend to say. If they _did_ see it, their -disclaimer, to say the least, was unbecoming. As men of common -discernment, they _ought_ to have known as well then as now, that they -could do nothing in this business, in the way they propose, without -affecting the politics of the country; and that the movement _in -toto_, from beginning to end, is political in its character and -bearings. Certainly, since that time, the Abolitionists have better -learned the position which they occupy. What shall we say? That their -early disclaimer was a cloak to conceal their designs? We would rather -suppose, that they did not know what they were about. Would, that we -could say, they are equally ignorant now, that thereby they might be -proved more innocent. Evidently, the disguise, if disguise it was, is -thrown aside. By their own public avowals and acts, official and -other, they are now fairly and openly in the political field. The -following resolution was passed at the Annual meeting of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, at New York, May, 1838: "_Resolved_, that we -deprecate the organization of any Abolition political party; but that -we recommend to Abolitionists throughout the country, to interrogate -candidates for office, with reference to their opinions on subjects -connected with the abolition of slavery; and to vote, irrespective of -party, for those only who will advocate the principles of universal -liberty." - -Three of the Corresponding Secretaries of this Society, James G. -Birney, E. Wright, jr., and Henry B. Stanton, issued a circular from -the office at New York, in July 1838, to Agents in the country, -quoting the above resolution, and remarking, that "resolutions -embodying the same idea have been passed by the New England -Anti-Slavery Convention, and we believe, by nearly all, if not all, -the State Anti-Slavery Societies;" and that "they think the time has -come, when the friends of the slave, throughout the free States, -should act fully up to the letter and the spirit of these resolutions. -We hope, therefore, you will, without delay, confer with Abolitionists -in your region on the subject, by correspondence, by holding meetings, -and in such other ways as may be deemed expedient, and take prompt and -efficient measures, _to secure the election of such candidates for the -National and State Legislatures_, as the friends of the slave can -cheerfully support. By order of the Executive Committee." - -The following is an extract from a letter written by Mr. Stanton, one -of the Secretaries who signed the above Circular, showing how well he -himself had been engaged in these duties: "From Lockport I returned to -Utica. By request I delivered an address in the Bleeker street Church, -the evening of the 10th inst. _on the political duties of the 40,000 -Abolition voters in this State_, (New York) _with reference to the -fall elections_." - -The following are extracts from the public, well considered, -authoritative and solemn document of the Annual Report of the American -Anti-Slavery Society for 1838:--"It is often said, that religion has -nothing to do with our republican politics; and hence it is inferred, -that a cause which is based upon and inseparable from religion, -should not presume to meddle with political affairs. But to make -the proposition true, we must read instead of _religion, -sectarianism_.... The religious principles of Abolitionism have -nothing to do with _sects_.... They are but the thoughts and opinions -of all who truly love God.... Abolitionism _must_ have much to do with -politics.... Abolitionists have resolved, _from the first_, to act -upon slavery _politically_.... During the year this principle has -produced the happiest results. The candidates of the opposing parties -have been questioned, and their answers published; and in cases too -numerous to mention, the election has resulted in favour of those who -most decidedly pledged themselves to Anti-Slavery measures." - -The _religious_ character of Abolitionism, as here confessed, will be -considered in a subsequent place. We do not dissent from the -suggestion conveyed, that religion has its political _rights_, under -the Constitution, as much as any other interest, feeling, or -principle; but we do not see the force of the distinction drawn -between _religion_ and _sectarianism_ for this particular purpose; -although the distinction is in fact obvious. Are not Abolitionists a -_sect_, and as strongly marked as any that can be named? They fall, -therefore, under the ban of their own rule. But, although religion has -its political _rights_, not excepting even _sectarianism_--and we have -yet to learn that there is any religion in the country, which is not -sectarian, both in its principles and modes of operation, not only in -relation to other religious bodies, but to Christianity itself, the -catholic standard--it must yet be very careful not to usurp political -_powers_ in this country--not to have _too much_ "to do with our -republican politics." "Abolitionism _must_ have much to do with -politics." The word "must," is italicised in the Report, and _may_, -therefore, be taken as intended to be emphatically significant. We -agree with them perfectly. But, that "Abolitionists have resolved, -_from the first_, to act upon slavery _politically_," is a matter -which they must settle among themselves, inasmuch as when they _first -set out_, they disclaimed it, as would appear from the note of July -16th, 1834, above introduced. - -Our object in these quotations, is not to inform the public generally -in regard to facts of this kind, as they are sufficiently well -known--but merely to throw out a few tangible materials, connected -with volumes of the same class, which might easily be collected, for -the purpose of justifying in our pages the conclusions we deduce from -them. We will trouble our readers with but one more which is from a -_clerical_ Agent of the Society in the western part of New York, dated -Aurora, Oct. 8, 1838. It is a letter to a fellow laborer in Chetauque -County. - - "Dear Sir, - - "I have just had assigned to me, by the Executive Committee of - the New York State Anti-Slavery Society, as my field of labor - for several months to come, Niagara, Erie, Chetauque, and - Cataraugus Counties. The first object to which I am bending all - my energies, is the holding of County meetings _before the - coming election, with a view especially of preparing and - exciting Abolitionists to carry their principles to the polls, - and wield all their_ POLITICAL, _as well as moral and - religious power_ for the redemption, &c. ... Can you not create - a _tremendous reaction_ at this time, &c.? ... The only way in - which we can move the proslavery and dough-faced politicians, - is by showing them our _political strength_, &c.... Now, will - you call together your Executive Committee, and fix on a time - and place for a Convention? Let me know immediately, and write - letters all over the County,--_have notices given out in the_ - CHURCHES, &c. ... and have town Abolition Meetings held before - the County Convention. - "Yours for the crushed slave, - "T. M. BLAKESLEY." - -These extracts may serve to indicate the zeal and activity of the -Secretaries and numerous Agents of this society, _clerical_ and other, -previous to the New York elections, and the modes adopted to secure -their ends. The interrogation of "candidates for the National and -State Legislatures," and for other civil and political stations, as -resolved upon and recommended by the parent Society, has been -scrupulously carried out. The correspondence between Messrs. Seward -and Bradish on the one side, and the official organs of the Society on -the other, while these two gentlemen stood before the people of the -State of New York as candidates, the first for Governor, and the -second for Lieutenant Governor, has been laid before the public--all -tending to the same point. Not being exactly satisfied with the result -of the election in New York, so far as it demonstrated the influence -of the Anti-Slavery Society, it has been suggested by Gerritt Smith, -Esq., who seems to be a sort of Dictator General in these matters, -that the Abolition societies should undergo a new organization, with a -view to the expurgation of the baser and unsound materials, by -requiring the despotic test of binding the conscience in the use of -the elective franchise. How this will go down, we are unable to say; -though it seems to us to be carrying matters with a high hand. -Doubtless, the business, in one form or another, will go ahead, in -despite of the imprudence of individuals, until the people of this -country can be made to see the real character and tendency of the -movement. Suffice it to say, as is sufficiently evident, that the -American Anti-Slavery Society is now a _grand political organization_, -aiming, by the use of political agencies and powers, at a radical and -great change in the American political fabric. We shall yet have -occasion to show, that this change, urged in this mode and under -present circumstances, unless the movement can be checked and -suppressed, must necessarily and inevitably dissolve the Union, and -consequently overthrow the Government, as it now exists. But our -immediate object is to establish the proposition, as stated in -_Italics_ on page 3, in order to prepare the way for the application -of those principles of American Constitutional law, which will prove -this Society to be a _seditious organization_. - -The most essential point of the proposition now under consideration, -is the fact, that the American Anti-Slavery Society is a _political_ -organization. That, we think, may be regarded as already established; -but it may still be fortified by the consideration, that it is -_necessarily_ so from the object it has in view, apart from the -position it has assumed before the public by its own avowals and -measures, and by the agencies it has taken in hand. Slavery, as is -well known, and as will hereafter be made apparent by the introduction -of authorities, is a corporate part of the American political fabric, -established by Constitutional law, and interwoven with the frame of -the Federal Government. It is not only a thoroughly pervading element, -and main pillar of political society in the slave-holding States, but -it is made a part of the supreme law of the land in the Federal -Constitution. It is impossible, therefore, from the nature of the -case, to institute any action, private or public, individual or -combined, in any form, or by any agency, to abolish or eradicate -slavery from American society, which will not be of a political -character. Consequently, the Abolition movement, which, as before -remarked, originated in religious sentiment, which was prompted and is -still sustained principally by religious men, and which borrowed the -model of its organization from the action of the religious world, by -instituting an exact copy, the moment it entered the field, was -transformed into a political body from the very nature of the work it -had undertaken, notwithstanding it was, and still is, actuated by -religious sentiment. It is nevertheless political, and it is all the -more dangerous, because religion is in it--not Christianity. We shall -by and by attempt to show the difference between Christianity and that -religion, which lies at the bottom, and is the instigator, of this -movement. We have seen, that, in the first setting out, the leaders -professed to disclaim political alliance; but, allowing they were -sincere in that disclaimer, they soon discovered it was a false step. -Throwing aside all disguise, they have now gone _the whole_ for -political action. At first, they were timid, perhaps--did not know -their strength, which might be a reason for not coming out under their -own flag. But, _crescit eundo_--the cause soon obtained sympathy, and -found way to importance; and behold! it dares to face the Government -of the country in open conflict, and to erect its batteries against -that Constitutional fabric, which has hitherto been so dear to -American citizens. - -We have stated, that this political organization is _permanent_. The -meaning under which we propose to sustain the application of this -epithet in this case, refers, by contradistinction, to a mode of -popular political action, which, we conceive, is authorised by the -Constitutional law of the land, and which proves equally, that a -_permanent_ organization of this kind is unauthorised and prohibited. -For the present we simply state, what we suppose will not be -contradicted, that the American Anti-Slavery Society is a _permanent_ -body, in distinction from those popular assemblages or conventions, -which are customarily held in this country for political purposes, -under the specific sanction of the Constitution and laws, which exist -only for the time being, which do not presume to arm themselves with a -distinct and separate polity, or to set up an imperium in imperio, -independent and irresponsible. - -We have stated also, that it is a _grand_ political organization. This -term is of no farther importance than simply to indicate, what is very -well known, that this Society is great and powerful. It claims to -wield 40,000 of the political votes of the State of New York. Whether -this be over or under the true estimate, we take it from themselves; -and it is probably fair to conclude, that they are equally strong in -most of the other free States. Admitting that they have one-half, or -even one-fourth, of this power, it is enough to justify the -application of this term. It is a _grand_ organization also, in -consideration of its vast and complicated machinery, of the variety -and extent of its operations, and of its means of influence. In 1838, -this Society reports 1350 auxiliaries, of which 12 were State -Societies, now 13, and 340 of these organized in the course of the -previous year; 38 travelling Agents, so constantly engaged, as to have -performed jointly 27 years' labour in one; 75 local lecturers, -circulating in adjacent towns, as far as convenient; money raised in -the course of the year, $40,000, being $5,000 in excess of the -previous year, notwithstanding the pecuniary embarrassments of the -community; the issues of the press, 187,316 copies of Human Rights, -193,800 of the Emancipator, 42,100 Circulars and Prints, 12,054 bound -volumes, 72,732 Tracts and Pamphlets, 97,600 of the Slaves' Friend, -and 40,000 of the Anti-Slavery Record. Total: 646,502. - -This society, therefore, is a _grand_, and in its moral and political -influence, a stupendous machinery. - -And it is _self-erected_, _self-governed_, _independent_, and -_irresponsible_. The truth of these statements, we think, is -self-evident in all that we intend, or desire to be understood, by -them. The first, certainly, is true. For what authority, independent -of its component parts, suggested, or sanctioned it? And the second is -equally true. For, where is the power, out of itself, that dictates, -or controls, its proceedings? The third and fourth are also true. For -what authority will they acknowledge, as competent to call them to -account? They are, indeed, responsible to public opinion; but the -relation we intend to express, is responsibility to some constituted -authority; and in this view our proposition is sustained, so far as -their designs are concerned. We presume they do not recognize the -right of any known authority to call them to account. We think it -fair, therefore, to represent this Society as _self-erected_, -_self-governed_, _independent_, and _irresponsible_. So far as our -individual opinion is concerned, we do indeed believe and hold, that -they are responsible to an authority that is competent to act upon -them, when a sense of public duty may require it, and that it is -sufferance only that screens the action of this Society from -uncomfortable rebuke. But we mean only to assert in our proposition, -what we suppose is true: that they do not _hold_ themselves -responsible; that there is no constituted, or official, connexion -between them and a superior power; and that they consider themselves -entitled to carry on the operations in which they are engaged, under -their present organization, without check, control, or interference of -any authority. - -Moreover, _there is no such connexion between them and the Government -of the country_, as is prescribed by constitutional law to popular -assemblages, or associations, for political purposes. There is, -indeed, no connexion at all. The government is not even advised of -the existence of this society by its own official acts; at least we -have never heard of it. - -And yet further--which is the last point of our proposition--this -society _has usurped the appropriate business of the Government_. They -have formally and solemnly declared, in various forms, so far as their -authority goes, that slavery is wrong by a higher and more imperative -law than that of the country, and set themselves directly to do it -away, by all the means they can employ, in the application of a -stupendous machinery of their own creation, and under their own -independent control. The elective franchise is only one means, and as -yet by far the least efficient. Without any balance of influence to -oppose and counteract the effect of their proceedings on the public -mind, they have been enabled, by the advantages and power of their -organization, to agitate the whole country, to throw the South into a -state of consternation, and to menace the overthrow of the Government. -No one doubts--and therefore we think we are justified in -saying--that, had it not been for the necessary posture of -self-defence, assumed by the slave-holding States, the Agents of this -Society, without waiting for the action of Government, would have -carried their incendiary measures directly into the South, and raised -a servile insurrection and civil war. It is true, indeed, that this -Society have commenced working hard at the polls, as a means of -accomplishing their end, and so far have recognized the principle, -that Government is to be consulted. But all their other operations, -which comprehend the principal sum of their labors, have been of a -character which would seem to imply, that the removal of slavery was -their business. They have never entered on that course of action for a -change in the political fabric of the country, which Constitutional -law prescribes, by acting on the Government, the only legitimate -organ. They have not even approached the Government, nor recognised -either its existence or authority for such a purpose. We speak of the -action of the Society _as such_, and not of the action of its -individual members in their capacity as citizens. If citizens, -desiring such an object, are required to address the Government, -instead of seeking to undermine the Constitution and laws, by indirect -and independent operations; and if this rule has been wisely enacted -for the public peace and safety, much more is it incumbent on a -powerful combination, in undertaking to change the laws of the -country--if it be lawful for such a combination to be formed--to -advise the Government of their wishes and proceedings. Just in -proportion as they are more influential and more powerful than -individuals, by virtue of association, is it more incumbent on them, -and more important, to consult the regular and constituted -authorities. - -But what has been the fact in regard to the operations of the American -Anti-slavery Society? Simply, that they have gone to this work just as -if it were their own proper business--as if there were no government -in the land. They have never addressed the Government; they have never -consulted it; they have never asked leave to be, to act, or to enter -this field; but have erected a republic of their own, with a State -machinery, and set themselves to change the government of the country, -as if it devolved upon them by original and indefeasible right. In a -word, they have taken in hand, by a virtual usurpation, the most -delicate, and the most disturbing political question, which could -possibly be agitated--a question, which, by the Constitutional frame -of our Government, belongs properly and only to the States where -slavery exists, and which, for that reason, the General Government -itself can never meddle with, without the consent of those States. -Clearly, the National Government is the only channel through which the -subject can be lawfully approached from the free States; by the -Federal compact the National Government is the public guardian of -slavery; and consequently, when ever its abolition is attempted under -the jurisdiction of the United States, independent of the action of -the General Government, and without the consent of the slave States, -it is a direct invasion of chartered rights, and a usurpation. - -We have now done with the proposition laid down for the argument of -this chapter, and will only repeat it in form for the consideration of -the reader: _That the American Anti-slavery Society is a grand and -permanent political organization, self-erected, self-governed, -independent, and irresponsible, having no connexion with the -Government of the country, but yet usurping the appropriate business -of that government._ - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY A SEDITIOUS ORGANIZATION. - - -We have shown, in the previous chapter, that the American Anti-slavery -society is a _permanent political organization_, attempting to effect -a change in the government of the country, by its own independent, and -we may add, sovereign, operations. We now propose to show, that such -an organization, under such independent and irresponsible action, is -unconstitutional and illegal, and consequently seditious. Even if -there were no law in the case, we suppose the sovereignty of a nation, -in other words, of the majority of the people, in a government -constituted like ours, is competent to interpose their authority to -prevent the damage of the Republic in an unforeseen exigency. So far -as Constitutional law is provided, it is the rule; but where it is -wanting, necessity becomes law, to be used in the best discretion of -the constituted authorities, in all emergencies in which the safety of -the public may demand such a resort. This is the original and -undisputed right of that sovereignty, which is always supposed to be -vested in a national and independent government. It is of the nature -of original legislation for a supposed occasion. It is the use of a -right, and a violation of no law, inasmuch as no law exists that is -applicable to the case. - -But, fortunately, and to bar all controversy, there _is_ a law -provided for the case now under consideration. It is well known--it is -written in the characters of blood on the pages of our history--that -our fathers fought and died to secure the right of the people to a -representation in the Government, and to be heard by the government, -whenever they feel the pressure of an evil demanding the interposition -and action of the public authorities, before a remedy can be applied, -in the usual forms of legislation, as the result of the use of the -elective franchise. But it is not to be forgotten, that the most -desirable, the most quiet, and the most salutary action of Government, -is the regular and uniform routine of its legislative, executive, and -judicial functions, as constituted for general purposes. But the -experience of history proves, that public exigencies may arise, when -the action of Government may be required out of the usual course; or -when the measures of a Government may operate so uncomfortably and -oppressively on the people, as to furnish occasion for an expression -of their will, before it can be conveyed through the channel of the -elective franchise. The Constitutional law of our country, both of the -Federal Government and of the States, has provided for these -occasions; and in that particular afforded an eminent advantage over -that despotic sway of absolute monarchies, which rebukes and -suppresses the expressions and interferences of the popular will. The -most valuable right of our free institutions is the choice of our own -rulers. Next to that, is the right of instructing them in a knowledge -of what the people desire. For the conveyance of this will two -Constitutional channels have been opened; one in the elective -franchise, and the other by the right of petition and remonstrance. -The use of both these rights is always supposed to have a direct and -immediate connexion with the Government: the first appoints the -Government, and the second instructs it. And there rights are found to -be sufficient, because, if a Government refuses to respect the popular -will, fairly expressed and well ascertained, the people have their -remedy in the franchise. They can appoint such rulers as will do their -pleasure. Hence there is never a necessity, and there can be no -apology, for the dangerous resort to permanent political combinations, -acting under an organized polity, independent of the Government of the -country, having designs upon that Government, either to control its -counsels, or to affect a change in its structure. But such precisely, -as will be seen, is the American Anti-slavery Society. - -Moreover, it is inconsistent with the _genius_ of a Constitutional -government, that such an organization should be permitted to arise in -its bosom, and make war upon it by original, usurped, and independent -functions. The Constitution of a nation knows no rival, admits of -none, within its own jurisdiction. It would be the same as to sanction -sedition and treason; it would be forging the weapons of its own -destruction, and turning a suicidal hand upon itself. The empire -claimed, and designed to be maintained, by a Constitutional -government, like that of the United States, is _sole_. It cannot, -without peril to itself, admit a rival political and independent power -on the same territory. But such is the American Anti-slavery Society. -It is an independent Commonwealth, a republic _within_ the Republic, -a State, having all the machinery of a State which its exigencies -require, and is perpetually adding to that machinery, without limit, -and without control. It has already proved sufficiently powerful to -disturb the peace of the country, to endanger the lives of its -citizens, and to threaten a dissolution of the Union; and who can say, -that it will not revolutionise the government, and introduce anarchy -and desolation? Such is the prospect, and such are the most sober -convictions of discerning and far seeing minds, if it is permitted to -go on. - -But let us look to the law which applies to the case. The Constitution -of the United States, and in accordance with that, the Constitutions -of the several States, in the same manner, and in like terms, have -provided a safety valve for the discontents and fermentations of the -popular mind, under real or supposed grievances, or under any -occasions of dissatisfaction, by guaranteeing freedom of speech and of -the press, the right of popular assemblies to declare and express the -public will, and the right of petition and remonstrance addressed to -the Government. The Constitution of the United States, on this point, -reads thus: "Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of -speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to -assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." - -The Constitution of the State of Pennsylvania has it thus: "The -printing presses shall be free to every person who undertakes to -examine the proceedings of the Legislature, or any branch of -Government; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the right -thereof. The free communication of thoughts and feelings is one of -the invaluable rights of man; and every citizen may freely speak, -write, and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of -that liberty.... The citizens have a right, in a peaceable manner, to -assemble together for their common good, and to apply to those -invested with the powers of government for redress of grievances, or -other proper purposes, by petition, address, or remonstrance." - -We have selected the Constitution of Pennsylvania for what it says on -this point, as it is more full than any other, and contains the -substance of all. We believe, that this extract, in connexion with -that from the National Constitution, comprehends the whole of the -Constitutional law of the country on the subject, and that is a fair -expression of the public mind--of the political creed of the citizens -of the United States, in regard to the particulars here represented. - -We observe, then, that certain _specific_ modes of combined popular -action for political purposes, are here licensed. Of course, we -suppose it is fairly to be inferred, that the framers of these -Constitutional laws did not intend to license _all_ and _any_ modes -_whatever_ of popular action for public purposes. Such an assumption -would be preposterous and absurd. It would be tantamount to the -setting aside of all authority, and the dissolution of _one_ all -government. On the contrary, the declaration, that _these_ modes are -lawful, is an implied and virtual declaration, that _other_ modes are -unlawful. We think there can be no mistake, and we trust, no -difference of opinion, on this point. Because, if other mode be -lawful, then _any_ and _all_ others are, and the rule falls to the -ground--is good for nothing; it is, in that case, a mere mockery of -legislation, and the community is left without law, and without -government, in this particular. - -Moreover, a consideration of the _occasion_ of this law goes to settle -the question of its meaning and limitation: It was the common and -known prohibition of these rights, under absolute and despotic -governments, and more particularly under the Colonial administration -of British law in America, that suggested these declarations of rights -in the establishment of our independence, and which caused them to be -adopted as parts of Constitutional and fundamental law. These rights -were deemed sufficient, and they have always proved satisfactory. They -have also been held very sacred. The people of this country would shed -their most precious blood, before they would surrender them. It was an -invaluable acquisition to liberty. And as this law is deemed -sufficient, and has proved so by experience, we suppose it will be -allowed to be equally important, that it should not be _transcended_, -as that it should be _maintained_; and that a licentious _extension_ -thereof is as criminal as an _abridgement_. It has every thing in it -that a people can ask, who are free to choose their own legislators -and magistrates. If the views of the public press, and the petitions -and remonstrances of the people, carried forward to the Government, -when they may see occasion for it, are not respected, the people know -their remedy, and can effectually apply it at the polls. They have -liberty of speech and of the press, the right of popular assemblages -for the discussion of public interests and measures, and the right of -petition, address, and remonstrance, guarantied to them; and to crown -the whole, they are themselves the source of all law and government, -always subjected to the will of the majority, in a Constitutional mode -of action. - -Now we ask, where is the license in the Constitutional law of this -land for such a political machinery as the American Anti-Slavery -Society? It cannot be found. Individuals are free to speak, write, and -publish, what they please, on slavery, or any other subject--_they -being responsible for the abuse of that liberty_. The people may -assemble, _in a peaceable manner_, and discuss any subject that may be -agreeable to them; they may pass any resolutions they may see fit, as -an expression of their opinions or wishes; but the _only -constitutional and lawful mode_ of popular action for political -purposes, designed to influence the measures of the Government, or to -effect any change in the laws, apart from the use of the elective -franchise, is for the people to connect themselves with the proper -authorities, by petition, or address, or remonstrance, unless they see -reasons for abandoning their purpose. There is no license for a -_permanent_ political organization, to act independently of the -constituted authorities of the land; nor to act _with_ them. -Government requires no such auxilliary; much less can it tolerate an -_opponent_ of such a character. The Government is the _only_ -permanent, political organization, which the Constitution recognises. - -We are inclined to believe, that these statements will commend -themselves to the common sense of all intelligent persons, and that -this position will be admitted as indisputable. What! an independent -political body _within_ the State, acting under a polity of its own, -plotting and carrying on designs _against_ the State, and claiming the -State's protection, while it is enacting treason, if it chooses so to -do! What an anomaly! Who ever dreamt that such a thing were possible? -Who would think that it could be advocated and defended--maintained as -a right? And yet, what else, and what less, is the American -Anti-Slavery Society? - -The wisdom of the Constitution, or Constitutions--for those of the -States, and that of the nation, embody the same identical -principles--in licensing such modes of political action as have been -quoted, and in prohibiting all others, is obvious. If any association, -or associations, of individuals, were at liberty to set up an -independent political machinery, to be extended without limit, and to -be managed without control or responsibility, there would be no safety -for the constituted authorities of the States and Nation. They would -be liable, at any time, to be undermined and overthrown by agencies -under their own eyes. There is equal wisdom in prohibiting such -combinations altogether; for there is no demand, there _can_ be no -lawful occasion, for them in such a government as ours, where the -people can always move, without let or hinderance, directly, towards -the objects they desire, or which the majority desire, under the -prescribed forms of the Constitution and laws. If it were allowable -for the people to depart from these forms in one instance, they might -do it in another; if in one degree, they might extend it at their own -option; and there would be no end to it. Sedition and treason, in that -case, would be authorised by law. But, most happily, the -Constitutional law of this land has been minutely scrupulous in -prohibiting all permanent political organizations, which are not -created by itself, as parts of one great political fabric, asserting -_sole_ empire over its own jurisdiction. We say, in _prohibiting_ -them, as we have before shown, that the license given is equally a law -of prohibition for all that is not licensed. - -This wisdom is moreover apparent from the consideration, that by -adhering to these forms, there is always a balance of influence -against any attempts to injure, or impair, or overthrow the -Government, Constitution, and laws of the land, or to surprise the -public by the advantages acquired by political combinations of a -permanent and organized character. The freedom of speech guaranteed to -one citizen, is guaranteed to all. Hence, the private influence of one -man on one side, is balanced by that of another on the other side, of -the same question; and between the two, the chances are in favour of -the right. The same remark applies to the influence of the press: -there is always a balance of power, operating on the public, so long -as the forms of the Constitution are observed. In the same manner, -popular assemblies of one party and the other, so long as they keep -within the Constitutional license, neutralize each other, in all their -inordinate excesses, and afford a chance for the right to prevail. -Whenever a petition, or address, or remonstrance is preferred to -Government, in regard to which there is a difference of opinion, its -undue influence will be counteracted by another. And so a salutary -balance of power is maintained in all the Constitutional modes of -political action. - -But the moment the Constitutional license is transcended, as in the -case of the American Anti-Slavery Society, this healthful balance of -power is lost. Such an unconstitutional organization steals a march -upon the public, and by the amazing power of its vast political -machinery, assails the Constitution and laws of the country, with no -rival influence to counteract it. While the rest of the people keep -_within_ the laws, this combination has _transcended_ them, and -occupies the field of its usurpation alone. There is no balance of -influence any where, that can lawfully be employed, except in the -strong arm of authority. The public, the Government, the world, have -been taken by surprise. Here is an immense and powerful combination, -that has suddenly leaped from the sphere of the religious world, -brought with it a machinery which was manufactured in that sphere, -seized upon affairs of State, usurped the business of State, and -neither the public, nor the Government, seem yet to know which end, or -how, head or tail, to take hold of the monster. It comes in shapes -unknown, unrecognized before, and has pounced upon the political -fabric of the nation, with an apparent determination to rend it -asunder, and tear it down before the eyes of the world. Like as Satan, -when he came with errand fatal to our race, from out Hell's regions, -and approached the gates that opened from that dark abyss, encountered -and addressed his monster child, so the Government, not less amazed, -seems also to say to this unexpected Apparition: - - "Whence, and what art thou, execrable shape, - That durst, though grim and terrible, advance - Thy miscreated front athwart my way?" - -But, we fear, that a like truce will not be made between these -parties. Like as "SIN" gave her own history to her Father, so the -world may yet be favoured with a philosophical account of this other -monster, a part of which, peradventure, shall be found in these pages. - -It is the perfectly anomalous character and position of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, that has so embarrassed and overwhelmed the -public mind, produced such a vast excitement, and frightened half the -nation. Armed with a machinery hitherto unknown in the political -world, it has broken through the bounds of law and the restraints of -the Constitution, opened its artillery on both these departments of -our political fabric, and so astounded the public, that few have yet -learned how this audacious assault has been planned and executed, or -what is the character of the enemy to be encountered. It is because, -in this political crusade, the actors have thoroughly transcended the -prescribed limits of Constitutional action, and entered a field -untrodden before, in an unknown shape, that the public know not where -to find them, or how to meet and take hold of them. The battle, -hitherto, has been all their own; and it cannot be denied, that they -have done execution, and stand responsible for infinite mischief. -Neither is it any less certain, in our opinion, that, with all the -advantage and power of their organization, if it should be recognized -as lawful, and permitted by the public authorities of our country to -go on, without check or control, they will revolutionize the -Government, and divide the Union. All beyond this is uncertain, and -fearfully so. - -Suppose the Abolitionists had kept within the bounds of law, and -contented themselves with that freedom of speech and of the press, -with such public discussions, and with such petitions, addresses, and -remonstrances to Government, as the Constitution authorises; suppose -they had been as mild and Christian-like in their action on this -subject, as the Quakers; their influence would then have distilled -like the dew, fallen like the rain, and cheered the heart like the -sun. In such a case, the subject could still have been discussed with -reason and temperance, throughout the wide community, not excepting -even the South; the South would not have been alarmed; the free -colored population would not have been, as now, filled with all -bitterness and malice; the amelioration of the condition of slaves -would have continued and increased, as before, instead of that -augmented rigour of discipline and surveillance to which the South has -been compelled by these violent measures; the country would have -remained in peace, and the whole subject would still have been open to -free and candid discussion every where, and with every body. Whereas, -the erection of this unconstitutional machinery, and the spirit with -which it has been swayed, has put the whole Republic out of temper, -and out of joint; has made pro-slavery men of one party, and fanatics -of another; has unfitted the colored population, free and bond, for -the culture of benevolence; has rivetted the chains of slavery with -tenfold power, blighted the prospects, and thrown forward the period, -of ultimate emancipation, for a time which baffles prophecy, unless, -peradventure--which God forbid--this movement shall prevail to break -down the Government, and let loose the spirit of fiends to desolate -the land. The strife henceforth will be, not that of benevolence for -the good of the slave--for the Abolitionists themselves are his most -dangerous foes--but it will be between this organized sedition and the -Government of the country--between the Constitution and a grand -political faction. And all this as the consequence of departing from -the wholesome regulations of law, of setting up a romantic sympathy as -a substitute for true benevolence, and fanaticism for Christianity. - -In view of the argument of this chapter, we trust we shall stand -justified with all reasonable minds, for the heading we have placed -over it, and for the title of the book. It has been from a -conscientious conviction of the seditious character of the American -Anti-slavery Society, that we have sat down to this task. The public -generally have felt, that this association was warring against the -supreme law of the land; but nobody has taken pains to set forth the -argument by which it is proved. Every body has seen, that the -tranquillity of the country has been disturbed, and a dissolution of -the Union threatened, by the action of this Society; but the more -common impression has been, that it is rather the result of rashness -and imprudence, than the effect of an unlawful political combination. -The popular disgust and indignation, with which some of the more -outrageous proceedings of Abolitionists have been received, have -arisen from a vague and undefined notion, that they were wrong--and -wrong in relation to the Constitution and laws of the land; but, we -think, that the true position, and proper political character of this -Society, as being seditious, has not generally been perceived. If, -indeed, we are right in the views here presented, we hope they may be -the means of enlightening the public. Abolitionists themselves, -especially the most active and determined, we have little hope of -benefitting; else, we might have studied more to humour their -prejudices, and gain them over to reason. We have rather been -convinced, that the greatness and danger of the error demand a -somewhat decided and vigorous treatment. We have observed with pain, -that the people of the South are getting more and more into the -feeling and conviction, that a dissolution of the Union will be -necessary for their own protection. In so far, therefore, as the -people of the North would deprecate such a result, it is most -desirable, that they should thoroughly understand the position and -character of the Abolition organization, in order that they may be -prepared to appreciate and treat it according to its merits. If, -indeed, it is a sedition, and can be clearly proved to be such, to the -satisfaction of the public, can it be supposed, that it would continue -to have the same moral power, even with its own advocates? Will not -many of them shrink from the thought of being traitors to their -country; and more especially when they shall have occasion to see, as -by this time they ought to see, that, in such a course, they are -rivetting, instead of breaking, the chains of slavery, unless they -succeed in plunging the nation into a civil war, which ought to be -still more revolting to their feelings? How much more should such a -conviction arm that portion of the Northern public, who have never -fallen into this delusion, with zeal and determination to vindicate -the honor of their country, and maintain its laws, not, indeed, by a -persecution of those who have been led astray, but by showing, in all -suitable ways, their unyielding attachment to the Constitution and -Government, in its unavoidable struggle against such an unlawful -combination, and by convincing the people of the South, that there is -a sympathy in the North, that will not abandon them in the trying and -perilous condition, into which they have been thrown by this seditious -movement? - -And would we advise an authoritative suppression of this sedition? We -say not, that we would. Ours is a Government of forbearance, because -it is the Government of the people. As we have reason to suppose, that -the public generally have not even yet discovered the true position of -the Anti-slavery Society, in relation to the Constitution, much less -can we presume to say, that the members of that Society, as a body, -have ever imagined, that they were involved in the responsibility of -seditious action against the Government of their country. We -charitably believe, that for the most part, their benevolent -sympathies have been worked upon by the exaggerated statements and -high colored pictures of more artful, of ambitious, and less innocent -men; and that, when left to choose between sedition and the Union, -they will unhesitatingly prefer the latter, even though the former, if -it had been a lawful enterprise, might still seem to them a worthy and -desirable object. But, if the extremity must unavoidably come, to -dissolve the Union and the Government, or encounter this movement by -the strong arm of authority, with our present views of its seditious -character, we cannot entertain a doubt, on which side it would be our -duty to engage. Nevertheless, our confidence in the good sense of the -people, leads us to hope for better things. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE ANNUAL REPORT OF THE AMERICAN -ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF 1838. - - -If the showing already made, in regard to the seditious _organization_ -of the American Anti-slavery Society, be a fair one, its action as -such becomes a conspiracy in the Republic, so far as it militates -against its political fabric. It is no more than fair to notice, that -in the first article of the Constitution of this Society, it is -assumed, that "slavery is contrary to the principles of _our_ -republican form of government." This is a very material point, vital, -fundamental, so far as it relates to the question now in hand. The -truth of this assumption would justify the _cause_, in which this -Society are engaged, so long as it should be sustained in a -Constitutional way; though it cannot justify an independent political -organization in the Republic for such an object. We have already -pointed out, as we trust clearly, the only Constitutional modes of -political action for reform, or any other purposes, under the -Government; and shown that this Society is unconstitutional. The truth -of this assumption, therefore, would not justify its mode of action, -and it would still be open to the charge of sedition. But, let us see, -whether this assumption be true. - -"Slavery is contrary to the principles of _our_ republican form of -government." If they mean to say, it is contrary to the principles of -the free States, as recognised and established for their own separate -jurisdictions, it is true. But it was quite unnecessary to say it, as -all the world knew it before. If they mean to say it is contrary to -the principles of a republican form of government in the _abstract_, -as a _theory_, it may be true, or it may be false, and depends -entirely upon the character of the theory that is set up. This is a -question, which cannot easily be settled, because it is a matter of -_opinion_, not of _fact_. The people of the South would be on one -side, and those of the North on the other; and we ourself, be it -known, should be on the side of the North. If the question be as to -the _common_ opinion, prevalent among mankind, of the principles of a -republican form of government, this Society is doubtless right on -_that_ ground. But we apprehend, indeed we know, and every body knows, -that it is not a question of opinion, but of fact, that is involved in -this assumption. Did the Society mean to say, that "slavery is -contrary to the principles" of the Slave-holding States? Manifestly -not. What, then, did they mean? Contrary to the principles of the -Government of the United States, undoubtedly. "Slavery is contrary to -the principles of _our_ Republican form of Government." We say, then, -that as a _fact_, this is _false_; and we need travel no further to -prove it, than from the Preamble of the Constitution of this Society, -in which this assertion is made, to the second Article, where we find -this clause: "While it (the Society) admits, that each State, in which -slavery exists, has the _exclusive_ right, _by the Constitution of the -United States_, to legislate in regard to its Abolition in said -State," &c. As this is a candid recognition of that part, and of those -"_principles_ of _our_ Republican form of Government," which we shall -have occasion in another place to introduce in form, it is superfluous -to quote the passages here, inasmuch as this Society, by its own -confession, has done the work _for_ us, and _against_ itself. It is a -simple question of _fact_; and that fact recognized, in express terms, -by the Society, in the second article of its own Constitution, the -assumption of the Preamble, in regard to this point, is proved to be -_false_. Slavery, therefore, is _not_ contrary to the principles of -_our_ Republican form of Government; and the Constitution of the -United States, (Art. II. Sec. 2d. Clause 3d.) which we shall hereafter -consider, recognises the _validity_ of property in the Slave, and -engages to defend it throughout the Union; and it is well known, that, -by the force of this law, runaway Slaves are habitually recovered. It -will be understood, that we are not discussing the propriety of this -law, but the fact. It is a "_principle_ of _our_ Republican form of -Government;" and as would seem, a potent and paramount one. - -All the other principles of the American Anti-Slavery Society will -avail nothing, _politically considered_, so long as they are false in -this. They have hazarded their whole cause, in an open and seditious -conflict with the Government of the United States, _on a false -assumption as to fact_! - -We shall now proceed to a consideration of the seditious character of -the ANNUAL REPORT of this Society, of 1838. This Society must now be -viewed, as we have proved it to be, in the light of a grand and -independent political organization, set up in the Republic, and at war -with it--as an unconstitutional and self-erected corporation. Any -political action it may assume, therefore, whether _for_ or _against_ -the Republic, is unconstitutional. The Government wants not its -help--certainly it has never asked for it--much less can it tolerate a -conspiracy. What may be lawful for a private citizen to do, is -unlawful for this Society as a political organization of its specific -character. What may be lawful for popular assemblies, or associations, -acting in the modes prescribed by the Constitution, for political -ends, of whatever nature, is unlawful for this Society, because it is -a body unknown to the Constitution and laws of the land. It is a State -_within_ the State, that has asked no leave to be, that is prohibited -by law, acting under a State machinery, disturbing the peace of the -State, and threatening its overthrow. - -The Annual Report of this Society of 1838, is a document of a -remarkable character, when viewed in this light. It is almost -exclusively political. It seems true enough, as its own language -declares, that "abolitionism _must_ have much to do with politics." It -discusses all the affairs of the nation, and of the States, in -relation to this great and portentous subject, as must be confessed -with no inconsiderable ability, and with a boldness which might -astound any one who looks at the position which this Society occupies, -and the sweep of its influence; and more especially, when we consider -the decorum, and the gravity, and the solemnity which, one would -think, ought to characterize such a document, emanating from so great -a body, on such an occasion, and so exciting a theme, when every -opportunity for reflexion had been afforded, and when there could be -little apology for violence of language, or uncourteous demeanor, -towards public men, and the public authorities. Even if the existence -and action of this Society had been constitutional and lawful, as it -was no doubt thought to be by its members, still there was something -in the elevation and responsibility of its position before the public, -on account of which the ordinary proprieties, which might seem to be -reasonably incumbent on all such bodies, had strong claims to be -respected. In all seriousness, we do not think the time has -come--certainly we hope not--when the political violence and rancour -of newspaper columns, can be regarded as becoming in such a document. -Could it easily be believed, by those who have not read this Report--a -document occupying one hundred and fifty-two crowded octavo pages, the -major part of which breathes the same spirit--that all public men, -from the President of the United States downwards, including -Senators, Governors, Ministers to foreign nations, Magistrates, and -officers of every grade, of the States and Nation, who may have -manifested any symptoms of opposition to Abolitionism, or whose public -acts have been unfavorable to it, are treated as if ---- but we will -not trust ourselves to describe it, lest we fall into the same excess -of rudeness. - -Freedom of speech, and of the press, in treating of public men and -public measures, is undoubtedly guaranteed by the Constitutional law -of this land; and if this Report had emanated from an authorised and -constitutional body, no legal exception could have been taken to its -character or terms, however it might seem to be indecorous and -undignified, not to say inflammatory and incendiary. In point of -dignity, as being the public and solemn act of such a body, we think -there could be but one opinion of its character. As if the genius that -presided over its composition were not prolific enough in nerve -astounding artillery, it seems to have taken out a license to cater -from the widest range of Newspaper authorities, and ex parte -statements and reports, for its facts and arguments, and for its -delicious treat of suavity and kindness. - -But there is yet a more portentous aspect of this Report, that remains -to be considered. We allude to its treatment of the decisions of the -highest Legislative Assembly of the Nation: the Senate and House of -Representatives of the United States. - -It is well known, that the disposal made in Congress of petitions on -the subject of Abolition, has not been agreeable to the members of -this Society, although it might be difficult to see how it could have -been done very differently, so long as the majority of both Houses -were opposed to the object; unless it be claimed as a right to occupy -the whole time of the National Legislature, in reading and discussing -these petitions, to the neglect of all other business, which would -seem to be very unreasonable. No new idea could be presented; the mind -of Congress was made up; and it would seem to be factious to demand a -separate consideration of every petition on this subject, without any -prospect or hope of a different result. So far from involving a denial -of the right of petition, any other course would have been a manifest -violation of public duty, in neglecting the ordinary and other affairs -of legislation. The wishes of these petitioners being known, the -design of the Constitution in regard to such a matter was answered; -and so long as they were known to be a very small minority of the -nation, and the great majority opposed, no action on the subject, in -the way of legislation, could be expected. It would be altogether -unreasonable, and "contrary to the principles of our republican form -of Government." Moreover, the great majority of both houses of -Congress considered it, not only disturbing, but unconstitutional, -either for them, as a branch of the Government, or for the people, not -citizens of the Slave States, to meddle with the subject, with a view -to legislation, as these petitions requested. Of course, no farther -action could be expected, in that quarter, till the use of the -elective franchise might carry into Congress a set of men of a -different opinion. - -Not to speak particularly of the charges of violating the -Constitution, thrown upon the House of Representatives, by this -Report; or of its "seditious members," as it calls them; or of the -"demoniac yells," by which the remonstrance of the Ex-President Adams -was silenced; it is more to our present purpose to call attention to -the treatment rendered to the Senate, in this same document, for the -resolutions passed in that body on this subject, in January, 1838:-- - -"Neither humanity, nor patriotism, will permit us to pass over this -proceeding of the Senate, without setting it in what seems to us its -true light. _We pronounce it a bootless usurpation--an act equally -unconstitutional and impotent._ If these expressions should seem -disrespectful towards the highest branch of the National Legislature, -let it be remembered, that that officially august body can claim to be -respected only while it respects the primary act of the people, by -virtue of which it exists. _When it oversteps the limits of the -Constitution_, for any object whatever, _its authority is forfeited_. -But when it oversteps those limits for the attainment of an object -which is in itself essentially absurd and impossible--when it essays -to do by mere resolutions what it would be ridiculous to attempt by -statutory enactment--_it must sink to the level of contempt_.... If we -are correct in these views of the nature and force of our Federal -Constitution, the Senate of the United States was employed from the 3d -to the 13th of January, 1838, _in enacting a farce_ well adapted to -turn legislation into mockery." - -Not to speak of the _exceeding indecorum_ of this language, as coming -from what ought to be a _reverend_, as it is doubtless a _religious_ -as well as a political body, it is certainly going quite far enough -for a power, whose lawful existence and action for any such purposes, -hang suspended at best in a doubtful balance. It falls on the ear like -the death sounding knell of revolutionary times. But we cannot -consider it doubtful, in view of the facts and reasonings heretofore -brought under review, whether this Society be a lawful one, or not. -Our own convictions compel us to "pronounce it," not simply "a -bootless," but _seditious_ "usurpation." - -Here, then, is a grand and permanent political organization, -self-erected, self-governed, independent, and irresponsible, having no -connexion with the Government of the country, but yet usurping the -business of that Government; having come into existence, and set up -its action, in violation of the prescribed forms of the Constitution; -with a distinct and systematic polity of its own creation, on a scale -comparing with the machinery of a State; with a President and -seventeen Vice Presidents; four Secretaries, one for correspondence -with lecturing agents scattered over the country, and for other -general purposes; one for correspondence with foreign countries; one -devoted to domestic political action and financial agents; and one to -record the doings of the Society; a Treasurer; a Board of one hundred -and three Managers; 1350 auxiliaries, 13 of which are on the grand -scale of State Societies; 38 travelling agents, and 75 circulating -within a narrower compass; disbursing an annual income of $50,000, -besides a vast amount of gratuitous labour; employing the power of -the press to the amount of 646,502 copies of various literary -productions annually distributed; and all these various forms of -political and combined power constantly augmenting. Such is the -machinery of this institution--and such the history of its origin,--an -institution, which, in its annual assemblage, by representation from -all its dependencies, dares, by its own public, recorded, and -proclaimed acts, to "pronounce" the solemn decisions of the Senate of -the nation "_an unconstitutional usurpation_," and to declare its -"_authority forfeited_!"--thus unfurling the flag of rebellion, and -like the Jacobins of revolutionary France, seeming to say to the -swelling of its train--Onward! Such a power legalized, with no balance -of influence to counteract it, with all the advantages of its -organization, of its peculiar and effective modes of operation, is -enough to revolutionize any State, and any nation. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY FARTHER -CONSIDERED. - - -Having proved the sedition of the American Anti-Slavery Society as a -political organization, which has usurped the business of the -Government, under a form prohibited by the Constitution, which of -course involves two points of criminality, we shall now proceed to -show, that it is seditious in another important and grave particular, -as having committed, and as continuing to commit, a trespass on the -political rights of the slave-holding States, as guaranteed to them by -the Federal Compact, and as recognized by the law of nations. - -In the first place, the action of this Society, as a grand political -organization, on the social fabric of foreign States--for the slave -States are foreign in respect to it--with the intent to change it -against their consent, and thus disturbing their domestic tranquility, -is a violation of the law of nations. This is sedition in a higher and -more important sense, than any combined assault on the social -institutions of a community by its own members, inasmuch as the remedy -is more difficult to be attained, and more momentous in its -consequences. It can be settled only by the sword. The noninterference -of one nation in the domestic condition of another, is an established -doctrine, and a settled maxim, of international law. A trespass on -this principle is always considered tantamount to a declaration of -war. Just in proportion as the peace of nations, in their relations to -each other, is more important than the domestic tranquility of a -single State, and the breach of it more difficult to be healed, is the -criminality of such trespass increased. The action of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, therefore, on the slave-holding States, as an -interference of this kind, is much more responsible and more criminal, -than as a violation of the social fabric of the United States. It -matters not what may be the faults in the social condition of any -State or nation, in the judgment and conscience of the people of -another State or nation; such considerations, however aggravated and -serious, furnish no ground or justification for interference; but the -fact of interference is war begun. - -The American Anti-Slavery Society, as we have seen, is a political -organization--unlawful, indeed, but yet such is its character--and as -such they have great power. They hold in their hands the peace and -well being of all the slave States. On the principle above -recognized--the soundness of which we dare to say will not be -questioned--its action on those States is war. It is impossible that -this Society should screen itself from this responsibility under the -plea, that they are only using that freedom of speech and of the -press, and other modes of social influence, which the Constitutional -law of the land has guaranteed. For we have shown, that in the -machinery they have set up, and in their modes of action, they have -transcended that law; and as a consequence it will follow, that they -have cast themselves beyond its protection. It will, moreover, be vain -for them to plead, that they are a part of the same nation, and that -however it may appear, that they have been guilty of sedition in -disturbing the tranquility, by violating the laws, of the Federal -Commonwealth, they have not trespassed on the law of nations. For, we -shall yet, and very soon, have occasion to see, that the sovereignty -of the States composing the American Union, is perfect and unimpaired, -in all that has not been resigned or prohibited in the Federal -Constitution for national purposes; and that, with these exceptions, -the several States occupy precisely the same position, in their -relations to each other, as do any other States or nations. And the -institution of slavery is not comprehended in these exceptions, but -remains the sovereign right of the States where it is established, so -far as it concerns other States, and other nations, and so far as -concerns the whole world out of their jurisdiction. It is therefore -true, that the American Anti-Slavery Society, being a political body, -incorporated in its own claimed and independent right, has made war on -the slave-holding States of the Union. - -But as it happens, this Society is a nondescript organization, because -it is an unlawful one. It has no territorial jurisdiction, and no -political relations, apart from its own constituent elements; it is a -parvenu and stranger among recognised republics and nations--a mere -pirate, a brigand, that has broken loose from law, and invaded, from -inaccessible ambushes, the peace of whole communities, putting in -peril the lives of their citizens, and their institutions. It cannot, -therefore, be approached by the injured parties, under that _lex -talionis_ of nations, which is customarily resorted to, when their -honor has been insulted, their rights violated, or their interests -impaired, by a foreign foe. This Society protects itself under the -shield of that Government, of the laws of which its very existence is -a violation. That Government, therefore, is responsible for its -action, and the injured parties have a claim upon it for -indemnification and redress of the evils which they suffer. In -existing circumstances, this is the only medium by which a remedy can -be obtained. Nevertheless, the law of nations has been violated by -foreign interference in the domestic condition of the slaveholding -States--an interference, which, in any other case, would be regarded -as a just occasion for retaliation by a resort to arms. - -In the discussion of this point of the subject, we have nothing to do -with the rights of the slave in relation to the authorities by which -he is held in bondage, any more than with those of the serfs of -Poland, or of Hungary, or of Prussia, in case the sympathies of this -Society should happen to take that direction, and make war on the -peace and social institutions of those countries. The two cases are -precisely parallel, and one is as justifiable as the other, by the law -of nations, and of human society as it exists. The authorities of -those countries would fairly hold the Government of the United States -responsible for such an invasion, in the same manner, as we are bound -by treaty with the British Government to maintain our obligations of -neutrality on the Canadian frontier, and to prevent our citizens from -invading the rights, and destroying the lives of British subjects in -their own territory. Even though it could be shown, that the Canadians -are oppressed, and deprived of their just rights, still it would be no -justification or apology for the interference of our citizens. The -same principle precisely applies to the action of the American -Anti-Slavery Society on the Southern States. - -But this Society is even more criminal than these invaders of Canada, -because it has first violated the laws of the United States by the -erection of a systematic and unlawful polity, an unconstitutional and -powerful machinery, the plans and scope of which, if not abandoned or -suppressed, are adequate to protract, perpetuate, and forever to -augment the illegal and destructive powers they have set in operation, -till they shall upset the Government, and desolate the South; whereas -the invasion of Canada is nothing more than the mad enterprise of a -few deluded individuals. Had they followed the example of the American -Anti-Slavery Society,--which, doubtless, they had an equal right to -do--and set up a like political organization, under like immunities, -and with like strength of preparation, they would inevitably have -involved this country in a war with Great Britain. What sufferance, -therefore, has been practised towards this Society! And what -protracted injuries have the Southern States been compelled to endure! - -As remarked in the previous chapter, it is the perfectly anomalous -character of this enterprise, which has so long embarrassed the public -mind. All not engaged in it, have felt it to be wrong; the wide spread -indignation, and the popular outbreaks it has occasioned in rebuke of -its designs and operations, show that it involves some great and -vitally important principle in our social fabric; but its distinct and -definite character, and its exact political position and relations, -have not heretofore been evolved and so exhibited, as to enable the -public to see it clearly, and to know how to treat it. It was the -suddenness and novelty of the movement, as a grand and unlawful -political transaction, that astounded the public mind, and threw it -from the balance of its wonted composure; but the agitation and -disturbance it occasioned are prima facie evidence of its aberration -from right principles--of its criminality. That cannot be regarded, by -sober minds, other than a highly responsible operation in society, -which breaks its peace, and puts in peril its political existence; and -we dare to aver, that the common impression of its criminality cannot -be without good reason. Even if no law had been violated, other than a -common and implied obligation of all good citizens to keep the peace, -and sustain the tranquil operation of our Constitution and laws, that -is enough to authorize a verdict of guilty against this Society on the -_general_ charge of a public nuisance. But in all points of view we -find there is recognised and written law for the case, and the common -feeling of the public mind is honored and sustained by the -investigation. We might fairly presume it impossible for this feeling -to be wrong, as it springs up spontaneously in the bosom of a -community where slavery is not only disapproved, but abhorred. - -It is morally certain, therefore, that it is not a feeling of -complacency in slavery, nor any desire, nor even willingness, to see -it perpetuated, that has arrayed itself so generally in the North -against the Abolition movement. But it is a conviction, that the -supreme law of the land has been invaded, and the certain knowledge, -that the public peace has been disturbed, and the stability and -permanence of our social and political institutions put in peril. It -is a correct view of the nature of our political fabric, which leads -the public mind, in such an exigency, to the conclusion, that the -people of one State have no right to interfere with the domestic -condition of another, unless that right has been _specified_ and -conferred in the Federal compact; and that even then, it can be -employed only in general concert by a representation of all the States -in Congress assembled. The people know, as they are bound to know, so -long as they claim the privilege of self-government, that the rights -of the several States, not transferred or prohibited by the general -Constitution, are sacred in their own keeping, and ought to be sacred -from foreign interference and invasion. And although they may not have -discovered, and as would appear, have not, as a body, that the -_organization_ of the American Anti-Slavery is an open and flagrant -violation of law, yet they have felt and been convinced, that its -_transactions_ are of this character. Hence the public feeling of -remonstrance and indignation, that has been manifested. It is not -unprovoked and wanton; it is not an opposition to the principle of -Abolition in itself considered, for all the early and abiding -prejudices of the North are on that side; it is not persecution, -however such a clamour may be raised, for there is no adequate moral -cause; but it is an attachment to the existing, and long tried, -institutions of the country, which, though they may not be perfect, -are yet deemed too valuable to be suddenly and ruthlessly broken down -by a faction--by an organized sedition. This feeling, therefore, is -worthy of some respect--nay, of the greatest respect--for it proves to -be based on sound Constitutional principles. We hold it to be -impossible, that a lawful enterprise could produce so great an -excitement, under a Constitution and Government so good, and so well -approved, as ours. - -But, having disposed of this subject, as a violation of the law of -nations, which involves the highest criminality, because it is liable -to work mischief on the largest scale, and of the deepest die, let us -consider it as a violation of the Federal Compact, in an Article not -yet introduced: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the -Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the -States respectively, or to the people." This is the Tenth Article of -the Constitution of the United States; and although it involves -precisely the same principle of international law, as that we have -just been considering, it presents itself here in the character and -with the sanction of a corporate element of our own political fabric. -It draws the line, in black and white, between the powers of the -nation and those of the States respectively. It leaves the States in -absolute and uncontrolled possession of all the sovereign powers, -customarily asserted and employed by sovereign States, which are not -delegated or prohibited in the general Constitution; and one of those -powers is a sovereign right of legislation and control over the -institution of slavery. Another, of course, is the common and national -right, universally recognized, of claiming the unrestricted scope and -benefit of the law of noninterference in regard to this matter. This -Article of the Federal Constitution places every State precisely on -the footing, and in the position, of nations entirely independent of -each other, in all particulars not surrendered or prohibited by this -instrument. Its language is, that all other powers--"the powers not -delegated, &c. are _reserved_ to the States _respectively_, or to the -people." Whatever may have been intended by this alternative of "_the -people_," it cannot be construed to qualify or restrict the object of -our present remarks. We suppose it points to the principle of general -sovereignty, as appears to be recognized in the Ninth Article, as -follows: "The enumeration, in the Constitution, of certain rights, -shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the -people;" that is--if we may be allowed the privilege of interpretation -here--those general rights of sovereignty, which belong to all -nations, acting in their Constitutional modes, authorizing measures -adapted to unforeseen exigencies. Certainly, this rule cannot be -construed to authorize a minority, or a faction, to do what they -please, or to depart from the constituted forms of law. And that is -all the bar we have any occasion, for our present purpose, to -introduce, whatever other interpretation may be given to it. - -The sovereignty of the States, in and over their own respective -jurisdictions, in all that is not taken out of their hands by the -National Constitution, is recognized and settled by the Tenth Article; -and the power to claim the privilege of _noninterference_ from foreign -quarters, as to their domestic condition, is a part of that -sovereignty. Consequently, if the people, or any association of -people, in one State, should interfere with the domestic concerns of -another, they are guilty of sedition in and against the Republic; and -on the principles of international law, if it be a seriously -disturbing movement--of which the injured party is constituted -judge--they have made war upon that State, and furnished a just -occasion of resort to arms, if remedy and redress can be obtained in -no other way. We speak not the language of advice, but of the law -simply--of recognized and established principles of civilized and -political society;--and so far as the question of sedition is -concerned, we speak of the supreme law of this land. In the condition -and relations of the members of our Confederacy, the remedy for such -interference is doubtless to be sought through the medium, and by the -action, of the General Government. If that Government should prove -incompetent, or be unwilling, to perform the duty claimed by the -injured party, and devolving upon it in such an exigency, the natural -consequence would be a dissolution of the Union, and a probable resort -to arms. And this is the result to which our country is now imminently -exposed by the seditious and criminal interferences of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, with the domestic condition of the slave-holding -States. They have no more right to meddle with Southern slavery, than -with that of the Irish peasantry, or of the miserable beings immured -in British Manufactories, or of Hungarian, or Polish, or Russian -boors, which, in each of these instances, is far more worthy of -commiseration and relief, than the slavery of the Southern States, and -calls louder for the offices of humanity, if any such interferences -would be tolerated. - -But the case is even stronger than has yet been stated. The General -Government itself cannot interfere in this matter, except to keep the -peace, and _prevent_ interference; and this they are bound to do. The -Federal Constitution has recognized the validity of slave property, -and established a law to maintain and defend it, throughout the -jurisdiction of the United States, as follows: "No person held to -service, or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping to -another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be -discharged from such service, or labor; but shall be delivered up on -claim of the party to whom such labor or service may be due." Art. IV, -Sect. II, Clause 3d. The Tenth Article of the Constitution cuts off -all interference of the General Government, in the matter of slavery, -as it exists in any of the States. Next, it debars interference to all -the States, in relation to each other. Much more does it debar such -interference to private citizens, or to any combinations of citizens, -in any State, or States, with the slavery of other States. For, -surely, that right of property, which the public authorities may not -infringe, may not be infringed by those who are not invested with -authority. Neither can a private citizen, or any combinations of -citizens, lawfully disturb or weaken the possession of property, which -is sanctioned and upheld by the laws of the land. - -Moreover, the General Government is bound by an express law of the -Federal Constitution to protect and defend this species of property -against invasion, conspiracy, insurrection, and violence: "The United -States shall protect every State in this Union _against invasion_; and -on application of the legislature, or of the executive, when the -legislature cannot be convened, _against domestic violence_." Of -course, this is a general and comprehensive rule for all possible -exigencies of the kind; but it is generally understood--the last -clause, particularly, respecting "domestic violence"--to have been -enacted in anticipation of _servile_ insurrections, and such other -disturbances as are liable to occur under a system of slavery. Any -how, the rule applies to these cases, and comprehends them; and that -is enough. The General Government is bound to keep the peace under its -own laws; and whenever the slave-holding States shall have occasion -for its services, in consequence of "domestic violence," or of -"invasion," they have a right to demand them, under this law of the -Constitution; and they would no doubt be promptly afforded. - -We see, therefore, that slavery is protected and defended at all -points by the political fabric of this country. We profess, that we -have no complacency in slavery, and never had: and that we have no -gratification in coming to this conclusion, so far as it presents the -prospect of the perpetuity of this acknowledged evil. But the time has -come when a far greater evil, than that of slavery, threatens this -land, in the unlawful measures which have been concerted, and which -are being unlawfully urged, to do it away. The time has come, when it -is important for the public to know what the law is, in relation to -this movement; that they may know how to appreciate it, and how to -act. The time has come, when it would be treason to the country -wilfully to conceal the law, or to misinterpret it; for the law is the -only power, that can settle this question in the public mind, on this -side of that fearful resort, which brings despotism first, and -barbarism last. Whatever the law is, we want to know it; the people of -this country want to know it; and we believe they will abide by it, -till, in peaceable times, they can make a better, if a better can be -made. - -The Abolitionists of this country are fast driving the people to the -law--to a law, which has long been asleep and forgotten, because there -was no demand for its authority; to a law, which we think, will -assuredly work against the Agitators; to a law, which may yet have -occasion to say to the tempest they have raised--"Hitherto shalt thou -come, but no further." - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -VIOLENT REFORMS, AND THEIR CONNEXION WITH ABOLITIONISM. - - -It can hardly have escaped the attentive observer of the history of -our country, that for a considerable period, and to a great extent, it -has been characterised by _violent reforms_, both in religion and -morals; and it would be impossible, in our judgment, to understand the -causes of the Abolition movement, if we should leave out of view this -important and prominent historical feature. All great movements in -society have their moral causes, and it is by referring to them, that -we are enabled to ascertain their true character. - -Religion has always been a potent element in American society, and it -is to the conservative power of Christianity, that we owe our greatest -blessings. But it does not remain for us to prove what history has -decided, that religion may be abused and perverted. In such a case, -it becomes important to distinguish between Christianity and religious -excesses, or corruptions, and to rescue the former from a -responsibility which would dishonor and injure it. When religion is -profaned and degraded by extravagant modes of action; when it becomes -rude and violent, instead of maintaining the genuine character of -Christian suavity and mildness; when it assumes an overbearing and -despotic dictation to private and public conscience, instead of the -kind and winning arts of persuasion, which shine so conspicuously in -the example of the Divine founder of Christianity, and of his -Apostles;--and more especially, when it has leaped from its -appropriate sphere of the moral, to the agitations of the political, -world, seized on a stupendous political machinery in violation of the -laws of the country, disturbed civil order to an alarming extent, -threatened to overthrow the Government, and to deluge the land in the -blood of a civil war--it is time to enquire into the causes of such a -movement, how it originated, and how it may be checked, if checked it -can be. These causes cannot be understood, without alluding to the -facts and events of our religious history; for it is after all, and in -truth, a religious movement, even by its own public and authoritative -confession, as before seen. The Constitutional law of this land has -carefully excluded religion from a participation in the authorities of -State, and it cannot lawfully meddle with its affairs. It is a notable -fact, however, notwithstanding these cautious provisions, that it has -finally and suddenly overstepped these constitutional barriers, and -usurped the most important and most momentous State questions, that -could possibly be taken in hand. - -In the first place, we remark, as a simple matter of fact--the -deductions from which will afterwards claim our attention--that -certain very extraordinary and painful scenes, sufficiently well -known, have been enacted in our religious history, bordering on -fanaticism, in some of the means employed, and modes adopted, for the -extension of the interests of religion, according to the particular -views of those engaged in these measures. So long, however, as those -excesses were confined to religious action, they have been tolerated -and protected by the laws of the land. It is the spirit of our -Government, and the general temper of the community, not to disturb -religion, even when its measures, in the judgment of the more sober, -are deemed very extravagant and fanatical. Hence the rather _forcing_ -methods that have been so extensively adopted to gain and multiply -converts, have been connived at, because they have been allowed to be -sincere, and it was hoped they might be useful, as a conscientiously -religious man is a better citizen than one whose sense of moral -obligation is not founded in religious motives. This high stimulation -of the moral world, however, has had the effect to produce an -extensive and powerfully active leaven of a specific character, which -seemed to require a wider scope of action, or an action the results of -which might be somewhat more palpable in the common regions of -society, than that which relates merely to the spiritual affections of -mankind. In a word, instead of being satisfied with the religion of -those "who declare plainly, that they _seek_ a country" not yet -possessed, it has shown a disposition to take under its charge a -country _already_ possessed. A religious faith, which ought to have -maintained ulterior and higher aims, has degenerated somewhat into a -religious patriotism; which still might have been well enough, as to -any objections from general society, if it had not transcended the -laws of the land. But it was perfectly natural, that a spirit which -was violent, and addicted to forcing measures in one department of -society, should also be violent, and employ like forcing measures in -another, whenever its drift or inclinations should tempt it from its -original and legitimate sphere of action. - -It will be understood, of course, that we allude, in the first place, -to the violence which has been so extensively manifested in religious -reforms; and next, to the same spirit which afterwards took hold of -Abolitionism. It was the breaking over of all religious order in the -first instance, which prepared the way for the violation of civil -order in the second. That boldness which trampled on custom in one -case, was naturally schooled to set at defiance the law in the other. - -But all breaches of propriety and of law, human or divine, are -generally a work of degrees. Moral reforms came next to the -religious--to neither of which, of course, do we take exception, any -farther than as respects the violence that has been practised. But it -is equally known, that the excesses which characterized one class, -have been carried into the other. That religious patriotism, if we may -call it so--an honorable appellation, certainly--which began to -trouble itself with the condition and affairs of the country, soon -discovered, that the state of public and general morals required -attention--a conclusion most natural and most worthy, and an object -which could hardly fail to meet with general approbation. And -accordingly it has been approved, and well sustained. It was a work, -in its various forms, from which much good was expected, and by which, -no doubt, much good has been done. - -But, unfortunately, the same excesses and the same violence, which -characterized the religious operations of the country so extensively, -were transferred into the moral reforms which were undertaken, and -became a principal ingredient, because it happened, that the most -violent religionists had a principal hand and a controlling influence -in these matters also. As in religion, they undertook to convert -sinners by force, so they undertook to reclaim mankind from their -vices by force; and as they had adopted various new inventions and -machineries for the former operations, so they did for the latter. But -_force_ was the dominant power in all--forcing opinions, forcing -conscience, forcing the will--in the one case fulminating the terrors -which come up from the future world to frighten mankind into religion; -and in the other, arming themselves with all the power of an -associated influence to destroy the characters of those who differed -from them in opinion, as to the best modes of moral reformation, or -who did not fall in with all their extravagant and coercing measures. -The sanctuary of domestic and private life was not secure from their -invasion; the thunders of authoritative anathemas pealed on the ears -of the public, from the solemn decisions of imposing popular -Conventions, to proscribe opposition and remonstrance, because it was -_assumed_ to be wrong and criminal, by a judgment _ex cathedra_; the -title was claimed to examine every private citizen as to his private -habits and opinions, and to denounce him, if heterodox; nor did they -wait even for that; for they had the sagacity to discover what a man -was by looking in his face. The character of no man was safe under -such an inquisitorial, all pervading, self-constituted, and -irresponsible tribunal, if he did not succumb at once to its -authority. - -Violent _moral_ reforms constituted the _second_ stage of advancement -with this disturbing spirit of our land; and the impunity which it -realized in its progress seemed to be a warrant for the still farther -extension of its domain. And behold! the next step was an invasion of -the political fabric of our country, by a crusade on the Southern -States for the rescue of the slaves! By this time a mighty moral -associated power had been arrayed for any violent enterprise that -should be set on foot. The entire ranks had been well schooled in a -thorough contempt of all opinions except their own, and seemed to -think, that the whole world were under a moral obligation to respect -and yield to theirs. Custom and law seemed to have no respect in their -eyes _because_ they were custom and law; but existing institutions -were rather assumed to be wrong _because_ they existed. They had found -the religious world all wrong, and undertook to revolutionize it -without scruple; they had found the conventional social state all -wrong, and assumed the task of imposing new laws upon that; and now -they have discovered that the political fabric of our country is -wrong, and have begun to tear it down, without leave, and in open -violation of the supreme law of the land. Before they had stepped foot -upon this ground, they had nothing to oppose them, and success -inspired confidence. Wrong themselves they could not be, in their own -esteem; they have never dreamed of being wrong; it is not the nature -of fanaticism. But this stepping out of the appropriate sphere of -religious and moral reform, into the arena of political strife, under -a vast and powerful political machinery of their own creation, puts -them in a new position. The religious world, and the conventional -social state, they might invade with impunity, and devastate at -pleasure; there was no adequate power to withstand them; but a -recognized and long established political fabric will not give way so -easy. - -Avaunt, ye infidels, and suspend your song of triumph, that religion -is fallen, though it cannot be denied, that she is dishonored. She has -been betrayed in her own house, and by her professed adherents: but -their true character stands revealed. Christianity has never -authorized such proceedings; but they are violations of her most -sacred principles. - -It requires but the slightest observation to justify the position we -have assumed, as to the connexion between Abolitionism and other -violent reforms. We do not, indeed, suppose it true, that all -Abolitionists have been engaged in the other; or that all who may have -taken part in the violences which came first, are engaged in the last. -We only mean to aver, that there is not only a natural and common -sympathy in all these movements, but that the most prominent leaders -in any one of them, are generally found in all; and that they are a -flock which instinctively jump together over the same fence, when any -one of them gives the lead. "We mean, moreover, to be understood as -maintaining, that Abolitionism is only a new form of an old spirit, -which, having found no great impediment in its former pranks, has -thought fit to lay aside the comedy, and attempt the more grave -enactment of a tragedy. This we regard as the philosophy of its -history." - -So far as Abolitionists themselves may turn their eyes upon these -pages, we beg leave to assure them, that we mean nothing uncharitable -by these remarks, or in our general treatment of this subject. They -must be quite aware that the affluence of language has been exhausted, -used up, and worn out, on their side, in epithets of censure on their -opponents; and that they are the assailants in the most important -particular. We believe, that the great majority of those, who have -been drawn into the Abolition ranks, are honest, good people; but, -that they are deceived. As we are convinced, that this business cannot -go on much longer, in its present shape, without ruining the country, -we therefore think the time has come, when the language of plainness -is demanded, if, peradventure, the deluded may be undeceived; at -least, that that portion of the public, not already committed to this -cause, may clearly understand its character and position. It professes -to be engaged in the cause of humanity and liberty; while in fact it -leads directly to anarchy and bloodshed. It originated in violence, -and has never lost its character--a violence which has been -successively jumping from one line of movement, and from one object of -assault, to another, acquiring strength in every stage of progress by -the principle of organization. Finding, that its coercive measures did -not answer all its purposes in the religious sphere, on account of -certain obstacles existing in the state of public morals, it buckled -on its armour for this new field, and applied the screw and lever to -the dead weights found there. After working awhile with the same -characteristic violence, and with some success, but on the whole, with -a reasonable prospect of defeat, on account of its mode of operation, -it jumped over into the political arena, where it now is, well at work -with accumulated and accumulating powers; and what shall be the end -thereof, heaven only knows; but it is, at least, a dangerous business. -Of course, in consequence of the division of its forces, it can only -carry on its former enterprises with diminished vigor, while it is -supremely bent upon this. But the immense machinery that has been in -operation, which is continually augmenting in its parts and power, is -growing more and more formidable, and more and more efficient. -Encountered it must be by the authorities of the nation, or else, in -our opinion, it will soon force those authorities to resign their -places. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION BORROWED FROM THE RELIGIOUS WORLD. - - -We have nothing to do with the merits of the Religious and Benevolent -Society system of this country; it is only necessary for us to allude -to the character, skill, operation, and efficiency of its framework, -to illustrate the fabric of the American Anti-Slavery Society, which -has been constructed precisely after that model. To accomplish the -various objects of the religious and benevolent public, they have -thought it expedient and necessary to erect themselves, by -association, into sundry bodies politic, or incorporations, which -originally were small, but which have gradually grown to considerable -importance. It has been found by experience, that by a skilful -organization, and by an economical application of its means and -agencies, a single Society, enjoying public favor, can operate upon -the whole country, to secure interest, raise money, and carry on its -designs. But the very necessities of the case have put in requisition -a sort of State machinery, which, as is well known, has been erected, -and in some instances extended, on a very large scale; and they are -conducted with as much system, as the affairs of a Nation, not -unfrequently with a superior tact and efficiency, as compared with the -ordinary concerns of the political world. The fact, that rotation of -office does not follow in these Societies, as in the State, gives them -greater advantage in this particular. The various officers and agents -become highly accomplished and skilled in their vocation, are -supported by fixed and adequate salaries, and can devote themselves -entirely to their work, from the day of their induction to the day of -their death. They are at home in their several places and spheres, and -know all about them. They understand by what means their objects can -best be obtained, are always growing wiser by experience, and -consequently more influential and powerful, in this particular. These -Societies have always a Head; a Council Board; legislative, executive, -and judicial departments of Government; Secretaries and -Under-secretaries; a fiscal system; itinerating Agents; subsidiary -organizations, multiplying in numbers, and increasing in influence; -journals, periodicals, tracts, books, &c. &c.--all subserving their -designs. These machineries are all the inventions of a single age, and -constitute a new era in human Society. They are, undeniably, -institutions of great influence and power. For religious and -benevolent objects, they seem to have been welcomed by the Christian -world generally, have been encouragingly sustained; and some of them -are engaged in large schemes, as wide as the human family, and might -vie, in the extent of their correspondence and responsibilities, with -the ordinary operations of political Governments. Confining themselves -to the objects and cares which they have assumed before the public, -they have neither roused the jealousies, nor encountered the -opposition, of the political world. Their powers are of a high order, -of great scope, and of no inconsiderable importance in the social -system. - -Exactly according to this pattern is the American Anti-slavery -Society. The simple fact, that it has borrowed this machinery from -this quarter, proves, that the argument of the previous chapter, -showing it to be a religious movement, is founded in truth. Such, -beyond all question, is its character. Neither is it any the less -political on that account. The sum of the matter is: IT IS RELIGION IN -THE STATE; and so much _worse_ than a _Union of Church and State_, as -that it is a _usurpation_, set up in defiance of the State's -authority, and in open violation of its highest, strongest, most -sacred law! - -It is well for the Churches of this land, that they are not engaged in -this business, that they have lifted their voices against it, and -acquitted themselves of its responsibilities. It would be enough to -sink Christianity amongst us to the lowest depths, to rise again, no -one could tell when. But, fortunately, the public, the world will see, -that this responsibility rests on a few, and only a few, designing, -ambitious, turbulent spirits; that the great majority of those who -have been drawn into this mad enterprise, are perfectly innocent of -any evil designs, have never dreamed of violating law, have had their -best feelings worked upon by exaggerated statements and false -representations, have been made to believe that this was their proper -business, and been constituted Judges of that which did not belong to -them, and which they know little or nothing about. We are disposed to -believe, to hope, certainly, that it will only be necessary for them -to be enlightened in the knowledge of their position, as members and -abettors of such an organization, to be induced to withdraw, and wash -their hands of its responsibilities. It is the moral power which their -numbers give to it, that constitutes its importance and influence. It -is in fact a vast and powerful machinery, from the very nature of its -organization, and the methods of its operation, so long as it can hold -its own; more especially, so long as it is in a state of actual -growth, and in an advancing career. The Government of this country, -and those States which are parties concerned, cannot be too much alive -to this fact. The public generally ought to understand it; and if the -knowledge and conviction should generally obtain, that this Society is -a seditious organization, and engaged in a work of sedition, which, by -continuance, may grow into treason, it is believed, that no more -acquisitions to its numbers and power could be made, and that it would -gradually die away, and cease to agitate the public mind, without the -intervention of the public authorities. - -We have shown, as we think, by the fairest argument, that this Society -_is_ an _organized_ sedition. But even if there were any doubt upon -the subject, that doubt ought to go in favour of public peace and -safety--_Ne quid detrementi respublica capiat_--lest the republic -receive damage. - -If, in the judgment of the constituted authorities of this country, -the public safety should require it, we have no more doubt of their -competency to dissolve the American Anti-Slavery Society, and -suppress its action as an organization, than of the power of a Court -of Chancery to issue an injunction to arrest an alledged and apparent -violation of law, till the case can be fairly tried. But whether, or -when, it may be expedient, is for the proper authorities themselves, -in their discretion, to decide. In such a case, the present component -parts of this Society would be reduced to the Constitutional basis, -with all the license of the Constitutional provisions; and on that -ground they would be harmless. Whereas, as a _permanent_ and -_independent_ political organization, they are an unconstitutional, -vast, formidable, and dangerous power. This Society is in fact a rival -Empire on the territories of the Republic; and the simple question is, -whether this usurpation, or the old and Constitutional Government, -shall stand. If this organization has _already_ attained sufficient -strength and confidence in its power, to refuse submission to the -claims of the Constitution, and if it would _now_ resist the empire of -the law, in case it should be asserted, the very grave and portentious -question arises, what is likely to be the state of things in this -country, after the continued action and growth of this Society shall -_compel_ the Government to take a stand against it? There is all the -difference between the two cases, as between the strength of a bud, -and the vigorous trunk and extended arms of a full grown tree. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE ANARCHICAL PRINCIPLES OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -_Nous verrons_--Onward! seems to be alike the maxim and tendency of -all violent reforms. It may be said, that Abolitionism has at last -come to a fair and palpable _denoument_, in the formation of the _New -England Non-resistence Society_, which was organized at Boston, in -September, 1838, with William Lloyd Garrison, and such others, men and -_women_, leaders. The fundamental principle of this new association is -_identical_ with that of the Abolition movement. Both hinge upon the -same pivot. Indeed, it will be found, that all the violent reforms of -our country are based upon this. It is stated in the Constitution of -the Non-resistence Society in the following terms: "It appears to us a -self-evident truth, that whatever the Gospel is designed to _destroy_ -at any period of the world, being contrary to it, ought _now_ to be -abandoned." The mischievous element of this proposition, as reduced to -practice by the violent reformers, is _occult_, and would appear in -its naked form by substituting for the last word "_abandoned_," that -of _destroyed_--"ought _now_ to be _destroyed_;" for these reformers -do not admit, that those customs and laws, judged by their -interpretation of the Gospel unlawful, may be retained till -_persuasion_ shall produce reform, and simply preach, that they -"_ought_ to be _abandoned_." But they clearly show their meaning is, -that they "ought to be _destroyed_" and that it is not only lawful, -but praiseworthy and a duty, to destroy them. _Destruction_ is the -ruling power of the code; and society, the world, is to take its -chances for the setting up of a better state of things. - -Now, we maintain, that this is a fair statement of the principles of -Abolitionism, and of all other of the violent movements. Their -doctrine of _immediatism_--if we may invent a new term--is always one -and the same, and always has been. Wherever they find an evil, or -wrong--_Down with it_--is the rule. _Fiat Justitia, ruat calum_--a -sound principle, certainly; and a good maxim, in prudent hands; but a -terrible one, in rash hands. - -It is a good thing, and a very instructive result, that the principles -of these Destructives have at last come out, and been openly published -to the world, in the Constitution and "Bill of sentiments," adopted by -the New England Non-resistance Society. There is now no longer a -disguise. They openly renounce allegiance to all government: "_We -cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human government!_" Here, then, -it is, fairly ushered into the light of day--_a condition of universal -anarchy_, the proclaimed Jubilee of these reformers. We have only to -say, that this new Society has come honestly and openly to the end, to -which all the _Immediatists_ of whatever name, are rapidly advancing. -The maxim--_Down with it_--which governs them all, and which is the -soul, body, and foundation of their enterprise--cannot stop short of -anarchy. There is nothing of importance in the avowed principles of -this new Society, revolting and shocking as they are, which is not a -legitimate consequence of Abolitionism; or, by the remotest degree of -relationship, cousin-german to it. In the first place, they renounce -allegiance to human government; the Abolitionists, to be consistent, -ought to do the same; for they have made open war against it. _They_ -have announced the doctrine of _Immediatism_[1] as their fundamental -principle; that also is the fundamental principle of the -Abolitionists. _They_ have levelled all distinctions in society, of -rank, color, caste, and _sex_; and the doctrines of Abolitionism, -carried out, have legitimately led them to this. _They_ have -proclaimed the Agrarian principle, in all forms of application, and -denied the right of defending property, or any civil inheritance, by -human authority, or force of arms; and Abolitionism requires the -sanction of this principle to affect its designs. _They_ recognise but -one ruler--the King of heaven; it is equally necessary for the -Abolitionists to set aside the authorities of earth. _They_ have no -country but the world, and no countrymen but mankind; the -Abolitionists seem to be equally devoid of patriotism. _They_ avow -that neither nations, nor individuals, have a right to defend -themselves against aggression; this will be convenient, and even -necessary, to Abolitionists, in the execution of their plans. _They_ -pronounce the doctrine, that "the powers that be are ordained of God," -"an absurd and impious dogma;" this, too, will be convenient to the -Abolitionists, and it might be supposed, they had adopted it. _They_ -declare against all military preparations; we presume the -Abolitionists are equally unfriendly to them, as they might prove -uncomfortable opponents in their career. "As every human government is -upheld by physical strength, and its laws enforced virtually at the -point of the bayonet," _they_ "repudiate all human politics" and -legislation; the Abolitionists are equally averse to the "politics" -and legislation of the slave-holding States, and of course to the -political fabric of the Union. _They_ deny the right of prosecution -and indemnification for felony, which of course would be impossible, -where there is no law; the Abolitionists deny the right of -indemnification for the deprivation of property in slaves. _They_ deny -the right of all punishment for crimes; this would be extremely -convenient for Abolitionists. _They_ deny that their "doctrines are -Jacobinical;" and why set up this defence before they are accused, -except from the consciousness, that all the world will pronounce them -so? The Abolitionists, too, as we think, are somewhat involved in this -predicament. The members of this new Society are advocates of -Non-resistance, _on one side_; and so are the Abolitionists: both are -averse to being _opposed_, except so far as it may afford them the -opportunity and title to plead the rights of the honest Connecticut -negro's conscience, who, being asked by his master, what it said, -replied, "Why, Massa, it says, I _won't_." But the members of this -Society are to be great fighters, after all, and that, too, in the way -of _aggression_, as they claim the right and declare the purpose of -making war "boldly, by the application of their principles, upon all -existing civil, political, legal, and ecclesiastical institutions;" -that is, as one, remarking well on their scheme, hath it, "to take the -greatest possible pains to get mobbed, persecuted, imprisoned, hung, -and murdered." And little pity would they get. They, of course, are -the framers of their own conscience, and its interpreters; and that is -the empire, the rights of which they claim, under their professions of -_Non-resistance_. Allow any man that, and what, repudiating the -restraints of law, could he ask more? - -[Footnote 1: The abstract notion, that whatever is judged to be wrong -in the customs or laws of society, _may_ and _must_ be broken down, or -rooted out, _forthwith_, without any regard to consequences.] - -But, notwithstanding the magisterial offices of society, they say, "We -believe that the penal code of the old Covenant, '_An eye for an eye, -and a tooth for a tooth_,' has been abrogated by Jesus Christ," &c. In -other words, we suppose, they mean to set aside the authority of the -Old Testament Scriptures; of course, the Decalogue: and _in_ course, -proceeding onward, the whole Bible. In this way, the Abolitionists -would gain an important point, and procure the right of making a Bible -to suit themselves. Thus endeth the career of violent reform--_in -universal anarchy_. The New England Non-resistance Society is the -climax; and it is remarkable, that there is scarcely a principle -involved in the public declaration of their Creed, which, in some -form of application, does not exactly suit the case and cause of the -Abolitionists.--None, we apprehend, which does not very naturally and -legitimately flow from it. _They were_ Abolitionists in the previous -stage of their career, and one of them was the founder of -Abolitionism.[2] It only happens, that he still keeps the lead; and he -and his present associates are only more consistent and more honest, -in having opened the entire budget to the public gaze. There are, -indeed, some few _outre_ peculiarities of this new Association, -ingeniously appended and incorporated, just enough to attract -attention, and make it interesting as a curiosity. But there is -nothing surprising in it, when we inquire into the causes which have -generated the extravagant opinions, and set on foot the violent -reforms, of our country. They may all be traced backward, through all -their stages, and in all their connexions, under the broad and clear -sun light of philosophical research. - -[Footnote 2: Of Abolitionism in its modern garb of a violent reform--a -totally, radically, and essentially, different thing from Emancipation -in the sense attached to it before this agitation commenced. -Abolitionism is now identified with an unconstitutional, and as we -have proved, seditious interference of a combination of people in the -free States, with the domestic condition of the slave States. It is -shorn of the honors, both of a humane and patriotic enterprise, and -merged in the responsibility of a political misdemeanor. This is the -sense in which we use the term throughout this work; and we have -supposed there was some foundation for ascribing the authorship of -this movement to the gentleman above alluded to. Certainly, he was the -most conspicuous actor, when it began to attract public attention. And -behold! he is at the head, and we suppose at the bottom--(for we take -for granted he must be the leader wherever he is)--of an Association -set up professedly and without disguise, to overthrow all Government. -This last stage--for we see not how it can go any further--is, in our -esteem, an open and fair _denoument_ of the principles of -Abolitionism. Not, indeed, that the Abolitionists, as a body, have any -such designs--for we charitably suppose, and fully believe, they have -not--but the action of their fundamental principle of _immediatism_, -to gain, by a _coup de main_, a visionary state of _perfectionism_, -cannot stop short of this.] - -It is proper to remark, that, in the comprehensive picture given in -this chapter, of the principles of the New England Non-resistance -Society, we have taken the liberty to lay aside the garb in which they -have presented them, except here and there a literal quotation, not -only for brevity's sake, but to show them in their naked form. We -think, however, that we have not misrepresented; and even if we have -done so, in any slight shades, the moiety of this delicious _morceau_, -is enough to show the _taste_ of those who have swallowed it, and -how the _physic_ is likely to operate. As to the feature of -_non-resistance_, it is what is vulgarly called a "fudge," they having -reserved to themselves the privilege of conscience, according to their -own interpretation of its prerogatives, and moreover declared their -resolute and unflinching purpose to "_assail_ all existing -institutions." Besides, this _pretension_, to adopt their own -language, is "a measure of sound policy;" for they could not otherwise -be tolerated for a moment; and they hope to gain sympathy by -_appearing_ not to resist, while they themselves are engaged in _open -war_ on every thing that is valuable and dear to society. To show the -connexion between this and things that had gone before, it is only -necessary to quote one sentence from their own hand: "The triumphant -progress of the cause of _Temperance_ and _Abolition_ in our land ... -_encourages us_ to _combine_ our own means and efforts for the -promotion of a STILL GREATER CAUSE." Far be it from us, however, by -this allusion, to disparage the Temperance reformation, any farther -than the violent and overstrained part of it is concerned. And this -qualification, we trust, will be satisfactory to all, whose good -opinion we have any hope of enjoying. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE INCENDIARY DOCTRINES OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -_Facit per alium, facit per se._ The accessory to a crime is by law, -and in justice, made responsible with the principal. No man can deny, -that the effect of the Abolition doctrines and measures on the -slave-holding States, if they were not resisted, would speedily lead -to insurrection and massacre; that scenes of this horrible kind would -be constantly occurring, till the whole South would become a field of -desolation. It is true, the Abolitionists say, it would not be so, if -the slave-holders would give up. This, however is a justification, -which, we suppose, is not likely to be admitted. Everybody knows, that -the slave-holders will not give up, and that they are more remote -from it now than when this agitation commenced. The Abolitionists are -responsible for having, by their imprudence and rashness, rivetted the -chains of slavery, and put far off the day of Emancipation, unless -they shall succeed in breaking up society, by forcing abolition--the -responsibility of which, we apprehend, would be immeasureably greater -than that which now rests upon them. The right or wrong of slavery -cannot now be discussed with any effect, because another great -question has forced that aside. It is the question, whether the -political fabric of the country, in relation to this subject, shall -give way to violence? The claim of the slave to his freedom, we think, -will never be listened to, till that is settled. We must take things -as they are, and man as he is. - -"No," says the Abolitionist, "God forbid. We stick to _principle_; and -our principle is, that the slave has a right to his freedom--a right -paramount to any artificial and accidental state of society that -exists, standing in the way of it; and the consequences of opposing -this claim, _be_ on those who take this stand." Is this a fair -statement? We are inclined to think it is, as to those Abolitionists -who lead and govern the cause. Certainly, we should be willing to -state it in any other form, if we could do it more fairly. We only -wish to know on what ground they stand, that we may know how to take -them. From all we have been able to learn of their principles, we -believe that the above statement does them no injustice. - -Let us, then, observe the following facts: The slave-holders are -resolved they will not give up; the Abolitionists are resolved they -shall. The more the latter do, in the way they are now engaged, to -accomplish their end, so much the more determined are the former to -maintain what they claim to be their rights. The former point, first, -to the Federal Constitution, as their security; next, to their own -swords. Such, undoubtedly, is the true state of the case. The right of -the slave to his freedom, as claimed by the Abolitionists in his -behalf, is out of the question, till this political warfare is ended; -and every step makes the case worse and worse. Such is the present -position of the cause of Abolition in this country: the Abolitionists -stick to their principle, that "the duty, safety, and best interests -of all concerned, require the _immediate abandonment_" of slavery. -Such is the language of their Constitution, italicised as above; and -they are accustomed to press that principle by all the means in their -power, _without regard to consequences_; and we think it may be fairly -added, as a general fact, _without respect to the supreme law of the -land_, which happens to be against them. They view the right claimed -for the slave _paramount to all law that stands opposed_. We believe -we do not mistake in this. Every one may see what such principles, -carried out and enforced, lead to; and when we consider the certainty -of their being opposed, and opposed to the last, we think it not -unjust to pronounce them _incendiary_ in their character. - -We will illustrate this state of things by a case of fact. We happened -to be acquainted with a very estimable and exemplary clergyman, some -ten years ago, or more, mild and benevolent in his disposition, bland -in his manners, of unquestionable piety, and in all respects -agreeable; but we observed, with some concern, that he appeared to be -tending strongly to the way of violent reforms. In the spring of 1838 -we were glad to meet him again, as an old friend; but found him -thoroughly in for Abolition, according to the modern type. In the -course of conversation, it was suggested, that Abolition, hardly -pushed, would chance to make some bad work. "No matter," said the -gentleman, "the principle is sacred." "And must be maintained at all -events?" "Certainly." "But it may occasion the effusion of blood." "We -can't help it." "There will be insurrections and massacres." "That is -the fault of those who committed the first sin; and they must take the -consequences." It will be seen, that they who committed the first sin, -were out of the way many generations ago, and were never citizens of -this country. "But, do you mean to advocate the _instant_ manumission -of all slaves, without regard to consequences?" "Certainly. Slavery is -sin; and all sin ought to be left off instantly." "But do you not see, -that slavery is interwoven with a complicated state of society, -political and domestic; and that it is impossible to do it away -_immediately_?" "No matter; it is wrong, and ought not to continue a -moment." "But your doctrine will produce anarchy." "No--God will take -care of that. God never required any thing, that will produce a bad -result. Obedience to his will is always safe; and disobedience unsafe. -Slavery is sin; and all sin should be repented _now_, radically and -thoroughly, in practice as well as in heart." "But, there is the law -of the land." "And there is the law of God, and of nature." "But the -law of God says, _the powers that be are ordained of God. Put them in -mind to be subject to principalities and powers, and to obey -magistrates._" "That is a general rule, and was never intended to -vitiate the authority of conscience. If it is to be construed -strictly, and without exception, we had never had the Protestant -Reformation, nor American Independence. The indefeasible rights of -conscience, and of liberty, in the sense now maintained, may always be -asserted, and ought to be." "But may we go on a crusade, in behalf of -others, for these objects?" "Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself, -and shalt not suffer sin upon thy brother." "Then you are in favor of -carrying Abolition _forthwith_, as best it can be done, in despite of -the law of the land, and without regard to consequences?" -"Undoubtedly. It is impossible, there should be a higher law, than -that asserted in this cause. The law of the land will never be -altered, if we let it alone; and the only way to bring it about, is to -press matters by agitation. There are always enough on the side of -order, and we have no fear of consequences in so good and holy an -enterprise," &c. &c. - -We have abridged this dialogue, and profess no more than to give the -substance of it. And when we compare it with all we have seen, heard, -and read on the side of Abolition, and with the ordinary features of -the movement, we see not but it is a fair representation. Any persons, -however, are at liberty to qualify it, as they may think it deserves. -There are, doubtless, Abolitionists of all shades and degrees; but -there is a common ground, on which those who constitute the strength -of the movement, meet. We suppose it ought to be allowed, that most of -them _profess_ respect for the authority of law on this point, and -that they intend nothing but Constitutional modes of reformation. The -Constitution of their great Society, proposes "to do all that is -_lawfully_ in our power to bring about the extinction of slavery." But -every one construes the law for himself; and generally, that is -lawful, which sets up the right of the slave to his freedom, as -paramount to the law of the land. That we do no injustice to -Abolitionists by these statements, is open to proof, by the high -authority of the last Annual Report of their Parent Society, in which, -however startling it may seem, they have not only in effect, _but in -form_, set aside the authority of the Federal Constitution, in regard -to slavery, by _construction_! After quoting the well known third -clause of the second Section of the Fourth Article, which recognizes -the validity of property in slaves, and provides to defend it, having -first stated, that, "if strictly construed it could not apply to -slaves," because it does not _name_ them _as slaves_, the Report goes -on to say: "It is obvious to remark, in the first place, that the -_intentions_ of the framers--_whatever by historical evidence we may -ascertain them to have been_--_cannot bind_ us to an interpretation of -the Constitution which its own language does not render necessary, and -which is inconsistent with objects for which it was professedly -framed, to wit, 'to establish justice,' and 'to secure the blessings -of liberty.' _But we go further_: We contend, that when the -Constitution was framed, it was the understanding of _all parties_, -that slavery was soon to be abolished by the States, and the clause -intended to facilitate the recovery of fugitive slaves was a mere -_temporary_ concession, to _expire_ with the unhallowed anomaly which -called for it. If such be the case, it need hardly be said, that the -slave States, after having _violated_, on their part, that good faith -which was implied in the compact, _have no right_ to urge its -fulfilment, beyond the letter, on the other part." "Beyond the -letter." "The _letter_" does not happen to _name_ slaves. - -Now, if _this_ is not _coming out_, and by the highest authority, by -their own solemn and sanctioned Annual Scripture, declaring _null_ and -_void_ the law of the land, and its highest law, in relation to the -subject of controversy, it might be difficult to say what would be so. -They even set aside the universally established rule of -interpretation, confessing to the _intention_ of the law, but denying -its authority. Henceforth the public may know what to expect. We -think, that, with this document lying before our eyes, it is no libel -to say, the Abolitionists _do not respect the law_; and that they have -made up their minds, to trample it under foot. Their measures, and -their language, would certainly imply it. They seem to be so far -carried away by their sympathy for the slaves, that the hazard of -causing to flow in rivers the best blood of the land, by a civil war, -seems hardly sufficient to effect an abatement of their zeal; and if -the slave-holders and their families, should be butchered in the -strife of Abolition, "that is the fault of those who committed the -first sin, and they must take the consequences." _Immediate, instant -emancipation_ is the word and the _principle, whatever comes_. There -is no law above it--none that must not give way to it. Let the public -judge, whether this principle be not incendiary, and sanguinary, in -the most revolting aspects. The only barrier, hitherto supposed to -stand in its way, the Federal Constitution, is swept away by an -authoritative commentary, and the license to go forth to battle, has, -by this act, received the sanction of the Supreme Legislative Assembly -and high Court of the American Anti-Slavery Society! - -We think the time has come, when the public of this country have a -right to demand, whether the Abolitionists do indeed intend thus to -_force_ the application of their principles, in contempt of law, and -at the hazard of all consequences. Let them avow this scheme openly, -and it will be enough. The uncharitable imputation of occult criminal -designs is unwarrantable. But we submit, whether the passage just -quoted from the Annual Report of this Society is not sufficiently -open; and whether the habitual developements of the great movement, as -made before the public, in so many forms, do not corroborate and -confirm the impression which this document is calculated to produce? - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITY IN REGARD TO SLAVERY. - - -We believe the Abolitionists are accustomed to find one apology for -the movement in which they are engaged, in the assumption, that all -the Members of the American Union are responsible for the existence of -slavery therein, if not equally, yet in part; and being -conscientiously opposed to slavery, their conscience obliges them to -act in obedience to its dictates. They cannot, therefore, choose to -abstain from this enterprise, if they would. We propose here to -consider this question, as it cannot be denied, if the assumption be -founded in truth and justice, that there is some weight in the -statement. It is obviously proper to begin at the _beginning_, and -enquire where the responsibility rests for introducing slavery into -this country. - -We say, therefore, that it was imposed upon this country against the -avowed wishes, and resolute remonstrances of the ancestors of those, -who now have charge of the evil that was thus entailed; and that -resistance to the imposition came to the brink of a rebellion--nay, -was a cause of rebellion. - -"So early as 1502, the Spaniards begun to employ a few negroes in the -mines of Hispaniola; and in the year 1517, the Emperor, Charles V., -granted a patent to certain persons for the exclusive supply of 4000 -negroes annually, to the islands of Hispaniola, Jamaica, Cuba, and -Puerto Rico."[3] John Hawkins, an Englishman, received the honors of -knighthood, and was made Treasurer of the Navy, by Queen Elizabeth, -for his achievements in the slave trade. Elizabeth, James I., Charles -I., and II., were all in the habit of chartering companies to carry it -on. Charles II., his brother, the Duke of York, noblemen, gentry, and -_ladies_ of high rank and quality, were subscribers to these -companies; and England, Europe, revolted not at the deed! The public -conscience of the world seemed to tolerate it! When the slave trade -first commenced, from Great Britain, under Elizabeth, the American -Colonies did not exist. The succeeding princes patronized the traffic, -and introduced slavery into their American provinces. "In 1760, South -Carolina, a British Colony, passed an act to prohibit further -importation; but Great Britain rejected this act with indignation, and -declared that the slave trade was beneficial and necessary to the -mother country. The Governors of the Colonies had _positive orders_ to -sanction no law enacted against the slave trade. In Jamaica, in the -year 1765, an attempt was made to abolish the trade to that island. -The Governor declared, that his instructions would never allow him to -sign the Bill. It was tried again in 1774, but Great Britain, by the -Earl of Dartmouth, President of the Board, answered: _We cannot allow -the Colonies to check or discourage, in any degree, a traffic so -beneficial to the nations._"[4] - -[Footnote 3: Bryant Edward's West Indies.] - -[Footnote 4: Professor Dew's Review of the Debate in the Virginia -legislature, of 1831-'32.] - -The history of legislation, in the Colony of Virginia, records -_twenty-three_ Acts, imposing duties on the importation of slaves, -with the avowed design of suppressing the trade. "In 1772, most of the -duties, previously imposed, were re-enacted, and the Assembly -transmitted, at the same time, a petition to the Throne, of which the -following are extracts:-- - -"'We are encouraged to look up to the Throne, and _implore_ your -Majesty's paternal assistance, in averting a calamity of a most -alarming nature.... The importation of slaves into the Colonies from -the coast of Africa, hath long been considered a trade of _great -inhumanity_, and under its present encouragement, we have too much -reason to fear, will endanger the very existence of your Majesty's -American dominions. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, we most -_humbly beseech_ your Majesty _to remove all those restraints_ on your -Majesty's Governors of this Colony, which prohibit such laws as might -check so very pernicious a commerce.' - -"The _first_ Assembly which met in Virginia, after the adoption of her -Constitution, prohibited the traffic; and '_the inhuman use of the -royal prerogative_' against the action of the Colony upon this -subject, is enumerated in the _first_ clause of the first Virginia -Constitution, _as a reason of the separation from the mother -country_."[5] - -[Footnote 5: Professor Dew.] - -Such was the _common_ feeling of the Southern Colonies, though more -decidedly manifested in Virginia. They never invited, they never -tempted the slave trade, except by a silent acquiescence for a -season, in what was imposed upon them by the cupidity of foreigners, -and the mandates of authority, before the public conscience of mankind -had begun to remonstrate; and the moment they opened their eyes to its -domestic results among themselves, they set their faces, and employed -all their lawful powers, against it. - -"Federal America interdicted the slave trade from her ports _thirteen_ -years before Great Britain; she made it punishable as a crime _seven_ -years before, she fixed _four_ years sooner the period of -non-importation--which period was earlier than that determined upon by -Great Britain for her Colonies."[6] - -[Footnote 6: Walsh's Appeal.] - -For the introduction of Slavery into America, therefore, the Americans -themselves are acquit of all political responsibility. All that can be -said is, that individuals purchased slaves that were brought and -offered, when the public conscience of the world tolerated the -traffic; but it was under the authority, and by the imposition, of a -parent Government, in another Continent, that slavery was reared into -a domestic and political institution, the process all the while having -been solemnly protested against by those whose voice had a claim to be -heard, and who were most intimately concerned, until it grew into a -magnitude and importance, too formidable to be dealt with by a violent -hand of excision and extirpation--sufficiently formidable, indeed, to -demand the utmost wisdom and prudence of man for its treatment and -ultimate disposal. - -Thus, having fairly wiped from the American escutcheon the political -responsibility of introducing slavery in this Continent, and among -ourselves, it remains to be considered, how far the present generation -of slaveholding Americans are responsible for this state of things. -The sum of the matter lies in one short sentence: _They were born into -the world the heirs of this condition._ In no manner or degree are -they responsible for it, any farther than they maintain it, and _as_ -they maintain it. We suppose the Abolitionists themselves would not -differ widely from us here, except as, peradventure, some of them may -take their stand on the theological proposition--"In Adam's fall we -sinned all." If, however, it may be assumed, that all agree on this -point, it is the simple and the great question at issue. The slave -States say, that is _their_ business; and the Abolitionists say, it is -_ours_. This is the _contest_--the question _to be tried_. - -And one of the apologies of the Abolitionists, for interference in -this concern, is, that the whole nation is involved in the -responsibility. Let us see, whether this be true. It must be admitted, -that it requires some study to comprehend the nature of our political -fabric, as a nation, with the relations of its parts to each other, -and to the Unity; but still, like a mathematical problem, though -obscure and misty to the intellect, before it is laid down and -demonstrated step by step, it is afterwards no less clear and -satisfactory. It happens, that this task has already been done in a -former chapter, and requires only to be restated here. The great -principle, and its whole scope, are laid down before the eye, in the -tenth Article of the Federal Constitution.[7] By this rule, the -respective States are declared possessed, by original right, of all -independent and sovereign powers, not "delegated or prohibited" by the -Federal Constitution. In these limited attributes of sovereignty, -therefore, they are placed precisely on the footing of all other -independent States and Nations; and as the institution of slavery, and -all legislation over it, is one of these "reserved" powers, it -follows, that all its responsibility devolves on those States, in -which it exists, and is maintained. It is impossible it should extend -any farther, from the nature of the compact. It is a simple -proposition, and may be understood by any body, by a child, that I -cannot be responsible for that which the laws of society forbid me to -meddle with; and this is precisely the proposition which sets forth -and limits the responsibility of slavery in the United States. The -Union was formed on these conditions, and in an exigency under which -the parties were forced to combine for common good, with mutual -concessions thus specified, in the same manner as a society of any -individual persons is formed by mutual compact and mutual concession, -and the responsibility of every member is limited by the line thus -marked out. As he is not permitted to trespass on the rights secured -to others, he cannot be held responsible for any thing that would -demand such a trespass. If the rights thus secured are invaded, or -violated, the administration of justice does not devolve on individual -members of the community, or on any combination not provided for by -law, but on the constituted and public authorities. Even though there -be manifest injustice for which the law does not provide a remedy, or -injustice sanctioned by law, the same principle applies, and the evil -can be redressed only by a constitutional legislation. - -[Footnote 7: Page 52.] - -But, it is said, the principle of slavery is incorporated and -sanctioned in the Federal Constitution; and we are all at least so far -responsible. This, surely, will not be urged by Abolitionists, who -have formally and publicly declared, by their own mode of legislation, -as shown in the previous chapter, that this principle has ceased to -exist, and is no longer binding. But suppose it does exist. It neither -declares, nor sanctions, the _right_ of slavery _as such_: but simply -interposes the authority of a principle, which applies equally to all -the States, to enable them to maintain and secure their domestic -institutions, as established by their sovereign will--a principle, -which may accidentally operate more in favour of one State, than of -another, but which is equally important to all, and is habitually -employed by all. The Government of the United States, therefore, is -not responsible in this matter, politically considered; and therefore -not responsible at all, as it exists only as a political institution. -All these public relations are political, and can involve no other -responsibility than that which is prescribed by the laws of the social -state, as it exists. The relation of the master to the slave involves -a responsibility which applies to private conscience, and the master -must answer for it. So also the relation of the master to that -political commonwealth which maintains slavery; and he must answer for -that, to the extent of his political influence and relations. And so -with every member of such a commonwealth; but farther than this, he -cannot be held to account. This, we think, is the legitimate domain of -conscience, and the limit of responsibility, in regard to this -subject. - -But, it will yet be said, that the Government of the United States is -the public guardian of slavery, by the force and habitual application -of the fourth article of the Federal Constitution; and therefore, all -the citizens of the Republic are involved in this responsibility, and -consequently have a right to concern themselves about it. -Notwithstanding, it cannot be denied, that the Federal compact bars -this claim; and the Christian's conscience might find its salvo in the -Scripture which saith--"He shall abide in the Tabernacle and holy hill -of the Lord, who sweareth to his own hurt, and changeth not." In the -day of trial, our fathers swore to this compact, and bound their -children in the covenant, if we accept the inheritance; if not, then -we have no voice in the matter. But, we think, the political pledge of -the general Government to maintain the domestic institutions of the -several States, in case of need, so far as they do not interfere with -the prerogatives "delegated," or those "prohibited," does not involve -a responsibility for the _character_ of those institutions--not at -all. - -The _Union_ is admitted to have been indispensible to our National -Independence, and the slave States came into it on the condition, that -the institution of slavery should not be disturbed, and that it should -be maintained in the way the Federal Constitution prescribes. Whether -slavery was right or wrong in itself, or how long it should be -maintained, were questions never submitted; but were left among the -"reserved" rights. The Union never had any responsibility in the -existence of slavery; it never assumed any; it has never had any -whatever; it has only covenanted to protect the sovereign rights of -the slave States, as it has the sovereign rights of all other States, -leaving to them the sovereign control over their own domestic -institutions, without assuming any one item of responsibility in -regard to their character. The principle which forbids the -interference of the Union, absolves it from responsibility. - -But still the Abolitionist holds his ground, as a religionist, and -declares, that he is bound to have a care for all his fellow -creatures, and to help them, wherever he sees them laboring under any -evils, physical or moral, or any wrongs social or political. So far as -his benevolence extends to those who suffer under social and political -wrongs, if they happen to be beyond the limits of his own -Commonwealth, we can only give him a piece of advice, which he may use -or not, at his own discretion, viz. that, till the world gets to be in -a more favorable state for the range of his sympathies, as a -religionist claiming to carry his religion into politics by force, he -had better be content with the wisdom of Moses, who, as it would seem, -saw fit, not only to tolerate, but to _legalize_, slavery--for -whatever may be said of _different forms_, it cannot be denied that -the _principle_ was there. Or, with the wisdom of the Apostle Paul, -who, instead of interfering with the political fabrics of his time, in -regard to this as well as other matters, sent back Onesimus, a runaway -slave, thereby recognizing the legal claim of his master, Philemon, -with such messages as these: "If he hath wronged thee, or oweth thee -ought, put that to my account.... Whom I would have _retained_ ... but -_without thy mind_ would I do nothing.... Though I might be much bold -in Christ to _enjoin_ thee that which is convenient, yet for love's -sake I rather _beseech_ thee." Or, with the wisdom of the Apostle -Peter, who said: "Servants, be subject to your Masters with all -fear--not only to the _good_ and _gentle_, but to the _froward_. And -what glory is it, if, when ye shall be buffetted for your faults, ye -take it patiently; but if, when ye do well, and suffer for it, ye take -it patiently, this is acceptable to God." It is also written by "such -an one as Paul, the aged: Let as many servants as are _under the -yoke_, count their own Masters worthy of all honor, that the name of -God and his doctrines be not blasphemed, &c. _These things_," saith he -to Timothy, "_teach_ and _exhort_." For, we think, the Abolitionist -would be much better employed in imitating these illustrious examples, -than by inculcating sedition, and stirring up insurrection. Or, if -this should not suit his taste, then we would advise him by all means, -to let the politics of foreign States alone, as it is a delicate and -dangerous business, not as yet tolerated by the actual state of -society. If he thinks so, he may rely upon it, he has made a mistake. - -If, however, he insists on being thus occupied, and since his labors -are not well received in the slave holding States of America, and seem -likely to do more hurt than good, we would advise him to "shake off -the dust off his feet against them," and turn to another field, and -still _more_ remote, as he likes distant objects. If he would do the -greatest amount of good, and since he is resolved to have a _foreign_ -field, let him try where the evil exists in more aggravated forms. For -there is actually less slavery in the United States, in proportion to -the population, and the whole of it in a milder form, than in any -other part of the world, civilized or uncivilized. For what is the -_name_ of a thing, apart from its essential attributes? Slavery, -fairly defined, is the unequal and unjust depression of man in -relation to his fellow man, as the result of an artificial state of -society, which has been erected, and is maintained for the advantage -of the few, and to the disadvantage of the many. The degree of -depression, and the amount of _oppression_, are accidental. Both are -greater in any other part of the world that can be named, beyond the -bounds of the United States, than in the slave States of the -South--if, perhaps, we except the North American British -Provinces--now being invaded on Abolition principles. - -If the Abolitionists are resolved to interfere with the domestic -condition of other States for the relief of the oppressed, and cannot -otherwise satisfy their consciences, let them go to England, to -Ireland, and to the British manufactories. We assure them, they will -find work enough there, and enough of slavery too, as that particular -form of evil is especially to their taste. Let them go to the -Continent of Europe, and they will find enough of it any where in that -field--more especially in Italy, in Spain and Portugal, in Hungary, in -Poland, and above all, in Russia. Let them go to the tribes and -nations that border on the shores of the Mediterranean; let them -penetrate into Northern, Southern, and Eastern Asia; it is all a ripe -field for their sickle, or if they like it better, for their -sword--for it will no doubt soon come to that. Let them go to -Africa--which their sympathies would naturally lead them to first--and -there, independent of the temptations and effects of the slave -traffic, as all travellers inform us, they will find slavery in such -amount, and in forms of such horrid and murderous cruelty, as to show -the fields of its abode in the Southern States a paradise in -comparison. There they will see, that it is better to be a slave in -America, than a free man in Africa, without justifying slavery; and -that the best conditions of African barbarism could never be envied by -the worst of American slavery, if both were equally well known to the -parties, having their option between the two. There they might learn, -that God, in his high and inscrutable providence, can bring good out -of evil, and that, by the lights of American civilization, and the -blessings of American Christianity, thrown out upon Africa from these -shores, that long suffering, abused, and "pealed" race, may yet hope -to receive some indemnification for their bleeding wrongs. - -But do the Abolitionists reply, "that if we enter on the fields of -Europe, or of any other countries, for political action, by any -efficient force, to rescue the oppressed, we shall lose our heads." -That, indeed, may be a wise thought. Or, "if we attempt it by secret -operations, and by emissions of the press, clandestinely introduced, -we shall embroil our country in a foreign war." There is little doubt -of that. Or, "if we organize a political machinery at home, -industriously occupying years of preparation for descent, waiting for -an opportunity, and it is known that our force is likely to tell with -effect, when the time of aggressive action shall arrive, it will -produce the same result, unless our own Government shall interpose, -and suppress our movement." This, too, is doubtless a fair conclusion. -But, let it be remembered, that a foreign war is infinitely less to be -dreaded, than a domestic and civil one; and that it is no less -certain, if the Abolition movement is not suppressed, we must have the -last. The cases are parallel: as a foreign Nation could not endure -such interference, neither can the slave States of the South. There is -as valid and justifiable a right of interference in one case, as in -the other, and an equal provocation for resort to arms, if the General -Government should not interpose its authority, and arrest the -movement. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE ROMANCE OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -We live in an age of romantic sympathy and religious sentimentalism. -There is a charity that prefers a remote object, to one that is near. -A blind beggar, with every appearance of want and wretchedness, sits -daily by the way side, to ask alms. Floods of population swim along, -and now and then he gets a penny; but no body stops to ask him of his -misery, or sympathize with his woes. He is a solitary, uncheered being -during the day, in the midst of a busy, moving, and apparently happy -world; and as night comes on, he feels his way to his wretched hovel, -if he has one, and lies down in rags and filth, to sleep as he can. He -may, or may not, have some one to comfort him there; but the world -never asks. In every crowded population there are hundreds of poor and -wretched beings, whose wants are fruitful of sorrow, and whose pains -are without relief. They live in misery, and die without comfort; and -that, too, while surrounded with an affluence that knows not how to -dissipate its treasures. The sound of the light steps of the happy is -heard in the street, but they enter not the uninviting abode to -inquire into the wants of its tenants; the carriages of the wealthy -roll onward; but the suffering poor, so near at hand, are not -remembered. Even if you apply to the public in their behalf, you will -chance to receive for answer, "they are worthy of their doom, and are -only reaping the wages of their sins. We have known them well, and -generally speaking, there is little merit, and a slender reward, in -relieving such objects." - -But, form a Society of these very persons, and send out an Agent to -the Antipodes to hunt up the misery that may be found there, to report -in due form on precisely the same cases of distress, or on such, -perhaps, as are not half so worthy of pity, and the tear of sympathy -will be seen trickling down the cheek of the sentimentalist, as he -reads the printed document in his easy chair, or listens to the fervid -eloquence of the platform orator, who feels the same pleasure in -telling the story which his hearers do in receiving it. "'Tis distance -lends enchantment," and because these persons can luxuriate in the -indulgence of their benevolence in agreeable circumstances, without -being compelled to come in actual contact with the squalid and -disgusting forms of misery; or like Howard, to sacrifice home and -comfort to look it up, and administer consolation at the expense of -ease and better society. - -To all this we have no objection. Even if the statements are -exaggerated, and the pictures highly colored; though the Agents -engaged in this work know well, that their support depends on the -interest they create; though there is not half the good accomplished -that was dreamt of, or is supposed; nay, though all the fruits of this -sympathy were expended on the way to its objects, and in sustaining -this machinery, still the world is made better, and the compensation -is abundant, though nothing else be gained, but the good and kind -feeling it has kindled up at home. It is even better, that they who -will not relieve the miserable objects that lie at their doors, or -perish in the streets, or starve in the comfortless abodes of their -own city or town, should have some small pittances of their abundance -drawn out by the workings of a romantic sympathy for the remotest -objects, than that they should do nothing at all. If they feel not for -the wretched before their eyes, it is yet good that they can be made -to feel for those who are far off. - -The Christian missions of the age, and all purely benevolent -enterprises, which meddle not with the political structures of -society, are most worthy of patronage and support, _under a suitable -organization_. However they may, in some degree, fall under these -strictures, our remarks are only an echo of practical and faithful -missionaries, who have themselves written largely on the romance of -Missions, and laboured to chasten the views and expectations of -contributors to the cause, and to establish the work on the basis of -sound Christian principle. As we have before intimated, the Abolition -movement is a wandering star, an eccentric and fiery orb, that has -broken loose from the Religious and Benevolent Society system, with -all its armor on, and betrayed and violated the principles of that -system, by plunging into the battle field of political strife, and -running riot in a wild and mad encounter with the political interests -of mankind. It is a comet out of place, thrown off from its own sphere -by the violence of its centrifugal action, and comes dashing on its -way into a family of planetary worlds, whose orderly course around a -common centre it threatens to throw into confusion, and is likely to -plunge full sweep on that great central ORB which gives us light and -heat, and which, we hope and pray, will be able to sustain the shock -without injury. - -The romance of Abolitionism is well illustrated in the history of that -crusade which roused all Europe, and led forth its armies upon the -plains of Western Asia against the infidels, to rescue "the Holy City" -from "the abomination of desolation;" and we will venture to say, that -the great majority of Abolitionists are equally and no more wise, in -the expedition to which they are lending their aid. They know just as -much of the real state of things in the slave-holding States, and seem -to be equally blind to the romantic character of the enterprise. - -Let it be always understood, that we make no controversy with the -Abolitionists, as to the right or wrong of slavery, in this country or -any other, or in any case whatever. For in all cases, we presume, that -we are as much opposed to slavery as they are. We consider, that this -question is entirely forced aside by the position assumed by the -Abolitionists, and by principles they have avowed before the public, -which must necessarily supercede this question, till those principles -are practically settled. Abolitionists claim the right to a political -interference, which is denied to them alike by the Constitutional law -of the land, by the expressed opinions of our national authorities, by -the parties most intimately concerned, and by the general voice of -public opinion. And this is the ground upon which we meet them, and -only upon this ground. We have no objection to their opinion -concerning the inexpediency and sin of slavery, or to any proper modes -of expressing that opinion. This has long been known to be the common -opinion of the North, without disturbing society in the South; and the -action of that opinion, in a proper way, was likely to make advances, -and ultimately to gain its object, if it had not been checked by this -inauspicious interference with existing political society and -political claims. Abolition, in the peculiar circumstances and -relations of American political society, can never, as we think, be -_enforced_ by political action from abroad; it can only be gained -through the moral sense of those who have the charge of slavery, in -connexion with their interests. While, therefore, we declare the -general ignorance of Abolitionists of the real state of slavery, as a -reason why they should not meddle with it in the way they propose, we -protest against being represented as the apologist of slavery. - -Since, therefore, the people of the North cannot interfere -_politically_ with the slavery of the South--for we deem ourselves -entitled to assume this ground, in view of the reasons already -presented--and since a wide spread and powerful political combination -is in the field, mustering additional forces, and stirring up their -ranks to an onward course, by exaggerated and unfair representations, -we think it important, by all suitable means, to endeavour to break -that spell of romance, which, we conceive, has no small share in this -undertaking. We say, then, that the great body of Abolitionists have -not the means of knowing, and consequently do not know, the real -condition of slavery in the States where it exists, either as to what -it is in itself, or as to what it is in comparison of other states of -society in this and other countries. Instructed and excited by the -documents and various literary emissions of the Society--all of which -appear to be greatly exaggerated in their representation of facts, -inflammatory in their character, and some of the most influential of -them purely fictitious--they have obtained views of slavery at the -South which cannot be sustained by the truth of the case, and have -been stirred up to a sympathy which is for the most part romantic. -_All_ their views of the practicability of that form of action they -have assumed, being itself an unlawful organisation, as we have shown, -and at war with the political structure of our society, are, as we -think, purely romantic. They are generally, therefore, involved in an -atmosphere of romance on this subject. - -As to the practicability of _immediate emancipation_--which is the -avowed doctrine and aim of the Abolitionists--either for the good of -the slaves, or the safety of society, it receives the unqualified -negative of all Northern men and foreigners, who have visited the -slave-holding States, without having been previously committed to the -principles of Abolitionism; and that, too, against all the reports -that have been brought from the British West Indies, down to this -time, by the Agents of the American Anti-Slavery Society, or through -other more circuitous or direct channels. Every practical man may see, -that the experiment of emancipation in the West Indies is not yet -fairly tested. We have read Thome's & Kimball's "Six Months' Tour" and -Professor Hovey's "Letters," and compared them with other evidence and -the unalterable principles of human nature; and after making those -abatements which experience teaches are always due to ex parte -statements, we honestly conceive, that the argument is neutralised, -and the whole subject is necessarily left in suspense as to the -legitimate influence of such testimony. - -We say, then, without fear of contradiction, that every disinterested -_man's_ report from the South, whether American or foreigner, on the -question of _immediate abolition_, declares decidedly and solemnly to -the Abolitionists, "Gentlemen, you are wrong. It is impossible." - -But the doctrine of _immediate_ abolition, _dictated_ to the -slave-holding States, and _imposed_ upon them, even though it were -safely practicable, assumes the right of interference, and therefore -cannot be expected to be conceded by those concerned, and who claim -the right of originating and deciding this question for themselves. -The same right has been claimed by the Northern States, where slavery -formerly existed, and in no case have they seen fit to attempt -_immediate_ emancipation. To enforce it upon the South by foreign -dictation would be despotic, nay, an invasion, and, as we think, -"contrary to the principles of our republican form of Government." We -declare, in the first place, that foreign, that is, Northern -Abolitionists are, from the necessities of their position, -_incompetent_ judges of this question; and next, that they are -unconstitutional, and therefore unlawful judges. Certainly, we do not -mean by this to debar the right of opinion, or any constitutional -modes of expressing it; but only, that they have no right to sit in -judgment on this question for the purposes of dictation and -legislation, or for that which is tantamount to legislation, to -_enforce_ this principle. - -Moreover, some of the most influential literary emissions of the -American Anti-Slavery Society are _purely fictitious_, and generally -so exaggerated and highly coloured, or so unfaithful in not giving the -whole truth, as to misrepresent the truth. "The narrative of James -Williams," which has probably had more influence, and excited more -feeling, than any other single document, and which was thought of -sufficient importance to be made conspicuous in the last Annual Report -of the Society, by devoting one third of a page _to attest its -veracity_, notwithstanding the Abolitionists had been sufficiently -advised, _that it was false_. They have at last been forced to make -public confession, _that it is a fiction_! It is impossible to say, -what proportion of the issues of this Society are of this character, -because the proof of a negative, especially in such matters, is always -slow and difficult; but the exceeding avidity of the Abolitionists to -take up and accredit such stories as "the Narrative of James -Williams," directly in the face of rebutting and conclusive evidence, -and the strong temptations in such circumstances to fiction, may -fairly establish the presumption, that many of their issues are purely -fictitious. - -But exaggeration of statement, over-coloring of facts, and keeping -back parts of truth which are essential to a correct judgment, are -precisely of the nature of fiction. Such is the concurrent testimony -from all quarters, and such the evidence of probability in the very -nature of things, that this part of the budget must be immense. Every -body, who has visited the slave States, _knows_, that slavery there is -_not_ what it is represented to be in the publications of the American -Anti-slavery Society, in general, or in particular. Certain specific -evils, necessarily resulting from a system of slavery, no fair man can -deny; that some of these are of a revolting character, candor requires -to be confessed; that there are cruel and inhuman masters, is no less -true. So also are there cruel and inhuman parents, husbands, masters -of indented apprentices, and various other superiors in the relations -of life, _out_ of the slave States. We will venture to say, from -authoritative evidence submitted to the British Parliament, amounting -to many volumes, that there is more maiming of the human body, and -more crushing of the human mind, from infancy to the grave, in the -manufactories of Great Britain, by the cruelties inflicted on that -perpetual bondage which in fact endures from generation to generation, -than the _whole amount_ of the same class of evils inflicted on _all_ -the slaves in the United States, notwithstanding the immense -difference between the number of persons in one case and the other; -and that this result may be established by the best certified -evidence. If it should be said, that the bondage of the British -manufactories is voluntary, we reply, _it is not_, and that the _law -of necessity_ which imprisons its victims there, while they can work, -on a bare subsistence, without enough to get away, and dismisses them -when they can work no longer, without providing for their support, is -far more cruel than American bondage, where the law that makes it -hereditary, provides for the sick and superannuated. We are quite -aware, that one of these cases does not justify, though it relieves, -the other, by the light of comparison. There is no state of society in -the world, not even in the free States of North America, where these -cruelties and inhumanities cannot be found in great abundance. And why -do not the Abolitionists begin at home, and tear down society in their -respective Commonwealths, because these enormities are to be found, -notwithstanding the law and public opinion are against them, in the -same manner as law and opinion are against them in the slaveholding -States? Or, since they have a propensity to these foreign missions, -why do they not go to the nations of Europe, where bondage is more -cruel, and where they might, in that proportion, be more useful, if, -peradventure, they are likely to be useful at all? In all these cases, -and in all parts of the world, these cruelties are exceptions to the -general state of society, not the rule. - -The decrease of the slave population of the West Indies, and -the better economy--barbarous indeed--of keeping it up by -importation, was adduced in evidence of the inhumanities of the -system. And we think very fairly so. By the same rule, the rapid -increase of the slave population in the Southern States, over the -whites in the same States--it being in the proportion of 80 to 100 of -the whites, and of 112 to 100 of the slaves, in the term of 40 -years--proves, that slavery in the United States is comparatively -mild. It is commonly reported and believed, by disinterested visitants -to the slave States of the Union, that, from all appearances, the -slaves, as a body, are the happiest people in the world. And although -we are far from advocating the doctrine, in application to involuntary -and hereditary bondage, as an element of society, that, "where -ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise;" yet the real condition of -American slavery, when fairly ascertained, may go to show, that the -pains taken by Abolitionists, in the use of false testimony, to awaken -a romantic sympathy in the North, and to muster and urge on a violent -crusade upon the South, in violation of the laws of the land, and of -the obvious proprieties of man's social condition, thereby disturbing -the public peace, and threatening to bring about a civil war, involves -a very grave responsibility. It is undoubtedly true, that the -Abolitionists of the North know very little about Southern slavery; -and that they know far less about it now, than they did before the -Abolition press, under the American Anti-Slavery Society, began to -instruct them. Nearly all their sympathy is romantic, resting on "the -baseless fabric of a vision;" and they may rely upon it, that their -crusade upon the South has as little hope of good result, as may now -be read in the history of the crusade of the Christian nations of -Europe upon "the Holy land." - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -EVERY MAN MIND HIS OWN BUSINESS. - - -The observance of this rule would secure universal peace. There would -never be quarrelling, never war, on the smaller or larger scale; but -the breach of it soon produces difficulty, and leads to strife. We -have stated in a former chapter, to the effect, that the causes of the -Abolition movement of this country, cannot be understood, without -allusion to certain cognate events and reforming schemes, that have -been set on foot among us, and to certain extravagant and peculiar -features of those reforms, which fairly entitle them to the name of -_violent_. For example, it was assumed, that the action and scope of -Christian benevolence could not stop short of calling all men to -account for their principles, manners, habits, and especially meats -and drinks, according as these interrogators, _alias_ inquisitors, -might judge to be wrong. Great Societies were formed to give to these -measures the weight and sanction of their publicly declared opinion; -and under the shield of Conventional and solemn resolutions, which -struck at the root of all independence of private opinion and private -character, and excommunicated from good society all that should refuse -a strict conformity to these published "Bulls," by stamping them with -the _taint_ of immorality, their Agents went forth upon the land to -deal authoritative rebuke and denunciation against dissentients. The -rest is known. All we have to say is, that schools of this kind--and -we have only pointed to _one_ of many--were admirable preparations for -the Abolition movement. A public that would bear all this, it was -thought, would bear any thing else; and they who had been accustomed -freely, and with little opposition, to use these high prerogatives in -the religious and moral sphere, ventured _one_ step farther, into the -_political_. They did it without scruple, seeming to regard themselves -as well entitled to one field, as to the other; and to this day, they -seem not to have discovered the impropriety of the trespass. - -Now, let it be understood, that the application of these remarks does -not go a whit farther, than to comprehend those violent reforms, of -which the great body of the religious public of this country, of all -denominations, or nearly all, are heartily tired, and earnestly wish -them a good riddance. We think we are entitled, without offending any -Christian, not an Abolitionist, to point to this indubitable source of -this great movement, inasmuch as it would be impossible to do justice -to this subject without this leave. It is the wide spread sanction -that has been given to _meddling_ and _interference_ in the social -state, and the protracted and almost undisputed use of this -prerogative, that has conjured up the spirit of Abolitionism, and -given it weight and influence among that class of persons, who -sustained the other violent reforms, with few exceptions. They have -generally passed readily and regularly, as a matter of course, from -one sphere of action to the other, accumulating forces as they -advanced. It is even astonishing to observe, how that gem of society, -independence of private character, and the right of private opinion, -has been marred and prostrated before the authoritative edicts of -these high and formidable Associations, the most extravagant of which -were concocted in caucus, and forced upon the public, by those very -men who will generally be found in the Abolition ranks. - -We think it a great mistake, in the administration of the social -state, and highly injurious to it, that this title to interfere in the -affairs of our neighbors, has been so widely sanctioned. It is bad in -itself; and bad in all its results. Once give sanction to this -principle by public authority, and there is no end to the modes and -forms of its application, in private life or public affairs, in the -religious or political world; and there is scarcely any thing more -fruitful of strife, or more mischievous in its workings. The reformer -assumes, that he has a right, and is bound, to seek the good of his -neighbour--_in his own way_, of course--and there is the mistake. And -if he can get the sanction of the public, on a large scale, as to the -use of his _particular_ modes, he is then backed by authority, and is -confident. He will then march directly into society, and rebuke and -denounce opposition with little ceremony. We are doubtless understood -by these allusions. The rule laid down becomes a bed of Procustes: If -any one's legs happen to be too long, they must be cut off; or if too -short, they must be stretched out by force. And so it goes. There is -no such thing as private judgment, private conscience, or independence -of character; but a man's soul, and body, and every thing must yield -to authority; or, he will have the mark set upon his forehead, and be -denounced, as the enemy of society, because he does not agree in -opinion with these men, as to the best modes of promoting its -interests. - -Great and lamentable as the evil of Abolitionism is in our country, -and inauspicious in its aspects, we confess, we are not sorry, since -it has come to this, that these violent reformers have now got into a -position, in which they must encounter an authority that will be -likely to rebuke their _meddling interference_, in terms and in a -manner which they have not heretofore experienced. Having taken -political ground, in violation of the laws of the country, they must -henceforth look "the powers that be" in the face, and render an -account for their temerity. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -PERFECTIONISM. - - -This is a theological term, and announces the doctrine, as we -understand it, that it is possible for man to be perfect in this life, -and perfect at once. It is a species of _immediatism_; indeed, it is -the essence of it, its origin, and foundation; and out of this -abstract, theological, and visionary scheme grew the practical and -momentous doctrine of _immediate_ abolition. This is the application -of _perfectionism_ to politics, which was originally a religious -notion. At all points we see, therefore, that Abolitionism has to do -with religion, and religion with it. Whether such an interference of -religion with politics, will be agreeable to the people of this -country, remains to be seen. - -_Perfectionism_ is an old doctrine in the religious world, but has -recently been revived in this country, and extensively adopted in the -ranks of these violent reformers, whose impatience would not allow -them to wait for the action and effect of the ordinary and generally -approved means of improving society. With the abstract notion in their -heads, that all sin ought to be left off _now_--from which, and so -far, we have no inclination to dissent--they have jumped to the -conclusion, that it can, must, and shall be; and accordingly have -adopted a system of action which assumes, that all departments of -society, social, moral, religious, and political, can be managed on -this principle. - -It will be seen, that the principles of the New England Nonresistance -Society, which have been set forth in a former chapter, are the -legitimate result of this doctrine. They have stepped at once on the -ground of universal anarchy, by renouncing allegiance to all human -government, because they say it is badly constituted, and ought to be -broken up _instantly_. Nothing wrong in society, they being judges, is -to be tolerated for a moment. The entire fabric of society, therefore, -being wrong, requires to be dissolved at once. It is fortunate for the -public, that in the case of the New England Nonresistance Society, we -have a fair exemplification of these principles. _It is perfectionism -carried out._ We need go no farther to see what this doctrine, reduced -to practice, will lead to. - -It may be seen, therefore, _whence_ the doctrine of _immediate_ -Abolition has come, and how it proposes to sweep every thing before it -that stands in its way. Like the members of the Nonresistance Society, -the Abolitionists are fighting characters. The former declare, "We -propose to assail iniquity in _high_ places and in low; to apply our -principles to _all existing civil, political, legal, and -ecclesiastical institutions_." The Abolitionists differ from this -scheme by taking one thing at a time; in that, they are doubtless more -wise. But it is precisely the same principle applied in this -particular direction. - -It will be seen, therefore, that the peace of this country has been -disturbed, and the integrity of our political fabric menaced, by a -visionary, and we may add, fanatical religious notion. In violation of -the Constitutional law of the land, so far as respects the nature of -the Abolition organization, as shown in the second chapter and onward, -and also in violation of a distinct, established, and well known -principle of our Government, to wit, that religion shall not enter -into the State, the Abolitionists, as a religious _sect_--for it -cannot be denied that such is their character--have marched directly -into the political field, with this anarchical principle in hand, and -under a vast and powerful political machinery, have assailed the -Government of the country, and directly interfered with the -Constitutional prerogatives of foreign States. They have solemnly -declared, in their highest and most authoritative State paper, the -Annual Report of the Society, as before seen, that these -Constitutional regulations, defining the prerogatives of the slave -States, are null and void, and no longer binding. Of course, it is not -to be supposed they will respect them. And will the people of this -country allow a _religious_ faction to take possession of the -Government, and dictate to Sovereign States, with which we are in -solemn covenant to protect and defend them in these matters, what they -shall do--to _enforce_ their principle of _perfectionism_ on the -political structure of our society, to dissolve and overthrow it? - -We do not mean to say, or to intimate, that Abolitionists are all -_perfectionists_ in the religious sense of this term, and in regard to -_all_ modes of improving society. That is not true. But we do mean to -say, that Abolitionism emanates from this source, and that, like the -gradual progress of all error, it is only a stage to the admission of -the full sweep of the doctrine. It is a notable fact, however, that -the religious perfectionists of the country, who are numerous, are -almost to a man Abolitionists, and the most violent of the sect. - -It is not necessary to suppose, that perfectionism in the community -should have pervaded the entire mass before it can do mischief; or -that it cannot have a surreptitious influence on individuals, in -regard to particular subjects and in particular applications, while -they disclaim the doctrine, and that very sincerely. In this way a man -may be an Abolitionist, yet not a perfectionist in general. - -The doctrine of perfectionism may be much safer as a theological than -as a political notion, for individuals than for society; inasmuch as -the religious perfectionist keeps two separate moral reckonings: one -for his virtues, the other for his faults. When he happens to be -guilty of a fault, he is in a state of _lapse_; at other times in a -state of _perfectionism_. We hope his faults are rare; but when he -happens to get into them unavoidably, society holds him up. But alas! -when society _lapses_, who and what will hold that up? This single -question brings the whole subject before the mind's eye, in its -political bearings, and suggests the folly and madness of that -doctrine, which attempts to introduce perfectionism into the social -system. - -As the religionist professes respect for the Bible, and for Divine -authority, it may be well to refer him to these examples on this -particular point. We say, then, that, although God is an _immediatist_ -in the authoritative force of his law over the conscience of -individuals, he is not an immediatist as the Governor of the world. -Clearly, it cannot be denied, that God could have made human society -perfect _at once_; but for some good reason he has not done so. If it -should be replied: "It is because men do not _obey_"--Very well. We -speak of a _great fact_, under God's administration of the world. -Moreover, if the _Divine_ legation of Moses be allowed, we have the -authority of the Saviour, that he enacted a certain law of divorcement -"for the hardness of their hearts;" that is, as we suppose, on account -of the bad state of society, and not because it was right: "for it was -not so from the beginning."[8] For the same reason, as _we_ hold, -though we have not the same authority for saying it, Moses _legalized_ -slavery. If it was _not_ for that reason, then the slave holders have -the highest authority for the institution. It is impossible to get off -from this dilemma by the plea of _different forms_, while the -_principle_ stares us in the face. Forms of society are _accidental_, -and never agree exactly, and often differ widely, under the same name, -in different ages and countries. - -[Footnote 8: Matth. 19: 8. Mark 10: 5.] - -John the Baptist was a Divinely commissioned teacher. "And the -_soldiers_ likewise demanded of him, saying, And what shall _we_ do?" -Though not a member of the New England Nonresistance Society, we are a -little bit of a Quaker, and hold that the principles of Christianity -are at _war_ with war. Consequently, if _immediatism_ is to be forced -upon society, according to _our_ notions, John should have replied: -"The first thing, my friends, is to lay down your arms." But, "he said -unto them, Do violence to no man; neither accuse any falsely; and be -content with your _wages_." - -We believe it true to say, that no Divinely commissioned teacher ever -attempted to introduce _immediatism_ as an element of the social -fabric; or ever protested against the action of society for want of -it, so long as we understand immediatism to be an attempt to sweep -away, by one stroke, every fault, or defect, or imperfection of -society. Such was not the example of _Christ_; and such was not the -example of the Apostle Paul, in application to slavery itself, as will -appear in his courteous treatment of Philemon, a slave-holder. So also -in this Apostle's doctrine, and in the doctrine of the Apostle -Peter.[9] History proves, that the persons called "servants" in these -passages, were slaves, or the property of their masters. Yet the -Apostles never felt authorized, or saw fit, to disturb this state of -society, bad as it was in this particular, and many others; but they -availed themselves of the facilities afforded them by the existence of -political society to apply _immediatism_ to the consciences of -individuals, in regard to the state of their hearts, and to their -personal conduct. - -[Footnote 9: I Cor. 7: 20, 21. I Tim. 6: 1, 2. Eph. 6: 5, 9. Titus 2: -9, 10. Coloss. 3: 22, and 4: 1. I Pet. 2: 18, 20.] - -If, indeed, the Abolitionists will produce a _Divine_ commission, -sustained by miracles, entitling them to go _one step_ farther than -any other Divinely commissioned teachers have ever gone, by investing -them with authority to _remodel_ political society, we will respect -their claim, and advise the public to do so. But till that time, we -think it fair to say, that the _preaching_ of such doctrines as they -choose to maintain, moral, social, religious, or political, -_independent of any political organization_, such as they _now_ have, -to sustain them, is all they are entitled to by the Constitution and -laws of this land. By _preaching_, we mean, of course, to comprehend -all the _prescribed_ Constitutional modes of political action, so long -as they choose to meddle with politics. Preaching to _private_ -conscience, is one thing; and that is the office of Christianity, -within the range of its own precepts. But the political constitution -and administration of society, is another thing; and this, in _our_ -opinion, Christianity never presumes to meddle with. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -LIBERTY AND EQUALITY. - - -Aware, that we are constantly liable to perversion as to the intent of -our remarks in these pages, it is proper for us to say, that we have -not taken up this topic in order to bring our interpretation of it to -bear against the right of slaves to their freedom. That is a question -which we do not assume to discuss, though we have signified our -opinion, and are ready freely and frankly so to do on all proper -occasions. But our object at this time is to correct the vague, -poetic, and romantic notions which are commonly attached to these -terms. In this country, their origin may fairly be ascribed to a -notable declaration, so often quoted from our national bill of rights: -"that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed by their -Creator with certain unalienable rights, among which are life, -liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Now, what is the meaning of -this? The history of those times, and of the occasions which produced -it, will answer this question. - -First, as to the term _Liberty_. The British Government refused the -Colonies a representation in the law-making power of the empire, and -this was the ground of the quarrel, the cause of the Revolution. We -have, then, in this great historical fact, a fair and clear -interpretation of the meaning of the term "liberty" in the declaration -of Rights, viz. the right to a representation of the people in the -law-making authority. So much and no more, we conceive, is the meaning -of this term in this place; and that is enough for the free and full -action of "the principles of our republican form of Government." In -connexion with the provisions of our National and State Constitutions, -the people are thus constituted the law-making power. That is, they -are entitled to _govern_ themselves. But the very idea of Government -is _subjection_ to law, not a _liberty_ for every man to do as he -pleases. This last meaning is the _vague_, _poetic_, and _romantic_ -notion commonly attached to this term--to do as one pleases; whereas, -the Constitutional and proper meaning is the _right_ to a voice in the -making of law. In the strict sense of the term, therefore, it is not -liberty, but a right. The moment a man enters into society, he -resigns his liberty, and consents to be _subjected_ to the -regulations of the community, of which he is a member. There is no -liberty, except in the simple state of nature, where man is isolated -from man, and becomes a solitary savage. - -Having alluded to _the state of nature_, it may be proper in this -place to observe, that the same poetic fancies are constantly played -off on "natural rights," as on liberty and equality; whereas, the -slightest reflection ought to teach us, that all society is artificial -and conventional, and that no man who enters into society can any -farther lay claim to "natural rights" than the law allows. Every -regulation of society is so far an infringement on natural rights, if, -indeed, we have any correct notion of the meaning of these terms. It -is difficult, indeed, to define natural rights. We have never yet seen -it done, and confess our own inability for the task. What is the use, -then, in talking about that for which we cannot find even a -definition? We have a right, however, since it is used for practical -purposes, to make it mean something. Say, then, that it means such -rights as a savage would be entitled to, when alone in the desert, to -do what he is inclined, as in such circumstances he would not -interfere with any social right. But in society men give up their -natural rights, if the above is a fair statement of what they are; and -the law becomes the rule of right. The whole system of society is -artificial, and at war with natural rights; and he who claims the -privilege of natural right, in opposition to the established code of -society, asserts the right of rebellion. We have no objection, -however, that any body should give us a definition of natural rights, -that would lead to a different conclusion, if it can be done; but till -that time, we are compelled to say, that this talk about natural -rights, for any practical purpose in society, is something we do not -understand, unless, for example, it be the right to live and to -breathe; and even that may be forfeited to the law. Suppose the -murderer sentenced to be hung, should claim the privilege of natural -rights--would he be heard? Natural rights, as we understand them, are -not available in society, when they interfere with law. That is to -say, the law is always above them, and must be, so long as it is -judged best to maintain the social state. There is not a single -natural right that can be named, which may not, in given cases, be -abridged, or controlled, or superseded, or entirely suppressed, by the -artificial organisation of society. To talk of natural right, -therefore, as being paramount to law, simply because it _is_ natural -right, is arrant nonsense--mere declamation, at best. - -But, to return to "liberty." We have seen, that the Constitutional -meaning of this term in our Charter or Bill of rights is limited to -the single and simple claim to a voice by representation in the power -of making law, and that laws are made for our _subjection_. All the -rest beyond this is _duty_, _obedience_, _not_ liberty. Law limits and -circumscribes us at all points, in the house and out of it, every -where, in relation to every body, and to every body's rights. All the -rights of our fellow beings, as secured by law, are an abridgment of -our liberty. The higher the degrees of civilization, which add to the -multiplication of laws, so much greater is the abridgment of liberty. -That is, the more perfect society is made, so much less of liberty do -we have; and, as good citizens, we are not only contented with it, but -we prefer it. For the advantages of society, we enter into terms of -mutual concession; and every degree of concession cuts us off from -liberty. - -Now for the romance of "Equality"--"that all men are created _equal_." -And what is the meaning of this in the Charter of our rights? Simply, -that royal blood, and noble blood, is no better than any other blood; -and therefore, that we will have no king, and no aristocracy. The -hereditary and divine right of kings, and the hereditary right of -nobles, are here barred, and the _people_ are enthroned in their -place, with all the chances open before them of _rising_ in society, -according to their merits, even to the highest honors of the Republic. -This, we think, is the exact meaning of equality in this place, and -that it goes no farther than to cut off the hereditary claims of kings -and nobles, and of privileged orders in the community--that is, of -orders privileged by the enactments of Constitutional law. But this -principle, obviously, was never intended to apply practically to -general society, nor to any ranks of society below these degrees. In -this sense of the term the whole community is reduced fairly to what -is generally understood by the republican level: that all may have a -chance to rise according to their merits. But who will say, that it -was intended to make a President of the United States of a man, who -has no sort of qualification or claim to that office? Or to raise any -man to an honor or office, to which he is not judged to be entitled by -a majority of those voices appointed by law to determine such a -question? Who will say, that it was intended to annihilate those -grades of society, which the use of common rights necessarily creates, -because one man is more industrious, or more virtuous, or more -fortunate than another? Who will say, that it was intended to -establish the Agrarian principle, that because the industry of one man -has built him a good house, the lazy, idle, and worthless man has a -right to claim a part of it, and a part of the wealth of its owner? -Or, that all inequalities of wealth and condition in life, produced by -different degrees of virtue, application to business, and good luck, -are to be levelled by making all things common, and an equal -distribution to every man, whatever may be his character? We are -disposed to believe, that our American society is hardly yet prepared -for the application of such a rule as this; or that there is a single -man in the community who will relinquish his fairly acquired rights -and property to those, who may happen not to have acquired the same -advantages. - -As a matter of fact, there is no such thing as equality among men, nor -can there be. There is no equality in their physical powers, none in -the circumstances of their birth and education, none in the privileges -and wealth which they inherit or acquire, none in their social -advantages--_no_ equality in any thing. The two men cannot be found -who are in all or any respects exactly equal. If all the talents and -powers of the whole community were solely devoted to produce equality, -they would be unequal to the task. Neither God nor man ever instituted -equality. We do not say, that God could not have done it; but, to our -taste, he would have spoiled creation, if he had. We desire, -therefore, and think we have good reasons, to be contented with such a -Universe as he has made. We desire also to be contented, that any man, -by his virtues or good fortune, should be more elevated and better off -than ourself. If we are not, we sin: "Thou shalt not covet." This -Divine law, was enacted for such a case, as well as others; and the -very frame of society was intended to maintain these inequalities; -that is, to secure to every man his own rights. - -What, then, becomes of this _song_ of liberty and equality--this -poetry and romance of popular declamation--this soul-stirring and -heaven-appealing claim?--Has nothing really been acquired? Yes, much: -We have acquired the right of making our own laws, and cut off kings -and nobles from all claim to hereditary ascendancy. This is a great, a -mighty achievement, if we prove wise enough to know how to use it. We -hold it to be an advance in human society--a most important -acquisition to the liberties and rights of mankind. But it will be -seen, that the general and vague notion commonly attached to these -terms is utterly without foundation--mere poetry and romance. - -We may ask, then, with what propriety the Abolitionists apply this -passage in our National bill of rights to slavery? Obviously, there is -no warrant for it, if we stick to the meaning and intent thereof. If -they see fit to give it another meaning--to force a construction from -it that was never intended, of course, in such an arbitrary -interpretation, we can have no farther controversy with them, than to -state, that it _is_ arbitrary. - -We deem it proper to say, that the Bill of Rights set forth in the -Declaration of our Independence, was never intended for such an -application; but that this particular passage was limited to the two -single points which we have noticed. It neither affirms nor denies, it -neither vitiates nor strengthens, the claim of the slave to his -freedom, because it never contemplated the case. We are now settling a -question of fact. To be wrong is one thing; to be inconsistent -another. That there is wrong in slavery we do not deny; but we do say, -that there is no inconsistency in the existence of slavery in the -United States with our National Bill of Rights, when fairly -interpreted. It will doubtless be allowed, that the Federal -Constitution is a good interpreter of that Bill; and that decrees the -perpetuity of slavery, at the will of the slave States. The -_consistency_ of our Government, and of our country, therefore, is -maintained and defended, in this particular, against all imputation to -the contrary, whatever may be the _right_ of the case. If any body -chooses to say, that the _principle_ involved in this passage of our -Bill of Rights _reaches_ the case of the slave, we have no objection. -For, we frankly confess, we have always thought so too. But we deny, -that it was ever intended to have such an application, and that there -is any inconsistency, however there may be wrong, in the existence of -slavery in our country, so long as we abide by the Bill of Rights and -the Constitution as the rule, when interpreted according to their -meaning. - -We gained a great step in the acquisition of our National -Independence; but we did not arrive to a state of _perfectionism_. -Since that time we have made advances in society, for the better, too. -We have abolished the slave trade, and slavery itself in all the -States north of Mason's and Dixon's line; and it is manifest, that the -slave States bordering on the free, are greatly affected by the -influence of the latter, to make slave property less valuable, and to -lead towards emancipation. But so long as the laws of the land are -respected and maintained, the slave States can never be compelled to -emancipation by foreign dictation; nor will they be advised. By the -existing regulations of society, there is no power authorized to -advise them. We, of the North, in like circumstances, would not be -advised. Every State and nation is the best judge of what may be -expedient in the management of its own domestic polity; and if any of -its component parts are depressed and oppressed, they have an -undoubted right to relieve themselves, if they can, at their own risk. -But the law of nations, which is the highest and most important of all -laws, and the breach of which is most momentous in its consequences, -does not authorize, but forbids, interference. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -SOCIAL AND POLITICAL EFFECTS OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -First, its _social_ effects. It has produced a very unhappy state of -feeling in the North. Just in proportion to a man's unreasonableness, -if he happens to be in the wrong, will be his zeal to maintain his -cause; and the effect of his zeal on all concerned may generally be -measured by the same rule. The Abolitionists are believed to be in the -wrong; and the extreme zeal and infatuation, not to say madness, with -which they urge their cause, would seem to prove them so. Why should -men, conscious of the rectitude of their principles and conduct, be -violent? Even if they were in the heat of battle, dignity and self -possession, and even generosity towards their foes, would be more -becoming. That they are the aggressors, is certain. Who else began it? -Like as a man, who slanders his neighbour, will take all possible -pains to prove it is not slander, and by-and-by believe his own story, -because he has told it so often, and is determined to have it so; so -the Abolitionists, becoming fervid in their cause, persuade themselves -that they are right. But they appear to the rest of the community so -unreasonable, and so manifestly wrong, that the effect of their zeal -on the public mind is very unhappy--more especially so, as the -interests of the country, which are dear to all good citizens, are put -in great peril by their movement. Hence families, neighbourhoods, -towns, cities, and the whole community, are divided, and driven to -acrimonious controversy on this subject. We scarcely recollect any -occasion of public excitement in this country, that has given birth to -greater violence of language, to more uncharitableness, or greater -bitterness of feeling, than this. That this bad temper has been all on -one side, it would be unjust to say; but that the Abolitionists have -had a good share of it, we think it no libel to suggest; nor are we -prepared to say, that they have endured opposition in the most -Christian-like way. We hesitate not to say, that their literary -publications are of a very inflammatory character. Even the grave and -solemn document of their last Annual Report--or which ought to have -been grave and solemn--is so rude, violent, and denunciatory--so much -like a tear-all-down--that the nerves of a well composed person, as we -will venture to say, will be not a little _dis_-composed in the -reading thereof. One is shocked to think, that we have come to such -revolutionary times, as that production would seem to indicate--that a -grand political organization, wielding such a tremendous sway of -influence, as the American Anti-Slavery Society, should take upon -itself to declare the Constitutional law of the land null and void, -and no longer binding; and by one stroke of the pen to abrogate the -authority of the Senate of the Nation, and proclaim their decisions as -worthy only of contempt. What next? But we forbear; for we seem to -feel, that we are getting into the same strain, inasmuch as the record -of the simple facts of their history is too exciting to be set in -their true light. No wonder then, that the people of this country -have felt themselves injured and outraged by such bold assaults on -that social edifice, under the shadow, and within the precincts of -which, they have and hold all their most valuable privileges. It is a -pity, indeed, that fellow citizens and christian brethren should be -driven so far asunder, and be filled with so much animosity, by such -an unnatural broil. On whom does this responsibility rest? In our -judgment, on those who have instigated the quarrel, on the aggressors, -and not on those who act merely on the defensive, in vindication and -support of the Government of the country. The question, now, is not -the rights of the slave; that is entirely set aside by another, which -this controversy has forced into its place--the peace of the country, -and the integrity of the Union. - -But the social effects between the North and the South are much more -unhappy, than between the Abolitionists and Anti-Abolitionists of the -North. Time was when a northern man could go to the South without -suspicion, and be received in all good faith. But it is no longer so. -The very name of a Northerner is odious at the South, till his -personal qualities shall happen to make him agreeable. Time was, when -a Southern man could enjoy himself in visiting the North, and be -honored; but now he feels, that every second man he meets with may be -an Abolitionist, to him a name of horror, because he loves his wife -and his children, and thinks of the terrible scenes which the -doctrines and measures of the Abolitionists expose them to. In the -social intercourse of the North with the South, there has been raised -a barrier of a very formidable character, and every month and every -day it is getting worse and worse. It is impossible it should be -otherwise, so long as the end of this sad controversy cannot be -foreseen. - -The violence of language used by the Abolitionists against the slave -States and slave holders, is most uncharitable and unwarrantable, and -its social effects pernicious. The people of the South are _men_, and -remarkable for their courtesy and hospitality to strangers. They have -been educated to think and to feel, that slavery is justifiable in the -circumstances under which it has come down to them. They do not view -the subject as we Northerners do. And admitting that they are wrong, -the worst that could be said of them is, that they are unenlightened -in this particular. They are found to be gentlemen, amiable and kind, -and many of them Christians--yes, Christians. Philemon, of Bible -notoriety, was a Christian, and a slaveholder. And yet the -Abolitionists do not hesitate to call them MONSTERS in human shape! - -But the _political_ effects are still worse, in so far as they are -more important and more momentous. Abolition is a fire brand on the -floor of Congress, which we have reason to fear is gratifying to the -movers of this sedition. But the worst of all is, the South is -evidently anticipating and preparing for a dissolution of the Union; -and no spirit of prophecy, now the gift of mortals, can foretell the -consequences of such an event. If it shall be forced by this -agitation, one of the first measures of the South will be to visit -with tremendous vengeance all disturbers of their peace in this -particular concern; and who of us, in like circumstances, could blame -them for it? And the misfortune will be, that the innocent will not -always escape, as every Northern man will of course be suspected. -Would it not be difficult to maintain peace between two such -Republics? Evidently, nothing is more to be deprecated in a political -horoscope, than a dissolution of this Union. The South is essential to -the North, and the North to the South, on the terms of the Federal -compact; but put them asunder, by such a cause, and the chances are, -that they will be implacable enemies. To all these evils are we -exposed by the Abolition movement, besides what have already come. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -THE BAD EFFECTS OF ABOLITIONISM ON THE FREE COLORED POPULATION, AND ON -THE CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF SLAVES. - - -It cannot be denied, that Abolitionism has created a very unpleasant -state of feeling in the minds of the free colored population, and made -them unhappy; that it has excited them, in no inconsiderable degree, -to insubordination as citizens; that it has vitiated their domestic -and social character, as servants, wherever they are employed; that it -has invested them with an importance, in their own esteem, which the -present state of society is not prepared to award them, and -encouraged them to assume airs which are often rebuked to their great -unhappiness, and to the disturbance and injury of their temper; and -that it has exposed them to insult and outrage from the lower classes -of the white population, which very naturally provokes the same kind -of treatment in return, and consequently keeps alive perpetual feuds -in these conditions of life, not unfrequently leading to tragical -results, in which generally the colored people have the worst of it. - -It will be observed, that we are now stating facts, not principles. -Abolitionists may say, it ought not to be so, and we admit it. But -their error is, in this, as in all departments of their cause, that -they build and go on the principle of _perfectionism_, and refuse to -submit to the suggestions of practical wisdom--of experience. They -assume, that it is possible to manage society just as if it were -perfect in its structure, and morally perfect in all its component -parts, and insist, that it shall be so managed. The consequence is, -that disturbance instantly insues, on the attempt to enforce their -principles, and the colored people are doomed to suffer the evil -consequences of the rashness of their pretended friends and -benefactors, besides that they are injured in their temper and -character as citizens. - -Again we observe, that we are stating facts, as we know that we are -exposed to misrepresentation. We say, then, what every body -knows--though we regret the fact as sincerely as any one can--that the -free colored people of this country, with few exceptions, have risen, -in person or by genealogy, from a depressed condition, from a state of -bondage, which, in connexion with the public feeling and prejudice -against the race, on account of a difference of physical constitution, -subjects them unfortunately to social disadvantage, in a white -population, who have always had the ascendency, and to whom society, -as it exists, owes its origin and maintenance. This may be wrong in -the widest view and with the most generous construction of human -rights, as they are commonly maintained in the abstract; but it is a -fact. We say, moreover, in reference to such a fact, it has never been -known, in the history of human society, that such a class has risen, -by a single step, to a full equality of social immunity and privilege. -We know it is a doctrine of _perfectionism_, but it is not a -practicable doctrine, in our opinion. It will doubtless commonly be -regarded as impossible for such a class to be qualified, except by -time and degrees, for such a station in society with a white -population. To attempt, therefore, to enforce it on the people of this -country, in such circumstances, is only to make the colored people -unhappy, to put a claim into their mouths which they cannot hope to -realize, and to arm the white population with still stronger -prejudices against them. - -Look, for example, to the effect of the Abolition agitation, in the -formation and adoption of the new Constitution of the State of -Pennsylvania: Before, free colored people, of specific qualifications, -were entitled to the privilege of electors; now they are all -disfranchised. We are inclined to the opinion, that if all -the Northern States were now engaged in remodelling their -Constitutions--especially where the colored people are numerous--they -would do the same thing, merely as the effect of the Abolition -movement. However this may be regretted, it is a natural consequence, -and on the Abolitionists rests the responsibility. Just in proportion -as they violently urge their measures, will the social privileges of -the colored population be abridged, and their comfort, happiness, and -prospects impaired. Before this agitation commenced, the colored -people were comparatively contented and happy, their privileges were -being extended, they were gradually rising in the scale of society, -and every body--at least the public generally--were gratified to see -them rise, and ready to help them. There was a common pleasure in -encouraging the worthy and industrious of their color; and though an -Abolitionist may be surprised at the fact, _we_ have entertained them -_as guests_ in our house, and at our table for days in succession, in -the same manner and with the same hospitalities which we are -accustomed to render to those of our own color, and with much greater -satisfaction, because we were delighted to see such proofs of their -excellence and worth. And notwithstanding that the measures of the -Abolitionists have thrown formidable obstacles in the way, we declare, -we would do the same thing again, in like circumstances. But however -worthy they may be, and the more worthy they are, they would be -backward and diffident in accepting such hospitalities, simply because -the effect of the Abolition movement has been to depress, instead of -raising them in society. It has abridged their privileges at all -points, and in all their relations with the white population, the -Abolitionists only excepted. Nor can the favor of the Abolitionists be -regarded as a fair and full indemnification for the loss they have -sustained by such an unfortunate alliance, inasmuch as the highest and -most influential agencies of society are now, and are likely to -continue, indirectly armed against them, by maintaining the -Government, and defending the institutions of the country, against -violence. The effect of the agitation, generally and particularly, on -the colored people themselves, and on the white population -individually and collectively, is to abridge the privileges of the -former, and to injure them. - -We are aware, that the Abolitionists will probably say, such -incidental and unavoidable evils are always the concomitants of great -reformations in society. We suppose, of course, they will not say, it -is a proof of the justice of their cause, as such a reason would go to -authorize any mischief. These facts, then, are admitted. Indeed, we -see not, how they can be denied. It remains to be seen, whether the -final result will be any better than the beginning. We fear it will -not. - -But the effects of Abolitionism on the condition and prospects of the -slaves, is even and far worse than on the free colored people. It has -rivetted the chains of slavery with a manifold firmness and strength; -it has greatly abridged the privileges before allowed them for -intellectual and moral culture; it has barred the door, in the slave -States, against all open and free discussion of the subject of -emancipation, which before was tolerated; it has interdicted all -intercourse between the North and South, that presumes to meddle with -the subject of slavery, and of course raised an insurmountable barrier -against the social influence of the North in this particular -direction; it has barred the influence of public opinion on slavery -from all quarters beyond the slave States; it has driven the South as -a body to maintain the _principle_ of slavery _out_ and _out_, without -restriction or qualification, whereas before, a large portion of the -slave-holders were ready to admit it was wrong, desired to see their -way out of it, and were open to advice; it has caused to be -established a most rigid police and surveillance over the system; it -has multiplied the enactments and increased the strength of -legislation for its protection and defence; it has nerved the arm of -the law with greater vigor and determination; it has bound the slave -States together by stronger ties in defence of a common interest; it -has given sanction to Lynch law for the summary treatment of -offenders; and for all these, and many other reasons that might be -named, it has put far off the day of emancipation, if it has not -determined the _perpetuity_ of slavery. - -Here, again, the Abolitionists will perhaps say, it only proves the -right of our cause, and that all this is the struggle of a last and -dying effort. But, it might be wise for them not to forget, that the -bulwark of the Nation's Constitution stands between them and slavery; -and that, till that is pulled down and trampled under foot, as they -themselves have set the example in their last Annual Report, they will -not have gained their object. Nay, though the fabric of the Nation -should be broken in pieces by their hands, and thrown to the winds of -Heaven, such is the spirit they have kindled in the South, that they -would be compelled to wade through blood, and with iron heel to -trample on the carcasses of their opponents, before they will have -triumphed. We speak of men as they are, as they always have been, and -as they are likely for some time yet to be; and in doing so, the -language we employ is no figure of speech, but, as we think, the -veritable prophecy of the future. And by the time the Abolitionists -shall have done this work, there will be good room and a fit -opportunity for the establishment of a despotism unrivalled in -severity by any known to the present age, as the only adequate remedy -for the anarchy they will have produced. - -Such are some of the lamentable effects of this lamentable movement, -as they bear on the free coloured people, and on the condition and -prospects of the slaves of this country; and we submit them to the -serious consideration of those whom it may concern. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -A HYPOTHETICAL VIEW OF ABOLITIONISM. - - -We think it must strike every intelligent observer--every one -certainly that lays claims to any knowledge in the workings of -society--that _immediate_ Abolition, whenever acquired by the measures -now in operation--admitting it can be effected without a civil war, -though we do not believe it can--must find the two conflicting -parties in the worst possible humour in relation to each other. On the -one side would be arrayed the Abolitionists with their proteges; and -on the other the party defeated after a long and violent struggle. In -the mean time all the colored people, now free or in bondage, will -have been filled with the most violent hatred and animosity towards -the opponents of their claims. The feeling already produced in that -class of colored people, that has come under the influence of -Abolitionists, may serve as an illustration; and the well known -principles of human nature may fill out the complement of the lesson. -It would be seen by the people of this country, in the progress of -events, long before this object shall have been attained, that an -immediate emancipation at any time, brought about by such means, will -place the country in a most undesirable and perilous condition. These -anticipations and apprehensions must necessarily, as we think, mount -to an insuperable barrier.--Self-preservation is the first law of -nature; and when that comes to be the question, either with -individuals or with society, people are not wont to suspend action to -discuss casuistry or right.--The drowning man seizes the plank within -his reach, even though he should hear the voice of a remonstrant, -giving some very subtle reasons why he ought not to do so. So society, -finding itself in peril, from within or from without, will save -itself, if it can. We are inclined to believe, that the harder -Abolition is pushed in its present shape, and under its present avowed -principles, so much greater will be the apprehensions of the people, -as to the consequences of its success. We think they will never -consent, that three millions of the colored race should be raised by -one step, from the condition in which they now are, to a full equality -of privilege with all other citizens, backed by such a party as the -Abolitionists, and actuated by their principles. The dangers would be -too obvious and too imminent to admit of parley. They must first be -made to believe in _perfectionism_, before they would venture on such -an experiment. Every stage of the progress of Abolitionism hitherto, -instead of allaying those apprehensions, has only served to augment -them. If the peace of the country can hardly be maintained now, and is -more and more disturbed at every successive stage of the movement, -under its present organization, who can answer for it a little while -to come?--Much more, who could answer for it in the hottest of the -conflict? The Abolitionists insist on principles, apart from -emancipation, which rouse popular indignation, and occasionally blow -it into flame, even while the people know that the power is in their -own hands. But when once they shall be obliged to see, that these -principles are actually going into practice by force, throughout the -length and breadth of the land, it requires no prophet to foretell how -they will feel, and how they will act. Honestly, we do not think it -among the possible events of the future, that Abolition principles, as -they now stand forth before the public, can be forced upon the people -of this country; but on the contrary, that, foreseeing the evil, they -will take care to prevent it. - -The Abolitionists cannot appeal to the effects of emancipation in the -British West Indies, even on the ground of their own showing, to allay -these apprehensions; for there is no parallel between the two cases. -Every circumstance and every attribute of the question, as it exists -here, in its essential influences, are at variance with that example. - -But so long as our political fabric remains such as it is, it would -seem to be folly to discuss this subject on this hypothetical basis. -We have only taken this license for a moment, for the sake of showing, -that, if this political structure of our society were all out of the -way, and if the slave-holders had no interest or voice in the -question, the avowed principles of the Abolitionists, apart from the -difficulty of political rights, would erect an insuperable barrier in -the public mind to the accomplishment of their designs. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -ABOLITIONISM CONSIDERED AS PROPOSING NO COMPENSATION FOR -SLAVE-PROPERTY. - - -The political frame of society governs the world, the doctrines of -_perfectionists_ to the contrary notwithstanding; and we shall be -heartily thankful that it is so, until we can fall into better hands -than this visionary fraternity. And since the Abolitionists have come -into the political field, it might be wise for them to consider, -whether they can carry their measures in contempt of established -political principles. The responsibility of slavery is divided among -the community of nations; and there are few of those which profess -respect for the code of international law, and feel obliged by their -political relations to regard it, that have not some share in it, -directly or indirectly. Among these exceptions, if there is any, is -the Government of the United States. For we have seen, that it has -never made itself responsible for the slavery of individual States. We -have also seen, that the slave States are not responsible for its -introduction, but that it was imposed upon them by authority. And -before the public conscience of the parties concerned had become alive -to the enormities and guilt of the slave trade, and much more before -slavery itself had become the subject of public remonstrance, it had -attained to a growth in the Southern States, not easily to be -eradicated. So long, therefore, as political society is dominant, and -is bound together by common ties, by common interests, and by common -principles, no part of such society can claim of another part the -relinquishment of property in slaves without an indemnification. This -principle, it will be observed, does not vitiate the claim of the -slave to his own freedom; it only affects the parties concerned in the -political structure of general society. - -The British Government acquitted itself honorably on this point, in -decreeing the abolition of slavery in its West India Colonies, and -voted a full indemnification for the property, the right to which was -thus effaced from the statute book. We say, a _full_ indemnification, -notwithstanding it is commonly rated higher, as quoted in this -country. The reason of this high quotation results from the fact, that -it is not commonly considered, perhaps not known, that slave property -in the British West Indies had depreciated so greatly and so rapidly -in a few years, by political aspects having a bearing upon it, as to -have passed, in very large amounts, into other hands, at the -depreciated price, by the necessities of bankruptcy, and consequently -graduated the valuation of all such property in the same -circumstances. Whenever, therefore, that property should be -transferred to other holders for any purpose whatever, the commercial -valuation at the time would of course be assumed as the rule of -estimate. That was the rule consulted by the British Parliament, and -it was considered, that the 20,000,000 sterling was a fair estimate of -the property redeemed. But, whether this be the exact truth or not, -the principle of indemnification was recognized, and was supposed to -have been honorably respected in this transaction. - -Clearly, it must be seen, that by the political history of the world, -and the action of general society, under the sanction of which all -those commercial transactions have been carried on, which have -determined and graduated the valuation of slave property from time to -time, in all and any States where it exists, the public faith of the -world that has sanctioned and tolerated slavery so long, and thereby -profited by it, is pledged as the guardian of that property to the -indemnification of the holders, whenever the public conscience shall -demand it to be annihilated, as to its previous form, and return to -that law which generally prevails in human society. There is not a -man, woman, or child, in the circle of Christendom, hardly in the -world, that has not profited by slavery, in a commercial point of -view, which is the only point we are here concerned to notice. Much -less is there one such individual in the free States of our country, -that has not profited by it. All the property of the Northern States, -and all their commercial interests, have been interwoven with it. It -is that property which has determined the value of ours, and ours that -has determined the value of that, reciprocally. And just in proportion -to the foreign commercial relations and transactions of our country, -does the same rule apply to the respective communities with which we -have maintained such intercourse. The amount of the slave property of -the South is not theirs, except in the convenient title of a -regulation of general society; but it is the world's, or all that part -of the world's, where commercial transactions have determined its -estimate. But since it has been convenient for the world, for general -society, that it should _vest_ in certain persons, in the same manner -as any other property vests in certain other persons, either here or -there, in this country or any other, and that no persons should have -any other title in any other property than that which is held by this -conventional rule for general good, it would be a manifest and -flagrant injustice, robbery, for one part of general society to demand -of another part, to resign this title without indemnification, while -the party making this demand claims to hold its own. Of course, this -question does not touch the right of the slave to himself, or in any -way affect that claim. - -It may be seen, then, how this matter stands in the United States. We -strike at the very foundations of society, when we use our influence -to impair the rights of property, as established by general consent; -and the impulse of the blow, in the circle of its action, must -necessarily return to ourselves, in its natural, or rather artificial, -channel, as society in all its parts is an artificial edifice. We can -no more move upon the South for such an object, than they can move -upon us; in laying our hand upon their property to impair its title, -we impair our own in the same degree. For our convenience and profit, -be it known, the title to slave property has happened to vest in them; -and for their convenience and profit the title to our property has -happened to vest in us, because we happen to be here and not there, -and they there and not here. Both titles are equally sacred in the -relations we bear to each other. - -Unless, therefore, the Abolitionists have made up their minds to go -into this field in the character of pirates and brigands, we see not -how they can move an inch, till they are prepared to make the tender -of indemnification for the release of the property which they claim. -We aver solemnly, that it is with pain we have written the last -sentence, and that if any other terms would have represented the exact -truth of the case, as it stands before our mind, we should have -preferred them. We agree with the Abolitionists as to the _wrong_ of -slavery, though we dissent from them, both as to the expediency and -duty of _immediate_ emancipation, in view of all the facts and -circumstances of the case; and we dissent from them utterly, _ab imo -pectore_, as to the _validity_ of slave property, not in relation to -the slave, however, but in relation to general society; and we are -prepared to go with the nation for redemption by a fair -indemnification. Though we may have little at stake in such a concern, -yet he who has little may feel the burden more than he that has much. -We are prepared, however, to point out a way, the burden of which no -man will feel, and one that is practicable, too. To enforce abolition -without indemnification, would be as bad for the slave, as for the -master, because it would be the ruin of both; it would blot from -future history all those political Commonwealths, because they would -be absolutely too poor to maintain themselves. - -The most formidable difficulty of Abolitionism, therefore, and the -most disorganizing principle, of all, plants itself on the very -threshold of the enterprise: _non-indemnification_. Their only reason, -so far as we understand, is, that indemnification would be a tacit and -implied confession on the _right_ of slavery. Admitting, that -Abolitionists themselves think and feel so; the rest of the public do -not; Abolitionists, therefore, would neither be weakened in principle, -nor injured in fact, by giving up this point, except in the workings -of their own imagination. This can be a valid objection only as it -vitiates principle before the eyes of the public, and in the view of -opponents. That, however, not being the fact, the objection ought to -lose its force. But suppose some mischievous wags _should_ say to the -Abolitionists: "Well, gentlemen, you have given up a main principle, -after all"--as they would be intitled to make declaration of their -reason for consenting to indemnification, they would not only be -defended on that point, but receive credit for making a concession, -that involves no sacrifice of principle, for the public good. Consent -to indemnification, either for one reason or for another--and every -man may have his own reason--and one of the principal causes of the -contest is superseded. But will the Abolitionists, from sheer -stubbornness, insist upon a point, which, if carried, will ruin the -slave States, and reduce them to beggary, involving in the catastrophe -the ruin of the slaves; upon a point, which levels its blow at the -foundation stone of the fabric of society, as it has heretofore -existed; upon a point, which, unless human nature be miraculously -changed, can never, no never, be gained, without the effusion of -blood, no one can tell how much, or what state of things may succeed? -Let that point be once properly adjusted, as it may be without -compromitting the principles of either party, and much, very much will -be gained towards pacification. It is not unlikely, indeed, that the -zeal of some engaged in the cause, when they shall find that they may -be required to put their hands in their pockets, will be somewhat -cooled. And is it not reasonable to suppose also, that some other -men's zeal will be somewhat sharpened, when they shall find what will -be to them--without imputing any such motives to the aggressors--a -horde of bandits at their doors to rob them of their all? - -But it may possibly be said, "We do not exactly see how the giving up -of slave property, without indemnification, will be the ruin of the -slave States." Then we think it must be for the want of eyes. - -The value of all capital is commercial, and accidental, and depends on -the ever shifting conditions of political society. This may be seen -and illustrated by the fluctuating price of that species of capital, -called stocks, which is to be found in the market of every civilized -community. The price of stocks never makes a false report, as to the -political aspects of society, but is as infallible a guage in this -particular, as is the thermometer of the weather; and the wise -statesman understands it. The same principle which determines the -value of this species of capital, determines the value of every other. -It only happens that the guage of one is always visible, and that of -the others invisible, until they come into market. - -The moment emancipation for the British West Indies began to be -agitated, the value of slave and other property connected with it, -began to fall, and continued to fall, till the certainty of the event -reduced it to about one third of what it would otherwise have been, at -which time it was redeemed by the British Government at the commercial -valuation. It was only public faith in the Government which kept it -from going down to nothing; and _this nothing_ would of course have -been the ruin of the former state of society. What might succeed to -such a revolution, would have depended on contingencies which no human -foresight could solve beforehand, as every thing would have required -to be erected on a new basis. It is a new basis even as it is, but -saved from the wreck of a revolution by the care of the British -Government; and it is to be hoped, that the wise counsels and strong -arm of that Government will make it do well. It is, however, to be -observed, that the actual depreciation of slave and other property in -the British West Indies, during and in consequence of the Abolition -agitation, was so much loss to the individual holders during that -period, it being 40,000,000 sterling in slave property alone, if the -price of redemption be assumed to have been _one-third_ of the -hypothetical estimate. It may, possibly, be said, that this is -imaginary; but the only sure criterion is the commercial value at any -given time, which is always the true value. - -In the same manner, the slave property of the southern States, and -other portions of their wealth necessarily connected with it, will -sink instantly, whenever it shall be seen that the Abolition movement -is likely to break down the only protection which it has; and the -wealth of the slave States will dwindle, and continue to dwindle, so -long as there is any uncertainty in their political prospects arising -from such a cause, and in exact proportion to the degree of that -uncertainty. This is a principle, a law of society, that is sure to -prevail over all other laws, because it is the concentrated action of -the entire machinery of society on a single point for the time being, -and so far as occasion calls, resulting not from the force of -legislation directly--though it may be indirectly--but from the -watchful care which every man has over his own interests, in a given -state of things. - -Political economy, in all its accidental bearings and in its scope, -is, indeed, deep water for any man to dive into; but there are -certain practical principles, applicable to this question, which may -be obvious to all minds. First, slave property is the capital of the -slave States. No dispute about that, as a general truth, and -sufficiently comprehensive to decide the question now before us. -Consequently, it is this property which gives value to all other -property. Take it away, without a fair consideration, without -indemnification, and all that portion of the United States is ruined. -This is the nutshell of the matter, and comprehends it all. - -"No, no," it is said: "the same bone, and muscle, and sinews are -there." Nay, but you have changed the whole machinery of society; you -have revolutionized it; you have put the master in the power of the -quondam slave, and constituted the latter master over the former, -without leaving the quondam master a penny in his pocket, unless -peradventure, by some good luck, here and there one may have an -interest somewhere else beyond the reach of your rapacity. Even with a -fair and full indemnification in the present master's hand, or subject -to his order, after such a revolution; and in the midst of its -disorders and unsettled condition of things, it would be, as we think, -somewhat more than enough to baffle ordinary wisdom and perseverance -to establish permanently and comfortably that new and untried state of -society, that would be required; and it is not unlikely, that enough -would abandon the attempt in discouragement,--seeking a better fortune -in other States and Territories of the Union--to leave the residue -inadequate to sustain the interests of the several Commonwealths thus -deserted, in any degree of prosperity. They might dwindle and decline, -till all would be glad to be out of them, if they could -conscientiously. This is purely a question of domestic and political -economy, that would depend on the practical workings of such a system. -If this were the only field open before them, then they would all be -compelled to stay, and put to their strength, and make the best of it. -But we know, that men are always governed by their interests, and -habits, as to where they will stay or go. - -Certainly, we do not present the doubtfulness of such a prospect, -pending on such contingencies, as an objection to the measure; but as -one that claims to be considered in this discussion, that will of -course be considered by the parties immediately concerned. It is -impossible to determine beforehand how many influences, in such a new -state of things, might operate to their discouragement or the -contrary, or what would be the balance of those influences on either -side, after each shall have been neutralized by each, to the extent of -their action. It is sufficiently obvious, however, that they would -require all the capital invested in a fair indemnification for the -property resigned, to work such a system advantageously. It would be -enough, and probably more than many of them could well endure, to -change all their habits of society and of living so entirely as the -new system would require; and those who could not satisfactorily -accommodate themselves to it, would of course emigrate--and a general -disposition to emigrate would probably involve political ruin--that -is, ruin absolute; for nothing is better for mankind, in their -associated capacity, than political prosperity, and nothing worse than -political adversity. - -Admitting, then, that the effects of the operation of such a system on -the internal condition, absolute wealth, and political prosperity of -the present slave States, would present the result as _simply -doubtful_, as to what it would be with the capital of indemnification -available on the premises--what would it be without any -indemnification at all? We think this question might fairly be set -down as the end of the story and of the argument. Every practical man -must see, that it would be beggary and ruin; and that the entire field -must be abandoned to the colored race, now there, to set up such a -state of society as they might be able, unless the Government of the -United States, in charity, should take it in charge as an immense poor -house, to make the best of it they could--the white population in the -mean time, reduced to poverty, and going out where they might, to -begin the world anew. - -But do the Abolitionists say, "These are questions we never regard -ourselves as bound to consider, and consequences with which we have -nothing to do." But gentlemen, you _are_ bound to consider these -questions; you _cannot_ rid yourselves of the responsibility of these -consequences, if the work that produces them be yours. "But, _no -matter_ what becomes of the master, so the slave be free; if the -master _should_ be ruined, he has well deserved it." _Say_ this, -gentlemen, but _once_--say it _openly_, _fairly_, _publicly_, that the -world may understand you--and we think, that will be enough. - -But do the Abolitionists still say, "We can neither talk nor treat -with persons or parties, who speak of '_slave property_,' of property -in the persons of men, a thing not possible _to be_, and an idea not -to be tolerated for a moment, wherever, and whatever authority, may -have usurped it." This may be a very good reason why they should not -talk _at all_ on the subject, since it is a simple matter of fact, -which constitutes the matter and ground of controversy. We hope we -have a proper respect for scruples of conscience, and that we are -sufficiently unwilling to disturb nervous sensitiveness; but we have -not forgotten honest Joe's definition of his own conscience, in a -certain case, when hardly pressed, viz. "I wont." Nothing would more -effectually put a party in argument, _hors de combat_, than such -logic. There is really no getting at them; and yet they insist on -having to do with the matter. We have probably as great an aversion to -_the thing_ signified by these terms, as the Abolitionists; at least, -we used to have, and we have seen no good reason for a change of -sentiment. But for the practical purposes of so great a theme, if we -think fit to meddle with it, we see not how such language can be -avoided, as it is indispensible to set forth the facts of the case. - -But, if the Abolitionists prefer to foreclose debate, by saying, "We -lay our hands upon our swords, in the presence of all persons, who -shall presume thus to insult humanity, and assume this defiance in the -presence of the country, and before the world, as to the cause in -which we are engaged, the Constitution and the laws of the land and -the Government and all the slave States to the contrary -notwithstanding," there is of course an end of logic, and of "free -discussion;" and their position would be well understood, under such a -frank avowal. But we cannot say, that we are prepared to commend it; -although we are unable to see, how this violent setting aside of the -only terms of debate, through the medium of which the subject can be -approached, and yet urging forward the irresistible momentum of their -tremendous machinery on the parties most intimately concerned in this -question, is much short of this. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -THE CONDITION OF AMERICAN SLAVES AS COMPARED WITH OTHER PORTIONS OF -THE AFRICAN RACE. - - -There is nothing but the most _enlarged_ view of a great question, -that can fairly determine its merits; and it cannot be denied, that -slavery is _one_ of the great questions appertaining to the social -state of mankind, and to the political state of the world. It is so -great, in our opinion, that it can neither be disposed of by the logic -of visionary theorists, nor by a _coup du main_ of an ill-considered -and intemperate effort, nor by any legerdemain of political quackery. -Ever since human society was set up, so far as history deposes, -slavery has been a component element in one form or another. We -suppose, there are some good reasons for saying, that there is no -institution--we beg pardon of the Abolitionists for using this -term, and assure them that we mean nothing by it but the fact--none, -that can assert a more ancient date, except that of matrimony, and the -natural relations accruing therefrom; and none that has been more -uninterrupted, since it was first set up. Reason might teach us, -therefore, that a custom thus sanctioned by time and the history of -human society, so deeply rooted, so thoroughly interwoven, and -incorporated with the social fabric of large portions of the human -family, however wrong it may be, so long as there is not a uniform -opinion on the subject among those who have the charge of it, cannot -be eradicated and put out of the way by a single blow. - -We are aware, that the Abolitionists have published some very strong -and significant doctrines, intended to be applied to the evils of the -social system. For example in their last Annual Report:--"The very -_vitality_ of human society for these six thousand years, has -consisted in the victories of certain institutions over others--_of -the new over the old_--of the better over the worse--just as the -heart, by successive tides of regenerated blood, chases corruption and -death from the bodily system. Tyranny in all ages, has striven to -carry this moral (political) non-intercourse (non-interference) law -into practice, but never with success. Had it succeeded, where would -have been our Christianity and its successive reformations?" &c. Who -would not say, "Good Lord deliver us" from the operation of a -principle, thus boldly avowed, which asserts the right and necessity -of everlasting revolution! and which plants itself on the platform, -_that might is right_! Christianity itself is not protected from its -invading sweep: "its successive _reformations_!" Where is the man in -history, or living, that can lay claim to have _reformed_, or now to -_reform_, Christianity? The very suggestion is blasphemous. And yet, -it would seem, an ACT of this kind is even now, and among us, proposed -to be enacted, because, forsooth, Christianity, after all "its -reformations" and improvements, is not quite bold enough, is rather -doubtful, and has even thrown out some suggestions a little adverse to -the necessities of present exigencies! - -But to return: Abolition simply, and in itself considered, is not the -only question to be discussed, as the whole matter now presents itself -to the mind of the public, and claims consideration. The phasis of the -subject comprehends the broad disk of society. The Abolitionists have -forced their opponents to this wide view, by having set the example. -They have brought up so many questions, and implicated so many -principles, as to have set aside the main question; at least have -thrown it into the back ground, so that the term Abolition no longer -suggests alone the primitive idea of emancipation, nor hardly suggests -it at all; but arrays before the mind a _system_ of principles, social -and political, which are regarded by most people as of a very -revolting character. It is impossible to meet such a foe without -taking into consideration the ground which he occupies, without -reconnoitring and surveying his position. He has already betrayed the -poor slave, vitiated his cause, rivetted his chains, made all his -prospects more hopeless, put far off the day of his emancipation, and -at last run foul of a precipitous, frowning, and immoveable rock, that -is likely to sit long in dignified composure on the base of the -eternal hills, while the assailant exhausts his energies and breaks -his sides by dashing against the rude and projecting points below. - -The opponents of Abolition principles, therefore, are treated very -unfairly when they are of course set down as opposed to emancipation. -This latter question cannot now be taken up, till the battle is -concluded in defence of other and more momentous principles, for the -subversion of which a disciplined army of Destructives has rushed into -the field. Nevertheless, so long as the Abolitionists continue to hold -up the slave--whose prospects they have ruined, till he gets better -help--as a shield for the accomplishment of other ends, it still -remains necessary to give reasons why emancipation cannot be brought -about with that precipitate haste which the Abolitionists propose. - -We design, however, in this chapter, not to aim directly at the point -above suggested, but to present somewhat of the _comparative -condition_ of the slaves in the United States, principally in relation -to the history of the African race, since, at the time, and previous -to the time, when the slave trade commenced, with the purpose of -coming fairly to the conclusion, whether their condition in this -country is an improvement or deterioration; and consequently, whether, -in the Providence of God, and in their social right, as a distinct and -separate race, they have a fair claim to the instant elevation among -the people of this country, which the Abolitionists demand for them, -if it can be obtained only at the expense of social order, and at the -peril of our institutions. - -First, we observe, that the African race, in the Middle, Western, and -more Southern parts of the Continent, have for many centuries, or from -time immemorial, been most barbarous and degraded, and in the practice -of domestic slavery on the largest scale and in the most inhuman -forms, entirely independent of the effects of the slave traffic by -exportation from Africa to America. - -"It is evident," says Mungo Park, "that the system of slavery which -prevails in Africa is of _no modern date_. It probably had its origin -in the remote ages of antiquity, before the Mohammedans explored a -path across the desert. How far it is maintained and supported by the -slave traffic, which for two hundred years the nations of Europe have -carried on with the natives of the Coast, it is neither within my -province, nor in my power to explain. If my sentiments should be -desired concerning the effect of a discontinuance of this commerce on -the manners of the natives, _I should have no hesitation in saying_, -that in the present unenlightened state of their minds, _my opinion -is, the effect would neither be so extensive nor so beneficial as many -wise and worthy persons fondly expect_." - -Park estimates the domestic slavery of Africa, on an average, at -_three fourths_, and Lander at _four fifths_, of the population. Some -travellers have gone much higher, and we have seen it put down at -_nine tenths_. - -"In a speech delivered in the British House of Commons, by Mr. -Henniker, in 1789, the speaker asserts, that a letter had been -received by George III. from one of the most powerful of the African -potentates, the Emperor of Dehomey, which exemplifies the notions of -the Africans about the right to kill and enslave prisoners of war. He -(the Emperor) stated: 'That as he understood King George was the -greatest of white kings, so he thought himself the greatest of black -ones.' He said, that he could lead 500,000 armed men into the field, -that being the pursuit to which _all_ his subjects were bred, the -women _only_ staying at home to plant and manure the earth. He had -himself fought _two hundred and nine battles_, with great reputation -and success, and had conquered the great king of Ardah. The king's -head was to this day preserved with the flesh and hair; the heads of -his generals were distinguished by being placed on each side of the -doors of their Fetiches; with the heads of the inferior officers they -paved the space before the doors; and the heads of the common soldiers -formed a sort of fringe or outwork round the walls of the palace. -Since this war he had experienced the greatest good fortune; and he -hoped in good time to be able to complete the outwalls of all his -great houses, _to the number of seven, in the same manner_. - -"Mr. Norris, who visited this Empire, testifies to the truth of this -letter. He found the palace of the Emperor an immense assemblage of -cane and mud tents, enclosed by a high wall. The skulls and jaw bones -of enemies slain in battle, formed the favorite ornaments of the -palaces and _temples_. The king's apartments were paved, and the walls -and roofs stuck over, with these horrid trophies. _And if a farther -supply appeared at any time desirable, he announced to his general_, -THAT HIS HOUSE WANTED THATCH, _when a war for that purpose was -immediately undertaken_."[10] - -[Footnote 10: Professor Dew's Review &c.] - -"All these unfortunate beings," prisoners of war, says Park, "are -considered as strangers and foreigners, _who have no right to the -protection of the law_, and may be treated with severity, or sold to a -stranger, according to the pleasure of their owners. There are indeed, -regular markets, where slaves of this description are bought and sold; -and the value of a slave in the eye of an African purchaser increases -in proportion to the distance from his native kingdom; for, when -slaves are only a few days journey from the place of their nativity, -they frequently effect their escape; but when one or more kingdoms -intervene, escape being more difficult, they are more readily -reconciled to their situation. On this account the unhappy slave is -often transferred from one dealer to another, until he has lost all -hope of returning to his native kingdom. - -"A battle is fought; the vanquished never think of rallying again; the -inhabitants become panic-struck; and the conquerors have only to bind -the slaves, and carry off the victims and their plunder. Such of their -prisoners as through age or infirmity are unable to endure fatigue, or -are found unfit for sale, are considered useless, _and I have no doubt -are put to death. The same fate commonly awaits chiefs, or any other -persons who have taken a distinguished part in the war._" - -The Rev. Stephen Kay, Corresponding member of the South African -Institution &c., gives a most heart rending account of the horrid -barbarities of war; of the great extent and atrocities of slavery; of -the extreme degradation and hardships of females, who are always -regarded and treated as slaves, and no longer valued when they become -useless; of modes of torture and killing too shocking to be narrated; -all of which, and many other atrocities of African barbarism, are the -common scenes of those regions of Africa which he visited. Major Laing -is to the same point, and various other travellers that have found -motives to visit Africa, or to penetrate into its interior. There is -no diversity of testimony on the subject, but one common voice going -out upon the world, through a variety of channels, running back for -ages, and from numerous and remote sections of that dark and cruel -Continent, all certifying to their extreme barbarism and brutal -degredation, with scarcely a gleam of intellectual light, or social -comfort, beaming out from their history. Do not the readers of Mungo -Park recollect the story of poor Nealee? Does not the world know the -fate of Park himself, and of Lander? And are not the testimonies -abundant to the barbarous treachery and atrocious cruelty of the race, -independent of the effects of that European traffic in human flesh and -blood, which began, between two and three hundred years ago, to draw -off a fraction of this immense amount of human misery, which could -scarcely be increased by the agonies and suffocations of "THE MIDDLE -PASSAGE"? It was, indeed, this very state of things which presented -temptations and opened the door to that traffic, which transplanted a -portion of the African race to the Islands and Continent of this -Western hemisphere. It is to the Africans themselves, that this trade -owes its origin--to their barbarism, to their everlasting trade in -war, and the glutting of their own marts with the blood and sinews of -their own flesh all to the sore evil of this Continent, and to the -inexpiable scandal of Christian Europe, that the flood gates of -African barbarism were let out upon these Western Isles and shores, to -gratify the lust of gain in those monsters who carried on and profited -by the traffic, and to entail a long protracted curse on the less -guilty, though not innocent, tenants of this new world. - -The continuance of this traffic, and the inhuman over-working of this -race in the South American and West Indian Colonies appertaining to -the Governments of Europe, are too notorious to require recitation. We -are more concerned to notice the history and character of that slavery -which is to be found in our own Republic, as the result of that trade -which disgraced Christendom, and imposed on the Nations that tolerated -and patronized it a fearful responsibility. - -Now, what we have to say, in reference to the facts and general -allusions appertaining to the history of the African race, -comprehensively stated in this chapter, the truth and fairness of -which we presume will not be drawn in question, is for the simple -purpose of comparison. It is not to apologize for slavery; it is not -to palliate, in any degree, the guilt of those agents who introduced -it to this Continent; it is not to justify the principle of slavery; -it is not to extenuate any of its evils; but simply to determine the -question, so far as it may be obvious in the lights of such -comparison, whether that portion of the African race to be found in -the United States, are actually better off than they would have been -any where else, in all reasonable probability? - -We think, then, we are prepared to say, that when all the evils of -slavery in the Southern States of this country are put together, -without abatement in the smallest item; when the domestic slave trade -is posted and summed up in all its worst features and worst -consequences; when all the overworking of the proedul slave is -brought into the account, with its attendant cruelties; when the -driving system, so far as it exists, and all arbitrary severities of -discipline for offences, are considered; and nothing of evil that -belongs to the whole system in the United States be left out, the fair -conclusion will be, that the whole sum is but a small fraction of the -same classes of evils that from time immemorial have belonged and -still belong to the barbarism of the father land of this race--not -reckoning other evils, scarcely to be told for their number, or -estimated for their enormity or magnitude, to be found there, but not -to be found here. - -Although the difference is not of the same kind, nor probably so -great, still the comparison of the slavery of the United States with -that which has existed in the West Indies and other parts of America, -presents the former in the light of comparative comfort and happiness. -It may be said, indeed, that in the British West Indies, the quondam -slaves, so cruelly treated and so severely overworked, have at last -come to their freedom; but it is by far too soon to estimate the -result. In St. Domingo, where they have been free, or said to be free, -nearly a half century, they are still under "overseers," and -"drivers," still subject to the law of "passports," still forced to -work a specific number of hours on penalty of fines, imprisonments, -and sundry severe modes of discipline, under "the _Code rural_" and -"the _Code Henri_," differing in despotic character only, that the -people are slaves to the Government, and not to private owners, and -driven to work by a black man instead of a white man, when universally -they prefer the white, as being more merciful of the two. The three -great staples of Hayti fell off from 1791 under the French, to 1822 -under Boyer: Sugar from 163,405,220 lbs. annually to 652,541 lbs.; -Coffee from 68,151,180 lbs. annually to 35,117,834 lbs.; and Cotton -from 6,286,126 lbs. annually to 891,950 lbs.; and have since declined, -till the public revenue has fallen below the expenditures of the -Government. - -We see, then, that the _evils_ of American slavery are _blessings_ as -compared with the general fate of the African race in their native -Continent, independent of the effects of the exportation of slaves to -foreign parts; and that they are light in comparison of other foreign -servitude down to this date. - -Let us now turn to the scale of comparative comfort and of actual -privilege. In the first place, American slaves are placed in the midst -of a high state of civilization, where their very bondage has rights -secured by law which would be a blessing in Africa, even after -deducting the entire scope of the arbitrary sway of masters. They are -clustered round a refinement of manners, which, though it may have -little influence for the benefit of the proedal slave, acts -powerfully on the great body for their personal improvement and -elevation in the scale of intellectual and moral being, and remotely -has a favorable effect upon all. A great portion of them have been -admitted to no inconsiderable degrees of intellectual and moral -culture; domestic and body servants are often found highly improved -and accomplished, whose principles, morals, and manners would be a -good example to a large part of our white population; the privileges -of the Gospel, and its blessed and eternal hopes, have been brought -within the reach of a greater proportion of the slaves, than of the -white population, who customarily _use_ them, when brought to their -doors, and these privileges were being still farther extended till the -crusade of the Abolitionists caused them to be abridged; the system of -American slavery makes it the interest of the master to be careful of -the physical constitution of the slave, that it should not be -impaired, and in this particular makes it preferable to the more cruel -bondage of British manufactories; American masters are compelled by -law to maintain the sick, the infirm, and the aged; the law itself -enacts penalties for inhuman treatment, and public opinion sustains -it, notwithstanding that in this, as in all states of society, the law -may be better than the practice, still, however, it has its general -influence for the protection of the slave, and demands justice for -him when abused as well as for the abused white man; many of the -slaves of this country have emerged, and are constantly emerging, from -a state of bondage to a state of freedom, till they amount to about -one sixth of the colored population, and are admitted to important -civil, social, and religious privileges, though not to all which the -Abolitionists claim for them, yet important and invaluable as compared -with what they would have been likely to enjoy any where else; the -public opinion of this country, previous to the present Abolition -agitation, not excepting even that of the slave States, had been -constantly growing more favourable to an increased amelioration of -slavery, and to ultimate emancipation. - -In a word: If we take into consideration the origin of this race, the -barbarism, the brutal degradation, and the customary inhuman vices of -their ancestry, which remain the same to this day in Africa; if we -look at the different conditions and fate of other portions of the -same race, who, in consequence of such a state of things in the land -of their fathers, have been carried away from their native shores; and -then compare the whole with the general progress of nations and tribes -in human improvement over the face of the earth, we shall, as we -think, be compelled to the conclusion, that no other people can be -found on the globe, civilized or uncivilized, who have, within the -same period of time, risen so much, or been improved so much, as a -body, in their actual condition, social character, privileges, -relations, and prospects, for time and for eternity, as that portion -of the African race now to be found in the United States of North -America. - -Let it not be understood or said, that we adduce this _great fact_, as -a bar to any claims that may be fairly asserted by the colored people -of this country, bond or free, or in their behalf, to still farther -improvement; but only, that it is proper--that in present -circumstances, we are bound--to take the most enlarged view of so -great a question; that we are bound to consider, as human nature is, -and in such a world as ours, that all nations and tribes, in their -best estate, necessarily advance in improvement by _degrees_; that one -tribe or nation cannot claim to rise at the expense of another, more -especially when their own vices have put them at the bottom of the -scale; and that all must fall in with the fair, proper, and -unavoidable influence of time, events, and accidental circumstances, -over which society, in a regular and constituted course of action, has -no control. To insist on breaking in upon this general and -conventional movement by violence, on disturbing the established order -of human society, to force forward one race, one nation, one tribe, -and one class, at the expense of another, and in violation of the -recognized principles and actual frame of society, is treason to -society, and to the general rights of mankind. The time of absolute -_perfectionism_, either as to individual character, or as to the -structure of human society, in our opinion, has not yet come. And -while all are anxious for improvement, public and private, and are -striving for it, all must consent to carry it forward on recognized -principles--on principles which will not tear down society, and -subvert and overthrow important advantages and vital interests already -acquired for common good. - -We say, then, as much as we sympathize with the colored population of -this country--and we solemnly aver, that we are not wanting in such -sympathy--in all that they are deprived of social advantages and -political privileges enjoyed by the white population, in all that they -fall below the most satisfactory standard and elevation in human -improvement--we say, that we do not see how they can fairly claim to -rise by _one step_ to such a desirable point, contrary to the usual -modes of progress in human society, and contrary to the known laws and -capabilities of human nature, if it must be to the disturbance of the -peace of the community, and to the great peril of our Government and -its institutions. We have seen, that the colored population of this -country, as a body, have not been injured, but benefitted, by the -position which they now occupy, not only in comparison with the -history of the race to which they belong, but also in comparison with -the common history of other tribes and nations. They undoubtedly -occupy at this moment the highest point of actual comfort, of social -condition, and of general privilege, which has yet fallen to the lot -of any portion of the African race. - -We have now done with this branch of the subject, and have only to -add, that we shall be treated with great injustice, if these -considerations are received as having been offered for any other -purpose than a shield alike to the social and political fabric of our -country against violence, and to the best interests of the colored -race. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -THE EXAMPLE OF QUAKERS, OR SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. - - -The Quakers have generally received credit for being a peace-loving -and peace-making Society of Christians; and we are compelled to admit, -and have great pleasure in doing so, that they have always sustained -the character. They have always been known as the opponents of -slavery; but their modes of protest and remonstrance have been -conducted in the spirit of Christianity. They have never broken the -public peace, directly or indirectly, in this conflict of principle; -they have never outraged public feeling by obtruding their opinions in -a violent way; they have not sought to raise mobs against themselves, -and thus get the advantage of a cry of persecution; but they have -published their principles in a quiet, and in that way, most -influential manner. All the world has known, that the Society of -Friends have been opposed to slavery, as well as to war; but society -has never been battered by their artillery, by violent and -uncharitable denunciation, by defamation, by exaggerated and -fictitious stories, by inflammatory appeals, by threatening to -overthrow a fabric which they cannot conscientiously support, by -undermining the authority of Government and proclaiming it forfeited, -and by sowing the seeds of servile insurrection and popular violence. -It is known, that a Quaker will not eat sugar or molasses made by a -slave; that is a fact that tells--sets people to thinking. It is the -silent, insinuating action of principle on society and into the minds -of men. The Quakers will do nothing, directly or indirectly, to -countenance and support slavery, so far as they can avoid it. Their -precepts are known, and their example is seen. They are a living -epistle before the world, on this and some other subjects. They use -freedom of speech and of the press; they employ persuasion and -remonstrance in a Christian like way; they give "line upon line, -precept upon precept, here a little, and there a little;" but they do -no violence. They are faithful and true to their principles, and -consistent in practising as well as preaching them; but they assume -not the responsibility of disturbing others in the use of a privilege -which is so important and dear to themselves. They seem to understand -the rule: "Do unto others, as ye would that others should do unto -you." Hence the Quakers never disturb the peace of society. They are -good neighbours, good citizens, good, we presume, in domestic and -private life, and as we hope, good Christians. - -Such is the legitimate action of Christianity, and such is the -strongest possible proof, that a man is actuated by Christian -principle. Such was the example of Christ and his Apostles. There is -not a single intimation, nor fair inference from any fact, that they -ever made war upon the existing fabric of society, any farther than -the silent action of their principles would _gradually_ operate a -change in the social state and in social institutions. Such is the -Divine superiority of Christianity: silent, but effective and -irresistable in its march--irresistable, _because_ it is never -violent--because, veritas valebit, truth will prevail. - -But, alas! how utterly opposed to all this are the measures and -movements of the Abolitionists! They seem as if they would take heaven -and earth by storm; but if they happen to raise a storm over their own -heads, they demand impunity from its effects. Stirrers-up of mischief, -they deny the right of its re-action on themselves. It is ridiculous, -absolutely. If a man will be a fool, he must _reap_ his folly; if "he -sows the wind," he must be content, if the elements in their natural -workings should so decree, "to reap the whirlwind." - -If, indeed, we have given more credit to the Quakers than they -deserve, we hope, if any of them have got out of the way into the -Abolition ranks under their present flag, they will see the propriety -of getting back again as fast as they can, for the good reputation of -their own Society, that hereafter there may be no exception among them -as a good example worthy of imitation in all such matters. - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -THE SOUTH HAVE DONE WITH ARGUMENT. - - -"Yea, doubtless," saith the Abolitionist, "for reason fails them." And -so we have all done with argument; for we shall not stop to reply to -this. "The South know their rights," said a Southern gentleman the -other day on the floor of Congress, very significantly, and in -relation to this subject. This, we believe, is the present common -feeling of the slaveholding States. They have made up their minds; and -we think they will have the sympathy of the reasonable part of -mankind. Their present attitude is that of pointing the people of this -country to the bulwark of the Federal Constitution; and if that will -not protect them, "they know their rights." We do not quote this -language to expose the Southerners to the charge of holding up a -menace; for we do not accept it as such, and think it would be unfair -for any body to do so. They stand on the defensive; they have been -assailed, and are yet assailed; they have felt themselves insulted on -the floor of Congress by indirect attempts to invade their rights of -State sovereignty; they have been compelled to special legislation and -other public action to defend their own territories from violation; -they have dreamed of seeing their wives and children butchered, and -their houses pillaged and burned; they have seen, in imagination, and -as a natural consequence of the Abolition movement unresisted and -unchecked, all these and many other horrors of a like kind, enacted -before their eyes; they have seen the Government upturned, society -dissolved, and anarchy stalking amid the triumphs of its own -desolation over their fields; and with such prospects before them, as -the result of a foreign interference, organized in open violation of -the laws of the land, and in the face of a solemn national compact -forbidding such aggression, and engaging to protect and defend them -against it, are they not entitled to say--"We know our rights?" How -long must they suffer--how long must they be menaced by such invasion, -before they may say, we will suffer it no longer? A day of anxiety is -as a year of torment; a year of such suspense, is as an age of agony. - -And what will they do? Why, clearly, break loose from the Union, to -which, generally, they have already made up their minds, in case of -necessity, they being judges--if the straws in the wind are any sure -indication of its career--"Necessity needs no law." If the Government -of the country will not protect them, they must protect themselves, or -try to do so. They may fail, and prove impotent; but when men are -insulted and outraged, especially the men of the South, they are not -nice calculators of consequences; and it is for us of the North to -determine, whether we are willing to see our brethren of the South -driven to such a resort, by the continued action of an unlawful -combination, that exists and has grown up among ourselves; whether, -indeed, we are willing to see the Government of this proud Republic -rent asunder by such a cause, and to hazard the consequences. - -If any body thinks these remarks are not well founded, we are sorry -they are not better observers of the symptomatic phenomena of our own -society. If they should think them unreasonable and out of place, we -are sorry for that also, as we have judged otherwise, and take leave -to invite their attention to the next chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -REASONS WHY THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT, UNDER ITS PRESENT ORGANIZATION, -MUST SUCCEED IN OVERTHROWING THE GOVERNMENT. - - -We do not believe, after what has taken place, that the Abolitionists -will be able to carry _emancipation_. Their imprudent and rash modes -of action seem to have barred the door effectually against that event -for the present. We think it reasonable to say, that without the -concurrence of the slave States, such an event is impossible. But such -is the character, effectiveness, and irresistible sweep of their -organization, that it cannot fail to break down something; and that -something, we fear, will be the Federal Union. We now propose to give -our reasons for this apprehension. Those reasons are embodied in the -unconstitutional and illegal character of the Association. - -The political structure of our Government cannot be too much admired -for the balance of power which is every where to be found in its -Constitutional modes of action. The theory seems to be a perfect one. -But the moment there is a departure from the rules, or a violation of -the principles of Constitutional law, the machinery is embarrassed, -and danger threatens. In the same manner as the action of the -Government demands a strict adherence to these rules, so also does the -action of the people. We have seen in the second chapter what rules -the Federal Constitution and those of the States prescribe to -individual and popular action for political purposes, independent of -and in addition to the privilege of the elective franchise: freedom of -speech and of the press, and the right of petition, address, and -remonstrance to the Government. It was there stated, that the license -given to these proscribed forms constituted equally a law of -prohibition to all _other_ forms, as it would be absurd to suppose, -that a written law of this kind is not a law of limitation; in other -words, that it is no law at all. It was also shown, as is manifest at -first sight, that this license is all sufficient, as the people always -have their remedy in the elective franchise, if the Government do not -regard their wishes, as expressed in these modes. No occasions can be -expected to occur, that would require to transcend these salutary -rules; and we believe the existence and action of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, as an independent political body, is the first -instance, in the history of our country, by which they have been -transcended. - -It is true, indeed, that a popular charge has been brought against the -Masonic Institution, as having been perverted into political action, -and as being dangerous to the liberties of the country on that -account. How far this charge is just, it is impossible for us to know, -as we have never been a member of that Society. It is sufficient to -observe, that the very suspicion of such action has operated, as is -well known, almost entirely to suppress that Institution, and wind up -its history in the country. Had the truth of this charge been obvious, -and as susceptible of proof, as in the case of the American -Anti-Slavery Society, we need not say what would have been its fate. -The legislation of the country would have settled the matter soon. We -believe it to be a self-evident proposition, that the genius of a -Constitutional Government, or of any government whatever, does not -admit of a rival independent political organization on the same -territory; that it cannot tolerate _any permanent_ political -organization _at all_ independent of itself; much less one of -unlimited powers. It would not be very acceptable, even if it were to -come in as an auxiliary, but would rather be regarded as an insult. -There is no point of view in which we can conceive it would be -welcome. - -It would be ridiculous and impotent to say, that the action of the -American Anti-Slavery Society cannot be liable to objection, since it -is open, and not secret, like the Masonic Institution, admitting that -the latter is fairly accused by popular suspicion. Such a plea would -justify the acts of fraud, theft, felony, and crime of any -description, if they be done openly. It is only the more astonishing, -that it should be endured. But the reason of that we have already -stated: It is a new thing under the Sun; the public have been taken by -surprise; and have not even yet recovered from the shock. It was taken -for granted, that religion could not find its way into the State over -such Constitutional barriers erected to intercept the trespass; and -yet it is there--the religion of a _Sect_--of a great, powerful, -fanatical, religioso-political sect--which, having leaped the wall, -has carried with it a great and powerful political machinery from -another region, and is well at work, as if it were perfectly at home. -It may be said, that the political world has never yet had such a -fellow worker before, and looks at it askance as a strange companion, -not knowing what to make of it. Doubtless, after a little reflection, -a more definite opinion will be formed of its unwelcome character and -awkward position. - -But, it is proper to exhibit more distinctly the beautiful and -symmetrical action of the Constitutional law of this land, when -scrupulously observed in regard to such matters, and how a departure -from it leads to difficulty. It will be seen, that freedom of speech -and of the press, and the right of petition, address, and remonstrance -to Government, as guaranteed, are important safety valves, through -which to give scope to individual opinion, and vent to popular -fermentations. The regular action of these powers in the -Constitutional modes, and through the Constitutional channels, are -always balanced by each other. That same freedom of speech and of the -press which is guaranteed to one individual or party, is guaranteed to -another; and the inordinate excesses of each are sure to be -counteracted by the ordinary sway of these Constitutional principles; -at least, so far as the imperfect state of society will allow. It -seems to be the highest attainment of a practical political sagacity. -In the same manner, the action of associated popular movements, when -they aim to affect and influence the Government, is always balanced by -the counteraction of one party as opposed to the other, so long as -both keep within the prescribed forms of the Constitution and laws, -and connect themselves regularly with the Government in the recognized -modes of petition, address, or remonstrance. In this way it is -impossible that one party should gain a sudden, undue, and -overwhelming advantage, to which they are not fairly entitled by the -merits of their cause, and by a fair hearing before the public. - -But the moment that one party, or any new party, is permitted to set -up an independent, permanent, and unconstitutional political -machinery, having no connexion with the Government, but acting under a -polity of its own, as much and as truly as an independent empire, and -thus instituting a mode of action unknown to the Constitution and -laws, this salutary equipoise of influence is lost, in the same manner -as by throwing an ounce weight into one of two scales equally -balanced, the other is made to kick the beam. Such is the character, -and such the overbearing power of the American Anti-slavery Society in -the political condition of our country. There is, there can be, no -balance of influence, apart from the interference of authority, except -by setting up another unconstitutional organization, to put aside the -Constitutional Government, to carry on the war between themselves, and -settle the questions in dispute, as best they might; in other words, -to establish the reign of anarchy. - -So long as the American Anti-slavery Society is permitted to exist, -and to carry on its operations under its present form, it is not the -reason of their cause that prevails, but the power of their machinery -in its action on the public mind. All opposing influences, so long as -the Government is inactive, are like the scattering, random, and -over-shoulder shot of a routed and retreating host that is flying in -the field before the well-formed, steady, and disciplined march of a -triumphant army--triumphant, because there is no corresponding agency -to oppose them, not because they have the right. Such, precisely, is -the effect of all the newspaper squibs that are fired off on the -Abolitionists, and such the effect of the unorganized remonstrances of -the public. The Abolitionists are in the field with a disciplined -army, officered, paid, with a full staff, and an adequate -Commissariat. In other words, they are a regularly organized and -permanent political body, acting under a complete State machinery in -all that their exigences require, adding to it at pleasure, with ever -active and industrious agents, with money at command and the power of -the press, and as independent of the Government of this country as the -throne of the Sultan at Constantinople--and yet doing the business -of the country! - -There are most obvious reasons, why such a power, once recognized as -suitable and proper, will carry all before it, till it shall have -dissolved the Government of this country. The Abolitionists have all -the native and long cherished feeling of the North on their side, as -being opposed to slavery in principle; they have all the advantage of -the sympathies of our nature, when we consider the _manner_ in which -they represent the case; they have the common and prevailing popular -ignorance of the nature of our political fabric to aid them--for it is -not to be supposed, that the people generally will have clear and -uniform views on a question upon which Statesmen differ; and to the -effect of all these natural and social auxiliaries, they superadd the -power of their immense, combined, and variously ramified machinery, -which steals every where upon the public, catching every man, woman, -and child, whose benevolent sympathies are naturally open to their -appeals, and when once they are indoctrinated after the manner and in -the school of the Abolitionists, and become possessed of their spirit, -there is little chance for the sway of those principles on which our -political society is based. It is not the fair argument of the cause, -but the power of this political combination, that bears such sway. -There is no chance for a candid hearing before the public, and for the -due influence of all the considerations which appertain to this -momentous and complicated question, because the constitutional -balance of power, designed for such exigences, has been prostrated by -an usurpation, and every thing is made to give way to isolated and -abstract opinions, and to the dictations of political quackery. -Fanaticism rules, and not reason; and the natural and inevitable -consequence will be, that the gradual accumulation of this moral -power, thus acquired, will swell to a magnitude, and urge on a -momentum, before the pressure of which the Union will be compelled to -yield and break down. The people of the South will be annoyed and -vexed, till they can be annoyed and vexed no longer. Then will be the -beginning of the end. - -Are we understood? Is it not clear, that it is this political -usurpation of an unlawful power, that puts the country in peril? Let -this irregularity, this transcending of law, be reduced again to the -Constitutional basis, and all this excitement, alarm, and danger, will -die away, because the healthful Constitutional balance of influence -would be restored. Opinion would then encounter opinion on common -ground, with no undue advantage of one party over another. - -"But, then," say the Abolitionists, "we must give up our cause." It -will have an equal chance with any other. "But," they add, "we have -nine points of the law against the Constitution: actual possession of -the field, and do not choose to give it up." We are quite aware, that -usurpation will always hold on to its unlawfully acquired power, as -long as it can; and it is not to be expected, that the Abolitionists -will readily concede, that they have been guilty of such a fault. It -is a novel experiment in the history of our country; and as to its -form, novel in the history of political society. Religion has often -usurped political power, and the Constitutional frame of our -Government has taken great pains to guard against it; but, we will -venture to say, that no human foresight ever anticipated a trespass of -this kind: that, by an independent organization of its own devising, -religion should come armed into the field, to eject the previous -occupants by force--not to divide power and the spoils, but to take -sole possession, and set up a new order of things to its own will. - -We shall be as stout an advocate for the political rights of -religionists of all persuasions, as any body; at the same time we are -not prepared to concede to them the right of an independent political -organization, in violation of the law, to disturb the peace, endanger -the Government, and overthrow the institutions of the country. That -the Abolitionists have been guilty of this trespass, we are sorry, -because the country is the sufferer; that they should be compelled to -tread back, and resign their ill gotten power, we shall be glad, -because we believe, that law, propriety, and the good of the country, -require it. We believe, too, that the good of the slaves, and the -welfare of the free colored people, require it. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION DESTRUCTIVE OF REPUBLICAN LIBERTY. - - -If the main argument of this work is sound--and we are unable to see -why it is not--the tables are fairly turned on the Abolitionists, who -have been crying out for freedom, and the freedom of the Constitution. -Enough, we trust, has been said, in the progress of these discussions, -to show, that the action of the American Anti-Slavery Society, as a -grand and permanent political organization, destroys that balance of -individual and popular influence, which the Constitutional law of this -land was intended to establish, fortify, and secure; and which is, in -truth, the grand palladium of our liberties. The chapter immediately -preceding brings this matter to a point. - -The freedom of speech and of the press, and the rights of popular -action, as guaranteed by the Constitution, or Constitutions, are not -worth a penny, so long as the agency of such an institution as the -American Anti-Slavery society is permitted to be brought into the -field against them. For it is overwhelming by the force of its polity. -No matter what may be the prevailing feeling of the public, at any -given time in regard to it; no matter how many single voices may be -raised in remonstrance against the Abolition movement; no matter how -many newspapers may blaze away at the common enemy; no matter how many -resolutions of rebuke may be passed by the Senate of the Nation; no -matter what other forms of action, by whom soever or where soever, may -be instituted, within the prescribed forms of the Constitution, to -encounter this foe; yet, so long as the Government, which is the only -agency that can treat with such an unconstitutional usurpation on -equal terms, remains inactive, they will avail nothing. They are all -crippled and rendered nugatory by the moral power and irresistible -momentum of this regular system of means, under a State machinery, -that is brought into the field. The Abolitionists know their power, -under such an advantage, and laugh their enemies to scorn. By the -influence of their organization, by its constant, systematic, and all -pervading action, they expect, and not without reason, to carry all -before them in the free States. - -All the freedom guaranteed by the Constitution to their opponents is -worth nothing in the scale against such a power; it is annihilated. -There is no equality of privilege between the parties. - -The reason why the public generally have not understood the character -of this enemy, is because it came by a sudden leap, by a sort of -somerset, from the religious world, with the operations of which the -public, as a body, have not concerned themselves. It is in fact a -foreign organized power, that has stolen a march on the territories of -the Republic, obtained a footing, and gained an alarming ascendancy, -before the public were apprized of the fact, or had any true knowledge -of the character of the invaders; and such is their overpowering -influence, by virtue of a political polity, that the privileges -secured by the Constitution and laws, as a means of opposing them, are -rendered utterly valueless, in any thing short of the interposition of -authority. - -How can the private action of individuals, how can the press in its -customary forms, how can the resolutions of popular assemblies, of -legislative bodies, of Congress itself, counteract the movements of -such on organization? They are utterly impotent. Their influence -expires with their acts; while that of this Society, on account of its -systematic and efficient organization is untiring, assiduous, is every -where, lives forever, and is forever augmenting its forces. The -American Anti-Slavery Society can command all the money it wants, and -money will command agencies of every description; money is the -animating soul of every political body. - -It is of no use, therefore, that the Constitutional law of this land -has secured these sacred privileges, so long and so highly valued, -while the same law is transcended and trampled under foot by this -antagonist power. All the imagined advantages of this boasted freedom -are annihilated by the sweeping claims and prerogatives of this -usurpation. All our liberties are but a name, if such an organization -may come in, expunge them from the Charter, and abolish their sway, by -setting up a power which the Constitution itself cannot contend with, -without calling to its aid the arm of authority, because the rules of -the Constitution are violated. - -Having discharged this duty--a sincere and conscientious duty, as we -profess--to the country, to the cause of humanity, and above all, to -that God whom we desire to worship and serve, we are content to submit -the question to the public, and await their decision, whether, a new -DYNASTY, under the form of a RELIGIOSO-POLITICAL ORGANIZATION, shall -be permitted to take the field; or whether, the OLD AND CONSTITUTIONAL -GOVERNMENT shall stand? - - -THE END. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Abolition a Sedition, by Geo. W. 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