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diff --git a/old/40977-h/40977-h.htm b/old/40977-h/40977-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 8a12604..0000000 --- a/old/40977-h/40977-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,23110 +0,0 @@ -<?xml version="1.0" encoding="iso-8859-1"?> - -<!DOCTYPE html - PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > - -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> - <head> - <title> - The Life of Lincoln by Ward H. Lamon. - </title> - <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> - - body { margin:5%; text-align:justify} - P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } - H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } - hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} - .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } - blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} - .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} - .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} - .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} - div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } - .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} - .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} - .pagenum {display:inline; font-size: 70%; font-style:normal; - margin: 0; padding: 0; position: absolute; right: 1%; - text-align: right;} - pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} - -</style> - </head> - <body> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life Of Abraham Lincoln, by Ward H. Lamon - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Life Of Abraham Lincoln - From His Birth To His Inauguration As President - -Author: Ward H. Lamon - -Illustrator: Anonymous - -Release Date: October 8, 2012 [EBook #40977] -Last Updated: November 10, 2012 - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN *** - - - - -Produced by David Widger - - - - - -</pre> - <div style="height: 8em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h1> - THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN; - </h1> - <h2> - FROM HIS BIRTH TO HIS INAUGURATION AS PRESIDENT. - </h2> - <p> - <br /> - </p> - <h2> - ByWard H. Lamon. - </h2> - <h3> - <br /> With Illustrations. <br /><br /> Boston: <br /><br /> James R. Osgood - And Company, <br /><br /> 1872. <br /> <br /> - </h3> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /> <br /> <a name="image-0001" id="image-0001"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/frontispiece.jpg" alt="Frontispiece " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - <a name="image-0002" id="image-0002"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/titlepage.jpg" alt="Titlepage " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - <br /> <br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_PREF" id="link2H_PREF"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - PREFACE. - </h2> - <p> - IN the following pages I have endeavored to give the life of Abraham - Lincoln, from his birth to his inauguration as President of the United - States. The reader will judge the character of the performance by the work - itself: for that reason I shall spare him the perusal of much prefatory - explanation. - </p> - <p> - At the time of Mr. Lincoln's death, I determined to write his history, as - I had in my possession much valuable material for such a purpose. I did - not then imagine that any person could have better or more extensive - materials than I possessed. I soon learned, however, that Mr. William H. - Herndon of Springfield, Ill., was similarly engaged. There could be no - rivalry between us; for the supreme object of both was to make the real - history and character of Mr. Lincoln as well known to the public as they - were to us. He deplored, as I did, the many publications pretending to be - biographies which came teeming from the press, so long as the public - interest about Mr. Lincoln excited the hope of gain. Out of the mass of - works which appeared, of one only—Dr. Holland's—is it possible - to speak with any degree of respect. - </p> - <p> - Early in 1869, Mr. Herndon placed at my disposal his remarkable collection - of materials,—the richest, rarest, and fullest collection it was - possible to conceive. Along with them came an offer of hearty - co-operation, of which I have availed myself so extensively, that no art - of mine would serve to conceal it. Added to my own collections, these - acquisitions have enabled me to do what could not have been done before,—prepare - an authentic biography of Mr. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Herndon had been the partner in business and the intimate personal - associate of Mr. Lincoln for something like a quarter of a century; and - Mr. Lincoln had lived familiarly with several members of his family long - before their individual acquaintance began. New Salem, Springfield, the - old judicial circuit, the habits and friends of Mr. Lincoln, were as well - known to Mr. Herndon as to himself. With these advantages, and from the - numberless facts and hints which had dropped from Mr. Lincoln during the - confidential intercourse of an ordinary lifetime, Mr. Herndon was able to - institute a thorough system of inquiry for every noteworthy circumstance - and every incident of value in Mr. Lincoln's career. - </p> - <p> - The fruits of Mr. Herndon's labors are garnered in three enormous volumes - of original manuscripts and a mass of unarranged letters and papers. They - comprise the recollections of Mr. Lincoln's nearest friends; of the - surviving members of his family and his family-connections; of the men - still living who knew him and his parents in Kentucky; of his - schoolfellows, neighbors, and acquaintances in Indiana; of the better part - of the whole population of New Salem; of his associates and relatives at - Springfield; and of lawyers, judges, politicians, and statesmen - everywhere, who had any thing of interest or moment to relate. They were - collected at vast expense of time, labor, and money, involving the - employment of many agents, long journeys, tedious examinations, and - voluminous correspondence. Upon the value of these materials it would be - impossible to place an estimate. That I have used them conscientiously and - justly is the only merit to which I lay claim. - </p> - <p> - As a general thing, my text will be found to support itself; but whether - the particular authority be mentioned or not, it is proper to remark, that - each statement of fact is fully sustained by indisputable evidence - remaining in my possession. My original plan was to verify every important - statement by one or more appropriate citations; but it was early - abandoned, not because it involved unwelcome labor, but because it - encumbered my pages with a great array of obscure names, which the reader - would probably pass unnoticed. - </p> - <p> - I dismiss this volume into the world, with no claim for it of literary - excellence, but with the hope that it will prove what it purports to be,—a - faithful record of the life of Abraham Lincoln down to the 4th of March, - 1861. - </p> - <p> - Ward H. Lamon. - </p> - <p> - Washington City, May, 1872. - </p> - <p> - <br /> <br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /> <br /> - </p> - <blockquote> - <p class="toc"> - <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> - </p> - <p> - <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_PREF"> PREFACE. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_TOC"> TABLE OF CONTENTS. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0006"> CHAPTER VI </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0010"> CHAPTER X </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0012"> CHAPTER XII </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0013"> CHAPTER XIII </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0014"> CHAPTER XIV </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0015"> CHAPTER XV </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0016"> CHAPTER XVI </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0017"> CHAPTER XVII </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0018"> CHAPTER XVIII </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0019"> CHAPTER XIX. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0020"> CHAPTER XX </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_APPE"> APPENDIX. </a> - </p> - <p> - <br /> <br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /> <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <big><b>ILLUSTRATIONS</b></big> - </p> - <p> - <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0001"> Frontispiece </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0002"> Titlepage </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0003"> Mrs. Sarah Lincoln, Mother of the President </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0004"> Dennis Hanks </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0005"> Mr. Lincoln As a Flatboatman </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0006"> Map of New Salem </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0007"> Black Hawk, Indian Chief </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0008"> Joshua F. Speed </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0009"> Judge David Davis </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0010"> Stephen T. Logan </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0011"> John T. Stuart </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0012"> William Herndon </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0013"> Uncle John Hanks </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0014"> Mr. Lincoln's Home in Springfield, Ill. </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0015"> Norman B. Judd </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0016"> Facsimile of Autobiography 1 </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0017"> Facsimile of Autobiography 2 </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#image-0018"> Facsimile of Autobiography 3 </a> - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - <br /> <br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_TOC" id="link2H_TOC"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - TABLE OF CONTENTS. - </h2> - <blockquote> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER I. <br /> Birth.—His father and mother.—History of - Thomas Lincoln and his family <br /> a necessary part of Abraham - Lincoln's biography.—Thomas Lincoln's <br /> ancestors.—Members - of the family remaining in Virginia.—Birth of <br /> Thomas - Lincoln.—Removal to Kentucky.—Life in the Wilderness.—Lincolns - <br /> settle in Mercer County.—Thomas Lincoln's father shot by - <br /> Indians.—Widow and family remove to Washington County.—Thomas - <br /> poor.—Wanders into Breckinridge County.—Goes to Hardin - County.—Works <br /> at the carpenter's trade.—Cannot read or - write.—Personal <br /> appearance.—Called "Linckhom," or - "Linckhera."—Thomas Lincoln as <br /> a carpenter.—Marries - Nancy Hanks.—Previously courted Sally <br /> Bush.—Character - of Sally Bush.—The person and character of Nancy <br /> Hanks.—Thomas - and Nancy Lincoln go to live in a shed.—Birth of a <br /> daughter.—They - remove to Nolin Creek.—Birth of Abraham.—Removal to <br /> - Knob Creek.—Little Abe initiated into wild sports.—His - sadness.—Goes <br /> to school.—Thomas Lincoln concludes to - move.—Did not fly from the <br /> taint of slavery.—Abraham - Lincoln always reticent about the history and <br /> character of his - family.—Record in his Bible... 1 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER II. <br /> Thomas Lincoln builds a boat.—Floats down to the - Ohio.—Boat <br /> capsizes.—Lands in Perry County, Indiana.—Selects - a location.—Walks <br /> back to Knob Creek for wife and children.—Makes - his way through <br /> the wilderness.—Settles between the two - Pigeon Creeks.—Gentry <br /> ville.—Selects a site.—Lincoln - builds a half-faced camp.—Clears <br /> ground and raises a small - crop.—Dennis Hanks.—Lincoln builds a <br /> cabin.—State - of the country.—Indiana admitted to the Union.—Rise <br /> of - Gentryville.—Character of the people.—Lincoln's patent for - his <br /> land.—His farm, cabin, furniture.—The - milk-sickness.—Death of Nancy <br /> Hanks Lincoln.—Funeral - discourse by David Elkin.—Grave.—Tom Lincoln <br /> marries - Sally Bush.—Her goods and chattels.—Her surprise at the - <br /> poverty of the Lincoln cabin.—Clothes and comforts Abe and - his <br /> sister.—Abe leads a new life.—Is sent to school.—Abe's - appearance and <br /> dress.—Learning "manners"—Abe's essays.—Tenderness - for animals.—The <br /> last of school.—Abe excelled the - masters.—Studied privately.—Did not <br /> like to work.—Wrote - on wooden shovel and boards.—How Abe studied.—The <br /> - books he read.—The "Revised Statute of Indiana."—Did not - read the <br /> Bible.—No religious opinions.—How he behaved - at home.—Touching <br /> recital by Mrs. Lincoln.—Abe's - memory.—Mimicks the preachers.—Makes <br /> "stump-speeches" - in the field.—Cruelly maltreated by his father.—Works <br /> - out cheerfully.—Universal favorite.—The kind of people he - lived <br /> amongst.—Mrs. Crawford's reminiscences.—Society - about Gentryville. <br /> —His step-mother.—His sister.—The - Johnstons and Hankses.—Abe a <br /> ferryman and farm-servant.—His - work and habits.—Works for Josiah <br /> Crawford.—Mrs. - Crawford's account of him.—Crawford's books.—Becomes <br /> a - wit and a poet.—Abe the tallest and strongest man in the <br /> - settlement.—Hunting in the Pigeon Creek region.—His - activity.—Love of <br /> talking and reading.—Fond of rustic - sports.—Furnishes the <br /> literature.—Would not be - slighted.—His satires.—Songs and <br /> chronicles.—Gentryville - as "a centre of business."—Abe and other <br /> boys loiter about - the village.—Very temperate.—"Clerks" for Col. <br /> Jones.—Abe - saves a drunken man's life.—Fond of music.—Marriage of his - <br /> sister Nancy.—Extracts from his copy-book.—His - Chronicles.—Fight with <br /> the Grigs-bys.—Abe "the big - buck of the lick."—"Speaking meetings" <br /> at Gentryville.—Dennis - Hanks's account of the way he and Abe became so <br /> learned.—Abe - attends a court.—Abe expects to be President.—Going <br /> to - mill.—Kicked in the head by a horse.—Mr. Wood.—Piece - on <br /> temperance.—On national politics.—Abe tired of - home.—Works for <br /> Mr. Gentry.—Knowledge of astronomy and - geography.—Goes to New <br /> Orleans.—Counterfeit money.—Fight - with negroes.—Scar on his face. <br /> —An apocryphal - story...........19 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER III. <br /> Abe's return from New Orleans.—Sawing planks - for a new house.—The <br /> milk-sickness.—Removal to - Illinois.—Settles near Decatur.—Abe leaves <br /> home.—Subsequent - removals and death of Thomas Lincoln.—Abe's relations <br /> to the - family.—Works with John Hanks after leaving home.—Splitting - <br /> rails.—Makes a speech on the improvement of the Sangamon - River.—Second <br /> voyage to New Orleans.—Loading and - departure of the boat.—"Sticks" on <br /> New Salem dam.—Abe's - contrivance to get her off.—Model in the Patent <br /> Office.—Arrival - at New Orleans.—Negroes chained.—Abe touched by the <br /> - sight.—Returns on a steamboat.—Wrestles with Daniel - Needham.........73 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER IV. <br /> The site of New Salem.—The village as it - existed.—The <br /> first store.—Number of inhabitants.—Their - <br /> houses.—Springfield.—Petersburg.—Mr. Lincoln - appears a second time <br /> at New Salem.—Clerks at an election.—Pilots - a boat to <br /> Beardstown.—Country store.—Abe as "first - clerk."—"Clary's Grove <br /> Boys."—Character of Jack - Armstrong.—He and Abe become intimate <br /> friends.—Abe's - popularity.—Love of peace.—Habits of study.—Waylaying - <br /> strangers for information.—Pilots the steamer "Talisman" up - and down <br /> the Sangamon.......85 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER V. <br /> Offutt's business gone to ruin.—The Black Hawk - War.—Black Hawk crosses <br /> the Mississippi.—Deceived by - his allies.—The governor's call for <br /> troops.—Abe - enlists—Elected captain.—A speech.—Organization of the - <br /> army.—Captain Lincoln under arrest.—The march.—Captain - Lincoln's <br /> company declines to form.—Lincoln under arrest.—Stillman's - <br /> defeat.—Wasting rations.—Hunger.—Mutiny.—March - to Dixon.—Attempt <br /> to capture Black Hawk's pirogues.—Lincoln - saves the life of <br /> an Indian.—Mutiny.—Lincoln's novel - method of quelling <br /> it.—Wrestling.—His magnanimity.—Care - of his men.—Dispute with a <br /> regular officer.—Reach - Dixon.—Move to Fox River.—A stampede.—Captain <br /> - Lincoln's efficiency as an officer.—Amusements of the camp.—Captain - <br /> Lincoln re-enlists as a private.—Independent spy company.—Progress - of <br /> the war.—Capture of Black Hawk.—Release.—Death.—Grave.—George - <br /> W. Harrison's recollections.—Duties of the spy company.—Company - <br /> disbanded.—Lincoln's horse stolen.—They start home on - foot.—Buy <br /> a canoe.—Feast on a raft.—Sell the - boat.—Walk again.—Arrive at <br /> Petersburg.—A sham - battle........98 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0006"> CHAPTER VI. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER VI. <br /> The volunteers from Sangamon return shortly before the - State <br /> election.—Abe a candidate for the Legislature.—Mode - of bringing <br /> forward candidates.—Parties and party names.—State - and national <br /> politics.—Mr. Lincoln's position.—Old way - of conducting <br /> elections.—Mr. Lincoln's first stump-speech.—"A - general fight."—Mr. <br /> Lincoln's part in it.—His dress - and appearance.—Speech at Island <br /> Grove.—His stories.—A - third speech.—Agrees with the Whigs in the <br /> policy of - internal improvements.—His own hobby.—Prepares an address to - <br /> the people.—Mr. Lincoln defeated.—Received every vote - but three cast <br /> in his own precinct....121 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER VII. <br /> Results of the canvass.—An opening in business.—The - firm of Lincoln <br /> & Berry.—How they sold liquor.—What - Mr. Douglas said.—The store a <br /> failure.—Berry's bad - habits.—The credit system.—Lincoln's debts.—He <br /> - goes to board at the tavern.—Studies law.—Walks to - Springfield for <br /> books.—Progress in the law.—Does - business for his neighbors.—Other <br /> studies.—Reminiscences - of J. Y. Ellis.—Shy of ladies.—His <br /> apparel.—Fishing, - and spouting Shakspeare and Burns.—Mr. Lincoln <br /> annoyed by - company.—Retires to the country.—Bowlin Greene.—Mr. - <br /> Lincoln's attempt to speak a funeral discourse.—John - Calhoun.—Lincoln <br /> studies surveying.—Gets employment.—Lincoln - appointed postmaster.—How <br /> he performed the duties.—Sale - of Mr. Lincoln's personal property under <br /> execution.—Bought - by James Short.—Lincoln's visits.—Old Hannah.—Ah. - <br /> Trent.—Mr. Lincoln as a peacemaker.—His great - strength.—The <br /> judicial quality.—Acting second in - fights.—A candidate for the <br /> Legislature.—Elected.—Borrows - two hundred dollars from Coleman <br /> Smoot.—How they got - acquainted.—Mr. Lincoln writes a little book on <br /> infidelity.—It - is burnt by Samuel Hill........135 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER VIII. <br /> James Rutledge.—His family.—Ann - Rutledge.—John McNeil.—Is engaged <br /> to Ann.—His - strange story.—The loveliness of Ann's person <br /> and character.—Mr. - Lincoln courts her.—They are engaged to be <br /> married.—Await - the return of McNeil.—Ann dies of a broken <br /> heart.—Mr. - Lincoln goes crazy.—Cared for by Bowlin Greene.—The poem - <br /> "Immortality."—Mr. Lincoln's melancholy broodings.—Interviews - with <br /> Isaac Cogdale after his election to the Presidency.—Mr. - Herndon's <br /> interview with McNamar.—Ann's grave.—The - Concord cemetery...159 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER IX. <br /> Bennett Able and family.—Mary Owens.—Mr. - Lincoln falls in love with <br /> her.—What she thought of him.—A - misunderstanding.—Letters from Miss <br /> Owens.—Mr. - Lincoln's letters to her.—Humorous account of the affair in <br /> - a letter from Mr. Lincoln to another lady......172 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0010"> CHAPTER X. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER X. <br /> Mr. Lincoln takes his seat in the Legislature.—Schemes - of internal <br /> improvement.—Mr. Lincoln a silent member.—Meets - Stephen A. <br /> Douglas.—Log-rolling.—Mr. Lincoln a - candidate for re-election.—The <br /> canvass.—"The Long - Nine."—Speech at Mechanicsburg.—Fight.—Reply to <br /> - Dr. Early.—Reply to George Forquer.—Trick on Dick Taylor.—Attempts - <br /> to create a third party.—Mr. Lincoln elected.—Federal - and State <br /> politics.—The Bank of the United States.—Suspension - of specie <br /> payments.—Mr. Lincoln wishes to be the De Witt - Clinton of <br /> Illinois.—The internal-improvement system.—Capital - located <br /> at Springfield.—Mr. Lincoln's conception of the duty - of a <br /> representative.—His part in passing the "system."—Begins - <br /> his antislavery record.—Public sentiment against the <br /> - Abolitionists.—History of antislavery in Illinois.—The <br /> - Covenanters.—Struggle to amend the Constitution.—The "black - <br /> code."—Death of Elijah P. Lovejoy.—Protest against - proslavery <br /> resolutions.—No sympathy with extremists.—Suspension - of <br /> specie payments.—Mr. Lincoln re-elected in 1838.—Candidate - for <br /> Speaker.—Finances.—Utter failure of the - internal-improvement <br /> "system."—Mr. Lincoln re-elected in - 1840.—He introduces a bill.—His <br /> speech.—Financial - expedients.—Bitterness of feeling.—Democrats seek <br /> to - hold a quorum.—Mr. Lincoln jumps out of a window.—Speech by - Mr. <br /> Lincoln.—The alien question.—The Democrats - undertake to "reform" the <br /> judiciary.—Mr. Douglas a leader.—Protest - of Mr. Lincoln and <br /> other Whigs.—Reminiscences of a - colleague.—Dinner to "The Long <br /> Nine."—"Abraham Lincoln - one of nature's noblemen."..........184 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XI. <br /> Capital removed to Springfield.—Mr. Lincoln - settles there to practise <br /> law.—First case.—Members of - the bar.—Mr. Lincoln's partnership with <br /> John T. Stuart.—Population - and condition of Springfield.—Lawyers <br /> and politicians.—Mr. - Lincoln's intense ambition.—Lecture before the <br /> Springfield - Lyceum.—His style.—Political discussions run <br /> high.—Joshua - F. Speed his most intimate friend.—Scene in Speed's <br /> store.—Debate.—Douglas, - Calhoun, Lamborn, and Thomas, against Lincoln, <br /> Logan, Baker, and - Browning.—Presidential elector in 1840.—Stumping <br /> for - Harrison.—Scene between Lincoln and Douglas in the Court-House.—A - <br /> failure.—Redeems himself.—Meets Miss Mary Todd.—She - takes Mr. Lincoln <br /> captive.—She refuses Douglas.—Engaged.—Miss - Matilda Edwards.—Mr. <br /> Lincoln undergoes a change of heart.—Mr. - Lincoln reveals to Mary the <br /> state of his mind.—She releases - him.—A reconciliation.—Every thing <br /> prepared for the - wedding.—Mr. Lincoln fails to appear.—Insane.—Speed - <br /> takes him to Kentucky.—Lines on "Suicide."—His gloom.—Return - <br /> to Springfield.—Secret meetings with Miss Todd.—Sudden - <br /> marriage.—Correspondence with Mr. Speed on delicate - subjects.—Relics <br /> of a great man and a great agony.—Miss - Todd attacks James Shields in <br /> certain witty and sarcastic letters.—Mr. - Lincoln's name "given up" <br /> as the author.—Challenged by - Shields.—A meeting and an <br /> explanation.—Correspondence.—Candidate - for Congressional <br /> nomination.—Letters to Speed and Morris.—Defeat.. - 223 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0012"> CHAPTER XII. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XII. <br /> Mr. Lincoln a candidate for elector in 1844.—Debates - with <br /> Calhoun.—Speaks in Illinois and Indiana.—At - Gentryville.—Lincoln, <br /> Baker, Logan, Hardin, aspirants for - Congress.—Supposed <br /> bargain.—Canvass for Whig - nomination in 1846.—Mr. Lincoln <br /> nominated.—Opposed by - Peter Cartwright.—Mr. Lincoln called a <br /> deist.—Elected.—Takes - his seat.—Distinguished members.—Opposed <br /> to the - Mexican War.—The "Spot Resolutions."—Speech of Mr. <br /> - Lincoln.—Murmurs of disapprobation.—Mr. Lincoln for "Old - Rough" in <br /> 1848.—Defections at home.—Mr. Lincoln's - campaign.—Speech.—Passage <br /> not generally published.—Letter - to his father.—Second session.—The <br /> "Gott Resolution."—Mr. - Lincoln's substitute..............274 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0013"> CHAPTER XIII. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XIII. <br /> Mr. Lincoln in his character of country lawyer.—Public - feeling at <br /> the time of his death.—Judge Davis's address at a - bar-meeting.—Judge <br /> Drummond's address.—Mr. Lincoln's - partnership with John T. <br /> Stuart.—With Stephen. T. Logan.—With - William H. Herndon.—Mr. <br /> Lincoln "a case-lawyer."—Slow.—Conscientious.—Henry - McHenry's <br /> case.—Circumstantial evidence.—A startling - case.—Mr. Lincoln's <br /> account of it.—His first case in - the Supreme Court.—Could not defend a <br /> bad case.—Ignorance - of technicalities.—The Eighth Circuit.—Happy <br /> on the - circuit.—Style of travelling.—His relations.—Young - Johnson <br /> indicted.—Mr. Lincoln's kindness.—Jack - Armstrong's son tried <br /> for murder.—Mr. Lincoln defends him.—Alleged - use of a false <br /> almanac.—Prisoner discharged.—Old - Hannah's account of it.—Mr. <br /> Lincoln's suit against Illinois - Central Railway Company.—McCormick <br /> Reaping Machine case.—Treatment - by Edwin M. Stanton........311 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0014"> CHAPTER XIV. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XIV. <br /> Mr. Lincoln not a candidate for re-election.—Judge - Logan's defeat.—Mr. <br /> Lincoln an applicant for Commissioner of - the Land Office.—Offered the <br /> Governorship of Oregon.—Views - concerning the Missouri Compromise <br /> and Compromise of 1850.—Declines - to be a candidate for Congress in <br /> 1850.—Death of Thomas - Lincoln.—Correspondence between Mr. Lincoln <br /> and John - Johnston.—Eulogy on Henry Clay.—In favor of voluntary <br /> - emancipation and colonization.—Answer to Mr. Douglas's Richmond - <br /> speech.—Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill.—Mr. - Lincoln's views <br /> concerning slavery.—Opposed to conferring - political privileges <br /> upon negroes.—Aroused by the repeal of - the Missouri <br /> Compromise.—Anti-Nebraska party.—Mr. - Lincoln the leader.—Mr. Douglas <br /> speaks at Chicago.—At - Springfield.—Mr. Lincoln replies.—A <br /> great speech.—Mr. - Douglas rejoins.—The Abolitionists.—Mr. <br /> Herndon.—Determined - to make Mr. Lincoln an Abolitionist.—They refuse <br /> to enter - the Know-Nothing lodges.—The Abolitionists desire to force <br /> - Mr. Lincoln to take a stand.—He runs away from Springfield.—He - <br /> is requested to "follow up" Mr. Douglas.—Speech at <br /> - Peoria.—Extract.—Slavery and popular sovereignty.—Mr. - Lincoln and <br /> Mr. Douglas agree not to speak any more.—The - election.—Mr. Lincoln <br /> announced for the Legislature by Wm. - Jayne.—Mrs. Lincoln withdraws his <br /> name.—Jayne restores - it.—He is elected.—A candidate for United-States <br /> - Senator.—Resigns his seat.—Is censured.—Anti-Nebraska - majority in <br /> the Legislature.—The balloting.—Danger of - Governor Matteson's <br /> election.—Mr. Lincoln advises his - friends to vote for Judge <br /> Trumbull.—Trumbull elected.—Charges - of conspiracy and corrupt <br /> bargain.—Mr. Lincoln's denial.—Mr. - Douglas imputes to Mr. Lincoln <br /> extreme Abolitionist views.—Mr. - Lincoln's answer.............333 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0015"> CHAPTER XV. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XV. <br /> The struggle in Kansas.—The South begins the - struggle.—The North meets <br /> it.—The Missourians and - other proslavery forces.—Andrew H. Reeder <br /> appointed - governor.—Election frauds.—Mr. Lincoln's views on <br /> - Kansas.—Gov. Shannon arrives in the Territory.—The Free - State men <br /> repudiate the Legislature.—Mr. Lincoln's "little - speech" to the <br /> Abolitionists of Illinois.—Mr. Lincoln's - party relations.—Mr. Lincoln <br /> agrees to meet the - Abolitionists.—Convention at Bloomington.—Mr. <br /> Lincoln - considered a convert.—His great speech.—Conservative <br /> - resolutions.—Ludicrous failure of a ratification meeting at <br /> - Springfield.—Mr. Lincoln's remarks.—Plot to break up the - Know-Nothing <br /> party.—"National" Republican Convention.—Mr. - Lincoln receives <br /> a hundred and ten votes for Vice-President.—National - Democratic <br /> Convention.—Mr. Lincoln a candidate for elector.—His - <br /> canvass.—Confidential letter.—Imperfect fellowship - with the <br /> Abolitionists.—Mr. Douglas's speech on Kansas in - June, 1857.—Mr. <br /> Lincoln's reply.—Mr. Douglas committed - to support of the Lecompton <br /> Constitution.—The Dred Scott - Decision discussed.—Mr. Lincoln <br /> against negro equality.—Affairs - in Kansas.—Election of a new <br /> Legislature.—Submission - of the Lecompton Constitution to <br /> the people.—Method of - voting on it.—Constitution finally <br /> rejected.—Conflict - in Congress.—Mr. Douglas's defection.—Extract from <br /> a - speech by Mr. Lincoln........366 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0016"> CHAPTER XVI. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XVI. <br /> Mr. Douglas opposes the Administration.—His - course in <br /> Congress.—Squatter sovereignty in full operation.—Mr. - Lincoln's <br /> definition of popular sovereignty and squatter - sovereignty.—Mr. <br /> Douglas's private conferences with - Republicans.—"Judge Trumbull's <br /> opinion.—Mr. Douglas - nominated for senator by a Democratic <br /> Convention.—Mr. - Lincoln's idea of what Douglas might accomplish at <br /> Charleston.—Mr. - Lincoln writing a celebrated speech.—He is nominated <br /> for - senator.—A startling doctrine.—A council of friends.—Same - <br /> doctrine advanced at Bloomington.—The "house-divided" - speech.—Mr. <br /> Lincoln promises to explain.—What Mr. - Lincoln thought of Mr. <br /> Douglas.—What Mr. Douglas thought of - Mr. Lincoln.—Popular canvass for <br /> senator.—Mr. Lincoln - determines to "kill Douglas" as a <br /> Presidential aspirant.—Adroit - plan to draw him out on squatter <br /> sovereignty.—Absurdities of - Mr. Douglas.—The election.—Success of Mr. <br /> Douglas.—Reputation - acquired by Mr. Lincoln..................389 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0017"> CHAPTER XVII. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XVII. <br /> Mr. Lincoln writes and delivers a lecture.—The - Presidency.—Mr. <br /> Lincoln's "running qualities."—He - thinks himself unfit.—Nominated by <br /> "Illinois Gazette."—Letter - to Dr. Canisius.—Letter to Dr. Wallace <br /> on the protective - tariff policy.—Mr. Lincoln in Ohio and Kansas.—A <br /> - private meeting of his friends.—Permitted to use his name for - <br /> the Presidency.—An invitation to speak in New York.—Choosing - a <br /> subject.—Arrives in New York.—His embarrassments.—Speech - in Cooper <br /> Institute.—Comments of the press.—He is - charged with mercenary <br /> conduct.—Letter concerning the - charge.—Visits New England.—Style <br /> and character of his - speeches.—An amusing encounter with a clerical <br /> - politician...421 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0018"> CHAPTER XVIII. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XVIII. <br /> Meeting of the Republican State Convention.—Mr. - Lincoln present.—John <br /> Hanks and the rails.—Mr. - Lincoln's speech.—Meeting of the Republican <br /> National - Convention at Chicago.—The platform.—Combinations to secure - <br /> Mr. Lincoln's nomination.—The balloting.—Mr. Lincoln - nominated.—Mr. <br /> Lincoln at Springfield waiting the results of - the Convention.—How <br /> he received the news.—Enthusiasm - at Springfield.—Official <br /> notification.—The - "Constitutional Union" party.—The Democratic <br /> Conventions at - Charleston and Baltimore.—The election.—The <br /> principle - upon which Mr. Lincoln proposed to make appointments.—Mr. <br /> - Stephens.—Mr. Gilmore.—Mr. Guthrie.—Mr. Seward.—Mr. - Chase.—Mr. <br /> Bates.—The cases of Smith and Cameron.—Mr. - Lincoln's visit <br /> to Chicago.—Mr. Lincoln's visit to his - relatives in Coles <br /> County.—Apprehensions about - assassination.—A visit from Hannah <br /> Armstrong... 444 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0019"> CHAPTER XIX. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XIX. <br /> Difficulties and peculiarities of Mr. Lincoln's - position.—A general <br /> review of his character.—His - personal appearance and habits.—His house <br /> and other - property.—His domestic relations.—His morbid melancholy - <br /> and superstition.—Illustrated by his literary tastes.—His - humor.—His <br /> temperate habits and abstinence from sensual - pleasures.—His <br /> ambition.—Use of politics for personal - advancement.—Love of power <br /> and place.—Of justice.—Not - a demagogue or a trimmer.—His religious <br /> views.—Attempt - of the Rev. Mr. Smith to convert him.—Mr. Bateman's <br /> story as - related by Dr. Holland.—Effect of his belief upon his mind and - <br /> character...........466 <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0020"> CHAPTER XX. </a> - </p> - <p> - CHAPTER XX. <br /> Departure of the Presidential party from Springfield.—Affecting - address <br /> by Mr. Lincoln to his friends and neighbors.—His - opinions concerning <br /> the approaching civil war.—Discovery of - a supposed plot to murder <br /> him at Baltimore.—Governor Hicks's - proposal to "kill Lincoln and his <br /> men."—The plan formed to - defeat the conspiracy.—The midnight ride <br /> from Harrisburg to - Washington.—Arrival in Washington.—Before the <br /> - Inauguration.—Inauguration Day.—Inaugural Address.—Mr. - Lincoln's <br /> Oath.—Mr. Lincoln President of the United States.—Mr. - Buchanan bids <br /> him farewell............505 <br /> - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - <br /> <br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h1> - LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. - </h1> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0001" id="link2HCH0001"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER I. - </h2> - <p> - ABRAHAM LINCOLN was born on the twelfth day of February, 1809. His - father's name was Thomas Lincoln, and his mother's maiden name was Nancy - Hanks. At the time of his birth, they are supposed to have been married - about three years. Although there appears to have been but little sympathy - or affection between Thomas and Abraham Lincoln, they were nevertheless - connected by ties and associations which make the previous history of - Thomas Lincoln and his family a necessary part of any reasonably full - biography of the great man who immortalized the name by wearing it. - </p> - <p> - Thomas Lincoln's ancestors were among the early settlers of Rockingham - County in Virginia; but exactly whence they came, or the precise time of - their settlement there, it is impossible to tell. They were manifestly of - English descent; but whether emigrants directly from England to Virginia, - or an offshoot of the historic Lincoln family in Massachusetts, or of the - highly-respectable Lincoln family in Pennsylvania, are questions left - entirely to conjecture. We have absolutely no evidence by which to - determine them, Thomas Lincoln himself stoutly denied that his progenitors - were either Quakers or Puritans; but he furnished nothing except his own - word to sustain his denial: on the contrary, some of the family (distant - relatives of Thomas Lincoln) who remain in Virginia believe themselves to - have sprung from the New-England stock. They found their opinion solely on - the fact that the Christian names given to the sons of the two families - were the same, though only in a few cases, and at different times. But - this might have arisen merely from that common religious sentiment which - induces parents of a devotional turn to confer scriptural names on their - children, or it might have been purely accidental. Abrahams, Isaacs, and - Jacobs abound in many other families who claim no kindred on that account. - In England, during the ascendency of the Puritans, in times of fanatical - religious excitement, the children were almost universally baptized by the - names of the patriarchs and Old-Testament heroes, or by names of their own - pious invention, signifying what the infant was expected to do and to - suffer in the cause of the Lord. The progenitors of all the American - Lincolns were Englishmen, and they may have been Puritans. There is, - therefore, nothing unreasonable in the supposition that they began the - practice of conferring such names before the emigration of any of them; - and the names, becoming matters of family pride and family tradition, have - continued to be given ever since. But, if the fact that Christian names of - a particular class prevailed among the Lincolns of Massachusetts and the - Lincolns of Virginia at the same time is no proof of consanguinity, the - identity of the surname is entitled to even less consideration. It is - barely possible that they may have had a common ancestor; but, if they - had, he must have lived and died so obscurely, and so long ago, that no - trace of him can be discovered. It would be as difficult to prove a blood - relationship between all the American Lincolns, as it would be to prove a - general cousinship among all the Smiths or all the Joneses.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 At the end of this volume will be found a very interesting account of - the family, given by Mr. Lincoln himself. The original is in his own - handwriting, and is here reproduced in fac-simile. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - A patronymic so common as Lincoln, derived from a large geographical - division of the old country, would almost certainly be taken by many who - had no claim to it by reason of descent from its original possessors. - </p> - <p> - Dr. Holland, who, of all Mr. Lincoln's biographers, has entered most - extensively into the genealogy of the family, says that the father of - Thomas was named Abraham; but he gives no authority for his statement, and - it is as likely to be wrong as to be right. The Hankses—John and - Dennis—who passed a great part of their lives in the company of - Thomas Lincoln, tell us that the name of his father was Mordecai; and so - also does Col. Chapman, who married Thomas Lincoln's step-daughter. The - rest of those who ought to know are unable to assign him any name at all. - Dr. Holland says further, that this Abraham (or Mordecai) had four - brothers,—Jacob, John, Isaac, and Thomas; that Isaac went to - Tennessee, where his descendants are now; that Thomas went to Kentucky - after his brother Abraham; but that Jacob and John "are supposed to have" - remained in Virginia.1 This is doubtless true, at least so far as it - relates to Jacob and John; for there are at this day numerous Lincolns - residing in Rockingham County,—the place from which the Kentucky - Lincolns emigrated. One of their ancestors, Jacob,—who seems to be - the brother referred to,—was a lieutenant in the army of the - Revolution, and present at the siege of Yorktown. His military services - were made the ground of a claim against the government, and Abraham - Lincoln, whilst a representative in Congress from Illinois, was applied to - by the family to assist them in prosecuting it. A correspondence of some - length ensued, by which the presumed relationship of the parties was fully - acknowledged on both sides. But, unfortunately, no copy of it is now in - existence. The one preserved by the Virginians was lost or destroyed - during the late war. The family, with perfect unanimity, espoused the - cause of the Confederate States, and suffered many losses in consequence, - of which these interesting papers may have been one. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The Life of Abraham Lincoln, by J. G. Holland, p. 20. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Abraham (or Mordecai) the father of Thomas Lincoln, was the owner of a - large and fertile tract of land on the waters of Linnville's Creek, about - eight miles north of Harrisonburg, the court-house town of Rockingham - County. It is difficult to ascertain the precise extent of this - plantation, or the history of the title to it, inasmuch as all the records - of the county were burnt by Gen. Hunter in 1864. It is clear, however, - that it had been inherited by Lincoln, the emigrant to Kentucky, and that - four, if not all, of his children were born upon it. At the time Gen. - Sheridan received the order "to make the Valley of the Shenandoah a barren - waste," this land was well improved and in a state of high cultivation; - but under the operation of that order it was ravaged and desolated like - the region around it. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln, the emigrant, had three sons and two daughters. Thomas was the - third son and the fourth child. He was born in 1778; and in 1780, or a - little later, his father removed with his entire family to Kentucky. - </p> - <p> - Kentucky was then the paradise of the borderer's dreams. Fabulous tales of - its sylvan charms and pastoral beauties had for years been floating about, - not only along the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North - Carolina, but farther back in the older settlements. For a while it had - been known as the "Cane Country," and then as the "Country of Kentucky." - Many expeditions were undertaken to explore it; two or three adventurers, - and occasionally only one at a time, passing down the Ohio in canoes. But - they all stopped short of the Kentucky River. The Indians were terrible; - and it was known that they would surrender any other spot of earth in - preference to Kentucky. The canes that were supposed to indicate the - promised land—those canes of wondrous dimensions, that shot up, as - thick as they could stand, from a soil of inestimable fertility—were - forever receding before those who sought them. One party after another - returned to report, that, after incredible dangers and hardships, they had - met with no better fortune than that which had attended the efforts of - their predecessors, and that they had utterly failed to find the "canes." - At last they were actually found by Simon Kenton, who stealthily planted a - little patch of corn, to see how the stalk that bore the yellow grain - would grow beside its "brother" of the wilderness. He was one day leaning - against the stem of a great tree, watching his little assemblage of - sprouts, and wondering at the strange fruitfulness of the earth which fed - them, when he heard a footstep behind him. It was the great Daniel - Boone's. They united their fortunes for the present, but subsequently each - of them became the chief of a considerable settlement. Kenton's trail had - been down the Ohio, Boone's from North Carolina; and from both those - directions soon came hunters, warriors, and settlers to join them. But the - Indians had no thought of relinquishing their fairest hunting-grounds - without a long and desperate struggle. The rich carpet of natural grasses - which fed innumerable herds of buffalo, elk, and deer, all the year round; - the grandeur of its primeval forests, its pure fountains, and abundant - streams,—made it even more desirable to them than to the whites. - They had long contended for the possession of it; and no tribe, or - confederacy of tribes, had ever been able to hold it to the exclusion of - the rest. Here, from time immemorial, the northern and southern, the - eastern and western Indians had met each other in mortal strife, mutually - shedding the blood which ought to have been husbanded for the more deadly - conflict with a common foe. The character of this savage warfare had - earned for Kentucky the appellation of "the dark and bloody ground;" and, - now that the whites had fairly begun their encroachments upon it, the - Indians were resolved that the phrase should lose none of its old - significance. White settlers might therefore count upon fighting for their - lives as well as their lands. - </p> - <p> - Boone did not make his final settlement till 1775. The Lincolns came about - 1780. This was but a year or two after Clark's expedition into Illinois; - and it was long, long before St. Clair's defeat and Wayne's victory. - Nearly the whole of the north-west territory was then occupied by hostile - Indians. Kentucky volunteers had yet before them many a day of hot and - bloody work on the Ohio, the Muskingum, and the Miami, to say nothing of - the continual surprises to which they were subjected at home. Every man's - life was in his hand. From cabin to cabin, from settlement to settlement, - his trail was dogged by the eager savage. If he went to plough, he was - liable to be shot down between the handles; if he attempted to procure - subsistence by hunting, he was hunted himself. Unless he abandoned his - "clearing" and his stock to almost certain devastation, and shut up - himself and his family in a narrow "fort," for months at a time, he might - expect every hour that their roof would be given "to the flames, and their - flesh to the eagles." - </p> - <p> - To make matters worse, "the western country," and particularly Kentucky, - had become the rendezvous of Tories, runaway conscripts, deserters, - debtors, and criminals. Gen. Butler, who went there as a Commissioner from - Congress, to treat with certain Indian tribes, kept a private journal, in - which he entered a very graphic, but a very appalling description of the - state of affairs in Kentucky. At the principal "points," as they were - called, were collected hungry speculators, gamblers, and mere desperadoes,—these - distinctions being the only divisions and degrees in society. Among other - things, the journal contains a statement about land-jobbing and the - traffic in town lots, at Louisville, beside which the account of the same - business in "Martin Chuzzlewit" is absolutely tame. That city, now one of - the most superb in the Union, was then a small collection of cabins and - hovels, inhabited by a class of people of whom specimens might have been - found a few months ago at Cheyenne or Promontory Point. Notwithstanding - the high commissions borne by Gen. Butler and Gen. Parsons, the motley - inhabitants of Louisville flatly refused even to notice them. They would - probably have sold them a "corner lot" in a swamp, or a "splendid business - site" in a mud-hole; but for mere civilities there was no time. The whole - population were so deeply engaged in drinking, card-playing, and selling - town lots to each other, that they persistently refused to pay any - attention to three men who were drowning in the river near by, although - their dismal cries for help were distinctly heard throughout the "city." - </p> - <p> - On the journey out, the Lincolns are said to have endured many hardships - and encountered all the usual dangers, including several skirmishes with - the Indians. They settled in Mercer County, but at what particular spot is - uncertain. Their house was a rough log-cabin, their farm a little clearing - in the midst of a vast forest. One morning, not long after their - settlement, the father took Thomas, his youngest son, and went to build a - fence, a short distance from the house; while the other brothers, Mordecai - and Josiah, were sent to another field, not far away. They were all intent - about their work, when a shot from a party of Indians in ambush broke the - "listening stillness" cf the woods. The father fell dead; Josiah ran to a - stockade two or three miles off; Mordecai, the eldest boy, made his way to - the house, and, looking out from the loophole in the loft, saw an Indian - in the act of raising his little brother from the ground. He took - deliberate aim at a silver ornament on the breast of the Indian, and - brought him down. Thomas sprang toward the cabin, and was admitted by his - mother, while Mordecai renewed his fire at several other Indians that rose - from the covert of the fence or thicket. It was not long until Josiah - returned from the stockade with a party of settlers; but the Indians had - fled, and none were found but the dead one, and another who was wounded - and had crept into the top of a fallen tree. - </p> - <p> - When this tragedy was enacted, Mordecai, the hero of it, was a well-grown - boy. He seems to have hated Indians ever after with a hatred which was - singular for its intensity, even in those times. Many years afterwards, - his neighbors believed that he was in the habit of following peaceable - Indians, as they passed through the settlements, in order to get - surreptitious shots at them; and it was no secret that he had killed more - than one in that way. - </p> - <p> - Immediately after the death of her husband, the widow abandoned the scene - of her misfortunes, and removed to Washington County, near the town of - Springfield, where she lived until the youngest of her children had grown - up. Mor-decai and Josiah remained there until late in life, and were - always numbered among the best people in the neighborhood. Mordecai was - the eldest son of his father; and under the law of primogeniture, which - was still a part of the Virginia code, he inherited some estate in lands. - One of the daughters wedded a Mr. Krume, and the other a Mr. Brumfield. - </p> - <p> - Thomas seems to have been the only member of the family whose character - was not entirely respectable. He was idle, thriftless, poor, a hunter, and - a rover. One year he wandered away off to his uncle, on the Holston, near - the confines of Tennessee. Another year he wandered into Breckinridge - County, where his easy good-nature was overcome by a huge bully, and he - performed the only remarkable achievement of his life, by whipping him. In - 1806, we find him in Hardin County, trying to learn the carpenter's trade. - Until then, he could neither read nor write; and it was only after his - marriage that his ambition led him to seek accomplishments of this sort. - </p> - <p> - Thomas Lincoln was not tall and thin, like Abraham, but comparatively - short and stout, standing about five feet ten inches in his shoes. His - hair was dark and coarse, his complexion brown, his face round and full, - his eyes gray, and his nose large and prominent. He weighed, at different - times, from one hundred and seventy to one hundred and ninety-six. He was - built so "tight and compact," that Dennis Hanks declares he never could - find the points of separation between his ribs, though he felt for them - often. He was a little stoop-shouldered, and walked with a slow, halting - step. But he was sinewy and brave, and, his habitually peaceable - disposition once fairly overborne, was a tremendous man in a - rough-and-tumble fight. He thrashed the monstrous bully of Breckinridge - County in three minutes, and came off without a scratch. - </p> - <p> - His vagrant career had supplied him with an inexhaustible fund of - anecdotes, which he told cleverly and well. He loved to sit about at - "stores," or under shade-trees, and "spin yarns,"—a propensity which - atoned for many sins, and made him extremely popular. In politics, he was - a Democrat,—a Jackson Democrat. In religion he was nothing at times, - and a member of various denominations by turns,—a Free-Will Baptist - in Kentucky, a Presbyterian in Indiana, and a Disciple—vulgarly - called Campbellite—in Illinois. In this latter communion he seems to - have died. - </p> - <p> - It ought, perhaps, to be mentioned, that both in Virginia and Kentucky his - name was commonly pronounced "Linck-horn," and in Indiana, "Linckhern." - The usage was so general, that Tom Lincoln came very near losing his real - name altogether. As he never wrote it at all until after his marriage, and - wrote it then only mechanically, it was never spelled one way or the - other, unless by a storekeeper here and there, who had a small account - against him. Whether it was properly "Lincoln," "Linckhorn," or - "Linckhern," was not definitely settled until after Abraham began to - write, when, as one of the neighbors has it, "he remodelled the spelling - and corrected the pronunciation." - </p> - <p> - By the middle of 1806, Lincoln had acquired a very limited knowledge of - the carpenter's trade, and set up on his own account; but his achievements - in this line were no better than those of his previous life. He was - employed occasionally to do rough work, that requires neither science nor - skill; but nobody alleges that he ever built a house, or pretended to do - more than a few little odd jobs connected with such an undertaking. He - soon got tired of the business, as he did of every thing else that - required application and labor. He was no boss, not even an average - journeyman, nor a steady hand. When he worked at the trade at all, he - liked to make common benches, cupboards, and bureaus; and some specimens - of his work of this kind are still extant in Kentucky and Indiana, and - bear their own testimony to the quality of their workmanship. - </p> - <p> - Some time in the year 1806 he married Nancy Hanks. It was in the shop of - her uncle, Joseph Hanks, at Elizabethtown, in Hardin County, that he had - essayed to learn the trade. We have no record of the courtship, but any - one can readily imagine the numberless occasions that would bring together - the niece and the apprentice. It is true that Nancy did not live with her - uncle; but the Hankses were all very clannish, and she was doubtless a - welcome and frequent guest at his house. It is admitted by all the old - residents of the place that they were honestly married, but precisely when - or how no one can tell. Diligent and thorough searches by the most - competent persons have failed to discover any trace of the fact in the - public records of Hardin and the adjoining counties. The license and the - minister's return in the case of Lincoln and Sarah Johnston, his second - wife, were easily found in the place where the law required them to be; - but of Nancy Hanks's marriage there exists no evidence but that of mutual - acknowledgment and cohabitation. At the time of their union, Thomas was - twenty-eight years of age, and Nancy about twenty-three. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln had previously courted a girl named Sally Bush, who lived in the - neighborhood of Elizabethtown; but his suit was unsuccessful, and she - became the wife of Johnston, the jailer. Her reason for rejecting Lincoln - comes down to us in no words of her own; but it is clear enough that it - was his want of character, and the "bad luck," as the Hankses have it, - which always attended him. Sally Bush was a modest and pious girl, in all - things pure and decent. She was very neat in her personal appearance, and, - because she was particular in the selection of her gowns and company, had - long been accounted a "proud body," who held her head above common folks. - Even her own relatives seem to have participated in this mean accusation; - and the decency of her dress and behavior appear to have made her an - object of common envy and backbiting. But she had a will as well as - principles of her own, and she lived to make them both serviceable to the - neglected and destitute son of Nancy Hanks. Thomas Lincoln took another - wife, but he always loved Sally Bush as much as he was capable of loving - anybody; and years afterwards, when her husband and his wife were both - dead, he returned suddenly from the wilds of Indiana, and, representing - himself as a thriving and prosperous farmer, induced her to marry him. It - will be seen hereafter what value was to be attached to his - representations of his own prosperity. - </p> - <p> - Nancy Hanks, who accepted the honor which Sally Bush refused, was a - slender, symmetrical woman, of medium stature, a brunette, with dark hair, - regular features, and soft, sparkling hazel eyes. Tenderly bred she might - have been beautiful; but hard labor and hard usage bent her handsome form, - and imparted an unnatural coarseness to her features long before the - period of her death. Toward the close, her life and her face were equally - sad; and the latter habitually wore the wo-ful expression which afterwards - distinguished the countenance of her son in repose. - </p> - <p> - By her family, her understanding was considered something wonderful. John - Hanks spoke reverently of her "high and intellectual forehead," which he - considered but the proper seat of faculties like hers. Compared with the - mental poverty of her husband and relatives, her accomplishments were - certainly very great; for it is related by them with pride and delight - that she could actually read and write. The possession of these arts - placed her far above her associates, and after a little while even Tom - began to meditate upon the importance of acquiring them. He set to work - accordingly, in real earnest, having a competent mistress so near at hand; - and with much effort she taught him what letters composed his name, and - how to put them together in a stiff and clumsy fashion. Henceforth he - signed no more by making his mark; but it is nowhere stated that he ever - learned to write any thing else, or to read either written or printed - letters. - </p> - <p> - Nancy Hanks was the daughter of Lucy Hanks. Her mother was one of four - sisters,—Lucy, Betsy, Polly, and Nancy. Betsy married Thomas - Sparrow; Polly married Jesse Friend, and Nancy, Levi Hall. Lucy became the - wife of Henry Sparrow, and the mother of eight children. Nancy the younger - was early sent to live with her uncle and aunt, Thomas and Betsy Sparrow. - Nancy, another of the four sisters, was the mother of that Dennis F. Hanks - whose name will be frequently met with in the course of this history. He - also was brought up, or was permitted to come up, in the family of Thomas - Sparrow, where Nancy found a shelter. - </p> - <p> - Little Nancy became so completely identified with Thomas and Betsy Sparrow - that many supposed her to have been their child. They reared her to - womanhood, followed her to Indiana, dwelt under the same roof, died of the - same disease, at nearly the same time, and were buried close beside her. - They were the only parents she ever knew; and she must have called them by - names appropriate to that relationship, for several persons who saw them - die, and carried them to their graves, believe to this day that they were, - in fact, her father and mother. Dennis Hanks persists even now in the - assertion that her name was Sparrow; but Dennis was pitiably weak on the - cross-examination: and we shall have to accept the testimony of Mr. - Lincoln himself, and some dozens of other persons, to the contrary. - </p> - <p> - All that can be learned of that generation of Hankses to which Nancy's - mother belonged has now been recorded as fully as is compatible with - circumstances. They claim that their ancestors came from England to - Virginia, whence they migrated to Kentucky with the Lincolns, and settled - near them in Mercer County. The same, precisely, is affirmed of the - Sparrows. Branches of both families maintained a more or less intimate - connection with the fortunes of Thomas Lincoln, and the early life of - Abraham was closely interwoven with theirs. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln took Nancy to live in a shed on one of the alleys of - Elizabethtown. It was a very sorry building, and nearly bare of furniture. - It stands yet, or did stand in 1866, to witness for itself the wretched - poverty of its early inmates. It is about fourteen feet square, has been - three times removed, twice used as a slaughter-house, and once as a - stable. Here a daughter was born on the tenth day of February, 1807, who - was called Nancy during the life of her mother, and after her death Sarah. - </p> - <p> - But Lincoln soon wearied of Elizabethtown and carpenter-work. He thought - he could do better as a farmer; and, shortly after the birth of Nancy (or - Sarah), removed to a piece of land on the south fork of Nolin Creek, three - miles from Hodgensville, within the present county of La Rue, and about - thirteen miles from Elizabethtown. What estate he had, or attempted to - get, in this land, is not clear from the papers at hand. It is said he - bought it, but was unable to pay for it. It was very poor, and the - landscape of which it formed a part was extremely desolate. It was then - nearly destitute of timber, though it is now partially covered in spots by - a young and stunted growth of post-oak and hickory. On every side the eye - rested only upon weeds and low bushes, and a kind of grass which the - present owner of the farm describes as "barren grass." It was, on the - whole, as bad a piece of ground as there was in the neighborhood, and - would hardly have sold for a dollar an acre. The general appearance of the - surrounding country was not much better. A few small but pleasant streams—Nolin - Creek and its tributaries—wandered through the valleys. The land was - generally what is called "rolling;" that is, dead levels interspersed by - little hillocks. Nearly all of it was arable; but, except the margins of - the watercourses, not much of it was sufficiently fertile to repay the - labor of tillage. It had no grand, un violated forests to allure the - hunter, and no great bodies of deep and rich soils to tempt the - husbandman. Here it was only by incessant labor and thrifty habits that an - ordinary living could be wrung from the earth. - </p> - <p> - The family took up their residence in a miserable cabin, which stood on a - little knoll in the midst of a barren glade. - </p> - <p> - A few stones tumbled down, and lying about loose, still indicate the site - of the mean and narrow tenement which sheltered the infancy of one of the - greatest political chieftains of modern times. Near by, a "romantic - spring" gushed from beneath a rock, and sent forth a slender but silvery - stream, meandering through those dull and unsightly plains. As it - furnished almost the only pleasing feature in the melancholy desert - through which it flowed, the place was called after it, "Rock Spring - Farm." In addition to this single natural beauty, Lincoln began to think, - in a little while, that a couple of trees would look well, and might even - be useful, if judiciously planted in the vicinity of his bare house-yard. - This enterprise he actually put into execution; and three decayed - pear-trees, situated on the "edge" of what was lately a rye-field, - constitute the only memorials of him or his family to be seen about the - premises. They were his sole permanent improvement. - </p> - <p> - In that solitary cabin, on this desolate spot, the illustrious Abraham - Lincoln was born on the twelfth day of February, 1809. - </p> - <p> - The Lincolns remained on Nolin Creek until Abraham was four years old. - They then removed to a place much more picturesque, and of far greater - fertility. It was situated about six miles from Hodgensville, on Knob - Creek, a very clear stream, which took its rise in the gorges of Muldrews - Hill, and fell into the Rolling Fork two miles above the present town of - New Haven. The Rolling Fork emptied into Salt River, and Salt River into - the Ohio, twenty-four miles below Louisville. This farm was well timbered, - and more hilly than the one on Nolin Creek. It contained some rich - valleys, which promised such excellent yields, that Lincoln bestirred - himself most vigorously, and actually got into cultivation the whole of - six acres, lying advantageously up and down the branch. This, however, was - not all the work he did, for he still continued to pother occasionally at - his trade; but, no matter what he turned his hand to, his gains were - equally insignificant. He was satisfied with indifferent shelter, and a - diet of "corn-bread and milk" was all he asked. John Hanks naively - observes, that "happiness was the end of life with him." The land he now - lived upon (two hundred and thirty-eight acres) he had pretended to buy - from a Mr. Slater. The deed mentions a consideration of one hundred and - eighteen pounds. The purchase must have been a mere speculation, with all - the payments deferred, for the title remained in Lincoln but a single - year. The deed was made to him Sept. 2, 1813; and Oct. 27, 1814, he - conveyed two hundred acres to Charles Milton for one hundred pounds, - leaving thirty-eight acres of the tract unsold. No public record discloses - what he did with the remainder. If he retained any interest in it for-the - time, it was probably permitted to be sold for taxes. The last of his - voluntary transactions, in regard to this land, took place two years - before his removal to Indiana; after which, he seems to have continued in - possession as the tenant of Milton. - </p> - <p> - In the mean time, Dennis Hanks endeavored to initiate young Abraham, now - approaching his eighth year, in the mysteries of fishing, and led him on - numerous tramps up and down the picturesque branch,—the branch whose - waters were so pure that a white pebble could be seen in a depth of ten - feet. On Nolin he had hunted ground-hogs with an older boy, who has since - become the Rev. John Duncan, and betrayed a precocious zest in the sport. - On Knob Creek, he dabbled in the water, or roved the hills and climbed the - trees, with a little companion named Gallaher. On one occasion, when - attempting to "coon" across the stream, by swinging over on a - sycamore-tree, Abraham lost his hold, and, tumbling into deep water, was - saved only by the utmost exertions of the other boy. But, with all this - play, the child was often serious and sad. With the earliest dawn of - reason, he began to suffer and endure; and it was that peculiar moral - training which developed both his heart and his intellect with such - singular and astonishing rapidity. It is not likely that Tom Lincoln cared - a straw about his education. He had none himself, and is said to have - admired "muscle" more than mind. Nevertheless, as Abraham's sister was - going to school for a few days at a time, he was sent along, as Dennis - Hanks remarks, more to bear her company than with any expectation or - desire that he would learn much himself. One of the masters, Zachariah - Riney, taught near the Lincoln cabin. The other, Caleb Hazel, kept his - school nearly four miles away, on the "Friend" farm; and the hapless - children were compelled to trudge that long and weary distance with - spelling-book and "dinner,"—the latter a lunch of corn-bread, Tom - Lincoln's favorite dish. Hazel could teach reading and writing, after a - fashion, and a little arithmetic. But his great qualification for his - office lay in the strength of his arm, and his power and readiness to - "whip the big boys." - </p> - <p> - But, as time wore on, the infelicities of Lincoln's life in this - neighborhood became insupportable. He was gaining neither riches nor - credit; and, being a wanderer by natural inclination, began to long for a - change. His decision, however, was hastened by certain troubles which - culminated in a desperate combat between him and one Abraham Enlow. They - fought like savages; but Lincoln obtained a signal and permanent advantage - by biting off the nose of his antagonist, so that he went bereft all the - days of his life, and published his audacity and its punishment wherever - he showed his face. But the affray, and the fame of it, made Lincoln more - anxious than ever to escape from Kentucky. He resolved, therefore, to - leave these scenes forever, and seek a roof-tree beyond the Ohio. - </p> - <p> - It has pleased some of Mr. Lincoln's biographers to represent this removal - of his father as a flight from the taint of slavery. Nothing could be - further from the truth. There were not at the time more than fifty slaves - in all Hardin County, which then composed a vast area of territory. It was - practically a free community. Lincoln's more fortunate relatives in other - parts of the State were slaveholders; and there is not the slightest - evidence that he ever disclosed any conscientious scruples concerning the - "institution." - </p> - <p> - The lives of his father and mother, and the history and character of the - family before their settlement in Indiana, were topics upon which Mr. - Lincoln never spoke but with great reluctance and significant reserve. - </p> - <p> - In his family Bible he kept a register of births, marriages, and deaths, - every entry being carefully made in his own handwriting. It contains the - date of his sister's birth and his own; of the marriage and death of his - sister; of the death of his mother; and of the birth and death of Thomas - Lincoln. The rest of the record is almost wholly devoted to the Johnstons - and their numerous descendants and connections. It has not a word about - the Hankses or the Sparrows. It shows the marriage of Sally Bush, first - with Daniel Johnston, and then with Thomas Lincoln; but it is entirely - silent as to the marriage of his own mother. It does not even give the - date of her birth, but barely recognizes her existence and demise, to make - the vacancy which was speedily filled by Sarah Johnston.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The leaf of the Bible which contains these entries is in the - possession of Col. Chapman. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - An artist was painting his portrait, and asked him for a sketch of his - early life. He gave him this brief memorandum: "I was born Feb. 12,1809, - in the then Hardin County, Kentucky, at a point within the now county of - La Rue, a mile or a mile and a half from where Hodgens Mill now is. My - parents being dead, and my own memory not serving, I know of no means of - identifying the precise locality. It was on Nolin Creek." - </p> - <p> - To the compiler of the "Dictionary of Congress" he gave the following: - "Born Feb. 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. Education defective. - Profession, a lawyer. Have been a captain of volunteers in the Black-Hawk - War. Postmaster at a very small office. Four times a member of the - Illinois Legislature, and was a member of the Lower House of Congress." - </p> - <p> - To a campaign biographer who applied for particulars of his early history, - he replied that they could be of no interest; that they were but - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "The short and simple annals of the poor." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - "The chief difficulty I had to encounter," writes this latter gentleman, - "was to induce him to communicate the homely facts and incidents of his - early life. He seemed to be painfully impressed with the extreme poverty - of his early surroundings, the utter absence of all romantic and heroic - elements; and I know he thought poorly of the idea of attempting a - biographical sketch for campaign purposes.... Mr. Lincoln communicated - some facts to me about his ancestry, which he did not wish published, and - which I have never spoken of or alluded to before. I do not think, - however, that Dennis Hanks, if he knows any thing about these matters, - would be very likely to say any thing about them." - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0002" id="link2HCH0002"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER II. - </h2> - <p> - THOMAS LINCOLN was something of a waterman. In the frequent changes of - occupation, which had hitherto made his life so barren of good results, he - could not resist the temptation to the career of a flat-boatman. He had - accordingly made one, or perhaps two trips to New Orleans, in the company - and employment of Isaac Bush, who was probably a near relative of Sally - Bush. It was therefore very natural, that when, in the fall of 1816, he - finally determined to emigrate, he should attempt to transport his goods - by water. He built himself a boat, which seems to have been none of the - best, and launched it on the Rolling Fork, at the mouth of Knob Creek, a - half-mile from his cabin. Some of his personal property, including - carpenter's tools, he put on board, and the rest he traded for four - hundred gallons of whiskey. With this crazy boat and this singular cargo, - he put out into the stream alone, and floating with the current down the - Rolling Fork, and then down Salt River, reached the Ohio without any - mishap. Here his craft proved somewhat rickety when contending with the - difficulties of the larger stream, or perhaps there was a lack of force in - the management of her, or perhaps the single navigator had consoled - himself during the lonely voyage by too frequent applications to a portion - of his cargo: at all events, the boat capsized, and the lading went to the - bottom. He fished up a few of the tools "and most of the whiskey," and, - righting the little boat, again floated down to a landing at Thompson's - Ferry, two and a half miles west of Troy, in Perry County, Indiana. Here - he sold his treacherous boat, and, leaving his remaining property in the - care of a settler named Posey, trudged off on foot to select "a location" - in the wilderness. He did not go far, but found a place that he thought - would suit him only sixteen miles distant from the river. He then turned - about, and walked all the way back to Knob Creek, in Kentucky, where he - took a fresh start with his wife and her children. Of the latter there - were only two,—Nancy (or Sarah), nine years of age, and Abraham, - seven. Mrs. Lincoln had given birth to another son some years before, but - he had died when only three days old. After leaving Kentucky, she had no - more children. - </p> - <p> - This time Lincoln loaded what little he had left upon two horses, and - "packed through to Posey's." Besides clothing and bedding, they carried - such cooking utensils as would be needed by the way, and would be - indispensable when they reached their destination. The stock was not - large. It consisted of "one oven and lid, one skillet and lid, and some - tin-ware." They camped out during the nights, and of course cooked their - own food. Lincoln's skill as a hunter must now have stood him in good - stead. - </p> - <p> - Where he got the horses used upon this occasion, it is impossible to say; - but they were likely borrowed from his brother-in-law, Krume, of - Breckinridge County, who owned such stock, and subsequently moved Sarah - Johnston's goods to Indiana, after her marriage with Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - When they got to Posey's, Lincoln hired a wagon, and, loading on it the - whiskey and other things he had stored there, went on toward the place - which has since become famous as the "Lincoln Farm." He was now making his - way through an almost untrodden wilderness. There was no road, and for a - part of the distance not even a foot-trail. He was slightly assisted by a - path of a few miles in length, which had been "blazed out" by an earlier - settler named Hoskins. But he was obliged to suffer long delays, and cut - out a passage for the wagon with his axe. At length, after many detentions - and difficulties he reached the point where he intended to make his future - home. It was situated between the forks of Big Pigeon and Little Pigeon - Creeks, a mile and a half east of Gentryville, a village which grew up - afterwards, and now numbers about three hundred inhabitants. The whole - country was covered with a dense forest of oaks, beeches, walnuts, - sugar-maples, and nearly all the varieties of trees that flourish in North - America. The woods were usually open, and devoid of underbrush; the trees - were of the largest growth, and beneath the deep shades they afforded was - spread out a rich greensward. The natural grazing was very good, and hogs - found abundant sustenance in the prodigious quantity of mast. There was - occasionally a little glade or prairie set down in the midst of this vast - expanse of forest. One of these, not far from the Lincoln place, was a - famous resort for the deer, and the hunters knew it well for its numerous - "licks." Upon this prairie the militia "musters" were had at a later day, - and from it the south fork of the Pigeon came finally to be known as the - "Prairie Fork." - </p> - <p> - Lincoln laid off his curtilage on a gentle hillock having a slope on every - side. The spot was very beautiful, and the soil was excellent. The - selection was wise in every respect but one. There was no water near, - except what was collected in holes in the ground after a rain; but it was - very foul, and had to be strained before using. At a later period we find - Abraham and his step-sister carrying water from a spring situated a mile - away. Dennis Hanks asserts that Tom Lincoln "riddled his land like a - honeycomb," in search of good water, and was at last sorely tempted to - employ a Yankee, who came around with a divining-rod, and declared that - for the small consideration of five dollars in cash, he would make his rod - point to a cool, flowing spring beneath the surface. - </p> - <p> - Here Lincoln built "a half-faced camp,"—a cabin enclosed on three - sides and open on the fourth. It was built, not of logs, but of poles, and - was therefore denominated a "camp," to distinguish it from a "cabin." It - was about fourteen feet square, and had no floor. It was no larger than - the first house he lived in at Elizabethtown, and on the whole not as good - a shelter. But Lincoln was now under the influence of a transient access - of ambition, and the camp was merely preliminary to something better. He - lived in it, however, for a whole year, before he attained to the dignity - of a residence in a cabin. "In the mean time he cleaned some land, and - raised a small crop of corn and vegetables." - </p> - <p> - In the fall of 1817, Thomas and Betsy Sparrow came out from Kentucky, and - took up their abode in the old camp which the Lincolns had just deserted - for the cabin. Betsy was the aunt who had raised Nancy Hanks. She had done - the same in part for our friend Dennis Hanks, who was the offspring of - another sister, and she now brought him with her. Dennis thus became the - constant companion of young Abraham; and all the other members of that - family, as originally settled in Indiana, being dead, Dennis remains a - most important witness as to this period of Mr. Lincoln's life. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln's second house was a "rough, rough log" one: the timbers were not - hewed; and until after the arrival of Sally Bush, in 1819, it had neither - floor, door, nor window. It stood about forty yards from what Dennis Hanks - calls that "darned little half-faced camp," which was now the dwelling of - the Sparrows. It was "right in the bush,"—in the heart of a virgin - wilderness. There were only seven or eight older settlers in the - neighborhood of the two Pigeon Creeks. Lincoln had had some previous - acquaintance with one of them,—a Mr. Thomas Carter; and it is highly - probable that nothing but this trivial circumstance induced him to settle - here.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The principal authorities for this part of our narrative are - necessarily Dennis and John Hanks; but their statements have been - carefully collated with those of other persons, both in Kentucky and - Indiana. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - The nearest town was Troy, situated on the Ohio, about half a mile from - the mouth of Anderson Creek. Gentryville had as yet no existence. - Travelling was on horseback or on foot, and the only resort of commerce - was to the pack-horse or the canoe. But a prodigious immigration was now - sweeping into this inviting country. Harrison's victories over the Indians - had opened it up to the peaceful settler; and Indiana was admitted into - the Union in 1816, with a population of sixty-five thousand. The county in - which Thomas Lincoln settled was Perry, with the county-seat at Troy; but - he soon found himself in the new county of Spencer, with the court-house - at Rockport, twenty miles south of him, and the thriving village of - Gentryville within a mile and a half of his door. - </p> - <p> - A post-office was established at Gentryville in 1824 or 1825. Dennis Hanks - helped to hew the logs used to build the first storeroom. The following - letter from Mr. David Turnham, now of Dale, Spencer County, presents some - interesting and perfectly authentic information regarding the village and - the settlements around it in those early times:— - </p> - <p> - "Yours of the 5th inst. is at hand. As you wish me to answer several - questions, I will give you a few items of the early settlement of Indiana. - </p> - <p> - "When my father came here in the spring of 1819, he settled in Spencer - County, within one mile of Thomas Lincoln, then a widower. The chance for - schooling was poor; but, such as it was, Abraham and myself attended the - same schools. - </p> - <p> - "We first had to go seven miles to mill; and then it was a hand-mill that - would grind from ten to fifteen bushels of corn in a day. There was but - little wheat grown at that time; and, when we did have wheat, we had to - grind it on the mill described, and use it without bolting, as there were - no bolts in the country. In the course of two or three years, a man by the - name of Huffman built a mill on Anderson River, about twelve miles - distant. Abe and I had to do the milling on horseback, frequently going - twice to get one grist. Then they began building horse-mills of a little - better quality than the hand-mills. - </p> - <p> - "The country was very rough, especially in the low lands, so thick with - bush that a man could scarcely get through on foot. These places were - called Roughs. The country abounded in game, such as bears, deer, turkeys, - and the smaller game. - </p> - <p> - "About the time Huffman built his mill, there was a road laid out from - Corydon to Evansville, running by Mr. Lincoln's farm, and through what is - now Gentryville. Corydon was then the State capital. - </p> - <p> - "About the year 1823, there was another road laid out from Rockport to - Bloomington, crossing the aforesaid at right angles, where Gentryville now - stands. James Gentry entered the land; and in about a year Gideon Romine - brought goods there, and shortly after succeeded in getting a post-office, - by the name of Gentryville Post-office. Then followed the laying out of - lots, and the selling of them, and a few were improved. But for some cause - the lots all fell back to the original owner. The lots were sold in 1824 - or 1825. Romine kept goods there a short time, and sold out to Gentry, but - the place kept on increasing slowly. William Jones came in with a store, - that made it improve a little faster, but Gentry bought him out. Jones - bought a tract of land one-half mile from Gentryville, moved to it, went - into business there, and drew nearly all the custom. Gentry saw that it - was ruining his town: he compromised with Jones, and got him back to - Gentryville; and about the year 1847 or 1848 there was another survey of - lots, which remains. - </p> - <p> - "This is as good a history of the rise of Gentryville as I can give, after - consulting several of the old settlers. - </p> - <p> - "At that time there were a great many deer-licks; and Abe and myself would - go to those licks sometimes, and watch of nights to kill deer, though Abe - was not so fond of a gun as I was. There were ten or twelve of these licks - in a small prairie on the creek, lying between Mr. Lincoln's and Mr. - Wood's (the man you call Moore). This gave it the name of Prairie Fork of - Pigeon Creek. - </p> - <p> - "The people in the first settling of this country were very sociable, - kind, and accommodating; but there was more drunkenness and stealing on a - small scale, more immorality, less religion, less well-placed confidence." - </p> - <p> - The steps taken by Lincoln to complete his title to the land upon which he - settled are thus recited by the Commissioner of the General Land Office:— - </p> - <p> - "In reply to the letter of Mr. W. H. Herndon, who is writing the biography - of the late President, dated June 19, 1865, herewith returned, I have the - honor to state, pursuant to the Secretary's reference, that on the 15th of - October, 1817, Mr. Thomas Lincoln, then of Perry County, Indiana, entered - under the old credit system,— - </p> - <p> - "1. The South-West Quarter of Section 82, in Township 4, South of Range 5 - West, lying in Spencer County, Indiana. - </p> - <p> - "2. Afterwards the said Thomas Lincoln relinquished to the United States - the East half of said South-West Quarter; and the amount paid thereon was - passed to his credit to complete payment of the West half of said - South-West Quarter of Section 32, in Township 4, South of Range 5 West; - and accordingly a patent was issued to said Thomas Lincoln for the latter - tract. The patent was dated June 6, 1827, and was signed by John Quincy - Adams, then President of the United States, and countersigned by George - Graham, then Commissioner of the General Land Office." 1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The patent was issued to Thomas Lincoln alias Linckhern the other half - he never paid, and finally lost the whole of the land. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - It will be observed, that, although Lincoln squatted upon the land in the - fall of 1816, he did not enter it until October of the next year; and that - the patent was not issued to him until June, 1827, but a little more than - a year before he left it altogether. Beginning by entering a full quarter - section, he was afterwards content with eighty acres, and took eleven - years to make the necessary payments upon that. It is very probable that - the money which finally secured the patent was furnished by Gentry or - Aaron Grigsby, and the title passed out of Lincoln in the course of the - transaction. Dennis Hanks says, "He settled on a piece of government land,—eighty - acres. This land he afterwards bought under the Two-Dollar Act; was to pay - for it in instalments; one-half he paid." - </p> - <p> - For two years Lincoln continued to live along in the old way. He did not - like to farm, and he never got much of his land under cultivation. His - principal crop was corn; and this, with the game which a rifleman so - expert would easily take from the woods around him, supplied his table. It - does not appear that he employed any of his mechanical skill in completing - and furnishing his own cabin. It has already been stated that the latter - had no window, door, or floor. But the furniture—if it may be called - furniture—was even worse than the house. Three-legged stools served - for chairs. A bedstead was made of poles stuck in the cracks of the logs - in one corner of the cabin, while the other end rested in the crotch of a - forked stick sunk in the earthen floor. On these were laid some boards, - and on the boards a "shake-down" of leaves covered with skins and old - petticoats. The table was a hewed puncheon, supported by four legs. They - had a few pewter and tin dishes to eat from, but the most minute inventory - of their effects makes no mention of knives or forks. Their cooking - utensils were a Dutch oven and a skillet. Abraham slept in the loft, to - which he ascended by means of pins driven into holes in the wall. - </p> - <p> - In the summer of 1818, the Pigeon-Creek settlements were visited by a - fearful disease, called, in common parlance, "the milk-sickness." It swept - off the cattle which gave the milk, as well as the human beings who drank - it. It seems to have prevailed in the neighborhood from 1818 to 1829; for - it is given as one of the reasons for Thomas Lincoln's removal to Illinois - at the latter date. But in the year first mentioned its ravages were - especially awful. Its most immediate effects were severe retchings and - vomitings; and, while the deaths from it were not necessarily sudden, the - proportion of those who finally died was uncommonly large.1 Among the - number who were attacked by it, and lingered on for some time in the midst - of great sufferings, were Thomas and Betsy Sparrow and Mrs. Nancy Lincoln. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The peculiar disease which carried off so many of Abraham's family, - and induced the removal of the remainder to Illinois, deserves more than - a passing allusion. The following, regarding its nature and treatment, - is from the pen of an eminent physician of Danville, Illinois:— - Ward H. Lamon, Esq. Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 17th inst. has - been received. You request me to present you with my theory in relation - to the origin of the disease called "milk-sickness," and also a "general - statement of the best treatment of the disease," and the proportion of - fatal cases. I have quite a number of cases of the so-called disease in - Danville, Ill., and its vicinity; but perhaps you are not aware, that, - between the great majority of the medical faculty in this region of - country and myself, there is quite a discrepancy of opinion. They - believe in the existence of the disease in Vermilion County; while, on - the contrary, I am firmly of opinion, that, instead of genuine milk- - sickness, it is only a modified form of malarial fever with which we - here have to contend. Though sceptical of its existence in this part of - the country, we have too much evidence from different intelligent - sources to doubt, for a moment, that, in many parts of the West and - South-west, there is a distinct malady, witnessed more than fifty years - ago, and different from every other heretofore recognized in any system - of Nosology. In the opinion of medical men, as well as in that of the - people in general, where milk-sickness prevails, cattle, sheep, and - horses contract the disease by feeding on wild pasture-lands; and, when - those pastures have been enclosed and cultivated, the cause entirely - disappears. This has also been the observation of the farmers and - physicians of Vermilion County, Illinois. From this it might be inferred - that the disease had a vegetable origin. But it appears that it prevails - as early in the season as March and April in some localities; and I am - informed that, in an early day, say thirty-five or forty years ago, it - showed itself in the winter-time in this county. This seems to argue - that it may be produced by water holding some mineral substance in - solution. Even in this case, however, some vegetable producing the - disease may have been gathered and preserved with the hay on which the - cattle were fed at the time; for in that early day the farmers were in - the habit of cutting wild grass for their stock. On the whole, I am - inclined to attribute the cause to a vegetable origin. The symptoms of - what is called milk-sickness in this county— and they are similar - to those described by authors who have written on the disease in other - sections of the Western country—are a whitish coat on the tongue, - burning sensation of the stomach severe vomiting, obstinate constipation - of the bowels, coolness of the extremities, great restlessness and - jactitation, pulse rather small, somewhat more frequent than natural, - and slightly corded. In the course of the disease, the coat on the - tongue becomes brownish and dark, the countenance dejected, and the - prostration of the patient is great. A fatal termination may take place - in sixty hours, or life may be prolonged for a period of fourteen days. - These are the symptoms of the acute form of the disease. Sometimes it - runs into the chronic form, or it may assume that form from the - commencement; and, after months or years, the patient may finally die, - or recover only a partial degree of health. The treatment which I have - found most successful is pills composed of calomel and opium, given at - intervals of two, three, or four hours, so as to bring the patient - pretty strongly under the influence of opium by the time the second or - third dose had been administered; some effervescing mixture, pro re - nata; injections; castor oil, when the stomach will retain it; blisters - to the stomach; brandy or good whiskey freely administered throughout - the disease; and quinine after the bowels have been moved. Under the - above treatment, modified according to the circumstances, I would not - expect to lose more than one case in eight or ten, as the disease - manifests itself in this county.... As ever, Theo. Lemon. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - It was now found expedient to remove the Sparrows from the wretched - "half-faced camp," through which the cold autumn winds could sweep almost - unobstructed, to the cabin of the Lincolns, which in truth was then very - little better. Many in the neighborhood had already died, and Thomas - Lincoln had made all their coffins out of "green lumber cut with a - whip-saw." In the mean time the Sparrows and Nancy were growing alarmingly - worse. There was no physician in the county,—not even a pretender to - the science of medicine; and the nearest regular practitioner was located - at Yellow Banks, Ky., over thirty miles distant. It is not probable that - they ever secured his services. They would have been too costly, and none - of the persons who witnessed and describe these scenes speak of his having - been there. At length, in the first days of October, the Sparrows died; - and Thomas Lincoln sawed up his green lumber, and made rough boxes to - enclose the mortal remains of his wife's two best and oldest friends. A - day or two after, on the 5th of October, 1818, Nancy Hanks Lincoln rested - from her troubles. Thomas Lincoln took to his green wood again, and made a - box for Nancy. There were about twenty persons at her funeral. They took - her to the summit of a deeply-wooded knoll, about half a mile south-east - of the cabin, and laid her beside the Sparrows. If there were any burial - ceremonies, they were of the briefest. But it happened that a few months - later an itinerant preacher, named David Elkin, whom the Lincolns had - known in Kentucky, wandered into the settlement; and he either volunteered - or was employed to preach a sermon, which should commemorate the many - virtues and pass in silence the few frailties of the poor woman who slept - in the forest. Many years later the bodies of Levi Hall and his wife, - Nancy Hanks, were deposited in the same earth with that of Mrs. Lincoln. - The graves of two or three children belonging to a neighbor's family are - also near theirs. They are all crumbled in, sunken, and covered with wild - vines in deep and tangled mats. The great trees were originally cut away - to make a small cleared space for this primitive graveyard; but the young - dogwoods have sprung up unopposed in great luxuriance, and in many - instances the names of pilgrims to the burial-place of the great Abraham - Lincoln's mother are carved in their bark. With this exception, the spot - is wholly unmarked. Her grave never had a stone, nor even a board, at its - head or its foot; and the neighbors still dispute as to which one of those - unsightly hollows contains the ashes of Nancy Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Thirteen months after the burial of Nancy Hanks, and nine or ten months - after the solemnities conducted by Elkin, Thomas Lincoln appeared at - Elizabethtown, Ky., in search of another wife. Sally Bush had married - Johnston, the jailer, in the spring of the same year in which Lincoln had - married Nancy Hanks. She had then rejected him for a better match, but was - now a widow. In 1814 many persons in and about Elizabethtown had died of a - disease which the people called the "cold plague," and among them the - jailer. Both parties being free again, Lincoln came back, very - unexpectedly to Mrs. Johnston, and opened his suit in an exceedingly - abrupt manner. "Well, Miss Johnston," said he, "I have no wife, and you - have no husband. I came a purpose to marry you: I knowed you from a gal, - and you knowed me from a boy. I have no time to lose; and, if you are - willin', let it be done straight off." To this she replied, "Tommy, I know - you well, and have no objection to marrying you; but I cannot do it - straight off, as I owe some debts that must first be paid." "The next - morning," says Hon. Samuel Haycraft, the clerk of the courts and the - gentleman who reports this quaint courtship, "I issued his license, and - they were married <i>straight</i> off on that day, and left, and I never - saw her or Tom Lincoln since." From the death of her husband to that day, - she had been living, "an honest, poor widow," "in a round log-cabin," - which stood in an "alley" just below Mr. Haycraft's house. Dennis Hanks - says that it was only "on the earnest solicitation of her friends" that - Mrs. Johnston consented to marry Lincoln. They all liked Lincoln, and it - was with a member of her family that he had made several voyages to New - Orleans. Mr. Helm, who at that time was doing business in his uncle's - store at Elizabethtown, remarks that "life among the Hankses, the - Lincolns, and the Enlows was a long ways below life among the Bushes." - Sally was the best and the proudest of the Bushes; but, nevertheless, she - appears to have maintained some intercourse with the Lincolns as long as - they remained in Kentucky. She had a particular kindness for little Abe, - and had him with her on several occasions at Helm's store, where, strange - to say, he sat on a nail-keg, and ate a lump of sugar, "just like any - other boy." - </p> - <p> - Mrs. Johnston has been denominated a "poor widow;" but she possessed - goods, which, in the eyes of Tom Lincoln, were of almost unparalleled - magnificence. Among other things, she had a bureau that cost forty - dollars; and he informed her, on their arrival in Indiana, that, in his - deliberate opinion, it was little less than sinful to be the owner of such - a thing. He demanded that she should turn it into cash, which she - positively refused to do. She had quite a lot of other articles, however, - which he thought well enough in their way, and some of which were sadly - needed in his miserable cabin in the wilds of Indiana. Dennis Hanks speaks - with great rapture of the "large supply of household goods" which she - brought out with her. There was "one fine bureau, one table, one set of - chairs, one large clothes-chest, cooking utensils, knives, forks, bedding, - and other articles." It was a glorious day for little Abe and Sarah and - Dennis when this wondrous collection of rich furniture arrived in the - Pigeon Creek settlement. But all this wealth required extraordinary means - of transportation; and Lincoln had recourse to his brother-in-law, Ralph - Krume, who lived just over the line, in Breckinridge County. Krume came - with a four-horse team, and moved Mrs. Johnston, now Mrs. Lincoln, with - her family and effects, to the home of her new husband in Indiana. When - she got there, Mrs. Lincoln was much "surprised" at the contrast between - the glowing representations which her husband had made to her before - leaving Kentucky and the real poverty and meanness of the place. She had - evidently been given to understand that the bridegroom had reformed his - old Kentucky ways, and was now an industrious and prosperous farmer. She - was scarcely able to restrain the expression of her astonishment and - discontent; but, though sadly overreached in a bad bargain, her lofty - pride and her high sense of Christian duty saved her from hopeless and - useless repinings. - </p> - <p> - On the contrary, she set about mending what was amiss with all her - strength and energy. Her own goods furnished the cabin with tolerable - decency. She made Lincoln put down a floor, and hang windows and doors. It - was in the depth of winter; and the children, as they nestled in the warm - beds she provided them, enjoying the strange luxury of security from the - cold winds of December, must have thanked her from the bottoms of their - newly-comforted hearts. She had brought a son and two daughters of her - own,—John, Sarah, and Matilda; but Abe and his sister Nancy (whose - name was speedily changed to Sarah), the ragged and hapless little - strangers to her blood, were given an equal place in her affections. They - were half naked, and she clad them from the stores of clothing she had - laid up for her own. They were dirty, and she washed them; they had been - ill-used, and she treated them with motherly tenderness. In her own modest - language, she "made them look a little more human." "In fact," says Dennis - Hanks, "in a few weeks all had changed; and where every thing was wanting, - now all was snug and comfortable. She was a woman of great energy of - remarkable good sense, very industrious and saving, and also very neat and - tidy in her person and manners, and knew exactly how to manage children. - She took an especial liking to young Abe. Her love for him was warmly - returned, and continued to the day of his death. But few children loved - their parents as he loved his step-mother. She soon dressed him up in - entire new clothes, <i>and from that time on he appeared to lead a new - life</i>. He was encouraged by her to study, and any wish on his part was - gratified when it could be done. The two sets of children got along finely - together, as if they had all been the children of the same parents. Mrs. - Lincoln soon discovered that young Abe was a boy of uncommon natural - talents, and that, if rightly trained, a bright future was before him, and - she did all in her power to develop those talents." When, in after years, - Mr. Lincoln spoke of his "saintly mother," and of his "angel of a mother," - he referred to this noble woman,1 who first made him feel "like a human - being,"—whose goodness first touched his childish heart, and taught - him that blows and taunts and degradation were not to be his only portion - in the world.2 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The author has many times heard him make the application. While he - seldom, if ever, spoke of his own mother, he loved to dwell on the - beautiful character of Sally Bush. 2 The following description of her - personal appearance is from the pen of her granddaughter, the daughter - of Dennis Hanks:— "When I landed in Indiana," says Mrs. Lincoln, - "Abe was about nine years old, and the country was wild and desolate. It - is certain enough that her presence took away much that was desolate in - his lot. She clothed him decently, and had him sent to school as soon as - there was a school to send him to. But, notwithstanding her - determination to do the best for him, his advantages in this respect - were very limited. He had already had a few days', or perhaps a few - weeks' experience, under the discipline of Riney and Hazel, in Kentucky; - and, as he was naturally quick in the acquisition of any sort of - knowledge, it is likely that by this time he could read and write a - little. He was now to have the benefit of a few months more of public - instruction; but the poverty of the family, and the necessity for his - being made to work at home in the shop and on the farm, or abroad as a - hired boy, made his attendance at school, for any great length of time, - a thing impossible. Accordingly, all his school-days added together - would not make a single year in the aggregate. "His wife, my - grandmother, is a very tall woman; straight as an Indian, fair - complexion, and was, when I first remember her, very handsome, - sprightly, talkative, and proud; wore her hair curled till gray; is - kind-hearted and very charitable, and also very industrious."—Mrs. - H. A, Chapman. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Abraham began his irregular attendance at the nearest school very soon - after he fell under the care of the second Mrs. Lincoln. It was probably - in the winter of 1819, she having come out in the December of that year. - It has been seen that she was as much impressed by his mental precocity as - by the good qualities of his heart. - </p> - <p> - Hazel Dorsey was his first master.1 He presided in a small house near the - Little Pigeon Creek meeting-house, a mile and a half from the Lincoln - cabin. It was built of unhewn logs, and had "holes for windows," in which - "greased paper" served for glass. The roof was just high enough for a man - to stand erect. Here he was taught reading, writing, and ciphering. They - spelled in classes, and "trapped" up and down. These juvenile contests - were very exciting to the participants; and it is said by the survivors, - that Abe was even then the equal, if not the superior, of any scholar in - his class. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The account of the schools is taken from the Grigsbys, Turnham, and - others, who attended them along with Abe, as well as from the members of - his own family. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - The next teacher was Andrew Crawford. Mrs. Gentry says he began pedagogue - in the neighborhood in the winter of 1822-3, whilst most of his other - scholars are unable to fix an exact date. He "kept" in the same little - schoolhouse which had been the scene of Dorsey's labors, and the windows - were still adorned with the greased leaves of old copybooks that had come - down from Dorsey's time. Abe was now in his fifteenth year, and began to - exhibit symptoms of gallantry toward the weaker sex, as we shall presently - discover. He was growing at a tremendous rate, and two years later - attained his full height of six feet four inches. He was long, wiry, and - strong; while his big feet and hands, and the length of his legs and arms, - were out of all proportion to his small trunk and head. His complexion was - very swarthy, and Mrs. Gentry says that his skin was shrivelled and yellow - even then. He wore low shoes, buckskin breeches, linsey-woolsey shirt, and - a cap made of the skin of an opossum or a coon. The breeches clung close - to his thighs and legs, but failed by a large space to meet the tops of - his shoes. Twelve inches remained uncovered, and exposed that much of - "shinbone, sharp, blue, and narrow."1 "He would always come to school - thus, good-humoredly and laughing," says his old friend, Nat Grigsby. "He - was always in good health, never was sick, had an excellent constitution, - and took care of it." - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "They had no woollen clothing in the family until about the year - 1824."—Dennis Hanks. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Crawford taught "manners." This was a feature of backwoods education to - which Dorsey had not aspired, and Crawford had doubtless introduced it as - a refinement which would put to shame the humbler efforts of his - predecessor. One of the scholars was required to retire, and re-enter as a - polite gentleman is supposed to enter a drawing-room. He was received at - the door by another scholar, and conducted from bench to bench, until he - had been introduced to all the "young ladies and gentlemen" in the room. - Abe went through the ordeal countless times. If he took a serious view of - the business, it must have put him to exquisite torture; for he was - conscious that he was not a perfect type of manly beauty, with his long - legs and blue shins, his small head, his great ears, and shrivelled skin. - If, however, it struck him as at all funny, it must have filled him with - unspeakable mirth, and given rise to many antic tricks and sly jokes, as - he was gravely led about, shamefaced and gawky, under the very eye of the - precise Crawford, to be introduced to the boys and girls of his most - ancient acquaintance. - </p> - <p> - But, though Crawford inculcated manners, he by no means neglected - spelling. Abe was a good speller, and liked to use his knowledge, not only - to secure honors for himself, but to help his less fortunate schoolmates - out of their troubles, and he was exceedingly ingenious in the selection - of expedients for conveying prohibited hints. One day Crawford gave out - the difficult word <i>defied</i>. A large class was on the floor, but they - all provokingly failed to spell it. D-e-f-i-d-e, said one; d-e-f-y-d-e, - said another; d-e-f-y-d,—d-e-f-y-e-d, cried another and another. But - it was all wrong: it was shameful, that, among all these big boys and - girls, nobody could spell "<i>defied</i>;" Crawford's wrath gathered in - clouds over his terrible brow. He made the helpless culprits shake with - fear. He declared he would keep the whole class in all day and all night, - if "<i>defied</i>" was not spelled. There was among them a Miss Roby, a - girl fifteen years of age, whom we must suppose to have been pretty, for - Abe was evidently half in love with her. "I saw Lincoln at the window," - says she: "he had his finger in his <i>eye</i>, and a smile on his face; I - instantly took the hint, that I must change the letter <i>y</i> into an <i>i</i>. - Hence I spelled the word,—the class let out. I felt grateful to - Lincoln for this simple thing." - </p> - <p> - Nat Grigsby tells us, with unnecessary particularity, that "essays and - poetry were not taught in this school." "Abe took it (them) up on his own - account." He first wrote short sentences against "cruelty to animals," and - at last came forward with a regular "composition" on the subject. He was - very much annoyed and pained by the conduct of the boys, who were in the - habit of catching terrapins, and putting coals of fire on their backs. "He - would chide us," says Nat, "tell us it was wrong, and would write against - it." - </p> - <p> - The third and last school to which Abe went was taught by a Mr. Swaney, in - 1826. To get there, he had to travel four and a half miles; and this going - back and forth so great a distance occupied entirely too much of his time. - His attendance was therefore only at odd times, and was speedily broken - off altogether. The schoolhouse was much like the other one near the - Pigeon Creek meeting-house, except that it had two chimneys instead of - one. The course of instruction was precisely the same as under Dorsey and - Crawford, save that Swaney, like Dorsey, omitted the great department of - "manners." "Here," says John Hoskins, the son of the settler who had - "blazed out" the trail for Tom Lincoln, "we would choose up, and spell as - in old times every Friday night." Hoskins himself tore down "the old - schoolhouse" long since, and built a stable with the logs. He is now half - sorry for his haste, and reverently presented Mr. Herndon a piece of the - wood as a precious memento of his old friend Abe. An oak-tree, blackened - and killed by the smoke that issued from the two chimneys, spreads its - naked arms over the spot where the schoolhouse stood. Among its roots is a - fine, large spring, over whose limpid waters Abe often bent to drink, and - laughed at the reflection of his own homely face. - </p> - <p> - Abe never went to school again in Indiana or elsewhere. Mr. Turnham tells - us, that he had excelled all his masters, and it was "no use" for him to - attempt to learn any thing from them. But he continued his studies at - home, or wherever he was hired out to work, with a perseverance which - showed that he could scarcely live without some species of mental - excitement. He was by no means fond of the hard manual labor to which his - own necessities and those of his family compelled him. Many of his - acquaintances state this fact with strong emphasis,—among them - Dennis Hanks and Mrs. Lincoln. His neighbor, John Romine, declares that - Abe was "awful lazy. He worked for me; was always reading and thinking; - used to get mad at him. He worked for me in 1829, pulling fodder. I say - Abe was awful lazy: he would laugh and talk and crack jokes and tell - stories all the time; didn't love work, but did dearly love his pay. He - worked for me frequently, a few days only at a time.... Lincoln said to me - one day, that his father taught him to work, but never learned him to love - it." - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Whenever Mrs. Sarah Lincoln speaks, we follow her implicitly. - Regarding Abe's habits and conduct at home, her statement is a very full - one. It is, however, confirmed and supplemented by all the other members - of the family who were alive in 1866. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Abe loved to lie under a shade-tree, or up in the loft of the cabin, and - read, cipher, and scribble. At night he sat by the chimney "jamb," and - ciphered, by the light of the fire, on the wooden fire-shovel. When the - shovel was fairly covered, he would shave it off with Tom Lincoln's - drawing-knife, and begin again. In the daytime he used boards for the same - purpose, out of doors, and went through the shaving process everlastingly. - His step-mother1 repeats often, that "he read every book he could lay his - hand on." She says, "Abe read diligently.... He read every book he could - lay his hands on; and, when he came across a passage that struck him, he - would write it down on boards if he had no paper, and keep it there until - he did get paper. Then he would re-write it, look at it, repeat it. He had - a copy-book, a kind of scrapbook, in which he put down all things, and - thus preserved them." - </p> - <p> - John Hanks came out from Kentucky when Abe was fourteen years of age, and - lived four years with the Lincolns. We cannot describe some of Abe's - habits better than John has described them for us: "When Lincoln—Abe - and I—returned to the house from work, he would go to the cupboard, - snatch a piece of corn-bread, take down a book, sit down on a chair, cock - his legs up high as his head, and read. He and I worked barefooted, - grubbed it, ploughed, mowed, and cradled together; ploughed corn, gathered - it, and shucked corn. Abraham read constantly when he had an opportunity." - </p> - <p> - Among the books upon which Abe "laid his hands" were "Æsop's Fables," - "Robinson Crusoe," Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress," a "History of the United - States," and Weems's "Life of Washington." All these he read many times, - and transferred extracts from them to the boards and the scrapbook. He had - procured the scrap-book because most of his literature was borrowed, and - he thought it profitable to take copious notes from the books before he - returned them. David Turnham had bought a volume of "The Revised Statutes - of Indiana;" but, as he was "acting constable" at the time, he could not - lend it to Abe. But Abe was not to be baffled in his purpose of going - through and through every book in the neighborhood; and so, says Mr. - Turnham, "he used to come to my house and sit and read it." 1 Dennis Hanks - would fain have us believe that he himself was the purchaser of this book, - and that he had stood as a sort of first preceptor to Abe in the science - of law. "I had like to forgot," writes Dennis, with his usual modesty, - "How did Abe get his knowledge of law? This is the fact about it. I bought - the 'Statute of Indiana,' and from that he learned the principles of law, - and also myself. Every man should become acquainted of the principles of - law." The Bible, according to Mrs. Lincoln, was not one of his studies: - "he sought more congenial books." At that time he neither talked nor read - upon religious subjects. If he had any opinions about them, he kept them - to himself. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 He also read at Turnham's house Scott's Lessons and Sindbad the - Sailor. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Abraham borrowed Weems's "Life of Washington" from his neighbor, old - Josiah Crawford,—not Andrew Crawford, the school-teacher, as some of - his biographers have it. The "Life" was read with great avidity in the - intervals of work, and, when not in use, was carefully deposited on a - shelf, made of a clapboard laid on two pins. But just behind the shelf - there was a great crack between the logs of the wall; and one night, while - Abe was dreaming in the loft, a storm came up, and the rain, blown through - the opening, soaked his precious book from cover to cover. Crawford was a - sour and churlish fellow at best, and flatly refused to take the damaged - book back again. He said, that, if Abe had no money to pay for it, he - could work it out. Of course, there was no alternative; and Abe was - obliged to discharge the debt by "pulling fodder" three days, at - twenty-five cents a day. Crawford afterwards paid dearly for his - churlishness. - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0003" id="image-0003"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/061.jpg" - alt="Mrs. Sarah Lincoln, Mother of the President. 061 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - At home, with his step-mother and the children, he was the most agreeable - fellow in the world. "He was always ready to do every thing for - everybody." When he was not doing some special act of kindness, he told - stories or "cracked jokes." "He was as full of his yarns in Indiana as - ever he was in Illinois." Dennis Hanks was a clever hand at the same - business, and so was old Tom Lincoln. Among them they must have made - things very lively, during the long winter evenings, for John Johnston and - the good old lady and the girls. - </p> - <p> - Mrs. Lincoln was never able to speak of Abe's conduct to her without - tears. In her interview with Mr. Herndon, when the sands of her life had - nearly run out, she spoke with deep emotion of her own son, but said she - thought that Abe was kinder, better, truer, than the other. Even the - mother's instinct was lost as she looked back over those long years of - poverty and privation in the Indiana cabin, when Abe's grateful love - softened the rigors of her lot, and his great heart and giant frame were - always at her command. "Abe was a poor boy," said she; "and I can say what - scarcely one woman—a mother—can say in a thousand. Abe never - gave me a cross word or look, and never refused, in fact or appearance, to - do any thing I requested him. I never gave him a cross word in all my - life.... His mind and mine—what little I had—seemed to run - together.... He was here after he was elected President." (At this point - the aged speaker turned away to weep, and then, wiping her eyes with her - apron, went on with the story). "He was dutiful to me always. I think he - loved me truly. I had a son, John, who was raised with Abe. Both were good - boys; but I must say, both now being dead, that Abe was the best boy I - ever saw, or expect to see. I wish I had died when my husband died. I did - not want Abe to run for President; did not want him elected; was afraid - somehow,—felt in my heart; and when he came down to see me, after he - was elected President, I still felt that something told me that something - would befall Abe, and that I should see him no more." - </p> - <p> - Is there any thing in the language we speak more touching than that simple - plaint of the woman whom we must regard as Abraham Lincoln's mother? The - apprehension in her "heart" was well grounded. She "saw him no more." When - Mr. Herndon rose to depart, her eyes again filled with tears; and, - wringing his hands as if loath to part with one who talked so much of her - beloved Abe, she said, "Good-by, my good son's friend. Farewell." - </p> - <p> - Abe had a very retentive memory. He frequently amused his young companions - by repeating to them long passages from the books he had been reading. On - Monday mornings he would mount a stump, and deliver, with a wonderful - approach to exactness, the sermon he had heard the day before. His taste - for public speaking appeared to be natural and irresistible. His - step-sister, Matilda Johnston, says he was an indefatigable "preacher." - "When father and mother would go to church, Abe would take down the Bible, - read a verse, give out a hymn, and we would sing. Abe was about fifteen - years of age. He preached, and we would do the crying. Sometimes he would - join in the chorus of tears. One day my brother, John Johnston, caught a - land terrapin, brought it to the place where Abe was preaching, threw it - against the tree, and crushed the shell. It suffered much,—quivered - all over. Abe then preached against cruelty to animals, contending that an - ant's life was as sweet to it as ours to us." - </p> - <p> - But this practice of "preaching" and political speaking, into which Abe - had fallen, at length became a great nuisance to old, Tom. It distracted - everybody, and sadly interfered with the work. If Abe had confined his - discourses to Sunday preaching, while the old folks were away, it would - not have been so objectionable. But he knew his power, liked to please - everybody, and would be sure to set up as an orator wherever he found the - greatest number of people together. When it was announced that Abe had - taken the "stump" in the harvest-field, there was an end of work. The - hands flocked around him, and listened to his curious speeches with - infinite delight. "The sight of such a thing amused all," says Mrs. - Lincoln; though she admits that her husband was compelled to break it up - with the strong hand; and poor Abe was many times dragged from the - platform, and hustled off to his work in no gentle manner.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 We are told by Col. Chapman that Abe's father habitually treated him - with great barbarity. Dennis Hanks insists that he loved him sincerely, - but admits that he now and then knocked him from the fence for merely - answering traveller's questions about the roads. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Abe worked occasionally with Tom Lincoln in the shop; but he did it - reluctantly, and never intended to learn even so much of the trade as - Lincoln was able to teach him. The rough work turned out at that shop was - far beneath his ambition, and he had made up his mind to lead a life as - wholly unlike his father's as he could possibly make it. He therefore - refused to be a carpenter. But he could not afford to be idle; and, as - soon as he was able to earn wages, he was hired out among the neighbors. - He worked for many of them a few months at a time, and seemed perfectly - willing to transfer his services wherever they were wanted, so that his - father had no excuse for persecuting him with entreaties about learning to - make tables and cupboards. - </p> - <p> - Abe was now becoming a man, and was, in fact, already taller than any man - in the neighborhood. He was a universal favorite, and his wit and humor - made him heartily welcome at every cabin between the two Pigeon Creeks. - Any family was glad when "Abe Linkern" was hired to work with them; for he - did his work well, and made them all merry while he was about it. The - women were especially pleased, for Abe was not above doing any kind of - "chores" for them. He was always ready to make a fire, carry water, or - nurse a baby. But what manner of people were these amongst whom he passed - the most critical part of his life? We must know them if we desire to know - him. - </p> - <p> - There lived in the neighborhood of Gentryville a Mrs. Elizabeth Crawford, - wife to the now celebrated Josiah with the sour temper and the blue nose. - Abe was very fond of her, and inclined to "let himself out" in her - company. She fortunately possessed a rare memory, and Mr. Herndon's rich - collection of manuscripts was made richer still by her contributions. We - have from her a great mass of valuable, and sometimes extremely amusing, - information. Among it is the following graphic, although rude, account of - the Pigeon Creek people in general:— - </p> - <p> - "You wish me to tell you how the people used to go to meeting,—how - far they went. At that time we thought it nothing to go eight or ten - miles. The old ladies did not stop for the want of a shawl, or cloak, or - riding-dress, or two horses, in the winter-time; but they would put on - their husbands' old overcoats, and wrap up their little ones, and take one - or two of them up on their beasts, and their husbands would walk, and they - would go to church, and stay in the neighborhood until the next day, and - then go home. The old men would start out of their fields from their work, - or out of the woods from hunting, with their guns on their shoulders, and - go to church. Some of them dressed in deer-skin pants and moccasins, - hunting-shirts with a rope or leather strap around them. They would come - in laughing, shake hands all around, sit down and talk about their game - they had killed, or some other work they had done, and smoke their pipes - together with the old ladies. If in warm weather, they would kindle up a - little fire out in the meeting-house yard, to light their pipes. If in - winter-time, they would hold church in some of the neighbors' houses. At - such times they were always treated with the utmost of kindness: a bottle - of whiskey, a pitcher of water, sugar and glass, were set out, or a basket - of apples, or turnips, or some pies and cakes. Apples were scarce them - times. Sometimes potatoes were used as a treat. (I must tell you that the - first treat I ever received in old Mr. Linkern's house, that was our - President's father's house, was a plate of potatoes, washed and pared very - nicely, and handed round. It was something new to me, for I never had seen - a raw potato eaten before. I looked to see how they made use of them. They - took off a potato, and ate them like apples.) Thus they spent the time - till time for preaching to commence, then they would all take their seats: - the preacher would take his stand, draw his coat, open his shirt-collar, - commence service by singing and prayer; take his text and preach till the - sweat would roll off in great drops. Shaking hands and singing then ended - the service. The people seemed to enjoy religion more in them days than - they do now. They were glad to see each other, and enjoyed themselves - better than they do now." - </p> - <p> - Society about Gentryville was little different from that of any other - backwoods settlement of the same day. The houses were scattered far apart; - but the inhabitants would travel long distances to a log-rolling, a - house-raising, a wedding, or any thing else that might be turned into a - fast and furious frolic. On such occasions the young women carried their - shoes in their hands, and only put them on when about to join the company. - The ladies drank whiskey-toddy, while the men took it straight; and both - sexes danced the live-long night, barefooted, on puncheon floors. - </p> - <p> - The fair sex wore "cornfield bonnets, scoop-shaped, flaring in front, and - long though narrow behind." Shoes were the mode when entering the - ball-room; but it was not at all fashionable to scuff them out by walking - or dancing in them. "Four yards of linsey-woolsey, a yard in width, made a - dress for any woman." The waist was short, and terminated just under the - arms, whilst the skirt was long and narrow. "Crimps and puckering frills" - it had none. The coats of the men were home-made; the materials, jeans or - linsey-woolsey. The waists were short, like the frocks of the women, and - the long "claw-hammer" tail was split up to the waist. This, however, was - company dress, and the hunting-shirt did duty for every day. The breeches - were of buck-skin or jeans; the cap was of coon-skin; and the shoes of - leather tanned at home. If no member of the family could make shoes, the - leather was taken to some one who could, and the customer paid the maker a - fair price in some other sort of labor. - </p> - <p> - The state of agriculture was what it always is where there is no market, - either to sell or buy; where the implements are few and primitive, and - where there are no regular mechanics. The Pigeon Creek farmer "tickled" - two acres of ground in a day with his old shovel-plough, and got but half - a crop. He cut one acre with his sickle, while the modern machine lays - down in neat rows ten. With his flail and horse tramping, he threshed out - fifteen bushels of wheat; while the machine of to-day, with a few more - hands, would turn out three hundred and fifty. He "fanned" and "cleaned - with a sheet." When he wanted flour, he took his team and went to a - "horse-mill," where he spent a whole day in converting fifteen bushels of - grain.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "Size of the fields from ten, twelve, sixteen, twenty. Raised corn - mostly; some wheat,—enough for a cake on Sunday morning. Hogs and - venison hams were legal tender, and coon-skins also. We raised sheep and - cattle, but they did not fetch much. Cows and calves were only worth six - dollars; corn, ten cents; wheat, twenty-five cents at that time."— - Dennis Hanks. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - The minds of these people were filled with superstitions, which most - persons imagine to be, at least, as antiquated as witch-burning. They - firmly believed in witches and all kind of witch-doings. They sent for - wizards to cure sick cattle. They shot the image of the witch with a - silver ball, to break the spell she was supposed to have laid on a human - being. If a dog ran directly across a man's path whilst he was hunting, it - was terrible "luck," unless he instantly hooked his two little fingers - together, and pulled with all his might, until the dog was out of sight. - There were wizards who took charmed twigs in their hands, and made them - point to springs of water and all kinds of treasure beneath the earth's - surface. There were "faith doctors," who cured diseases by performing - mysterious ceremonies and muttering cabalistic words. If a bird alighted - in a window, one of the family would speedily die. If a horse breathed on - a child, the child would have the whooping-cough. Every thing must be done - at certain "times and seasons," else it would be attended with "bad luck." - They must cut trees for rails in the early part of the day, and in "the - light of the moon." They must make fence in "the light of the moon;" - otherwise, the fence would sink. Potatoes and other roots were to be - planted in the "dark of the moon," but trees, and plants which bore their - fruits above ground, must be "put out in the light of the moon." The moon - exerted a fearful influence, either kindly or malignant, as the good old - rules were observed or not. It was even required to make soap "in the - light of the moon," and, moreover, it must be stirred only one way, and by - one person. Nothing of importance was to be begun on Friday. All - enterprises inaugurated on that day went fatally amiss. A horse-colt could - be begotten only "in the dark of the moon," and animals treated otherwise - than "according to the signs in the almanac" were nearly sure to die. - </p> - <p> - Such were the people among whom Abe grew to manhood. With their sons and - daughters he went to school. Upon their farms he earned his daily bread by - daily toil. From their conversation he formed his earliest opinions of men - and things, the world over. Many of their peculiarities became his; and - many of their thoughts and feelings concerning a multitude of subjects - were assimilated with his own, and helped to create that unique character, - which, in the eyes of a great host of the American people, was only less - curious and amusing than it was noble and august. - </p> - <p> - His most intimate companions were of course, for a long time, the members - of his own family. The reader already knows something of Thomas Lincoln, - and that pre-eminently good woman, Sally Bush. The latter, we know, - washed, clothed, loved, and encouraged Abe in well-doing, from the moment - he fell in her way. How much he owed to her goodness and affection, he was - himself never able to estimate. That it was a great debt, fondly - acknowledged and cheerfully repaid as far as in him lay, there can be no - doubt. His own sister, the child of Nancy Hanks, was warmly attached to - him. Her face somewhat resembled his. In repose it had the gravity which - they both, perhaps, inherited from their mother; but it was capable of - being lighted almost into beauty by one of Abe's ridiculous stories or - rapturous sallies of humor. She was a modest, plain, industrious girl, and - is kindly remembered by all who knew her. She was married to Aaron Grigsby - at eighteen, and a year after died in child-bed. Like Abe, she - occasionally worked out at the houses of the neighbors, and at one time - was employed in Mrs. Crawford's kitchen, while her brother was a laborer - on the same farm. She lies buried, not with her mother, but in the yard of - the old Pigeon Creek meeting-house. It is especially pleasing to read the - encomiums lavished upon her memory by the Grigsbys; for between the - Grigsbys on one side, and Abe and his step-brother on the other, there - once subsisted a fierce feud. - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0004" id="image-0004"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/070.jpg" alt="Dennis Hanks 070 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - As we have already learned from Dennis Hanks, the two families—the - Johnstons and the Lincolns—"got along finely together." The - affectionate relations between Abe and his two step-sisters were the - subject of common remark throughout the neighborhood. One of them married - Dennis Hanks, and the other Levi Hall, or, as he is better known, Squire - Hall,—a cousin of Abe. Both these women (the latter now Mrs. Moore) - furnished Mr. Herndon very valuable memoirs of Abe's life whilst he dwelt - under the same roof with them; and they have given an account of him which - shows that the ties between them were of the strongest and tenderest kind. - But what is most remarkable in their statements is, that they never opened - their lips without telling how worthy of everybody's love their mother - was, and how Abe revered her as much as they did. They were interesting - girls, and became exemplary women. - </p> - <p> - John D. Johnston, the only son of Mrs. Lincoln, was not the best boy, and - did not grow to be the best man, in all the Pigeon Creek region. He had no - positive vice, except idleness, and no special virtue but good temper. He - was not a fortunate man; never made money; was always needy, and always - clamoring for the aid of his friends. Mr. Lincoln, all through John's - life, had much trouble to keep him on his legs, and succeeded - indifferently in all his attempts. In a subsequent chapter a letter will - be given from him, which indirectly portrays his step-brother's character - much better than it can be done here. But, as youths, the intimacy between - them was very close; and in another place it will appear that Abe - undertook his second voyage to New Orleans only on condition that John - would go along. - </p> - <p> - But the most constant of his companions was his jolly cousin, Dennis - Hanks. Of all the contributors to Mr. Herndon's store of information, - good, bad, and indifferent, concerning this period of Mr. Lincoln's life, - Dennis is the most amusing, insinuating, and prolific. He would have it - distinctly understood that the well of his memory is the only proper - source whence any thing like truth may be drawn.1 He has covered countless - sheets of paper devoted to indiscriminate laudations of Abe and all his - kindred. But in all this he does not neglect to say a word for himself. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The following random selections from his writings leave us no room to - doubt Dennis's opinion of his own value:— "William, let in, don't - keep any thing back, for I am in for the whole hog sure; for I know - nobody can do any for you much, for all they know is from me at last. - Every thing you see is from my notes,—this you can tell yourself. - "I have in my possession a little book, the private life of A. Lincoln, - comprising a full life of his early years, and a succinct record of his - career as statesman and President, by O. J. Victor, author of Lives of - Garibaldi, Winfield Scott, John Paul Jones, &c., New York, Beadle - and Company, publishers, No. 118 Williams Street. Now, sir, I find a - great many things pertaining to Abe Lincoln's life that is not true. If - you would like to have the book, I will mail it to you. I will say this - much to you: if you don't have my name very frequently in your book, it - won't go at all; for I have been East for two months, have seen a great - many persons in that time, stating to them that there would be a book, - 'The Life of A. Lincoln,' published, giving a full account of the - family, from England to this country. Now, William, if there be any - thing you want to know, let me know: I will give you all the information - I can. "I have seen a letter that you wrote to my daughter, Harriet - Chapman, of inquiry about some things. I thought you were informed all - about them. I don't know what she has stated to you about your - questions; but you had better consult me about them. "Billy, it seems to - me, from the letters that you write to me asking questions, that you ask - the same questions over several times. How is this? Do you forget, or - are you like the lawyer, trying to make me cross my path, or not? Now, I - will. Look below for the answer." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - At one place, "his cousin, Dennis Hanks," is said to have taught Abe to - read and write. At another, he is represented as the benevolent purchaser - of the volumes from which Abe (and Dennis too) derived a wonderfully clear - and accurate conception of the science of law. In all studies their minds - advanced <i>pari passu</i>. Whenever any differences are noted (and they - are few and slight), Dennis is a step ahead, benignantly extending a - helping hand to the lagging pupil behind. But Dennis's heart is big and - kind: he defames no one; he is merely a harmless romancer. In the gallery - of family portraits painted by Dennis, every face looks down upon us with - the serenity of innocence and virtue. There is no spot on the fame of any - one of them. No family could have a more vigorous or chivalrous defender - than he, or one who repelled with greater scorn any rumor to their - discredit. That Enlow story! Dennis almost scorned to confute it; but, - when he did get at it, he settled it by a magnificent exercise of - inventive genius. He knew "this Abe Enlow" well, he said, and he had been - dead precisely fifty-five years. But, whenever the truth can be told - without damage to the character of a Lincoln or a Hanks, Dennis will tell - it candidly enough, provided there is no temptation to magnify himself. - His testimony, however, has been sparingly used throughout these pages; - and no statement has been taken from him unless it was more or less - directly corroborated by some one else. The better part of his evidence - Mr. Herndon took the precaution of reading carefully to John Hanks, who - pronounced it substantially true; and that circumstance gives it - undeniable value. - </p> - <p> - When Thomas and Betsy Sparrow died in the fall of 1818, Dennis was taken - from the "little half-faced camp," and became one of the Lincoln family. - Until Thomas Lincoln's second marriage, Dennis, Abe, and Sarah were all - three poor, ragged, and miserable together. After that, Dennis got along - better, as well as the rest. He was a lively, volatile, sympathetic - fellow, and Abe liked him well from the beginning. They fished, hunted, - and worked in company; loafed at the grocery, where Dennis got drunk, and - Abe told stories; talked politics with Col. Jones; "swapped jokes" with - Baldwin the blacksmith; and faithfully attended the sittings of the - nearest justice of the peace, where both had opportunities to correct and - annotate the law they thought they had learned from the "Statute of - Indiana." Dennis was kind, genial, lazy, brimming over with humor, and - full of amusing anecdotes. He revelled in song, from the vulgarest ballad - to the loftiest hymn of devotion; from "The turbaned Turk, that scorns the - world," to the holiest lines of Doctor Watts. These qualities marked him - wherever he went; and in excessive good-nature, and in the ease with which - he passed from the extreme of rigor to the extreme of laxity, he was - distinguished above the others of his name. - </p> - <p> - There was one Hanks, however, who was not like Dennis, or any other Hanks - we know any thing about: this was "old John," as he is familiarly called - in Illinois,—a sober, honest, truthful man, with none of the wit and - none of the questionable accomplishments of Dennis. He was the son of - Joseph, the carpenter with whom Tom Lincoln learned the trade. He went to - Indiana to live with the Lincolns when Abe was fourteen years of age, and - remained there four years. He then returned to Kentucky, and subsequently - went to Illinois, where he was speedily joined by the old friends he had - left in Indiana. When Abe separated from the family, and went in search of - individual fortune, it was in company with "old John." Together they split - the rails that did so much to make Abe President; and "old John" set the - ball in motion by carrying a part of them into the Decatur Convention on - his own broad shoulders. John had no education whatever, except that of - the muscles and the heart. He could neither read nor write; but his - character was pure and respectable, and Lincoln esteemed him as a man, and - loved him as a friend and relative. - </p> - <p> - About six years after the death of the first Mrs. Lincoln, Levi Hall and - his wife and family came to Indiana, and settled near the Lincolns. Mrs. - Hall was Nancy Hanks, the mother of our friend Dennis, and the aunt of - Nancy Hanks, the mother of Abraham Lincoln. She had numerous children by - her husband. One of them, Levi, as already mentioned, married one of Abe's - step-sisters, while Dennis, his half-brother, married the other one. The - father and mother of the Halls speedily died of the milk-sickness, but - Levi was for many years a constant companion of Abe and Dennis. - </p> - <p> - In 1825 Abraham was employed by James Taylor, who lived at the mouth of - Anderson's Creek. He was paid six dollars a month, and remained for nine - months. His principal business was the management of a ferry-boat which - Mr. Taylor had plying across the Ohio, as well as Anderson's Creek. But, - in addition to this, he was required to do all sorts of farm-work, and - even to perform some menial services about the house. He was hostler, - ploughman, ferryman, out of doors, and man-of-all-work within doors. He - ground corn with a hand-mill, or "grated" it when too young to be ground; - rose early, built fires, put on the water in the kitchen, "fixed around - generally," and had things prepared for cooking before the mistress of the - house was stirring. He slept up stairs with young Green Taylor, who says - that he usually read "till near midnight," notwithstanding the necessity - for being out of his bed before day. Green was somewhat disposed to - ill-use the poor hired boy, and once struck him with an ear of hard corn, - and cut a deep gash over his eye. He makes no comment upon this generous - act, except that "Abe got mad," but did not thrash him. - </p> - <p> - Abe was a hand much in demand in "hog-killing time." He butchered not only - for Mr. Taylor, but for John Woods, John Duthan, Stephen McDaniels, and - others. At this he earned thirty-one cents a day, as it was considered - "rough work." - </p> - <p> - For a long time there was only one person in the neighborhood for whom Abe - felt a decided dislike; and that was Josiah Crawford, who had made him - "pull fodder," to pay for the Weems's "Washington." On that score he was - "hurt" and "mad," and often declared "he would have revenge." But being a - poor boy,—a circumstance of which Crawford had already taken - shameful advantage to extort three days' labor,—he was glad to get - work any place, and frequently "hired to his old adversary." Abe's first - business in his employ was daubing his cabin, which was built of logs, - unhewed, and with the bark on. In the loft of this house, thus finished by - his own hands, he slept for many weeks at a time. He spent his evenings as - he did at home,—writing on wooden shovels or boards with "a coal, or - keel, from the branch." This family was rich in the possession of several - books, which Abe read through time and again, according to his usual - custom. One of them was the "Kentucky Preceptor," from which Mrs. Crawford - insists that he "learned his school orations, speeches, and pieces to - write." She tells us also that "Abe was a sensitive lad, never coming - where he was not wanted;" that he always lifted his hat, and bowed, when - he made his appearance; and that "he was tender and kind," like his - sister, who was at the same time her maid-of-all-work. His pay was - twenty-five cents a day; "and, when he missed time, he would not charge - for it." This latter remark of good Mrs. Crawford reveals the fact that - her husband was in the habit of docking Abe on his miserable wages - whenever he happened to lose a few minutes from steady work. - </p> - <p> - The time came, however, when Abe got his "revenge" for all this petty - brutality. Crawford was as ugly as he was surly. His nose was a - monstrosity,—long and crooked, with a huge, misshapen "stub" at the - end, surmounted by a host of pimples, and the whole as "blue" as the usual - state of Mr. Crawford's spirits. Upon this member Abe levelled his attack - in rhyme, song, and "chronicle;" and, though he could not reduce the nose, - he gave it a fame as wide as to the Wabash and the Ohio. It is not - improbable that he learned the art of making the doggerel rhymes in which - he celebrated Crawford's nose from the study of Crawford's own "Kentucky - Preceptor." At all events, his sallies upon this single topic achieved him - great reputation as a "poet" and a wit, and caused Crawford intolerable - anguish. - </p> - <p> - It is likely that Abe was reconciled to his situation in this family by - the presence of his sister, and the opportunity it gave him of being in - the company of Mrs. Crawford, for whom he had a genuine attachment; for - she was nothing that her husband was, and every thing that he was not. - According to her account, he split rails, ploughed, threshed, and did - whatever else he was ordered to do; but she distinctly affirms that "Abe - was no hand to pitch into his work like killing snakes." He went about it - "calmly," and generally took the opportunity to throw "Crawford" down two - or three times "before they went to the field." It is fair to presume, - that, when Abe managed to inveigle his disagreeable employer into a - tussle, he hoisted him high and threw him hard, for he felt that he had no - reason to be careful of his bones. After meals Abe "hung about," lingered - long to gossip and joke with the women; and these pleasant, stolen - conferences were generally broken up with the exclamation, "Well, this - won't buy the child a coat!" and the long-legged hired boy would stride - away to join his master. - </p> - <p> - In the mean time Abe had become, not only the longest, but the strongest, - man in the settlement. Some of his feats almost surpass belief, and those - who beheld them with their own eyes stood literally amazed. Richardson, a - neighbor, declares that he could carry a load to which the strength of - "three ordinary men" would scarcely be equal. He saw him quietly pick up - and walk away with "a chicken-house, made of poles pinned together, and - covered, that weighed at least six hundred, if not much more." At another - time the Richardsons were building a corn-crib: Abe was there; and, seeing - three or four men preparing "sticks" upon which to carry some huge posts, - he relieved them of all further trouble by shouldering the posts, - single-handed, and walking away with them to the place where they were - wanted. "He could strike with a mall," says old Mr. Wood, "a heavier blow - than any man.... He could sink an axe deeper into wood than any man I ever - saw." - </p> - <p> - For hunting purposes, the Pigeon Creek region was one of the most inviting - on earth. The uplands were all covered with an original growth of majestic - forest trees,1 whilst on the hillsides, and wherever an opening in the - woods permitted the access of sunlight, there were beds of fragrant and - beautiful wild-flowers, presenting, in contrast with the dense green - around them, the most brilliant and agreeable effects. Here the game had - vast and secluded ranges, which, until very recently, had heard the report - of no white man's gun. In Abe's time, the squirrels, rabbits, partridges, - and other varieties of smaller game, were so abundant as to be a nuisance. - They devastated grain-fields and gardens; and while they were seldom shot - for the table, the settlers frequently devised the most cunning means of - destroying them in great quantities, in order to save the growing crops. - Wild turkeys and deer were the principal reliance for food; but besides - these were the bears, the wild-cats, and the panthers.1 The scream of the - latter, the most ferocious and bloodthirsty of the cat kind, hastened - Abe's homeward steps on many a dark night, as he came late from Dave - Turnham's, "Uncle" Wood's, or the Gentryville grocery. That terrific cry - appeals not only to the natural fear of the monster's teeth and claws, - but, heard in the solitude of night and the forest, it awakens a feeling - of superstitious horror, that chills the heart of the bravest. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "Now about the timber: it was black walnut and black oak, hickory and - jack oak, elm and white oak, undergrowth, logwood in abundance, - grape-vines and shoe-make bushes, and milk-sick plenty. All my relations - died of that disease on Little Pigeon Creek, Spencer County."—Dennis - Hanks. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Everybody about Abe made hunting a part of his business.2 Tom Lincoln and - Dennis Hanks doubtless regaled him continually with wonderful stories of - their luck and prowess; but he was no hunter himself, and did not care to - learn. It is true, that, when a mere child, he made a fortunate shot at a - flock of wild turkeys, through a crack in the wall of the "half-faced - cabin;"3 and that, when grown up, he went for coons occasionally with - Richardson, or watched deer-licks with Turnham; but a true and hearty - sportsman he never was. As practised on this wild border, it was a - solitary, unsociable way of spending time, which did not suit his nature; - and, besides, it required more exertion than he was willing to make - without due compensation. It could not be said that Abe was indolent; for - he was alert, brisk, active, about every thing that he made up his mind to - do. His step was very quick; and, when he had a sufficient object in view, - he strode out on his long, muscular legs, swinging his bony arms as he - moved along, with an energy that put miles behind him before a lazy fellow - like Dennis Hanks or John Johnston could make up his mind to start. But, - when he felt that he had time to spare, he preferred to give it to reading - or to "talk;" and, of the two, he would take the latter, provided he could - find a person who had something new or racy to say. He liked excessively - to hear his own voice, when it was promoting fun and good fellowship; but - he was also a most rare and attentive listener. Hunting was entirely too - "still" an occupation for him. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "No Indians there when I first went to Indiana: I say, no, none. I say - this: bear, deer, turkey, and coon, wild-cats, and other things, and - frogs."—Dennis Hanks. 2 "You say, What were some of the customs? I - suppose you mean take us all together. One thing I can tell you about: - we had to work very hard cleaning ground for to keep body and soul - together; and every spare time we had we picked up our rifle, and - brought in a fine deer or turkey; and in the winter-time we went a - coon-hunting, for coon-skins were at that time considered legal tender, - and deer-skins' and hams. I tell you, Billy, I enjoyed myself better - then than I ever have since."—Dennis Hanks. 3 "No doubt about the - A. Lincoln's killing the turkey. He done it with his father's rifle, - made by William Lutes, of Bullitt County, Kentucky. I have killed a - hundred deer with her myself; turkeys too numerous to mention."—Dennis - Hanks. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - All manner of rustic sports were in vogue among the Pigeon Creek boys. Abe - was especially formidable as a wrestler; and, from about 1828 onward, - there was no man, far or near, that would give him a match. "Cat," - "throwing the mall," "hopping and half-hammon" (whatsoever that may mean), - and "four-corner bull-pen" were likewise athletic games in high honor.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "You ask, What sort of plays? What we called them at that time were - 'bull-pen,' 'corner and cat,' 'hopping and half- hammon;' playing at - night 'old Sister Feby.' This I know, for I took a hand myself; and, - wrestling, we could throw down anybody."—Dennis Hanks. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - All sorts of frolics and all kinds of popular gatherings, whether for work - or amusement, possessed irresistible attractions for Abe. He loved to see - and be seen, to make sport and to enjoy it. It was a most important part - of his education that he got at the corn-shuckings, the log-rollings, the - shooting-matches, and the gay and jolly weddings of those early border - times. He was the only man or boy within a wide compass who had learning - enough to furnish the literature for such occasions; and those who failed - to employ his talents to grace or commemorate the festivities they set on - foot were sure to be stung by some coarse but humorous lampoon from his - pen. In the social way, he would not suffer himself to be slighted with - impunity; and, if there were any who did not enjoy his wit, they might - content themselves with being the subjects of it. Unless he received some - very pointed intimation that his presence was not wanted, he was among the - first and earliest at all the neighborhood routs; and when his tall, - singular figure was seen towering amongst the hunting-shirts, it was - considered due notice that the fun was about to commence. "Abe Linkhern," - as he was generally called, made things lively wherever he went: and, if - Crawford's blue nose happened to have been carried to the assembly, it - quickly subsided, on his arrival, into some obscure corner; for the - implacable "Linkhern" was apt to make it the subject of a jest that would - set the company in a roar. But when a party was made up, and Abe left out, - as sometimes happened through the influence of Crawford, he sulked, fumed, - "got mad," nursed his anger into rage, and then broke out in songs or - "chronicles," which were frequently very bitter, sometimes passably - humorous, and invariably vulgar. - </p> - <p> - At an early age he began to attend the "preachings" roundabout, but - principally at the Pigeon Creek church, with a view to catching whatever - might be ludicrous in the preacher's air or matter, and making it the - subject of mimicry as soon as he could collect an audience of idle boys - and men to hear him. A pious stranger, passing that way on a Sunday - morning, was invited to preach for the Pigeon Creek congregation; but he - banged the boards of the old pulpit, and bellowed and groaned so - wonderfully, that Abe could hardly contain his mirth. This memorable - sermon was a great favorite with him; and he frequently reproduced it with - nasal tones, rolling eyes, and all manner of droll aggravations, to the - great delight of Nat Grigsby and the wild fellows whom Nat was able to - assemble. None that heard him, not even Nat himself (who was any thing but - dull), was ever able to show wherein Abe's absurd version really departed - from the original. - </p> - <p> - The importance of Gentryville, as a "centre of business," soon began to - possess the imaginations of the dwellers between the two Pigeon Creeks. - Why might it not be a great place of trade? Mr. Gentry was a most generous - patron; it was advantageously situated where two roads crossed; it already - had a blacksmith's shop, a grocery, and a store. Jones, it is true, had - once moved away in a sulk, but Mr. Gentry's fine diplomacy had quickly - brought him back, with all his goods and talents unreservedly devoted to - the "improvement of the town;" and now, since there was literally nothing - left to cloud the prospects of the "point," brisk times were expected in - the near future. - </p> - <p> - Dennis Hanks, John Johnston, Abe, and the other boys in the neighborhood, - loitered much about the store, the grocery, and the blacksmith's shop, at - Gentryville. Dennis ingenuously remarks, "Sometimes we spent a little time - at grog, pushing weights, wrestling, telling stories." The time that Abe - "spent at grog" was, in truth, a "little time." He never liked ardent - spirits at any period of his life; but "he did take his dram as others - did."1 He was a natural politician, intensely ambitious, and anxious to be - popular. For this reason, and this alone, he drank with his friends, - although very temperately. If he could have avoided it without giving - offence, he would gladly have done so. But he coveted the applause of his - pot companions, and, because he could not get it otherwise, made a faint - pretence of enjoying his liquor as they did. The "people" drank, and Abe - was always for doing whatever the "people" did. All his life he held that - whatsoever was popular—the habit or the sentiment of the masses—could - not be essentially wrong. But, although a whiskey-jug was kept in every - ordinarily respectable household, Abe never tasted it at home. His - step-mother thought he carried his temperance to extremes. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The fact is proved by his most intimate acquaintances, both at - Gentryville and New Salem. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Jones, the great Jones, without whom it was generally agreed that - Gentryville must have gone into eclipse, but with whom, and through whom, - it was somehow to become a sort of metropolitan cross-roads,—Jones - was Abe's friend and mentor from the moment of their acquaintance. Abe is - even said to have "clerked for him;" that is, he packed and unpacked - boxes, ranged goods on the shelves, drew the liquids in the cellar, or - exhibited the stone and earthen ware to purchasers; but in his service he - was never promoted to keeping accounts, or even to selling the finer goods - across the counter.1 But Mr. Jones was very fond of his "clerk,"—enjoyed - his company, appreciated his humor, and predicted something great for him. - As he did not doubt that Abe would one day be a man of considerable - influence, he took pains to give him correct views of the nature of - American institutions. An ardent Jackson man himself, he imparted to Abe - the true faith, as delivered by that great democratic apostle; and the - traces of this teaching were never wholly effaced from Mr. Lincoln's mind. - Whilst he remained at Gentryville, his politics accorded with Mr. Jones's; - and, even after he had turned Whig in Illinois, John Hanks tells us that - he wanted to whip a man for traducing Jackson. He was an eager reader of - newspapers whenever he could get them, and Mr. Jones carefully put into - his hands the kind he thought a raw youth should have. But Abe's appetite - was not to be satisfied by what Mr. Jones supplied; and he frequently - borrowed others from "Uncle Wood," who lived about a mile from the Lincoln - cabin, and for whom he sometimes worked. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "Lincoln drove a team, cut up pork, and sold goods for Jones. Jones - told me that Lincoln read all his books, and I remember History of - United States as one. Jones often said to me, that Lincoln would make a - great man one of these days,—had said so long before, and to other - people,—said so as far back as 1828-9.'"—Dougherty. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - What manner of man kept the Gentryville grocery, we are not informed. Abe - was often at his place, however, and would stay so long at nights, - "telling stories" and "cracking jokes," that Dennis Hanks, who was - ambitious in the same line, and probably jealous of Abe's overshadowing - success, "got mad at him," and "cussed him." When Dennis found himself - thrown in the shade, he immediately became virtuous, and wished to retire - early. - </p> - <p> - John Baldwin, the blacksmith, was one of Abe's special friends from his - boyhood onward. Baldwin was a story-teller and a joker of rare - accomplishments; and Abe, when a very little fellow, would slip off to his - shop and sit and listen to him by the hour. As he grew up, the practice - continued as of old, except that Abe soon began to exchange anecdotes with - his clever friend at the anvil. Dennis Hanks says Baldwin was his "<i>particular</i> - friend," and that "Abe spent a great deal of his leisure time with him." - Statesmen, plenipotentiaries, famous commanders, have many times made the - White House at Washington ring with their laughter over the quaint tales - of John Baldwin, the blacksmith, delivered second-hand by his inimitable - friend Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Abe and Dave Turnham had one day been threshing wheat,—probably for - Turnham's father,—and concluded to spend the evening at Gentryville. - They lingered there until late in the night, when, wending their way along - the road toward Lincoln's cabin, they espied something resembling a man - lying dead or insensible by the side of a mud-puddle. They rolled the - sleeper over, and found in him an old and quite respectable acquaintance, - hopelessly drunk. All efforts failed to rouse him to any exertion on his - own behalf. Abe's companions were disposed to let him lie in the bed he - had made for himself; but, as the night was cold and dreary, he must have - frozen to death had this inhuman proposition been equally agreeable to - everybody present. To Abe it seemed utterly monstrous; and, seeing he was - to have no help, he bent his mighty frame, and, taking the big man in his - long arms, carried him a great distance to Dennis Hanks's cabin. There he - built a fire, warmed, rubbed, and nursed him through the entire night,—his - companions of the road having left him alone in his merciful task. The man - often told John Hanks, that it was mighty "clever in Abe to tote him to a - warm fire that cold night," and was very sure that Abe's strength and - benevolence had saved his life. - </p> - <p> - Abe was fond of music, but was himself wholly unable to produce three - harmonious notes together. He made various vain attempts to sing a few - lines of "Poor old Ned," but they were all equally ludicrous and - ineffectual. "Religious songs did not appear to suit him at all," says - Dennis Hanks; but of profane ballads and amorous ditties he knew the words - of a vast number. When Dennis got happy at the grocery, or passed the - bounds of propriety at a frolic, he was in the habit of raising a charming - carol in praise of the joys which enter into the Mussulman's estate on - earth,—of which he has vouchsafed us only three lines,— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "The turbaned Turk that scorns the world, And struts about with his - whiskers curled, For no other man but himself to see." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - It was a prime favorite of Abe's; and Dennis sang it with such appropriate - zest and feeling, that Abe never forgot a single word of it while he - lived. - </p> - <p> - Another was,— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "Hail Columbia, happy land! If you ain't drunk, I'll be damned,"— - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - a song which Dennis thinks should be warbled only in the "fields;" and - tells us that they knew and enjoyed "all such [songs] as this." Dave - Turnham was also a musical genius, and had a "piece" beginning,— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "There was a Romish lady Brought up in popery," - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - which Abe thought one of the best he ever heard, and insisted upon Dave's - singing it for the delectation of old Tom Lincoln, who relished it quite - as much as Abe did.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "I recollect some more:— 'Come, thou Fount of every blessing, - Tune my heart to sing thy praise.' 'When I can read my title clear To - mansions in the skies!' 'How tedious and tasteless the hours.' 'Oh! to - grace how great a debtor!' Other little songs I won't say any thing - about: they would not look well in print; but I could give them."—Dennis - Hanks. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Mrs. Crawford says, that Abe did not attempt to sing much about the house: - he was probably afraid to indulge in such offensive gayeties in the very - habitation of the morose Crawford. According to Dennis Hanks, his melody - was not of the sort that hath power to charm the savage; and he was - naturally timid about trying it upon Crawford. But, when he was freed from - those chilling restraints, he put forth his best endeavors to render "one - [song] that was called 'William Riley,' and one that was called 'John - Anderson's Lamentations,' and one that was made about Gen. Jackson and - John Adams, at the time they were nominated for the presidency." - </p> - <p> - The Jackson song indicated clearly enough Abe's steadiness in the - political views inculcated by Jones. Mrs. Crawford could recollect but a - single stanza of it:— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "Let auld acquaintance be forgot, And never brought to mind, And Jackson - be our President, And Adams left behind." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - In the text of "John Anderson's Lamentations,"—a most distressful - lyric to begin with,—Abe was popularly supposed to have interpolated - some lines of his own, which conclusively attested his genius for poetic - composition. At all events, he sang it as follows:— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "O sinners! poor sinners, take warning by me: The fruits of - transgression behold now, and see; My soul is tormented, my body - confined, My friends and dear children left weeping behind. "Much - intoxication my ruin has been, And my dear companion hath barbarously - slain: In yonder cold graveyard the body doth lie; Whilst I am - condemned, and shortly must die. "Remember John Anderson's death, and - reform Before death overtakes you, and vengeance comes on. My grief's - overwhelming; in God I must trust: I am justly condemned; my sentence is - just. "I am waiting the summons in eternity to be hurled; Whilst my poor - little orphans are cast on the world. I hope my kind neighbors their - guardeens will be, And Heaven, kind Heaven, protect them and me." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - In 1826 Abe's sister Nancy (or Sarah) was married to Aaron Grigsby; and - the festivities of the occasion were made memorable by a song entitled, - "Adam and Eve's Wedding Song," which many believed Abe had himself - composed. The conceits embodied in the doggerel were old before Abe was - born; but there is some intrinsic as well as extraneous evidence to show - that the doggerel itself was his. It was sung by the whole Lincoln family, - before Nancy's marriage and since, but by nobody else in the neighborhood. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - ADAM AND EVE'S WEDDING SONG. When Adam was created, he dwelt in Eden's - shade, As Moses has recorded, and soon an Eve was made. Ten thousand - times ten thousand Of creatures swarmed around Before a bride was - formed, And yet no mate was found. The Lord then was not willing The man - should be alone, But caused a sleep upon him, And took from him a bone, - And closed the flesh in that place of; And then he took the same, And of - it made a woman, And brought her to the man. Then Adam he rejoiced To - see his loving bride, A part of his own body, The product of his side. - This woman was not taken From Adam's feet, we see; So he must not abuse - her, The meaning seems to be. This woman was not taken From Adam's head, - we know; To show she must not rule him, 'Tis evidently so. This woman - she was taken From under Adam's arm; So she must be protected From - injuries and harm. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - "It was considered at that time," says Mr. Richardson, "that Abe was the - best penman in the neighborhood. One day, while he was on a visit at my - mother's, I asked him to write some copies for me. He very willingly - consented. He wrote several of them, but one of them I have never - forgotten, although a boy at the time. It was this:— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 'Good boys who to their books apply Will all be great men by and by.'" - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Here are two original lines from Abe's own copy-book, probably the first - he ever had, and which must not be confounded with the famous scrap-book - in which his step-mother, lost in admiration of its contents, declares he - "entered all things:"— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "Abraham Lincoln, his hand and pen: He will be good, but God knows - when." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Again,— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "Abraham Lincoln is my name, And with my pen I write the same: I will be - a good boy, but God knows when." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - The same book contains the following, written at a later day, and with - nothing to indicate that any part of it was borrowed:— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "Time! what an empty vapor'tis! And days how swift they are! Swift as an - Indian arrow, Fly on like a shooting-star. The present moment just is - here, Then slides away in haste, That we can never say they're ours, But - only say they are past." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Abe wrote many "satires" and "chronicles," which are only remembered in - fragments by a few old persons in the neighborhood. Even if we had them in - full, they were most of them too indecent for publication. Such, at least, - was the character of "a piece" which is said to have been "exceedingly - humorous and witty," touching a church trial, wherein Brother Harper and - Sister Gordon were the parties seeking judgment. It was very coarse, but - it served admirably to raise a laugh in the grocery at the expense of the - church. - </p> - <p> - His chronicles were many, and on a great variety of subjects. They were - written, as his early admirers love to tell us, "in the scriptural style;" - but those we have betray a very limited acquaintance with the model. In - these "chapters" was celebrated every event of importance that took place - in the neighborhood: weddings, fights, Crawford's nose, Sister Gordon's - innocence, Brother Harper's wit, were all served up, fresh and gross, for - the amusement of the groundlings. - </p> - <p> - Charles and Reuben Grigsby were married about the same time, and, being - brothers, returned to their father's house with their brides upon the same - day. The infare, the feast, the dance, the ostentatious retirement of the - brides and grooms, were conducted in the old-fashioned way of all new - countries in the United States, but a way which was bad enough to shock - Squire Western himself. On this occasion Abe was not invited, and was very - "mad" in consequence. This indignation found vent in a highly-spiced piece - of descriptive writing, entitled "The Chronicles of Reuben," which are - still in existence. - </p> - <p> - But even "The Chronicles," venomous and highly successful as they were, - were totally insufficient to sate Abe's desire for vengeance on the - Grigsbys. They were important people about Gentryville, and the social - slight they had given him stung him bitterly. He therefore began on - "Billy" in rhyme, after disposing of Charles and Reuben "in scriptural - style." Mrs. Crawford attempted to repeat these verses to Mr. Herndon; but - the good old lady had not proceeded far, when she blushed very red, and, - saying that they were hardly decent, proposed to tell them to her - daughter, who would tell them to her husband, who would write them down - and send them to Mr. Herndon. They are probably much curtailed by Mrs. - Crawford's modesty, but still it is impossible to transcribe them. We give - what we can to show how the first steps of Abe's fame as a great writer - were won. It must be admitted that the literary taste of the community in - which these rhymes were popular could not have been very high. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "I will tell you about Joel and Mary: it is neither a joke or a story, - for Reuben and Charles has married two girls, but Billy has married a - boy." "The girls he had tried on every side, But none could he get to - agree: All was in vain; he went home again, And, since that, he is - married to Natty. "So Billy and Natty agreed very well, And mamma's well - pleased at the match: The egg it is laid, but Natty's afraid The shell - is so soft it never will hatch; But Betsey she said, 'You cursed bald - head, My suitor you never can be; Besides'"—— - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Abe dropped "The Chronicles" at a point on the road where he was sure one - of the Grigsbys would find them. The stratagem succeeded, and that - delicate "satire" produced the desired effect. The Grigsbys were - infuriated,—wild with a rage which would be satisfied only when - Abe's face should be pounded into a jelly, and a couple of his ribs - cracked by some member of the injured family. Honor, according to the - Pigeon Creek code, demanded that somebody should be "licked" in expiation - of an outrage so grievous,—if not Abe, then some friend of Abe's, - whom he would depute to stand the brunt in his stead. "Billy," the eldest - of the brothers, was selected to challenge him. Abe accepted generally; - that is, agreed that there should be a fight about the matter in question. - It was accordingly so ordered: the ground was selected a mile and a half - from Gentryville, a ring was marked out, and the bullies for twenty miles - around attended. The friends of both parties were present in force, and - excitement ran high. When the time arrived for the champions to step into - the ring, Abe displayed his chivalry in a manner that must have struck the - bystanders with admiration. He announced, that whereas Billy was - confessedly his inferior in size, shape, and talents, unable to hit with - pen or fist with any thing like his power, therefore he would forego the - advantage which the challenge gave him, and "turn over" his stepbrother, - John Johnston, to do battle in his behalf. If this near relative should be - sacrificed, he would abide the issue: he was merely anxious to see a fair - and honorable fight. This proposition was considered highly meritorious, - and the battle commenced on those general terms. John started out with - fine pluck and spirit; but in a little while Billy got in some clever - hits, and Abe began to exhibit symptoms of great uneasiness. Another pass - or two, and John flagged quite decidedly, and it became evident that Abe - was anxiously casting about for some pretext to break the ring. At length, - when John was fairly down, and Billy on top, and all the spectators - cheering, swearing, and pressing up to the very edge of the ring, Abe - cried out that "Bill Boland showed foul play," and, bursting out of the - crowd, seized Grigsby by the heels, and flung him off. Having righted - John, and cleared the battle-ground of all opponents, "he swung a - whiskey-bottle over his head, and swore that he was the big buck of the - lick." It seems that nobody of the Grigsby faction, not one in that large - assembly of bullies, cared to encounter the sweep of Abe's tremendously - long and muscular arms; and so he remained master of the "lick." He was - not content, however, with a naked triumph, but vaunted himself in the - most offensive manner. He singled out the victorious but cheated Billy, - and, making sundry hostile demonstrations, declared that he could whip him - then and there. Billy meekly said "he did not doubt that," but that, if - Abe would make things even between them by fighting with pistols, he would - not be slow to grant him a meeting. But Abe replied that he was not going - "to fool away his life on a single shot;" and so Billy was fain to put up - with the poor satisfaction he had already received. - </p> - <p> - At Gentryville "they had exhibitions or speaking meetings." Some of the - questions they spoke on were, The Bee and the Ant, Water and Fire: another - was, Which had the most right to complain, the Negro or the Indian? - Another, "Which was the strongest, Wind or Water?"1 The views which Abe - then entertained on the Indian and the negro question would be intensely - interesting now. But just fancy him discoursing on wind and water! What - treasures of natural science, what sallies of humor, he must have wasted - upon that audience of bumpkins! A little farther on, we shall see that Abe - made pretensions to an acquaintance with the laws of nature which was - considered marvellous in that day and generation. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "Lincoln did write what is called 'The Book of Chronicles,'—a - satire on the Grigs-bys and Josiah Crawford,—not the schoolmaster, - but the man who loaned Lincoln 'The Life of Washington.' The satire was - good, sharp, cutting: it hurt us then, but it is all over now. There is - no family in the land who, after this, loved Lincoln so well, and who - now look upon him as so great a man. We all voted for him,—all - that could,—children and grandchildren, first, last, and always."—Nat - Grigsby. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Dennis Hanks insists that Abe and he became learned men and expert - disputants, not by a course of judicious reading, but by attending - "speech-makings, gatherings," &c. - </p> - <p> - "How did Lincoln and yourself learn so much in Indiana under such - disadvantages?" said Mr. Herndon to Dennis, on one of his two oral - examinations. The question was artfully put; for it touched the jaunty - Dennis on the side of his vanity, and elicited a characteristic reply. "We - learned," said he, "by sight, scent, and hearing. We heard all that was - said, and talked over and over the questions heard; wore them slick, - greasy, and threadbare. Went to political and other speeches and - gatherings, as you do now: we would hear all sides and opinions, talk them - over, discuss them, agreeing or disagreeing. Abe, as I said before, was - originally a Democrat after the order of Jackson, so was his father, so we - all were.... He preached, made speeches, read for us, explained to us, - &c.... Abe was a cheerful boy, a witty boy, was humorous always; - sometimes would get sad, not very often.... Lincoln would frequently make - political and other speeches to the boys: he was calm, logical, and clear - always. He attended trials, went to court always, read the Revised Statute - of Indiana, dated 1824, heard law speeches, and listened to law trials, - &c. Lincoln was lazy, a very lazy man. He was always reading, - scribbling, writing, ciphering, writing poetry, and the like.... In - Gentryville, about one mile west of Thomas Lincoln's farm, Lincoln would - go and tell his jokes and stories, &c., and was so odd, original, and - humorous and witty, that all the people in town would gather around him. - He would keep them there till midnight. I would get tired, want to go - home, cuss Abe most heartily. Abe was a good talker, a good reader, and - was a kind of newsboy." - </p> - <p> - Boonville was the court-house town of Warrick County, and was situated - about fifteen miles from Gentryville. Thither Abe walked whenever he had - time to be present at the sittings of the court, where he could learn - something of public business, amuse himself profitably, and withal pick up - items of news and gossip, which made him an interesting personage when he - returned home. During one of these visits he watched, with profound - attention, the progress of a murder trial, in which a Mr. John - Breckenridge was counsel for the defence. At the conclusion of the - latter's speech, Abe, who had listened, literally entranced, accosted the - man of eloquence, and ventured to compliment him on the success of his - effort. "Breckenridge looked at the shabby boy" in amazement, and passed - on his way. But many years afterwards, in 1862, when Abe was President, - and Breckenridge a resident of Texas, probably needing executive clemency, - they met a second time; when Abe said, "It was the best speech that I up - to that time had ever heard. If I could, as I then thought, make as good a - speech as that, my soul would be satisfied." - </p> - <p> - It is a curious fact, that through all Abe's childhood and boyhood, when - he seemed to have as little prospect of the Presidency as any boy that - ever was born, he was in the habit of saying, and perhaps sincerely - believing, that that great prize would one day be his. When Mrs. Crawford - reproved him for "fooling," and bedevilling the girls in her kitchen, and - asked him "what he supposed would ever become of him," he answered that - "he was going to be President of the United States."1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 He frequently made use of similar expressions to several others. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Abe usually did the milling for the family, and had the neighbor boy, Dave - Turnham, for his companion. At first they had to go a long distance, at - least twelve or thirteen miles, to Hoffman's, on Anderson's Creek; but - after a while a Mr. Gordon (the husband of Sister Gordon, about whom the - "witty piece" was written) built a horse-mill within a few miles of the - Lincolns. Here Abe had come one day with a grist, and Dave probably with - him. He had duly hitched his "old mare," and started her with great - impatience; when, just as he was sounding another "cluck," to stir up her - imperturbable and lazy spirit, she let out with her heels, and laid Abe - sprawling and insensible on the ground. He was taken up in that condition, - and did not recover for many minutes; but the first use made of returning - sense was to finish the interrupted "cluck." He and Mr. Herndon had many - learned discussions in their quiet little office, at Springfield, - respecting this remarkable phenomenon, involving so nice a question in - "psychology." - </p> - <p> - Mr. William Wood, already referred to as "Uncle Wood," was a genuine - friend and even a patron of Abe's. He lived only about a mile and a half - from the Lincolns, and frequently had both old Tom and Abe to work for - him,—the one as a rough carpenter, and the other as a common - laborer. He says that Abe was in the habit of carrying "his pieces" to him - for criticism and encouragement. Mr. Wood took at least two newspapers,—one - of them devoted to politics, and one of them to temperance. Abe borrowed - them both, and, reading them faithfully over and over again, was inspired - with an ardent desire to write something on the subjects of which they - treated. He accordingly composed an article on temperance, which Mr. Wood - thought "excelled, for sound sense, any thing that the paper contained." - It was forwarded, through the agency of a Baptist preacher, to an editor - in Ohio, by whom it was published, to the infinite gratification of Mr. - Wood and his <i>protégé</i>. Abe then tried his hand on "national - politics," saying that "the American Government was the best form of - government for an intelligent people; that it ought to be kept sound, and - preserved forever; that general education should be fostered and carried - all over the country; that the Constitution should be saved, the Union - perpetuated, and the laws revered, respected, and enforced." This article - was consigned, like the other, to Mr. Wood, to be ushered by him before - the public. A lawyer named Pritchard chanced to pass that way, and, being - favored with a perusal of Abe's "piece," pithily and enthusiastically - declared, "The world can't beat it." "He begged for it," and it was - published in some obscure paper; this new success causing the author a - most extraordinary access of pride and happiness. - </p> - <p> - But in 1828 Abe had become very tired of his home. He was now nineteen - years of age, and becoming daily more restive under the restraints of - servitude which bound him. He was anxious to try the world for himself, - and make his way according to his own notions. "Abe came to my house one - day," says Mr. Wood, "and stood round about, timid and shy. I knew he - wanted <i>something</i>, and said to him, 'Abe, what's your case?' He - replied, 'Uncle, I want you to go to the river, and give me some - recommendation to some boat.' I remarked, 'Abe, your age is against you: - you are not twenty yet.' 'I know that, but I want a start,' said Abe. I - concluded not to go for the boy's good." Poor Abe! old Tom still had a - claim upon him, which even Uncle Wood would not help him to evade. He must - wait a few weary months more before he would be of age, and could say he - was his own man, and go his own way. Old Tom was a hard taskmaster to him, - and, no doubt, consumed the greater part, if not all, of his wages. - </p> - <p> - In the beginning of March, 1828, Abe went to work for old Mr. Gentry, the - proprietor of Gentryville. Early in the next month, the old gentleman - furnished his son Allen with a boat, and a cargo of bacon and other - produce, with which he was to go on a trading expedition to New Orleans, - unless the stock was sooner exhausted. Abe, having been found faithful and - efficient, was employed to accompany the young man as a "bow-hand," to - work the "front oars." He was paid eight dollars per month, and ate and - slept on board. Returning, Gentry paid his passage on the deck of a - steamboat. - </p> - <p> - While this boat was loading at Gentry's Landing, near Rockport, on the - Ohio, Abe saw a great deal of the pretty Miss Roby, whom he had saved from - the wrath of Crawford the schoolmaster, when she failed to spell "defied." - She says, "Abe was then a long, thin, leggy, gawky boy, dried up and - shrivelled." This young lady subsequently became the wife of Allen Gentry, - Abe's companion in the projected voyage. She probably felt a deep interest - in the enterprise in hand, for the very boat itself seems to have had - attractions for her. "One evening," says she, "Abe and I were sitting on - the banks of the Ohio, or rather on the boat spoken of: I said to Abe that - the sun was going down. He said to me, 'That's not so: it don't really go - down; it seems so. The earth turns from west to east, and the revolution - of the earth carries us under as it were: we do the sinking as you call - it. The sun, as to us, is comparatively still; the sun's sinking is only - an appearance.' I replied, 'Abe, what a fool you are!' I know now that I - was the fool, not Lincoln. I am now thoroughly satisfied that Abe knew the - general laws of astronomy and the movements of the heavenly bodies. He was - better read then than the world knows, or is likely to know exactly. No - man could talk to me that night as he did, unless he had known something - of geography as well as astronomy. He often and often commented or talked - to me about what he had read,—seemed to read it out of the book as - he went along,—did so to others. He was the learned boy among us - unlearned folks. He took great pains to explain; could do it so simply. He - was diffident then too." 1 - </p> - <p> - The trip of Gentry and Lincoln was a very profitable one, and Mr. Gentry, - senior, was highly gratified by the result. Abe displayed his genius for - mercantile affairs by handsomely putting off on the innocent folks along - the river some counterfeit money which a shrewd fellow had imposed upon - Allen. Allen thought his father would be angry with him for suffering - himself to be cheated; but Abe consoled him with the reflection that the - "old man" wouldn't care how much bad money they took in the course of - business if they only brought the proper amount of good money home.2 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "When he appeared in company, the boys would gather and cluster around - him to hear him talk.... Mr. Lincoln was figurative in his speeches, - talks, and conversations. He argued much from analogy, and explained - things hard for us to understand by stories, maxims, tales, and figures. - He would almost always point his lesson or idea by some story that was - plain and near us, that we might instantly see the force and bearing of - what he said."—Nat Grigsby. 2 "Gentry (Allen) was a great personal - friend of Mr. Lincoln. He was a Democrat, but voted for Lincoln, - sacrificing his party politics to his friendship. He says that on that - trip they sold some of their produce at a certain landing, and by - accident or fraud the bill was paid in counterfeit money. Gentry was - grieving about it; but Lincoln said, 'Never mind, Allen: it will - accidentally slip out of our fingers before we get to New Orleans, and - then old Jim can't quarrel at us.' Sure enough, it all went off like hot - cakes. I was told this in Indiana by many people about Rockport."—Herndon. - It must be remembered that counterfeit money was the principal currency - along the river at this period. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - At Madame Bushane's plantation, six miles below Baton Rouge, they had an - adventure, which reads strangely enough in the life of the great - emancipator. The boat was tied up to the shore, in the dead hours of the - night, and Abe and Allen were fast asleep in the "cabin," in the stern, - when they were startled by footsteps on board. They knew instantly that it - was a gang of negroes come to rob, and perhaps to murder them. Allen, - thinking to frighten the intruders, cried out, "Bring the guns, Lincoln; - shoot them!" Abe came without a gun, but he fell among the negroes with a - huge bludgeon, and belabored them most cruelly. Not content with beating - them off the boat, he and Gentry followed them far back into the country, - and then, running back to their craft, hastily cut loose and made rapid - time down the river, fearing lest they should return in greater numbers to - take revenge. The victory was complete; but, in winning it, Abe received a - scar which he carried with him to his grave. - </p> - <p> - "When he was eighteen years old, he conceived the project of building a - little boat, and taking the produce of the Lincoln farm down the river to - market. He had learned the use of tools, and possessed considerable - mechanical talent, as will appear in some other acts of his life. Of the - voyage and its results, we have no knowledge; but an incident occurred - before starting which he related in later life to his Secretary of State, - Mr. Seward, that made a very marked and pleasant impression upon his - memory. As he stood at the landing, a steamer approached, coming down the - river. At the same time two passengers came to the river's bank who wished - to be taken out to the packet with their luggage. Looking among the boats - at the landing, they singled out Abraham's, and asked him to scull them to - the steamer. This he did; and, after seeing them and their trunks on - board, he had the pleasure of receiving upon the bottom of his boat, - before he shoved off, a silver half-dollar from each of his passengers. 'I - could scarcely believe my eyes,' said Mr. Lincoln, in telling the story. - 'You may think it was a very little thing,' continued he, 'but it was a - most important incident in my life. I could scarcely believe that I, a - poor boy, had earned a dollar in less than a day. The world seemed wider - and fairer to me. I was a more hopeful and confident being from that - time.'"1 If Mr. Lincoln ever made the statement for which Mr. Seward is - given as authority, he drew upon his imagination for the facts. He may - have sculled passengers to a steamer when he was ferryman for Taylor, but - he never made a trip like the one described; never built a boat until he - went to Illinois; nor did he ever sell produce on his father's account, - for the good reason that his father had none to sell. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Holland's Life of Lincoln, p. 33. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0003" id="link2HCH0003"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER III. - </h2> - <p> - ABE and Gentry returned from New Orleans some time in June, 1828, having - been gone not quite three months. How much longer he remained in the - service of Gentry, or whether he remained at all, we are unable to say; - but he soon took up his old habits, and began to work around among his - neighbors, or for his father, precisely as he had done before he got his - partial glimpse of the great world down the river. - </p> - <p> - In the fall of 1829, Mr. Wood saw him cutting down a large tree in the - woods, and whip-sawing it into planks. Abe said the lumber was for a new - house his father was about to build; but Tom Lincoln changed his mind - before the house was half done, and Abe sold his plank to Josiah Crawford, - "the book man," who worked them into the south-east room of his house, - where relic-seekers have since cut pieces from them to make canes. - </p> - <p> - In truth, the continued prevalence of that dreadful disease, the - milk-sickness, with which Nancy Hanks and the Sparrows and the Halls had - all died, was more than a sufficient reason for a new removal, now in - contemplation by Thomas Lincoln. Every member of his family, from the - first settlement in Indiana, except perhaps Abe and himself, had suffered - with it. The cattle, which, it is true, were of little pecuniary value, - and raised with great ease and little cost, were swept away by it in great - numbers throughout the whole neighborhood. It was an awful scourge, and - common prudence suggested flight. It is wonderful that it took a - constitutional mover thirteen years to make up his mind to escape from - it.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "What made Thomas Lincoln leave? The reason is this: we were perplexed - by a disease called milk-sick. I myself being the oldest, I was - determined to leave, and hunt a country where the milk-sick was not. I - married his eldest daughter. I sold out, and they concluded to go with - me. Billy, I was tolerably popular at that time, for I had some money. - My wife's mother could not think of parting with her, and we ripped up - stakes, and started to Illinois, and landed at Decatur. This is the - reason for leaving Indiana. I am to blame for it, if any. As for getting - more land, this was not the case, for we could have entered ten thousand - acres of the best land. When we left, it was on account of the milk. - Billy, I had four good milch cows, too, with it in one week, and eleven - young calves. This was enough to run me. Besides, liked to have lossed - my own life with it. This reason was enough (ain't it?) for leaving."—Dennis - Hanks. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - In the spring of 1830, before the winter had fairly broken up, he and Abe, - and Dennis Hanks and Levi Hall, with their respective families, thirteen - in all, took the road for Illinois. Dennis and Levi, as already stated, - were married to the daughters of Mrs. Lincoln. Hall had one son, and - Dennis a considerable family of sons and daughters. Sarah (or Nancy) - Lincoln, who had married Aaron Grigsby, was now dead. - </p> - <p> - John Hanks had gone to the new country from Kentucky in the fall of 1828, - and settled near Decatur, whence he wrote Thomas Lincoln all about it, and - advised him to come there. Dennis, whether because of the persuasions of - John, or some observations made in a flying trip on his own account, was - very full of the move, and would hear to no delay. Lincoln sold his farm - to Gentry, senior, if, indeed, he had not done so before, and his corn and - hogs to Dave Turnham. The corn brought only ten cents a bushel, and, - according to the pricelist furnished by Dennis Hanks, the stock must have - gone at figures equally mean. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln took with him to Illinois "some stock-cattle, one horse, one - bureau, one table, one clothes-chest, one set of chairs, cooking utensils, - clothing," &c. The goods of the three families—Hanks, Hall, and - Lincoln—were loaded on a wagon belonging to Lincoln. This wagon was - "ironed," a noticeable fact in those primitive days, and "was positively - the first one that he (Lincoln) ever owned." It was drawn by four yoke of - oxen,—two of them Lincoln's, and two of them Hanks's. - </p> - <p> - We have no particulars of the journey, except that Abe held the "gad," and - drove the team; that the mud was very deep, that the spring freshets were - abroad, and that in crossing the swollen and tumultuous Kaskaskia, the - wagon and oxen were nearly swept away. On the first day of March, 1830, - after fifteen days' tedious and heavy travel, they arrived at John Hanks's - house, four miles north-west of Decatur. Lincoln settled (if any thing he - did may be called settling) at a point ten miles west of Decatur. Here - John Hanks had cut some logs in 1829, which he now gave to Lincoln to - build a house with. With the aid of John, Dennis, Abe, and Hall, a house - was erected on a small bluff, on the north bank of the north fork of the - Sangamon. Abe and John took the four yoke of oxen and "broke up" fifteen - acres of land, and then split rails enough to fence it in. - </p> - <p> - Abe was now over twenty-one. There was no "Uncle Wood to tell him that his - age was against him:" he had done something more than his duty by his - father; and, as that worthy was now again placed in a situation where he - might do well if he chose, Abe came to the conclusion that it was time for - him to begin life on his own account. It must have cost him some pain to - leave his good step-mother; but, beyond that, all the old ties were - probably broken without a single regret. From the moment he was a free - man, foot-loose, able to go where, and to do what, he pleased, his success - in those things which lay nearest his heart—that is, public and - social preferment—was astonishing to himself, as well as to others. - </p> - <p> - It is with great pleasure that we dismiss Tom Lincoln, with his family and - fortunes, from further consideration in these pages. After Abraham left - him, he moved at least three times in search of a "healthy" location, and - finally got himself fixed near Goose Nest Prairie, in Coles County, where - he died of a disease of the kidneys, in 1851, at the ripe old age of - seventy-three. The little farm (forty acres) upon which his days were - ended, he had, with his usual improvidence, mortgaged to the School - Commissioners for two hundred dollars,—its full value. Induced by - love for his step-mother, Abraham had paid the debt, and taken a deed for - the land, "with a reservation of a life-estate therein, to them, or the - survivor of them." At the same time (1841), he gave a helping hand to John - Johnston, binding himself to convey the land to him, or his heirs, after - the death of "Thomas Lincoln and his wife," upon payment of the two - hundred dollars, which was really advanced to save John's mother from - utter penury. No matter how much the land might appreciate in value, John - was to have it upon these terms, and no interest was to be paid by him, - "except after the death of the survivor, as aforesaid." This, to be sure, - was a great bargain for John, but he made haste to assign his bond to - another person for "fifty dollars paid in hand." - </p> - <p> - As soon as Abraham got a little up in the world, he began to send his - step-mother money, and continued to do so until his own death; but it is - said to have "done her no good," for it only served to tempt certain - persons about her, and with whom she shared it, to continue in a life of - idleness. At the close of the Black Hawk War, Mr. Lincoln went to see them - for a few days, and afterwards, when a lawyer, making the circuits with - the courts, he visited them whenever the necessities of his practice - brought him to their neighborhood. He did his best to serve Mrs. Lincoln - and her son John, but took little notice of his father, although he wrote - him an exhortation to believe in God when he thought he was on his - death-bed. - </p> - <p> - But in regard to the relations between the family and Abe, after the - latter began to achieve fame and power, nobody can tell the truth more - clearly, or tell it in a more interesting and suggestive style, than our - friend Dennis, with whom we are now about to part forever. It will be - seen, that, when information reached the "Goose Nest Prairie" that Abe was - actually chosen President of the United States, a general itching for - public employment broke out among the Hankses, and that an equally general - disappointment was the result. Doubtless all of them had expectations - somewhat like Sancho Panza's, when he went to take the government of his - island, and John Hanks, at least, would not have been disappointed but for - the little disability which Dennis mentions in the following extract:— - </p> - <p> - "Did Abraham Lincoln treat John D. Johnston well?" "I will say this much - about it. I think Abe done more for John than he deserved. John thought - that Abe did not do enough for the old people. They became enemies a while - on this ground. I don't want to tell all the things that I know: it would - not look well in history. I say this: Abe treated John well." - </p> - <p> - "What kind of a man was Johnston?"—"I say this much: A - kinder-hearted man never was in Coles County, Illinois, nor an honester - man. I don't say this because he was my brother-in-law: I say it, knowing - it. John did not love to work any the best. I flogged him for not - working." - </p> - <p> - "Did Thomas Lincoln treat Abe cruelly?"—"He loved him. I never could - tell whether Abe loved his father very well or not. I don't think he did, - for Abe was one of those forward boys. I have seen his father knock him - down off the fence when a stranger would, ask the way to a neighbor's - house. Abe always would have the first word. The old man loved his - children." - </p> - <p> - "Did any of the Johnston family ask for office?"—"No! Thomas - Johnston went to Abe: he got this permit to take daguerrotypes in the - army; this is all, for they are all dead except John's boys. They did not - ask for any." - </p> - <p> - "Did you or John Hanks ask Lincoln for any office?"—"I say this: - that John Hanks, of Decatur, did solicit him for an Indian Agency; and - John told me that Abe as good as told him he should have one. But John - could not read or write. I think this was the reason that Abe did not give - John the place. - </p> - <p> - "As for myself, I did not ask Abe right out for an office, only this: I - would like to have the post-office in Charleston; this was my wife that - asked him. He told her that much was understood,—as much as to say - that I would get it. I did not care much about it." - </p> - <p> - "Do you think Lincoln cared much for his relations?"—"I will say - this much: when he was with us, he seemed to think a great deal of us; but - I thought sometimes it was hypocritical, but I am not sure." - </p> - <p> - Abe left the Lincoln family late in March, or early in April. He did not - go far away, but took jobs wherever he could get them, showing that he had - separated himself from the family, not merely to rove, but to labor, and - be an independent man. He made no engagement of a permanent character - during this summer: his work was all done "by the job." If he ever split - rails for Kirkpatrick, over whom he was subsequently elected captain of a - volunteer company about to enter the Black Hawk War, it must have been at - this time; but the story of his work for Kirkpatrick, like that of his - making "a crap of corn" for Mr. Brown, is probably apocryphal.1 All this - while he clung close to John Hanks, and either worked where he did, or not - far away. In the winter following, he was employed by a Major Warrick to - make rails, and walked daily three miles to his work, and three miles back - again. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 See Holland's Life of Lincoln, p. 40. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - "After Abe got to Decatur," says John Hanks, "or rather to Macon (my - country), a man by the name of Posey came into our neighborhood, and made - a speech: it was a bad one, and I said Abe could beat it. I turned down a - box, or keg, and Abe made his speech. The other man was a candidate. Abe - wasn't. Abe beat him to death, his subject being the navigation of the - Sangamon River. The man, after the speech was through, took Abe aside, and - asked him where he had learned so much, and how he did so well. Abe - replied, stating his manner and method of reading, and what he had read. - The man encouraged Lincoln to persevere." - </p> - <p> - In February, 1831, a Mr. Denton Offutt wanted to engage John Hanks to take - a flatboat to New Orleans. John was not well disposed to the business; but - Offutt came to the house, and would take no denial; made much of John's - fame as a river-man, and at length persuaded him to present the matter to - Abe and John Johnston. He did so. The three friends discussed the question - with great earnestness: it was no slight affair to them, for they were all - young and poor. At length they agreed to Offutt's proposition, and that - agreement was the turning-point in Abe's career. They were each to receive - fifty cents a day, and the round sum of sixty dollars divided amongst them - for making the trip. These were wages such as Abe had never received - before, and might have tempted him to a much more difficult enterprise. - When he went with Gentry, the pay was only eight dollars a month, and no - such company and assistance as he was to have now. But Offutt was lavish - with his money, and generous bargains like this ruined him a little while - after. - </p> - <p> - In March, Hanks, Johnston, and Lincoln went down the Sangamon in a canoe - to Jamestown (then Judy's Ferry), five miles east of Springfield. Thence - they walked to Springfield, and found Mr. Offutt comforting himself at - "Elliott's tavern in Old Town." He had contracted to have a boat ready at - the mouth of Spring Creek, but, not looking after it himself, was, of - course, "disappointed." There was only one way out of the trouble: the - three hands must build a boat. They went to the mouth of Spring Creek, - five miles north of Springfield, and there consumed two weeks cutting the - timber from "Congress land." In the mean time, Abe walked back to Judy's - Ferry, by way of Springfield, and brought down the canoe which they had - left at the former place. The timber was hewed and scored, and then - "rafted down to Saugamon-town." At the mouth of Spring Creek they had been - compelled to walk a full mile for their meals; but at Sangamon-town they - built a shanty, and boarded themselves. "Abe was elected cook," and - performed the duties of the office much to the satisfaction of the party. - The lumber was sawed at Kirkpatrick's mill, a mile and a half from the - shanty. Laboring under many disadvantages like this, they managed to - complete and launch the boat in about four weeks from the time of - beginning. - </p> - <p> - Offutt was with the party at this point. He "was a Whig, and so was Abe; - but he (Abe) could not hear Jackson wrongfully abused, especially where a - lie and malice did the abuse." Out of this difference arose some disputes, - which served to enliven the camp, as well as to arouse Abe's ire, and keep - him in practice in the way of debate. - </p> - <p> - In those days Abe, as usual, is described as being "funny, jokey, full of - yarns, stories, and rigs;" as being "long, tall, and green," "frequently - quoting poetry," and "reciting proselike orations." They had their own - amusements. Abe extracted a good deal of fun out of the cooking; took his - "dram" when asked to, and played "seven up" at night, at which he made "a - good game." - </p> - <p> - A juggler gave an exhibition at Sangamontown, in the upper room of Jacob - Carman's house. Abe went to it, dressed in a suit of rough blue jeans. He - had on shoes, but the trousers did not reach them by about twelve inches; - and the naked shin, which had excited John Romine's laughter years ago in - Indiana, was still exposed. Between the roundabout and the waist of the - trousers, there was another wide space uncovered; and, considering these - defects, Mr. Lincoln's attire was thought to be somewhat inelegant, even - in those times. His hat, however, was a great improvement on coon-skins - and opossum. It was woollen, broad-brimmed, and low-crowned. In this hat - the "showman cooked eggs." Whilst Abe was handing it up to him, after the - man had long solicited a similar favor from the rest of the audience, he - remarked, "Mister, the reason I didn't give you my hat before was out of - respect to your eggs, not care for my hat." - </p> - <p> - Loaded with barrel-pork, hogs, and corn, the boat set out from - Sangamontown as soon as finished. Mr. Offutt was on board to act as his - own merchant, intending to pick up additions to his cargo along the banks - of the two Illinois rivers down which he was about to pass. On the 19th of - April they arrived at New Salem, a little village destined to be the scene - of the seven eventful years of Mr. Lincoln's life, which immediately - followed the conclusion of the present trip. Just below New Salem the boat - "stuck," for one night and the better part of a day on Rutledge's - mill-dam,—one end of it hanging over the dam, and the other sunk - deep in the water behind. Here was a case for Abe's ingenuity, and he - exercised it with effect. Quantities of water were being taken in at the - stern, the lading was sliding backwards, and every thing indicated that - the rude craft was in momentary danger of breaking in two, or sinking - outright. But Abe suggested some unheard-of expedient for keeping it in - place while the cargo was shifted to a borrowed boat, and then, boring a - hole in that part of the bottom extending over the dam, he "rigged up" an - equally strange piece of machinery for tilting and holding it while the - water ran out. All New Salem was assembled on shore, watching the progress - of this singular experiment,—and with one voice affirm that Abe - saved the boat; although nobody is able to tell us precisely how.1 The - adventure turned Abe's thoughts to the class of difficulties, one of which - he had just surmounted; and the result of his reflections was "an improved - method for lifting vessels over shoals."2 Offutt declared that when he got - back from New Orleans, he would build a steamboat for the navigation of - the Sangamon, and make Abe the captain; he would build it with runners for - ice, and rollers for shoals and dams, for with "Abe in command, by - thunder, she'd have to go." - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Many persons at New Salem describe in full Abe's conduct on this - occasion. 2 "Occupying an ordinary and commonplace position in one of - the show-cases in the targe hall of the Patent Office, is one little - model which, in ages to come, will be prized as at once one of the most - curious and one of the most sacred relics in that vast museum of unique - and priceless things. This is a plain and simple model of a steamboat, - roughly fashioned in wood, by the hand of Abraham Lincoln. It bears date - in 1849, when the inventor was known simply as a successful lawyer and - rising politician of Central Illinois. Neither his practice nor his - politics took up so much of his time as to prevent him from giving much - attention to contrivances which he hoped might be of benefit to the - world, and of profit to himself. "The design of this invention is - suggestive of one phase of Abraham Lincoln's early life, when he went up - and down the Mississippi as a flat-boatman, and became familiar with - some of the dangers and inconveniences attending the navigation of the - Western rivers. It is an attempt to make it an easy matter to transport - vessels over shoals and snags, and sawyers. The main idea is that of an - apparatus resembling a noiseless bellows, placed on each side of the - hull of the craft, just below the water-line, and worked by an odd but - not complicated system of ropes, valves, and pulleys. When the keel of - the vessel grates against the sand or obstruction, these bellows are to - be filled with air; and, thus buoyed up, the ship is expected to float - lightly and gayly over the shoal, which would otherwise have proved a - serious interruption to her voyage. "The model, which is about eighteen - or twenty inches long, and has the air of having been whittled with a - knife out of a shingle and a cigar-box, is built without any elaboration - or ornament, or any extra apparatus beyond that necessary to show the - operation of buoying the steamer over the obstructions. Herein it - differs from very many of the models which share with it the shelter of - the immense halls of the Patent Office, and which are fashioned with - wonderful nicety and exquisite finish, as if much of the labor and - thought and affection of a lifetime had been devoted to their - construction. This is a model of a different kind; carved as one might - imagine a retired rail-splitter would whittle, strongly, but not - smoothly, and evidently made with a view solely to convey, by the - simplest possible means, to the minds of the patent authorities, an idea - of the purpose and plan of the simple invention. The label on the - steamer's deck informs us that the patent was obtained; but we do not - learn that the navigation of the Western rivers was revolutionized by - this quaint conception. The modest little model has reposed here sixteen - years; and, since it found its resting-place here on the shelf, the - shrewd inventor has found it his task to guide the Ship of State over - shoals more perilous, and obstructions more obstinate, than any prophet - dreamed of when Abraham Lincoln wrote his bold autograph on the prow of - this miniature steamer."— Correspondent Boston Advertiser. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Over the dam, and in the deep pool beyond, they reloaded, and floated down - to Blue Bank, a mile above the mouth of Salt Creek, where Offutt bought - some more hogs. But the hogs were wild, and refused to be driven. Abe - again came to the rescue; and, by his advice, their eyes were sewed up - with a needle and thread, so that, if the animals fought any more, they - should do it in the dark. Abe held their heads, and John Hanks their - tails, while Offutt did the surgery. They were then thrown into a cart, - whence Abe took them, one by one, in his great arms, and deposited them on - board. - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0005" id="image-0005"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/108.jpg" alt="Mr. Lincoln As a Flatboatman 108 " - width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - From this point they sped very rapidly down the Sangamon and the Illinois. - Having constructed curious-looking sails of plank, "and sometimes cloth," - they were a "sight to see," as they "rushed through Beardstown," where - "the people came out and laughed at them." They swept by Alton and Cairo, - and other considerable places, without tying up, but stopped at Memphis, - Vicksburg, and Natchez. - </p> - <p> - In due time they arrived at New Orleans. "There it was," says John Hanks, - "we saw negroes chained, maltreated, whipped, and scourged. Lincoln saw - it; his heart bled, said nothing much, was silent from feeling, was sad, - looked bad, felt bad, was thoughtful and abstracted. I can say, knowing - it, that it was on this trip that he formed his opinions of slavery. It - run its iron in him then and there,—May, 1831. I have heard him say - so often and often." - </p> - <p> - Some time in June the party took passage on a steamboat going up the - river, and remained together until they reached St. Louis, where Offutt - left them, and Abe, Hanks, and Johnston started on foot for the interior - of Illinois. At Edwardsville, twenty-five miles out, Hanks took the road - to Springfield, and Abe and Johnston took that to Coles County, where Tom - Lincoln had moved since Abraham's departure from home. - </p> - <p> - Abe never worked again in company with his friend and relative, good old - John Hanks. Here their paths separated: Abe's began to ascend the heights, - while John's continued along the common level. They were in the Black Hawk - War during the same campaign, but not in the same division. But they - corresponded, and, from 1833, met at least once a year, until Abe was - elected President. Then Abe, delighting to honor those of his relatives - who were worthy of it, invited John to go with him to see his step-mother. - John also went to the inauguration at Washington, and tells, with - pardonable pride, how he "was in his [Abe's] rooms several times." He then - retired to his old home in Macon County, until the assassination and the - great funeral, when he came to Springfield to look in the blackened face - of his old friend, and witness the last ceremonies of his splendid burial. - </p> - <p> - Scarcely had Abe reached Coles County, and begun to think what next to - turn his hand to, when he received a visit from a famous wrestler, one - Daniel Needham, who regarded him as a growing rival, and had a fancy to - try him a fall or two. He considered himself "the best man" in the - country, and the report of Abe's achievements filled his big breast with - envious pains. His greeting was friendly and hearty, but his challenge was - rough and peremptory. Abe valued his popularity among "the boys" too - highly to decline it, and met him by public appointment in the - "greenwood," at Wabash Point, where he threw him twice with so much ease - that Needham's pride was more hurt than his body. "Lincoln," said he, "you - have thrown me twice, but you can't whip me."—"Needham," replied - Abe, "are you satisfied that I can throw you? If you are not, and must be - convinced through a threshing, I will do that, too, for your sake." - Needham had hoped that the youngster would shrink from the extremity of a - fight with the acknowledged "bully of the patch;" but finding him willing, - and at the same time magnanimously inclined to whip him solely for his <i>own - good</i>, he concluded that a bloody nose and a black eye would be the - reverse of soothing to his feelings, and therefore surrendered the field - with such grace as he could command. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0004" id="link2HCH0004"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER IV. - </h2> - <p> - ON the west bank of the Sangamon River, twenty miles north-west of - Springfield, a traveller on his way to Havana will ascend a bluff one - hundred feet higher than the low-water mark of the stream. On the summit - he Will find a solitary log-hut. The back-bone of the ridge is about two - hundred and fifty feet broad where it overlooks the river; but it widens - gradually as it extends westerly toward the remains of an old forest, - until it terminates in a broad expanse of meadow. On either side of this - hill, and skirting its feet north and south, run streams of water in very - deep channels, and tumble into the Sangamon almost within hearing. The - hill, or more properly the bluff, rises from the river in an almost - perpendicular ascent. "There is an old mill at the foot of the bluff, - driven by water-power. The river washes the base of the bluff for about - four hundred yards, the hill breaking off almost abruptly at the north. - The river along this line runs about due north: it strikes the bluff - coming around a sudden bend from the south-east, the river being checked - and turned by the rocky hill. The mill-dam running across the Sangamon - River just at the mill checks the rapidity of the water. It was here, and - on this dam, that Mr. Lincoln's flatboat 'stuck on the 19th of April, - 1831.' The dam is about eight feet high, and two hundred and twenty feet - long, and, as the old Sangamon rolls her turbid waters over the dam, - plunging them into the whirl and eddy beneath, the roar and hiss of - waters, like the low, continuous, distant thunder, can be distinctly heard - through the whole village, day and night, week-day and Sunday, spring and - fall, or other high-water time. The river, at the base of the bluff, is - about two hundred and fifty feet wide, the mill using up thirty feet, - leaving the dam only about two hundred and twenty feet long." - </p> - <p> - In every direction but the West, the country is broken into hills or - bluffs, like the one we are attempting to describe, which are washed by - the river, and the several streams that empty into it in the immediate - vicinity. Looking across the river from bluff to bluff, the distance is - about a thousand yards; while here and there, on both banks, are patches - of rich alluvial bottom-lands, eight or nine hundred yards in width, - enclosed on one side by the hills, and on the other by the river. The - uplands of the eastern bank are covered with original forests of - immemorial age; and, viewed from "Salem Hill," the eye ranges over a vast - expanse of green foliage, the monotony of which is relieved by the - alternating swells and depressions of the landscape. - </p> - <p> - On the ridge of that hill, where the solitary cabin now stands, there was - a few years ago a pleasant village. How it vanished like a mist of the - morning, to what distant places its inhabitants dispersed, and what became - of the dwellings they left behind, shall be questions for the local - antiquarian. We have no concern with any part of the history, except that - part which began in the summer of 1831 and ended in 1837,—the period - during which it had the honor of sheltering a man whose enduring fame - contrasts strangely with the evanescence of the village itself. - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0006" id="image-0006"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/115.jpg" alt="Map of New Salem 115 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - In 1829 James Rutledge and John Cameron built the mill on the Sangamon, - and laid off the town on the hill. The place was then called Cameron's - Mill; but in process of time, as cabins, stores, and groceries were added, - it was dignified by the name of New Salem. "I claim," says one of the - gentlemen who established the first store, "to be the explorer and - discoverer of New Salem as a business point. Mr. Hill (now dead) and - myself purchased some goods at Cincinnati, and shipped them to St. Louis, - whence I set out on a voyage of discovery on the prairies of Illinois.... - I, however, soon came across a noted character who lives in this vicinity, - by the name of Thomas Wadkins, who set forth the beauties and other - advantages of Cameron's Mill, as it was then called. I accordingly came - home with him, visited the locality, contracted for the erection of a - magnificent storehouse for the sum of fifteen dollars; and, after passing - a night in the prairie, reached St. Louis in safety. Others soon - followed." - </p> - <p> - In 1836 New Salem contained about twenty houses, inhabited by nearly a - hundred people; but in 1831 there could not have been more than two-thirds - or three-fourths that number. Many of the houses cost not more than ten - dollars, and none of them more than one hundred dollars. - </p> - <p> - When the news flew through the country that the mill-dam was broken, the - people assembled from far and near, and made a grand frolic of mending it. - In like manner, when a new settler arrived, and the word passed around - that he wanted to put up a house, everybody came in to the "raising;" and, - after behaving like the best of good Samaritans to the new neighbor, they - drank whiskey, ran foot-races, wrestled, fought, and went home. - </p> - <p> - "I first knew this hill, or bluff," says Mr. Herndon, in his remarkable - lecture on Ann Rutledge, "as early as 1829. I have seen it in spring-time - and winter, in summer-time and fall. I have seen it in daylight and - night-time; have seen it when the sward was green, living, and vital; and - I have seen it wrapped in snow, frost, and sleet. I have closely studied - it for more than five long years.... - </p> - <p> - "As I sat on the verge of the town, in presence of its ruins, I called to - mind the street running east and west through the village, the river - eastward; Green's Rocky Branch, with its hills, southward; Clary's Grove, - westerly about three miles; Petersburg northward, and Springfield - south-east; and now I cannot exclude from my memory or imagination the - forms, faces, voices, and features of those I once knew so well. In my - imagination the village perched on the hill is astir with the hum of busy - men, and the sharp, quick buzz of women; and from the country come men and - women on foot or on horseback, to see and be seen, to hear and to be - heard, to barter and exchange what they have with the merchant and the - laborer. There are Jack Armstrong and William Green, Kelso and Jason - Duncan, Alley and Carman, Hill and McNamar, Herndon and Rutledge, - Warburton and Sincho, Bale and Ellis, Abraham and Ann. Oh, what a - history!" - </p> - <p> - In those days, which in the progressive West would be called ancient days, - New Salem was in Sangamon County, with Springfield as the county-seat. - Springfield itself was still a mere village, having a population of one - thousand, or perhaps eleven hundred. The capital of the State was yet at - Vandalia, and waited for the parliamentary tact of Abraham Lincoln and the - "long nine" to bring it to Springfield. The same influence, which, after - long struggles, succeeded in removing the capital, caused the new County - of Menard to be erected out of Sangamon in 1839, of which Petersburg was - made the county-seat, and within which is included the barren site of New - Salem. - </p> - <p> - In July or August, 1831, Mr. Lincoln made his second appearance at New - Salem. He was again in company with Denton Offutt, who had collected some - goods at Beardstown, and now proposed to bring them to this place. Mr. - Lincoln undoubtedly came there in the service of Offutt, but whilst the - goods were being transported from Beardstown he seemed to be idling about - without any special object in view. Many persons who saw him then for the - first time speak of him as "doing nothing." He has given some - encouragement to this idea himself by the manner in which he habitually - spoke of his advent there,—describing himself as coming down the - river after the winter of the deep snow, like a piece of "floating - driftwood" borne along by the freshet, and accidentally lodged at New - Salem. - </p> - <p> - On the day of the election, in the month of August, as Minter Graham, the - school-teacher, tells us, Abe was seen loitering about the polling-place. - It must have been but a few days after his arrival in the town, for nobody - knew that he could write. They were "short of a clerk" at the polls; and, - after casting about in vain for some one competent to fill the office, it - occurred to one of the judges that perhaps the tall stranger possessed the - needful qualifications. He thereupon accosted him, and asked if he could - write. He replied, "Yes, a little."—"Will you act as clerk of the - election today?" said the judge. "I will try," returned Abe, "and do the - best I can, if you so request." He did try accordingly, and, in the - language of the schoolmaster, "performed the duties with great facility, - much fairness and honesty and impartiality. This was the first public - official act of his life. I clerked with him," says Mr. Graham, swelling - with his theme, "on the same day and at the same polls. The election-books - are now in the city of Springfield, Ill., where they can be seen and - inspected any day." - </p> - <p> - Whilst Abe was "doing nothing," or, in other words, waiting for Offutt's - goods, one Dr. Nelson, a resident of New Salem, built a flatboat, and, - placing his family and effects upon it, started for Texas. But as the - Sangamon was a turbulent and treacherous stream at best, and its banks - were now full to overflowing, Nelson needed a pilot, at least as far as - Beardstown. - </p> - <p> - His choice fell upon Abe, who took him to the mouth of the doubtful river - in safety, although Abe often declared that he occasionally ran out into - the prairie at least three miles from the channel. Arriving at Beardstown, - Nelson pushed on down the Illinois, and Abe walked back to New Salem. - </p> - <p> - The second storekeeper at New Salem was a Mr. George Warburton; but, "the - country not having improved his morals in the estimation of his friends," - George thought it advisable to transfer his storeroom and the remnant of - his stock to Offutt. In the mean time, Offutt's long-expected goods were - received from Beardstown. Abe unpacked them, ranged them on the shelves, - rolled the barrels and kegs into their places, and, being provided with a - brand-new book, pen, and ink, found himself duly installed as "first - clerk" of the principal mercantile house in New Salem. A country store is - an indescribable collection of miscellanies,—groceries, drygoods, - hardware, earthenware, and stoneware, cups and saucers, plates and dishes, - coffee and tea, sugar and molasses, boots and shoes, whiskey and lead, - butter and eggs, tobacco and gunpowder, with an endless list of things - unimaginable except by a housewife or a "merchant." Such was the store to - the charge of which Abe was now promoted,—promoted from the rank of - a common laborer to be a sort of brevet clerk. - </p> - <p> - But Offutt's ideas of commerce were very comprehensive; and, as "his - business was already considerably scattered about the country," he thought - he would scatter a little more. He therefore rented the mill at the foot - of the hill, from Cameron and Rutledge, and set Abe to overlooking that as - well as the store. This increase of business, however, required another - clerk, and in a few days Abe was given a companion in the person of W. G. - Green. They slept together on the same cot in the store; and as Mr. Green - observes, by way of indicating the great intimacy that subsisted between - them, "when one turned over, the other had to do so likewise." To complete - his domestic arrangements, Abe followed the example of Mr. Offutt, and - took boarding at John Cameron's, one of the owners of the mill. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Offutt is variously, though not differently, described as a "wild, - harum-scarum, reckless fellow;" a "gusty, windy, brain-rattling man;" a - "noisy, unsteady, fussy, rattlebrained man, wild and improvident." If - anybody can imagine the character indicated by these terms, he can imagine - Mr. Offutt,—Abe's employer, friend, and patron. Since the trip on - the flatboat, his admiration for Abe had grown to be boundless. He now - declared that "Abe knew more than any man in the United States;" that "he - would some day be President of the United States," and that he could, at - that present moment, outrun, whip, or throw down any man in Sangamon - County. These loud boasts were not wasted on the desert air: they were bad - seed sown in a rank soil, and speedily raised up a crop of sharp thorns - for both Abe and Offutt. At New Salem, honors such as Offutt accorded to - Abe were to be won before they were worn. - </p> - <p> - Bill Clary made light of Offutt's opinion respecting Abe's prowess; and - one day, when the dispute between them had been running high in the store, - it ended by a bet of ten dollars on the part of Clary that Jack Armstrong - was "a better man." Now, "Jack was a powerful twister," "square built, and - strong as an ox." He had, besides, a great backing; for he was the chief - of the "Clary's Grove boys," and the Clary's Grove boys were the terror of - the countryside. Although there never was under the sun a more generous - parcel of ruffians than those over whom Jack held sway, a stranger's - introduction was likely to be the most unpleasant part of his acquaintance - with them. In fact, one of the objects of their association was to - "initiate or naturalize new-comers," as they termed the amiable - proceedings which they took by way of welcoming any one ambitious of - admittance to the society of New Salem. They first bantered the gentleman - to run a foot-race, jump, pitch the mall, or wrestle; and, if none of - these propositions seemed agreeable to him, they would request to know - what he would do in case another gentleman should pull his nose, or squirt - tobacco-juice in his face. If he did not seem entirely decided in his - views as to what should properly be done in such a contingency, perhaps he - would be nailed in a hogshead, and rolled down New-Salem hill; perhaps his - ideas would be brightened by a brief ducking in the Sangamon; or perhaps - he would be scoffed, kicked, and cuffed by a great number of persons in - concert, until he reached the confines of the village, and then turned - adrift as being unfit company for the people of that settlement. If, - however, the stranger consented to engage in a tussle with one of his - persecutors, it was usually arranged that there should be "foul play," - with nameless impositions and insults, which would inevitably change the - affair into a fight; and then, if the subject of all these practices - proved indeed to be a man of mettle, he would be promptly received into - "good society," and in all probability would never have better friends on - earth than the roystering fellows who had contrived his torments. - </p> - <p> - Thus far Abe had managed to escape "initiation" at the hands of Jack and - his associates. They were disposed to like him, and to take him on faith, - or at least to require no further evidence of his manhood than that which - rumor had already brought them. Offutt, with his busy tongue, had spread - wide the report of his wondrous doings on the river; and, better still, - all New Salem, including many of the "Clary's Grove boys," had witnessed - his extraordinary feats of strength and ingenuity at Rutledge's mill-dam. - It was clear that no particular person was "spoiling" for a collision with - him; and an exception to the rule might have been made in his favor, but - for the offensive zeal and confidence of his employer. - </p> - <p> - The example of Offutt and Clary was followed by all the "boys;" and money, - knives, whiskey, and all manner of things, were staked on the result of - the wrestle. The little community was excited throughout, and Jack's - partisans were present in great numbers; while Offutt and Bill Green were - about the only persons upon whom Abe could rely if the contest should take - the usual turn, and end in a fight. For these, and many other reasons, he - longed to be safely and honorably out of the scrape; but Offutt's folly - had made it impossible for him to evade the conflict without incurring the - imputation, and suffering the penalties, of cowardice. He said, "I never - tussle and scuffle, and I will not: I don't like this wooling and - pulling." But these scruples only served to aggravate his case; and he was - at last forced to take hold of Jack, which he did with a will and power - that amazed the fellows who had at last baited him to the point of - indignation. They took "side holds," and stood struggling, each with - tremendous but equal strength, for several minutes, without any - perceptible advantage to either. New trips or unexpected twists were of no - avail between two such experienced wrestlers as these. Presently Abe - profited by his height and the length of his arms to lift Jack clear off - the ground, and, swinging him about, thought to land him on his back; but - this feat was as futile as the rest, and left Jack standing as square and - as firm as ever. "Now, Jack," said Abe, "let's quit: you can't throw me, - and I can't throw you." But Jack's partisans, regarding this overture as a - signal of the enemy's distress, and being covetous of jack-knives, - whiskey, and "smooth quarters," cheered him on to greater exertions. - Rendered desperate by these expectations of his friends, and now enraged - at meeting more than his match, Jack resolved on "a foul," and, breaking - holds, he essayed the unfair and disreputable expedient of "legging." But - at this Abe's prudence deserted him, and righteous wrath rose to the - ascendent. The astonished spectators saw him take their great bully by the - throat, and, holding him out at arm's-length, shake him like a child. Then - a score or two of the boys cried "Fight!" Bill Clary claimed the stakes, - and Offutt, in the fright and confusion, was about to yield them; but - "Lincoln said they had not won the money, and they should not have it; - and, although he was opposed to fighting, if nothing else would do them, - he would fight Armstrong, Clary, or any of the set." Just at this juncture - James Rutledge, the original proprietor of New Salem, and a man of some - authority, "rushed into the crowd," and exerted himself to maintain the - peace. He succeeded; but for a few moments a general fight was impending, - and Abe was seen with his back against Offutt's store "undismayed" and - "resolute," although surrounded by enemies.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Of the fight and what followed, we have the particulars from many - persons who were witnesses. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Jack Armstrong was no bad fellow, after all. A sort of Western John - Browdie, stout and rough, but great-hearted, honest, and true: his big - hand, his cabin, his table, and his purse were all at the disposal of a - friend in need. He possessed a rude sense of justice, and felt an - incredible respect for a man who would stand single-handed, stanch, and - defiant, in the midst of persecutors and foes. He had never disliked Abe, - and had, in fact, looked for very clever things from him, even before his - title to respectability had been made so incontestably clear; but his - exhibition of pluck and muscle on this occasion excited Jack to a degree - of admiration far beyond his power to conceal it. Abe's hand was hardly - removed from his throat, when he was ready to grasp it in friendship, and - swear brotherhood and peace between them. He declared him, on the spot, - "the best fellow that ever broke into their settlement;" and henceforth - the empire was divided, and Jack and Abe reigned like two friendly Cæsars - over the roughs and bullies of New Salem. If there were ever any - dissensions between them, it was because Jack, in the abundance of his - animal spirits, was sometimes inclined to be an oppressor, whilst Abe was - ever merciful and kind; because Jack would occasionally incite the "boys" - to handle a stranger, a witless braggart, or a poor drunkard with a - harshness that shocked the just and humane temper of his friend, who was - always found on the side of the weak and the unfortunate. On the whole, - however, the harmony that subsisted between them was wonderful. Wherever - Lincoln worked, Jack "did his loafing;" and, when Lincoln was out of work, - he spent days and weeks together at Jack's cabin, where Jack's jolly wife, - "old Hannah," stuffed him with bread and honey, laughed at his ugliness, - and loved him for his goodness. - </p> - <p> - Abe rapidly grew in favor with the people in and around New Salem, until - nearly everybody thought quite as much of him as Mr. Offutt did. He was - decidedly the most popular man that ever lived there. He could do more to - quell a riot, compromise a feud; and keep peace among the neighbors - generally, than any one else; and these were of the class of duties which - it appears to have been the most agreeable for him to perform. One day a - strange man came into the settlement, and was straightway beset by the - same fellows who had meditated a drubbing for Abe himself. Jack Armstrong, - of course, "had a difficulty with him;" "called him a liar, coward," and - various other names not proper for print; but the man, finding himself - taken at a disadvantage, "backed up to a woodpile," got a stick, and - "struck Jack a blow that brought him to the ground." Being "as strong as - two men, Jack wanted to whip the man badly," but Abe interfered, and, - managing to have himself made "arbitrator," compromised the difficulty by - a practical application of the golden rule. "Well, Jack," said he, "what - did you say to the man?" Whereupon Jack repeated his words. "Well, Jack," - replied Abe, "if you were a stranger in a strange place, as this man is, - and you were called a d—d liar, &c., what would you do?"—"Whip - him, by God!"—"Then this man has done no more to you than you would - have done to him."—"Well, Abe," said the honest bruiser, "it's all - right," and, taking his opponent by the hand, forgave him heartily, and - "treated." Jack always treated his victim when he thought he had been too - hard upon him. - </p> - <p> - Abe's duties in Offutt's store were not of a character to monopolize the - whole of his time,1 and he soon began to think that here was a fine - opportunity to remedy some of the defects in his education. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "During the time he was working for Offutt, and hands being scarce, - Lincoln turned In and cut down trees, and split enough rails for Offutt - to make a pen sufficiently large to contain a thousand hogs. The pen was - built under New Salem hill, close to the mill.... I know where those - rails are now; are sound to-day."—Minter Graham - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - He could read, write, and cipher as well as most men; but as his - popularity was growing daily, and his ambition keeping pace, he feared - that he might shortly be called to act in some public capacity which would - require him to speak his own language with some regard to the rules of the - grammar,—of which, according to his own confession, he knew nothing - at all. He carried his troubles to the schoolmaster, saying, "I have a - notion to study English grammar."—"If you expect to go before the - public in any capacity," replied Mr. Graham, "I think it the best thing - you can do."—"If I had a grammar," replied Abe, "I would commence - now." There was no grammar to be had about New Salem; but the - schoolmaster, having kept the run of that species of property, gladdened - Abe's heart by telling him that he knew where there was one. Abe rose from - the breakfast at which he was sitting, and learning that the book was at - Vaner's, only six miles distant, set off after it as hard as he could - tramp. It seemed to Mr. Graham a very little while until he returned and - announced, with great pleasure, that he had it. "He then turned his - immediate and most undivided attention" to the study of it. Sometimes, - when business was not particularly brisk, he would lie under a shade-tree - in front of the store, and pore over the book; at other times a customer - would find him stretched on the counter intently engaged in the same way. - But the store was a bad place for study; and he was often seen quietly - slipping out of the village, as if he wished to avoid observation, when, - if successful in getting off alone, he would spend hours in the woods, - "mastering a book," or in a state of profound abstraction. He kept up his - old habit of sitting up late at night; but, as lights were as necessary to - his purpose as they were expensive, the village cooper permitted him to - sit in his shop, where he burnt the shavings, and kept a blazing fire to - read by, when every one else was in bed. The Greens lent him books; the - schoolmaster gave him instructions in the store, on the road, or in the - meadows: every visitor to New Salem who made the least pretension to - scholarship was waylaid by Abe, and required to explain something which he - could not understand. The result of it all was, that the village and the - surrounding country wondered at his growth in knowledge, and he soon - became as famous for the goodness of his understanding as for the muscular - power of his body, and the unfailing humor of his talk. - </p> - <p> - Early in the spring of 1832, some enterprising gentlemen at Springfield - determined to try whether the Sangamon was a navigable stream or not. It - was a momentous question to the dwellers along the banks; and, when the - steamboat "Talisman" was chartered to make the experiment, the popular - excitement was intense, and her passage up and down was witnessed by great - concourses of people on either bank. It was thought that Abe's experience - on this particular river would render his assistance very valuable; and, - in company with some others, he was sent down to Beardstown, to meet the - "Talisman," and pilot her up. With Abe at the helm, she ran with - comparative ease and safety as far as the New-Salem dam, a part of which - they were compelled to tear away in order to let the steamer through. - Thence she went on as high as Bogue's mill; but, having reached that - point, the rapidly-falling water admonished her captain and pilots, that, - unless they wished her to be left there for the season, they must promptly - turn her prow down stream. For some time, on the return trip, she made not - more than three or four miles a day, "on account of the high wind from the - prairie." "I was sent for, being an old boatman," says J. R. Herndon, "and - I met her some twelve or thirteen miles above New Salem.... We got to - Salem the second day after I went on board. When we struck the dam, she - hung. We then backed off, and threw the anchor over the dam, and tore away - a part of the dam, and, raising steam, ran her over the first trial. As - soon as she was over, the company that chartered her was done with her. I - think the captain gave Mr. Lincoln forty dollars to run her down to - Beardstown. I am sure I got forty dollars to continue on her until we - landed at Beardstown. We that went down with her walked back to New - Salem." - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0005" id="link2HCH0005"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER V. - </h2> - <p> - IN the spring of 1832, Mr. Offutt's business had gone to ruin: the store - was sold out, the mill was handed over to its owners, Mr. Offutt himself - departed for parts unknown, and his "head clerk" was again out of work. - Just about that time a governor's proclamation arrived, calling for - volunteers to meet the famous chief Black Hawk and his warriors, who were - preparing for a grand, and, in all likelihood, a bloody foray, into their - old hunting-grounds in the Rock-river country. - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0007" id="image-0007"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/128.jpg" alt="Black Hawk, Indian Chief 128 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - Black Hawk was a large Indian, of powerful frame and commanding presence. - He was a soldier and a statesman. The history of his diplomacy with the - tribes he sought to confederate shows that he expected to realize on a - smaller scale the splendid plans of Pontiac and Tecumseh. In his own - tongue he was eloquent, and dreamed dreams which, amongst the Indians, - passed for prophecy. The prophet is an indispensable personage in any - comprehensive scheme of Indian politics, and no chief has ever effected a - combination of formidable strength without his aid. In the person of Black - Hawk, the chief and the prophet were one. His power in both capacities was - bent toward a single end,—the great purpose of his life,—the - recovery of his birthplace and the ancient home of his people from the - possession of the stranger. - </p> - <p> - Black Hawk was born on the Rock River in Wisconsin, in the year 1767. His - grandfather lived near Montreal, whence his father Pyesa had emigrated, - but not until he had become thoroughly British in his views and feelings. - All his life long he made annual journeys to the councils of the tribes at - Malden, where the gifts and persuasions of British agents confirmed him in - his inclination to the British interests. When Pyesa was gathered to his - fathers, his son took his place as the chief of the Sacs, hated the - Americans, loved the friendly English, and went yearly to Malden, - precisely as he thought Pyesa would have had him do. But Black Hawk's mind - was infinitely superior to Pyesa's: his sentiments were loftier, his heart - more susceptible; he had the gift of the seer, the power of the orator, - with the high courage and the profound policy of a born warrior and a - natural ruler. He "had brooded over the early history of his tribe; and to - his views, as he looked down the vista of years, the former times seemed - so much better than the present, that the vision wrought upon his - susceptible imagination, which pictured it to be the Indian golden age. He - had some remembrance of a treaty made by Gen. Harrison in 1804, to which - his people had given their assent; and his feelings were with difficulty - controlled, when he was required to leave the Rock-river Valley, in - compliance with a treaty made with Gen. Scott. That valley, however, he - peacefully abandoned with his tribe, on being notified, and went to the - west of the Mississippi; but he had spent his youth in that locality, and - the more he thought of it, the more determined he was to return thither. - He readily enlisted the sympathies of the Indians, who are ever prone to - ponder on their real or imaginary wrongs; and it may be readily - conjectured that what Indian counsel could not accomplish, Indian prophecy - would."1 He had moved when summoned to move, because he was then - unprepared to fight; but he utterly denied that the chiefs who seemed to - have ceded the lands long years before had any right to cede them, or that - the tribe had ever willingly given up the country to the stranger and the - aggressor. It was a fraud upon the simple Indians: the old treaty was a - great lie, and the signatures it purported to have, made with marks and - primitive devices, were not attached in good faith, and were not the names - of honest Sacs. No: he would go over the river, he would have his own; the - voice of the Great Spirit was in the air wherever he went; it was in his - lodge through all the night-time, and it said "Go;" and Black Hawk must - needs rise up and tell the people what the voice said. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Schoolcraft's History of the Indian Tribes. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - It was by such arguments as these that Black Hawk easily persuaded the - Sacs. But hostilities by the Sacs alone would be a hopeless adventure. He - must find allies. He looked first to their kindred, the Foxes, who had - precisely the same cause of war with the Sacs, and after them to the - Winnebagoes, Sioux, Kickapoos, and many others. That Black Hawk was a wise - and valiant leader, all the Indians conceded; and his proposals were heard - by some of the tribes with eagerness, and by all of them with respect. At - one time his confederacy embraced nine tribes,—the most formidable - in the North-west, if we exclude the Sioux and the Chippewas, who were - themselves inclined to accede. Early in 1831, the first chief of the - Chippewas exhibited a miniature tomahawk, red with vermilion, which, - having been accepted from Black Hawk, signified an alliance between them; - and away up at Leech. Lake, an obscure but numerous band showed some - whites a few British medals painted in imitation of blood, which meant - that they were to follow the war-paths of Black Hawk. - </p> - <p> - In 1831 Black Hawk had crossed the river in small force, but had retired - before the advance of Gen. Gaines, commanding the United States post at - Rock Island. He then promised to remain on the other side, and to keep - quiet for the future. But early in the spring of 1832 he re-appeared with - greater numbers, pushed straight into the Rock-river Valley, and said he - had "come to plant corn." He was now sixty-seven years of age: he thought - his great plots were all ripe, and his allies fast and true. They would - fight a few bloody battles, and then he would sit down in his old age and - see the corn grow where he had seen it in his youth. But the old chief - reckoned too much upon Indian fidelity: he committed the fatal error of - trusting to their patriotism instead of their interests. Gen. Atkinson, - now in command at Rock Island, set the troops in motion: the governor - issued his call for volunteers; and, as the Indians by this time had - committed some frightful barbarities, the blood of the settlers was - boiling, and the regiments were almost instantly filled with the best - possible material. So soon as these facts became known, the allies of - Black Hawk, both the secret and the open, fell away from him, and left - him, with the Sacs and the Foxes, to meet his fate. - </p> - <p> - In the mean time Lincoln had enlisted in a company from Sangamon. He had - not been out in the campaign of the previous year, but told his friend Row - Herndon, that, if he had not been down the river with Offutt, he would - certainly have been with the boys in the field. But, notwithstanding his - want of military experience, his popularity was so great, that he had been - elected captain of a militia company on the occasion of a muster at - Clary's Grove the fall before. He was absent at the time, but thankfully - accepted and served. Very much to his surprise, his friends put him up for - the captaincy of this company about to enter active service. They did not - organize at home, however, but marched first to Beardstown, and then to - Rushville in Schuyler County, where the election took place. Bill - Kirkpatrick was a candidate against Lincoln, but made a very sorry - showing. It has been said that Lincoln once worked for Kirkpatrick as a - common laborer, and suffered some indignities at his hands; but the story - as a whole is supported by no credible testimony. It is certain, however, - that the planks for the boat built by Abe and his friends at the mouth of - Spring Creek were sawed at the mill of a Mr. Kirkpatrick. It was then, - likely enough, that Abe fell in the way of this man, and learned to - dislike him. At all events, when he had distanced Kirkpatrick, and was - chosen his captain by the suffrages of men who had been intimate with - Kirkpatrick long before they had ever heard of Abe, he spoke of him - spitefully, and referred in no gentle terms to some old dispute. "Damn - him," said he to Green, "I've beat him: he used me badly in our settlement - for my toil." - </p> - <p> - Capt. Lincoln now made a very modest speech to his comrades, reciting the - exceeding gratification their partiality afforded him, how undeserved he - thought it, and how wholly unexpected it was. In conclusion, "he promised - very plainly that he would do the best he could to prove himself worthy of - that confidence." - </p> - <p> - The troops rendezvoused at Beardstown and Rushville were formed into four - regiments and a spy battalion. Capt. Lincoln's company was attached to the - regiment of Col. Samuel Thompson. The whole force was placed under the - command of Gen. Whiteside, who was accompanied throughout the campaign by - the governor in person. - </p> - <p> - On the 27th of April, the army marched toward the mouth of Rock River, by - way of Oquaka on the Mississippi. The route was one of difficulty and - danger, a great part of it lying through a country largely occupied by the - enemy. The men were raw, and restive under discipline. In the beginning - they had no more respect for the "rules and regulations" than for - Solomon's Proverbs, or the Westminster Confession. Capt. Lincoln's company - is said to have been a particularly "hard set of men," who recognized no - power but his. They were fighting men, and but for his personal authority - would have kept the camp in a perpetual uproar. - </p> - <p> - At the crossing of Henderson River,—a stream about fifty yards wide, - and eight or ten feet deep, with very precipitous banks,—they were - compelled to make a bridge or causeway with timbers cut by the troops, and - a filling-in of bushes, earth, or any other available material. This was - the work of a day and night. Upon its completion, the horses and oxen were - taken from the wagons, and the latter taken over by hand. But, when the - horses came to cross, many of them were killed in sliding down the steep - banks. "While in camp here," says a private in Capt. Lincoln's company, "a - general order was issued prohibiting the discharge of fire-arms within - fifty steps of the camp. Capt. Lincoln disobeyed the order by firing his - pistol within ten steps of the camp, and for this violation of orders was - put under arrest for that day, and his sword taken from him; but the next - day his sword was restored, and nothing more was done in the matter." - </p> - <p> - From Henderson River the troops marched to Yellow Banks, on the - Mississippi. "While at this place," Mr. Ben F. Irwin says, "a considerable - body of Indians of the Cherokee tribe came across the river from the Iowa - side, with the white flag hoisted. These were the first Indians we saw. - They were very friendly, and gave us a general war-dance. We, in return, - gave them a Sucker ho-down. All enjoyed the sport, and it is safe to say - no man enjoyed it more than Capt. Lincoln." - </p> - <p> - From Yellow Banks, a rapid and exhaustive march of a few days brought the - volunteers to the mouth of Rock River, where "it was agreed between Gen. - Whiteside and Gen. Atkinson of the regulars, that the volunteers should - march up Rock River, about fifty miles, to the Prophet's Town, and there - encamp, to feed and rest their horses, and await the arrival of the - regular troops, in keel-boats, with provisions. Judge William Thomas, who - again acted as quartermaster to the volunteers, made an estimate of the - amount of provisions required until the boats could arrive, which was - supplied; and then Gen. Whiteside took up his line of march." 1 But Capt. - Lincoln's company did not march on the present occasion with the alacrity - which distinguished their comrades of other corps. The orderly sergeant - attempted to "form company," but the company declined to be formed; the - men, oblivious of wars and rumors of wars, mocked at the word of command, - and remained between their blankets in a state of serene repose. For an - explanation of these signs of passive mutiny, we must resort again to the - manuscript of the private who gave the story of Capt. Lincoln's first - arrest. "About the—of April, we reached the mouth of Rock River. - About three or four nights afterwards, a man named Rial P. Green, commonly - called 'Pot Green,' belonging to a Green-county company, came to oar - company, and waked up the men, and proposed to them, that, if they would - furnish him with a tomahawk and four buckets, he would get into the - officers' liquors, and supply the men with wines and brandies. The desired - articles were furnished him; and, with the assistance of one of our - company, he procured the liquors. All this was entirely unknown to Capt. - Lincoln. In the morning. Capt. Lincoln ordered his orderly to form company - for parade; but when the orderly called the men to 'parade,' they called - 'parade,' too, but couldn't fall into line. The most of the men were - unmistakably drunk. The rest of the forces marched off, and left Capt. - Lincoln's company behind. The company didn't make a start until about ten - o'clock, and then, after marching about two miles, the drunken ones lay - down and slept their drunk off. They overtook the forces that night. Capt. - Lincoln was again put under arrest, and was obliged to carry a wooden - sword for two days, and this although Capt. Lincoln was entirely blameless - in the matter." - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Ford's History of Illinois, chap. iv. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - When Gen. Whiteside reached Prophetstown, where he was to rest until the - arrival of the regulars and the supplies, he disregarded the plan of - operations concerted between him and Atkinson, and, burning the village to - the ground, pushed on towards Dixon's Ferry, forty miles farther up the - river. Nearing that place, he left his baggage-wagons behind: the men - threw away their allotments of provisions, or left them with the wagons; - and in that condition a forced march was made to Dixon. There Whiteside - found two battalions of mounted men under Majors Stillman and Bailey, who - clamored to be thrown forward, where they might get up an independent but - glorious "brush" with the enemy on comparatively private account. The - general had it not in his heart to deny these adventurous spirits, and - they were promptly advanced to feel and disclose the Indian force supposed - to be near at hand. Stillman accordingly moved up the bank of "Old Man's - Creek" (since called "Stillman's Run"), to a point about twenty miles from - Dixon, where, just before nightfall, he went into camp, or was about to do - so, when several Indians were seen hovering along some raised ground - nearly a mile distant. Straightway Stillman's gallant fellows remounted, - one by one, or two and two, and, without officers or orders, galloped away - in pursuit. The Indians first shook a red flag, and then dashed off at the - top of their speed. Three of them were overtaken and killed: but the rest - performed with perfect skill the errand upon which they were sent; they - led Stillman's command into an ambuscade, where lay Black Hawk himself - with seven hundred of his warriors. The pursuers recoiled, and rode for - their lives: Black Hawk bore down upon Stillman's camp; the fugitives, - streaming back with fearful cries respecting the numbers and ferocity of - the enemy, spread consternation through the entire force. Stillman gave a - hasty order to fall back; and the men fell back much faster and farther - than he intended, for they never faced about, or so much as stopped, until - they reached Whiteside's camp at Dixon. The first of them reached Dixon - about twelve o'clock; and others came straggling in all night long and - part of the next day, each party announcing themselves as the sole - survivors of that stricken field, escaped solely by the exercise of - miraculous valor.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "It is said that a big, tall Kentuckian, with a very loud voice, who - was a colonel of the militia, but a private with Stillman, upon his - arrival in camp, gave to Gen. Whiteside and the wondering multitude the - following glowing and bombastic account of the battle. 'Sirs,' said he, - 'our detachment was encamped amongst some scattering timber on the north - side of Old Man's Creek, with the prairie from the north gently sloping - down to our encampment. It was just after twilight, in the gloaming of - the evening, when we discovered Black Hawk's army coming down upon us in - solid column: they displayed in the form of a crescent upon the brow of - the prairie, and such accuracy and precision of military movements were - never witnessed by man; they were equal to the best troops of Wellington - in Spain. I have said that the Indians came down in solid column, and - displayed in the form of a crescent; and, what was most wonderful, there - were large squares of cavalry resting upon the points of the curve, - which squares were supported again by other columns fifteen deep, - extending back through the woods, and over a swamp three-quarters of a - mile, which again rested upon the main body of Black Hawk's army - bivouacked upon the banks of the Kishwakee. It was a terrible and a - glorious sight to see the tawny warriors as they rode along our flanks - attempting to outflank us with the glittering moonbeams glistening from - their polished blades and burnished spears. It was a sight well - calculated to strike consternation into the stoutest and boldest heart; - and accordingly our men soon began to break in small squads for tall - timber. In a very little time the rout became general. The Indians were - on our flanks, and threatened the destruction of the entire detachment. - About this time Major Stillman, Col. Stephenson, Major Perkins, Capt. - Adams, Mr. Hackelton, and myself, with some others, threw ourselves into - the rear to rally the fugitives and protect the retreat. But in A short - time all my companions fell, bravely fighting hand to hand with the - savage enemy, and I alone was left upon the field of battle. About this - time I discovered not far to the left, a corps of horsemen which seemed - to be in tolerable order. I immediately deployed to the left, when, - leaning down and placing my body in a recumbent posture upon the mane of - my horse, so as to bring the heads of the horsemen between my eye and - the horizon, I discovered by the light of the moon that they were - gentlemen who did not wear hats, by which token I knew they were no - friends of mine. I therefore made a retrograde movement, and recovered - my former position, where I remained some time, meditating what further - I could do in the service of my country, when a random ball came - whistling by my ear, and plainly whispered to me, "Stranger, you have no - further business here." Upon hearing this, I followed the example of my - companions in arms, and broke for tall timber, and the way I run was not - a little, and quit.' "This colonel was a lawyer just returning from the - circuit, with a slight wardrobe and 'Chitty's Pleadings' packed in his - saddle-bags, all of which were captured by the Indians. He afterwards - related, with much vexation, that Black Hawk had decked himself out in - his finery, appearing in the woods amongst his savage companions dressed - in one of the colonel's ruffled shirts drawn over his deer-skin - leggings, with a volume of 'Chitty's Pleadings' under each arm."— - Ford's History of Illinois. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - The affair is known to history as "Stillman's Defeat." "Old John Hanks" - was in it, and speaks of it with shame and indignation, attributing the - disaster to "drunken men, cowardice, and folly," though in this case we - should be slow to adopt his opinion. Of folly, there was, no doubt, - enough, both on the part of Whiteside and Stillman; but of drunkenness no - public account makes any mention, and individual cowardice is never to be - imputed to American troops. These men were as brave as any that ever wore - a uniform, and some of them performed good service afterwards; but when - they went into this action, they were "raw militia,"—a mere mob; and - no mob can stand against discipline, even though it be but the discipline - of the savage. - </p> - <p> - The next day Whiteside moved with all possible celerity to the field of - Stillman's disaster, and, finding no enemy, was forced to content himself - with the melancholy duty of burying the mutilated and unsightly remains of - the dead. All of them were scalped; some had their heads cut off, others - had their throats cut, and others still were mangled and dishonored in - ways too shocking to be told. - </p> - <p> - The army was now suffering for want of provisions. The folly of the - commander in casting off his baggage-train for the forced march on Dixon, - the extravagance and improvidence of the men with their scanty rations, - had exhausted the resources of the quartermasters, and, "except in the - messes of the most careful and experienced," the camp was nearly destitute - of food. "The majority had been living on parched corn and coffee for two - or three days;" but, on the morning of the last march from Dixon, - Quartermaster Thomas had succeeded in getting a little fresh beef from the - only white inhabitant of that country, and this the men were glad to eat - without bread. "I can truly say I was often hungry," said Capt. Lincoln, - reviewing the events of this campaign. He was, doubtless, as destitute and - wretched as the rest, but he was patient, quiet, and resolute. Hunger - brought with it a discontented and mutinous spirit. The men complained - bitterly of all they had been made to endure, and clamored loudly for a - general discharge. But Capt. Lincoln kept the "even tenor of his way;" - and, when his regiment was disbanded, immediately enlisted as a private - soldier in another company. - </p> - <p> - From the battle-field Whiteside returned to his old camp at Dixon, but - determined, before doing so, to make one more attempt to retrieve his - ill-fortune. Black Hawk's pirogues were supposed to be lying a few miles - distant, in a bend of the Rock River; and the capture of these would serve - as some relief to the dreary series of errors and miscarriages which had - hitherto marked the campaign. But Black Hawk had just been teaching him - strategy in the most effective mode, and the present movement was - undertaken with an excess of caution almost as ludicrous as Stillman's - bravado. "To provide as well as might be against danger, one man was - started at a time in the direction of the point. When he would get a - certain distance, keeping in sight, a second would start, and so on, until - a string of men extending five miles from the main army was made, each to - look out for Indians, and give the sign to right, left, or front, by - hanging a hat on a bayonet,—erect for the front, and right or left, - as the case might be. To raise men to go ahead was with difficulty done, - and some tried hard to drop back; but we got through safe, and found the - place deserted, leaving plenty of Indian signs,—a dead dog and - several scalps taken in Stillman's defeat, as we supposed them to have - been taken." After this, the last of Gen. Whiteside's futile attempts, he - returned to the battle-field, and thence to Dixon, where he was joined by - Atkinson with the regulars and the long-coveted and much-needed supplies. - </p> - <p> - One day, during these many marches and countermarches, an old Indian found - his way into the camp, weary, hungry, and helpless. He professed to be a - friend of the whites; and, although it was an exceedingly perilous - experiment for one of his color, he ventured to throw himself upon the - mercy of the soldiers. But the men first murmured, and then broke out into - fierce cries for his blood. "We have come out to fight the Indians," said - they, "and by God we intend to do it!" The poor Indian, now, in the - extremity of his distress and peril, did what he ought to have done - before: he threw down before his assailants a soiled and crumpled paper, - which he implored them to read before his life was taken. It was a letter - of character and safe-conduct from Gen. Cass, pronouncing him a faithful - man, who had done good service in the cause for which this army was - enlisted. But it was too late: the men refused to read it, or thought it a - forgery, and were rushing with fury upon the defenceless old savage, when - Capt. Lincoln bounded between them and their appointed victim. "Men," said - he, and his voice for a moment stilled the agitation around him, "<i>this - must not be done: he must not be shot and killed by us.</i>"—"But," - said some of them, "the Indian is a damned spy." Lincoln knew that his own - life was now in only less danger than that of the poor creature that - crouched behind him. During the whole of this scene Capt. Lincoln seemed - to "rise to an unusual height" of stature. The towering form, the passion - and resolution in his face, the physical power and terrible will exhibited - in every motion of his body, every gesture of his arm, produced an effect - upon the furious mob as unexpected perhaps to him as to any one else. They - paused, listened, fell back, and then sullenly obeyed what seemed to be - the voice of reason, as well as authority. But there were still some - murmurs of disappointed rage, and half-suppressed exclamations, which - looked towards vengeance of some kind. At length one of the men, a little - bolder than the rest, but evidently feeling that he spoke for the whole, - cried out, "This is cowardly on your part, Lincoln!" Whereupon the tall - captain's figure stretched a few inches higher again. He looked down upon - these varlets who would have murdered a defenceless old Indian, and now - quailed before his single hand, with lofty contempt. The oldest of his - acquaintances, even Bill Green, who saw him grapple Jack Armstrong and - defy the bullies at his back, never saw him so much "aroused" before. "If - any man thinks I am a coward, let him test it," said he. "Lincoln," - responded a new voice, "you are larger and heavier than we are."—"This - you can guard against: choose your weapons," returned the rigid captain. - Whatever may be said of Mr. Lincoln's choice of means for the preservation - of military discipline, it was certainly very effectual in this case. - There was no more disaffection in his camp, and the word "coward" was - never coupled with his name again. Mr. Lincoln understood his men better - than those who would be disposed to criticise his conduct. He has often - declared himself, that his life and character were both at stake, and - would probably have been lost, had he not at that supremely critical - moment forgotten the officer and asserted the man. To have ordered the - offenders under arrest would have created a formidable mutiny; to have - tried and punished them would have been impossible. They could scarcely be - called soldiers: they were merely armed citizens, with a nominal military - organization. They were but recently enlisted, and their term of service - was just about to expire. Had he preferred charges against them, and - offered to submit their differences to a court of any sort, it would have - been regarded as an act of personal pusillanimity, and his efficiency - would have been gone forever. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln was believed to be the strongest man in his regiment, and no doubt - was. He was certainly the best wrestler in it, and after they left - Beardstown nobody ever disputed the fact. He is said to have "done the - wrestling for the company;" and one man insists that he <i>always</i> had - a handkerchief tied around his person, in readiness for the sport. For a - while it was firmly believed that no man in the <i>army</i> could throw - him down. His company confidently pitted him "against the field," and were - willing to bet all they had on the result. At length, one Mr. Thompson - came forward and accepted the challenge. He was, in fact, the most famous - wrestler in the Western country. It is not certain that the report of his - achievements had ever reached the ears of Mr. Lincoln or his friends; but - at any rate they eagerly made a match with him as a champion not unworthy - of their own. Thompson's power and skill, however, were as well known to - certain persons in the army as Mr. Lincoln's were to others. Each side was - absolutely certain of the victory, and bet according to their faith. - Lincoln's company and their sympathizers put up all their portable - property, and some perhaps not their own, including "knives, blankets, - tomahawks," and all the most necessary articles of a soldier's outfit. - </p> - <p> - When the men first met, Lincoln was convinced that he could throw - Thompson; but, after tussling with him a brief space in presence of the - anxious assemblage, he turned to his friends and said, "This is the most - powerful man I ever had hold of. He will throw me, and you will lose your - all, unless I act on the defensive." He managed, nevertheless, "to hold - him off for some time;" but at last Thompson got the "crotch hoist" on - him, and, although Lincoln attempted with all his wonderful strength to - break the hold by "sliding" away, a few moments decided his fate: he was - fairly thrown. As it required two out of three falls to decide the bets, - Thompson and he immediately came together again, and with very nearly the - same result. Lincoln fell under, but the other man fell too. There was - just enough of uncertainty about it to furnish a pretext for a hot dispute - and a general fight. Accordingly, Lincoln's men instantly began the proper - preliminaries to a fracas. "We were taken by surprise," says Mr. Green, - "and, being unwilling to give up our property and lose our bets, got up an - excuse as to the result. We declared the fall a kind of dog-fall; did so - apparently angrily." The fight was coming on apace, and bade fair to be a - big and bloody one, when Lincoln rose up and said, "Boys, the man actually - threw me once fair, broadly so; and the second time, this very fall, he - threw me fairly, though not so apparently so." He would countenance no - disturbance, and his unexpected and somewhat astonishing magnanimity ended - all attempts to raise one. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln's good friend, Mr. Green, the principal, though not the sole - authority for the present account of his adventure in behalf of the Indian - and his wrestle with Thompson, mentions one important incident which is - found in no other manuscript, and which gives us a glimpse of Mr. Lincoln - in a scene of another sort. "One other word in reference to Mr. Lincoln's - care for the health, welfare, and justice to his men. Some officers of the - United States had claimed that the regular army had a preference in the - rations and pay. Mr. Lincoln was ordered to do some act which he deemed - unauthorized. He, however, obeyed, but went to the officer and said to - him, 'Sir, you forget that we are not under the rules and regulations of - the War Department at Washington; are only volunteers under the orders and - regulations of Illinois. Keep in your own sphere, and there will be no - difficulty; but resistance will hereafter be made to your unjust orders: - and, further, my men must be equal in all particulars, in rations, arms, - camps, &c., to the regular army. The man saw that Mr. Lincoln was - right, and determined to have justice done. Always after this we were - treated equally well, and just as the regular army was, in every - particular. This brave, just, and humane act in behalf of the volunteers - at once attached officers and rank to him, as with hooks of steel." - </p> - <p> - When the army reached Dixon, the almost universal discontent of the men - had grown so manifest and so ominous, that it could no longer be safely - disregarded. They longed "for the flesh-pots of Egypt," and fiercely - demanded their discharge. Although their time had not expired, it was - determined to march them by way of Paw-Paw Grove to Ottawa, and there - concede what the governor feared he had no power to withhold. - </p> - <p> - "While on our march from Dixon to Fox River," says Mr. Irwin, "one night - while in camp, which was formed in a square enclosing about forty acres, - our horses, outside grazing, got scared about nine o'clock; and a grand - stampede took place. They ran right through our lines in spite of us, and - ran over many of us. No man knows what noise a thousand horses make - running, unless he had been there: it beats a young earthquake, especially - among scared men, and certain they were scared then. We expected the - Indians to be on us that night. Fire was thrown, drums beat, fifes played, - which added additional fright to the horses. We saw no real enemy that - night, but a line of battle was formed. There were no eyes for sleep that - night: we stood to our posts in line; and what frightened the horses is - yet unknown." - </p> - <p> - "During this short Indian campaign," continues the same gentleman, "we had - some hard times,—often hungry; but we had a great deal of sport, - especially of nights,—-foot-racing, some horse-racing, jumping, - telling anecdotes, in which Lincoln beat all, keeping up a constant - laughter and good-humor all the time; among the soldiers some - card-playing, and wrestling, in which Lincoln took a prominent part. I - think it safe to say he was never thrown in a wrestle. [Mr. Irwin, it - seems, still regards the Thompson affair as "a dog-fall."] While in the - army, he kept a handkerchief tied around him near all the time for - wrestling purposes, and loved the sport as well as any one could. He was - seldom ever beat jumping. During the campaign, Lincoln himself was always - ready for an emergency. He endured hardships like a good soldier: he never - complained, nor did he fear danger. When fighting was expected, or danger - apprehended, Lincoln was the first to say, 'Let's go.' He had the - confidence of every man of his company, and they strictly obeyed his - orders at a word. His company was all young men, and full of sport. - </p> - <p> - "One night in Warren County, a white hog—a young sow—came into - our lines, which showed more good sense, to my mind, than any hog I ever - saw. This hog swam creeks and rivers, and went with us clear through to, I - think, the mouth of Fox River; and there the boys killed it, or it would - doubtless have come home with us. If it got behind in daylight as we were - marching, which it did sometimes, it would follow on the track, and come - to us at night. It was naturally the cleverest, friendly-disposed hog any - man ever saw, and its untimely death was by many of us greatly deplored, - for we all liked the hog for its friendly disposition and good manners; - for it never molested any thing, and kept in its proper place." - </p> - <p> - On the 28th of May the volunteers were discharged. The governor had - already called for two thousand more men to take their places; but, in the - mean time, he made the most strenuous efforts to organize a small force - out of the recently discharged, to protect the frontiers until the new - levies were ready for service. He succeeded in raising one regiment and a - spy company. Many officers of distinction, among them Gen. Whiteside - himself, enlisted as private soldiers, and served in that capacity to the - end of the war. Capt. Lincoln became Private Lincoln of the "Independent - Spy Company," Capt. Early commanding; and, although he was never in an - engagement, he saw some hard service in scouting and trailing, as well as - in carrying messages and reports. - </p> - <p> - About the middle of June the new troops were ready for the field, and soon - after moved up to Rock River. Meanwhile the Indians had overrun the - country. "They had scattered their war-parties all over the North from - Chicago to Galena, and from the Illinois River into the Territory of - Wisconsin; they occupied every grove, waylaid every road, hung around - every settlement, and attacked every party of white men that attempted to - penetrate the country." There had been some desultory fighting at various - points. Capt. Snyder, in whose company Gen. Whiteside was a private, had - met the Indians at Burr Oak. Grove, and had a sharp engagement; Mr. St. - Vrain, an Indian agent, with a small party of assistants, had been - treacherously murdered near Fort Armstrong; several men had been killed at - the lead mines, and the Wisconsin volunteers under Dodge had signally - punished the Indians that killed them; Galena had been threatened and Fort - Apple, twelve miles from Galena, had sustained a bloody siege of fifteen - hours; Capt. Stephenson of Galena had performed an act which "equalled any - thing in modern warfare in daring and desperate courage," by driving a - party of Indians larger than his own detachment into a dense thicket, and - there charging them repeatedly until he was compelled to retire, wounded - himself, and leaving three of his men dead on the ground. - </p> - <p> - Thenceforward the tide was fairly turned against Black Hawk. Twenty-four - hundred men, under experienced officers, were now in the field against - him; and, although he succeeded in eluding his pursuers for a brief time, - every retreat was equivalent to a reverse in battle, and all his - manoeuvres were retreats. In the latter part of July he was finally - overtaken by the volunteers under Henry, along the bluffs of the Wisconsin - River, and defeated in a decisive battle. His ruin was complete: he - abandoned all hope of conquest, and pressed in disorderly and disastrous - retreat toward the Mississippi, in vain expectation of placing that - barrier between him and his enemy. - </p> - <p> - On the fourth day, after crossing the Wisconsin, Gen. Atkinson's advance - reached the high grounds near the Mississippi. Henry and his brigade, - having won the previous victory, were placed at the rear in the order of - march, with the ungenerous purpose of preventing them from winning - another. But Black Hawk here resorted to a stratagem which very nearly - saved the remnant of his people, and in the end completely foiled the - intentions of Atkinson regarding Henry and his men. The old chief, with - the high heart which even such a succession of reverses could not subdue, - took twenty warriors and deliberately posted himself, determined to hold - the army in check or lead it away on a false trail, while his main body - was being transferred to the other bank of the river. He accordingly made - his attack in a place where he was favored by trees, logs, and tall grass, - which prevented the discovery of his numbers. Finding his advance engaged, - Atkinson formed a line of battle, and ordered a charge; but Black Hawk - conducted his retreat with such consummate skill that Atkinson believed he - was just at the heels of the whole Indian army, and under this impression - continued the pursuit far up the river. - </p> - <p> - When Henry came up to the spot where the fight had taken place, he readily - detected the trick by various evidences about the ground. Finding the main - trail in the immediate vicinity, he boldly fell upon it without orders, - and followed it until he came up with the Indians in a swamp on the margin - of the river, where he easily surprised and scattered them. Atkinson, - hearing the firing in the swamp, turned back, and arrived just in time to - assist in the completion of the massacre. A few of the Indians had already - crossed the river: a few had taken refuge on a little willow island in the - middle of the stream. The island was charged,—the men wading to it - in water up to their arm-pits,—the Indians were dislodged and killed - on the spot, or shot in the water while attempting to swim to the western - shore. Fifty prisoners only were taken, and the greater part of these were - squaws and children. This was the battle of the Bad Axe,—a terrific - slaughter, considering the numbers engaged, and the final ruin of Black - Hawk's fortunes. - </p> - <p> - Black Hawk and his twenty warriors, among whom was his own son, made the - best of their way to the Dalles on the Wisconsin, where they seem to have - awaited passively whatever fate their enemies should contrive for them. - There were some Sioux and Winnebagoes in Atkinson's camp,—men who - secretly pretended to sympathize with Black Hawk, and, while acting as - guides to the army, had really led it astray on many painful and perilous - marches. It is certain that Black Hawk had counted on the assistance of - those tribes; but after the fight on the Wisconsin, even those who had - consented to act as his emissaries about the person of the hostile - commander not only deserted him, but volunteered to hunt him down. They - now offered to find him, take him, and bring him in, provided that base - and cowardly service should be suitably acknowledged. They were duly - employed. Black Hawk became their prisoner, and was presented by them to - the Indian agent with two or three shameless and disgusting speeches from - his captors. He and his son were carried to Washington City, and then - through the principal cities of the country, after which President Jackson - released him from captivity, and sent him back to his own people. He lived - to be eighty years old, honored and beloved by his tribe, and after his - death was buried on an eminence overlooking the Mississippi, with such - rites as are accorded only to the most distinguished of native captains,—sitting - upright in war dress and paint, covered by a conspicuous mound of earth. - </p> - <p> - We have given a rapid and perhaps an unsatisfactory sketch of the - comparatively great events which brought the Black Hawk War to a close. So - much at least was necessary, that the reader might understand the several - situations in which Mr. Lincoln found himself during the short term of his - second enlistment. We fortunately possess a narrative of his individual - experience, covering the whole of that period, from the pen of George W. - Harrison, his friend, companion, and messmate. It is given in full; for - there is no part of it that would not be injured by the touch of another - hand. It is an extremely interesting story, founded upon accurate personal - knowledge, and told in a perspicuous and graphic style, admirably suited - to the subject. - </p> - <p> - "The new company thus formed was called the 'Independent Spy Company;' not - being under the control of any regiment or brigade, but receiving orders - directly from the commander-in-chief, and always, when with the army, - camping within the lines, and having many other privileges, such as never - having camp-duties to perform, drawing rations as much and as often as we - pleased, &c, Dr. Early (deceased) of Springfield was elected captain. - Five members constituted a tent, or 'messed' together. Qur mess consisted - of Mr. Lincoln, Johnston (a half-brother of his), Fanchier, Wyatt, and - myself. The 'Independent Spy Company' was used chiefly to carry messages, - to send an express, to spy the enemy, and to ascertain facts. I suppose - the nearest we were to doing battle was at Gratiot's Grove, near Galena. - The spy company of Posey's brigade was many miles in advance of the - brigade, when it stopped in the grove at noon for refreshments. Some of - the men had turned loose their horses, and others still had theirs in - hand, when five or six Sac and Fox Indians came near them. Many of the - white men broke after them, some on horseback, some on foot, in great - disorder and confusion, thinking to have much sport with their prisoners - immediately. The Indians thus decoyed them about two miles from the little - cabins in the grove, keeping just out of danger, when suddenly up sprang - from the tall prairie grass two hundred and fifty painted warriors, with - long spears in hand, and tomahawks and butcher-knives in their belts of - deer-skin and buffalo, and raised such a yell that our friends supposed - them to be more numerous than Black Hawk's whole clan, and, instantly - filled with consternation, commenced to retreat. But the savages soon - began to spear them, making it necessary to halt in the flight, and give - them a fire, at which time they killed two Indians, one of them being a - young chief gayly apparelled. Again, in the utmost horror, such as savage - yells alone can produce, they fled for the little fort in the grove. - Having arrived, they found the balance of their company, terrified by the - screams of the whites and the yells of the savages, closely shut up in the - double cabin, into which <i>they</i> quickly plunged, and found the - much-needed respite. The Indians then prowled around the grove, shooting - nearly all the company's horses, and stealing the balance of them. There, - from cracks between the logs of the cabin, three Indians were shot and - killed in the act of reaching for the reins of bridles on horses. They - endeavored to conceal their bodies by trees in an old field which - surrounded the fort; but, reaching with sticks for bridles, they exposed - their heads and necks, and all of them were shot with two balls each - through the neck. These three, and the two killed where our men wheeled - and fired, make five Indians known to be killed; and on their retreat from - the prairie to the grove, five white men were cut into small pieces. The - field of this action is the greatest battle-ground we saw. The dead still - lay unburied until after we arrived at sunrise the next day. The forted - men, fifty strong, had not ventured to go out until they saw us, when they - rejoiced greatly that friends and not dreaded enemies had come. They - looked like men just out of cholera,—having passed through the - cramping stage. The only part we could then act was to seek the lost men, - and with hatchets and hands to bury them. We buried the white men, and - trailed the dead young chief where he had been drawn on the grass a - half-mile, and concealed in the thicket. Those who trailed this once noble - warrior, and found him, were Lincoln, I think, Wyatt, and myself. By order - of Gen. Atkinson, our company started on this expedition one evening, - travelled all night, and reached Gratiot's at sunrise. A few hours after, - Gen. Posey came up to the fort with his brigade of nearly a thousand men, - when he positively refused to pursue the Indians,—being strongly - solicited by Capt. Early, Lincoln, and others,—squads of Indians - still showing themselves in a menacing manner one and a half miles - distant. - </p> - <p> - "Our company was disbanded at Whitewater, Wis., a short time before the - massacre at Bad Axe by Gen. Henry; and most of our men started for home on - the following morning; but it so happened that the night previous to - starting on this long trip, Lincoln's horse and mine were stolen, probably - by soldiers of our own army, and we were thus compelled to start outside - the cavalcade; but I laughed at our fate, and he joked at it, and we all - started off merrily. But the generous men of our company walked and rode - by turns with us; and we fared about equal with the rest. But for this - generosity, our legs would have had to do the better work; for in that - day, this then dreary route furnished no horses to buy or to steal; and, - whether on horse or afoot, we always had company, for many of the horses' - backs were too sore for riding. - </p> - <p> - "Thus we came to Peoria: here we bought a canoe, in which we two paddled - our way to Pekin. The other members of our company, separating in various - directions, stimulated by the proximity of home, could never have - consented to travel at our usual tardy mode. At Pekin, Lincoln made an oar - with which to row our little boat, while I went through the town in order - to buy provisions for the trip. One of us pulled away at the one oar, - while the other sat astern to steer, or prevent circling. The river being - very low was without current, so that we had to pull hard to make half the - speed of legs on land,—in fact, we let her float all night, and on - the next morning always found the objects still visible that were beside - us the previous evening. The water was remarkably clear, for this river of - plants, and the fish appeared to be sporting with us as we moved over or - near them. - </p> - <p> - "On the next day after we left Pekin, we overhauled a raft of saw-logs, - with two men afloat on it to urge it on with poles and to guide it in the - channel. We immediately pulled up to them and went on the raft, where we - were made welcome by various demonstrations, especially by that of an - invitation to a feast on fish, corn-bread, eggs, butter, and coffee, just - prepared for our benefit. Of these good things we ate almost immoderately, - for it was the only warm meal we had made for several days. While - preparing it, and after dinner, Lincoln entertained them, and they - entertained us for a couple of hours very amusingly. - </p> - <p> - "This slow mode of travel was, at the time, a new mode, and the novelty - made it for a short time agreeable. We descended the Illinois to Havana, - where we sold our boat, and again set out the old way, over the - sand-ridges for Petersburg. As we drew near home, the impulse became - stronger, and urged us on amazingly. The long strides of Lincoln, often - slipping back in the loose sand six inches every step, were just right for - me; and he was greatly diverted when he noticed me behind him stepping - along in his tracks to keep from slipping. - </p> - <p> - "About three days after leaving the army at Whitewater, we saw a battle in - full operation about two miles in advance of us. Lincoln was riding a - young horse, the property of L. D. Matheny. I was riding a sprightly - animal belonging to John T. Stuart. At the time we came in sight of the - scene, our two voluntary footmen were about three-fourths of a mile in - advance of us, and we about half a mile behind most of our company, and - three or four on foot still behind us, leading some sore-backed horses. - But the owners of our horses came running back, and, meeting us all in - full speed, rightfully ordered us to dismount. We obeyed: they mounted, - and all pressed on toward the conflict,—they on horseback, we on - foot. In a few moments of hard walking and terribly close observation, - Lincoln said to me, 'George, this can't be a very dangerous battle.' - Reply: 'Much shooting, nothing falls.' It was at once decided to be a sham - for the purpose of training cavalry, instead of Indians having attacked a - few white soldiers, and a few of our own men, on their way home, for the - purpose of killing them." - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0006" id="link2HCH0006"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER VI - </h2> - <p> - THE volunteers from Sangamon returned to their homes shortly before the - State election, at which, among other officers, assembly-men were to be - chosen. Lincoln's popularity had been greatly enhanced by his service in - the war, and some of his friends urged him with warm solicitations to - become a candidate at the coming election. He prudently resisted, and - declined to consent, alleging in excuse his limited acquaintance in the - county at large, until Mr. James Rutledge, the founder of New Salem, added - the weight of his advice to the nearly unanimous desire of the - neighborhood. It is quite likely that his recent military career was - thought to furnish high promise of usefulness in civil affairs; but Mr. - Rutledge was sure that he saw another proof of his great abilities in a - speech which Abe was induced to make, just about this time, before the - New-Salem Literary Society. The following is an account of this speech by - R. B. Rutledge, the son of James:— - </p> - <p> - "About the year 1832 or 1833, Mr. Lincoln made his first effort at public - speaking. A debating club, of which James Rutledge was president, was - organized, and held regular meetings. As he arose to speak, his tall form - towered above the little assembly. Both hands were thrust down deep in the - pockets of his pantaloons. A perceptible smile at once lit up the faces of - the audience, for all anticipated the relation of some humorous story. But - he opened up the discussion in splendid style, to the infinite - astonishment of his friends. As he warmed with his subject, his hands - would forsake his pockets and would enforce his ideas by awkward gestures, - but would very soon seek their easy resting-places. He pursued the - question with reason and argument so pithy and forcible that all were - amazed. The president at his fireside, after the meeting, remarked to his - wife, that there was more in Abe's head than wit and fun; that he was - already a fine speaker; that all he lacked was culture to enable him to - reach the high destiny which he knew was in store for him. From that time - Mr. Rutledge took a deeper interest in him. - </p> - <p> - "Soon after Mr. Rutledge urged him to announce himself as a candidate for - the Legislature. This he at first declined to do, averring that it was - impossible to be elected. It was suggested that a canvass of the county - would bring him prominently before the people, and in time would do him - good. He reluctantly yielded to the solicitations of his friends, and made - a partial canvass." - </p> - <p> - In those days political animosities were fierce enough; but, owing to the - absence of nominating conventions, party lines were not, as yet, very - distinctly drawn in Illinois. Candidates announced themselves; but, - usually, it was done after full consultation with influential friends, or - persons of considerable power in the neighborhood of the candidate's - residence. We have already seen the process by which Mr. Lincoln was - induced to come forward. There were often secret combinations among a - number of candidates, securing a mutual support; but in the present case - there is no trace of such an understanding. - </p> - <p> - This (1832) was the year of Gen. Jackson's election. The Democrats - stigmatized their opponents as "Federalists," while the latter were - steadily struggling to shuffle off the odious name. For the present they - called themselves Democratic Republicans; and it was not until 1833 or - 1834, that they formally took to themselves the designation of Whig. The - Democrats were known better as Jackson men than as Democrats, and were - inexpressibly proud of either name. Four or five years afterward their - enemies invented for their benefit the meaningless and hideous word - "Locofoco." - </p> - <p> - Since 1826 every general election in the State had resulted in a - Democratic victory. The young men were mostly Democrats; and the most - promising talents in the State were devoted to the cause, which seemed - destined to achieve success wherever there was a contest. In a new country - largely peopled by adventurers from older States, there were necessarily - found great numbers who would attach themselves to the winning side merely - because it was the winning side. - </p> - <p> - It is unnecessary to restate here the prevailing questions in national - politics,—Jackson's stupendous struggle with the bank, "hard money," - "no monopoly," internal improvements, the tariff, and nullification, or - the personal and political relations of the chieftains,—Jackson, - Clay, and Calhoun. Mr. Lincoln will shortly disclose in one of his - speeches from the stump which of those questions were of special interest - to the people of Illinois, and consequently which of them principally - occupied his own attention. - </p> - <p> - The Democrats were divided into "whole-hog men" and "nominal Jackson men;" - the former being thoroughly devoted to the fortunes and principles of - their leader, while the latter were willing to trim a little for the sake - of popular support. It is probable that Mr. Lincoln might be fairly - classed as a "nominal Jackson man," although the precise character of some - of the views he then held, or is supposed to have held, on national - questions, is involved in considerable doubt. He had not wholly forgotten - Jones, or Jones's teachings. He still remembered his high disputes with - Offutt in the shanty at Spring Creek, when he effectually defended Jackson - against the "abuse" of his employer. He was not Whig, but "Whiggish," as - Dennis Hanks expresses it. It is not likely that a man who deferred so - habitually to the popular sentiment around him would have selected the - occasion of his settlement in a new place to go over bodily to a hopeless - political minority. At all events, we have at least three undisputed - facts, which make it plain that he then occupied an intermediate position - between the extremes of all parties. First, he received the votes of all - parties at New Salem; second, he was the next year appointed postmaster by - Gen. Jackson; and, third, the Democrats ran him for the legislature two - years afterwards; and he was elected by a larger majority than any other - candidate. - </p> - <p> - "Our old way of conducting elections," says Gov. Ford, "required each - aspirant to announce himself as a candidate. The most prudent, however, - always consulted a little caucus of select, influential friends. The - candidates then travelled around the county, or State, in proper person, - making speeches, conversing with the people, soliciting votes, whispering - slanders against their opponents, and defending themselves against the - attacks of their adversaries; but it was not always best to defend against - such attacks. A candidate in a fair way to be elected should never deny - any charge made against him; for, if he does, his adversaries will prove - all that they have said, and much more. As a candidate did not offer - himself as the champion of any party, he usually agreed with all opinions, - and promised every thing demanded by the people, and most usually - promised, either directly or indirectly, his support to all the other - candidates at the same election. One of the arts was to raise a quarrel - with unpopular men who were odious to the people, and then try to be - elected upon the unpopularity of others, as well as upon his own - popularity. These modes of electioneering were not true of all the - candidates, nor perhaps of half of them, very many of them being gentlemen - of first-class integrity." - </p> - <p> - That portion of the people whose influence lay in their fighting - qualities, and who were prone to carry a huge knife in the belt of the - hunting-shirt, were sometimes called the "butcher-knife boys," and - sometimes "the half-horse and half-alligator men." This class, according - to Gov. Ford, "made a kind of balance-of-power party." Their favorite was - sure of success; and nearly all political contests were decided by - "butcher-knife influence." "In all elections and in all enactments of the - Legislature, great pains were taken by all candidates, and all men in - office, to make their course and measures acceptable" to these knights of - steel and muscle. - </p> - <p> - At a later date they enjoyed a succession of titles, such as "barefoot - boys," "the flat-footed boys," and "the big-pawed boys." - </p> - <p> - In those times, Gov. Ford avers that he has seen all the rum-shops and - groceries of the principal places of a county chartered by candidates, and - kept open for the gratuitous accommodation of the free and independent - electors for several weeks before the vote. Every Saturday afternoon the - people flocked to the county-seat, to see the candidates, to hear - speeches, to discuss prospects, to get drunk and fight. - </p> - <p> - "Toward evening they would mount their ponies, go reeling from side to - side, galloping through town, and throwing up their caps and hats, - screeching like so many infernal spirits broke loose from their nether - prison; and thus they separated for their homes." These observations occur - in Ford's account of the campaign of 1830, which resulted in the choice of - Gov. Reynolds,—two years before Mr. Lincoln first became a - candidate,—and lead us to suppose that the body of electors before - whom that gentleman presented himself were none too cultivated or refined. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln's first appearance on the stump, in the course of the canvass, - was at Pappsville, about eleven miles west of Springfield, upon the - occasion of a public sale by the firm of Poog & Knap. The sale over, - speech-making was about to begin, when Mr. Lincoln observed strong - symptoms of inattention in his audience, who had taken that particular - moment to engage in what Mr. James A. Herndon pronounces "a general - fight." Lincoln saw that one of his friends was suffering more than he - liked in the <i>mêlée</i>; and, stepping into the crowd, he shouldered - them sternly away from his man, until he met a fellow who refused to fall - back: him he seized by the nape of the neck and the seat of his breeches, - and tossed him "ten or twelve feet easily." After this episode,—as - characteristic of him as of the times,—he mounted the platform, and - delivered, with awkward modesty, the following speech:— - </p> - <p> - "Gentlemen and Fellow-Citizens, I presume you all know who I am. I am - humble Abraham Lincoln. I have been solicited by many friends to become a - candidate for the Legislature. My politics are short and sweet, like the - old woman's dance. I am in favor of a national bank. I am in favor of the - internal-improvement system and a high protective tariff. These are my - sentiments and political principles. If elected, I shall be thankful; if - not, it will be all the same." - </p> - <p> - In these few sentences Mr. Lincoln adopted the leading principles of the - Whig party,—Clay's "American System" in full. In his view, as we - shall see by another paper from him when again a candidate in 1834, the - internal-improvement system required the distribution of the proceeds of - the sales of the public lands amongst the States. He says nothing of South - Carolina, of nullification, of disunion; and on these subjects it is quite - probable his views were like Mr. Webster's, and his sympathies with - Jackson. The opinions announced in this speech, on all the subjects - touched by the speaker, were as emphatically Whig as they could be made in - words; yet as far as they related to internal improvements, and indirectly - favored the increase of bank issues, they were such as most of the - "nominal Jackson men" in Illinois professed to hold, and such as they - united with the Whigs to enforce, then and afterwards, in the State - Legislature. The "whole-hog men" would have none of them, and therein lay - the distinction. Although the Democratic party continued to have a - numerical majority for many years in the Legislature, the nominal men and - the Whigs coalesced to control legislation in accordance with Whig - doctrines. Even with such a record made and making by them, the "nominal - men" persisted in calling themselves Democrats, while Jackson was vetoing - the Maysville Road Bill, grappling with the National Bank, and exposing - the oppressive character of the Tariff Act then in force, which imposed - the highest scale of duties since the first enactment for "protection" in - 1816. It was their practice to run men like themselves for the State - offices where the chances of a plain-spoken Whig were hopeless; and, by - means of the "nominal" character of the candidate, secure enough - Democratic votes, united with the Whigs, to elect him. In the very next - canvass Mr. Lincoln himself was taken up by such a combination and - triumphantly elected. Such things were made feasible by the prevalent mode - of making nominations without the salutary intervention of regular party - conventions and committees. We repeat that Mr. Lincoln's position was - midway between the extremes in local politics. - </p> - <p> - His friend, Mr. A. Y. Ellis, who was with him during a part of this - campaign, says, "He wore a mixed jeans coat, claw-hammer style, short in - the sleeves, and bobtail,—in fact, it was so short in the tail he - could not sit on it,—flax and tow linen pantaloons, and a straw hat. - I think he wore a vest, but do not remember how it looked. He then wore - pot-metal boots. - </p> - <p> - "I accompanied him on one of his electioneering trips to Island Grove; and - he made a speech which pleased his party friends very well indeed, though - some of the Jackson men tried to make sport of it. He told several - anecdotes in his speech, and applied them, as I thought, very well. He - also told the boys several stories which drew them after him. I remember - them; but modesty and my veneration for his memory forbid me to relate - them." - </p> - <p> - Mr. J. R. Herndon, his friend and landlord, heard him make several - speeches about this time, and gives us the following extract from one, - which seems to have made a special impression upon the minds of his - auditors: "Fellow-citizens, I have been told that some of my opponents - have said that it was a disgrace to the county of Sangamon to have such a - looking man as I am stuck up for the Legislature. Now, I thought this was - a free country: that is the reason I address you today. Had I have known - to the contrary, I should not have consented to run; but I will say one - thing, let the shoe pinch where it may: when I have been a candidate - before you some five or six times, and have been beaten every time, I will - consider it a disgrace, and will be sure never to try it again; but I am - bound to beat that man if I am beat myself." - </p> - <p> - These were not the only speeches he made in furtherance of his present - claims, but they are all of which we have any intelligible account. There - was one subject upon which he felt himself peculiarly competent to speak,—the - practical application of the "internal-improvement system" to the river - which flowed by the doors of the constituency he addressed. He firmly - believed in the right of the Legislature of the State or the Congress of - the United States to appropriate the public money to local improvements - for the sole advantage of limited districts; and that he believed it good - policy to exercise the right, his subsequent conduct in the Legislature, - and an elaborate speech in Congress, are sufficient proof. In this - doctrine he had the almost unanimous support of the people of Illinois. - Almost every man in the State was a speculator in town lots or lands. Even - the farmers had taken up or held the very lands they tilled with a view to - a speculation in the near future. Long after the Democratic party in the - South and East, leaving Mr. Calhoun in a state of isolation, had begun to - inculcate different views of constitutional power and duty, it was a - dangerous thing for a politician in Illinois to intimate his agreement - with them. Mr. Lincoln knew well that the policy of local improvement at - the general expense was at that moment decidedly the most popular platform - he could mount; but he felt that this was not enough for his individual - purposes, since it was no invention of his, and belonged to nearly - everybody else as much as to him. He therefore prudently ingrafted upon it - a hobby of his own: "The Improvement of the Sangamon River,"—a plan - to straighten it by means of cuts, to clear out its obstructions, and make - it a commercial highway at the cost of the State. That the idea was - nearly, if not quite impracticable, the trip of "The Talisman" under Mr. - Lincoln's piloting, and the fact that the river remained unimproved during - all the years of the "internal-improvement" mania, would seem to be pretty - clear evidence. But the theme was agreeable to the popular ear, and had - been dear to Lincoln from the moment he laid his eyes on the Sangamon. It - was the great topic of his speech against Posey and Ewing in Macon County, - when, under the auspices of John Hanks, he "beat" those professional - politicians so completely that they applauded him themselves. His - experience in navigating the river was not calculated to make him forget - it, and it had occupied his thoughts more or less from that day forward. - Now that it might be turned to good use, where he was personally - interested, he set about preparing a written address on it, and on some - other questions of local interest, upon which he bestowed infinite pains. - The "grammatical errors" in the first draft were corrected by Mr. McNamar, - the pioneer of New Salem as a business point, and the gentleman who was - destined to be Mr. Lincoln's rival in the most important love-affair of - his life. He may have consulted the schoolmaster also; but, if he had done - so, it is hardly to be surmised that the schoolmaster would have left so - important a fact out of his written reminiscences. It is more probable - that Mr. Lincoln confined his applications for assistance on this most - important matter to the quarter where he could get light on politics as - well as grammar. However that may have been, the following is the finished - paper:— - </p> - <p> - To the People of Sangamon County. - </p> - <p> - Fellow-Citizens,—Having become a candidate for the honorable office - of one of your Representatives in the next General Assembly of this State, - in accordance with an established custom and the principles of true - republicanism, it becomes my duty to make known to you, the people, whom I - propose to represent, my sentiments with regard to local affairs. - </p> - <p> - Time and experience have verified to a demonstration the public utility of - internal improvements. That the poorest and most thinly-populated - countries would be greatly benefited by the opening of good roads, and in - the clearing of navigable streams within their limits, is what no person - will deny. Yet it is folly to undertake works of this or any other kind, - without first knowing that we are able to finish them,—as - half-finished work generally proves to be labor lost. There cannot justly - be any objection to having railroads and canals, any more than to other - good things, provided they cost nothing. The only objection is to paying - for them; and the objection arises from the want of ability to pay. - </p> - <p> - With respect to the County of Sangamon, some more easy means of - communication than it now possesses, for the purpose of facilitating the - task of exporting the surplus products of its fertile soil, and importing - necessary articles from abroad, are indispensably necessary. A meeting has - been held of the citizens of Jacksonville and the adjacent country, for - the purpose of deliberating and inquiring into the expediency of - constructing a railroad from some eligible point on the Illinois River, - through the town of Jacksonville, in Morgan County, to the town of - Springfield, in Sangamon County. This is, indeed, a very desirable object. - No other improvement that reason will justify us in hoping for can equal - in utility the railroad. It is a never-failing source of communication - between places of business remotely situated from each other. Upon the - railroad the regular progress of commercial intercourse is not interrupted - by either high or low water, or freezing weather, which are the principal - difficulties that render our future hopes of water communication - precarious and uncertain. - </p> - <p> - Yet however desirable an object the construction of a railroad through our - country may be; however high our imaginations may be heated at thoughts of - it,—there is always a heart-appalling shock accompanying the account - of its cost, which forces us to shrink from our pleasing anticipations. - The probable cost of this contemplated railroad is estimated at $290,000; - the bare statement of which, in my opinion, is sufficient to justify the - belief that the improvement of the Sangamon River is an object much better - suited to our infant resources. - </p> - <p> - Respecting this view, I think I may say, without the fear of being - contradicted, that its navigation may be rendered completely practicable - as high as the mouth of the South Fork, or probably higher, to vessels of - from twenty-five to thirty tons' burden, for at least one-half of all - common years, and to vessels of much greater burden a part of the time. - From my peculiar circumstances, it is probable, that for the last twelve - months I have given as particular attention to the stage of the water in - this river as any other person in the country. In the month of March, - 1831, in company with others, I commenced the building of a flatboat on - the Sangamon, and finished and took her out in the course of the spring. - Since that time I have been concerned in the mill at New Salem. These - circumstances are sufficient evidence that I have not been very - inattentive to the stages of the water. The time at which we crossed the - mill-dam being in the last days of April, the water was lower than it had - been since the breaking of winter in February, or than it was for several - weeks after. The principal difficulties we encountered in descending the - river were from the drifted timber, which obstructions all know are not - difficult to be removed. Knowing almost precisely the height of water at - that time, I believe I am safe in saying that it has as often been higher - as lower since. - </p> - <p> - From this view of the subject, it appears that my calculations with regard - to the navigation of the Sangamon cannot but be founded in reason; but, - whatever may be its natural advantages, certain it is, that it never can - be practically useful to any great extent, without being greatly improved - by art. The drifted timber, as I have before mentioned, is the most - formidable barrier to this object. Of all parts of this river, none will - require so much labor in proportion to make it navigable, as the last - thirty or thirty-five miles; and going with the meanderings of the - channel, when we are this distance above its mouth we are only between - twelve and eighteen miles above Beardstown, in something near a straight - direction; and this route is upon such low ground as to retain water in - many places during the season, and in all parts such as to draw two-thirds - or three-fourths of the river-water at all high stages. - </p> - <p> - This route is on prairie land the whole distance; so that it appears to - me, by removing the turf a sufficient width, and damming up the old - channel, the whole river in a short time would wash its way through, - thereby curtailing the distance, and increasing the velocity of the - current, very considerably: while there would be no timber on the banks to - obstruct its navigation in future; and, being nearly straight, the timber - which might float in at the head would be apt to go clear through. There - are also many places above this where the river, in its zigzag course, - forms such complete peninsulas, as to be easier to cut at the necks than - to remove the obstructions from the bends, which, if done, would also - lessen the distance. - </p> - <p> - What the cost of this work would be, I am unable to say. It is probable, - however, that it would not be greater than is common to streams of the - same length. Finally, I believe the improvement of the Sangamon River to - be vastly important and highly desirable to the people of the county; and, - if elected, any measure in the Legislature having this for its object, - which may appear judicious, will meet my approbation and shall receive my - support. - </p> - <p> - It appears that the practice of drawing money at exorbitant rates of - interest has already been opened as a field for discussion; so I suppose I - may enter upon it without claiming the honor, or risking the danger, which - may await its first explorer. It seems as though we are never to have an - end to this baneful and corroding system, acting almost as prejudicial to - the general interests of the community as a direct tax of several thousand - dollars annually laid on each county, for the benefit of a few individuals - only, unless there be a law made fixing the limits of usury. A law for - this purpose, I am of opinion, may be made, without materially injuring - any class of people. In cases of extreme necessity, there could always be - means found to cheat the law; while in all other cases it would have its - intended effect. I would favor the passage of a law on this subject which - might not be very easily evaded. Let it be such that the labor and - difficulty of evading it could only be justified in cases of greatest - necessity.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Until the year 1833 there had been no legal limit to the rate of - interest to be fixed by contract. But usury had been carried to such an - unprecedented degree of extortion and oppression as to cause the - Legislature to enact severe usury laws, by which all interest above - twelve per cent was condemned. It had been no uncommon thing before this - to charge one hundred and one hundred and fifty per cent, and sometimes - two and three hundred per cent. But the common rate of interest, by - contract, had been about fifty per cent.—Ford's History, page 233. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or system - respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most important subject - which we as a people can be engaged in. That every man may receive at - least a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to read the histories - of his own and other countries, by which he may duly appreciate the value - of our free institutions, appears to be an object of vital importance, - even on this account alone, to say nothing of the advantages and - satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read the Scriptures and - other works, both of a religious and moral nature, for themselves. - </p> - <p> - For my part, I desire to see the time when education—and, by its - means, morality, sobriety, enterprise, and industry—shall become - much more general than at present, and should be gratified to have it in - my power to contribute something to the advancement of any measure which - might have a tendency to accelerate the happy period. - </p> - <p> - With regard to existing laws, some alterations are thought to be - necessary. Many respectable men have suggested that our estray laws—the - law respecting the issuing of executions, the road-law, and some others—are - deficient in their present form, and require alterations. But, considering - the great probability that the framers of those laws were wiser than - myself, I should prefer not meddling with them, unless they were first - attacked by others; in which case I should feel it both a privilege and a - duty to take that stand, which, in my view, might tend most to the - advancement of justice. - </p> - <p> - But, fellow-citizens, I shall conclude. Considering the great degree of - modesty which should always attend youth, it is probable I have already - been more presuming than becomes me. However, upon the subjects of which I - have treated, I have spoken as I have thought. I may be wrong in regard to - any or all of them; but, holding it a sound maxim, that it is better only - sometimes to be right than at all times wrong, so soon as I discover my - opinions to be erroneous, I shall be ready to renounce them. - </p> - <p> - Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or - not, I can say, for one, that I have no other so great as that of being - truly esteemed of my fellow-men, by rendering myself worthy of their - esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this ambition is yet to be - developed. I am young, and unknown to many of you. I was born, and have - ever remained, in the most humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or - popular relations or friends to recommend. My case is thrown exclusively - upon the independent voters of the county; and, if elected, they will have - conferred a favor upon me, for which I shall be unremitting in my labors - to compensate. But, if the good people in their wisdom shall see fit to - keep me in the background, I have been too familiar with disappointments - to be very much chagrined. - </p> - <p> - Your Friend and Fellow-Citizen, - </p> - <p> - A. LINCOLN. - </p> - <p> - New Salem, March 9, 1832. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was defeated at the election, having four hundred and seventy - votes less than the candidate who had the highest number. But his - disappointment was softened by the action of his immediate neighbors, who - gave him an almost unanimous support. With three solitary exceptions, he - received the whole vote of his precinct,—two hundred and - seventy-seven,—being one more than the whole number cast for both - the candidates for Congress. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0007" id="link2HCH0007"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER VII - </h2> - <p> - THE results of the canvass for the Legislature were precisely such as had - been predicted, both by Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Rutledge: he had been - defeated, as he expected himself; and it had done "him much good," in the - politician's sense, as promised by Mr. Rutledge. He was now somewhat - acquainted with the people outside of the New Salem district, and - generally marked as a young man of good parts and popular manners. The - vote given him at home demonstrated his local strength, and made his favor - a thing of value to the politicians of all parties. - </p> - <p> - Soon after his return from the army, he had taken quarters at the house of - J. R. Herndon, who loved him then, and always, with as much sincerity as - one man can love another. Mr. Herndon's family likewise "became much - attached to him." He "nearly always had one" of Herndon's children "around - with him." Mr. Herndon says of him further, that he was "at home wherever - he went;" making himself wonderfully agreeable to the people he lived - with, or whom he happened to be visiting. Among other things, "he was very - kind to the widow and orphan, and chopped their wood." - </p> - <p> - Lincoln, as we have seen already, was not enamored of the life of a common - laborer,—mere hewing and drawing. He preferred to clerk, to go to - war, to enter politics,—any thing but that dreary round of daily - toil and poor pay. But he was now, as he would say, "in a fix:" clerks - were not wanted every day in New Salem and he began to cast about for some - independent business of his own, by which he could earn enough to pay - board and buy books. In every community where he had lived, "the merchant" - had been the principal man. He felt that, in view of his apprenticeship - under those great masters, Jones and Offutt, he was fully competent to - "run a store," and was impatient to find an opening in that line. - </p> - <p> - Unfortunately for him, the circumstances of the business men of New Salem - were just then peculiarly favorable to his views. At least three of them - were as anxious to sell out as Lincoln was to buy. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln, as already stated, was at this time living with "Row" Herndon. - Row and his brother "Jim" had taken "a store down to New Salem early in - that year." But Jim "didn't like the place," and sold out his interests to - an idle, convivial fellow, named Berry. Six weeks later Row Herndon grew - tired of his new partner, and sold his interest to Lincoln. The store was - a mixed one,—dry goods and groceries. - </p> - <p> - About the same time Mr. Radford, who kept one of the New Salem groceries, - fell into disfavor with the "Clary's Grove Boys," who generously - determined that he should keep a grocery no longer. They accordingly - selected a convenient night for breaking in his windows, and, in their own - elegant phrase, "gutting his establishment." Convinced that these - neighborly fellows were inclined to honor him with further attentions, and - that his bones might share the fate of his windows, Radford determined to - sell out with the earliest dawn of the coming day. The next day he was - standing disconsolate in the midst of his wreck, when Bill Green rode up. - Green thought he saw a speculation in Radford's distress, and offered him - four hundred dollars for the whole concern. Radford eagerly closed with - him; and in a few minutes Green owned the grocery, and Radford was ready - for the road to a more congenial settlement. It is said that Green - employed Lincoln to make an inventory of the stock. At all events, Lincoln - was satisfied that Green's bargain was a very good one, and proposed that - he and Berry should take it off his hands at a premium of two hundred and - fifty dollars. Radford had Green's note for four hundred dollars; but he - now surrendered, it and took Lincoln & Berry's for the same amount, - indorsed by Green; while Lincoln & Berry gave Green a note for two - hundred and fifty dollars, the latter's profit in the trade. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Rutledge "also owned a small grocery in the village;" and this was - speedily absorbed by the enterprising firm of Lincoln & Berry, who now - had the field to themselves, being sole proprietors "of the only store of - the kind in New Salem." - </p> - <p> - Whether Mr. Lincoln sold liquor by the dram over the counter of this shop - remains, and will forever remain, an undetermined question. Many of his - friends aver that he did, and as many more aver that he did not. When - Douglas, with that courtesy for which he distinguished himself in the - debates with Lincoln, revived the story, Lincoln replied, that, even if it - were true, there was but little difference between them; for, while he - figured on one side of the counter, Douglas figured on the other. It is - certain liquors were a part of the stock of all the purchases of Lincoln - & Berry. Of course they sold them by the quantity, and probably by the - drink. Some of it they <i>gave</i> away, for no man could keep store - without setting out the customary dram to the patrons of the place.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Here is the evidence of James Davis, a Democrat, "aged sixty," who is - willing to "give the Devil his due:"— "Came to Clary's Grove in - 1829; knew Lincoln well; knew Jim and Row Herndon: they sold out to - Berry,—one of them did; afterwards the other sold out to Lincoln. - The store was a mixed one,—dry goods, a few groceries, such as - sugar, salt, &c., and whiskey solely kept for their customers, or to - sell by the gallon, quart, or pint,—not otherwise. The Herndons - probably had the Blankenship goods. Radford had a grocery-store,—salt, - pepper, and suchlike things, with whiskey. It is said Green bought this - out, and instantly sold to Berry & Lincoln. Lincoln & Berry - broke. Berry subsequently kept a doggery, a whiskey saloon, as I do now, - or did. Am a Democrat; never agreed in politics with Abe. He was an - honest man. Give the Devil his due; he never sold whiskey by the dram in - New Salem! I was in town every week for years; knew, I think, all about - it. I always drank my dram, and drank at Berry's often; ought to know. - Lincoln got involved, I think, in the first operation. Salem Hill was a - barren." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - The difficulty of gathering authentic evidence on this subject is well - illustrated in the following extract from Mr. George Spears of Petersburg:— - </p> - <p> - "I took my horse this morning, and went over to New Salem, among the P——s - and A——s, and made all the inquiries I could, but could learn - nothing. The old ladies would begin to count up what had happened in New - Salem when such a one of their children was born, and such a one had a - bastard; but it all amounted to nothing. I could arrive at no dates, only - when those children were born. Old Mrs. Potter affirms that Lincoln did - sell liquors in a grocery. I can't tell whether he did or not." - </p> - <p> - All that winter (1832-3) Lincoln struggled along with a bad partner, and a - business which began wrong, and grew worse every day. Berry had no - qualities which atoned for his evil habits.. He preferred to consume the - liquors on hand rather than to sell them, and exerted himself so - successfully, that in a few months he had ruined the credit of the firm, - squandered its assets, and destroyed his own health. The "store" was a - dead failure; and the partners were weighed down with a parcel of debts, - against which Lincoln could scarcely have borne up, even with a better man - to help him. At last they sold out to two brothers named Trent. The Trents - continued the business for a few months, when they broke up and ran away. - Then Berry, encouraged by the example of the Trents, "cleared out" also, - and, dying soon after, left poor Lincoln the melancholy task of settling - up the affairs of their ill-starred partnership. - </p> - <p> - In all the preceding transactions, the absence of any cash consideration - is the one thing very striking. It is a fair illustration of the - speculative spirit pervading the whole people. Green bought from Radford - on credit; Lincoln & Berry bought from Green on credit; they bought - from the Herndons on credit; they bought from Rutledge on credit; and they - sold to the Trents on credit. Those that did not die or run away had a sad - time enough in managing the debts resulting from their connection with - this unlucky grocery. Radford assigned Lincoln & Berry's note to a Mr. - Van Bergen, who got judgment on it, and swept away all Lincoln's little - personal property, including his surveying instruments,—his very - means of livelihood, as we shall see at another place. The Herndons owed - E. C. Blankenship for the goods they sold, and assigned Lincoln & - Berry's note in payment. Mr. Lincoln struggled to pay, by slow degrees, - this harassing debt to Blankenship, through many long and weary years. It - was not until his return from Congress, in 1849, that he got the last - dollar of it discharged. He paid Green <i>his</i> note of two hundred and - fifty dollars, in small instalments, beginning in 1839, and ending in - 1840. The history of his debt to Rutledge is not so well known. It was - probably insignificant as compared with the others; and Mr. Rutledge - proved a generous creditor, as he had always been a kind and considerate - friend. - </p> - <p> - Certain that he had no abilities for trade, Mr. Lincoln took the best - resolution he could have formed under the circumstances. He sat down to - his books just where he was, believing that knowledge would be power, and - power profit. He had no reason to shun his creditors, for these were the - men of all others who most applauded the honesty of his conduct at the - period of his greatest pecuniary misfortune. He talked to them constantly - of the "old debt," "the national debt," as he sometimes called it,—promised - to pay when he could, and they devoutly relied upon every word he said. - </p> - <p> - Row Herndon moved to the country, and Lincoln was compelled to change his - boarding-place. He now began to live at a tavern for the first time in his - life. It was kept by various persons during his stay,—first, it - seems, by Mr. Rutledge, then by Henry Onstatt, and last by Nelson Alley. - It was a small log-house, covered with clapboards, and contained four - rooms. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln began to read law while he lived with Herndon. Some of his - acquaintances insist that he began even earlier than this, and assert, by - way of proof, that he was known to borrow a well-worn copy of Blackstone - from A. T. Bogue, a pork-dealer at Beardstown. At all events, he now went - to work in earnest, and studied law as faithfully as if he had never - dreamed of any other business in life. As a matter of course, his slender - purse was unequal to the purchase of the needful books: but this - circumstance gave him little trouble; for, although he was short of funds, - he was long in the legs, and had nothing to do but to walk off to - Springfield, where his friend, John T. Stuart, cheerfully supplied his - wants. Mr. Stuart's partner, H. C. Dummer, says, "He was an - uncouth-looking lad, did not say much, but what he did say he said - straight and sharp." - </p> - <p> - "He used to read law," says Henry McHenry, "in 1832 or 1833, barefooted, - seated in the shade of a tree, and would grind around with the shade, just - opposite Berry's grocery-store, a few feet south of the door." He - occasionally varied the attitude by lying flat on his back, and "<i>putting - his feet up the tree</i>"—a situation which might have been - unfavorable to mental application in the case of a man with shorter - extremities. - </p> - <p> - "The first time I ever saw Abe with a law-book in his hand," says Squire - Godbey, "he was sitting astride of Jake Bales's woodpile in New Salem. - Says I, 'Abe, what are you studying?'—'Law,' says Abe. 'Great God - Almighty!' responded I." It was too much for Godbey: he could not suppress - the blasphemy at seeing such a figure acquiring science in such an odd - situation. - </p> - <p> - Minter Graham asserts that Abe did a little "of what we call sitting up to - the fine gals of Illinois;" but, according to other authorities, he always - had his book with him "when in company," and would read and talk - alternately. He carried it along in his walks to the woods and the river; - read it in daylight under the shade-tree by the grocery, and at night by - any friendly light he could find,—most frequently the one he kindled - himself in the shop of his old benefactor, the cooper. - </p> - <p> - Abe's progress in the law was as surprising as the intensity of his - application to study. He never lost a moment that might be improved. It is - even said that he read and recited to himself on the road and by the - wayside as he came down from Springfield with the books he had borrowed - from Stuart. The first time he went up he had "mastered" forty pages of - Blackstone before he got back. It was not long until, with his restless - desire to be doing something practical, he began to turn his acquisitions - to account in forwarding the business of his neighbors. He wrote deeds, - contracts, notes, and other legal papers, for them, "using a small - dictionary and an old form-book;" "petifogged" incessantly before the - justice of the peace, and probably assisted that functionary in the - administration of justice as much as he benefited his own clients. This - species of country "student's" practice was entered upon very early, and - kept up until long after he was quite a distinguished man in the - Legislature. But in all this he was only trying himself: as he was not - admitted to the bar until 1837, he did not regard it as legitimate - practice, and never charged a penny for his services. Although this fact - is mentioned by a great number of persons, and the generosity of his - conduct much enlarged upon, it is seriously to be regretted that no one - has furnished us with a circumstantial account of any of his numerous - cases before the magistrate. - </p> - <p> - But Mr. Lincoln did not confine himself entirely to the law. He was not - yet quite through with Kirkham nor the schoolmaster. The "valuable copy" - of the grammar "he delighted to peruse" is still in the possession of R. - B. Rutledge, with the thumb-marks of the President all over it. "He also - studied natural philosophy, chemistry, astronomy, &c. He had no - regular teacher, but perhaps received more assistance from Minter Graham - than from any other person." - </p> - <p> - He read with avidity all the newspapers that came to New Salem,—chiefly - "The Sangamon Journal," "The Missouri Republican," and "The Louisville - Journal." 1 The latter was his favorite: its wit and anecdotes were after - his own heart; and he was a regular subscriber for it through several - years when he could ill afford a luxury so costly. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 According to Mr. McNamar, Lincoln took "The Sangamon Journal" and "The - Louisville Journal" from 1832 to 1837; and Hill and Bale took "The - Missouri Republican" and "The Cincinnati Gazette." "The Missouri - Republican" was first issued as a daily in September, 1836. Its size was - then twenty-five by thirty-six inches. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was never a profound historical student: if he happened to - need historical facts for the purposes of a political or legal discussion, - he read them on the spur of the occasion. For this reason his opinions of - current affairs all through his life were based more upon individual - observation and reflection than upon scientific deductions from the - experience of the world. Yet at this time, when he probably felt more - keenly than ever after the want of a little learning to embellish the - letters and speeches he was ambitious to compose, he is said to have read - Rollin's "Ancient History," Gibbon's "Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire," - and similar works, with great diligence and care. The books were borrowed - from William Green, Bowlin Greene, and other parties in and about New - Salem. - </p> - <p> - But he greatly preferred literature of another sort, such as Mrs. Lee - Hentz's novels; some of which he found among the effects of Mr. Ellis, at - the time his companion and occasional bedfellow. "He was very fond," Mr. - Ellis declares, "of short stories, one and two columns long,—like - 'Cousin Sally Dillard,' 'Becky Wilson's Courtship,' The Down-easter and - the Bull,' 'How a bashful man became a married man, with five little - bashful boys, and how he and his red-headed wife became Millerites, and - before they were to ascend agreed to make a clean breast of it to each - other;' and how, when the old lady was through, the Down-easter earnestly - wished that Gabriel might blow his horn without delay." One New Salemite - insists that Mr. Lincoln told this latter story "with embezzlements" - (embellishments), and therefore he is firmly convinced that Mr. Lincoln - "had a hand" in originating it. The catalogue of literature in which he - particularly delighted at New Salem is completed by the statement of Mr. - Rutledge, that he took great pleasure in "Jack Downing's Letters." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln still relished a popular song with a broad "point" or a - palpable moral in it as much as he had ever enjoyed the vocal efforts of - Dennis Hanks and his rollicking compeers of the Gentryville grocery. He - even continued his own unhappy attempts, although with as little success - as before, and quite as much to the amusement of his friends. To the - choice collection of miscellaneous ballads acquired in Indiana, he now - added several new favorites, like "Old Sukey Blue Skin," and some - selections from the "Missouri Harmony," with variations by himself. He was - also singularly fond of an Irish song, "which tells how St. Patrick came - to be born on the 17th day of March." - </p> - <p> - "You ask me," says Mr. Ellis, "if I remember the first time I saw Mr. - Lincoln. Yes, I do.... I was out collecting back tax for Gen. James D. - Henry. I went from the tavern down to Jacob Bales's old mill, and then I - first saw Mr. Lincoln. He was sitting on a saw-log talking to Jack and - Rial Armstrong and a man by the name of Hohammer. I shook hands with the - Armstrongs and Hohammer, and was conversing with them a few minutes, when - we were joined by my old friend and former townsman, George Warburton, - pretty tight as usual; and he soon asked me to tell him the old story - about Ben Johnson and Mrs. Dale's blue dye, &c., which I did. And then - Jack Armstrong said, 'Lincoln, tell Ellis the story about Gov. J. Sichner, - his city-bred son, and his nigger Bob;' which he did, with several others, - by Jack's calling for them. I found out then that Lincoln was a cousin to - Charley Hanks of Island Grove. I told him I knew three of the boys,—Joe, - Charley, and John,—and his uncle, old Billy Hanks, who lived up on - the North Fork of the Sangamon River, afterwards near Decatur."1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "I myself knew old Billy Hanks, his mother's brother, and he was a - very sensible old man. He was father to Mrs. Dillon, on Spring Creek; - and Charley, Billy, jr., and John were his sons: they were all - low-flung,—could neither read nor write. Some of them used to live - in Island Grove, Sangamon County.... I remember the time that Lincoln - and E. D. Baker ran in convention, to decide who should run for Congress - in old Sangamon; that some of Baker's friends accused Mr. Lincoln of - belonging to a proud and an aristocratic family,—meaning the - Edwardses and Todds, I suppose; and, when it came to Mr. Lincoln's ears, - he laughed heartily, and remarked, 'Well, that sounds strange to me: I - do not remember of but one that ever came to see me, and while he was in - town he was accused of stealing a jew's- harp.' Josh Speed remembers his - saying this. I think you ought to remember it. Beverly Powell and myself - lived with Bell and Speed, and I think he said so in their store. After - that a Miss Hanks came to spend the winter with Mrs. Lincoln."—A. - Y. Ellis. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - This interview took place shortly after the Black Hawk War; but it was not - until the next year (1833), the period at which we have now arrived, that - Lincoln and Ellis became "intimate." At that time Ellis went there to keep - a store, and boarded "at the same log-tavern" where Lincoln was. Lincoln, - being "engaged in no particular business," merely endeavoring to make a - lawyer, a surveyor, and a politician of himself, gave a great deal of his - time to Ellis and Ellis's business. "He also used to assist me in the - store," says this new friend, "on busy days, but he always disliked to - wait on the ladies: he preferred trading with the men and boys, as he used - to say. I also remember that he used to sleep in the store, on the - counter, when they had too much company at the tavern. - </p> - <p> - "I well remember how he was dressed: he wore flax and tow linen - pantaloons,—I thought about five inches too short in the legs,—and - frequently he had but one suspender, no vest or coat. He wore a calico - shirt, such as he had in the Black Hawk War; coarse brogans, tan color; - blue yarn socks, and straw hat, old style, and without a band. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln was in those days a very shy man of ladies. On one occasion, - while we boarded at this tavern, there came a family, containing an old - lady and her son and three stylish daughters, from the State of Virginia, - and stopped there for two or three weeks; and, during their stay, I do not - remember of Mr. Lincoln ever eating at the same table when they did. I - then thought it was on account of his awkward appearance and his wearing - apparel." - </p> - <p> - There lived at New Salem at this time, and for some years afterward, a - festive gentleman named Kelso, a school-teacher, a merchant, or a - vagabond, according to the run of his somewhat variable "luck." When other - people got drunk at New Salem, it was the usual custom to tussle and - fight, and tramp each other's toes, and pull each other's noses; but, when - Kelso got drunk, he astonished the rustic community with copious - quotations from Robert Burns and William Shakspeare,—authors little - known to fame among the literary men of New Salem. Besides Shakspeare and - Burns, Mr. Kelso was likewise very fond of fishing, and could catch his - game "when no other man could get a bite." Mr. Lincoln hated fishing with - all his heart. But it is the testimony of the country-side, from - Petersburg to Island Grove, that Kelso "drew Lincoln after him by his - talk;" that they became exceedingly intimate; that they loitered away - whole days together, along the banks of the quiet streams; that Lincoln - learned to love inordinately our "divine William" and "Scotia's Bard," - whom his friend mouthed in his cups, or expounded more soberly in the - intervals of fixing bait and dropping line. Finally he and Kelso boarded - at the same place; and with another "merchant," named Sincho, of tastes - congenial and wits as keen as Kelso's, they were "always found together, - battling and arguing." Bill Green ventures the opinion, that Lincoln's - incessant reading of Shakspeare and Burns had much to do in giving to his - mind the "sceptical" tendency so fully developed by the labors of his pen - in 1834-5, and in social conversations during many years of his residence - at Springfield. - </p> - <p> - Like Offutt, Kelso disappeared suddenly from New Salem, and apparently - from the recollection of men. Each with a peculiar talent of his own, - kind-hearted, eccentric creatures, no man's enemy and everybody's prey, - they strolled out into the great world, and left this little village to - perish behind them. Of Kelso a few faint traces have been found in - Missouri; but if he ever had a lodging more permanent than the wayside - tavern, a haystack, or a hedge, no man was able to tell where it was. Of - Offutt not a word was ever heard: the most searching and cunning inquiries - have failed to discover any spot where he lingered for a single hour; and - but for the humble boy, to whom he was once a gentle master, no human - being that knew him then would bestow a thought upon his name. In short, - to use the expressive language of Mr. Lincoln himself, he literally - "petered out." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was often annoyed by "company." His quarters at the tavern - afforded him little privacy, and the shade of the tree in front of the - grocery was scarcely a sufficiently secluded situation for the purposes of - an ardent student. There were too many people to wonder and laugh at a man - studying law with "his feet up a tree;" too many to worry him for the - stories and jokes which it was supposed he could furnish on demand. For - these reasons it became necessary that he should "retire to the country - occasionally to rest and study." Sometimes he went to James Short's on the - Sand Ridge; sometimes to Minter Graham's; sometimes to Bowlin Greenes; - sometimes to Jack Armstrong's, and as often, perhaps, to Able's or Row - Herndon's. All of these men served him faithfully and signally at one time - and another, and to all of them he was sincerely attached. When Bowlin - Greene died, in 1842, Mr. Lincoln, then in the enjoyment of great local - reputation, undertook to deliver a funeral oration over the remains of his - beloved friend; but, when he rose to speak, his voice was choked with deep - emotion: he stood a few moments, while his lips quivered in the effort to - form the words of fervent praise he sought to utter, and the tears ran - down his yellow and shrivelled cheeks. Some of those who came to hear him, - and saw his tall form thus sway in silence over the body of Bowlin Greene, - say he looked so helpless, so utterly bereft and pitiable, that every - heart in the audience was hushed at the spectacle. After repeated efforts, - he found it impossible to speak, and strode away, openly and bitterly - sobbing, to the widow's carriage, in which he was driven from the scene. - Mr. Herndon's papers disclose less than we should like to know concerning - this excellent man: they give us only this burial scene, with the fact - that Bowlin Greene had loaned Mr. Lincoln books from their earliest - acquaintance, and on one occasion had taken him to his home, and cared for - him with the solicitude of a devoted friend through several weeks of great - suffering and peril. The circumstances of the attempted eulogy are - mentioned here to show the relations which subsisted between Mr. Lincoln - and some of the benefactors we have enumerated. - </p> - <p> - But all this time Mr. Lincoln had a living to make, a running board-bill - to pay, and nothing to pay it with. He was, it is true, in the hands of - excellent friends, so far as the greater part of his indebtedness was - concerned; but he was industrious by nature, and wanted to be working, and - paying as he went. He would not have forfeited the good opinion of those - confiding neighbors for a lifetime of ease and luxury. It was therefore a - most happy thing for him, and he felt it to be so, when he attracted the - attention of John Calhoun, the surveyor of Sangamon County. - </p> - <p> - Calhoun was the type of a perfect gentleman,—brave, courteous, able, - and cultivated. He was a Democrat then, and a Democrat when he died. All - the world knows how he was president of the Lecompton Convention; how he - administered the trust in accordance with his well-known convictions; and - how, after a life of devotion to Douglas, he was adroitly betrayed by that - facile politician, and left to die in the midst of obloquy and disaster. - At the time we speak of, he was one of the most popular men in the State - of Illinois, and was one of the foremost chieftains of the political party - which invariably carried the county and the district in which Mr. Lincoln - lived. He knew Lincoln, and admired him. He was well assured that Lincoln - knew nothing of surveying; but he was equally certain that he could soon - acquire it. The speculative fever was at its height; he was overrun with - business: the country was alive with strangers seeking land; and every - citizen was buying and selling with a view to a great fortune in the - "flush times" coming. He wanted a deputy with common sense and common - honesty: he chose Lincoln, because nobody else possessed these qualities - in a more eminent degree. He hunted him up; gave him a book; told him to - study it, and said, that, as soon as he was ready, he should have as much - work as he could do. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln took the book, and "retired to the country;" that is, he went out - to Minter Graham's for about six weeks, in which time, by the aid of that - good master, he became an expert surveyor, and was duly appointed - Calhoun's deputy. Of course he made some money, merely his pay for work; - but it is a remarkable fact, that, with his vast knowledge of the lands in - Sangamon and adjacent counties, he never made a single speculation on his - own account. It was not long until he acquired a considerable private - business. The accuracy of his surveys were seldom, if ever, questioned. - Disputes regarding "corners" and "lines" were frequently submitted to his - arbitration; and the decision was invariably accepted as final. It often - happened that his business kept him away from New Salem, and his other - studies, for weeks at a time; but all this while he was gathering friends - against the day of election. - </p> - <p> - In after years—from 1844 onward—it was his good or bad fortune - frequently to meet Calhoun on the stump; but he never forgot his - benefaction to him, and always regarded him as the ablest and best man - with whom he ever had crossed steel. To the day of Calhoun's death they - were warmly attached to each other. In the times when it was most - fashionable and profitable to denounce Calhoun and the Le-compton - Constitution, when even Douglas turned to revile his old friend and - coadjutor, Mr. Lincoln was never known to breathe a word of censure on his - personal character. - </p> - <p> - On the 7th of May, 1833, Mr. Lincoln was appointed postmaster at New - Salem. His political opinions were not extreme; and the Jackson - administration could find no man who was at the same time more orthodox - and equally competent to perform the duties of the office. He was not able - to rent a room, for the business is said to have been carried on in his - hat; but, from the evidence before us, we imagine that he kept the office - in Mr. Hill's store, Mr. Hill's partner, McNamar, having been absent since - 1832. He held the place until late in 1836, when New Salem partially - disappeared, and the office was removed to Petersburg. For a little while - before his own appointment, he is said to have acted as - "deputy-postmaster" under Mr. Hill. - </p> - <p> - The mail arrived duly once a week; and the labors of distributing and - delivering it were by no means great. But Mr. Lincoln was determined that - the dignity of the place should not suffer while he was the incumbent. He - therefore made up for the lack of real business by deciphering the letters - of the uneducated portion of the community, and by reading the newspapers - aloud to the assembled inhabitants in front of Hill's store. - </p> - <p> - But his easy good-nature was sometimes imposed upon by inconsiderate - acquaintances; and Mr. Hill relates one of the devices by which he sought - to stop the abuse. "One Elmore Johnson, an ignorant but ostentatious, - proud man, used to go to Lincoln's post-office every day,—sometimes - three or four times a day, if in town,—and inquire, 'Any thing for - me?' This bored Lincoln, yet it amused him. Lincoln fixed a plan,—wrote - a letter to Johnson as coming from a negress in Kentucky, saying many good - things about opossum, dances, corn-shuckings, &c.; 'John's! come and - see me; and old master won't kick you out of the kitchen any more!' Elmore - took it out; opened it; couldn't read a word; pretended to read it; went - away; got some friends to read it: they read it correctly; he thought the - reader was fooling him, and went to others with the same result. At last - he said he would get <i>Lincoln</i> to read it, and presented it to - Lincoln. It was almost too much for Lincoln, but he read it. The man never - asked afterwards, 'Any thing here for me?" - </p> - <p> - It was in the latter part of 1834 that Mr. Lincoln's personal property was - sold under the hammer, and by due process of law, to meet the judgment - obtained by Van Bergen on the note assigned to him by Radford. Every thing - he had was taken; but it was the surveyor's instruments which it hurt him - most to part with, for by their use he was making a tolerable living, and - building up a respectable business. This time, however, rescue came from - an unexpected quarter. - </p> - <p> - When Mr. Lincoln first came to New Salem, he employed a woman to make him - a pair of pantaloons, which, probably from the scarcity of material, were - cut entirely too short, as his garments usually were. Soon afterwards the - woman's brother came to town, and she pointed Abe out to him as he walked - along the street. The brother's name was James Short. "Without the - necessity of a formal introduction," says Short, "we fell in together, and - struck up a conversation, the purport of which I have now forgotten. He - made a favorable impression upon me by his conversation on first - acquaintance through his intelligence and sprightliness, which impression - was deepened from time to time, as I became better acquainted with him." - This was a lucky "impression" for Abe. Short was a fast friend, and in the - day of trouble a sure and able one. At the time the judgment was obtained, - Short lived on the Sand Ridge, four miles from New Salem; and Lincoln was - in the habit of walking out there almost daily. Short was then unconscious - of the main reason of Mr. Lincoln's remarkable devotion to him: there was - a lady in the house whom Lincoln secretly but earnestly loved, and of whom - there is much to be said at another place. If the host had known every - thing, however, poor Abe would have been equally welcome; for he made - himself a strangely agreeable guest here, as he did everywhere else. In - busy times he pulled off his roundabout, and helped Short in the field - with more energy than any hired man would have displayed. "He was," said - Short, "the best hand at husking corn on the stalk I ever saw. I used to - consider myself very good; but he would gather two loads to my one." - </p> - <p> - These visits increased Short's disposition to serve him; and it touched - him sorely when he heard Lincoln moaning about the catastrophe that hung - over him in the form of Van Bergen's judgment. "An execution was issued," - says he, "and levied on Lincoln's horse, saddle, bridle, compass, chain, - and other surveyor's instruments. He was then very much discouraged, and - said he would let the whole thing go by the board. He was at my house very - much,—half the time. I did all I could to put him in better spirits. - I went on the delivery-bond with him; and when the sale came off, which - Mr. Lincoln did not attend, I bid in the above property at a hundred and - twenty dollars, and immediately gave it up again to him. Mr. Lincoln - afterwards repaid me when he had moved to Springfield. Greene also turned - in on this judgment his horse, saddle, and bridle at a hundred and - twenty-five dollars; and Lincoln afterwards repaid him." - </p> - <p> - But, after all, Mr. Lincoln had no friend more intimate than Jack - Armstrong, and none that valued him more highly. Until he finally left New - Salem for Springfield, he "rusticated" occasionally at Jack's hospitable - cabin, situated "four miles in the country," as the polished metropolitans - of New Salem would say. Jack's wife, Hannah, before alluded to, liked Abe, - and enjoyed his visits not less than Jack did. "Abe would come out to our - house," she says, "drink milk, eat mush, corn-bread, and butter, bring the - children candy, and rock the cradle while I got him something to eat.... I - foxed his pants; made his shirts... He has gone with us to father's; he - would tell stories, joke people, girls and boys, at parties. He would - nurse babies,—do any thing to accommodate anybody.... I had no books - about my house; loaned him none. We didn't think about books and papers. - We worked; had to live. Lincoln has staid at our house two or three weeks - at a time." - </p> - <p> - If Jack had "to work to live," as his wife has it, he was likewise - constrained to fight and wrestle and tumble about with his unhappy - fellow-citizens, in order to enjoy the life he earned by labor. He - frequently came "to town," where his sportive inclinations ran riot, - except as they were checked and regulated by the amicable interposition of - Abe,—the prince of his affections, and the only man who was - competent to restrain him. - </p> - <p> - "The children at school had made a wide sliding walk," from the top of - Salem Hill to the river-bank, down which they rode on sleds and boards,—a - distance of two hundred and fifty or three hundred yards. Now, it was one - of the suggestions of Jack's passion for innocent diversion to nail up in - hogsheads such of the population as incurred his displeasure, and send - them adrift along this frightful descent. Sol. Spears and one Scanlon were - treated to an adventure of this kind; but the hogshead in which the two - were caged "leaped over an embankment, and came near killing Scanlon." - After that the sport was considered less amusing, and was very much - discouraged by that portion of the community who feared, that, in the - absence of more convenient victims, "the boys" might light on them. Under - these circumstances, Jack, for once in his life, thought it best to - abandon coercion, and negotiate for subjects. He selected an elderly - person of bibulous proclivities, and tempted him with a great temptation. - "Old man Jordan <i>agreed</i> to be rolled down the hill for a gallon of - whiskey;" but Lincoln, fully impressed with the brutality of the pastime, - and the danger to the old sot, "stopped it." Whether he did it by - persuasion or force, we know not, but probably by a judicious employment - of both. - </p> - <p> - "I remember once," says Mr. Ellis, "of seeing Mr. Lincoln out of temper, - and laughing at the same time. It was at New Salem. The boys were having a - jollification after an election. They had a large fire made of shavings - and hemp-stalks; and some of the boys made a bet with a fellow that I - shall call 'Ike,' that he couldn't run his little bob-tail pony through - the fire. Ike took them up, and trotted his pony back about one hundred - yards, to give him a good start, as he said. The boys all formed a line on - either side, to make way for Ike and his pony. Presently here he come, - full tilt, with his hat off; and, just as he reached the blazing fire, Ike - raised in his saddle for the jump straight ahead; but pony was not of the - same opinion, so he flew the track, and pitched poor Ike into the - devouring element. Mr. Lincoln saw it, and ran to his assistance, saying, - 'You have carried this thing far enough.' I could see he was mad, though - he could not help laughing himself. The poor fellow was considerably - scorched about the head and face. Jack Armstrong took him to the doctor, - who shaved his head to fix him up, and put salve on the burn. I think Mr. - Lincoln was a little mad at Armstrong, and Jack himself was very sorry for - it. Jack gave Ike next morning a dram, his breakfast, and a seal-skin cap, - and sent him home." - </p> - <p> - "One cold winter day, Lincoln saw a poor fellow named "Ab Trent" hard at - work chopping up "a house," which Mr. Hill had employed him to convert - into firewood. Ab was barefooted, and shivered pitifully while he worked. - Lincoln watched him a few moments, and asked him what he was to get for - the job. Ab answered, 'One dollar;' and, pointing to his naked and - suffering feet, said that he wished to buy a pair of shoes. Lincoln seized - the axe, and, ordering the boy to comfort himself at the nearest fire, - chopped up 'the house' so fast that Ab and the owner were both amazed when - they saw it done." According to Mr. Rutledge, "Ab remembered this act with - the liveliest gratitude. Once he, being a cast-iron Democrat, determined - to vote against his party and for Mr. Lincoln; but the friends, as he - afterwards said with tears in his eyes, made him drunk, and he had voted - against Abe. Thus he did not even have an opportunity to return the noble - conduct of Mr. Lincoln by this small measure of thanks." - </p> - <p> - We have given some instances of Mr. Lincoln's unfailing disposition to - succor the weak and the unfortunate. He never seems to have hesitated on - account of actual or fancied danger to himself, but boldly espoused the - side of the oppressed against the oppressor, whoever and whatever the - latter might be. In a fisticuff or a rough-and-tumble fight, he was one of - the most formidable men of the region in which he lived. It took a big - bully, and a persevering one, to force him into a collision; but, being - in, his enemy found good reason to beware of him. He was cool, - calculating, but swift in action, and terribly strong. Nevertheless, he - never promoted a quarrel, and would be at infinite trouble any time to - compose one. An unnecessary broil gave him pain; and whenever there was - the slightest hope of successful mediation, whether by soft speech or by - the strong hand, he was instant and fearless for peace. His good-nature, - his humor, his fertility in expedients, and his alliance, offensive and - defensive, with Jack Armstrong, made him almost irresistible in his - benevolent efforts to keep the ordinary ruffian of New Salem within decent - bounds. If he was talking to Squire Godbey or Row Herndon (each of them - give incidents of the kind), and he heard the sounds or saw the signs - which betoken a row in the street, he would jump up, saying, "Let's go and - stop it." He would push through the "ring" which was generally formed - around the combatants, and, after separating the latter, would demand a - truce and "a talk;" and so soon as he got them to talking, the victory was - his. If it happened to be rough Jack himself who was at the bottom of the - disturbance, he usually became very much ashamed of his conduct, and - offered to "treat," or do any thing else that would atone for his - brutality. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln has often been seen in the old mill on the river-bank to lift a - box of stones weighing from a thousand to twelve hundred pounds. Of course - it was not done by a straight lift of the hands: he "was harnessed to the - box with ropes and straps." It was even said he could easily raise a - barrel of whiskey to his mouth when standing upright, and take a drink out - of the bung-hole; but of course one cannot believe it. Frequent - exhibitions of such strength doubtless had much to do with his unbounded - influence over the rougher class of men. - </p> - <p> - He possessed the judicial quality of mind in a degree so eminent, and it - was so universally recognized, that he never could attend a horse-race - without being importuned to act as a judge, or witness a bet without - assuming the responsibility of a stakeholder. "In the spring or summer of - 1832," says Henry McHenry, "I had a horse-race with George Warbur-ton. I - got Lincoln, who was at the race, to be a judge of the race, much against - his will and after hard persuasion. Lincoln decided correctly; and the - other judge said, 'Lincoln is the fairest man I ever bad to deal with: if - Lincoln is in this county when I die, I want him to be my administrator, - for he is the only man I ever met with that was wholly and unselfishly - honest.'" His ineffable purity in determining the result of a scrub-race - had actually set his colleague to thinking of his latter end. - </p> - <p> - But Lincoln endured another annoyance much worse than this. He was so - generally esteemed, and so highly admired, that, when any of his neighbors - had a fight in prospect, one of the parties was sure to insist upon his - acting as his second. Lincoln was opposed to fights, but there were some - fights that had to be fought; and these were "set," a day fixed, and the - neighborhood notified. In these cases there was no room for the offices of - a mediator; and when the affair was pre-ordained, "and must come off," Mr. - Lincoln had no excuse for denying the request of a friend. - </p> - <p> - "Two neighbors, Harry Clark and Ben Wilcox," says Mr. Rutledge, "had had a - lawsuit. The defeated declared, that, although he was beaten in the suit, - he could whip his opponent. This was a formal challenge, and was at once - carried to the ears of the victor (Wilcox), and as promptly accepted. The - time, place, and seconds were chosen with due regularity; Mr. Lincoln - being Clark's, and John Brewer, Wilcox's second. The parties met, stripped - themselves all but their breeches, went in, and Mr. Lincoln's principal - was beautifully whipped. These combats were conducted with as much - ceremony and punctiliousness as ever graced the duelling-ground. After the - conflict, the seconds conducted their respective principals to the river, - washed off the blood, and assisted them to dress. During this performance, - the second of the party opposed to Mr. Lincoln remarked, 'Well, Abe, my - man has whipped yours, and I can whip you.' Now, this challenge came from - a man who was very small in size. Mr. Lincoln agreed to fight, provided he - would chalk out his size on Mr. Lincoln's person, and every blow struck - outside of that mark should be counted foul. After this sally, there was - the best possible humor, and all parties were as orderly as if they had - been engaged in the most harmless amusement." - </p> - <p> - In 1834 Lincoln was again a candidate for the Legislature, and this time - was elected by a larger majority than any other man on the ticket. By this - time the party with which he acted in the future was "discriminated as - Whig;" and he did not hesitate to call himself a Whig, although he sought - and received the votes of a great many Democrats. Just before the time had - arrived for candidates to announce themselves, he went to John T. Stuart, - and told him "the Democrats wanted to run him." He made the same statement - to Ninian W. Edwards. Edwards and Stuart were both his personal and - political friends, and they both advised him to let the Democrats have - their way. Major Stuart's advice was certainly disinterested; for, in - pursuance of it, two of the Whig candidates, Lincoln and Dawson, made a - bargain with the Democrats which very nearly proved fatal to Stuart - himself. He was at that time the favorite candidate of the Whigs for the - Legislature; but the conduct of Lincoln and Dawson so demoralized the - party, that his vote was seriously diminished. Up to this time Sangamon - had been stanchly Democratic; but even in this election of 1834 we - perceive slight evidences of that party's decay, and so early as 1836 the - county became thoroughly Whig. - </p> - <p> - We shall give no details of this campaign, since we should only be - repeating what is written of the campaign of 1832. But we cannot withhold - one extract from the reminiscences of Mr. Row Herndon:— - </p> - <p> - "He (Lincoln) came to my house, near Island Grove, during harvest. There - were some thirty men in the field. He got his dinner, and went out in the - field where the men were at work. I gave him an introduction, and the boys - said that they could not vote for a man unless he could make a hand. - 'Well, boys,' said he, 'if that is all, I am sure of your votes.' He took - hold of the cradle, and led the way all the round with perfect ease. The - boys were satisfied, and I don't think he lost a vote in the crowd. - </p> - <p> - "The next day was speaking at Berlin. He went from my house with Dr. - Barnett, the man that had asked me who this man Lincoln was. I told him - that he was a candidate for the Legislature. He laughed and said, 'Can't - the party raise no better material than that?' I said, 'Go to-morrow, and - hear all before you pronounce judgment.' When he came back, I said, - 'Doctor, what say you now?' 'Why, sir,' said he, 'he is a perfect take-in: - he knows more than all of them put together.'" - </p> - <p> - Lincoln got 1,376 votes, Dawson 1,370, Carpenter 1,170, Stuart 1,164. - Lincoln was at last duly elected a Representative by a very flattering - majority, and began to look about for the pecuniary means necessary to - maintain his new dignity. In this extremity he had recourse to an old - friend named Coleman Smoot. - </p> - <p> - One day in 1832, while he was clerking for Offutt, a stranger came into - the store, and soon disclosed the fact that his name was Smoot. Abe was - behind the counter at the moment; but, hearing the name, he sprang over - and introduced himself. Abe had often heard of Smoot, and Smoot had often - heard of Abe. They had been as anxious to meet as ever two celebrities - were; but hitherto they had never been able to manage it. "Smoot," said - Lincoln, after a steady survey of his person, "I am very much disappointed - in you: I expected to see an old Probst of a fellow." (Probst, it appears, - was the most hideous specimen of humanity in all that country.) "Yes," - replied Smoot; "and I am equally disappointed, for I expected to see a - good-looking man when I saw you." A few neat compliments like the - foregoing laid the foundation of a lasting intimacy between the two men, - and in his present distress Lincoln knew no one who would be more likely - than Smoot to respond favorably to an application for money. - </p> - <p> - "After he was elected to the Legislature," says Mr. Smoot, "he came to my - house one day in company with Hugh Armstrong. Says he, 'Smoot, did you - vote for me?' I told him I did. 'Well,' says he, 'you must loan me money - to buy suitable clothing, for I want to make a decent appearance in the - Legislature.' I then loaned him two hundred dollars, which he returned to - me according to promise." - </p> - <p> - The interval between the election and his departure for the seat of - government was employed by Mr. Lincoln partly in reading, partly in - writing. - </p> - <p> - The community in which he lived was pre-eminently a community of - free-thinkers in matters of religion; and it was then no secret, nor has - it been a secret since, that Mr. Lincoln agreed with the majority of his - associates in denying to the Bible the authority of divine revelation. It - was his honest belief,—a belief which it was no reproach to hold at - New Salem, Anno Domini 1834, and one which he never thought of concealing. - It was no distinction, either good or bad, no honor, and no shame. But he - had made himself thoroughly familiar with the writings of Paine and - Volney,—"The Ruins" by one and "The Age of Reason" by the other. His - mind was full of the subject, and he felt an itching to write. He did - write, and the result was a "little book." It was probably merely an - extended essay; but it is ambitiously spoken of as "a book" by himself and - by the persons who were made acquainted with its contents. In this work he - intended to demonstrate,— - </p> - <p> - <b>"First, that the Bible was not God's revelation; and,</b> - </p> - <p> - <b>"Secondly, that Jesus was not the Son of God."</b> - </p> - <p> - These were his leading propositions, and surely they were comprehensive - enough; but the reader will be better able to guess at the arguments by - which they were sustained, when he has examined some of the evidence - recorded in Chapter XIX. - </p> - <p> - No leaf of this little volume has survived. Mr. Lincoln carried it in - manuscript to the store of Mr. Samuel Hill, where it was read and - discussed. Hill was himself an unbeliever, but his son considered this - book "infamous." It is more than probable that Hill, being a warm personal - friend of Lincoln, feared that the publication of the essay would some day - interfere with the political advancement of his favorite. At all events, - he snatched it out of his hand, and thrust it into the fire, from which - not a shred escaped. The sequel will show that even Mr. Hill's provident - forethought was not altogether equal to the prevention of the injury he - dreaded. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0008" id="link2HCH0008"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER VIII. - </h2> - <p> - THE reader is already familiar with the name of James Rutledge, the - founder of New Salem, and the owner in part of the famous mill on the - Sangamon. He was born in South Carolina, and was of the illustrious - Rutledge family of that State. From South Carolina he emigrated to - Kentucky, and thence to Illinois. In 1828 he settled at New Salem, built - the mill and laid out the village in conjunction with Mr. Cameron, a - retired minister of the Cumberland Presbyterians. Mr. Rutledge's character - seems to have been pure and high; for wherever his name occurs in the - voluminous records before us,—in the long talks and the numerous - epistles of his neighbors,—it is almost invariably coupled with some - expression of genuine esteem and respect. - </p> - <p> - At one time, and along with his other business,—which appears to - have been quite extensive and various,—Mr. Rutledge kept the tavern, - the small house with four rooms on the main street of New Salem, just - opposite Lincoln's grocery. There Mr. Lincoln came to board late in 1832, - or early in 1833. The family consisted of the father, mother, and nine - children,—three of them born in Kentucky and six in Illinois; three - grown up, and the rest quite young. Ann, the principal subject of this - chapter, was the third child. She was born on the 7th of January, 1813, - and was about nineteen years of age when Mr. Lincoln came to live in the - house. - </p> - <p> - When Ann was a little maiden just turned of seventeen, and still attending - the school of that redoubtable pedagogue Min-ter Graham, there came to New - Salem a young gentleman of singular enterprise, tact, and capacity for - business. He is identical with the man whom we have already quoted as "the - pioneer of New Salem as a business point," and who built the first - storehouse there at the extravagant cost of fifteen dollars. He took - boarding with Mr. Rutledge's friend and partner, James Cameron, and gave - out his name as John McNeil. He came to New Salem with no other capital - than good sense and an active and plucky spirit; but somehow fortune - smiled indiscriminately on all his endeavors, and very soon—as early - as the latter part of 1832—he found himself a well-to-do and - prosperous man, owning a snug farm seven miles north of New Salem, and a - half-interest in the largest store of the place. This latter property his - partner, Samuel Hill, bought from him at a good round sum; for McNeil now - announced his intention of being absent for a brief period, and his - purpose was such that he might need all his available capital. - </p> - <p> - In the mean time the partners, Hill and McNeil, had both fallen in love - with Ann Rutledge, and both courted her with devoted assiduity. But the - contest had long since been decided in favor of McNeil, and Ann loved him - with all her susceptible and sensitive heart. When the time drew near for - McNeil to depart, he confided to Ann a strange story,—and, in the - eyes of a person less fond, a very startling story. His name was not John - McNeil at all, but John McNamar. His family was a highly respectable one - in the State of New York; but a few years before his father had failed in - business, and there was great distress at home. He (John) then conceived - the romantic plan of running away, and, at some undefined place in the far - West, making a sudden fortune with which to retrieve the family disaster. - He fled accordingly, changed his name to avoid the pursuit of his father, - found his way to New Salem, and—she knew the rest. He was now able - to perform that great act of filial piety which he set out to accomplish, - would return at once to the relief of his parents, and, in all human - probability, bring them back with him to his new home in Illinois. At all - events, she might look for his return as speedily as the journey could be - made with ordinary diligence; and thenceforward there should be no more - partings between him and his fair Ann. She believed this tale, because she - loved the man that told it; and she would have believed it all the same if - it had been ten times as incredible. A wise man would have rejected it - with scorn, but the girl's instinct was a better guide; and McNamar proved - to be all that he said he was, although poor Ann never saw the proof which - others got of it. - </p> - <p> - McNamar rode away "on old Charley," an antiquated steed that had seen hard - usage in the Black Hawk War. Charley was slow, stumbled dreadfully, and - caused his rider much annoyance and some hard swearing. On this provoking - animal McNamar jogged through the long journey from New Salem to New York, - and arrived there after many delays, only to find that his broken and - dispirited father was fast sinking into the grave. After all his efforts, - he was too late: the father could never enjoy the prosperity which the - long-absent and long-silent son had brought him. McNamar wrote to Ann that - there was sickness in the family, and he could not return at the time - appointed. Then there were other and still other postponements; - "circumstances over which he had no control" prevented his departure from - time to time, until years had rolled away, and Ann's heart had grown sick - with hope deferred. She never quite gave him up, but continued to expect - him until death terminated her melancholy watch. His inexplicable delay, - however, the infrequency of his letters, and their unsatisfactory - character,—these and something else had broken her attachment, and - toward the last she waited for him only to ask a release from her - engagement, and to say that she preferred another and a more urgent - suitor. But without his knowledge and formal renunciation of his claim - upon her, she did not like to marry; and, in obedience to this refinement - of honor, she postponed her union with the more pressing lover until Aug. - 25, 1835, when, as many persons believe, she died of a broken heart. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln's friend Short was in some way related to the Rutledges, and for a - while Lincoln visited Ann two or three times a week at his house. - According to him, "Miss Rutledge was a good-looking, smart, lively girl, a - good housekeeper, with a moderate education, and without any of the - so-called accomplishments." L. M. Greene, who knew her well, talks about - her as "a beautiful and very amiable young woman;" and "Nult" Greene is - even more enthusiastic. "This young lady," in the language of the latter - gentleman, "was a woman of exquisite beauty; but her intellect was quick, - sharp, deep, and philosophic, as well as brilliant. She had as gentle and - kind a heart as an angel, full of love, kindliness, and sympathy. She was - beloved by everybody, and everybody respected and loved her, so sweet and - angelic was she. Her character was more than good: it was positively noted - throughout the county. She was a woman worthy of Lincoln's love." McNamar, - her unfortunate lover, says, "Miss Ann was a gentle, amiable maiden, - without any of the airs of your city belles, but winsome and comely - withal; a blonde in complexion, with golden hair, cherry-red lips, and a - bonny blue eye." Even the women of the neighborhood united with the men to - praise the name of this beautiful but unhappy girl. Mrs. Hardin Bale "knew - her well. She had auburn hair, blue eyes, fair complexion; was a slim, - pretty, kind, tender, good-hearted woman; in height about five feet three - inches, and weighed about a hundred and twenty pounds. She was beloved by - all who knew her. McNamar, Hill, and Lincoln all courted her near the same - time. She died as it were of grief. Miss Rutledge was beautiful." Such was - Ann Rutledge, the girl in whose grave Mr. Lincoln said, "My heart lies - buried." When Mr. Lincoln first saw Ann, she was probably the most refined - woman with whom he had then ever spoken,—a modest, delicate - creature, fascinating by reason of the mere contrast with the rude people - by whom they were both surrounded. She had a secret, too, and a sorrow,—the - unexplained and painful absence of McNamar,—which no doubt made her - all the more interesting to him whose spirit was often even more - melancholy than her own. It would be hard to trace the growth of such an - attachment at a time and place so distant; but that it actually grew, and - became an intense and mutual passion, the evidence before us is painfully - abundant. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was always welcome at the little tavern, at Short's on the - Sand Ridge, or at the farm, half a mile from Short's, where the Rutledges - finally abode. Ann's father was his devoted friend, and the mother he - called affectionately "Aunt Polly." It is probable that the family looked - upon McNamar's delay with more suspicion than Ann did herself. At all - events, all her adult relatives encouraged the suit which Lincoln early - began to press; and as time, absence, and apparent neglect, gradually told - against McNamar, she listened to him with augmenting interest, until, in - 1835, we find them formally and solemnly betrothed. Ann now waited only - for the return of McNamar to marry Lincoln. David Rutledge urged her to - marry immediately, without regard to any thing but her own happiness; but - she said she could not consent to it until McNamar came back and released - her from her pledge. At length, however, as McNamar's re-appearance became - more and more hopeless, she took a different view of it, and then thought - she would become Abe's wife as soon as he found the means of a decent - livelihood. "Ann told me once," says James M. in a letter to R. B. - Rutledge, in coming from camp-meeting on Rock Creek, "that engagements - made too far ahead sometimes failed; that one <i>had</i> failed (meaning - her engagement with McNamar), and gave me to understand, that, as soon as - certain studies were completed, she and Lincoln would be married." - </p> - <p> - In the summer of 1835 Ann showed unmistakable symptoms of failing health, - attributable, as most of the neighborhood believed, to the distressing - attitude she felt bound to maintain between her two lovers. On the 25th of - August, in that year, she died of what the doctors chose to call - "brain-fever." In a letter to Mr. Herndon, her brother says, "You suggest - that the probable cause of Ann's sickness was her conflicts, emotions, - &c. As to this I cannot say. I, however, have my own private - convictions. The character of her sickness was brain-fever." A few days - before her death Lincoln was summoned to her bedside. What happened in - that solemn conference was known only to him and the dying girl. But when - he left her, and stopped at the house of John Jones, on his way home, - Jones saw signs of the most terrible distress in his face and his conduct. - When Ann actually died, and was buried, his grief became frantic: he lost - all self-control, even the consciousness of identity, and every friend he - had in New Salem pronounced him insane, mad, crazy. "He was watched with - especial vigilance," as William Green tells us, "during storms, fogs, - damp, gloomy weather, for fear of an accident." "At such times he raved - piteously, declaring, among other wild expressions of his woe, 'I can - never be reconciled to have the snow, rains, and storms to beat upon her - grave!'" - </p> - <p> - About three-quarters of a mile below New Salem, at the foot of the main - bluff, and in a hollow between two lateral bluffs, stood the house of - Bowlin Greene, built of logs and weather-boarded. Thither the friends of - Lincoln, who apprehended a total abdication of reason, determined to - transport him, partly for the benefit of a mere change of scene, and - partly to keep him within constant reach of his near and noble friend, - Bowlin Greene. During this period of his darkened and wavering intellect, - when "accidents" were momentarily expected, it was discovered that Bowlin - Greene possessed a power to persuade and guide him proportioned to the - affection that had subsisted between them in former and better times. - Bowlin Greene came for him, but Lincoln was cunning and obstinate: it - required the most artful practices of a general conspiracy of all his - friends to "disarm his suspicions," and induce him to go and stay with his - most anxious and devoted friend. But at last they succeeded; and Lincoln - remained down under the bluff for two or three weeks, the object of - undisguised solicitude and of the strictest surveillance. At the end of - that time his mind seemed to be restored, and it was thought safe to let - him go back to his old haunts,—to the study of law, to the writing - of legal papers for his neighbors, to pettifogging before the justice of - the peace, and perhaps to a little surveying. But Mr. Lincoln was never - precisely the same man again. At the time of his release he was thin, - haggard, and careworn,—like one risen from the verge of the grave. - He had always been subject to fits of great mental depression, but after - this they were more frequent and alarming. It was then that he began to - repeat, with a feeling which seemed to inspire every listener with awe, - and to carry him to the fresh grave of Ann at every one of his solemn - periods, the lines entitled, "Immortality; or, Oh! why should the spirit - of mortal be proud?" None heard him but knew that he selected these - curiously empty, yet wonderfully sad, impressive lines, to celebrate a - grief which lay with continual heaviness on his heart, but to which he - could not with becoming delicacy directly allude. He muttered them as he - rambled through the woods, or walked by the roaring Sangamon. He was heard - to murmur them to himself as he slipped into the village at nightfall, - after a long walk of six miles, and an evening visit to the Concord - graveyard; and he would suddenly break out with them in little social - assemblies after noticeable periods of silent gloom. They came unbidden to - his lips, while the air of affliction in face and gesture, the moving - tones and touching modulations of his voice, made it evident that every - syllable of the recitation was meant to commemorate the mournful fate of - Ann. The poem is now his: the name of the obscure author is forgotten, and - his work is imperishably associated with the memory of a great man, and - interwoven with the history of his greatest Sorrow. Mr. Lincoln's adoption - of it has saved it from merited oblivion, and translated it from the - "poet's corner" of the country newspaper to a place in the story of his - own life,—a story that will continue to be written, or written - about, as long as our language exists. - </p> - <p> - Many years afterwards, when Mr. Lincoln, the best lawyer of his section, - with one exception, travelled the circuit with the court and a crowd of - his jolly brethren, he always rose early, be fore any one else was - stirring, and, raking together a few glowing coals on the hearth, he would - sit looking into them, musing and talking with himself, for hours - together. One morning, in the year of his nomination, his companions found - him in this attitude, when "Mr. Lincoln repeated aloud, and at length, the - poem 'Immortality,'" indicating his preference for the two last stanzas, - but insisting that the entire composition "sounded to him as much like - true poetry as any thing that he had ever heard." - </p> - <p> - In Carpenter's "Anecdotes and Reminiscences of President Lincoln," occurs - the following passage:—? - </p> - <p> - "The evening of March 22, 1864, was a most interesting one to me. I was - with the President alone in his office for several hours. Busy with pen - and papers when I went in, he presently threw them aside, and commenced - talking to me of Shakspeare, of whom he was very fond. Little 'Tad,' his - son, coming in, he sent him to the library for a copy of the plays, and - then read to me several of his favorite passages. Relapsing into a sadder - strain, he laid the book aside, and, leaning back in his chair, said,— - </p> - <p> - "'There is a poem which has been a great favorite with me for years, which - was first shown to me when a young man by a friend, and which I afterwards - saw and cut from a newspaper, and learned by heart. I would,' he - continued, 'give a great deal to know who wrote it; but I have never been - able to ascertain.' - </p> - <p> - "Then, half closing his eyes, he repeated the verses to me:— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "'Oh! why should the spirit of mortal be proud? Like a swift-fleeting - meteor, a fast-flying cloud, A flash of the lightning, a break of the - wave, He passeth from life to his rest in the grave. The leaves of the - oak and the willow shall fade, Be scattered around, and together be - laid; And the young and the old, and the low and the high, Shall moulder - to dust, and together shall lie. The infant a mother attended and loved; - The mother that infant's affection who proved; The husband that mother - and infant who blest,— Each, all, are away to their dwellings of - rest. [The maid on whose cheek, on whose brow, in whose eye, Shone - beauty and pleasure, her triumphs are by; And the memory of those who - loved her and praised, Are alike from the minds of the living erased.] - The hand of the king that the sceptre hath borne, The brow of the priest - that the mitre hath worn, The eye of the sage, and the heart of the - brave, Are hidden and lost in the depths of the grave. The peasant whose - lot was to sow and to reap, The herdsman who climbed with his goats up - the steep, The beggar who wandered in search of his bread, Have faded - away like the grass that we tread. [The saint who enjoyed the communion - of Heaven, The sinner who dared to remain unforgiven, The wise and the - foolish, the guilty and just, Have quietly mingled their bones in the - dust.] So the multitude goes, like the flower or the weed, That withers - away to let others succeed; So the multitude comes, even those we - behold, To repeat every tale that has often been told. For we are the - same our fathers have been; We see the same sights our fathers have - seen; We drink the same stream, we view the same sun, And run the same - course our fathers have run. The thoughts we are thinking our fathers - would think; From the death we are shrinking our fathers would shrink; - To the life we are clinging they also would cling; But it speeds from us - all like a bird on the wing. They loved, but the story we cannot unfold; - They scorned, but the heart of the haughty is cold; They grieved, but no - wail from their slumber will come; They joyed, but the tongue of their - gladness is dumb. They died, ay, they died: we things that are now, That - walk on the turf that lies over their brow, And make in their dwellings - a transient abode, Meet the things that they met on their pilgrimage - road. Yea, hope and despondency, pleasure and pain, Are mingled together - in sunshine and rain; And the smile and the tear, the song and the - dirge, Still follow each other like surge upon surge. 'Tis the wink of - an eye,'tis the draught of a breath, From the blossom of health to the - paleness of death, From the gilded saloon to the bier and the shroud,— - Oh! why should the spirit of mortal be proud?'" - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - It was only a year or two after the death of Ann Rutledge that Mr. Lincoln - told Robert L. Wilson, a distinguished colleague in the Legislature, parts - of whose letter will be printed in another place, that, although "he - appeared to enjoy life rapturously," it was a mistake; that, "when alone, - he was so overcome by mental depression, that he never dared to carry a - pocket-knife." And during all Mr. Wilson's extended acquaintance with him - he never did own a knife, notwithstanding he was inordinately fond of - whittling. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Herndon says, "He never addressed another woman, in my opinion, 'Yours - affectionately,' and generally and characteristically abstained from the - use of the word '<i>love.</i>' That word cannot be found more than a - half-dozen times, if that often, in all his letters and speeches since - that time. I have seen some of his letters to other ladies, but he never - says 'love.' He never ended his letters with 'Yours affectionately,' but - signed his name, 'Your friend, A. Lincoln.'" After Mr. Lincoln's election - to the Presidency, he one day met an old friend, Isaac Cogdale, who had - known him intimately in the better days of the Rutledges at New Salem. - "Ike," said he, "call at my office at the State House about an hour by - sundown. The company will then all be gone." Cogdale went according to - request; "and sure enough," as he expressed it, "the company dropped off - one by one, including Lincoln's clerk." - </p> - <p> - "'I want to inquire about old times and old acquaintances,' began Mr. - Lincoln. 'When we lived in Salem, there were the Greenes, Potters, - Armstrongs, and Rutledges. These folks have got scattered all over the - world,—some are dead. Where are the Rutledges, Greenes, &c.?' - </p> - <p> - "After we had spoken over old times," continues Cogdale,—"persons, - circumstances,—in which he showed a wonderful memory, I then dared - to ask him this question:— - </p> - <p> - "'May I now, in turn, ask you one question, Lincoln?' - </p> - <p> - "'Assuredly. I will answer your question, if a fair one, with all my - heart.' - </p> - <p> - "'Well, Abe, is it true that you fell in love and courted Ann Rutledge?' - </p> - <p> - "'It is true,—true: indeed I did. I have loved the name of Rutledge - to this day. I have kept my mind on their movements ever since, and love - them dearly.' - </p> - <p> - "'Abe, is it true,'" still urged Cogdale, "that you ran a little wild - about the matter?' - </p> - <p> - "'I did really. I ran off the track. It was my first. I loved the woman - dearly. She was a handsome girl; would have made a good, loving wife; was - natural and quite intellectual, though not highly educated. I did honestly - and truly love the girl, and think often, often, of her now.'" - </p> - <p> - A few weeks after the burial of Ann, McNamar returned to New Salem. He saw - Lincoln at the post-office, and was struck with the deplorable change in - his appearance. A short time afterwards Lincoln wrote him a deed, which he - still has, and prizes highly, in memory of his great friend and rival. His - father was at last dead; but he brought back with him his mother and her - family. In December of the same year his mother died, and was buried in - the same graveyard with Ann. During his absence, Col. Rutledge had - occupied his farm, and there Ann died; but "the Rutledge farm" proper - adjoined this one to the south. "Some of Mr. Lincoln's corners, as a - surveyor, are still visible on lines traced by him on both farms." - </p> - <p> - On Sunday, the fourteenth day of October, 1866, William H. Herndon knocked - at the door of John McNamar, at his residence, but a few feet distant from - the spot where Ann Rutledge breathed her last. After some preliminaries - not necessary to be related, Mr. Herndon says, "I asked him the question:— - </p> - <p> - "'Did you know Miss Rutledge? If so, where did she die?' - </p> - <p> - "He sat by his open window, looking westerly; and, pulling me closer to - himself, looked through the window and said, 'There, by that,'—choking - up with emotion, pointing his long forefinger, nervous and trembling, to - the spot,—'there, by that currant-bush, she died. The old house in - which she and her father died is gone.' - </p> - <p> - "After further conversation, leaving the sadness to momentarily pass away, - I asked this additional question:— - </p> - <p> - "'Where was she buried?' - </p> - <p> - "'In Concord burying-ground, one mile south-east of this place.'" - </p> - <p> - Mr. Herndon sought the grave. "S. C. Berry," says he, "James Short (the - gentleman who purchased in Mr. Lincoln's compass and chain in 1834, under - an execution against Lincoln, or Lincoln & Berry, and gratuitously - gave them back to Mr. Lincoln), James Miles, and myself were together. - </p> - <p> - "I asked Mr. Berry if he knew where Miss Rutledge was buried,—the - place and exact surroundings. He replied, 'I do. The grave of Miss - Rutledge lies just north of her brother's, David Rutledge, a young lawyer - of great promise, who died in 1842, in his twenty-seventh year.' - </p> - <p> - "The cemetery contains but an acre of ground, in a beautiful and secluded - situation. A thin skirt of timber lies on the east, commencing at the - fence of the cemetery. The ribbon of timber, some fifty yards wide, hides - the sun's early rise. At nine o'clock the sun pours all his rays into the - cemetery. An extensive prairie lies west, the forest north, a field on the - east, and timber and prairie on the south. In this lonely ground lie the - Berrys, the Rutledges, the Clarys, the Armstrongs, and the Joneses, old - and respected citizens,—pioneers of an early day. I write, or rather - did write, the original draught of this description in the immediate - presence of the ashes of Miss Ann Rutledge, the beautiful and tender dead. - The village of the dead is a sad, solemn place. Its very presence imposes - truth on the mind of the living writer. Ann Rutledge lies buried north of - lier brother, and rests sweetly on his left arm, angels to guard her. The - cemetery is fast filling with the hazel and the dead." - </p> - <p> - A lecture delivered by William H. Herndon at Springfield, in 1866, - contained the main outline, without the minuter details, of the story here - related. It was spoken, printed, and circulated without contradiction from - any quarter. It was sent to the Rutledges, McNeeleys, Greenes, Short, and - many other of the old residents of New Salem and Petersburg, with - particular requests that they should correct any error they might find in - it. It was pronounced by them all truthful and accurate; but their - replies, together with a mass of additional evidence, have been carefully - collated with the lecture, and the result is the present chapter. The - story of Ann Rutledge, Lincoln, and McNamar, as told here, is as well - proved as the fact of Mr. Lincoln's election to the Presidency. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0009" id="link2HCH0009"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER IX - </h2> - <p> - FOLLOWING strictly the chronological order hitherto observed in the course - of this narrative, we should be compelled to break off the story of Mr. - Lincoln's love-affairs at New Salem, and enter upon his public career in - the Legislature and before the people. But, while by that means we should - preserve continuity in one respect, we should lose it in another; and the - reader would perhaps prefer to take in at one view all of Mr. Lincoln's - courtships, save only that one which resulted in marriage. - </p> - <p> - Three-quarters of a mile, or nearly so, north of Bowlin Greene's, and on - the summit of a hill, stood the house of Bennett Able, a small frame - building eighteen by twenty feet. Able and his wife were warm friends of - Mr. Lincoln; and many of his rambles through the surrounding country, - reading and talking to himself, terminated at their door, where he always - found the latch-string on the outside, and a hearty welcome within. In - October, 1833, Mr. Lincoln met there Miss Mary Owens, a sister of Mrs. - Able, and, as we shall presently learn from his own words, admired her, - although not extravagantly. She remained but four weeks, and then went - back to her home in Kentucky. - </p> - <p> - Miss Owens's mother being dead, her father married again; and Miss Owens, - for good reasons of her own, thought she would rather live with her sister - than with her stepmother. Accordingly, in the fall of 1836, she - re-appeared at Able's, passing through New Salem on the day of the - presidential election, where the men standing about the polls stared and - wondered at her "beauty." Twenty eight or nine years of age, "she was," in - the language of Mr. L. M. Greene, "tall and portly; weighed about one - hundred and twenty pounds, and had large blue eyes, with the finest - trimmings I ever saw. She was jovial, social, loved wit and humor, had a - liberal English education, and was considered wealthy. Bill," continues - our excellent friend, "I am getting old; have seen too much trouble to - give a lifelike picture of this woman. I won't try it. None of the poets - or romance-writers has ever given to us a picture of a heroine so - beautiful as a good description of Miss Owens in 1836 would be." - </p> - <p> - Mrs. Hardin Bale, a cousin to Miss Owens, says "she was blue-eyed, - dark-haired, handsome,—not pretty,—was rather large and tall, - handsome, truly handsome, matronly looking, over ordinary size in height - and weight.... Miss Owens was handsome, that is to say, noble-looking, - matronly seeming." - </p> - <p> - Respecting her age and looks, Miss. Owens herself makes the following - note, Aug. 6, 1866:—- - </p> - <p> - "Born in the year eight; fair skin, deep-blue eyes, with dark curling - hair; height five feet five inches, weighing about one hundred and fifty - pounds." - </p> - <p> - Johnson G. Greene is Miss Owens's cousin; and, whilst on a visit to her in - 1866, he contrived to get her version of the Lincoln courtship at great - length. It does not vary in any material part from the account currently - received in the neighborhood, and given by various persons, whose oral or - written testimony is preserved in Mr. Herndon's collection of manuscripts. - Greene (J. G.) described her in terms about the same as those used by Mrs. - Bale, adding that "she was a nervous and muscular woman," very - "intellectual,"—"the most intellectual woman he ever saw,"—"with - a forehead massive and angular, square, prominent, and broad." - </p> - <p> - After Miss Owens's return to New Salem, in the fall of 1813, Mr. Lincoln - was unremitting in his attentions; and wherever she went he was at her - side. She had many relatives in the neighborhood,—the Bales, the - Greenes, the Grahams: and, if she went to spend an afternoon or an evening - with any of these, Abe was very likely to be on hand to conduct her home. - He asked her to marry him; but she prudently evaded a positive answer - until she could make up her mind about questionable points of his - character. She did not think him coarse or cruel; but she did think him - thoughtless, careless, not altogether as polite as he might be,—in - short, "deficient," as she expresses it, "in those little links which make - up the great chain of woman's happiness." His heart was good, his - principles were high, his honor sensitive; but still, in the eyes of this - refined, young lady, he did not seem to be quite the gentleman. "He was - lacking in the smaller attentions;" and, in fact, the whole affair is - explained when she tells us that "<i>his education was different from" - hers</i>. - </p> - <p> - One day Miss Owens and Mrs. Bowlin Greene were making their way slowly and - tediously up the hill to Able's house, when they were joined by Lincoln. - Mrs. Bowlin Greene was carrying "a great big fat child, heavy, and crossly - disposed." Although the woman bent pitiably under her burden, Lincoln - offered her no assistance, but, dropping behind with Miss Owens, beguiled - the way according to his wishes. When they reached the summit, "Miss Owens - said to Lincoln laughingly, 'You would not make a good husband. Abe.' They - sat on the fence; and one word brought on another, till a split or breach - ensued." - </p> - <p> - Immediately after this misunderstanding, Lincoln went off toward Havana on - a surveying expedition, and was absent about three weeks. On the first day - of his return, one of Able's boys was sent up "to town" for the mail. - Lincoln saw him at the post-office, and "asked if Miss Owens was at Mr. - Able's." The boy said "Yes."—"Tell her," said Lin-join, "that I'll - be down to see her in a few minutes." Now, Miss Owens had determined to - spend that evening at Minter Graham's; and when the boy gave in the - report, "she thought a moment, and said to herself, 'If I can draw Lincoln - up there to Graham's, it will be all right.'" This scheme was to operate - as a test of Abe's love; but it shared the fate of some of "the best-laid - schemes of mice and men," and went "all agley." - </p> - <p> - Lincoln, according to promise, went down to Able's, and asked if Miss - Owens was in. Mrs. Able replied that she had gone to Graham's, about one - and a half miles from Able's due south-west. Lincoln said, "Didn't she - know I was coming?" Mrs. Able answered, "No;" but one of the children - said, "Yes, ma, she did, for I heard Sam tell her so." Lincoln sat a - while, and then went about his business. "The fat was now in the fire. - Lincoln thought, as he was extremely poor, and Miss Owens very rich, it - was a fling on him on that account. Abe was mistaken in his guesses, for - wealth cut no figure in Miss Owens's eyes. Miss Owens regretted her - course. Abe would not bend; and Miss Owens wouldn't. She said, if she had - it to do over again she would play the cards differently.... She had two - sons in the Southern army. She said that if either of them had got into - difficulty, she would willingly have gone to old Abe for relief." - </p> - <p> - In Miss Owens's letter of July 22, 1866, it will be observed! that she - tacitly admitted to Mr. Gaines Greene "the circumstances in connection - with Mrs. Greene and child." Although she here denies the precise words - alleged to have been used by her in the little quarrel at the top of the - hill, she does not deny the impression his conduct left upon her mind, but - presents additional evidence of it by the relation of another incident of - similar character, from which her inferences were the same. - </p> - <p> - Fortunately we are not compelled, to rely upon tradition, however - authentic, for the facts concerning this interesting episode in Mr. - Lincoln's life. Miss Owens is still alive to tell her own tale, and we - have besides his letters to the lady herself. Mr. Lincoln wrote his - account of it as early as 1838. As in duty bound, we shall permit the lady - to speak first. At her particular request, her present name and residence - are suppressed. - </p> - <p> - ———, May 1, 1866. - </p> - <p> - Mr. W. H. Herndon. - </p> - <p> - Dear Sir,—After quite a struggle with my feelings, I have at last - decided to send you the letters in my possession written by Mr. Lincoln, - believing, as I do, that you are a gentleman of honor, and will faithfully - abide by all you have said. - </p> - <p> - My associations with your lamented friend were in Menard County, whilst - visiting a sister, who then resided near Petersburg. I have learned that - my maiden name is now in your possession; and you have ere this, no doubt, - been informed that I am a native Kentuckian. - </p> - <p> - As regards Miss Rutledge, I cannot tell you any thing, she having died - previous to my acquaintance with Mr. Lincoln; and I do not now recollect - of ever hearing him mention her name. Please return the letters at your - earliest convenience. - </p> - <p> - Very respectfully yours, - </p> - <p> - Mary S.———. - </p> - <p> - ———, May 22,1866. - </p> - <p> - Mr. W. H. Herndon. - </p> - <p> - My dear Sir,—Really you catechise me in true lawyer style; but I - feel you will have the goodness to excuse me if I decline answering all - your questions in detail, being well assured that few women would have - ceded as much as I have under all the circumstances. - </p> - <p> - You say you have heard why our acquaintance terminated as it did. I, too, - have heard the same bit of gossip; but I never used the remark which Madam - Rumor says I did to Mr. Lincoln. I think I did on one occasion say to my - sister, who was very anxious for us to be married, that I thought Mr. - Lincoln was deficient in those little links which make up the chain of - woman's happiness,—at least, it was so in my case. Not that I - believed it proceeded from a lack of goodness of heart: but his training - had been different from mine; hence there was not that congeniality which - would otherwise have existed. - </p> - <p> - From his own showing, you perceive that his heart and hand were at my - disposal; and I suppose that my feelings were not sufficiently enlisted to - have the matter consummated. About the beginning of the year 1833 I left - Illinois, at which time our acquaintance and correspondence ceased without - ever again being renewed. - </p> - <p> - My father, who resided in Green County, Kentucky, was a gentleman of - considerable means; and I am persuaded that few persons placed a higher - estimate on education than he did. - </p> - <p> - Respectfully yours, - </p> - <p> - Mart S.———. - </p> - <p> - ———, July 22, 1866. - </p> - <p> - Mr. W. H. Herndon. - </p> - <p> - Dear Sir,—I do not think that you are pertinacious in asking the - question relative to old Mrs. Bowlin Greene, because I wish to set you - right on that question. Your information, no doubt, came through my - cousin, Mr. Gaines Greene, who visited us last winter. Whilst here, he was - laughing at me about Mr. Lincoln, and among other things spoke about the - circumstance in connection with Mrs. Greene and child. My impression is - now that I tacitly admitted it, for it was a season of trouble with me, - and I gave but little heed to the matter. We never had any hard feelings - toward each other that I know of. On no occasion did I say to Mr. Lincoln - that I did not believe he would make a kind husband, because he did not - tender his services to Mrs. Greene in helping of her carry her babe. As I - said to you in a former letter, I thought him lacking in smaller - attentions. One circumstance presents itself just now to my mind's eye. - There was a company of us going to Uncle Billy Greene's. Mr. Lincoln was - riding with me; and we had a very bad branch to cross. The other gentlemen - were very officious in seeing that their partners got over safely. We were - behind, he riding in, never looking back to see how I got along. When I - rode up beside him, I remarked, "You are a nice fellow! I suppose you did - not care whether my neck was broken or not." He laughingly replied (I - suppose by way of compliment) that he knew I was plenty smart to take care - of myself. - </p> - <p> - In many things he was sensitive, almost to a fault. He told me of an - incident: that he was crossing a prairie one day, and saw before him "a - hog mired down," to use his own language. He was rather "fixed up;" and he - resolved that he would pass on without looking towards the shoat. After he - had gone by, he said the feeling was irresistible; and he had to look - back, and the poor thing seemed to say wistfully, "There, now, my last - hope is gone;" that he deliberately got down, and relieved it from its - difficulty. - </p> - <p> - In many things we were congenial spirits. In politics we saw eye to eye, - though since then we differed as widely as the South is from the North. - But methinks I hear you say, "Save me from a political woman!" So say I. - </p> - <p> - The last message I ever received from him was about a year after we parted - in Illinois. Mrs. Able visited Kentucky; and he said to her in - Springfield, "Tell your sister that I think she was a great fool, because - she did not stay here, and marry me." Characteristic of the man. - </p> - <p> - Respectfully yours, - </p> - <p> - Mary S.———. - </p> - <p> - Vandalia, Dec. 13, 1836. - </p> - <p> - Mary,—I have been sick ever since my arrival, or I should have - written sooner. It is but little difference, however, as I have very - little even yet to write. And more, the longer I can avoid the - mortification of looking in the post-office for your letter, and not - finding it, the better. You see I am mad about that <i>old letter</i> yet. - I don't like very well to risk you again. I'll try you once more, anyhow. - </p> - <p> - The new State House is not yet finished, and consequently the Legislature - is doing little or nothing. The Governor delivered an inflammatory - political message, and it is expected there will be some sparring between - the parties about it as soon as the two Houses get to business. Taylor - delivered up his petitions for the new county to one of our members this - morning. I am told he despairs of its success, on account of all the - members from Morgan County opposing it. There are names enough on the - petition, I think, to justify the members from our county in going for it; - but if the members from Morgan oppose it, which they say they will, the - chance will be bad. - </p> - <p> - Our chance to take the seat of government to Springfield is better than I - expected. An internal-improvement convention was held here since we met, - which recommended a loan of several million of dollars, on the faith of - the State, to construct railroads. Some of the Legislature are for it, and - some against it: which has the majority I cannot tell. There is great - strife and struggling for the office of the United States Senator here at - this time. It is probable we shall ease their pains in a few days. The - opposition men have no candidate of their own; and consequently they will - smile as complacently at the angry snarl of the contending Van-Buren - candidates and their respective friends, as the Christian does at Satan's - rage. You recollect that I mentioned at the outset of this letter that I - had been unwell. That is the fact, though I believe I am about well now; - but that, with other things I cannot account for, have conspired, and have - gotten my spirits so low that I feel that I would rather be any place in - the world than here. I really cannot endure the thought of staying here - ten weeks. Write back as soon as you get this, and, if possible, say - something that will please me; for really I have not been pleased since I - left you. This letter is so dry and stupid that I am ashamed to send it, - but with my present feelings I cannot do any better. - </p> - <p> - Give my best respects to Mr. and Mrs. Able and family. - </p> - <p> - Your friend, - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, May 7, 1837. - </p> - <p> - Miss Mary S. Owens. - </p> - <p> - Friend Mary,—I have commenced two letters to send you before this, - both of which displeased me before I got half done, and so I tore them up. - The first I thought was not serious enough, and the second was on the - other extreme. I shall send this, turn out as it may. - </p> - <p> - This thing of living in Springfield is rather a dull business, after all; - at least, it is so to me. I am quite as lonesome here as I ever was - anywhere in my life. I have been spoken to by but one woman since I've - been here, and should not have been by her, if she could have avoided it. - I've never been to church yet, nor probably shall not be soon. I stay away - because I am conscious I should not know how to behave myself. - </p> - <p> - I am often thinking about what we said of your coming to live at - Springfield. I am afraid you would not be satisfied. There is a great deal - of flourishing about in carriages here, which it would be your doom to see - without sharing it. You would have to be poor, without the means of hiding - your poverty. Do you believe you could bear that patiently? Whatever woman - may cast her lot with mine, should any ever do so, it is my intention to - do all in my power to make her happy and contented; and there is nothing I - can imagine that would make me more unhappy than to fail in the effort. I - know I should be much happier with you than the way I am, provided I saw - no signs of discontent in you. What you have said to me may have been in - the way of jest, or I may have misunderstood it. If so, then let it be - forgotten; if otherwise, I much wish you would think seriously before you - decide. For my part, I have already decided. What I have said I will most - positively abide by, provided you wish it. My opinion is, that you had - better not do it. You have not been accustomed to hardship, and it may be - more severe than you now imagine. I know you are capable of thinking - correctly on any subject; and, if you deliberate maturely upon this before - you decide, then I am willing to abide your decision. - </p> - <p> - You must write me a good long letter after you get this. You have nothing - else to do; and, though it might not seem interesting to you after you - have written it, it would be a good deal of company to me in this "busy - wilderness." Tell your sister, I don't want to hear any more about selling - out and moving, That gives me the hypo whenever I think of it. - </p> - <p> - Yours, &c., - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Aug. 16, 1837. - </p> - <p> - Friend Mary,—You will no doubt think it rather strange that I should - write you a letter on the same day on which we parted; and I can only - account for it by supposing that seeing you lately makes me think of you - more than usual; while at our late meeting we had but few expressions of - thoughts. You must know that I cannot see you, or think of you, with - entire indifference; and yet it may be that you are mistaken in regard to - what my real feelings toward you are. If I knew you were not, I should not - trouble you with this letter. Perhaps any other man would know enough - without further information; but I consider it my peculiar right to plead - ignorance, and your bounden duty to allow the plea. I want in all cases to - do right; and most particularly so in all cases with women. I want, at - this particular time, more than any thing else, to do right with you: and - if I knew it would be doing right, as I rather suspect it would, to let - you alone, I would do it. And, for the purpose of making the matter as - plain as possible, I now say that you can now drop the subject, dismiss - your thoughts (if you ever had any) from me forever, and leave this letter - unanswered, without calling forth one accusing murmur from me. And I will - even go further, and say, that, if it will add any thing to your comfort - or peace of mind to do so, it is my sincere wish that you should. Do not - understand by this that I wish to cut your acquaintance. I mean no such - thing. What I do wish is, that our further acquaintance shall depend upon - yourself. If such further acquaintance would constitute nothing to your - happiness, I am sure it would not to mine. If you feel yourself in any - degree bound to me, I am now willing to release you, provided you wish it; - while, on the other hand, I am willing, and even anxious, to bind you - faster, if I can be convinced that it will, in any considerable degree, - add to your happiness. This, indeed, is the whole question with me. - Nothing would make me more miserable than to believe you miserable,—nothing - more happy than to know you were so. - </p> - <p> - In what I have now said, I think I cannot be misunderstood; and to make - myself understood is the only object of this letter. - </p> - <p> - If it suits you best to not answer this, farewell. A long life and a merry - one attend you. But, if you conclude to write back, speak as plainly as I - do. There can be neither harm nor danger in saying to me any thing you - think, just in the manner you think it. - </p> - <p> - My respects to your sister. Your friend, - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - After his second meeting with Mary, Mr. Lincoln had little time to - prosecute his addresses in person; for early in December he was called - away to his seat in the Legislature; but, if his tongue was silent in the - cause, his pen was busy. - </p> - <p> - During the session of the Legislature of 1886-7, Mr. Lincoln made the - acquaintance of Mrs. O. H. Browning, whose husband was also a member. The - acquaintance ripened into friendship, and that winter and the next Mr. - Lincoln spent a great deal of time in social intercourse with the - Brownings. Mrs. Browning knew nothing as yet of the affair with Miss - Owens; but as the latter progressed, and Lincoln became more and more - involved, she noticed the ebb of his spirits, and often rallied him as the - victim of some secret but consuming passion. With this for his excuse, - Lincoln wrote her, after the adjournment of the Legislature, a full and - connected account of the manner in which he had latterly been making "a - fool of" himself. For many reasons the publication of this letter is an - extremely painful duty. If it could be withheld, and the act decently - reconciled to the conscience of a biographer professing to be honest and - candid, it should never see the light in these pages. Its grotesque humor, - its coarse exaggerations in describing the person of a lady whom the - writer was willing to marry, its imputation of toothless and weatherbeaten - old age to a woman really young and handsome, its utter lack of that - delicacy of tone and sentiment which one naturally expects a gentleman to - adopt when he thinks proper to discuss the merits of his late mistress,—all - these, and its defective orthography, it would certainly be more agreeable - to suppress than to publish. But, if we begin by omitting or mutilating a - document which sheds so broad a light upon one part of his life and one - phase of his character, why may we not do the like as fast and as often as - the temptations arise? and where shall the process cease? A biography - worth writing at all is worth writing fully and honestly; and the writer - who suppresses or mangles the truth is no better than he who bears false - witness in any other capacity. In April, 1838, Miss Owens finally departed - from Illinois; and in that same month Mr. Lincoln wrote Mrs. Browning:— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, April 1, 1838. - </p> - <p> - Dear Madam,—Without appologising for being egotistical, I shall make - the history of so much of my life as has elapsed since I saw you the - subject of this letter. And, by the way, I now discover, that, in order to - give a full and inteligible account of the things I have done and suffered - since I saw you, I shall necessarily have to relate some that happened - before. - </p> - <p> - It was, then, in the autumn of 1836, that a married lady of my - acquaintance, and who was a great friend of mine, being about to pay a - visit to her father & other relatives residing in Kentucky, proposed - to me that on her return she would bring a sister of hers with her on - condition that I would engage to become her brother-in-law with all - convenient despatch. I, of course, accepted the proposal, for you know I - could not have done otherwise, had I really been averse to it; but - privately, between you and me, I was most confoundedly well pleased with - the project. I had seen the said sister some three years before, thought - her inteligent and agreeable, and saw no good objection to plodding life - through hand in hand with her. Time passed on, the lady took her journey, - and in due time returned, sister in company, sure enough. This astonished - me a little; for it appeared to me that her coming so readily showed that - she was a trifle too willing; but, on reflection, it occurred to me that - she might have been prevailed on by her married sister to come, without - any thing concerning me ever having been mentioned to her; and so I - concluded, that, if no other objection presented itself, I would consent - to wave this. All this occurred to me on <i>hearing</i> of her arrival in - the neighborhood; for, be it remembered, I had not yet <i>seen</i> her, - except about three years previous, as above mentioned. In a few days we - had an interview; and, although I had seen her before, she did not look as - my imagination had pictured her. I knew she was oversize, but she now - appeared a fair match for Falstaff. I knew she was called an "old maid," - and I felt no doubt of the truth of at least half of the appelation; but - now, when I beheld her, I could not for my life avoid thinking of my - mother; and this, not from withered features, for her skin was too full of - fat 'to permit of its contracting into wrinkles, but from her want of - teeth, weather-beaten appearance in general, and from a kind of notion - that ran in my head that nothing could have commenced at the size of - infancy and reached her present bulk in less than thirty-five or forty - years; and, in short, I was not at all pleased with her. But what could I - do? I had told her sister that I would take her for better or for worse; - and I made a point of honor and conscience in all things to stick to my - word, especially if others had been induced to act on it, which in this - case I had no doubt they had; for I was now fairly convinced that no other - man on earth would have her, and hence the conclusion that they were bent - on holding me to my bargain. "Well," thought I, "I have said it, and, be - the consequences what they may, it shall not be my fault if I fail to do - it." At once I determined to consider her my wife; and, this done, all my - powers of discovery were put to work in search of perfections in her which - might be fairly sett off against her defects. I tried to imagine her - handsome, which, but for her unfortunate corpulency, was actually true. - Exclusive of this, no woman that I have ever seen has a finer face. I also - tried to convince myself that the mind was much more to be valued than the - person; and in this she was not inferior, as I could discover, to any with - whom I had been acquainted. - </p> - <p> - Shortly after this, without attempting to come to any positive - understanding with her, I sat out for Vandalia, when and where you first - saw me. During my stay there I had letters from her which did not change - my opinion of either her intelect or intention, but, on the contrary, - confirmed it in both. - </p> - <p> - All this while, although I was fixed, "firm as the surge-repelling rock," - in my resolution, I found I was continually repenting the rashness which - had led me to make it. Through life, I have been in no bondage, either - real or imaginary, from the thraldom of which I so much desired to be - free. After my return home, I saw nothing to change my opinions of her in - any particular. She was the same, and so was I. I now spent my time in - planing how I might get along through life after my contemplated change of - circumstances should have taken place, and how I might procrastinate the - evil day for a time, which I really dreaded as much, perhaps more, than an - Irishman does the halter. - </p> - <p> - After all my suffering upon this deeply-interesting subject, here I am, - wholly, unexpectedly, completely, out of the "scrape;" and I now want to - know if you can guess how I got out of it,—out, clear, in every - sense of the term; no violation of word, honor, or conscience. I don't - believe you can guess, and so I might as well tell you at once. As the - lawyer says, it was done in the manner following, to wit: After I had - delayed the matter as long as I thought I could in honor do (which, by the - way, had brought me round into the last fall), I concluded I might as well - bring it to a consumation without further delay; and so I mustered my - resolution, and made the proposal to her direct: but, shocking to relate, - she answered, No, At first I supposed she did it through an affectation of - modesty, which I thought but ill became her under the peculiar - circumstances of her case; but, on my renewal of the charge, I found she - repeled it with greater firmness than before. I tried it again and again, - but with the same success, or rather with the same want of success. - </p> - <p> - I finally was forced to give it up; at which I verry unexpectedly found - myself mortified almost beyond endurance. I was mortified, it seemed to - me, in a hundred different ways. My vanity was deeply wounded by the - reflection that I had so long been too stupid to discover her intentions, - and at the same time never doubting that I understood them perfectly; and - also that she, whom I had taught myself to believe nobody else would have, - had actually rejected me with all my fancied greatness. And, to cap the - whole, I then, for the first time, began to suspect that I was really a - little in love with her. But let it all go. I'll try and outlive it. - Others have been made fools of by the girls; but this can never with truth - be said of me. I most emphatically, in this instance, made a fool of - myself. I have now come to the conclusion never again to think of - marrying, and for this reason: I can never be satisfied with any one who - would be blockhead enough to have me. - </p> - <p> - When you receive this, write me a long yarn about something to amuse me. - Give my respects to Mr. Browning. - </p> - <p> - Your sincere friend, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln, - </p> - <p> - Mrs. O. H. Browning. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0010" id="link2HCH0010"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER X - </h2> - <p> - THE majority of Mr. Lincoln's biographers—and they are many and - credulous—tell us that he <i>walked</i> from New Salem to Vandalia, - a distance of one hundred miles, to take his seat, for the first time, in - the Legislature of the State. But that is an innocent mistake; for he was - resolved to appear with as much of the dignity of the senator as his - circumstances would permit. It was for this very purpose that he had - borrowed the two hundred dollars from Coleman Smoot; and, when the choice - between riding and walking presented itself, he sensibly enough got into - the stage, with his new clothes on, and rode to the scene of his labors. - </p> - <p> - When he arrived there, he found a singular state of affairs. Duncan had - been chosen Governor at the recent August election by "the whole-hog - Jackson men;" but he was absent in Congress during the whole of the - campaign; and, now that he came to the duties of his office, it was - discovered that he had been all the while an anti-Jackson man, and was - quite willing to aid the Whigs in furtherance of some of their worst - schemes. These schemes were then just beginning to be hatched in great - numbers; but in due time they were enacted into laws, and prepared - Illinois with the proper weights of public debt and "rag" currency, to - sink her deeper than her neighbors into the miseries of financial ruin in - 1837. The speculating fever was just reaching Illinois; the land and - town-lot business had barely taken shape at Chicago; and State banks and - multitudinous internal improvements were yet to be invented. But this - Legislature was a very wise one in its own conceit, and was not slow to - launch out with the first of a series of magnificent experiments. It - contented itself, however, with chartering a State bank, with a capital of - one million five hundred thousand dollars; rechartering, with a capital of - three hundred thousand dollars, the Shawneetown Bank, which had broken - twelve years before; and providing for a loan of five hundred thousand - dollars, on the credit of the State, wherewith to make a beginning on the - Illinois and Michigan Canal. The bill for the latter project was drawn and - introduced by Senator James M. Strode, the gentleman who described with - such moving eloquence the horrors of Stillman's defeat. These measures - Gov. Ford considers "the beginning of all the bad legislation which - followed in a few years, and which, as is well known, resulted in general - ruin." Mr. Lincoln favored them all, and faithfully followed out the - policy of which they were the inauguration at subsequent sessions of the - same body. For the present, nevertheless, he was a silent member, although - he was assigned a prominent place on the Committee on Public Accounts and - Expenditures. The bank-charters were drawn by a Democrat who hoped to find - his account in the issue; all the bills were passed by a Legislature - "nominally" Democratic; but the Board of Canal Commissioners was composed - exclusively of Whigs, and the Whigs straightway assumed control of the - banks. - </p> - <p> - It was at a special session of this Legislature that Lincoln first saw - Stephen A. Douglas, and, viewing his active little person with immense - amusement, pronounced him "the <i>least</i> man he ever saw." Douglas had - come into the State (from Vermont) only the previous year, but, having - studied law for several months, considered himself eminently qualified to - be State's attorney for the district in which he lived, and was now come - to Vandalia for that purpose. The place was already filled by a man of - considerable distinction; but the incumbent remaining at home, possibly in - blissful ignorance of his neighbor's design, was easily supplanted by the - supple Vermonter. - </p> - <p> - It is the misfortune of legislatures in general, as it was in those days - the peculiar misfortune of the Legislature of Illinois, to be beset by a - multitude of gentlemen engaged in the exclusive business of "log-rolling." - Chief among the "rollers" were some of the most "distinguished" members, - each assisted by an influential delegation from the district, bank, or - "institution" to be benefited by the legislation proposed. An expert - "log-roller," an especially wily and persuasive person, who could depict - the merits of his scheme with roseate but delusive eloquence, was said to - carry "a gourd of possum fat," and the unhappy victim of his art was said - to be "<i>greased and swallowed</i>." - </p> - <p> - It is not to be supposed that anybody ever succeeded in anointing a single - square inch of Mr. Lincoln's person with the "fat" that deluded; but - historians aver that "the Long Nine," of whom he was the longest and - cleverest, possessed "gourds" of extraordinary dimensions, and distributed - "grease" of marvellous virtues. But of that at another place. - </p> - <p> - In 1836 Mr. Lincoln was again a candidate for the Legislature; his - colleagues on the Whig ticket in Sangamon being, for Representatives, John - Dawson, William F. Elkin, N. W. Edwards, Andrew McCormick, Dan Stone, and - R. L. Wilson; and for Senators, A. G. Herndon and Job Fletcher. They were - all elected but one, and he was beaten by John Calhoun. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln opened the campaign by the following manifesto:— - </p> - <p> - New Salem, June 13, 1836. - </p> - <p> - To the Editor of "The Journal." - </p> - <p> - In your paper of last Saturday, I see a communication over the signature - of "Many Voters," in which the candidates who are announced in the - "Journal" are called upon to "show their hands." Agreed. Here's mine. - </p> - <p> - I go for all sharing the privileges of the government who assist in - bearing its burdens. Consequently, I go for admitting all <i>whites</i> to - the right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms (<i>by no means excluding - females</i>). - </p> - <p> - If elected, I shall consider the whole people of Sangamon my constituents, - as well those that oppose as those that support me. - </p> - <p> - While acting as their Representative, I shall be governed by their will on - all subjects upon which I have the means of knowing what their will is; - and upon all others I shall do what my own judgment teaches me will best - advance their interests. Whether elected or not, I go for distributing the - proceeds of the sales of the public lands to the several States, to enable - our State, in common with others, to dig canals and construct railroads - without borrowing money and paying the interest on it. - </p> - <p> - <i>If alive on the first Monday in November, I shall vote for Hugh L. - White for President.</i> - </p> - <p> - Very respectfully, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - The elections were held on the first Monday in August, and the campaign - began about six weeks or two months before. Popular meetings were - advertised in "The Sangamon Journal" and "The State Register,"—organs - of the respective parties. Not unfrequently the meetings were joint, - —composed of both parties,—when, as Lincoln would say, the - candidates "put in their best licks," while the audience "rose to the - height of the great argument" with cheers, taunts, cat-calls, fights, and - other exercises appropriate to the free and untrammelled enjoyment of the - freeman's boon. - </p> - <p> - The candidates travelled from one grove to another on horseback; and, when - the "Long Nine" (all over six feet in height) took the road, it must have - been a goodly sight to see. - </p> - <p> - "I heard Lincoln make a speech," says James Gourly, "in Mechanicsburg, - Sangamon County, in 1836. John Neal had a fight at the time: the roughs - got on him, and Lincoln jumped in and saw fair play. We staid for dinner - at Green's, close to Mechanicsburg,—drank whiskey sweetened with - honey. There the questions discussed were internal improvements, Whig - principles." (Gourly was a great friend of Lincoln's, for Gourly had had a - foot-race "with H. B. Truett, now of California," and Lincoln had been his - "judge;" and it was a remarkable circumstance, that nearly everybody for - whom Lincoln "judged" came out ahead.) - </p> - <p> - "I heard Mr. Lincoln during the same canvass," continues Gourly. "It was - at the Court House, where the State House now stands. The Whigs and - Democrats had a general quarrel then and there. N. W. Edwards drew a - pistol on Achilles Morris." But Gourly's account of this last scene is - unsatisfactory, although the witness is willing; and we turn to Lincoln's - colleague, Mr. Wilson, for a better one. "The Saturday evening preceding - the election the candidates were addressing the people in the Court House - at Springfield. Dr. Early, one of the candidates on the Democratic side, - made some charge that N. W. Edwards, one of the candidates on the Whig - side, deemed untrue. Edwards climbed on a table, so as to be seen by - Early, and by every one in the house, and at the top of his voice told - Early that the charge was false. The excitement that followed was intense,—so - much so, that fighting men thought that a duel must settle the difficulty. - Mr. Lincoln, by the programme, followed Early. He took up the subject in - dispute, and handled it fairly, and with such ability that every one was - astonished and pleased. So that difficulty ended there. Then, for the - first time, developed by the excitement of the occasion, he spoke in that - tenor intonation of voice that ultimately settled down into that clear, - shrill monotone style of speaking that enabled his audience, however - large, to hear distinctly the lowest sound of his voice." - </p> - <p> - It was during this campaign, possibly at the same meeting, that Mr. Speed - heard him reply to George Forquer. Forquer had been a leading Whig, one of - their foremost men in the Legislature of 1834, but had then recently - changed sides, and thereupon was appointed Register of the Land Office at - Springfield. Mr. Forquer was an astonishing man: he not only astonished - the people by "changing his coat in politics," but by building the best - frame-house in Springfield, and erecting over it the only lightning-rod - the entire region could boast of. At this meeting he listened attentively - to Mr. Lincoln's first speech, and was much annoyed by the transcendent - power with which the awkward young man defended the principles he had - himself so lately abandoned. "The speech" produced a profound impression, - "especially upon a large number of Lincoln's friends and admirers, who had - come in from the country" expressly to hear and applaud him. - </p> - <p> - "At the conclusion of Lincoln's speech" (we quote from Mr. Speed), "the - crowd was dispersing, when Forquer rose and asked to be heard. He - commenced by saying that the young man would have to be taken down, and - was sorry that the task devolved upon him. He then proceeded to answer - Lincoln's speech in a style, which, while it was able and fair, yet, in - his whole manner, asserted and claimed superiority. Lincoln stood near - him, and watched him during the whole of his speech. When Forquer - concluded, he took the stand again. I have often heard him since, in court - and before the people, but never saw him appear so well as upon that - occasion. He replied to Mr. Forquer with great dignity and force; but I - shall never forget the conclusion of that speech. Turning to Mr. Forquer, - he said, that he had commenced his speech by announcing that 'this young - man would have to be taken down.' Turning then to the crowd, he said, 'It - is for you, not for me, to say whether I am up or down. The gentleman has - alluded to my being a young man: I am older in years than I am in the - tricks and trades of politicians. I desire to live, and I desire place and - distinction as a politician; but I would rather die now, than, like the - gentleman, live to see the day that I would have to erect a lightning-rod - to protect a guilty conscience from an offended God.'" - </p> - <p> - He afterwards told Speed that the sight of that same rod "had led him to - the study of the properties of electricity and the utility of the rod as a - conductor." - </p> - <p> - Among the Democratic orators stumping the county at this time was Dick - Taylor, a pompous gentleman, who went abroad in superb attire, ruffled - shirts, rich vest, and immense watch-chains, with shining and splendid - pendants. But Dick was a severe Democrat in theory, made much of "the - hard-handed yeomanry," and flung many biting sarcasms upon the - aristocratic pretensions of the Whigs,—the "rag barons" and the - manufacturing "lords." He was one day in the midst of a particularly - aggravating declamation of this sort, "when Abe began to feel devilish, - and thought he would take the wind out of Dick's sails by a little sport." - He therefore "edged" slyly up to the speaker, and suddenly catching his - vest by the lower corner, and giving it a sharp pull upward, it opened - wide, and out fell upon the platform, in full view of the astonished - audience, a mass of ruffled shirt, gold watch, chains, seals, and - glittering jewels. Jim Matheny was there, and nearly broke his heart with - mirth. "The crowd couldn't stand it, but shouted uproariously." It must - have been then that Abe delivered the following speech, although Ninian W. - Edwards places it in 1840:— - </p> - <p> - "While he [Col. Taylor] was making these charges against the Whigs over - the country, riding in fine carriages, wearing ruffled shirts, kid gloves, - massive gold watch-chains, with large gold seals, and flourishing a heavy - gold-headed cane, he [Lincoln] was a poor boy, hired on a flatboat at - eight dollars a month, and had only one pair of breeches to his back, and - they were buckskin,—'and,' said Lincoln, 'if you know the nature of - buckskin, when wet and dried by the sun, they will shrink,—and mine - kept shrinking, until they left several inches of my legs bare between the - tops of my socks and the lower part of my breeches; and, whilst I was - growing taller, they were becoming shorter, and so much tighter, that they - left a blue streak around my legs that can be seen to this day. If you - call this aristocracy, I plead guilty to the charge.'" Hitherto Sangamon - County had been uniformly Democratic; but at this election the Whigs - carried it by an average majority of about four hundred, Mr. Lincoln - receiving a larger vote than any other candidate. The result was in part - due to a transitory and abortive attempt of the anti-Jackson and - anti-Van-Buren men to build up a third party, with Judge White of - Tennessee as its leader. This party was not supposed to be wedded to the - "specie circular," was thought to be open to conviction on the bank - question, clamored loudly about the business interests and general - distress of the country, and was actually in favor of the distribution of - the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. In the nomenclature of - Illinois, its members might have been called "nominal Jackson men;" that - is to say, men who continued to act with the Democratic party, while - disavowing its cardinal principles,—traders, trimmers, cautious - schismatics who argued the cause of Democracy from a brief furnished by - the enemy. The diversion in favor of White was just to the hand of the - Whigs, and they aided it in every practicable way. Always for an expedient - when an expedient would answer, a compromise when a compromise would do, - the "hand" Mr. Lincoln "showed" at the opening of the campaign contained - the "White" card among the highest of its trumps. "If alive on the first - Monday in November, I shall vote for Hugh L. White for President." A - number of local Democratic politicians assisting him to play it, it won - the game in 1836, and Sangamon County went over to the Whigs. - </p> - <p> - At this election Mr. Douglas was made a Representative from Morgan County, - along with Col. Hardin, from whom he had the year before taken the State's - attorneyship. The event is notable principally because Mr. Douglas was - nominated by a convention, and not by the old system of self-announcement, - which, under the influence of Eastern immigrants, like himself, full of - party zeal, and attached to the customs of the places whence they came, - was gradually but surely falling into disfavor. Mr. Douglas served only - one session, and then became Register of the Land Office at Springfield. - The next year he was nominated for Congress in the Peoria District, under - the convention system, and in the same year Col. Stephenson was nominated - for Governor in the same way. The Whigs were soon compelled to adopt the - device which they saw marshalling the Democrats in a state of complete - discipline; whilst they themselves were disorganized by a host of - volunteer candidates and the operations of innumerable cliques and - factions. At first "it was considered a Yankee contrivance," intended to - abridge the liberties of the people; but the Whig "people" were as fond of - victory, offices, and power as their enemies were, and in due time they - took very kindly to this effectual means of gaining them. A speech of - Ebenezer Peck of Chicago, "before a great meeting of the lobby, during the - special session of 1835-6 at Vandalia," being a production of special - ingenuity and power, is supposed to have contributed largely to the - introduction of the convention system into the middle and southern parts - of the State. Mr. Peck was then a fervent Democrat, whom the Whigs - delighted to malign as a Canadian monarchist; but in after times he was - the fast and able friend of their great leader, Abraham Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - One of the first and worst effects of the stricter organization of parties - in Illinois, as well as in other States, was the strong diversion of - public attention from State to Federal affairs. Individual candidates were - no longer required to "show their hands:" they accepted "platforms" when - they accepted nominations; and without a nomination it was mere quixotism - to stand at all. District, State, and national conventions, acting and - re-acting upon one another, produced a concert of sentiment and conduct - which overlaid local issues, and repressed independent proceedings. This - improved party machinery supplied the readiest and most effective means of - distributing the rapidly-increasing patronage of the Federal Executive; - and those who did not wish to be cut off from its enjoyment could do no - less than re-affirm with becoming fervor, in their local assemblages, the - latest deliverance of the faith by the central authority. The promoters of - heresies and schisms, the blind leaders who misled a county or a State - convention, and seduced it into the declaration of principles of its own, - had their seats contested in the next general council of the party, were - solemnly sat upon, condemned, "delivered over to Satan to be buffeted," - and cast out of the household of faith, to wander in the wilderness and to - live upon husks. It was like a feeble African bishop imputing heresy to - the Christian world, with Rome at its head. A man like Mr. Lincoln, who - earnestly "desired place and distinction as a politician," labored without - hope while his party affinities remained the subject of a reasonable - doubt. He must be "a whole-hog man" or nothing, a Whig or a Democrat. Mr. - Lincoln chose his company with commendable decision, and wasted no tender - regrets upon his "nominal" Democratic friends. For White against Harrison, - in November, 1836, he led the Whigs into action when the Legislature met - in December; and when the hard-cider campaign of 1840 commenced, with its - endless meetings and processions, its coon-skins and log-cabins, its - intrigue, trickery, and fun, his musical voice rose loudest above the din - for "Old Tippecanoe;" and no man did better service, or enjoyed those - memorable scenes more, than he who was to be the beneficiary of a similar - revival in 1860. - </p> - <p> - When this legislature met in the winter of 1836-7, the bank and - internal-improvement infatuation had taken full possession of a majority - of the people, as well as of the politicians. To be sure, "Old Hickory" - had given a temporary check to the wild speculations in Western land by - the specie circular, about the close of his administration, whereby gold - and silver were made "land-office money;" and the Government declined to - exchange any more of the public domain for the depreciated paper of rotten - and explosive banks. Millions of notes loaned by the banks on insufficient - security or no security at all were by this timely measure turned back - into the banks, or converted to the uses of a more legitimate and less - dangerous business. But, even if the specie circular had not been - repealed, it would probably have proved impotent against the evils it was - designed to prevent, after the passage of the Act distributing among the - States the surplus (or supposed surplus) revenues of the Federal - Government. - </p> - <p> - The last dollar of the old debt was paid in 1833. There were from time to - time large unexpended and unappropriated balances in the treasury. What - should be done with them? There was no sub-treasury as yet, and questions - concerning the mere safe-keeping of these moneys excited the most - tremendous political contests. The United States Bank had always had the - use of the cash in the treasury in the form of deposits; but the bank - abused its trust,—used its enormous power over the currency and - exchanges of the country to achieve political results in its own interest, - and, by its manifold sins and iniquities, compelled Gen. Jackson to remove - the deposits. Ultimately the bank took shelter in Pennsylvania, where it - began a new fraudulent life under a surreptitious clause tacked to the end - of a road law on its passage through the General Assembly. In due time the - "beast," as Col. Benton loved to call it, died in its chosen lair a - shameful and ignominious death, cheating the public with a show of - solvency to the end, and leaving a fine array of bill-holders and - depositors to mourn one of the most remarkable delusions of modern times. - </p> - <p> - Withdrawn, or rather withheld (for they were never withdrawn), from the - Bank of the United States, the revenues of the Federal Government were - deposited as fast as they accrued in specie-paying State banks. They were - paid in the notes of the thousand banks, good, bad, and indifferent, whose - promises to pay constituted the paper currency of the day. It was this - money which the Whigs, aided by Democratic recusants, proposed to give - away to the States. They passed an Act requiring it to be <i>deposited</i> - with the States,—ostensibly as a safe and convenient method of - keeping it; but nobody believed that it would ever be called for, or paid - if it was. It was simply an extraordinary largess; and pending the very - embarrassment caused by itself, when the government had not a dollar - wherewith to pay even a pension, and the temporary expedient was an issue - of treasury notes against the better judgment of the party in power, the - possibility of withdrawing these deposits was never taken into the - account. The Act went into effect on the 1st of January, 1837, and was one - of the immediate causes of the suspension and disasters of that year. "The - condition of our deposit banks was desperate,—wholly inadequate to - the slightest pressure on their vaults in the ordinary course of business, - much less that of meeting the daily government drafts and the approaching - deposit of near forty millions with the States." Nevertheless, the - deposits began at the rate of ten millions to the quarter. The deposit - banks "blew up;" and all the others, including that of the United States, - closed their doors to customers and bill-holders, which gave them more - time to hold public meetings, imputing the distress of the country to the - hard-money policy of Jackson and Van Buren, and agitating for the - re-charter of Mr. Biddle's profligate concern as the only remedy human - ingenuity could devise. - </p> - <p> - It was in the month previous to the first deposit with the States,—about - the time when Gov. Ford says, "lands and town-lots were the only articles - of export" from Illinois; when the counters of Western land-offices were - piled high with illusory bank-notes in exchange for public lands, and when - it was believed that the West was now at last about to bound forward in a - career of unexampled prosperity, under the forcing process of public - improvements by the States, with the aid and countenance of the Federal - Government,—that Mr. Lincoln went up to attend the first session of - the new Legislature at Vandalia. He was big with projects: his real public - service was just now about to begin. In the previous Legislature he had - been silent, observant, studious. He had improved the opportunity so well, - that of all men in this new body, of equal age in the service, he was the - smartest parliamentarian and the cunningest "log-roller." He was fully - determined to identify himself conspicuously with the "liberal" - legislation in contemplation, and dreamed of a fame very different from - that which he actually obtained as an antislavery leader. It was about - this time that he told his friend, Mr. Speed, that he aimed at the great - distinction of being called "the De Witt Clinton of Illinois." - </p> - <p> - Meetings with a view to this sort of legislation had been held in all, or - nearly all, the counties in the State during the preceding summer and - fall. Hard-money, strict-construction, no-monopoly, anti-progressive - Democrats were in a sad minority. In truth, there was little division of - parties about these matters which were deemed so essential to the - prosperity of a new State. There was Mr. Lincoln, and there was Mr. - Douglas, in perfect unison as to the grand object to be accomplished, but - mortally jealous as to which should take the lead in accomplishing it. A - few days before the Legislature assembled, "a mass convention" of the - people of Sangamon County "instructed" their members "to vote for a <i>general - system of internal improvements</i>." The House of Representatives - organized in the morning; and in the evening its hall was surrendered to a - convention of delegates from all parts of the State, which "devised and - recommended to the Legislature a system of internal improvements, the - chief feature of which was, that it should be commensurate with the wants - of the people." This result was arrived at after two days of debate, with - "Col. Thomas Mather, of the State Bank, as president." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln served on the Committee on Finance, and was a most laborious - member, instant in season and out of season, for the great measures of the - Whig party. It was to his individual exertion that the Whigs were indebted - in no small degree for the complete success of their favorite schemes at - this session. A railroad from Galena to the mouth of the Ohio was provided - for; another from Alton to Shawneetown; another from Alton to Mount - Carmel; another from Alton to the eastern boundary of the State towards - Terre Haute; another from Quincy by way of Springfield to the Wabash; - another from Bloomington to Pekin; another from Peoria to Warsaw,—in - all about thirteen hundred miles. But in this comprehensive "system," - "commensurate with the wants of the people," the rivers were not to be - overlooked; and accordingly the Kaskaskia, the Illinois, the Great Wabash, - the Little Wabash, and the Rock rivers were to be duly improved. To set - these little matters in motion, a loan of eight millions of dollars was - authorized; and, to complete the canal from Chicago to Peru, another loan - of four millions of dollars was voted at the same session,—two - hundred thousand dollars being given as a gratuity to those counties which - seemed to have no special interest in any of the foregoing projects. Work - on all these roads was to commence, not only at the same time, but at both - ends of each road, and at all the river-crossings. There were as yet no - surveys of any route, no estimates, no reports of engineers, or even - unprofessional viewers. "Progress" was not to wait on trifles; capitalists - were supposed to be lying in wait to catch these precious bonds; the money - would be raised in a twinkling, and being applied with all the skill of "a - hundred De Witt Clintons,"—a class of gentlemen at that time - extremely numerous and obtrusive,—the loan would build the - railroads, the railroads would build cities, cities would create farms, - foreign capital would rush to so inviting a field, the lands would be - taken up with marvellous celerity, and the "land-tax" going into a sinking - fund, <i>that</i>, with some tolls and certain sly speculations to be made - by the State, would pay principal and interest of the debt without ever a - cent of taxation upon the people. In short, everybody was to be enriched, - while the munificence of the State in selling its credit and spending the - proceeds would make its empty coffers overflow with ready money. It was a - dark stroke of statesmanship, a mysterious device in finance, which, - whether from being misunderstood, or from being mismanaged, bore from the - beginning fruits the very reverse of those it had promised. - </p> - <p> - A Board of Canal Commissioners was already in existence; but now were - established, as necessary parts of the new "system," a Board of Fund - Commissioners and a Board of Commissioners of Public Works. - </p> - <p> - The capital stock of the Shawneetown Bank was increased to one million - seven hundred thousand dollars, and that of the State Bank to three - million one hundred thousand dollars. The State took the new stock, and - proposed to pay for it "with the surplus revenues of the United States, - and the residue by a sale of State bonds." The banks were likewise made - fiscal agencies, to place the loans, and generally to manage the railroad - and canal funds. The career of these banks is an extremely interesting - chapter in the history of Illinois,—little less so than the rise and - collapse of the great internal-improvement system. But, as it has already - a place in a chronicle of wider scope and greater merit than this, it is - enough to say that in due time they went the way of their kind,—the - State lost by them, and they lost by the State, in morals as well as in - money. - </p> - <p> - The means used in the Legislature to pass the "system" deserve some notice - for the instruction of posterity. "First, a large portion of the people - were interested in the success of the canal, which was threatened, if - other sections of the State were denied the improvements demanded by them; - and thus the friends of the canal were forced to log-roll for that work by - supporting others which were to be ruinous to the country. Roads and - improvements were proposed everywhere, to enlist every section of the - State. Three or four efforts were made to pass a smaller system; and, when - defeated, the bill would be amended by the addition of other roads, until - a majority was obtained for it. Those counties which could not be thus - accommodated were to share in the fund of two hundred thousand dollars. - Three roads were appointed to terminate at Alton, before the Alton - interest would agree to the system. The seat of government was to be - removed to Springfield. Sangamon County, in which Springfield is situated, - was then represented by two Senators and seven Representatives, called the - 'Long Nine,' all Whigs but one. Amongst them were some dexterous jugglers - and managers in politics, whose whole object was to obtain the seat of - government for Springfield. This delegation, from the beginning of the - session, threw itself as a unit in support of, or in opposition to, every - local measure of interest, but never without a bargain for votes in return - on the seat-of-government question. Most of the other counties were small, - having but one Representative and many of them with but one for a whole - representative district; and this gave Sangamon County a decided - preponderance in the log-rolling system of those days. It is worthy of - examination whether any just and equal legislation can ever be sustained - where some of the counties are great and powerful, and others feeble. But - by such means 'The Long-Nine' rolled along like a snowball, gathering - accessions of strength at every turn, until they swelled up a considerable - party for Springfield, which party they managed to take almost as a unit - in favor of the internal-improvement system, in return for which the - active supporters of that system were to vote for Springfield to be the - seat of government. Thus it was made to cost the State about six millions - of dollars to remove the seat of government from Vandalia to Springfield, - half of which sum would have purchased all the real estate in that town at - three prices; and thus by log-rolling on the canal measure; by multiplying - railroads; by terminating three railroads at Alton, that Alton might - become a great city in opposition to St. Louis; by distributing money to - some of the counties to be wasted by the county commissioners; and by - giving the seat of government to Springfield,—was the whole State - bought up, and bribed to approve the most senseless and disastrous policy - which ever crippled the energies of a growing country." 1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Ford's History of Illinois. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Enumerating the gentlemen who voted for this combination of evils,—among - them Stephen A. Douglas, John A. McClernand, James Shields, and Abraham - Lincoln,—and reciting the high places of honor and trust to which - most of them have since attained, Gov. Ford pronounces "all of them spared - monuments of popular wrath, evincing how safe it is to a politician, but - how disastrous it may be to the country, to keep along with the present - fervor of the people." - </p> - <p> - "It was a maxim with many politicians just to keep along even with the - humor of the people, right or wrong;" and this maxim Mr. Lincoln held - then, as ever since, in very high estimation. But the "humor" of his - constituents was not only intensely favorable to the new scheme of - internal improvements: it was most decidedly their "humor" to have the - capital at Springfield, and to make a great man of the legislator who - should take it there. Mr. Lincoln was doubtless thoroughly convinced that - the popular view of all these matters was the right one; but, even if he - had been unhappily afflicted with individual scruples of his own, he would - have deemed it but simple duty to obey the almost unanimous voice of his - constituency. He thought he never could serve them better than by giving - them just what they wanted; and that to collect the will of his people, - and register it by his own vote, was the first and leading obligation of a - representative. It happened that on this occasion the popular feeling fell - in very pleasantly with his young dream of rivalling the fame of Clinton; - and here, also, was a fine opportunity of repeating, in a higher strain - and on a loftier stage, the ingenious arguments, which, in the very outset - of his career, had proved so hard for "Posey and Ewing," when he overthrew - those worthies in the great debate respecting the improvement of the - Sangamon River. - </p> - <p> - "The Internal-Improvement Bill," says Mr. Wilson (one of the "Long Nine"), - "and a bill to permanently locate the seat of government of the State, - were the great measures of the session of 1836-7. Vandalia was then the - seat of government, and had been for a number of years. A new state house - had just been built. Alton, Decatur, Peoria, Jacksonville, Illiapolis, and - Springfield were the points seeking the location, if removed from - Vandalia. The delegation from Sangamon were a unit, acting in concert in - favor of the permanent location at Springfield. The bill was introduced at - an early day in the session, to locate, by a joint vote of both Houses of - the Legislature. The friends of the other points united to defeat the - bill, as each point thought the postponement of the location to some - future period would give strength to their location. The contest on this - bill was long and severe. Its enemies laid it on the table twice,—once - on the table to the fourth day of July, and once indefinitely postponed - it. To take a bill from the table is always attended with difficulty; but - when laid on the table to a day beyond the session, or when indefinitely - postponed, it requires a vote of reconsideration, which always is an - intense struggle. In these dark hours, when our bill to all appearances - was beyond resuscitation, and all our opponents were jubilant over our - defeat, and when friends could see no hope, Mr. Lincoln never for one - moment despaired; but, collecting his colleagues to his room for - consultation, his practical common sense, his thorough knowledge of human - nature, then made him an overmatch for his compeers, and for any man that - I have ever known." - </p> - <p> - "We surmounted all obstacles, passed the bill, and, by a joint vote of - both Houses, located the seat of government of the State of Illinois at - Springfield, just before the adjournment of the Legislature, which took - place on the fourth day of March, 1837. The delegation acting during the - whole session upon all questions as a unit, gave them strength and - influence, that enabled them to carry through their measures and give - efficient aid to their friends. The delegation was not only remarkable for - their numbers, but for their length, most of them measuring six feet and - over. It was said at the time that that delegation measured fifty-four - feet high. Hence they were known as 'The Long Nine.' So that during that - session, and for a number of years afterwards, all the bad laws passed at - that session of the Legislature were chargeable to the management and - influence of 'The Long Nine.' - </p> - <p> - "He (Mr. Lincoln) was on the stump and in the halls of the Legislature a - ready debater, manifesting extraordinary ability in his peculiar manner of - presenting his subject. He did not follow the beaten track of other - speakers and thinkers, but appeared to comprehend the whole situation of - the subject, and take hold of its principles. He had a remarkable faculty - for concentration, enabling him to present his subject in such a manner, - as nothing but conclusions were presented." - </p> - <p> - It was at this session of the Legislature, March 3, 1837, that Mr. Lincoln - began that antislavery record upon which his fame through all time must - chiefly rest. It was a very mild beginning; but even that required - uncommon courage and candor in the day and generation in which it was - done. - </p> - <p> - The whole country was excited concerning the doctrines and the practices - of the Abolitionists. These agitators were as yet but few in numbers: but - in New England they comprised some of the best citizens, and the leaders - were persons of high character, of culture and social influence; while, in - the Middle States, they were, for the most part, confined to the Society - of Friends, or Quakers. All were earnest, active, and uncompromising in - the propagation of their opinions; and, believing slavery to be the "sum - of all villanies," with the utmost pertinacity they claimed the - unrestricted right to disseminate their convictions in any manner they saw - fit, regardless of all consequences. They paid not the slightest heed to - the wishes or the opinions of their opponents. They denounced all - compromises with an unsparing tongue, and would allow no law of man to - stand, in their eyes, above the law of God. - </p> - <p> - George Thompson, identified with emancipation in the British West Indies, - had come and gone. For more than a year he addressed public meetings in - New England, the Central States, and Ohio, and contributed not a little to - the growing excitement by his fierce denunciations of the slave-holding - class, in language with which his long agitation in England had made him - familiar. He was denounced, insulted, and mobbed; and even in Boston he - was once posted as an "infamous foreign scoundrel," and an offer was made - of a hundred dollars to "snake him out" of a public meeting. In fact, - Boston was not at all behind other cities and towns in its condemnation of - the Abolitionists. A great meeting in Faneuil Hall, called by eighteen - hundred leading citizens,—Whigs and Democrats,—condemned their - proceedings in language as strong and significant as Richard Fletcher, - Peleg Sprague, and Harrison Gray Otis could write it. But Garrison still - continued to publish "The Liberator," filling it with all the - uncompromising aggressiveness of his sect, and distributing it throughout - the Southern States. It excited great alarm in the slaveholding - communities where its secret circulation, in the minds of the - slaveholders, tended to incite the slaves to insurrections, - assassinations, and running away; but in the place where it was published - it was looked upon with general contempt and disgust. When the Mayor of - Baltimore wrote to the Mayor of Boston to have it suppressed, the latter - (the eloquent Otis) replied, "that his officers had ferreted out the paper - and its editor, whose office was an obscure hole; his only visible - auxiliary a negro boy; his supporters a few insignificant persons of all - colors." - </p> - <p> - At the close of the year 1835, President Jackson had called the attention - of Congress to the doings of these people in language corresponding to the - natural wrath with which he viewed the character of their proceedings. "I - must also," said he, "invite your attention to the painful excitements in - the South by attempts to circulate through the mails inflammatory appeals - addressed to the passions of slaves, in prints and various sorts of - publications calculated to stimulate them to insurrection, and to produce - all the horrors of civil war. It is fortunate for the country that the - good sense, the generous feeling, and deep-rooted attachment of the people - of the non-slaveholding States to the Union and their fellow-citizens of - the same blood in the South have given so strong and impressive a tone to - the sentiments entertained against the proceedings of the misguided - persons who have engaged in these unconstitutional and wicked attempts, - and especially against the emissaries from foreign parts, who have dared - to interfere in this matter, as to authorize the hope that these attempts - will no longer be persisted in.... I would therefore call the special - attention of Congress to the subject, and respectfully suggest the - propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, - the circulation in the Southern States, through the mail, of incendiary - publications, intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Clay said the sole purpose of the Abolitionists was to array one - portion of the Union against the other. "With that in view, in all their - leading prints and publications, the alleged horrors of slavery are - depicted in the most glowing and exaggerated colors, to excite the - imaginations and stimulate the rage of the people of the Free States - against the people of the slaveholding States.... Why are the Slave States - wantonly and cruelly assailed? Why does the abolition press teem with - publications tending to excite hatred and animosity on the part of the - Free States against the Slave States?... Why is Congress petitioned? Is - their purpose to appeal to our understanding, and actuate our humanity? - And do they expect to accomplish that purpose by holding us up to the - scorn and contempt and detestation of the people of the Free States and - the whole civilized world?... Union on the one side will beget union on - the other.... One section will stand in menacing, hostile array against - another; the collision of opinion will be quickly followed by the clash of - arms." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Everett, then (1836) Governor of Massachusetts, informed the - Legislature, for the admonition of these unsparing agitators against the - peace of the South, that "every thing that tends to disturb the relations - created by this compact [the Constitution] is at war with its spirit; and - whatever, by direct and necessary operation, is calculated to excite an - insurrection among the slaves, has been held by highly respectable legal - authority an offence against the peace of this Commonwealth, which may be - prosecuted as a misdemeanor at common law." It was proposed in the - Legislature to pass an act defining the offence with more certainty, and - attaching to it a severer penalty. The Abolitionists asked to be heard - before the committee; and Rev. S. J. May, Ellis Gray Loring, Prof. Charles - Follen, Samuel E. Sewell, and others of equal ability and character, spoke - in their behalf. They objected to the passage of such an act in the - strongest terms, and derided the value of a Union which could not protect - its citizens in one of their most cherished rights. During the hearing, - several bitter altercations took place between them and the chairman. - </p> - <p> - In New York, Gov. Marcy called upon the Legislature "to do what may be - done consistently with the great principles of civil liberty, to put an - end to the evils which the Abolitionists are bringing upon us and the - whole country." The "character" and the "interests" of the State were - equally at stake, and both would be sacrificed unless these furious and - cruel fanatics were effectually suppressed. - </p> - <p> - In May, 1836, the Federal House of Representatives resolved, by - overwhelming votes, that Congress had no right to interfere with slavery - in the States, or in the District of Columbia, and that henceforth all - abolition petitions should be laid on the table without being printed or - referred. And, one day later than the date of Mr. Lincoln's protest, Mr. - Van Buren declared in his inaugural, that no bill abolishing slavery in - the District of Columbia, or meddling with it in the States where it - existed, should ever receive his signature. "There was no other form," - says Benton, "at that time, in which slavery agitation could manifest - itself, or place it could find a point to operate; the ordinance of 1787 - and the compromise of 1820 having closed up the Territories against it. - Danger to slave property in the States, either by direct action, or - indirectly through the District of Columbia, were the only points of - expressed apprehension." - </p> - <p> - Abolition agitations fared little better in the twenty-fifth Congress than - in the twenty-fourth. At the extra session in September of 1837, Mr. Slade - of Vermont introduced two petitions for the abolition of slavery in the - District of Columbia; but, after a furious debate and a stormy scene, they - were disposed of by the adoption of the following:— - </p> - <p> - "Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, and papers, touching the - abolition of slavery, or the buying, selling, or transferring of slaves, - in any State, District, or Territory, of the United States, be laid on the - table, without being debated, printed, read, or referred; and that no - further action whatever shall be had thereon." - </p> - <p> - In Illinois, at the time we speak of (March, 1837), an Abolitionist was - rarely seen, and scarcely ever heard of. In many parts of the State such a - person would have been treated as a criminal. It is true, there were a few - Covenanters, with whom hatred of slavery in any form and wherever found - was an essential part of their religion. Up to 1824 they had steadily - refused to vote, or in any other way to acknowledge the State government, - regarding it as "an heathen and unbaptized institution," because the - Constitution failed to recognize "Jesus Christ as the head of the - government, and the Holy Scriptures as the only rule of faith and - practice." It was only when it was proposed to introduce slavery into - Illinois by an alteration of that "heathen" Constitution, that the - Covenanters consented to take part in public affairs. The movement which - drew them out proved to be a long and unusually bitter campaign, lasting - full eighteen months, and ending in the fall of 1824, with a popular - majority of several thousand against calling a convention for the purpose - of making Illinois a Slave State. Many of the antislavery leaders in <i>this</i> - contest—conspicuous among whom was Gov. Coles—were gentlemen - from Slave States, who had emancipated their slaves before removal, and - were opposed to slavery, not upon religious or moral grounds, but because - they believed it would be a material injury to the new country. - Practically no other view of the question was discussed; and a person who - should have undertaken to discuss it from the "man and brother" - stand-point of more modern times would have been set down as a lunatic. A - clear majority of the people were against the introduction of slavery into - their own State; but that majority were fully agreed with their brethren - of the minority, that those who went about to interfere with slavery in - the most distant manner in the places where it already existed were - deserving of the severest punishment, as the common enemies of society. It - was in those days a mortal offence to call a man an Abolitionist, for - Abolitionist was synonymous with thief. Between a band of men who stole - horses and a band of men who stole negroes, the popular mind made small - distinctions in the degrees of guilt. They were regarded as robbers, - disturbers of the peace, the instigators of arson, murder, poisoning, - rape; and, in addition to all this, traitors to the government under which - they lived, and enemies to the Union which gave us as a people liberty and - strength. In testimony of these sentiments, Illinois enacted a "black - code" of most preposterous and cruel severity,—a code that would - have been a disgrace to a Slave State, and was simply an infamy in a free - one. It borrowed the provisions of the most revolting laws known among - men, for exiling, selling, beating, bedevilling, and torturing negroes, - whether bond or free. Under this law Gov. Coles, the leader of the - antislavery party, who had emancipated his slaves, and settled them around - him in his new home, but had neglected to file a bond with the condition - that his freedmen should behave well and never become a charge upon the - public, was fined two hundred dollars in each case; and, so late as 1852, - the writer of these pages very narrowly escaped the same penalty for the - same offence. - </p> - <p> - In 1835-36 Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy had been publishing a moderately - antislavery paper at St. Louis. But the people of that city did not look - with favor upon his enterprise; and, after meeting with considerable - opposition, in the summer of 1836 he moved his types and press across the - river to Alton, Ill. Here he found an opposition more violent than that - from which he had fled. His press was thrown into the river the night - after its arrival; and he was informed that no abolition paper would be - allowed in the town. The better class of citizens, however, deprecated the - outrage, and pledged themselves to reimburse Mr. Lovejoy, in case he would - agree not to make his paper an abolition journal. Mr. Lovejoy assured them - it was not his purpose to establish such a paper in Alton, but one of a - religious character: at the same time he would not give up his right as an - American citizen to publish whatever he pleased on any subject, holding - himself answerable to the laws of his country in so doing. With this - general understanding, he was permitted to go forward. He continued about - a year, discussing in his paper the slavery question occasionally; not, - however, in a violent manner, but with a tone of moderation. This policy, - however, was not satisfactory: it was regarded as a violation of his - pledge; and the contents of his office were again destroyed. Mr. Lovejoy - issued an appeal for aid to re-establish his paper, which met with a - prompt and generous response. He proposed to bring up another press, and - announced that armed men would protect it: meantime, a committee presented - him with some resolutions adopted at a large meeting of the citizens of - Alton, reminding him that he had previously given a pledge that in his - paper he would refrain from advocating abolitionism) and also censuring - him for not having kept his promise, and desiring to know if he intended - to continue the publication of such doctrines in the future. His response - consisted of a denial of the right of any portion of the people of Acton - to prescribe what questions he should or should not discuss in his paper. - Great excitement followed: another press was brought up on the 21st of - September, which shortly after followed the fate of its predecessors. - Another arrived Nov. 7, 1837, and was conveyed to a stone warehouse by the - riverside, where Mr. Lovejoy and a few friends (some of them not - Abolitionists) resolved to defend it to the last. That night they were - attacked. First there was a brief parley, then a volley of stones, then an - attempt to carry the building by assault. At this juncture a shot was - fired out of a second-story window, which killed a young man in the crowd. - It was said to have been fired by Lovejoy; and, as the corpse was borne - away, the wrath of the populace knew no bounds. It was proposed to get - powder from the magazine, and blow the warehouse up. Others thought the - torch would be a better agent; and, finally, a man ran up a ladder to fire - the roof. Lovejoy came out of the door, and, firing one shot, retreated - within, where he rallied the garrison for a sortie. In the mean time many - shots were fired both by the assailants and the assailed. The house was - once actually set on fire by one person from the mob, and saved by - another. But the courage of Mr. Lovejoy's friends was gradually sinking, - and they responded but faintly to his strong appeals for action. As a last - resource, he rushed to the door with a single companion, gun in hand, and - was shot dead on the threshold. The other man was wounded in the leg, the - warehouse was in flames, the mob grew more ferocious over the blood that - had been shed, and riddled the doors and windows with volleys from all - sorts of fire-arms. The Abolitionists had fought a good fight; but seeing - now nothing but death before them, in that dismal, bloody, and burning - house, they escaped down the river-bank, by twos and threes, as best they - could, and their press was tumbled after them, into the river. And thus - ended the first attempt to establish an abolition paper in Illinois. The - result was certainly any thing but encouraging, and indicated pretty - clearly what must have been the general state of public feeling throughout - the State in regard to slavery agitation. - </p> - <p> - In fact, no State was more alive to the necessity of repressing the - Abolitionists than Illinois; and accordingly it was proposed in the - Legislature to take some action similar to that which had been already - taken, or was actually pending, in the legislatures of sister - Commonwealths, from Massachusetts through the list. A number of - resolutions were reported, and passed with no serious opposition. The - record does not disclose the precise form in which they passed; but that - is of little consequence now. That they were extreme enough may be - gathered from the considerate language of the protest, and from the fact - that <i>such a protest</i> was considered necessary at all. The protest - was undoubtedly the product of Mr. Lincoln's pen, for his adroit - directness is seen in every word of it. He could get but one man—his - colleague, Dan Stone—to sign with him. - </p> - <p> - March 3,1837. - </p> - <p> - The following protest was presented to the House, which was read, and - ordered to be spread on the journals, to wit:— - </p> - <p> - Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed both - branches of the General Assembly at its present session, the undersigned - hereby protest against the passage of the same. - </p> - <p> - They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice - and bad policy; but that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends - rather to increase than abate its evils. - </p> - <p> - They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power, under - the Constitution, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the - different States. - </p> - <p> - They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power, under - the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that - the power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request of the people - of the District. - </p> - <p> - The difference between these opinions and those contained in the said - resolutions is their reason for entering this protest. - </p> - <p> - (Signed) Dan Stone, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln, Representatives from the County of Sanqamon. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln says nothing here about slavery in the Territories. The - Missouri Compromise being in full force, and regarded as sacred by all - parties, it was one of its chief effects that both sections were deprived - of any pretext for the agitation of that question, from which every - statesman, Federalist or Republican, Whig or Democratic, apprehended - certain disaster to the Union. Neither would Mr. Lincoln suffer himself to - be classed with the few despised Quakers, Covenanters, and Puritans, who - were so frequently disturbing the peace of the country by - abolition-memorials to Congress and other public bodies. Slavery, says the - protest, is wrong in principle, besides being bad in economy; but "the - promulgation of abolition doctrines" is still worse. In the States which - choose to have it, it enjoys a constitutional immunity beyond the reach of - any "higher law;" and Congress must not touch it, otherwise than to shield - and protect it. Even in the District of Columbia, Mr. Lincoln and Dan - Stone would leave it entirely to the will of the people. In fact, the - whole paper, plain and simple as it is, seems to have been drawn with no - object but to avoid the imputation of extreme views on either side. And - from that day to the day of his inauguration, Mr. Lincoln never saw the - time when he would have altered a word of it. He never sided with the - Lovejoys. In his eyes their work tended "rather to increase than to abate" - the evils of slavery, and was therefore unjust, as well as futile. Years - afterwards he was the steady though quiet opponent of Owen Lovejoy, and - declared that Lovejoy's nomination for Congress over Leonard Swett "almost - turned him blind." When, in 1860, the Democrats called Mr. Lincoln an - Abolitionist, and cited the protest of 1837 to support the charge, friends - pointed to the exact language of the document as his complete and - overwhelming refutation. - </p> - <p> - On the 10th of May, the New York banks suspended specie payments, and two - days afterwards the Bank of the United States and the Philadelphia banks - did likewise. From these the stoppage and the general ruin, among business - men and speculators alike, spread throughout the country. Nevertheless, - the Fund Commissioners of Illinois succeeded in placing a loan during the - summer, and before the end of the year work had begun on many railroads. - "Money was as plenty as dirt. Industry, in place of being stimulated, - actually languished. We exported nothing, and every thing was paid for by - the borrowed money expended among us." And this money was bank-paper, such - as a pensioner upon the Government of the United States scorned to take in - payment of his gratuity, after the deposit banks had suspended or broken, - with thirty-two millions of Government money in their possession. - </p> - <p> - The banks which had received such generous legislation from the - Legislature that devised the internal-improvement system were not disposed - to see that batch of remarkable enterprises languish for want of their - support. One of them took at par and sold nine hundred thousand dollars of - bonds; while the other took one million seven hundred and sixty-five - thousand dollars, which it used as capital, and expanded its business - accordingly. But the banks were themselves in greater danger than the - internal-improvement system. If the State Bank refused specie payments for - sixty days, its charter was forfeited under the Act of Assembly. But they - were the main-stay of all the current speculations, public and private; - and having besides large sums of public money in their hands, the governor - was induced to call a special session of the Legislature in July, 1837, to - save them from impending dissolution. This was done by an act authorizing - or condoning the suspension of specie payments. The governor had not - directly recommended this, but he had most earnestly recommended the - repeal or modification of the internal-improvement system; and <i>that</i> - the Legislature positively refused. This wise body might be eaten by its - own dogs, but it was determined not to eat <i>them</i>; and in this - direction there was no prospect of relief for two years more. According to - Gov. Ford, the cool, reflecting men of the State anxiously hoped that - their rulers might be able to borrow no more money, but in this they were - immediately and bitterly disappointed. The United States Bank took some of - their bonds. Some were sold at par in this country, and others at nine per - cent discount in Europe. - </p> - <p> - In 1838, a governor (Carlin) was elected who was thought by many to be - secretly hostile to the "system;" and a new Legislature was chosen, from - which it was thought something might be hoped. Mr. Lincoln was again - elected, with a reputation so much enhanced by his activity and address in - the last Legislature, that this time he was the candidate of his party for - speaker. The nomination, however, was a barren honor, and known to be such - when given. Col. Ewing was chosen by a plurality of one,—two Whigs - and two Democrats scattering their votes. Mr. Lincoln kept his old place - on the Finance Committee. At the first session the governor held his peace - regarding the "system;" and, far from repealing it, the Legislature added - a new feature to it, and voted another $800,000. - </p> - <p> - But the Fund Commissioners were in deep water and muddy water: they had - reached the end of their string. The credit of the State was gone, and - already were heard murmurs of repudiation. Bond County had in the - beginning pronounced the system a swindle upon the people; and Bond County - began to have admirers. Some of the bonds had been lent to New York State - banks to start upon; and the banks had presently failed. Some had been - sold on credit. Some were scattered about in various places on special - deposit. Others had been sent to London for sale, where the firm that was - selling them broke with the proceeds of a part of them in their hands. No - expedients sufficed any longer. There was no more money to be got, and - nothing left to do, but to "wind up the system," and begin the work of - common sense by providing for the interest on the sums already expended. A - special session of the Legislature in 1838-9 did the "winding up," and - thenceforth, for some years, there was no other question so important in - Illinois State politics as how to pay the interest on the vast debt - outstanding for this account. Many gentlemen discovered that De Witt - Clintons were rare, and in certain contingencies very precious. Among - these must have been Mr. Lincoln. But being again, elected to the - Legislature in 1840, again the acknowledged leader and candidate of his - party for speaker, he ventured in December of that year to offer an - expedient for paying the interest on the debt; but it was only an - expedient, and a very poor one, to avoid the obvious but unpopular resort - of direct taxation. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln moved to strike out the bill and amendment, and insert the - following:— - </p> - <p> - "An Act providing for the payment of interest on the State debt. - </p> - <p> - "Section 1.—Be it enacted by the people of the State of Illinois - represented in the General Assembly, that the governor be authorized and - required to issue, from time to time, such an amount of State bonds, to be - called the 'Illinois Interest Bonds,' as may be absolutely necessary for - the payment of the interest upon the lawful debt of the State, contracted - before the passage of this Act. - </p> - <p> - "Section 2.—Said bonds shall bear interest at the rate of——per - cent per annum, payable half-yearly at——, and be reimbursable - in years from their respective issuings. - </p> - <p> - "Section 3.—That the State's portion of the tax hereafter arising - from all lands which were not taxable in the year one thousand eight - hundred and forty is hereby set apart as an exclusive fund for the payment - of interest on the said 'Illinois Interest Bonds;' and the faith of the - State is hereby pledged that said fund shall be applied to that object, - and no other, except at any time there should be a surplus; in which case - such surplus shall became a part of the general funds of the treasury. - </p> - <p> - "Section 4.—That hereafter the sum of thirty cents for each hundred - dollars' worth of all taxable property shall be paid into the State - treasury; and no more than forty cents for each hundred dollars' worth of - such taxable property shall be levied and collected for county purposes." - </p> - <p> - It was a loose document. The governor was to determine the "amount" of - bonds "necessary," and the sums for which they should be issued. Interest - was to be paid only upon the "lawful" debt; and the governor was left to - determine what part of it <i>was</i> lawful, and what unlawful. The last - section lays a specific tax; but the proceeds are in no way connected with - the "interest bonds." - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln said he submitted this proposition with great diffidence. He - had felt his share of the responsibility devolving upon us in the present - crisis; and, after revolving in his mind every scheme which seemed to - afford the least prospect of relief, he submitted this as the result of - his own deliberations. - </p> - <p> - "The details of the bill might be imperfect; but he relied upon the - correctness of its general features. - </p> - <p> - "By the plan proposed in the original bill of hypothecating our bonds, he - was satisfied we could not get along more than two or three months before - some other step would be necessary: another session would have to be - called, and new provisions made. - </p> - <p> - "It might be objected that these bonds would not be salable, and the money - could not be raised in time. He was no financier; but he believed these - bonds thus secured would be equal to the best in market. A perfect - security was provided for the interest; and it was this characteristic - that inspired confidence, and made bonds salable. If there was any - distrust, it could not be because our means of fulfilling promises were - distrusted. He believed it would have the effect to raise our other bonds - in market. - </p> - <p> - "There was another objection to this plan, which applied to the original - bill; and that was as to the impropriety of borrowing money to pay - interest on borrowed money,—that we are hereby paying compound - interest. To this he would reply, that, if it were a fact that our - population and wealth were increasing in a ratio greater than the - increased interest hereby incurred, then this was not a good objection. If - our increasing means would justify us in deferring to a future time the - resort to taxation, then we had better pay compound interest than resort - to taxation now. He was satisfied, that, by a direct tax now, money enough - could not be collected to pay the accruing interest. The bill proposed to - provide in this way for interest not otherwise provided for. It was not - intended to apply to those bonds for the interest on which a security had - already been provided. - </p> - <p> - "He hoped the House would seriously consider the proposition. He had no - pride in its success as a measure of his own, but submitted it to the - wisdom of the House, with the hope, that, if there was any thing - objectionable in it, it would be pointed out and amended." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln's measure did not pass. There was a large party in favor, not - only of passing the interest on the State debt, which fell due in the - coming January and July, but of repudiating the whole debt outright. - Others thought the State ought to pay, not the full face of its bonds, but - only the amount received for them; while others still contended that, - whereas, many of the bonds had been irregularly, illegally, and even - fraudulently disposed of, there ought to be a particular discrimination - made against <i>these</i>, and these only. "At last Mr. Cavarly, a member - from Green, introduced a bill of two sections, authorizing the Fund - Commissioners to hypothecate internal-improvement bonds to the amount of - three hundred thousand dollars, and which contained the remarkable - provision, that the proceeds were to be applied by that officer to the - payment of all interest <i>legally</i> due on the public debt; thus - shifting from the General Assembly, and devolving on the Fund - Commissioner, the duty of deciding on the legality of the debt. Thus, by - this happy expedient, conflicting opinions were reconciled without direct - action on the matter in controversy, and thus the two Houses were enabled - to agree upon a measure to provide temporarily for the interest on the - public debt. The Legislature further provided, at this session, for the - issue of interest bonds, to be sold in the market at what they would - bring; and an additional tax of ten cents on the hundred dollars' worth of - property was imposed and pledged, to pay the interest on these bonds. By - these contrivances, the interest for January and July, 1841, was paid. The - Fund Commissioner hypothecated internal-improvement bonds for the money - first due; and his successor in office, finding no sale for Illinois - stocks, so much had the credit of the State fallen, was compelled to - hypothecate eight hundred and four thousand dollars of interest bonds for - the July interest. On this hypothecation he was to have received three - hundred and twenty-one thousand six hundred dollars, but was never paid - more than two hundred and sixty-one thousand five hundred dollars. These - bonds have never been redeemed from the holders, though eighty of them - were afterwards repurchased, and three hundred and fifteen thousand - dollars of them were received from the Shawneetown Bank for State stock in - that institution."1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Ford's History of Illinois. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - This session (the session of 1840-1) had been called two weeks earlier - than usual, to provide for the January interest on the debt. But the banks - had important business of their own in view, and proceeded to improve the - occasion. In 1837, and every year since then, the banks had succeeded in - getting acts of the Legislature which condoned their suspension of specie - payments. But, by the terms of the last act, their charters were forfeited - unless they resumed before the adjournment of the next session. The - Democrats, however, maintained that the present special session was <i>a - session</i> in the sense of the law, and that, before its adjournment, the - banks must hand out "the hard," or die. On the other hand, the Whigs held - this session, and the regular session which began on the first Monday in - December, to be one and the same, and proposed to give the banks another - winter's lease upon life and rags. But the banks were a power in the land, - and knew how to make themselves felt. They were the depositories of the - State revenues. The auditor's warrants were drawn upon them, and the - members of the Legislature paid in their money. The warrants were at a - discount of fifty per cent; and, if the banks refused to cash them, the - members would be compelled to go home more impecunious than they came. The - banks, moreover, knew how to make "opportune loans to Democrats;" and, - with all these aids, they organized a brilliant and eventually a - successful campaign. In the eyes of the Whigs they were "the institutions - of the country," and the Democrats were guilty of incivism in attacking - them. But the Democrats retorted with a string of overwhelming slang about - rag barons, rags, printed lies, bank vassals, ragocracy, and the - "British-bought, bank, blue-light, Federal, Whig party." It was a fierce - and bitter contest; and, witnessing it, one might have supposed that the - very existence of the State, with the right to life, liberty, and the - pursuit of happiness, depended upon the result. The Democrats were bent - upon carrying an adjournment <i>sine die</i>; which, according to their - theory, killed the banks. To defeat this, the Whigs resorted to every - expedient of parliamentary tactics, and at length hit upon one entirely - unknown to any of the standard manuals: they tried to absent themselves in - sufficient numbers to leave no quorum behind. "If the Whigs absented - themselves," says Mr. Gillespie, a Whig member, "there would not be a - quorum left, even with the two who should be deputed to call the ayes and - noes. The Whigs immediately held a meeting, and resolved that they would - all stay out, except Lincoln and me, who were to call the ayes and noes. - We appeared in the afternoon: motion to adjourn <i>sine die</i> was made, - and we called the ayes and noes. The Democrats discovered the game, and - the sergeant-at-arms was sent out to gather up the absentees. There was - great excitement in the House, which was then held in a church at - Springfield. We soon discovered that several Whigs had been caught and - brought in, and that the plan had been spoiled; and we—Lincoln and I—determined - to leave the hall, and, going to the door, found it locked, and then - raised a window and jumped out, but not until the Democrats had succeeded - in adjourning. Mr. Grid-ley of McLean accompanied us in our exit.... I - think Mr. Lincoln always regretted that he entered into that arrangement, - as he deprecated every thing that savored of the revolutionary." - </p> - <p> - In the course of the debate on the Apportionment Bill, Mr. Lincoln had - occasion to address the House in defence of "The Long Nine," who were - especially obnoxious to the Democrats. The speech concluded with the - following characteristic passage:— - </p> - <p> - "The gentleman had accused old women of being partial to the number nine; - but this, he presumed, was without foundation. A few years since, it would - be recollected by the House, that the delegation from this county were - dubbed by way of eminence 'The Long Nine,' and, by way of further - distinction, he had been called 'The Longest of the Nine.' Now," said Mr. - Lincoln, "I desire to say to my friend from Monroe (Mr. Bissell), that if - any woman, old or young, ever thought there was any peculiar charm in this - distinguished specimen of number nine, I have as yet been so unfortunate - as not to have discovered it." (Loud applause.) - </p> - <p> - But this Legislature was full of excitements. Besides the questions about - the public debt and the bank-charters, the Democrats proposed to legislate - the Circuit judges out of office, and reconstruct the Supreme Court to - suit themselves. They did this because the Supreme judges had already - decided one question of some political interest against them, and were now - about to decide another in the same way. The latter was a question of - great importance; and, in order to avoid the consequences of such a - decision, the Democrats were eager for the extremest measures. - </p> - <p> - The Constitution provided that all free white male <i>inhabitants</i> - should vote upon six months' residence. This, the Democrats held, included - aliens; while the Whigs held the reverse. On this grave judicial question, - parties were divided precisely upon the line of their respective - interests. The aliens numbered about ten thousand, and nine-tenths of them - voted steadily with the Democracy. Whilst a great outcry concerning it was - being made from both sides, and fierce disputes raged in the newspapers - and on the stump, two Whigs at Galena got up an amicable case, to try it - in a quiet way before a Whig judge, who held the Circuit Courts in their - neighborhood. The judge decided for his friends, like a man that he was. - The Democrats found it out, and raised a popular tumult about it that - would have put Demetrius the silversmith to shame. They carried the case - to the Supreme Court, where it was argued before the Whig majority, in - December, 1889, by able and distinguished counsellors,—Judge Douglas - being one of them; but the only result was a continuance to the next June. - In the mean time Judge Smith, the only Democrat on the bench, was seeking - favor with his party friends by betraying to Douglas the secrets of the - consultation-room. - </p> - <p> - With his aid, the Democrats found a defect in the record, which sent the - case over to December, 1840, and adroitly secured the alien vote for the - great elections of that memorable year. The Legislature elected then was - overwhelmingly Democratic; and, having good reason to believe that the - aliens had small favor to expect from this court, they determined - forthwith to make a new one that would be more reasonable. There were now - nine Circuit judges in the State, and four Supreme judges, under the Act - of 1835. The offices of the Circuit judges the Democrats concluded to - abolish, and to create instead nine Supreme judges, who should perform - circuit duties. This they called "reforming the judiciary;" and "thirsting - for vengeance," as Gov. Ford says, they went about the work with all the - zeal, but with very little of the disinterested devotion, which reformers - are generally supposed to have. Douglas, counsel for one of the litigants, - made a furious speech "in the lobby," demanding the destruction of the - court that was to try his cause; and for sundry grave sins which he - imputed to the judges he gave Smith—his friend Smith—as - authority. It was useless to oppose it: this "reform" was a foregone - conclusion. It was called the "Douglas Bill;" and Mr. Douglas was - appointed to one of the new offices created by it. But Mr. Lincoln, E. D. - Baker, and other Whig members, entered upon the journal the following - protest:— - </p> - <p> - "For the reasons thus presented, and for others no less apparent, the - undersigned cannot assent to the passage of the bill, or permit it to - become a law without this evidence of their disapprobation; and they now - protest against the re-organization of the judiciary: Because, - </p> - <p> - "1st. It violates the great principles of free government by subjecting - the judiciary to the Legislature. - </p> - <p> - "2d. It is a fatal blow at the independence of the judges and the - constitutional term of their offices. - </p> - <p> - "3d. It is a measure not asked for, or wished for, by the people. - </p> - <p> - "4th. It will greatly increase the expense of our courts, or else greatly - diminish their utility. - </p> - <p> - "5th. It will give our courts a political and partisan character, thereby - impairing public confidence in their decisions. - </p> - <p> - "6th. It will impair our standing with other States and the world. - </p> - <p> - "7th. It is a party measure for party purposes, from which no practical - good to the people can possibly arise, but which may be the source of - immeasurable evils. - </p> - <p> - "The undersigned are well aware that this protest will be altogether - unavailing with the majority of this body. The blow has already fallen; - and we are compelled to stand by, the mournful spectators of the ruin it - will cause." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was elected in 1840, to serve, of course, until the next - election in August, 1842; but for reasons of a private nature, to be - explained hereafter, he did not appear during the session of 1841-2. - </p> - <p> - In concluding this chapter, taking leave of New Salem, Vandalia, and the - Legislature, we cannot forbear another quotation from Mr. Wilson, - Lincoln's colleague from Sangamon, to whom we are already so largely in - debt:— - </p> - <p> - "In 1838 many of the Long Nines were candidates for re-election to the - Legislature. A question of the division of the county was one of the local - issues. Mr. Lincoln and myself, among others, residing in the portion of - the county sought to be organized into a new county, and opposing the - division, it became necessary that I should make a special canvass through - the north-west part of the county, then known as Sand Ridge. I made the - canvass; Mr. Lincoln accompanied me; and, being personally well acquainted - with every one, we called at nearly every house. At that time it was the - universal custom to keep some whiskey in the house, for private use and to - treat friends. The subject was always mentioned as a matter of etiquette, - but with the remark to Mr. Lincoln, 'You never drink, but maybe your - friend would like to take a little.' I never saw Mr. Lincoln drink. He - often told me he never drank; had no desire for drink, nor the - companionship of drinking men. Candidates never treated anybody in those - times unless they wanted to do so. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln remained in New Salem until the spring of 1837, when he went - to Springfield, and went into the law-office of John T. Stuart as a - partner in the practice of law, and boarded with William Butler. - </p> - <p> - "During his stay in New Salem he had no property other than what was - necessary to do his business, until after he stopped in Springfield. He - was not avaricious to accumulate property, neither was he a spendthrift. - He was almost always during those times hard up. He never owned land. - </p> - <p> - "The first trip he made around the circuit after he commenced the practice - of law, I had a horse, saddle, and bridle, and he had none. I let him have - mine. I think he must have been careless, as the saddle skinned the - horse's back. - </p> - <p> - "While he lived in New Salem he visited me often. He would stay a day or - two at a time: we generally spent the time at the stores in Athens. He was - very fond of company: telling or hearing stories told was a source of - great amusement to him. He was not in the habit of reading much,—never - read novels. Whittling pine boards and shingles, talking and laughing, - constituted the entertainment of the days and evenings. - </p> - <p> - "In a conversation with him about that time, he told me, that, although he - appeared to enjoy life rapturously, still he was the victim of terrible - melancholy. He sought company, and indulged in fun and hilarity without - restraint, or stint as to time; but when by himself, he told me that he - was so overcome by mental depression that he never dared carry a knife in - his pocket; and as long as I was intimately acquainted with him, previous - to his commencement of the practice of the law, he never carried a - pocket-knife. Still he was not misanthropic: he was kind and - tender-hearted in his treatment to others. - </p> - <p> - "In the summer of 1837 the citizens of Athens and vicinity gave the - delegation then called the 'Long Nine' a public dinner, at which Mr. - Lincoln and all the others were present. He was called out by the toast, - 'Abraham Lincoln, one of Nature's noblemen.' I have often thought, that, - if any man was entitled to that compliment, it was he." - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0011" id="link2HCH0011"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XI - </h2> - <p> - UNDER the Act of Assembly, due in great part to Mr. Lincoln's exertions, - the removal of the archives and other public property of the State from - Vandalia to Springfield began on the fourth day of July, 1839, and was - speedily completed. At the time of the passage of the Act, in the winter - of 1836-7, Mr. Lincoln determined to follow the capital, and establish his - own residence at Springfield. The resolution was natural and necessary; - for he had been studying law in all his intervals of leisure, and wanted a - wider field than the justice's court at New Salem to begin the practice. - Henceforth Mr. Lincoln might serve in the Legislature, attend to his - private business, and live snugly at home. In addition to the State - courts, the Circuit and District Courts of the United States sat here. The - eminent John McLean of Ohio was the justice of the Supreme Court who sat - in this circuit, with Judge Pope of the District Court, from 1839 to 1849, - and after that with Judge Drummond. The first terms of these courts, and - the first session of the Legislature at Springfield, were held in - December, 1839. The Senate sat in one church, and the House in another. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln got his license as an attorney early in 1837, "and commenced - practice regularly as a lawyer in the town of Springfield in March" of - that year. His first case was that of Hawthorne vs. Wooldridge, dismissed - at the cost of the plaintiff, for whom Mr. Lincoln's name was entered. - There were then on the list of attorneys at the Springfield bar many names - of subsequent renown. Judge Stephen T. Logan was on the bench of the - Circuit Court under the Act of 1835. Stephen A. Douglas had made his - appearance as the public prosecutor at the March term of 1836; and at the - same term E. D. Baker had been admitted to practice. Among the rest were - John T. Stuart, Cyrus Walker, S. H. Treat, Jesse B. Thomas, George - Forquer, Dan Stone, Ninian W. Edwards, John J. Hardin, Schuyler Strong, A. - T. Bledsoe, and Josiah Lamborn. - </p> - <p> - By this time Mr. Lincoln enjoyed considerable local fame as a politician, - but none, of course, as a lawyer. He therefore needed a partner, and got - one in the person of John T. Stuart, an able and distinguished Whig, who - had relieved his poverty years before by the timely loan of books with - which to study law, and who had from the first promoted his political - fortunes with zeal as disinterested as it was effective. The connection - promised well for Mr. Lincoln, and no doubt did well during the short - period of its existence. The courtroom was in Hoffman's Row; and the - office of Stuart & Lincoln was in the second story above the - court-room. It was a "little room," and generally a "dirty one." It - contained "a small dirty bed,"—on which Lincoln lounged and slept,—a - buffalo-robe, a chair, and a bench. Here the junior partner, when - disengaged from the cares of politics and the Legislature, was to be found - pretty much all the time, "reading, abstracted and gloomy." Springfield - was a small village, containing between one and two thousand inhabitants. - There were no pavements: the street-crossings were made of "chunks," - stones, and sticks. Lincoln boarded with Hon. William Butler, a gentleman - who possessed in an eminent degree that mysterious power which guides the - deliberations of party conventions and legislative bodies to a foregone - conclusion. Lincoln was very poor, worth nothing, and in debt,—circumstances - which are not often alleged in behalf of the modern legislator; but "Bill - Butler" was his friend, and took him in with little reference to - board-bills and the settlement of accounts. According to Dr. Jayne, he - "fed and clothed him for years;" and this signal service, rendered at a - very critical time, Mr. Lincoln forgot wholly when he was in Congress, and - Butler wanted to be Register of the Land Office, as well as when he was - President of the United States, and opportunities of repayment were - multitudinous. It is doubtless all true; but the inference of personal - ingratitude on the part of Mr. Lincoln will not bear examination. It will - be shown at another place that Mr. Lincoln regarded all public offices - within his gift as a sacred trust, to be administered solely for the - people, and as in no sense a fund upon which he could draw for the payment - of private accounts. He <i>never</i> preferred his friends to his enemies, - but rather the reverse, as if fearful that he might by bare possibility be - influenced by some unworthy motive. He was singularly cautious to avoid - the imputation of fidelity to his friends at the expense of his opponents. - </p> - <p> - In Coke's and Blackstone's time the law was supposed to be "a jealous - mistress;" but in Lincoln's time, and at Springfield, she was any thing - but exacting. Politicians courted her only to make her favor the - stepping-stone to success in other employments. Various members of that - bar have left great reputations to posterity, but none of them were earned - solely by the legitimate practice of the law. Douglas is remembered as a - statesman, Baker as a political orator, Hardin as a soldier, and some now - living, like Logan and Stuart, although eminent in the law, will be no - less known to the history of the times as politicians than as lawyers. - Among those who went to the law for a living, and to the people for fame - and power, was Mr. Lincoln. He was still a member of the Legislature when - he settled at Springfield, and would probably have continued to run for a - seat in that body as often as his time expired, but for the unfortunate - results of the "internal-improvement system," the hopeless condition of - the State finances, and a certain gloominess of mind, which arose from - private misfortunes that befell him about the time of his retirement. We - do not say positively that these were the reasons why Mr. Lincoln made no - effort to be re-elected to the Legislature of 1840; but a careful study of - all the circumstances will lead any reasonable man to believe that they - were. He was intensely ambitious, longed ardently for place and - distinction, and never gave up a prospect which seemed to him good when he - was in a condition to pursue it with honor to himself and fairness to - others. Moreover State politics were then rapidly ceasing to be the - high-road to fame and fortune. Although the State of Illinois was - insolvent, unable to pay the interest on her public debt, and many were - talking about repudiating the principal, the great campaign of 1840 went - off upon national issues, and little or nothing was said about questions - of State policy. Mr. Lincoln felt and obeyed this tendency of the public - mind, and from 1837 onward his speeches—those that were printed and - those that were not—were devoted chiefly, if not exclusively, to - Federal affairs. - </p> - <p> - In January, 1837, he delivered a lecture before the Springfield Lyceum on - the subject of the "<i>Perpetuation of our Free Institutions</i>." As a - mere declamation, it is unsurpassed in the annals of the West. Although - delivered in mid-winter, it is instinct with the peculiar eloquence of the - most fervid Fourth of July. - </p> - <p> - "In the great journal of things," began the orator, "happening under the - sun, we, the American People, find our account running under date of the - nineteenth century of the Christian era. We find ourselves in the peaceful - possession of the fairest portion of the earth, as regards extent of - territory, fertility of soil, and salubrity of climate. We find ourselves - under the government of a system of political institutions conducing more - essentially to the ends of civil and religious liberty than any of which - the history of former times tells us. We, when mounting the stage of - existence, found ourselves the legal inheritors of these fundamental - blessings. We toiled not in the acquisition or establishment of them: they - are a legacy bequeathed us by a <i>once</i> hardy, brave, and patriotic, - but <i>now</i> lamented and departed race of ancestors. Theirs was the - task (and nobly they performed it) to possess themselves, and, through - themselves, us, of this goodly land, and to uprear upon its hills and - valleys a political edifice of liberty and equal rights: 'tis ours only to - transmit these—the former unprofaned by the foot of an invader, the - latter undecayed by the lapse of time and untorn by usurpation—to - the latest generation that fate shall permit the world to know. This task, - gratitude to our fathers, justice to ourselves, duty to posterity,—all - imperatively require us faithfully to perform. - </p> - <p> - "How, then, shall we perform it? At what point shall we expect the - approach of danger? Shall we expect some transatlantic military giant to - step the ocean and crush us at a blow? Never! All the armies of Europe, - Asia, and Africa combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our own - excepted) in their military chest, with a Bonaparte for a commander, could - not, by force, take a drink from the Ohio, or make a track on the Blue - Ridge, in a trial of a thousand years! - </p> - <p> - "At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, - if it ever reach us, it must spring up amongst us. It cannot come from - abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and - finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time, or die by - suicide. - </p> - <p> - "I hope I am not over-wary; but, if I am not, there is even now something - of ill-omen amongst us. I mean the increasing disregard for law which - pervades the country, the growing disposition to substitute the wild and - furious passions in lieu of the sober judgment of courts, and the worse - than savage mobs for the executive ministers of justice. This disposition - is awfully fearful in any community, and that it now exists in ours, - though grating to our feelings to admit it, it would be a violation of - truth and an insult to our intelligence to deny. Accounts of outrages - committed by mobs form the every-day news of the times. They have pervaded - the country from New England to Louisiana; they are neither peculiar to - the eternal snows of the former, nor the burning sun of the latter. They - are not the creature of climate; neither are they confined to the - slaveholding or non-slaveholding States. Alike they spring up among the - pleasure-hunting masters of Southern slaves and the order-loving citizens - of the land of steady habits. Whatever, then, their cause may be, it is - common to the whole country." - </p> - <p> - The orator then adverts to the doings of recent mobs in various parts of - the country, and insists, that, if the spirit that produced them continues - to increase, the laws and the government itself must fall before it: bad - citizens will be encouraged, and good ones, having no protection against - the lawless, will be glad to receive an individual master who will be able - to give them the peace and order they desire. That will be the time when - the usurper will put down his heel on the neck of the people, and batter - down the "fair fabric" of free institutions. "Many great and good men," he - says, "sufficiently qualified for any task they should undertake, may ever - be found, whose ambition would aspire to nothing beyond a seat in - Congress, a gubernatorial or a presidential chair; <i>but such belong not - to the family of the lion or the tribe of the eagle.</i>1 What! Think you - these places would satisfy an Alexander, a Cæsar, or a Napoleon? Never! - Towering genius disdains a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto - unexplored. It sees no distinction in adding story to story upon the - monuments of fame erected to the memory of others. It denies that it is - glory enough to serve under any chief. It scorns to tread in the footsteps - of any predecessor, however illustrious. It thirsts and burns for - distinction; and, if possible, it will have it, whether at the expense of - emancipating slaves or enslaving freemen.... Another reason which once <i>was</i>, - but which, to the same extent, <i>is now no more</i>, has done much in - maintaining our institutions thus far. I mean the powerful influence which - the interesting scenes of the Revolution had upon the <i>passions</i> of - the people as distinguished from their judgment." This influence, the - lecturer maintains, was kept alive by the presence of the surviving - soldiers of the Revolution, who were in some sort "living histories," and - concludes with this striking peroration:— - </p> - <p> - "But those histories are gone. They <i>can</i> be read no more forever. - They <i>were</i> a fortress of strength; but what invading foeman could - never do, the silent artillery of time <i>has done</i>,—the - levelling of its walls. They are gone. They <i>were</i> a forest of giant - oaks; but the all-resistless hurricane has swept over them, and left only - here and there a lonely trunk, despoiled of its verdure, shorn of its - foliage, unshading and unshaded, to murmur in a few more gentle breezes, - and to combat with its mutilated limbs a few more rude storms, then to - sink and be no more. They <i>were</i> the pillars of the temple of - liberty; and now that they have crumbled away, that temple must fall, - unless we, the descendants, supply their places with other pillars hewn - from the same solid quarry of sober reason. Passion has helped us, but can - do so no more. It will in future be our enemy. Reason—cold, - calculating, unimpassioned reason—must furnish all the materials for - our future support and defence. Let those materials be moulded into <i>general - intelligence, sound morality</i>, and, in particular, <i>a reverence for - the Constitution and the laws</i>; and that we improved to the last, that - we revered his name to the last, that during his long sleep we permitted - no hostile foot to pass or desecrate his resting-place, shall be that - which to learn the last trump shall awaken our Washington. Upon these let - the proud fabric of freedom rest as the rock of its basis, and as truly as - has been said of the only greater institution, 'The gates of hell shall - not prevail against it."' - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The italics are the orator's. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - These extracts from a lecture carefully composed by Mr. Lincoln at the - mature age of twenty-eight, and after considerable experience in the - public service, are worthy of attentive perusal. To those familiar with - his sober and pure style at a later age, these sophomoric passages will - seem incredible. But they were thought "able and eloquent" by the "Young - Men's Lyceum" of Springfield: he was "solicited to furnish a copy for - publication," and they were duly printed in "The Sangamon Journal." In the - mere matter of rhetoric, they compare favorably with some of his other - productions of nearly the same date. This was what he would have called - his "growing time;" and it is intensely interesting to witness the - processes of such mental growth as his. In time, gradually, but still - rapidly, his style changes completely: the constrained and unnatural - attempts at striking and lofty metaphor disappear, and the qualities which - produced the Gettysburg address—that model of unadorned eloquence—begin - to be felt. He finds the people understand him better when he comes down - from his stilts, and talks to them from their own level. - </p> - <p> - Political discussions at Springfield were apt to run into heated and - sometimes unseemly personal controversies. When Douglas and Stuart were - candidates for Congress in 1838, they fought like tigers in Herndon's - grocery, over a floor that was drenched with slops, and gave up the - struggle only when both were exhausted. Then, as a further entertainment - to the populace, Mr. Stuart ordered out a "barrel of whiskey and wine." - </p> - <p> - On the election-day in 1840, it was reported to Mr. Lincoln that one - Radford, a contractor on the railroad, had brought up his men, and taken - full possession of one of the polling-places. Lincoln started off to the - precinct on a slow trot. Radford knew him well, and a little stern advice - reversed proceedings without any fighting. Among other remarks, Lincoln - said, "Radford, you'll spoil and blow if you live much longer." He wanted - to hit Radford, but could get no chance to do so, and contented himself - with confiding his intentions to Speed. "I intended just to knock him - down, and leave him kicking." - </p> - <p> - The same year, Col. Baker was making a speech to a promiscuous audience in - the court-room,—"a rented room in Hoffman's Row." It will be - remembered that Lincoln's office was just above, and he was listening to - Baker through a large hole or trap-door in the ceiling. Baker warmed with - his theme, and, growing violent and personally offensive, declared at - length, "that wherever there was a land-office, there was a Democratic - newspaper to defend its corruptions." "This," says John B. Webber, "was a - personal attack on my brother, George Webber. I was in the Court House, - and in my anger cried, 'Pull him down!'" A scene of great confusion - ensued, threatening to end in a general riot, in which Baker was likely to - suffer. But just at the critical moment Lincoln's legs were seen coming - through the hole; and directly his tall figure was standing between Baker - and the audience, gesticulating for silence. "Gentlemen," said he, "let us - not disgrace the age and country in which we live. This is a land where - freedom of speech is guaranteed. Mr Baker has a right to speak, and ought - to be permitted to do so. I am here to protect him, and no man shall take - him from this stand if I can prevent it." Webber only recollects that - "some one made some soothing, kind remarks," and that he was properly - "held until the excitement ceased," and the affair "soon ended in quiet - and peace." - </p> - <p> - In 1838, or 1840, Jesse B. Thomas made an intemperate attack upon the - "Long Nine," and especially upon Mr. Lincoln, as the longest and worst of - them. Lincoln was not present at the meeting; but being sent for, and - informed of what had passed, he ascended the platform, and made a reply - which nobody seems to remember, but which everybody describes as a - "terrible skinning" of his victim. Ellis says, that, at the close of a - furious personal denunciation, he wound up by "mimicking" Thomas, until - Thomas actually cried with vexation and anger. Edwards, Speed, Ellis, - Davis, and many others, refer to this scene, and, being asked whether Mr. - Lincoln could not be vindictive upon occasion, generally respond, - "Remember the Thomas skinning." - </p> - <p> - The most intimate friend Mr. Lincoln ever had, at this or any other time, - was probably Joshua F. Speed. In 1836 he settled himself in Springfield, - and did a thriving business as a merchant. Ellis was one of his clerks, - and so also was William H. Herndon, Mr. Lincoln's future partner. This - store was for years Lincoln's familiar haunt. There he came to while away - the tedious evenings with Speed and the congenial company that naturally - assembled around these choice spirits. He even slept in the store room as - often as he slept at home, and here made to Speed the most confidential - communications he ever made to mortal man. If he had on earth "a bosom - crony," it was Speed, and that deep and abiding attachment subsisted - unimpaired to the day of Mr. Lincoln's death. In truth, there were good - reasons why he should think of Speed with affection and gratitude, for - through life no man rendered him more important services. - </p> - <p> - One night in December, 1839, Lincoln, Douglas, Baker, and some other - gentlemen of note, were seated at Speed's hospitable fire in the store. - They got to talking politics, got warm, hot, angry. Douglas sprang up and - said, "Gentlemen, this is no place to talk politics: we will discuss the - questions publicly with you," and much more in a high tone of banter and - defiance. A few days afterwards the Whigs had a meeting, at which Mr. - Lincoln reported a resolution challenging the Democrats to a joint debate. - The challenge was accepted; and Douglas, Calhoun, Lamborn, and Jesse B. - Thomas were deputed by the Democrats to meet Logan, Baker, Browning, and - Lincoln on the part of the Whigs. The intellectual encounter between these - noted champions is still described by those who witnessed it as "the great - debate." It took place in the Second Presbyterian Church, in the hearing - of as many people as could get into the building, and was adjourned from - night to night. When Mr. Lincoln's turn came, the audience was very thin; - but, for all that, his speech was by many persons considered the best one - of the series. To this day, there are some who believe he had assistance - in the preparation of it. Even Mr. Herndon accused Speed of having "had a - hand in it," and got a flat denial for his answer. At all events, the - speech was a popular success, and was written out, and published in "The - Sangamon Journal," of March 6, 1840. The exordium was a sort of complaint - that must have had a very depressing effect upon both the speaker and his - hearers:— - </p> - <p> - "Fellow-Citizens,—It is peculiarly embarrassing to me to attempt a - continuance of the discussion, on this evening, which has been conducted - in this hall on several preceding ones. It is so, because on each of these - evenings there was a much fuller attendance than now, without any reason - for its being so, except the greater interest the community feel in the - speakers who addressed them then, than they do in him who is to do so now. - I am, indeed, apprehensive that the few who have attended have done so - more to spare me of mortification, than in the hope of being interested in - any thing I may be able to say. This circumstance casts a damp upon my - spirits which I am sure I shall be unable to overcome during the evening. - </p> - <p> - "The subject heretofore and now to be discussed is the Sub-Treasury scheme - of the present administration, as a means of collecting, safe-keeping, - transferring, and disbursing the revenues of the nation, as contrasted - with a National Bank for the same purposes. Mr. Douglas has said that we - (the Whigs) have not dared to meet them (the Locos) in argument on this - question. I protest against this assertion. I say we have again and again, - during this discussion, urged facts and arguments against the Sub-Treasury - which they have neither dared to deny nor attempted to answer. But lest - some may be led to believe that we really wish to avoid the question, I - now propose, in my humble way, to urge these arguments again; at the same - time begging the audience to mark well the positions I shall take, and the - proofs I shall offer to sustain them, and that they will not again allow - Mr. Douglas or his friends to escape the force of them by a round and - groundless assertion that we dare not meet them in argument. - </p> - <p> - "Of the Sub-Treasury, then, as contrasted with a National Bank, for the - before-enumerated purposes, I lay down the following propositions, to wit:— - </p> - <p> - "1st. It will injuriously affect the community by its operation on the - circulating medium. - </p> - <p> - "2d. It will be a more expensive fiscal agent. - </p> - <p> - "3d. It will be a less secure depository for the public money." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln's objections to the Sub-Treasury were those commonly urged by - its enemies, and have been somewhat conclusively refuted by the operation - of that admirable institution from the hour of its adoption to the - present. "The extravagant expenditures" of Mr. Van Buren's administration, - however, was a standard topic of the Whigs in those days, and, sliding - gracefully off from the Sub-Treasury, Mr. Lincoln dilated extensively upon - this more attractive subject. This part of his speech was entirely in - reply to Mr. Douglas. But, when he came to answer Mr. Lamborn's remarks, - he "got in a hard hit" that must have brought down the house. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lamborn insists that the difference between the Van Buren party and - the Whigs is, that, although the former sometimes err in practice, they - are always correct in principle, whereas the latter are wrong in - principle; and, the better to impress this proposition, he uses a - figurative expression in these words: 'The Democrats are vulnerable in the - heel, but they are sound in the heart and head.' The first branch of the - figure,—that is, that the Democrats are vulnerable in the heel,—I - admit is not merely figuratively but literally true. Who that looks but - for a moment at their Swartwouts, their Prices, their Harringtons, and - their hundreds of others, scampering away with the public money to Texas, - to Europe, and to every spot of the earth where a villain may hope to find - refuge from justice, can at all doubt that they are most distressingly - affected in their heels with a species of 'running itch.' It seems that - this malady of their heels operates on the sound-headed and honest-hearted - creatures very much like the cork-leg in the comic song did on its owner, - which, when he had once got started on it, the more he tried to stop it, - the more it would run away. At the hazard of wearing this point - threadbare, I will relate an anecdote which seems to be too strikingly in - point to be omitted. A witty Irish soldier who was always boasting of his - bravery when no danger was near, but who invariably retreated without - orders at the first charge of the engagement, being asked by his captain - why he did so, replied, 'Captain, I have as brave a heart as Julius Cæsar - ever had, but somehow or other, whenever danger approaches, my cowardly - legs will run away with it.' So with Mr. Lamborn's party. They take the - public money into their hands for the most laudable purpose that wise - heads and honest hearts can dictate; but, before they can possibly get it - out again, their rascally vulnerable heels will run away with them." - </p> - <p> - But, as in the lecture before the Lyceum, Mr. Lincoln reserved his most - impressive passage, his boldest imagery, and his most striking metaphor, - for a grand and vehement peroration. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lamborn refers to the late elections in the States, and, from their - results, confidently predicts every State in the Union will vote for Mr. - Van Buren at the next presidential election. Address that argument to - cowards and knaves: with the free and the brave it will affect nothing. It - may be true: if it must, let it. Many free countries have lost their - liberty, and ours may lose hers; but, if she shall, be it my proudest - plume, not that I was the last to desert, but that I never deserted her. I - know that the great volcano at Washington, aroused and directed by the - evil spirit that reigns there, is belching forth the lava of political - corruption in a current broad and deep, which is sweeping with frightful - velocity over the whole length and breadth of the land, bidding fair to - leave unscathed no green spot or living thing; while on its bosom are - riding, like demons on the wave of hell, the imps of that evil spirit, and - fiendishly taunting all those who dare to resist its destroying course - with the hopelessness of their efforts; and, knowing this, I cannot deny - that all may be swept away. Broken by it, I, too, may be; bow to it, I - never will. The probability that we may fall in the struggle ought not to - deter us from the support of a cause we believe to be just. It shall not - deter me. If ever I feel the soul within me elevate and expand to those - dimensions, not wholly unworthy of its almighty Architect, it is when I - contemplate the cause of my country, deserted by all the world beside, and - I standing up boldly, alone, hurling defiance at her victorious - oppressors. Here, without contemplating consequences, before Heaven and in - face of the world, I swear eternal fealty to the just cause, as I deem it, - of the land of my life, my liberty, and my love. And who that thinks with - me will not fearlessly adopt that oath that I take? Let none falter who - thinks he is right, and we may succeed. But if, after all, we shall fail, - be it so: we still shall have the proud consolation of saying to our - consciences, and to the departed shade of our country's freedom, that the - cause approved of our judgment and adored of our hearts, in disaster, in - chains, in torture, in death, we never faltered in defending." - </p> - <p> - Considering that the times were extremely peaceful, and that the speaker - saw no bloodshed except what flowed from the noses of belligerents in the - groceries about Springfield, the speech seems to have been unnecessarily - defiant. - </p> - <p> - In 1840 Mr. Lincoln was a candidate for presidential elector on the - Harrison ticket, and stumped a large part of the State. He and Douglas - followed Judge Treat's court all around the circuit, "and spoke in the - afternoons." The Harrison club at Springfield became thoroughly familiar - with his voice. But these one-sided affairs were not altogether suited to - his temper: through his life he preferred a joint discussion, and the - abler the man pitted against him, the better he liked it. He knew he shone - in retort, and sought every opportunity to practise it. From 1838 to 1858, - he seems to have followed up Douglas as a regular business during times of - great political excitement, and only on one or two occasions did he find - the "Little Giant" averse to a conflict. Here, in 1840, they came in - collision, as they did in 1839, and as they continued to do through twenty - or more years, until Lincoln became President of the United States, and - Douglas's disappointments were buried with his body. Once during this - Harrison campaign they had a fierce discussion before a meeting assembled - in the market-house. In the course of his speech, Lincoln imputed to Van - Buren the great sin of having voted in the New York State Convention for - negro suffrage with a property qualification. Douglas denied the fact; and - Lincoln attempted to prove his statement by reading a certain passage from - Holland's "Life of Van Buren," containing a letter from Van Buren to one - Mr. Fithian. Whereupon "Douglas got mad," snatched up the book, and, - tossing it into the crowd, remarked sententiously, although not - conclusively, "Damn such a book!" - </p> - <p> - "He was very sensitive," says Mr. Gillespie, "where he thought he had - failed to come up to the expectations of his friends. I remember a case. - He was pitted by the Whigs, in 1840, to debate with Mr. Douglas, the - Democratic champion. Lincoln did not come up to the requirements of the - occasion. He was conscious of his failure; and I never saw any man so much - distressed. He begged to be permitted to try it again, and was reluctantly - indulged; and in the next effort he transcended our highest expectations. - I never heard, and never expect to hear, such a triumphant vindication as - he then gave of Whig measures or policy. He never after, to my knowledge, - fell below himself." - </p> - <p> - It must by this time be clear to the reader that Mr. Lincoln was never - agitated by any passion more intense than his wonderful thirst for - distinction. There is good evidence that it furnished the feverish dreams - of his boyhood; and no man that knew him well can doubt that it governed - all his conduct, from the hour when he astonished himself by his - oratorical success against Posey and Ewing, in the back settlements of - Macon County, to the day when the assassin marked him as the first hero of - the restored Union, re-elected to his great office, surrounded by every - circumstance that could minister to his pride, or exalt his sensibilities,—a - ruler whose power was only less wide than his renown. He never rested in - the race he had determined to run; he was ever ready to be honored; he - struggled incessantly for place. There is no instance where an important - office seemed to be within his reach, and he did not try to get it. - Whatsoever he did in politics, at the bar, in private life, had more or - less reference to this great object of his life. It is not meant to be - said that he was capable of any shameful act, any personal dishonor, any - surrender or concealment of political convictions. In these respects, he - was far better than most men. It was not in his nature to run away from - the fight, or to desert to the enemy; but he was quite willing to accept - his full share of the fruits of victory. - </p> - <p> - Born in the humblest circumstances, uneducated, poor, acquainted with - flatboats and groceries, but a stranger to the drawing-room, it was - natural that he should seek in a matrimonial alliance those social - advantages which he felt were necessary to his political advancement. This - was, in fact, his own view of the matter; but it was strengthened and - enforced by the counsels of those whom he regarded as friends. - </p> - <p> - [Miss Mary Lincoln. Wife of the President 270] - </p> - <p> - In 1839 Miss Mary, daughter of Hon. Robert S. Todd of Lexington, Ky., came - to live with her sister, Mrs. Ninian W. Edwards, at Springfield. Like Miss - Owens, Miss Todd had a stepmother, with whom she failed to "agree," and - for that reason the Edwardses offered her a home with them. She was young,—just - twenty-one,—her family was of the best, and her connections in - Illinois among the most refined and distinguished people. Her mother - having died when she was a little girl, she had been educated under the - care of a French lady, "opposite Mr. Clay's." She was gifted with rare - talents, had a keen sense of the ridiculous, a ready insight into the - weaknesses of individual character, and a most fiery and ungovernable - temper. Her tongue and her pen were equally sharp. High-bred, proud, - brilliant, witty, and with a will that bent every one else to her purpose, - she took Mr. Lincoln captive the very moment she considered it expedient - to do so. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was a rising politician, fresh from the people, and possessed - of great power among them: Miss Todd was of aristocratic and distinguished - family, able to lead through the awful portals of "good society" - whomsoever they chose to countenance. It was thought that a union between - them could not fail of numerous benefits to both parties. Mr. Edwards - thought so; Mrs. Edwards thought so; and it was not long before Mary Todd - herself thought so. She was very ambitious, and even before she left - Kentucky announced her belief that she was "destined to be the wife of - some future President." For a little while she was courted by Douglas as - well as by Lincoln; but she is said to have refused the "Little Giant," - "on account of his bad morals." Being asked which of them she intended to - have, she answered, "The one that has the best chance of being President." - She decided in favor of Lincoln, and, in the opinion of some of her - husband's friends, aided to no small extent in the fulfilment of the - prophecy which the bestowal of her hand implied. A friend of Miss Todd was - the wife of an elderly but wealthy gentleman; and being asked by one of - the Edwards coterie why she had married "such an old, dried-up husband, - such a withered-up old buck," she answered that "He had lots of horses and - gold." But Mary Todd spoke up in great surprise, and said, "Is that true? - I would rather marry a good man, a man of mind, with hope and bright - prospects ahead for position, fame, and power, than to marry all the - horses, gold, and bones in the world." - </p> - <p> - Mrs. Edwards, Miss Todd's sister, tells us that Mr. Lincoln "was charmed - with Mary's wit and fascinated with her quick sagacity, her will, her - nature and culture." "I have happened in the room," she says, "where they - were sitting often and often, and Mary led the conversation. Lincoln would - listen, and gaze on her as if drawn by some superior power,—irresistibly - so: he listened, but never scarcely said a word.... Lincoln could not hold - a lengthy conversation with a lady,—was not sufficiently educated - and intelligent in the female line to do so." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln and Mary were engaged, and their marriage was only a question - of time. But Mr. Lincoln's love-affairs were destined never to run - smoothly, and now one Miss Matilda Edwards made her "sweet appearance," - and brought havoc in her train. She was the sister of Ninian W. Edwards, - and came to spend a year with her brother. She was very fair, and soon was - the reigning belle. No sooner did Lincoln know her than he felt his heart - change. The other affair, according to the Edwardses, according to Stuart, - according to Herndon, according to Lincoln and everybody else, was a - "policy match;" but <i>this</i> was love. For a while he evidently tried - hard to go on as before, but his feelings were too strong to be concealed. - Mr. Edwards endeavored to reconcile matters by getting his sister to marry - Speed; but the rebellious beauty refused Speed incontinently (as she did - Douglas too), and married Mr. Schuyler Strong. Poor Lincoln never - whispered a word of his passion to her: his high sense of honor prevented - that, and perhaps she would not have listened to him if it had been - otherwise. - </p> - <p> - At length, after long reflection, in great agony of spirit, Mr. Lincoln - concluded that duty required him to make a candid statement of his - feelings to the lady who was entitled to his hand. He wrote her a letter, - and told her gently but plainly that he did not love her. He asked Speed - to deliver it; but Speed advised him to burn it. "Speed," said Mr. - Lincoln, "I always knew you were an obstinate man. If you won't deliver - it, I'll get some one else to do it." But Speed now had the letter in his - hand; and, emboldened by the warm friendship that existed between them, - replied, "I shall not deliver it, nor give it to you to be delivered. - Words are forgotten, misunderstood, passed by, not noticed in a private - conversation; but once put your words in writing, and they stand as a - living and eternal monument against you. If you think you have <i>will</i> - and manhood enough to go and see her, and speak to her what you say in - that letter, you may do that." Lincoln went to see her forthwith, and - reported to Speed. He said, that, when he made his somewhat startling - communication, she rose and said, "'The deceiver shall be deceived: woe is - me!' alluding to a young man she had fooled." Mary told him she knew the - reason of his change of heart, and released him from his engagement. Some - parting endearments took place between them, and then, as the natural - result of those endearments, a reconciliation. - </p> - <p> - We quote again from Mrs. Edwards:— - </p> - <p> - "Lincoln and Mary were engaged; every thing was ready and prepared for the - marriage, even to the supper. Mr. Lincoln failed to meet his engagement. - Cause, insanity! - </p> - <p> - "In his lunacy he declared he hated Mary and loved Miss Edwards. This is - true, yet it was not his real feelings. A crazy man hates those he loves - when at himself. Often, often, is this the case. The world had it that Mr. - Lincoln backed out, and this placed Mary in a peculiar situation; and to - set herself right, and free Mr. Lincoln's mind, she wrote a letter to Mr. - Lincoln, stating that she would release him from his engagement.... The - whole of the year was a crazy spell. Miss Edwards was at our house, say a - year. I asked Miss Edwards if Mr. Lincoln ever mentioned the subject of - his love to her. Miss Edwards said, 'On my word, he never mentioned such a - subject to me: he never even stooped to pay me a compliment.'" - </p> - <p> - In the language of Mr. Edwards, "Lincoln went as crazy as a loon," and was - taken to Kentucky by Speed, who kept him "until he recovered." He "did not - attend the Legislature in 1841-2 for this reason." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Herndon devoutly believes that Mr. Lincoln's insanity grew out of a - most extraordinary complication of feelings,—aversion to the - marriage proposed, a counter-attachment to Miss Edwards, and a new access - of unspeakable tenderness for the memory of Ann Rutledge,—the old - love struggling with a new one, and each sending to his heart a - sacrificial pang as he thought of his solemn engagement to marry a third - person. In this opinion Mr. Speed appears to concur, as shown by his - letter below. At all events, Mr. Lincoln's derangement was nearly, if not - quite, complete. "We had to remove razors from his room," says Speed, - "take away all knives, and other dangerous things. It was terrible." And - now Speed determined to do for him what Bowlin Greene had done on a - similar occasion at New Salem. Having sold out his store on the 1st of - January, 1841, he took Mr. Lincoln with him to his home in Kentucky, and - kept him there during most of the summer and fall, or until he seemed - sufficiently restored to be given his liberty again at Springfield, when - he was brought back to his old quarters. During this period, "he was at - times very melancholy," and, by his own admission, "almost contemplated - self-destruction." It was about this time that he wrote some gloomy lines - under the head of "Suicide," which were published in "The Sangamon - Journal." Mr. Herndon remembered something about them; but, when he went - to look for them in the office-file of the "Journal," he found them neatly - cut out,—"supposed to have been done," says he, "by Lincoln." - Speed's mother was much pained by the "deep depression" of her guest, and - gave him a Bible, advising him to read it, to adopt its precepts, and pray - for its promises. He acknowledged this attempted service, after he became - President, by sending her a photograph of himself, with this inscription: - "To my very good friend, Mrs. Lucy G. Speed, from whose pious hands I - received an Oxford Bible twenty years ago." But Mrs. Speed's medicine, the - best ever offered for a mind diseased, was of no avail in this case. Among - other things, he told Speed, referring probably to his inclination to - commit suicide, "that he had done nothing to make any human being remember - that he had lived, and that to connect his name with the events - transpiring in his day and generation, and so impress himself upon them as - to link his name with something that would redound to the interest of his - fellow-man, was what he desired to live for." Of this conversation he - pointedly reminded Speed at the time, or just before the time, he issued - the Emancipation Proclamation. - </p> - <p> - What took place after his return to Springfield cannot be better told than - in the words of the friends of both parties. "Mr. Edwards and myself," - says Mrs. Edwards, "after the first crash of things, told Mary and Lincoln - that they had better not ever marry; that their natures, minds, education, - raising, &c., were so different, that they could not live happy as man - and wife; had better never think of the subject again. All at once we - heard that Mr. Lincoln and Mary had secret meetings at Mr. S. Francis's, - editor of 'The Springfield Journal.' Mary said the reason this was so, the - cause why it was, was that the world, woman and man, were uncertain and - slippery, and that it was best to keep the secret courtship from all eyes - and ears. Mrs. Lincoln told Mr. Lincoln, that, though she had released him - in the letter spoken of, yet she would hold the question an open one,—that - is, that she had not changed her mind, but felt as always.... The marriage - of Mr. Lincoln and Mary was quick and sudden,—one or two hours' - notice." How poor Mr. Lincoln felt about it, may be gathered from the - reminiscences of his friend, J. H. Matheny, who says, "that Lincoln and - himself, in 1842, were very friendly; that Lincoln came to him one evening - and said, 'Jim, I shall have to marry that girl.'" He was married that - evening, but Matheny says, "he looked as if he was going to the - slaughter," and that Lincoln "had often told him, directly and - individually, that he was driven into the marriage; that it was concocted - and planned by the Edwards family; that Miss Todd—afterwards Mrs. - Lincoln—was crazy for a week or so, not knowing what to do; and that - he loved Miss Edwards, and went to see her, and not Mrs. Lincoln." - </p> - <p> - The license to marry was issued on the 4th of November, 1842, and on the - same day the marriage was celebrated by Charles Dresser, "M.G." With this - date carefully borne in mind, the following letters are of surpassing - interest. They are relics, not only of a great man, but of a great agony. - </p> - <p> - The first is from Mr. Speed to Mr. Herndon, and explains the circumstances - under which the correspondence took place. Although it is in part a - repetition of what the reader already knows, it is of such peculiar value, - that we give it in full:— - </p> - <p> - W. H. Herndon, Esq. - </p> - <p> - Dear Sir,—I enclose you copies of all the letters of any interest - from Mr. Lincoln to me. - </p> - <p> - Some explanation may be needed, that you may rightly understand their - import. - </p> - <p> - In the winter of 1840 and 1841 he was unhappy about his engagement to his - wife,—not being entirely satisfied that his <i>heart</i> was going - with his hand. How much he suffered then on that account, none know so - well as myself: he disclosed his whole heart to me. - </p> - <p> - In the summer of 1841 I became engaged to my wife. He was here on a visit - when I courted her; and, strange to say, something of the same feeling - which I regarded as so foolish in him took possession of me, and kept me - very unhappy from the time of my engagement until I was married. - </p> - <p> - This will explain the deep interest he manifested in his letters on my - account. - </p> - <p> - Louisville, Nov. 30, 1866. - </p> - <p> - If you use the letters (and some of them are perfect gems) do it care - fully, so as not to wound the feelings of Mrs. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - One thing is plainly discernible: if I had not been married and happy,—far - more happy than I ever expected to be,—he would not have married. - </p> - <p> - I have erased a name which I do not wish published. If I have failed to do - it anywhere, strike it out when you come to it. That is the word———. - </p> - <p> - I thank you for your last lecture. It is all new to me, but so true to my - appreciation of Lincoln's character, that, independent of my knowledge of - you, I would almost swear to it. - </p> - <p> - Lincoln wrote a letter (a long one, which he read to me) to Dr. Drake, of - Cincinnati, descriptive of his case. Its date would be in December, 1840, - or early in January, 1841. I think that he must have informed Dr. D. of - his early love for Miss Rutledge, as there was a part of the letter which - he would not read. - </p> - <p> - It would be worth much to you, if you could procure the original. - </p> - <p> - Charles D. Drake, of St. Louis, may have his father's papers. The date - which I give you will aid in the search. - </p> - <p> - I remember Dr. Drake's reply, which was, that he would not undertake to - prescribe for him without a personal interview. I would advise you to make - some effort to get the letter. - </p> - <p> - Your friend, &c., - </p> - <p> - J. F. Speed. - </p> - <p> - The first of the papers from Mr. Lincoln's pen is a letter of advice and - consolation to his friend, for whom he apprehends the terrible things - through which, by the help of that friend, he has himself just passed. - </p> - <p> - My dear Speed,—Feeling, as you know I do, the deepest solicitude for - the success of the enterprise you are engaged in, I adopt this as the last - method I can invent to aid you, in case (which God forbid) you shall need - any aid. I do not place what I am going to say on paper, because I can say - it better in that way than I could by word of mouth; but, were I to say it - orally before we part, most likely you would forget it at the very time - when it might do you some good. As I think it reasonable that you will - feel very badly sometime between this and the final consummation of your - purpose, it is intended that you shall read this just at such a time. Why - I say it is reasonable that you will feel very badly yet, is because of - three <i>special causes</i> added to <i>the general one</i> which I shall - mention. - </p> - <p> - The general cause is, that you are naturally of a nervous temperament, and - this I say from what I have seen of you personally, and what you have told - me concerning your mother at various times, and concerning your brother - William at the time his wife died. The first special cause is your <i>exposure - to bad weather</i> on your journey, which my experience clearly proves to - be very severe on defective nerves. The second is the <i>absence of all - business and conversation</i> of friends, which might divert your mind, - give it occasional rest from the intensity of thought which will sometimes - wear the sweetest idea threadbare, and turn it to the bitterness of death. - </p> - <p> - The third is <i>the rapid and near approach of that crisis on which all - your thoughts and feelings concentrate.</i> - </p> - <p> - If from all these causes you shall escape, and go through triumphantly, - without another "twinge of the soul," I shall be most happily but most - egregiously deceived. If, on the contrary, you shall, as I expect you will - at some time, be agonized and distressed, let me, who have some reason to - speak with judgment on such a subject, beseech you to ascribe it to the - causes I have mentioned, and not to some false and ruinous suggestion of - the Devil. - </p> - <p> - "But," you will say, "do not your causes apply to every one engaged in a - like undertaking?" By no means. <i>The particular causes</i>, to a greater - or less extent, perhaps, do apply in all cases; but the <i>general one</i>,—nervous - debility, which is the key and conductor of all the particular ones, and - without which they would be utterly harmless, though it <i>does</i> - pertain to you,—<i>does not</i> pertain to one in a thousand. It is - out of this that the painful difference between you and the mass of the - world springs. - </p> - <p> - I know what the painful point with you is at all times when you are - unhappy: it is an apprehension that you do not love her as you should. - What nonsense! How came you to court her? Was it because you thought she - deserved it, and that you had given her reason to expect it? If it was for - that, why did not the same reason make you court Ann Todd, and at least - twenty others of whom you can think, and to whom it would apply with - greater force than to <i>her?</i> Did you court her for her wealth? Why, - you know she had none. But you say you reasoned yourself into it. What do - you mean by that? Was it not that you found yourself unable to reason - yourself out of it? Did you not think, and partly form the purpose, of - courting her the first time you ever saw her or heard of her? What had - reason to do with it at that early stage? There was nothing at that time - for reason to work upon. Whether she was moral, amiable, sensible, or even - of good character, you did not, nor could then know, except, perhaps, you - might infer the last from the company you found her in. - </p> - <p> - All you then did or could know of her was her personal <i>appearance and - deportment</i>; and these, if they impress at all, impress the heart, and - not the head. - </p> - <p> - Say candidly, were not those heavenly <i>black eyes</i> the whole basis of - all your early <i>reasoning</i> on the subject? After you and I had once - been at the residence, did you not go and take me all the way to Lexington - and back, for no other purpose but to get to see her again, on our return - on that evening to take a trip for that express object? - </p> - <p> - What earthly consideration would you take to find her scouting and - despising you, and giving herself up to another? But of this you have no - apprehension; and therefore you cannot bring it home to your feelings. - </p> - <p> - I shall be so anxious about you, that I shall want you to write by every - mail. Your friend, - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Ill., Feb. 3, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—Your letter of the 25th January came to hand to-day. You - well know that I do not feel my own sorrows much more keenly than I do - yours, when I know of them; and yet I assure you I was not much hurt by - what you wrote me of your excessively bad feeling at the time you wrote. - Not that I am less capable of sympathizing with you now than ever, not - that I am less your friend than ever, but because I hope and believe that - your present anxiety and distress about her health and her life must and - will forever banish those horrid doubts which I know you sometimes felt as - to the truth of your affection for her. If they can once and forever be - removed (and I almost feel a presentiment that the Almighty has sent your - present affliction expressly for that object), surely, nothing can come in - their stead to fill their immeasurable measure of misery. The death-scenes - of those we love are surely painful enough; but these we are prepared for - and expect to see: they happen to all, and all know they must happen. - Painful as they are, they are not an unlooked-for sorrow. Should she, as - you fear, be destined to an early grave, it is indeed a great consolation - to know that she is so well prepared to meet it.. Her religion, which you - once disliked so much, I will venture you now prize most highly. - </p> - <p> - But I hope your melancholy bodings as to her early death are not well - founded. I even hope that ere this reaches you, she will have returned - with improved and still-improving health, and that you will have met her, - and forgotten the sorrows of the past in the enjoyment of the present. I - would say more if I could, but it seems that I have said enough. It really - appears to me that you yourself ought to rejoice, and not sorrow, at this - indubitable evidence of your undying affection for her. - </p> - <p> - Why, Speed, if you did not love her, although you might not wish her - death, you would most certainly be resigned to it. Perhaps this point is - no longer a question with you, and my pertinacious dwelling upon it is a - rude intrusion upon your feelings. If so, you must pardon me. You know the - hell I have suffered on that point, and how tender I am upon it. You know - I do not mean wrong. I have been quite clear of hypo since you left, even - better than I was along in the fall. I have seen———but - once. She seemed very cheerful, and so I said nothing to her about what we - spoke of. - </p> - <p> - Old Uncle Billy Herndon is dead, and it is said this evening that Uncle - Ben Ferguson will not live. This, I believe, is all the news, and enough - at that, unless it were better. - </p> - <p> - Write me immediately on the receipt of this. - </p> - <p> - Your friend as ever, - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Ill., Feb. 13, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—Yours of the 1st inst. came to hand three or four days - ago. When this shall reach you, you will have been Fanny's husband several - days. You know my desire to befriend you is everlasting; that I will never - cease while I know how to do any thing. - </p> - <p> - But you will always hereafter be on ground that I have never occupied, and - consequently, if advice were needed, I might advise wrong. I do fondly - hope, however, that you will never again need any comfort from abroad. - But, should I be mistaken in this, should excessive pleasure still be - accompanied with a painful counterpart at times, still let me urge you, as - I have ever done, to remember, in the depth and even agony of despondency, - that very shortly you are to feel well again. I am now fully convinced - that you love her as ardently as you are capable of loving. Your ever - being happy in her presence, and your intense anxiety about her health, if - there were nothing else, would place this beyond all dispute in my mind. I - incline to think it probable that your nerves will fail you occasionally - for a while; but once you get them firmly graded now, that trouble is over - forever. - </p> - <p> - I think if I were you, in case my mind were not exactly right, I would - avoid being <i>idle</i>. I would immediately engage in some business, or - go to making preparations for it, which would be the same thing. - </p> - <p> - If you went through the ceremony calmly, or even with sufficient composure - not to excite alarm in any present, you are safe beyond question, and in - two or three months, to say the most, will be the happiest of men. - </p> - <p> - I would desire you to give my particular respects to Fanny; but perhaps - you will not wish her to know you have received this, lest she should - desire to see it. Make her write me an answer to my last letter to her; at - any rate, 1 would set great value upon a note or letter from her. - </p> - <p> - Write me whenever you have leisure. - </p> - <p> - Yours forever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - P. S.—I have been quite a man since you left. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Feb. 25, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—Yours of the 16th inst., announcing that Miss Fanny and - you are "no more twain, but one flesh," reached me this morning. I have no - way of telling how much happiness I wish you both, though I believe you - both can conceive it. I feel somewhat jealous of both of you now: you will - be so exclusively concerned for one another, that I shall be forgotten - entirely. My acquaintance with Miss Fanny (I call her this, lest you - should think I am speaking of your mother) was too short for me to - reasonably hope to long be remembered by her; and still I am sure I shall - not forget her soon. Try if you cannot remind her of that debt she owes - me,—and be sure you do not interfere to prevent her paying it. - </p> - <p> - I regret to learn that you have resolved to not return to Illinois. I - shall be very lonesome without you. How miserable things seem to be - arranged in this world! If we have no friends, we have no pleasure; and, - if we have them, we are sure to lose them, and be doubly pained by the - loss. I did hope she and you would make your home here; but I own I have - no right to insist. You owe obligations to her ten thousand times more - sacred than you can owe to others, and in that light let them be respected - and observed. It is natural that she should desire to remain with her - relatives and friends. As to friends, however, <i>she</i> could not need - them anywhere: she would have them in abundance here. - </p> - <p> - Give my kind remembrance to Mr. Williamson and his family, particularly - Miss Elizabeth; also to your mother, brother, and sisters. Ask little - Eliza Davis if she will ride to town with me if I come there again. - </p> - <p> - And, finally, give Fanny a double reciprocation of all the love she sent - me. Write me often, and believe me - </p> - <p> - Yours forever, - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - P. S.—Poor Easthouse is gone at last. He died a while before day - this morning. They say he was very loath to die. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Feb. 25, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—I received yours of the 12th, written the day you went - down to William's place, some days since, but delayed answering it till I - should receive the promised one of the 16th, which came last night. I - opened the letter with intense anxiety and trepidation; so much, that, - although it turned out better than I expected, I have hardly yet, at the - distance of ten hours, become calm. - </p> - <p> - I tell you, Speed, our forebodings (for which you and I are peculiar) are - all the worst sort of nonsense. I fancied, from the time I received your - letter of Saturday, that the one of Wednesday was never to come, and yet - it did come, and, what is more, it is perfectly clear, both from its tone - and handwriting, that you were much happier, or, if you think the term - preferable, less miserable, when you wrote it, than when you wrote the - last one before. You had so obviously improved at the very time I so much - fancied you would have grown worse. You say that something indescribably - horrible and alarming still haunts you. You will not say that three months - from now, I will venture. When your nerves once get steady now, the whole - trouble will be over forever. Nor should you become impatient at their - being even very slow in becoming steady. Again you say, you much fear that - that Elysium of which you have dreamed so much is never to be realized. - Weil, if it shall not, I dare swear it will not be the fault of her who is - now your wife. I now have no doubt, that it is the peculiar misfortune of - both you and me to dream dreams of Elysium far exceeding all that any - thing earthly can realize. Far short of your dreams as you may be, no - woman could do more to realize them than that same black-eyed Fanny. If - you could but contemplate her through my imagination, it would appear - ridiculous to you that any one should for a moment think of being unhappy - with her. My old father used to have a saying, that, "If you make a bad - bargain, hug it all the tighter;" and it occurs to me, that, if the - bargain you have just closed can possibly be called a bad one, it is - certainly the most pleasant one for applying that maxim to which my fancy - can by any effort picture. - </p> - <p> - I write another letter, enclosing this, which you can show her, if she - desires it. I do this because she would think strangely, perhaps, should - you tell her that you received no letters from me, or, telling her you do, - refuse to let her see them. I close this, entertaining the confident hope - that every successive letter I shall have from you (which I here pray may - not be few, nor far between) may show you possessing a more steady hand - and cheerful heart than the last preceding it. - </p> - <p> - As ever, your friend, - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, March 27, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—Yours of the 10th inst. was received three or four days - since. You know I am sincere when I tell you the pleasure its contents - gave me was and is inexpressible. As to your farm matter, I have no - sympathy with you. I have no farm, nor ever expect to have, and - consequently have not studied the subject enough to be much interested - with it. I can only say that I am glad you are satisfied and pleased with - it. - </p> - <p> - But on that other subject, to me of the most intense interest whether in - joy or sorrow, I never had the power to withhold my sympathy from you. It - cannot be told how it now thrills me with joy to hear you say you are "<i>far - happier than you ever expected to be</i>." That much I know is enough. I - know you too well to suppose your expectations were not, at least, - sometimes extravagant, and, if the reality exceeds them all, I say, - Enough, dear Lord. I am not going beyond the truth when I tell you, that - the short space it took me to read your last letter gave me more pleasure - than the total sum of all I have enjoyed since that fatal 1st of January, - 1841. Since then it seems to me I should have been entirely happy, but for - the never-absent idea that there is <i>one</i> still unhappy whom I have - contributed to make so. That still kills my soul. I cannot but reproach - myself for even wishing to be happy while she is otherwise. She - accompanied a large party on the railroad cars to Jacksonville last - Monday, and on her return spoke, so that I heard of it, of having enjoyed - the trip exceedingly. God be praised for that. - </p> - <p> - You know with what sleepless vigilance I have watched you ever since the - commencement of your affair; and, although I am almost confident it is - useless, I cannot forbear once more to say, that I think it is even yet - possible for your spirits to flag down and leave you miserable. If they - should, don't fail to remember that they cannot long remain so. One thing - I can tell you which I know you will be glad to hear, and that is that I - have seen———and scrutinized her feelings as well as I - could, and am fully convinced she is far happier now than she has been for - the last fifteen months past. - </p> - <p> - You will see by the last "Sangamon Journal" that I have made a temperance - speech on the 22d of February, which I claim that Fanny and you shall read - as an act of charity to me; for I cannot learn that anybody else has read - it, or is likely to. Fortunately, it is not very long, and I shall deem it - a sufficient compliance with my request if one of you listens while the - other reads it. - </p> - <p> - As to your Lockridge matter, it is only necessary to say that there has - been no court since you left, and that the next commences to-morrow - morning, during which I suppose we cannot fail to get a judgment. - </p> - <p> - I wish you would learn of Everett what he would take, over and above a - discharge, for all trouble we have been at, to take his business out of - our hands and give it to somebody else. It is impossible to collect money - on that or any other claim here now, and, although you know I am not a - very petulant man, I declare I am almost out of patience with Mr. - Everett's endless importunity. It seems like he not only writes all the - letters he can himself, but gets everybody else in Louisville and vicinity - to be constantly writing to us about his claim. I have always said that - Mr. Everett is a very clever fellow, and I am very sorry he cannot be - obliged; but it does seem to me he ought to know we are interested to - collect his claim, and therefore would do it if we could. - </p> - <p> - I am neither joking nor in a pet when I say we would thank him to transfer - his business to some other, without any compensation for what we have - done, provided he will see the court cost paid, for which we are security. - </p> - <p> - The sweet violet you enclosed came safely to hand, but it was so dry, and - mashed so flat, that it crumbled to dust at the first attempt to handle - it. The juice that mashed out of it stained a place in the letter, which I - mean to preserve and cherish for the sake of her who procured it to be - sent. My renewed good wishes to her in particular, and generally to all - such of your relations who know me. - </p> - <p> - As ever, - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Ill., July 4, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—Yours of the 16th June was received only a day or two - since. It was not mailed at Louisville till the 25th. You speak of the - great time that has elapsed since I wrote you. Let me explain that. Your - letter reached here a day or two after I had started on the circuit. I was - gone five or six weeks, so that I got the letters only a few weeks before - Butler started to your country. I thought it scarcely worth while to write - you the news which he could and would tell you more in detail. On his - return, he told me you would write me soon, and so I waited for your - letter. As to my having been displeased with your advice, surely you know - better than that. I know you do, and therefore will not labor to convince - you. True, that subject is painful to me; but it is not your silence, or - the silence of all the world, that can make me forget it. I acknowledge - the correctness of your advice too; but, before I resolve to do the one - thing or the other, I must gain my confidence in my own ability to keep my - resolves when they are made. In that ability you know I once prided - myself, as the only or chief gem of my character: that gem I lost, how and - where you know too well. I have not yet regained it; and, until I do, I - cannot trust myself in any matter of much importance. I believe now, that, - had you understood my case at the time as well as I understood yours - afterwards, by the aid you would have given me I should have sailed - through clear; but that does not now afford me sufficient confidence to - begin that or the like of that again. - </p> - <p> - You make a kind acknowledgment of your obligations to me for your present - happiness. I am much pleased with that acknowledgment. But a thousand - times more am I pleased, to know that you enjoy a degree of happiness - worthy of an acknowledgment. The truth is, I am not sure that there was - any went with me in the part I took in your difficulty: I was drawn to it - as by fate. If I would, I could not have done less than I did. I always - was superstitious: I believe God made me one of the instruments of - bringing your Fanny and you together, which union I have no doubt he had - fore-ordained. Whatever he designs, he will do for me yet. "Stand still, - and see the salvation of the Lord" is my text just now. If, as you say, - you have told Fanny all, I should have no objection to her seeing this - letter, but for its reference to our friend here: let her seeing it depend - upon whether she has ever known any thing of my affairs; and, if she has - not, do not let her. - </p> - <p> - I do not think I can come to Kentucky this season. I am so poor, and make - so little headway in the world, that I drop back in a month of idleness as - much as I gain in a year's sowing. I should like to visit you again. I - should like to see that "sis" of yours that was absent when I was there, - though I suppose she would run away again, if she were to hear I was - coming. - </p> - <p> - My respects and esteem to all your friends there, and, by your permission, - my love to your Fanny. Ever yours, Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Oct. 5, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—You have heard of my duel with Shields, and I have now - to inform you that the duelling business still rages in this city. Day - before yesterday Shields challenged Butler, who accepted, and proposed - fighting next morning at sunrising in Bob Allen's meadow, one hundred - yards' distance, with rifles. To this Whitesides, Shields's second, said - "no," because of the law. Thus ended duel No. 2. Yesterday Whiteside chose - to consider himself insulted by Dr. Merryman, so sent him a kind of <i>quasi</i>-challenge, - inviting him to meet him at the Planter's House in St. Louis, on the next - Friday, to settle their difficulty. Merryman made me his friend, and sent - W. a note, inquiring to know if he meant his note as a challenge, and, if - so, that he would, according to the law in such case made and provided, - prescribe the terms of the meeting. W. returned for answer, that, if M. - would meet him at the Planter's House as desired, he would challenge him. - M. replied in a note, that he denied W.'s right to dictate time and place, - but that he (M.) would waive the question of time, and meet him at - Louisiana, Mo. Upon my presenting this note to W., and stating verbally - its contents, he declined receiving it, saying he had business in St. - Louis, and it was as near as Louisiana. Merryman then directed me to - notify Whiteside that he should publish the correspondence between them, - with such comments as he thought fit. This I did. Thus it stood at bedtime - last night. This morning Whiteside, by his friend Shields, is praying for - a new trial, on the ground that he was mistaken in Merryman's proposition - to meet him at Louisiana, Mo., thinking it was the State of Louisiana. - This Merryman hoots at, and is preparing his publication; while the town - is in a ferment, and a street-fight somewhat anticipated. - </p> - <p> - But I began this letter, not for what I have been writing, but to say - something on that subject which you know to be of such infinite solicitude - to me. The immense sufferings you endured from the first days of September - till the middle of February you never tried to conceal from me, and I well - understood. You have now been the husband of a lovely woman nearly eight - months. That you are happier now than the day you married her, I well - know; for without you could not be living. But I have your word for it, - too, and the returning elasticity of spirits which is manifested in your - letters. But I want to ask a close question, "Are you now in <i>feeling</i>, - as well as <i>judgment</i>, glad you are married as you are?" From anybody - but me this would be an impudent question, not to be tolerated; but I know - you will pardon it in me. Please answer it quickly, as I am impatient to - know. - </p> - <p> - I have sent my love to your Fanny so often, I fear she is getting tired of - it. However, I venture to tender it again, - </p> - <p> - Yours forever, - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - In the last of these letters, Mr. Lincoln refers to his "duel with - Shields." That was another of the disagreeable consequences which flowed - from his fatal entanglement with Mary. Not content with managing a timid, - although half-frantic and refractory, lover, her restless spirit led her - into new fields of adventure. Her pen was too keen to be idle in the - political controversies of the time. As a satirical writer, she had no - rival of either sex at Springfield, and few, we venture to say, anywhere - else. But that is a dangerous talent: the temptations to use it unfairly - are numerous and strong; it inflicts so much pain, and almost necessarily - so much injustice, upon those against whom it is directed, that its - possessor rarely, if ever, escapes from a controversy without suffering - from the desperation it provokes. Mary Todd was not disposed to let her - genius rust for want of use; and, finding no other victim handy, she - turned her attention to James Shields, "Auditor." She had a friend, one - Miss Jayne, afterwards Mrs. Trumbull, who helped to keep her literary - secrets, and assisted as much as she could in worrying the choleric - Irishman. Mr. Francis, the editor, knew very well that Shields was "a - fighting-man;" but the "pieces" sent him by the wicked ladies were so - uncommonly rich in point and humor, that he yielded to a natural - inclination, and printed them, one and all. Below we give a few specimens:— - </p> - <p> - LETTER FROM THE LOST TOWNSHIPS. - </p> - <p> - Lost Townships, Aug. 27, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Dear Mr. Printer,—I see you printed that long letter I sent you a - spell ago: I'm quite encouraged by it, and can't keep from writing again. - I think the printing of my letters will be a good thing all round,—it - will give me the benefit of being known by the world, and give the world - the advantage of knowing what's going on in the Lost Townships, and give - your paper respectability besides. So here comes another. Yesterday - afternoon I hurried through cleaning up the dinner-dishes, and stepped - over to Neighbor S——, to see if his wife Peggy was as well as - mought be expected, and hear what they called the baby. Well, when I got - there, and just turned round the corner of his log-cabin, there he was - setting on the doorstep reading a newspaper. - </p> - <p> - "How are you, Jeff?" says I. He sorter started when he heard me, for he - hadn't seen me before. - </p> - <p> - "Why," says he, "I'm mad as the devil, Aunt'Becca!" - </p> - <p> - "What about?" says I: "ain't its hair the right color? None of that - nonsense, Jeff: there ain't an honester woman in the Lost Townships than"— - </p> - <p> - "Than who?" says he: "what the mischief are you about?" - </p> - <p> - I began to see I was running the wrong trail, and so says I, "Oh! nothing: - I guess I was mistaken a little, that's all. But what is it you're mad - about?" "Why," says he, "I've been tugging ever since harvest getting out - wheat and hauling it to the river, to raise State-Bank paper enough to pay - my tax this year, and a little school-debt I owe; and now, just as I've - got it, here I open this infernal 'Extra Register,' expecting to find it - full of 'Glorious Democratic Victories' and 'High-Comb'd Cocks,' when, lo - and behold! I find a set of fellows calling themselves officers of State - have forbidden the tax-collectors and school-commissioners to receive - State paper at all; and so here it is, dead on my hands. I don't now - believe all the plunder I've got will fetch ready cash enough to pay my - taxes and that school-debt." - </p> - <p> - I was a good deal thunderstruck myself; for that was the first I had heard - of the proclamation, and my old man was pretty much in the same fix with - Jeff. We both stood a moment staring at one another, without knowing what - to say. At last says I, "Mr. S———, let me look at that - paper." He handed it to me, when I read the proclamation over. - </p> - <p> - "There, now," says he, "did you ever see such a piece of impudence and - imposition as that?" I saw Jeff was in a good tune for saying some - ill-natured things, and so I tho't I would just argue a little on the - contrary side, and make him rant a spell if I could. - </p> - <p> - "Why," says I, looking as dignified and thoughtful as I could, "it seems - pretty tough, to be sure, to have to raise silver where there's none to be - raised; but then, you see, 'there will be danger of loss' if it ain't - done." - </p> - <p> - "Loss, damnation 1" says he. "I defy Daniel Webster, I defy King Solomon, - I defy the world,—I defy—I defy—yes, I defy even you, - Aunt'Becca, to show how the people can lose any thing by paying their - taxes in State paper." - </p> - <p> - "Well," says I, "you see what the officers of State say about it, and they - are a desarnin' set of men. But," says I, "I guess you're mistaken about - what the proclamation says. It don't say the people will lose any thing by - the paper money being taken for taxes. It only says 'there will be danger - of loss;' and though it is tolerable plain that the people can't lose by - paying their taxes in something they can get easier than silver, instead - of having to pay silver; and though it is just as plain that the State - can't lose by taking State-Bank paper, however low it may be, while she - owes the bank more than the whole revenue, and can pay that paper over on - her debt, dollar for dollar,—still there is danger of loss to the - 'officers of State;' and you know, Jeff, we can't get along without - officers of State." - </p> - <p> - "Damn officers of State!" says he: "that's what you Whigs are always - hurrahing for." - </p> - <p> - "Now, don't swear so, Jeff," says I: "you know I belong to the meetin', - and swearin' hurts my feelins'." - </p> - <p> - "Beg pardon, Aunt'Becca," says he; "but I do say it's enough to make Dr. - Goddard swear, to have tax to pay in silver, for nothing only that Ford - may get his two thousand a year, and Shields his twenty-four hundred a - year, and Carpenter his sixteen hundred a year, and all without 'danger of - loss' by taking it in State paper. Yes, yes: it's plain enough now what - these officers of State mean by 'danger of loss.' Wash, I s'pose, actually - lost fifteen hundred dollars out of the three thousand that two of these - 'officers of State' let him steal from the treasury, by being compelled to - take it in State paper. Wonder if we don't have a proclamation before long - commanding us to make up this loss to Wash in silver." - </p> - <p> - And so he went on till his breath run out, and he had to stop. I couldn't - think of any thing to say just then; and so I begun to look over the paper - again. "Ay! here's another proclamation, or something like it." - </p> - <p> - "Another!" says Jeff; "and whose egg is it, pray?" - </p> - <p> - I looked to the bottom of it, and read aloud, "Your obedient servant, Jas. - Shields, Auditor." - </p> - <p> - "Aha!" says Jeff, "one of them same three fellows again. Well, read it, - and let's hear what of it." - </p> - <p> - I read on till I came to where it says, "The object of this measure is to - suspend the collection of the revenue for the current year." - </p> - <p> - "Now stop, now stop!" says he: "that's a lie a'ready, and I don't want to - hear of it." - </p> - <p> - "Oh! maybe not," says I. - </p> - <p> - "I say it—is—a—lie. Suspend the collection, indeed! Will - the collectors, that have taken their oaths to make the collection, dare - to suspend it? Is there any thing in the law requiring them to perjure - themselves at the bidding of James Shields? Will the greedy gullet of the - penitentiary be satisfied with swallowing him instead of all them, if they - should venture to obey him? And would he not discover some 'danger of - loss,' and be off, about the time it came to taking their places? - </p> - <p> - "And suppose the people attempt to suspend, by refusing to pay, what then? - The collectors would just jerk up their horses and cows, and the like, and - sell them to the highest bidder for silver in hand, without valuation or - redemption. Why, Shields didn't believe that story himself: it was never - meant for the truth. If it was true, why was it not writ till five days - after the proclamation? Why didn't Carlin and Carpenter sign it as well as - Shields? Answer me that, Aunt'Becca. I say it's a lie, and not a well-told - one at that. It grins out like a copper dollar. Shields is a fool as well - as a liar. With him truth is out of the question; and, as for getting a - good bright passable lie out of him, you might as well try to strike fire - from a cake of tallow. I stick to it, it's all an infernal Whig lie!" - </p> - <p> - "A Whig lie! Highty tighty!" - </p> - <p> - "Yes, a Whig lie; and it's just like every thing the cursed British Whigs - do. First they'll do some divilment, and then they'll tell a lie to hide - it. And they don't care how plain a lie it is: they think they can cram - any sort of a one down the throats of the ignorant Locofocos, as they call - the Democrats." - </p> - <p> - "Why, Jeff, you're crazy: you don't mean to say Shields is a Whig!" - </p> - <p> - "<i>Yes, I do."</i> - </p> - <p> - "Why, look here! the proclamation is in your own Democratic paper, as you - call it." - </p> - <p> - "I know it; and what of that? They only printed it to let us Democrats see - the deviltry the Whigs are at." - </p> - <p> - "Well, but Shields is the auditor of this Loco—I mean this - Democratic State." - </p> - <p> - "So he is, and Tyler appointed him to office." - </p> - <p> - "Tyler appointed him?" - </p> - <p> - "Yes (if you must chaw it over), Tyler appointed him; or, if it wasn't - him, it was old Granny Harrison, and that's all one. I tell you, - Aunt'Becca, there's no mistake about his being a Whig. Why, his very looks - shows it,—every thing about him shows it: if I was deaf and blind, I - could tell him by the smell. I seed him when I was down in Springfield - last winter. They had a sort of a gatherin' there one night among the - grandees, they called a fair. All the gals about town was there; and all - the handsome widows and married women, finickin' about, trying to look - like gals, tied as tight in the middle, and puffed out at both ends, like - bundles of fodder that hadn't been stacked yet, but wanted stackin' pretty - bad. And then they had tables all round the house kivered over with [ ] - caps, and pincushions, and ten thousand such little knick-knacks, tryin' - to sell'em to the fellows that were bowin' and scrapin' and kungeerin' - about'em. They wouldn't let no Democrats in, for fear they'd disgust the - ladies, or scare the little gals, or dirty the floor. I looked in at the - window, and there was this same fellow Shields floatin' about on the air, - without heft or earthly substance, just like a lock of cat-fur where cats - had been fightin'. - </p> - <p> - "He was paying his money to this one, and that one, and t'other one, and - sufferin' great loss because it wasn't silver instead of State paper; and - the sweet distress he seemed to be in,—his very features, in the - ecstatic agony of his soul, spoke audibly and distinctly, 'Dear girls, it - is distressing, but I cannot marry you all. Too well I know how much you - suffer; but do, do remember, it is not my fault that I am so handsome and - so interesting.' - </p> - <p> - "As this last was expressed by a most exquisite contortion of his face, he - seized hold of one of their hands, and squeezed, and held on to it about a - quarter of an hour. 'O my good fellow!' says I to myself, 'if that was one - of our Democratic gals in the Lost Townships, the way you'd get a brass - pin let into you, would be about up to the head.' He a Democrat! - Fiddlesticks! I tell you, Aunt'Becca, he's a Whig, and no mistake: nobody - but a Whig could make such a conceity dunce of himself." - </p> - <p> - "Well," says I, "maybe he is; but, if he is, I'm mistaken the worst sort. - Maybe so, maybe so; but, if I am, I'll suffer by it; I'll be a Democrat if - it turns out that Shields is a Whig; considerin' you shall be a Whig if he - turns out a Democrat." - </p> - <p> - "A bargain, by jingoes!" says he; "but how will we find out?" - </p> - <p> - "Why," says I, "we'll just write, and ax the printer." - </p> - <p> - "Agreed again!" says he; "and, by thunder! if it does turn out that - Shields is a Democrat, I never will"— - </p> - <p> - "Jefferson,—Jefferson"— - </p> - <p> - "What do you want, Peggy?" - </p> - <p> - "Do get through your everlasting clatter sometime, and bring me a gourd of - water: the child's been crying for a drink this live-long hour." - </p> - <p> - "Let it die, then: it may as well die for water as to be taxed to death to - fatten officers of State." - </p> - <p> - Jeff run off to get the water, though, just like he hadn't been sayin' any - thing spiteful; for he's a raal good-hearted fellow, after all, once you - get at the foundation of him. - </p> - <p> - I walked into the house, and "Why, Peggy," says I, "I declare, we like to - forgot you altogether." - </p> - <p> - "Oh, yes!" says she, "when a body can't help themselves, everybody soon - forgets'em; but, thank God! by day after to-morrow I shall be well enough - to milk the cows, and pen the calves, and wring the contrary ones' tails - for'em, and no thanks to nobody." - </p> - <p> - "Good-evening, Peggy," says I; and so I sloped, for I seed she was mad at - me for making Jeff neglect her so long. - </p> - <p> - And now, Mr. Printer, will you be sure to let us know in your next paper - whether this Shields is a Whig or a Democrat? I don't care about it for - myself, for I know well enough how it is already; but I want to convince - Jeff. It may do some good to let him, and others like him, know who and - what those officers of State are. It may help to send the present - hypocritical set to where they belong, and to fill the places they now - disgrace with men who will do more work for less pay, and take a fewer - airs while they are doing it. It ain't sensible to think that the same men - who get us into trouble will change their course; and yet it's pretty - plain, if some change for the better is not made, it's not long that - either Peggy or I, or any of us, will have a cow left to milk, or a calf's - tail to wring. - </p> - <p> - Yours, truly, - </p> - <p> - Rebecca———. - </p> - <p> - Lost Townships, Sept. 8,1842. Dear Mr. Printer,—I was a-standin' at - the spring yesterday a-washin' out butter, when I seed Jim Snooks a-ridin' - up towards the house for very life like, when, jist as I was a wonderin' - what on airth was the matter with him, he stops suddenly, and ses he, - "Aunt'Becca, here's somethin' for you;" and with that he hands out your - letter. Well, you see I steps out towards him, not thinkin' that I had - both hands full of butter; and seein' I couldn't take the letter, you - know, without greasin' it, I ses, "Jim, jist you open it, and read it for - me." Well, Jim opens it, and reads it; and would you believe it, Mr. - Editor? I was so completely dumfounded, and turned into stone, that there - I stood in the sun, a-workin' the butter, and it a-runnin' on the ground, - while he read the letter, that I never thunk what I was about till the - hull on't run melted on the ground, and was lost. Now, sir, it's not for - the butter, nor the price of the butter, but, the Lord have massy on us, I - wouldn't have sich another fright for a whole firkin of it. Why, when I - found out that it was the man what Jeff seed down to the fair that had - demanded the author of my letters, threatnin' to take personal - satisfaction of the writer, I was so skart that I tho't I should - quill-wheel right where I was. - </p> - <p> - You say that Mr. S. is offended at being compared to cat's fur, and is as - mad as a March hare (that ain't far), because I told about the squeezin'. - Now, I want you to tell Mr. S, that, rather than fight, I'll make any - apology; and, if he wants personal satisfaction, let him only come here, - and he may squeeze my hand as hard as I squeeze the butter, and, if that - ain't personal satisfaction, I can only say that he is the fust man that - was not satisfied with squeezin' my hand. If this should not answer, there - is one thing more that I would do rather than get a lickin'. I have all - along expected to die a widow; but, as Mr. S. is rather good-looking than - otherwise, I must say I don't care if we compromise the matter by—really, - Mr. Printer, I can't help blushin'—but I—it must come out—I—but - widowed modesty—well, if I must, I must—wouldn't he—maybe - sorter, let the old grudge drap if I was to consent to be—be—h-i-s - w-i-f-e? I know he's a fightin' man, and would rather fight than eat; but - isn't marryin' better than fightin', though it does sometimes run into it? - And I don't think, upon the whole, that I'd be sich a bad match neither: - I'm not over sixty, and am just four feet three in my bare feet, and not - much more round the girth; and for color, I wouldn't turn my back to nary - gal in the Lost Townships. But, after all, maybe I'm countin' my chickins - before they' re hatched, and dreamin' of matrimonial bliss when the only - alternative reserved for me may be a lickin'. Jeff tells me the way these - fire-eaters do is to give the challenged party choice of weapons, &c., - which bein' the case, I'll tell you in confidence that I never fights with - any thing but broomsticks, or hot water, or a shovelful of coals, or some - such thing; the former of which being somewhat like a shillalah, may not - be very objectionable to him. I will give him choice, however, in one - thing, and that is, whether, when we fight, I shall wear breeches or he - petticoats; for I presume that change is sufficient to place us on an - equality. - </p> - <p> - Yours, &c. - </p> - <p> - Rebecca———. - </p> - <p> - P. S.—Jist say to your friend, if he concludes to marry rather than - fight, I shall only inforce one condition: that is, if he should ever - happen to gallant any young gals home of nights from our house, he must - not squeeze their hands. - </p> - <p> - It is by no means a subject of wonder that these publications threw Mr. - James Shields into a state of wrath. A thin-skinned, sensitive, - high-minded, and high-tempered man, tender of his honor, and an Irishman - besides, it would have been strange indeed, if he had not felt like - snuffing blood. But his rage only afforded new delights to his tormentors; - and when it reached its height, "Aunt'Becca" transformed herself to - "Cathleen," and broke out in rhymes like the following, which Miss Jayne's - brother "Bill" kindly consented to "drop" for the amiable ladies. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - [For The Journal.] Ye Jew's-harps awake! The A———s - won: Rebecca the widow has gained Erin's son; The pride of the North - from Emerald Isle Has been wooed and won by a woman's smile. The - combat's relinquished, old loves all forgot: To the widow he's bound. - Oh, bright be his lot! In the smiles of the conquest so lately achieved, - Joyful be his bride, "widowed modesty" relieved. The footsteps of time - tread lightly on flowers, May the cares of this world ne'er darken his - hours! But the pleasures of life are fickle and coy As the smiles of a - maiden sent off to destroy. Happy groom! in sadness, far distant from - thee, The Fair girls dream only of past times of glee Enjoyed in thy - presence; whilst the soft blarnied store Will be fondly remembered as - relics of yore, And hands that in rapture you oft would have prest In - prayer will be clasped that your lot may be blest. Cathleen. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - It was too bad. Mr. Shields could stand it no longer. He sent Gen. - Whiteside to Mr. Francis, to demand the name of the person who wrote the - letters from the "Lost Townships;" and Mr. Francis told him it was <i>A. - Lincoln</i>. This information led to a challenge, a sudden scampering off - of parties and friends to Missouri, a meeting, an explanation, and a - peaceful return. - </p> - <p> - Abraham Lincoln in the field of honor, sword in hand, manoeuvred by a - second learned in the <i>duello</i>, would be an attractive spectacle - under any circumstances. But with a celebrated man for an antagonist, and - a lady's humor the occasion, the scene is one of transcendent interest; - and the documents which describe it are well entitled to a place in his - history. The letter of Mr. Shields's second, being first in date, is first - in order. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Oct. 3, 1842. To the Editor op "The Sangamon Journal." - </p> - <p> - Sir,—To prevent misrepresentation of the recent affair between - Messrs. Shields and Lincoln, I think it proper to give a brief narrative - of the facts of the case, as they came within my knowledge; for the truth - of which I hold myself responsible, and request you to give the same - publication. An offensive article in relation to Mr. Shields appeared in - "The Sangamon Journal" of the 2d September last; and, on demanding the - author, Mr. Lincoln was given up by the editor. Mr. Shields, previous to - this demand, made arrangements to go to Quincy on public business; and - before his return Mr. Lincoln had left for Tremont, to attend the court, - with the intention, as we learned, of remaining on the circuit several - weeks. Mr. Shields, on his return, requested me to accompany him to - Tremont; and, on arriving there, we found that Dr. Merryman and Mr. Butler - had passed us in the night, and got there before us. We arrived in Tremont - on the 17th ult.; and Mr. Shields addressed a note to Mr. Lincoln - immediately, informing him that he was given up as the author of some - articles that appeared in "The Sangamon Journal" (one more over the - signature having made its appearance at this time), and requesting him to - <i>retract</i> the offensive allusions contained in said articles in - relation to his private character. Mr. Shields handed this note to me to - deliver to Mr. Lincoln, and directed me, at the same time, not to enter - into any verbal communication, or be the bearer of any verbal explanation, - as such were always liable to misapprehension. This note was delivered by - me to Mr. Lincoln, stating, at the same time, that I would call at his - convenience for an answer. Mr. Lincoln, in the evening of the same day, - handed me a letter addressed to Mr. Shields. In this he gave or offered no - explanation, but stated therein that he could not submit to answer - further, on the ground that Shields's note contained an assumption of - facts and also a menace. Mr. Shields then addressed him another note, in - which he disavowed all intention to menace, and requested to know whether - he (Mr. Lincoln) was the author of either of the articles which appeared - in "The Journal," headed "Lost Townships," and signed "Rebecca;" and, if - so, he repeated his request of a retraction of the offensive matter in - relation to his private character; if not, his denial would be held - sufficient. This letter was returned to Mr. Shields unanswered, with a - verbal statement "that there could be no further negotiation between them - until the first note was withdrawn." Mr. Shields thereupon sent a note - designating me as his friend, to which Mr. Lincoln replied by designating - Dr. Merryman. These three last notes passed on Monday morning, the 19th. - Dr. Merryman handed me Mr. Lincoln's last note when by ourselves. I - remarked to Dr. Merryman that the matter was now submitted to us, and that - I would propose that he and myself should pledge our words of honor to - each other to try to agree upon terms of amicable arrangement, and compel - our principals to accept of them. To this he readily assented, and we - shook hands upon the pledge. It was then mutually agreed that we should - adjourn to Springfield, and there procrastinate the matter, for the - purpose of effecting the secret arrangement between him and myself. All - this I kept concealed from Mr. Shields. Our horse had got a little lame in - going to Tremont, and Dr. Merryman invited me to take a seat in his buggy. - I accepted the invitation the more readily, as I thought, that leaving Mr. - Shields in Tremont until his horse would be in better condition to travel - would facilitate the private agreement between Dr. Merryman and myself. I - travelled to Springfield part of the way with him, and part with Mr. - Lincoln; but nothing passed between us on the journey in relation to the - matter in hand. We arrived in Springfield on Monday night. About noon on - Tuesday, to my astonishment, a proposition was made to meet in Missouri, - within three miles of Alton, on the next Thursday! The weapons, cavalry - broadswords of the largest size; the parties to stand on each side of a - barrier, and to be confined to a limited space. As I had not been - consulted at all on the subject, and considering the private understanding - between Dr. Merryman and myself, and it being known that Mr. Shields was - left at Tremont, such a proposition took me by surprise. However, being - determined not to violate the laws of the State, I declined agreeing upon - the terms until we should meet in Missouri. Immediately after, I called - upon Dr. Merryman, and withdrew the pledge of honor between him and myself - in relation to a secret arrangement. I started after this to meet Mr. - Shields, and met him about twenty miles from Springfield. It was late on - Tuesday night when we both reached the city, and learned that Dr. Merryman - had left for Missouri, Mr. Lincoln having left before the proposition was - made, as Dr. Merryman had himself informed me. The time and place made it - necessary to start at once. We left Springfield at eleven o'clock on - Tuesday night, travelled all night, and arrived in Hillsborough on - Wednesday morning, where we took in Gen. Ewing. From there we went to - Alton, where we arrived on Thursday; and, as the proposition required - three friends on each side, I was joined by Gen. Ewing and Dr. Hope, as - the friends of Mr. Shields. - </p> - <p> - We then crossed to Missouri, where a proposition was made by Gen. Hardin - and Dr. English (who had arrived there in the mean time as mutual friends) - to refer the matter to, I think, four friends for a settlement. This I - believed Mr. Shields would refuse, and declined seeing him; but Dr. Hope, - who conferred with him upon the subject, returned, and stated that Mr. - Shields declined settling the matter through any other than the friends he - had selected to stand by him on that occasion. The friends of both the - parties finally agreed to withdraw the papers (temporarily) to give the - friends of Mr. Lincoln an opportunity to explain. Whereupon the friends of - Mr. Lincoln, to wit, Messrs. Merryman, Bledsoe, and Butler, made a full - and satisfactory explanation in relation to the article which appeared in - "The Sangamon Journal" of the 2d, the only one written by him. This was - all done without the knowledge or consent of Mr. Shields; and he refused - to accede to it until Dr. Hope, Gen. Ewing, and myself declared the - apology sufficient, and that we could not sustain him in going further. I - think it necessary to state further, that no explanation or apology had - been previously offered on the part of Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Shields, and - that none was ever communicated by me to him, nor was any ever offered to - me, unless a paper read to me by Dr. Merryman after he had handed me the - broadsword proposition on Tuesday. I heard so little of the reading of the - paper, that I do not know fully what it purported to be; and I was the - less inclined to inquire, as Mr. Lincoln was then gone to Missouri, and - Mr. Shields not yet arrived from Tremont. In fact, I could not entertain - any offer of the kind, unless upon my own responsibility; and that I was - not disposed to do after what had already transpired. - </p> - <p> - I make this statement, as I am about to be absent for some time, and I - think it due to all concerned to give a true version of the matter before - I leave. - </p> - <p> - Your obedient servant, - </p> - <p> - John D. Whiteside. - </p> - <p> - To which Mr. Merryman replied:— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Oct. 8, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Editors of "The Journal." - </p> - <p> - Gents,—By your paper of Friday, I discover that Gen. Whiteside has - published his version of the late affair between Messrs. Shields and - Lincoln. I now bespeak a hearing of my version of the same affair, which - shall be true and full as to all material facts. - </p> - <p> - On Friday evening, the 16th of September, I learned that Mr. Shields and - Gen. Whiteside had started in pursuit of Mr. Lincoln, who was at Tremont, - attending court. I knew that Mr. Lincoln was wholly unpractised both as to - the diplomacy and weapons commonly employed in similar affairs; and I felt - it my duty, as a friend, to be with him, and, so far as in my power, to - prevent any advantage being taken of him as to either his honor or his - life. Accordingly, Mr. Butler and myself started, passed Shields and - Whiteside in the night, and arrived at Tremont ahead of them on Saturday - morning. I told Mr. Lincoln what was brewing, and asked him what course he - proposed to himself. He stated that he was wholly opposed to duelling, and - would do any thing to avoid it that might not degrade him in the - estimation of himself and friends; but, if such degradation or a fight - were the only alternative, he would fight. - </p> - <p> - In the afternoon Shields and Whiteside arrived, and very soon the former - sent to Mr. Lincoln by the latter the following note or letter:— - </p> - <p> - Tremont, Sept. 17,1842. - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln, Esq.—I regret that my absence on public business - compelled me to postpone a matter of private consideration a little longer - than I could have desired. It will only be necessary, however, to account - for it by informing you that I have been to Quincy on business that would - not admit of delay. I will now state briefly the reasons of my troubling - you with this communication, the disagreeable nature of which I regret, as - I had hoped to avoid any difficulty with any one in Springfield while - residing there, by endeavoring to conduct myself in such a way amongst - both my political friends and opponents, as to escape the necessity of - any. Whilst thus abstaining from giving provocation, I have become the - object of slander, vituperation, and personal abuse, which, were I capable - of submitting to, I would prove myself worthy of the whole of it. - </p> - <p> - In two or three of the last number's of "The Sangamon Journal," articles - of the most personal nature, and calculated to degrade me, have made their - appearance. On inquiring, I was informed by the editor of that paper, - through the medium of my friend, Gen. Whiteside, that you are the author - of those articles. This information satisfies me that I have become, by - some means or other, the object of your secret hostility. I will not take - the trouble of inquiring into the reason of all this; but I will take the - liberty of requiring a full, positive, and absolute retraction of all - offensive allusions used by you in these communications, in relation to my - private character and standing as a man, as an apology for the insults - conveyed in them. - </p> - <p> - This may prevent consequences which no one will regret more than myself. - </p> - <p> - Your ob't serv't, - </p> - <p> - [Copy.] Jas. Shields. - </p> - <p> - About sunset Gen. Whiteside called again, and received from Mr. Lincoln - the following answer to Mr. Shields's note:— - </p> - <p> - Tremont, Sept. 17, 1812 - </p> - <p> - Jas. Shields, Esq.—Your note of to-day was handed me by Gen. - Whiteside. In that note, you say you have been informed, through the - medium of the editor of "The Journal," that I am the author of certain - articles in that paper which you deem personally abusive of you; and, - without stopping to inquire whether I really am the author, or to point - out what is offensive in them, you demand an unqualified retraction of all - that is offensive, and then proceed to hint at consequences. - </p> - <p> - Now, sir, there is in this so much assumption of facts, and so much of - menace as to consequences, that I cannot submit to answer that note any - further than I have, and to add, that the consequence to which I suppose - you allude would be matter of as great regret to me as it possibly could - to you. Respectfully, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - In about an hour Gen. Whiteside called again with another note from Mr. - Shields; but after conferring with Mr. Butler for a long time, say two or - three hours, returned without presenting the note to Mr. Lincoln. This was - in consequence of an assurance from Mr. Butler that Mr. Lincoln could not - receive any communication from Mr. Shields, unless it were a withdrawal of - his first note, or a challenge. Mr. Butler further stated to Gen. - Whiteside, that, on the withdrawal of the first note, and a proper and - gentlemanly request for an explanation, he had no doubt one would be - given. Gen. Whiteside admitted that that was the course Mr. Shields ought - to pursue, but deplored that his furious and intractable temper prevented - his having any influence with him to that end. Gen. W. then requested us - to wait with him until Monday morning, that he might endeavor to bring Mr. - Shields to reason. - </p> - <p> - On Monday morning he called and presented Mr. Lincoln the same note as, - Mr. Butler says, he had brought on Saturday evening. It was as follows:— - </p> - <p> - Tremont, Sept. 17, 1842. - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln, Esq.—In your reply to my note of this date, you intimate - that I assume facts and menace consequences, and that you cannot submit to - answer it further. As now, sir, you desire it, I will be a little more - particular. The editor of "The Sangamon Journal" gave me to understand - that you are the author of an article which appeared, I think, in that - paper of the 2d September inst., headed "The Lost Townships," and signed - Rebecca or 'Becca. I would therefore take the liberty of asking whether - you are the author of said article, or any other over the same signature - which has appeared in any of the late numbers of that paper. If so, I - repeat my request of an absolute retraction of all offensive allusion - contained therein in relation to my private character and standing. If you - are not the author of any of the articles, your denial will be sufficient. - I will say further, it is not my intention to menace, but to do myself - justice. - </p> - <p> - Your ob't serv't, - </p> - <p> - [Copy.] Jas. Shields. - </p> - <p> - This Mr. Lincoln perused, and returned to Gen. Whiteside, telling him - verbally, that he did not think it consistent with his honor to negotiate - for peace with Mr. Shields, unless Mr. Shields would withdraw his former - offensive letter. - </p> - <p> - In a very short time Gen. Whiteside called with a note from Mr. Shields, - designating Gen. Whiteside as his friend, to which Mr. Lincoln instantly - replied, designating me as his. On meeting Gen. Whiteside, he proposed - that we should pledge our honor to each other that we would endeavor to - settle the matter amicably; to which I agreed, and stated to him the only - conditions on which it could be so settled; viz., the withdrawal of Mr. - Shields's first note; which he appeared to think reasonable, and regretted - that the note had been written,—saying, however, that he had - endeavored to prevail on Mr. Shields to write a milder one, but had not - succeeded. He added, too, that I must promise not to mention it, as he - would not dare to let Mr. Shields know that he was negotiating peace; for, - said he, "He would challenge me next, and as soon cut my throat as not." - Not willing that he should suppose my principal less dangerous than his - own, I promised not to mention our pacific intentions to Mr. Lincoln or - any other person; and we started for Springfield forthwith. - </p> - <p> - We all, except Mr. Shields, arrived in Springfield late at night on - Monday. We discovered that the affair had, somehow, got great publicity in - Springfield, and that an arrest was probable. To prevent this, it was - agreed by Mr. Lincoln and myself that he should leave early on Tuesday - morning. Accordingly, he prepared the following instructions for my guide, - on a suggestion from Mr. Butler that he had reason to believe that an - attempt would be made by the opposite party to have the matter - accommodated:— - </p> - <p> - In case Whiteside shall signify a wish to adjust this affair without - further difficulty, let him know, that, if the present papers be - withdrawn, and a note from Mr. Shields asking to know if I am the author - of the articles of which he complains, and asking that I shall make him - gentlemanly satisfaction if I am the author, and this without menace or - dictation as to what that satisfaction shall be, a pledge is made that the - following answer shall be given:— - </p> - <p> - "I did write the 'Lost Township' letter which appeared in the 'Journal' of - the 2d inst., but had no participation in any form in any other article - alluding to you. I wrote that wholly for political effect. I had no - intention of injuring your personal or private character, or standing as a - man or a gentleman; and I did not then think, and do not now think, that - that article could produce, or has produced, that effect against you; and, - had I anticipated such an effect, would have forborne to write it. And I - will add, that your conduct towards me, so far as I knew, had always been - gentlemanly, and that I had no personal pique against you, and no cause - for any." - </p> - <p> - If this should be done, I leave it with you to manage what shall and what - shall not be published. - </p> - <p> - If nothing like this is done, the preliminaries of the fight are to be:— - </p> - <p> - 1st, Weapons.—Cavalry broadswords of the largest size, precisely - equal in all respects, and such as now used by the cavalry company at - Jacksonville. - </p> - <p> - 2d, Position.—A plank ten feet long, and from nine to twelve inches - broad, to be firmly fixed on edge on the ground as the line between us, - which neither is to pass his foot over upon forfeit of his life. Next, a - line drawn on the ground on either side of said plank and parallel with - it, each at the distance of the whole length of the sword and three feet - additional from the plank; and the passing of his own such line by either - party during the fight shall be deemed a surrender of the contest. - </p> - <p> - 3d, Time.—On Thursday evening at 5 o'clock, if you can get it so; - but in no case to be at a greater distance of time than Friday evening at - 5 o'clock. - </p> - <p> - 4th, Place.—Within three miles of Alton, on the opposite side of the - river, the particular spot to be agreed on by you. - </p> - <p> - Any preliminary details coming within the above rules, you are at liberty - to make at your discretion; but you are in no case to swerve from these - rules, or to pass beyond their limits. - </p> - <p> - In the course of the forenoon I met Gen. Whiteside, and he again intimated - a wish to adjust the matter amicably. I then read to him Mr. Lincoln's - instructions to an adjustment, and the terms of the hostile meeting, if - there must be one, both at the same time. - </p> - <p> - He replied that it was useless to talk of an adjustment, if it could only - be effected by the <i>withdrawal</i> of Mr. Shields's paper, for such - withdrawal Mr. Shields would never consent to; adding, that he would as - soon think of asking Mr. Shields to "butt his brains out against a brick - wall as to withdraw that paper." He proceeded: "I see but one course,—that - is a desperate remedy:'tis to tell them, if they will not make the matter - up, they must fight us." I replied, that, if he chose to fight Mr. Shields - to compel him to do right, he might do so; but as for Mr. Lincoln, he was - on the defensive, and, I believed, in the right, and I should do nothing - to compel him to do wrong. Such withdrawal having been made indispensable - by Mr. Lincoln, I cut this matter short as to an adjustment, an I proposed - to Gan. Whiteside to accept the terms of the fight, which he refused to do - until Mr. Shields's arrival in town, but agreed, verbally, that Mr. - Lincoln's friends should procure the broadswords, and take them to the - ground. In the afternoon he came to me, saying that some persons were - swearing out affidavits to have us arrested, and that he intended to meet - Mr. Shields immediately, and proceed to the place designated; lamenting, - however, that I would not delay the time, that he might procure the - interference of Gov. Ford and Gen. Ewing to mollify Mr. Shields. I told - him that an accommodation, except upon the terms I mentioned, was out of - the question; that to delay the meeting was to facilitate our arrest; and, - as I was determined not to be arrested, I should leave town in fifteen - minutes. I then pressed his acceptance of the preliminaries, which he - disclaimed upon the ground that it would interfere with his oath of office - as Fund Commissioner. I then, with two other friends, went to - Jacksonville, where we joined Mr. Lincoln about 11 o'clock on Tuesday - night. Wednesday morning we procured the broadswords, and proceeded to - Alton, where we arrived about 11, A.M., on Thursday. The other party were - in town before us. We crossed the river, and they soon followed. Shortly - after, Gen. Hardin and Dr. English presented to Gen. Whiteside and myself - the following note:— - </p> - <p> - Alton, Sept. 22, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Messrs. Whiteside and Merryman.—As the mutual personal friends of - Messrs. Shields and Lincoln, but without authority from either, we - earnestly desire to see a reconciliation of the misunderstanding which - exists between them. Such difficulties should always be arranged amicably, - if it is possible to do so with honor to both parties. - </p> - <p> - Believing ourselves, that such an arrangement can possibly be effected, we - respectfully, but earnestly, submit the following proposition for your - consideration:— - </p> - <p> - Let the whole difficulty be submitted to four or more gentlemen, to be - selected by yourselves, who shall consider the affair, and report - thereupon for your consideration. - </p> - <p> - John J. Hardin. - </p> - <p> - E. W. English. - </p> - <p> - To this proposition Gen. Whiteside agreed: I declined doing so without - consulting Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln remarked, that, as they had accepted - the proposition, he would do so, but directed that his friends should make - no terms except those first proposed. Whether the adjustment was finally - made upon these very terms, and no other, let the following documents - attest:— - </p> - <p> - Missouri, Sept. 22, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Gentlemen,—All papers in relation to the matter in controversy - between Mr. Shields and Mr. Lincoln having been withdrawn by the friends - of the parties concerned, the friends of Mr. Shields ask the friends of - Mr. Lincoln to explain all offensive matter in the articles which appeared - in "The Sangamon Journal" of the 2d, 9th, and 16th of September, under the - signature of "Rebecca," and headed "Lost Townships." - </p> - <p> - It is due to Gen. Hardin and Mr. English to state that their interference - was of the most courteous and gentlemanly character. - </p> - <p> - John D. Whiteside. - </p> - <p> - Wm. Lee D. Ewino. - </p> - <p> - T. M. Hope. - </p> - <p> - Missouri, Sept. 22, 1842. - </p> - <p> - Gentlemen,—All papers in relation to the matter in controversy - between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Shields having been withdrawn by the friends - of the parties concerned, we, the undersigned, friends of Mr. Lincoln, in - accordance with your request that explanation of Mr. Lincoln's publication - in relation to Mr. Shields in "The Sangamon Journal" of the 2d, 9th, and - 16th of September be made, take pleasure in saying, that, although Mr. - Lincoln was the writer of the article signed "Rebecca" in the "Journal" of - the 2d, and that only, yet he had no intention of injuring the personal or - private character or standing of Mr. Shields as a gentleman or a man, and - that Mr. Lincoln did not think, nor does he now think, that said article - could produce such an effect; and, had Mr. Lincoln anticipated such an - effect, he would have forborne to write it. We will further state, that - said article was written solely for political effect, and not to gratify - any personal pique against Mr. Shields, for he had none, and knew of no - cause for any It is due to Gen. Hanlin and Mr. English to say that their - interference was of the most courteous and gentlemanly character. - </p> - <p> - E. H. Merryman. - </p> - <p> - A. T. Bledsoe. - </p> - <p> - Wm. Butler. - </p> - <p> - Let it be observed now, that Mr. Shields's friends, after agreeing to the - arbitrament of four disinterested gentlemen, declined the contract, saying - that Mr. Shields wished his own friends to act for him. They then proposed - that we should explain without any withdrawal of papers. This was promptly - and firmly refused, and Gen. Whiteside himself pronounced the papers - withdrawn. They then produced a note requesting us to "<i>disavow</i>" all - offensive intentions in the publications, &c., &c. This we - declined answering, and only responded to the above request for an - explanation. - </p> - <p> - These are the material facts in relation to the matter, and I think - present the case in a very different light from the garbled and curtailed - statement of Gen. Whiteside. Why he made that statement I know not, unless - he wished to detract from the honor of Mr. Lincoln. This was ungenerous, - more particularly as he on the ground requested us not to make in our - explanation any quotations from the "Rebecca papers;" also not to make <i>public - the terms of reconciliation</i>, and to unite with them in defending the - honorable character of the adjustment. - </p> - <p> - Gen. W., in his publication, says, "The friends of both parties agreed to - withdraw the papers (temporarily) to give the friends of Mr. Lincoln an - opportunity to explain." This I deny. I say the papers were withdrawn to - enable Mr. Shields's friends to <i>ask</i> an explanation; and I appeal to - the documents for proof of my position. - </p> - <p> - By looking over these documents, it will be seen that Mr. Shields had not - before asked for an <i>explanation</i>, but had all the time been - dictatorily insisting on a <i>retraction</i>. - </p> - <p> - Gen. Whiteside, in his communication, brings to light much of Mr. - Shields's manifestations of bravery behind the scenes. I can do nothing of - the kind for Mr. Lincoln. He took his stand when I first met him at - Tremont, and maintained it <i>calmly</i> to the last, without difficulty - or difference between himself and his friends. - </p> - <p> - I cannot close this article, lengthy as it is, without testifying to the - honorable and gentlemanly conduct of Gen. Ewing and Dr. Hope, nor indeed - can I say that I saw any thing objectionable in the course of Gen. - Whiteside up to the time of his communication. This is so replete with - prevarication and misrepresentation, that I cannot accord to the General - that candor which I once supposed him to possess. He complains that I did - not procrastinate time according to agreement. He forgets that by his own - act he cut me off from that chance in inducing me, by promise, not to - communicate our secret contract to Mr. Lincoln. Moreover, I could see no - consistency in wishing for an extension of time at that stage of the - affair, when in the outset they were in so precipitate a hurry, that they - could not wait three days for Mr. Lincoln to return from Tremont, but must - hasten there, apparently with the intention of bringing the matter to a - speedy issue. He complains, too, that, after inviting him to take a seat - in my buggy, I never broached the subject to him on our route here. But - was I, the defendant in the case, with a challenge hanging over me, to - make advances, and beg a reconciliation? Absurd! Moreover, the valorous - general forgets that he beguiled the tedium of the journey by recounting - to me his exploits in many a well-fought battle,—dangers by "flood - and field" in which I don't believe he ever participated,—doubtless - with a view to produce a salutary effect on my nerves, and impress me with - a proper notion of his fire-eating propensities. - </p> - <p> - One more main point of his argument, and I have done. The General seems to - be troubled with a convenient shortness of memory on some occasions. He - does not remember that any explanations were offered at any time, unless - it were a paper read when the "broadsword proposition" was tendered, when - his mind was so confused by the anticipated clatter of broadswords, or <i>something - else</i>, that he did "not know fully what it purported to be." The truth - is, that by unwisely refraining from mentioning it to his principal, he - placed himself in a dilemma which he is now endeavoring to shuffle out of. - By his inefficiency, and want of knowledge of those laws which govern - gentlemen in matters of this kind, he has done great injustice to his - principal, a gentleman who I believe is ready at all times to vindicate - his honor manfully, but who has been unfortunate in the selection of his - friend; and this fault he is now trying to wipe out by doing an act of - still greater injustice to Mr. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - E. H. Merryman. - </p> - <p> - And so Mr. Lincoln acknowledged himself to have been the author of one of - the "Lost Township Letters." Whether he was or not, was known only perhaps - to Miss Todd and himself. At the time of their date, he was having secret - meetings with her at Mr. Francis's house, and endeavoring to nerve himself - to the duty of marrying her, with what success the letters to Speed are - abundant evidence. It is probable that Mary composed them fresh from these - stolen conferences; that some of Mr. Lincoln's original conceptions and - peculiarities of style unwittingly crept into them, and that here and - there he altered and amended the manuscript before it went to the printer. - Such a connection with a lady's productions made it obligatory upon him to - defend them. But why avow one, and disavow the rest? It is more than - likely that he was determined to take just enough responsibility to fight - upon, provided Shields should prove incorrigible, and not enough to - prevent a peaceful issue, if the injured gentleman should be inclined to - accept an apology. - </p> - <p> - After his marriage, Mr. Lincoln took up his residence at the "Globe - Tavern," where he had a room and boarding for man and wife for the - moderate sum of four dollars per week. But, notwithstanding cheap living, - he was still as poor as ever, and gave "poverty" as one of his reasons for - not paying a friendly visit which seemed to be expected of him. - </p> - <p> - At the bar and in political affairs he continued to work with as much - energy as before, although his political prospects seem just now to have - suffered an unexpected eclipse. In 1843, Lincoln, Hardin, and Baker were - candidates for the Whig congressional nomination; but between Hardin and - Baker there was "bitter hostility," and between Baker and Lincoln - "suspicion and dislike." The contest was long and fierce; but, before it - was over, Lincoln reluctantly withdrew in favor of Baker. He had had a - hard time of it, and had been compelled to meet accusations of a very - strange character. Among other things, he was charged with being an - aristocrat; with having deserted his old friends, the people, by marrying - a proud woman on account of her blood and family. This hurt him keenly, - and he took great pains to disprove it; but this was not all. He was - called an infidel by some, a Presbyterian here, an Episcopalian there; so - that by turns he incurred the hostility of all the most powerful religious - societies in the district. - </p> - <p> - On the 24th of March, he wrote to Mr. Speed as follows:— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, March 24, 1843. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—... We had a meeting of the Whigs of the county here on - last Monday to appoint delegates to a district convention; and Baker beat - me, and got the delegation instructed to go for him. The meeting, in spite - of my attempt to decline it, appointed me one of the delegates; so that, - in getting Baker the nomination, I shall be fixed a good deal like a - fellow who is made a groomsman to a man that has cut him out, and is - marrying his own dear "gal." About the prospects of your having a namesake - at our town, can't say exactly yet. - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - He was now a Baker delegate, pledged to get him the nomination if he - could; and yet he was far from giving up the contest in his own behalf. - Only two days after the letter to Speed, he wrote to Mr. Morris:— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Ill., March 26, 1843. - </p> - <p> - Friend Morris,—Your letter of the 23d was received on yesterday - morning, and for which (instead of an excuse, which you thought proper to - ask) I tender you my sincere thanks. It is truly gratifying to me to - learn, that, while the people of Sangamon have cast me off, my old friends - of Menard, who have known me longest and best, stick to me. It would - astonish, if not amuse, the older citizens (a stranger, friendless, - uneducated, penniless boy, working on a flat-boat at ten dollars per - month) to learn that I have been put down here as the candidate of pride, - wealth, and aristocratic family distinction. Yet so, chiefly, it was. - There was, too, the strangest combination of church-influence against me. - Baker is a Campbellite; and therefore, as I suppose, with few exceptions, - got all that church. - </p> - <p> - My wife has some relations in the Presbyterian churches, and some with the - Episcopal churches; and therefore, wherever it would tell, I was set down - as either the one or the other, while it was everywhere contended that no - Christian ought to go for me, because I belonged to no church, was - suspected of being a deist, and had talked about fighting a duel. With all - these things, Baker, of course, had nothing to do. Nor do I complain of - them. As to his own church going for him, I think that was right enough: - and as to the influences I have spoken of in the other, though they were - very strong, it would be grossly untrue and unjust to charge that they - acted upon them in a body, or were very near so. I only mean that those - influences levied a tax of a considerable per cent upon my strength - throughout the religious controversy. But enough of this. - </p> - <p> - You say, that, in choosing a candidate for Congress, you have an equal - right with Sangamon; and in this you are undoubtedly earnest. In agreeing - to withdraw if the Whigs of Sangamon should go against me, I did not mean - that they alone were worth consulting, but that if she, with her heavy - delegation, should be against me, it would be impossible for me to - succeed; and therefore I had as well decline. And in relation to Menard - having rights, permit me fully to recognize them, and to express the - opinion, that, if she and Mason act circumspectly, they will in the - convention be able so far to enforce their rights as to decide absolutely - which <i>one</i> of the candidates shall be successful. Let me show the - reason of this. Hardin, or some other Morgan candidate, will get Putnam, - Marshall, Woodford, Tazewell, and Logan,—make sixteen. Then you and - Mason, having three, can give the victory to either side. - </p> - <p> - You say you shall instruct your delegates for me, unless I object. I - certainly shall not object. That would be too pleasant a compliment for me - to tread in the dust. And besides, if any thing should happen (which, - however, is not probable) by which Baker should be thrown out of the - fight, I would be at liberty to accept the nomination if I could get it. I - do, however, feel myself bound not to hinder him in any way from getting - the nomination. I should despise myself were I to attempt it. I think, - then, it would be proper for your meeting to appoint three delegates, and - to instruct them to go for some one as a first choice, some one else as a - second, and perhaps some one as a third; and, if in those instructions I - were named as the first choice, it would gratify me very much. - </p> - <p> - If you wish to hold the balance of power, it is important for you to - attend to and secure the vote of Mason also. You should be sure to have - men appointed delegates that you know you can safely confide in. If - yourself and James Short were appointed for your county, all would be - safe; but whether Jim's woman affair a year ago might not be in the way of - his appointment is a question. I don't know whether you know it, but I - know him to be as honorable a man as there is in the world. You have my - permission, and even request, to show this letter to Short; but to no one - else, unless it be a very particular friend, who you know will not speak - of it. - </p> - <p> - Yours as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - P. S.—Will you write me again? - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0008" id="image-0008"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/306.jpg" alt="Joshua F. Speed 306 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - To Martin M. Morris, Petersburg, 111. - </p> - <p> - And finally to Speed on the same subject:— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, May 18, 1843. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—Yours of the 9th inst. is duly received, which I do not - meet as a "bore," but as a most welcome visitor. I will answer the - business part of it first. - </p> - <p> - In relation to our Congress matter here, you were right in supposing I - would support the nominee. Neither Baker nor I, however, is the man, but - Hardin, so far as I can judge from present appearances. We shall have no - split or trouble about the matter,—all will be harmony. In relation - to the "coming events" about which Butler wrote you, I had not heard one - word before I got your letter; but I have so much confidence in the - judgment of a Butler on such a subject, that I incline to think there may - be some reality in it. What day does Butler appoint? By the way, how do - "events" of the same sort come on in your family? Are you possessing - houses and lands, and oxen and asses, and men-servants and maid-servants, - and begetting sons and daughters? We are not keeping house, but boarding - at the Globe Tavern, which is very well kept now by a widow lady of the - name of Beck. Our room (the same Dr. Wallace occupied there) and boarding - only costs us four dollars a week. Ann Todd was married something more - than a year since to a fellow by the name of Campbell, and who, Mary says, - is pretty much of a "dunce," though he has a little money and property. - They live in Boonville, Mo., and have not been heard from lately enough - for me to say any thing about her health. I reckon it will scarcely be in - our power to visit Kentucky this year. Besides poverty and the necessity - of attending to business, those "coming events," I suspect, would be - somewhat in the way. I most heartily wish you and your Fanny would not - fail to come. Just let us know the time, and we will have a room provided - for you at our house, and all be merry together for a while. Be sure to - give my respects to your mother and family: assure her, that, if I ever - come near her, I will not fail to call and see her. Mary joins in sending - love to your Fanny and you. - </p> - <p> - Yours as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - After the "race," still smarting from the mortification of defeat, and the - disappointment of a cherished hope, he took his old friend Jim Matheny - away off to a solitary place in the woods, "and then and there," "with - great emphasis," protested that he had not grown proud, and was not an - aristocrat. "Jim," said he, in conclusion, "I am now, and always shall be, - the same Abe Lincoln that I always was." - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0012" id="link2HCH0012"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XII - </h2> - <p> - IN 1844 Mr. Lincoln was again a candidate for elector on the Whig ticket. - Mr. Clay, as he has said himself, was his "<i>beau-ideal</i> of a - statesman," and he labored earnestly and as effectually as any one else - for his election. For the most part, he still had his old antagonists to - meet in the Springfield region, chief among whom this year was John - Calhoun. With him and others he had joint debates, running through several - nights, which excited much popular feeling. One of his old friends and - neighbors, who attended all these discussions, speaks in very enthusiastic - terms of Mr. Calhoun, and, after enumerating his many noble gifts of head - and heart, concludes that "Calhoun came nearer of whipping Lincoln in - debate than Douglas did." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln made many speeches in Illinois, and finally, towards the close - of the campaign, he went over into Indiana, and there continued "on the - stump" until the end. Among other places he spoke at Rockport on the Ohio,—where - he had first embarked for New Orleans with Gentry,—at Gentryville, - and at a place in the country about two miles from the cabin where his - father had lived. While he was in the midst of his speech at Gentryville, - his old friend, Nat Grigsby, entered the room. Lincoln recognized him on - the instant, and, stopping short in his remarks, cried out, "There's Nat!" - Without the slightest regard for the proprieties of the occasion, he - suspended his address totally, and, striding from the platform, began - scrambling through the audience and over the benches, toward the modest - Nat, who stood near the door. When he reached him, Lincoln shook his hand - "cordially;" and, after felicitating himself sufficiently upon the happy - meeting, he returned to the platform, and finished his speech. When that - was over, Lincoln could not make up his mind to part with Nat, but - insisted that they must sleep together. Accordingly, they wended their way - to Col. Jones's, where that fine old Jackson Democrat received his - distinguished "clerk" with all the honors he could show him. Nat says, - that in the night a cat "began mewing, scratching, and making a fuss - generally." Lincoln got up, took the cat in his hands, and stroking its - back "gently and kindly," made it sparkle for Nat's amusement. He then - "gently" put it out of the door, and, returning to bed, "commenced telling - stories and talking over old times." - </p> - <p> - It is hardly necessary to say, that the result of the canvass was a severe - disappointment to Mr. Lincoln. No defeat but his own could have given him - more pain; and thereafter he seems to have attended quietly to his own - private business until the Congressional canvass of 1846. - </p> - <p> - It was thought for many years by some persons well informed, that between - Lincoln, Logan, Baker, and Hardin,—four very conspicuous Whig - leaders,—there was a secret personal understanding that they four - should "rotate" in Congress until each had had a term. Baker succeeded - Hardin in 1844; Lincoln was elected in 1846, and Logan was nominated, but - defeated, in 1848. Lincoln publicly declined to contest the nomination - with Baker in 1844; Hardin did the same for Lincoln in 1846 (although both - seem to have acted reluctantly), and Lincoln refused to run against Logan - in 1848. Col. Matheny and others insist, with great show of reason, that - the agreement actually existed; and, if such was the case, it was - practically carried out, although Lincoln was a candidate against Baker, - and Hardin against Lincoln, as long as either of them thought there was - the smallest prospect of success. They might have done this, however, - merely to keep other and less tractable candidates out of the field. That - Lincoln would cheerfully have made such a bargain to insure himself a seat - in Congress, there can be no doubt; but the supposition that he did do it - can scarcely be reconciled with the feeling displayed by him in the - conflict with Baker, or the persistency of Hardin, to a very late hour, in - the contest of 1846. - </p> - <p> - At all events, Mr. Lincoln and Gen. Hardin were the two, and the only two, - candidates for the Whig nomination in 1846. The contest was much like the - one with Baker, and Lincoln was assailed in much the same fashion. He was - called a deist and an infidel, both before and after his nomination, and - encountered in a less degree the same opposition from the members of - certain religious bodies that had met him before. But with Hardin he - maintained personal relations the most friendly. The latter proposed to - alter the mode of making the nomination; and, in the letter conveying this - desire to Mr. Lincoln, he also offered to stipulate that each candidate - should remain within the limits of his own county. To this Mr. Lincoln - replied, "As to your proposed stipulation that all the candidates shall - remain in their own counties, and restrain their friends to the same, it - seems to me, that, on reflection, you will see the fact of your having - been in Congress has, in various ways, so spread your name in the district - as to give you a decided advantage in such a stipulation. I appreciate - your desire to keep down excitement, and I promise you to 'keep cool' - under the circumstances." - </p> - <p> - On the 26th of February, 1846, "The Journal" contained Gen. Hardin's card - declining to be "longer considered a candidate," and in its editorial - comments occurred the following: "We have had, and now have, no doubt that - he (Hardin) has been, and now is, a great favorite with the Whigs of the - district. He states, in substance, that there was never any understanding - on his part that his name was not to be presented in the canvasses of 1844 - and 1846. This, we believe, is strictly true. Still, the doings of the - Pekin Convention did seem to point that way; and the general's voluntary - declination as to the canvass of 1844 was by many construed into an - acquiescence on his part. These things had led many of his most devoted - friends to not expect him to be a candidate at this time. Add to this the - relation that Mr. Lincoln bears, and has borne, to the party, and it is - not strange that many of those who are as strongly devoted to Gen. Hardin - as they are to Mr. Lincoln should prefer the latter at this time. We do - not entertain a doubt, that, if we could reverse the positions of the two - men, that a very large portion of those who now have supported Mr. Lincoln - most warmly would have supported Gen. Hardin quite as warmly." This - article was admirably calculated to soothe Gen. Hardin, and to win over - his friends. It was wise and timely. The editor was Mr. Lincoln's intimate - friend. It is marked by Mr. Lincoln's style, and has at least one - expression which was peculiar to him. - </p> - <p> - In its issue of May 7, "The Journal" announced the nomination as having - been made at Petersburg, on the Friday previous, and said further, "This - nomination was, of course, anticipated, there being no other candidate in - the field. Mr. Lincoln, we all know, is a good Whig, a good man, an able - speaker, and richly deserves, as he enjoys, the confidence of the Whigs of - this district and of the State." - </p> - <p> - Peter Cartwright, the celebrated pioneer Methodist preacher, noted for his - piety and combativeness, was Mr. Lincoln's competitor before the people. - We know already the nature of the principal charges against Mr. Lincoln's - personal character; and these, with the usual criticism upon Whig policy, - formed the staple topics of the campaign on the Democratic side. But Peter - himself did not escape with that impunity which might have been expected - in the case of a minister of the gospel. Rough tongues circulated - exaggerated stories of his wicked pugnacity and his worldly-mindedness, - whilst the pretended servant of the Prince of peace. Many Democrats looked - with intense disgust upon his present candidacy, and believed, that, by - mingling in politics, he was degrading his office and polluting the - Church. One of these Democrats told Mr. Lincoln what he thought, and said, - that, although it was a hard thing to vote against his party, he would do - it if it should be necessary to defeat Cartwright. Mr. Lincoln told him, - that on the day of the election he would give him a candid opinion as to - whether the vote was needed or not Accordingly, on that day, he called - upon the gentleman, and said, "I have got the preacher,... and don't want - your vote." - </p> - <p> - Clay's majority in this district in 1844 had been but nine hundred and - fourteen; whereas it now gave Mr. Lincoln a majority of fifteen hundred - and eleven, in a year which had no Presidential excitements to bring out - electors. In 1848 Gen. Taylor's majority was smaller by ten, and the same - year the Whig candidate for Congress was defeated by a hundred and six. - </p> - <p> - In the following letter to Mr. Speed, he intimates that the first - sensations of pleasure attending his new distinction were not of long - duration; at least, that there were moments in which, if he did not forget - his greatness, it afforded him little joy. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Oct. 22, 1846. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,— - </p> - <p> - You no doubt assign the suspension of our correspondence to the true - philosophic cause; though it must be confessed by both of us, that this is - rather a cold reason for allowing a friendship such as ours to die out by - degrees. I propose now, that, upon receipt of this, you shall be - considered in my debt, and under obligations to pay soon, and that neither - shall remain long in arrears hereafter. Are you agreed? - </p> - <p> - Being elected to Congress, though I am very grateful to our friends for - having done it, has not pleased me as much as I expected. - </p> - <p> - We have another boy, born the 10th of March. He is very much such a child - as Bob was at his age, rather of a longer order. Bob is "short and low," - and expect always will be. He talks very plainly,—almost as plainly - as anybody. He is quite smart enough. I sometimes fear he is one of the - little rare-ripe sort, that are smarter at about five than ever after. He - has a great deal of that sort of mischief that is the offspring of much - animal spirits. Since I began this letter, a messenger came to tell me Bob - was lost; but by the time I reached the house his mother had found him, - and had him whipped; and by now, very likely, he is run away again. Mary - has read your letter, and wishes to be remembered to Mrs. S. and you, in - which I most sincerely join her. As ever yours. - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - At the meeting of the Thirtieth Congress Mr. Lincoln took his seat, and - went about the business of his office with a strong determination to do - something memorable. He was the only Whig member from Illinois, and would - be carefully watched. His colleagues were several of them old - acquaintances of the Vandalia times. They were John McClernand, O. B. - Ficklin, William A. Richardson, Thomas J. Turner, Robert Smith, and John - Wentworth (Long John). And at this session that alert, tireless, ambitious - little man, Stephen A. Douglas, took his seat in the Senate. - </p> - <p> - The roll of this House shone with an array of great and brilliant names. - Robert C. Winthrop was the Speaker. On the Whig side were John Quincy - Adams, Horace Mann, Hunt of New York, Collamer of Vermont, Ingersoll of - Pennsylvania, Botts and Goggin of Virginia, Morehead of Kentucky, Caleb B. - Smith of Indiana, Stephens and Toombs of Georgia, Gentry of Tennessee, and - Vinton and Schenck of Ohio. On the Democratic side were Wilmot of - Pennsylvania, McLane of Maryland, McDowell of Virginia, Rhett of South - Carolina, Cobb of Georgia, Boyd of Kentucky, Brown and Thompson of - Mississippi, and Andrew Johnson and George W. Jones of Tennessee. In the - Senate were Webster, Calhoun, Benton, Berrien, Clayton, Bell, Hunter, and - William R. King. - </p> - <p> - The House organized on the 6th; and the day previous to that. Mr. Lincoln - wrote to his friend and partner, William H. Herndon:— - </p> - <p> - Washington, Dec. 5, 1847. - </p> - <p> - Dear William,—You may remember that about a year ago a man by the - name of Wilson (James Wilson, I think) paid us twenty dollars as an - advance fee to attend to a case in the Supreme Court for him, against a - Mr. Campbell, the record of which case was in the hands of Mr. Dixon of - St. Louis, who never furnished it to us. When I was at Bloomington last - fall, I met a friend of Wilson, who mentioned the subject to me, and - induced me to write to Wilson, telling him that I would leave the ten - dollars with you which had been left with me to pay for making abstracts - in the case, so that the case may go on this winter; but I came away, and - forgot to do it. What I want now is to send you the money to be used - accordingly, if any one comes on to start the case, or to be retained by - you if no one does. - </p> - <p> - There is nothing of consequence new here. Congress is to organize - to-morrow. Last night we held a Whig caucus for the House, and nominated - Winthrop of Massachusetts for Speaker, Sargent of Pennsylvania for - Sergeant-at-arms, Homer of New Jersey Doorkeeper, and McCormick of - District of Columbia Postmaster. The Whig majority in the House is so - small, that, together with some little dissatisfaction, leaves it doubtful - whether we will elect them all. - </p> - <p> - This paper is too thick to fold, which is the reason I send only a - halfsheet. - </p> - <p> - Yours as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Again on the 13th, to the same gentleman:— - </p> - <p> - Washington, Dec. 13, 1847. - </p> - <p> - Dear William,—Your letter advising me of the receipt of our fee in - the bank-case is just received, and I don't expect to hear another as good - a piece of news from Springfield while I am away. I am under no - obligations to the bank; and I therefore wish you to buy bank - certificates, and pay my debt there, so as to pay it with the least money - possible. I would as soon you should buy them of Mr. Ridgely, or any other - person at the bank, as of any one else, provided you can get them as - cheaply. I suppose, after the bank-debt shall be paid, there will be some - money left, out of which I would like to have you pay Lavely and Stout - twenty dollars, and Priest and somebody (oil-makers) ten dollars, for - materials got for house-painting. If there shall still be any left, keep - it till you see or hear from me. - </p> - <p> - I shall begin sending documents so soon as I can get them. I wrote you - yesterday about a "Congressional Globe." As you are all so anxious for me - to distinguish myself, I have concluded to do so before long. - </p> - <p> - Yours truly, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was a member of the Committee on Post-offices and Post-roads, - and in that capacity had occasion to study the claim of a mail-contractor - who had appealed to Congress against a decision of the Department. Mr. - Lincoln made a speech on the case, in which, being his first, he evidently - felt some pride, and reported progress to his friends at home:— - </p> - <p> - Washington, Jan. 8, 1848. - </p> - <p> - Dear William,—Your letter of Dec. 27 was received a day or two ago. - I am much obliged to you for the trouble you have taken, and promise to - take, in my little business there. As to speech-making, by way of getting - the hang of the House, I made a little speech two or three days ago, on a - post-office question of no general interest. I find speaking <i>here and - elsewhere</i> about the same thing. I was about as badly scared, and no - worse, as I am when I speak in court. I expect to make one within a week - or two, in which I hope to succeed well enough to wish you to see it. - </p> - <p> - It is very pleasant to me to learn from you that there are some who desire - that I should be re-elected. I most heartily thank them for the kind - partiality; and I can say, as Mr. Clay said of the annexation of Texas, - that "<i>personally</i> I would not object" to a re-election, although I - thought at the time, and still think, it would be quite as well for me to - return to the law at the end of a single term. I made the declaration, - that I would not be a candidate again, more from a wish to deal fairly - with others, to keep peace among our friends, and to keep the district - from going to the enemy, than for any cause personal to myself; so that, - if it should so happen <i>that nobody else wishes to be elected</i>, I - could not refuse the people the right of sending me again. But to enter - myself as a competitor of others, or to authorize any one so to enter me, - is what my word and honor forbid. - </p> - <p> - I get some letters intimating a probability of so much difficulty amongst - our friends as to lose us the district; but I remember such letters were - written to Baker when my own case was under consideration, and I trust - there is no more ground for such apprehension now than there was then. - </p> - <p> - Remember I am always glad to receive a letter from you. - </p> - <p> - Most truly your friend, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Thoroughly hostile to Polk, and hotly opposed to the war, Mr. Lincoln took - an active, although not a leading part in the discussions relating to the - commencement and conduct of the latter. He was politician enough, however, - to go with the majority of his party in voting supplies to the troops, and - thanks to the generals, whilst censuring the President by solemnly - declaring that the "war was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally begun by - the President of the United States." But his position, and the position of - the Whigs, will be made sufficiently apparent by the productions of his - own pen. - </p> - <p> - On the 22d of December, 1847, Mr. Lincoln introduced a preamble and - resolutions, which attained great celebrity in Illinois under the title of - "Spot Resolutions," and in all probability lost the party a great many - votes in the Springfield district. They were as follows:— - </p> - <p> - Whereas, The President of the United States, in his Message of May 11, - 1846, has declared that "the Mexican Government not only refused to - receive him [the envoy of the United States], or listen to his - propositions, but, after a long-continued series of menaces, has at last - invaded <i>our territory</i>, and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on - <i>our own soil</i>;" - </p> - <p> - And again, in his Message of Dec. 8, 1846, that "we had ample cause of war - against Mexico long before the breaking out of hostilities; but even then - we forbore to take redress into our own hands until Mexico herself became - the aggressor, by invading <i>our soil</i> in hostile array, and shedding - the blood of our citizens;" - </p> - <p> - And yet again, in his Message of Dec. 7, 1847, that "the Mexican - Government refused even to hear the terms of adjustment which he [our - minister of peace] was authorized to propose, and finally, under wholly - unjustifiable pretexts, involved the two countries in war, by invading the - territory of the State of Texas, striking the first blow, and shedding the - blood of our citizens on <i>our own soil</i>;" and, - </p> - <p> - Whereas, This House is desirous to obtain a full knowledge of all the - facts which go to establish whether the particular spot on which the blood - of our citizens was so shed was or was not at that time "<i>our own soil</i>;" - therefore, - </p> - <p> - Resolved by the House of Representatives, That the President of the United - States be respectfully requested to inform this House,— - </p> - <p> - 1st. Whether the spot on which the blood of our citizens was shed, as in - his Messages declared, was or was not within the territory of Spain, at - least after the treaty of 1819, until the Mexican revolution. - </p> - <p> - 2d. Whether that spot is or is not within the territory which was wrested - from Spain by the revolutionary government of Mexico. - </p> - <p> - 3d. Whether that spot is or is not within a settlement of people, which - settlement has existed ever since long before the Texas revolution, and - until its inhabitants fled before the approach of the United States army. - </p> - <p> - 4th. Whether that settlement is or is not isolated from any and all other - settlements by the Gulf and the Rio Grande on the south and west, and by - wide, uninhabited regions on the north and east. - </p> - <p> - 5th. Whether the people of that settlement, or a majority of them, or any - of them, have ever submitted themselves to the government or laws of Texas - or of the United States, by consent or by compulsion, either by accepting - office, or voting at elections, or paying tax, or serving on juries, or - having process served upon them, or in any other way. - </p> - <p> - 6th. Whether the people of that settlement did or did not flee from the - approach of the United States army, leaving unprotected their homes and - their growing crops, <i>before</i> the blood was shed, as in the Messages - stated; and whether the first blood, so shed, was or was not shed within - the enclosure of one of the people who had thus fled from it. - </p> - <p> - 7th. Whether our <i>citizens</i>, whose blood was shed, as in his Messages - declared, were or were not at that time armed officers and soldiers, sent - into that settlement by the military order of the President, through the - Secretary of War. - </p> - <p> - 8th. Whether the military force of the United States was or was not so - sent into that settlement after Gen. Taylor had more than once intimated - to the War Department, that, in his opinion, no such movement was - necessary to the defence or protection of Texas. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln improved the first favorable opportunity (Jan. 12, 1818), to - address the House in the spirit of the "Spot Resolutions." - </p> - <p> - In Committee of the Whole House, Jan. 12, 1848. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln addressed the Committee as follows:— - </p> - <p> - Mr. Chairman,—Some, if not at all, of the gentlemen on the other - side of the House, who have addressed the Committee within the last two - days, have spoken rather complainingly, if I have rightly understood them, - of the vote given a week or ten days ago, declaring that the war with - Mexico was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the - President. I admit that such a vote should not be given in mere party - wantonness, and that the one given is justly censurable, if it have no - other or better foundation. I am one of those who joined in that vote, and - did so under my best impression of the <i>truth</i> of the case. How I got - this impression, and how it may possibly be removed, I will now try to - show. When the war began, it was my opinion that all those who, because of - knowing too <i>little</i>, or because of knowing too <i>much</i>, could - not conscientiously approve the conduct of the President (in the beginning - of it), should, nevertheless, as good citizens and patriots, remain silent - on that point, at least till the war should be ended. Some leading - Democrats, including ex-President Van Buren, have taken this same view, as - I understand them; and I adhered to it, and acted upon it, until since I - took my seat here; and I think I should still adhere to it, were it not - that the President and his friends will not allow it to be so. Besides the - continual effort of the President to argue every silent vote given for - supplies into an indorsement of the justice and wisdom of his conduct; - besides that singularly candid paragraph in his late Message, in which he - tells us that Congress, with great unanimity (only two in the Senate and - fourteen in the House dissenting), had declared that "by the act of the - Republic of Mexico a state of war exists between that government and the - United States;" when the same journals that informed him of this also - informed him, that, when that declaration stood disconnected from the - question of supplies, sixty-seven in the House, and not fourteen merely, - voted against it; besides this open attempt to prove by telling the <i>truth</i> - what he could not prove by telling the <i>whole truth</i>, demanding of - all who will not submit to be misrepresented, in justice to themselves, to - speak out; besides all this, one of my colleagues [Mr. Richardson], at a - very early day in the session, brought in a set of resolutions expressly - indorsing the original justice of the war on the part of the President. - Upon these resolutions, when they shall be put on their passage, I shall - be <i>compelled</i> to vote; so that I cannot be silent if I would. Seeing - this, I went about preparing myself to give the vote understandingly when - it should come. I carefully examined the President's Messages, to - ascertain what he himself had said and proved upon the point. The result - of this examination was to make the impression, that, taking for true all - the President states as facts, he falls far short of proving his - justification; and that the President would have gone further with his - proof, if it had not been for the small matter that the <i>truth</i> would - not permit him. Under the impression thus made, I gave the vote before - mentioned. I propose now to give concisely the process of the examination - I made, and how I reached the conclusion I did. - </p> - <p> - The President, in his first Message of May, 1846, declares that the soil - was <i>ours</i> on which hostilities were commenced by Mexico; and he - repeats that declaration, almost in the same language, in each successive - annual Message,—thus showing that he esteems that point a highly - essential one. In the importance of that point I entirely agree with the - President. To my judgment, it is the <i>very point</i> upon which he - should be justified or condemned. In his Message of December, 1846, it - seems to have occurred to him, as is certainly true, that title, ownership - to soil, or any thing else, is not a simple fact, but is a conclusion - following one or more simple facts; and that it was incumbent upon him to - present the facts from which he concluded the soil was ours on which the - first blood of the war was shed. - </p> - <p> - Accordingly, a little below the middle of page twelve, in the Message last - referred to, he enters upon that task; forming an issue and introducing - testimony, extending the whole to a little below the middle of page - fourteen. Now, I propose to try to show that the whole of this, issue and - evidence, is, from beginning to end, the sheerest deception. The issue, as - he presents it, is in these words: "But there are those who, conceding all - this to be true, assume the ground that the true western boundary of Texas - is the Nueces, instead of the Rio Grande; and that, therefore, in marching - our army to the east bank of the latter river, we passed the Texan line, - and invaded the Territory of Mexico." Now, this issue is made up of two - affirmatives, and no negative. The main deception of it is, that it - assumes as true, that one river or the other is necessarily the boundary, - and cheats the superficial thinker entirely out of the idea that possibly - the boundary is somewhere between the two, and not actually at either. A - further deception is, that it will let in evidence which a true issue - would exclude. A true issue made by the President would be about as - follows: "I say the soil <i>was ours</i> on which the first blood was - shed; there are those who say it was not." - </p> - <p> - I now proceed to examine the President's evidence, as applicable to such - an issue. When that evidence is analyzed, it is all included in the - following propositions:— - </p> - <p> - 1. That the Rio Grande was the western boundary of Louisiana, as we - purchased it of France in 1803. - </p> - <p> - 2. That the Republic of Texas always claimed the Rio Grande as her western - boundary. - </p> - <p> - 3. That, by various acts, she had claimed it on paper. - </p> - <p> - 4. That Santa Anna, in his treaty with Texas, recognized the Rio Grande as - her boundary. - </p> - <p> - 5. That Texas <i>before</i>, and the United States <i>after</i> - annexation, had <i>exercised</i> jurisdiction <i>beyond</i> the Nueces, <i>between</i> - the two rivers. - </p> - <p> - 6. That our Congress <i>understood</i> the boundary of Texas to extend - beyond the Nueces. - </p> - <p> - Now for each of these in its turn:— - </p> - <p> - His first item is, that the Rio Grande was the western boundary of - Louisiana, as we purchased it of France in 1803; and, seeming to expect - this to be disputed, he argues over the amount of nearly a page to prove - it true; at the end of which, he lets us know, that, by the treaty of - 1819, we sold to Spain the whole country, from the Rio Grande eastward to - the Sabine. Now, admitting for the present, that the Rio Grande was the - boundary of Louisiana, what, under Heaven, had that to do with the present - boundary between us and Mexico? How, Mr. Chairman, the line that once - divided your land from mine can still be the boundary between us after I - have sold my land to you, is, to me, beyond all comprehension. And how any - man, with an honest purpose only of proving the truth, could ever have - thought of introducing such a fact to prove such an issue, is equally - incomprehensible. The outrage upon common right, of seizing as our own - what we have once sold, merely because it was ours before we sold it, is - only equalled by the outrage on common sense of any attempt to justify it. - </p> - <p> - The President's next piece of evidence is, that "The Republic of Texas - always <i>claimed</i> this river (Rio Grande) as her western boundary." - That is not true, in fact. Texas <i>has</i> claimed it, but she has not <i>always</i> - claimed it. There is, at least, one distinguished exception. Her State - Constitution—the public's most solemn and well-considered act, that - which may, without impropriety, be called her last will and testament, - revoking all others—makes no such claim. But suppose she had always - claimed it. Has not Mexico always claimed the contrary? So that there is - but claim against claim, leaving nothing proved until we get back of the - claims, and find which has the better <i>foundation.</i> - </p> - <p> - Though not in the order in which the President presents his evidence, I - now consider that class of his statements which are, in substance, nothing - more than that Texas has, by various acts of her Convention and Congress, - claimed the Rio Grande as her boundary—<i>on paper</i>. I mean here - what he says about the fixing of the Rio Grande as her boundary in her old - constitution (not her State Constitution), about forming congressional - districts, counties, &c. Now, all this is but naked <i>claim</i>; and - what I have already said about claims is strictly applicable to this. If I - should claim your land by word of mouth, that certainly would not make it - mine; and if I were to claim it by a deed which I had made myself, and - with which you had nothing to do, the claim would be quite the same in - substance, or rather in utter nothingness. - </p> - <p> - I next consider the President's statement that Santa Anna, in his <i>treaty</i> - with Texas, recognized the Rio Grande as the western boundary of Texas. - Besides the position so often taken that Santa Anna, while a prisoner of - war, a captive, <i>could not</i> bind Mexico by a treaty, which I deem - conclusive,—besides this, I wish to say something in relation to - this treaty, so called by the President, with Santa Anna. If any man would - like to be amused by a sight at that <i>little</i> thing, which the - President calls by that <i>big</i> name, he can have it by turning to - "Niles's Register," vol. 1. p. 336. And if any one should suppose that - "Niles's Register" is a curious repository of so mighty a document as a - solemn treaty between nations, I can only say that I learned, to a - tolerable degree of certainty, by inquiry at the State Department, that - the President himself never saw it anywhere else. By the way, I believe I - should not err if I were to declare, that, during the first ten years of - the existence of that document, it was never by anybody <i>called</i> a - treaty; that it was never so called till the President, in his extremity, - attempted, by so calling it, to wring something from it in justification - of himself in connection with the Mexican war. It has none of the - distinguishing features of a treaty. It does not call itself a treaty. - Santa Anna does not therein assume to bind Mexico: he assumes only to act - as president, commander-in-chief of the Mexican army and navy; stipulates - that the then present hostilities should cease, and that he would not - himself take up arms, nor influence the Mexican people to take up arms, - against Texas during the existence of the war of independence. He did not - recognize the independence of Texas; he did not assume to put an end to - the war, but clearly indicated his expectation of its continuance; he did - not say one word about boundary, and most probably never thought of it. It - is stipulated therein that the Mexican forces should evacuate the - Territory of Texas, <i>passing to the other side of the Rio Grande;</i> - and in another article it is stipulated, that, to prevent collisions - between the armies, the Texan army should not approach nearer than within - five leagues,—of what is not said; but clearly, from the object - stated, it is of the Rio Grande. Now, if this is a treaty recognizing the - Rio Grande as the boundary of Texas, it contains the singular feature of - stipulating that Texas shall not go within five leagues of <i>her own</i> - boundary. - </p> - <p> - Next comes the evidence of Texas before annexation, and the United States - afterwards, exercising jurisdiction beyond the Nueces, and between the two - rivers. This actual exercise of jurisdiction is the very class or quality - of evidence we want. It is excellent so far as it goes; but does it go far - enough? He tells us it went beyond the Nueces; but he does not tell us it - went to the Rio Grande. He tells us jurisdiction was exercised between the - two rivers; but he does not tell us it was exercised over all the - territory between them. Some simple-minded people think it possible to - cross one river and go beyond it, without going all the way to the next; - that jurisdiction may be exercised between two rivers without covering all - the country between them. I know a man, not very unlike myself, who - exercises jurisdiction over a piece of land between the Wabash and the - Mississippi; and yet so far is this from being all there is between those - rivers, that it is just a hundred and fifty-two feet long by fifty wide, - and no part of it much within a hundred miles of either. He has a neighbor - between him and the Mississippi,—that is, just across the street, in - that direction,—whom, I am sure, he could neither persuade nor force - to give up his habitation; but which, nevertheless, he could certainly - annex, if it were to be done by merely standing on his own side of the - street and claiming it, or even sitting down and writing a deed for it. - </p> - <p> - But next, the President tells us, the Congress of the United States - understood the State of Texas they admitted into the Union to extend - beyond the Nueces. Well, I suppose they did,—I certainly so - understand it,—but how far beyond? That Congress did not understand - it to extend clear to the Rio Grande, is quite certain by the fact of - their joint resolutions for admission, expressly leaving all questions of - boundary to future adjustment. And it may be added, that Texas herself is - proved to have had the same understanding of it that our Congress had, by - the fact of the exact conformity of her new Constitution to those - resolutions. - </p> - <p> - I am now through the whole of the President's evidence; and it is a - singular fact, that, if any one should declare the President sent the army - into the midst of a settlement of Mexican people, who had never submitted, - by consent or by force, to the authority of Texas or of the United States, - and that there, and thereby, the first blood of the war was shed, there is - not one word in all the President has said which would either admit or - deny the declaration. In this strange omission chiefly consists the - deception of the President's evidence,—an omission which, it does - seem to me, could scarcely have occurred but by design. My way of living - leads me to be about the courts of justice; and there I have sometimes - seen a good lawyer, struggling for his client's neck in a desperate case, - employing every artifice to work round, befog, and cover up with many - words, some position pressed upon him by the prosecution, which he dared - not admit, and yet could not deny. Party bias may help to make it appear - so; but, with all the allowance I can make for such bias, it still does - appear to me that just such, and from just such necessity, are the - President's struggles in this case. - </p> - <p> - Some time after my colleague (Mr. Richardson) introduced the resolutions I - have mentioned, I introduced a preamble, resolution, and interrogatories, - intended to draw the President out, if possible, on this hitherto - untrodden ground. To show their relevancy, I propose to state my - understanding of the true rule for ascertaining the boundary between Texas - and Mexico. It is, that, <i>wherever</i> Texas was <i>exercising</i> - jurisdiction was hers; and wherever Mexico was exercising jurisdiction was - hers; and that whatever separated the actual exercise of jurisdiction of - the one from that of the other was the true boundary between them. If, as - is probably true, Texas was exercising jurisdiction along the western bank - of the Nueces, and Mexico was exercising it along the eastern bank of the - Rio Grande, then neither river was the boundary, but the uninhabited - country between the two was. The extent of our territory in that region - depended, not on any treaty-fixed boundary (for no treaty had attempted - it), but on revolution. Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the - power, have the right to rise up and shake off the existing government, - and form a new one that suits them better. This is a most valuable, a most - sacred right,—a right which, we hope and believe, is to liberate the - world. Nor is this right confined to cases in which the whole people of an - existing government may choose to exercise it. Any portion of such people - that can may revolutionize, and make their own of so much of the territory - as they inhabit. More than this, a <i>majority</i> of any portion of such - people may revolutionize, putting down a <i>minority</i>, intermingled - with or near about them, who may oppose their movements. Such minority was - precisely the case of the Tories of our own Revolution. It is a quality of - revolutions not to go by old lines or old laws, but to break up both, and - make new ones. As to the country now in question, we bought it of France - in 1803, and sold it to Spain in 1819, according to the President's - statement. After this, all Mexico, including Texas, revolutionized against - Spain; and, still later, Texas revolutionized against Mexico. In my view, - just so far as she carried her revolution, by obtaining the <i>actual,</i> - willing or unwilling, submission of the people, <i>so far</i> the country - was hers, and no farther. - </p> - <p> - Now, sir, for the purpose of obtaining the very best evidence as to - whether Texas had actually carried her revolution to the place where the - hostilities of the present war commenced, let the President answer the - interrogatories I proposed, as before mentioned, or some other similar - ones. Let him answer fully, fairly, and candidly. Let him answer with <i>facts</i>, - and not with arguments. Let him remember he sits where Washington sat; - and, so remembering, let him answer as Washington would answer. As a - nation should not, and the Almighty will not, be evaded, so let him - attempt no evasion, no equivocation. And if, so answering, he can show - that the soil was ours where the first blood of the war was shed; that it - was not within an inhabited country, or, if within such, that the - inhabitants had submitted themselves to the civil authority of Texas, or - of the United States, and that the same is true of the site of Fort Brown, - then I am with him for his justification. In that case, I shall be most - happy to reverse the vote I gave the other day. I have a selfish motive - for desiring that the President may do this: I expect to give some votes, - in connection with the war, which, without his so doing, will be of - doubtful propriety, in my own judgment, but which will be free from the - doubt if he does so. But if he cannot or will not do this,—if, on - any pretence, or no pretence, he shall refuse or omit it,—then I - shall be fully convinced of what I more than suspect already,—that - he is deeply conscious of being in the wrong; that he feels the blood of - this war, like the blood of Abel, is crying to Heaven against him; that he - ordered Gen. Taylor into the midst of a peaceful Mexican settlement, - purposely to bring on a war; that, originally having some strong motive—what - I will not stop now to give my opinion concerning—to involve the two - countries in a war, and trusting to escape scrutiny by fixing the public - gaze upon the exceeding brightness of military glory,—that - attractive rainbow that rises in showers of blood, that serpent's eye that - charms to destroy,—he plunged into it, and has swept on and on, - till, disappointed in his calculation of the ease with which Mexico might - be subdued, he now finds himself he knows not where. How like the - half-insane mumbling of a fever-dream is the whole war part of the late - Message! At one time telling us that Mexico has nothing whatever that we - can get but territory; at another, showing us how we can support the war - by levying contributions on Mexico. At one time urging the national honor, - the security of the future, the prevention of foreign interference, and - even the good of Mexico herself, as among the objects of the war; at - another, telling us that, "to reject indemnity by refusing to accept a - cession of territory, would be to abandon all our just demands, and to - wage the war, bearing all its expenses, without a purpose or definite - object." So, then, the national honor, security of the future, and every - thing but territorial indemnity, may be considered the no purposes and - indefinite objects of the war! But having it now settled that territorial - indemnity is the only object, we are urged to seize, by legislation here, - all that he was content to take a few months ago, and the whole province - of Lower California to boot, and to still carry on the war,—to take - all we are fighting for, and still fight on. Again, the President is - resolved, under all circumstances, to have full territorial indemnity for - the expenses of the war; but he forgets to tell us how we are to get the - excess after those expenses shall have surpassed the value of the whole of - the Mexican territory. So, again, he insists that the separate national - existence of Mexico shall be maintained; but he does not tell us how this - can be done after we shall have taken all her territory. Lest the - questions I here suggest be considered speculative merely, let me be - indulged a moment in trying to show they are not. - </p> - <p> - The war has gone on some twenty months; for the expenses of which, - together with an inconsiderable old score, the President now claims about - one-half of the Mexican territory, and that by far the better half, so far - as concerns our ability to make any thing out of it. It is comparatively - uninhabited; so that we could establish land-offices in it, and raise some - money in that way. But the other half is already inhabited, as I - understand it, tolerably densely for the nature of the country; and all - its lands, or all that are valuable, already appropriated as private - property. How, then, are we to make any thing out of these lands with this - encumbrance on them, or how remove the encumbrance? I suppose no one will - say we should kill the people, or drive them out, or make slaves of them, - or even confiscate their property? How, then, can we make much out of this - part of the territory? If the prosecution of the war has, in expenses, - already equalled the better half of the country, how long its future - prosecution will be in equalling the less valuable half is not a - speculative but a practical question, pressing closely upon us; and yet it - is a question which the President seems never to have thought of. - </p> - <p> - As to the mode of terminating the war and securing peace, the President is - equally wandering and indefinite. First, it is to be done by a more - vigorous prosecution of the war in the vital parts of the enemy's country; - and, after apparently talking himself tired on this point, the President - drops down into a half-despairing tone, and tells us, that "with a people - distracted and divided by contending factions, and a government subject to - constant changes, by successive revolutions, <i>the continued success of - our arms may fail to obtain a satisfactory peace."</i> Then he suggests - the propriety of wheedling the Mexican people to desert the counsels of - their own leaders, and, trusting in our protection, to set up a government - from which we can secure a satisfactory peace, telling us that, "<i>this - may become the only mode of obtaining such a peace</i>." But soon he falls - into doubt of this, too, and then drops back on to the already - half-abandoned ground of "more vigorous prosecution." All this shows that - the President is in no wise satisfied with his own positions. First, he - takes up one, and, in attempting to argue us into it, he argues himself - out of it; then seizes another, and goes through the same process; and - then, confused at being able to think of nothing new, he snatches up the - old one again, which he has some time before cast off. His mind, tasked - beyond its power, is running hither and thither, like some tortured - creature on a burning surface, finding no position on which it can settle - down and be at ease. - </p> - <p> - Again, it is a singular omission in this Message, that it nowhere - intimates <i>when</i> the President expects the war to terminate. At its - beginning, Gen. Scott was, by this same President, driven into disfavor, - if not disgrace, for intimating that peace could not be conquered in less - than three or four months. But now at the end of about twenty months, - during which time our arms have given us the most splendid successes,—every - department, and every part, land and water, officers and privates, - regulars and volunteers, doing all that men could do, and hundreds of - things which it had ever before been thought that men could not do,—after - all this, this same President gives us a long Message without showing us - that, <i>as to the end,</i> he has himself even an imaginary conception. - As I have before said, he knows not where he is. He is a bewildered, - confounded, and miserably perplexed man. God grant he may be able to show - that there is not something about his conscience more painful than all his - mental perplexity. - </p> - <p> - This speech he hastened to send home as soon as it was printed; for, while - throughout he trod on unquestionable Whig ground, he had excellent reasons - to fear the result. The following is the first letter to Mr. Herndon after - the delivery of the speech, and notifying him of the fact:— - </p> - <p> - Washington, Jan. 19, 1848. - </p> - <p> - Dear William,—Enclosed you find a letter of Louis W. Candler. What - is wanted is, that you shall ascertain whether the claim upon the note - described has received any dividend in the Probate Court of Christian - County, where the estate of Mr. Overton Williams has been administered on. - If nothing is paid on it, withdraw the note and send it to me, so that - Candler can see the indorser of it. At all events, write me all about it, - till I can somehow get it off hands. I have already been bored more than - enough about it; not the least of which annoyance is his cursed, - unreadable, and ungodly handwriting. - </p> - <p> - I have made a speech, a copy of which I will send you by next mail. - </p> - <p> - Yours as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - About the last of January, or the first of February, he began to hear the - first murmurs of alarm and dissatisfaction from his district. He was now - on the defensive, and compelled to write long and tedious letters to - pacify some of the Whigs. Of this character are two extremely interesting - epistles to Mr. Herndon:— - </p> - <p> - Washington, Feb. 1, 1848. - </p> - <p> - Dear William,—Your letter of the 19th ult. was received last night, - and for which I am much obliged. The only thing in it that I wish to talk - to you about at once is, that, because of my vote for Ashmun's amendment, - you fear that you and I disagree about the war. I regret this, not because - of any fear we shall remain disagreed after you have read this letter, but - because if you misunderstand, I fear other good friends may also. That - vote affirms, that the war was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally - commenced by the President; and I will stake my life, that, if you had - been in my place, you would have voted just as I did. Would you have voted - what you felt and knew to be a lie? I know you would not. Would you have - gone out of the House,—skulked the vote? I expect not. If you had - skulked one vote, you would have had to skulk many more before the end of - the session. Richardson's resolutions, introduced before I made any move, - or gave any vote upon the subject, make the direct question of the justice - of the war; so that no man can be silent if he would. You are compelled to - speak; and your only alternative is to tell the <i>truth or tell a lie</i>. - I cannot doubt which you would do. - </p> - <p> - This vote has nothing to do in determining my votes on the questions of - supplies. I have always intended, and still intend, to vote supplies; - perhaps not in the precise form recommended by the President, but in a - better form for all purposes, except Locofoco party purposes. It is in - this particular you seem mistaken. The Locos are untiring in their efforts - to make the impression that all who vote supplies, or take part in the - war, do, of necessity, approve the President's conduct in the beginning of - it; but the Whigs have, from the beginning, made and kept the distinction - between the two. In the very first act nearly all the Whigs voted against - the preamble declaring that war existed by the act of Mexico; and yet - nearly all of them voted for the supplies. As to the Whig men who have - participated in the war, so far as they have spoken to my hearing, they do - not hesitate to denounce as unjust the President's conduct in the - beginning of the war. They do not suppose that such denunciation is - directed by undying hatred to them, as "The Register" would have it - believed. There are two such Whigs on this floor (Col. Haskell and Major - James). The former fought as a colonel by the side of Col. Baker, at Cerro - Gordo, and stands side by side with me in the vote that you seem - dissatisfied with. The latter, the history of whose capture with Cassius - Clay you well know, had not arrived here when that vote was given; but, as - I understand, he stands ready to give just such a vote whenever an - occasion shall present. Baker, too, who is now here, says the truth is - undoubtedly that way; and, whenever he shall speak out, he will say so. - Col. Donaphin, too, the favorite Whig of Missouri, and who overrun all - Northern Mexico, on his return home, in a public speech at St. Louis, - condemned the administration in relation to the war, if I remember. G. T. - M. Davis, who has been through almost the whole war, declares in favor of - Mr. Clay; from which I infer that he adopts the sentiments of Mr. Clay, - generally at least. On the other hand, I have heard of but one Whig who - has been to the war attempting to justify the President's conduct. That - one was Capt. Bishop; editor of "The Charleston Courier," and a very - clever fellow. I do not mean this letter for the public, but for you. - Before it reaches you, you will have seen and read my pamphlet speech, - and, perhaps, scared anew by it. After you get over your scare, read it - over again, sentence by sentence, and tell me honestly what you think of - it. I condensed all I could for fear of being cut off by the hour rule; - and, when I got through, I had spoken but forty-five minutes. Yours - forever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Washington, Feb. 15, 1848. - </p> - <p> - Dear William,—Your letter of the 29th January was received last - night. Being exclusively a constitutional argument, I wish to submit some - reflections upon it in the same spirit of kindness that I know actuates - you. Let me first state what I understand to be your position. It is, - that, if it shall become necessary <i>to repel invasion</i>, the President - may, without violation of the Constitution, cross the line, and <i>invade</i> - the territory of another country; and that whether such <i>necessity</i> - exists in any given case, the President is the <i>sole</i> judge. - </p> - <p> - Before going farther, consider well whether this is, or is not, your - position. If it is, it is a position that neither the President himself, - nor any friend of his, so far as I know, has ever taken. Their only - positions are, first, that the soil was ours where the hostilities - commenced; and second, that, whether it was rightfully ours or not, - Congress had annexed it, and the President, for that reason, was bound to - defend it, both of which are as clearly proved to be false in fact as you - can prove that your house is mine. That soil was not ours; and Congress - did not annex, or attempt to annex it. But to return to your position. - Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation whenever he shall deem - it necessary to repel an invasion, and you allow him to do so <i>whenever - he may choose to say</i> he deems it necessary for such purpose, and you - allow him to make war at pleasure. Study to see if you can fix <i>any - limit</i> to his power in this respect, after having given him so much as - you propose. If to-day he should choose to say he thinks it necessary to - invade Canada, to prevent the British from invading us, how could you stop - him? You may say to him, "I see no probability of the British invading - us;" but he will say to you, "Be silent: I see it, if you don't." - </p> - <p> - The provision of the Constitution giving the war-making power to Congress - was dictated, as I understand it, by the following reasons: kings had - always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending - generally, if not always, that the good of the people was the object. This - our convention understood to be the most oppressive of all kingly - oppressions; and they resolved to so frame the Constitution that <i>no one - man</i> should hold the power of bringing this oppression upon us. But - your view destroys the whole matter, and places our President where kings - have always stood. - </p> - <p> - Write soon again. - </p> - <p> - Yours truly, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - But the Whig National Convention to nominate a candidate for the - Presidency was to meet at Philadelphia on the 1st of June, and Mr. Lincoln - was to be a member. He was not a Clay man: he wanted a candidate that - could be elected; and he was for "Old Rough," as the only available - material at hand. But let him explain himself:— - </p> - <p> - Washington, April 30, 1848. - </p> - <p> - Dear Williams,—I have not seen in the papers any evidence of a - movement to send a delegate from your circuit to the June Convention. I - wish to say that I think it all important that a delegate should be sent. - Mr. Clay's chance for an election is just no chance at all. He might get - New York; and that would have elected in 1844, but it will not now, - because he must now, at the least, lose Tennessee, which he had then, and - in addition the fifteen new votes of Florida, Texas, Iowa, and Wisconsin. - I know our good friend Browning is a great admirer of Mr. Clay, and I - therefore fear he is favoring his nomination. If he is, ask him to discard - feeling, and try if he can possibly, as a matter of judgment, count the - votes necessary to elect him. - </p> - <p> - In my judgment we can elect nobody but Gen. Taylor; and we cannot elect - him without a nomination. Therefore don't fail to send a delegate. - </p> - <p> - Your friend as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - To Archibald Williams, Esq. - </p> - <p> - Washington, June 12, 1848. - </p> - <p> - Dear Williams,—On my return from Philadelphia, where I had been - attending the nomination of "Old Rough," I found your letter in a mass of - others which had accumulated in my absence. By many, and often, it had - been said they would not abide the nomination of Taylor; but, since the - deed has been done, they are fast falling in, and in my opinion we shall - have a most overwhelming, glorious triumph. One unmistakable sign is, that - all the odds and ends are with us,—Barnburners, Native Americans, - Tyler men, disappointed, office-seeking Locofocos, and the Lord knows - what. This is important, if in nothing else, in showing which way the wind - blows. Some of the sanguine men here set down all the States as certain - for Taylor but Illinois, and it is doubtful. Cannot something be done even - in Illinois? Taylor's nomination takes the Locos on the blind side. It - turns the war thunder against them. The war is now to them the gallows of - Haman, which they built for us, and on which they are doomed to be hanged - themselves. - </p> - <p> - Excuse this short letter. I have so many to write that I cannot devote - much time to any one. - </p> - <p> - Yours as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - But his young partner in the law gave him a great deal of annoyance. Mr. - Herndon seems to have been troubled by patriotic scruples. He could not - understand how the war had been begun unconstitutionally and unnecessarily - by President Polk, nor how the Whigs could vote supplies to carry on the - war without indorsing the war itself. Besides all this, he sent news of - startling defections; and the weary Representative took up his pen again - and again to explain, defend, and advise:— - </p> - <p> - Washington, June 22,1848. - </p> - <p> - Dear William,—Last night I was attending a sort of caucus of the - Whig members, held in relation to the coming Presidential election. The - whole field of the nation was scanned; and all is high hope and - confidence. Illinois is expected to better her condition in this race. - Under these circumstances, judge how heart-rending it was to come to my - room and find and read your discouraging letter of the 15th. We have made - no gains, but have lost "H. R. Robinson, Turner, Campbell, and four or - five more." Tell Arney to reconsider, if he would be saved. Baker and I - used to do something, but I think you attach more importance to our - absence than is just. There is another cause: in 1840, for instance, we - had two Senators and five Representatives in Sangamon; now, we have part - of one Senator and two Representatives. With quite one-third more people - than we had then, we have only half the sort of offices which are sought - by men of the speaking sort of talent. This, I think, is the chief cause. - Now, as to the young men. You must not wait to be brought forward by the - older men. For instance, do you suppose that I should ever have got into - notice if I had waited to be hunted up and pushed forward by older men. - You young men get together and form a Rough and Ready Club, and have - regular meetings and speeches. Take in everybody that you can get. - Harrison, Grimsley, Z. A. Enos, Lee Kimball, and C. W. Matheny will do to - begin the thing; but, as you go along, gather up all the shrewd, wild boys - about town, whether just of age or a little under age,—Chris. Logan, - Reddick Ridgely, Lewis Zwizler, and hundreds such. Let every one play the - part he can play best,—some speak, some sing, and all hollow (holler - ED). Your meetings will be of evenings; the older men, and the women, will - go to hear you; so that it will not only contribute to the election of - "Old Zack," but will be an interesting pastime, and improving to the - intellectual faculties of all engaged. Don't fail to do this. - </p> - <p> - You ask me to send you all the speeches made about "Old Zack," the war, - &c., &c. Now, this makes me a little impatient. I have regularly - sent you "The Congressional Globe" and "Appendix," and you cannot have - examined them, or you would have discovered that they contain every speech - made by every man in both Houses of Congress, on every subject, during the - session. Can I send any more? Can I send speeches that nobody has made? - Thinking it would be most natural that the newspapers would feel - interested to give at least some of the speeches to their readers, I, at - the beginning of the session, made arrangements to have one copy of "The - Globe" and "Appendix" regularly sent to each Whig paper of the district. - And yet, with the exception of my own little speech, which was published - in two only of the then five, now four, Whig papers, I do not remember - having seen a single speech, or even extract from one, in any single one - of those papers. With equal and full means on both sides, I will venture - that "The State Register" has thrown before its readers more of Locofoco - speeches in a month than all the Whig papers of the district have done of - Whig speeches during the session. - </p> - <p> - If you wish a full understanding of the war, I repeat what I believe I - said to you in a letter once before, that the whole, or nearly so, is to - be found in the speech of Dixon of Connecticut. This I sent you in - pamphlet, as well, as in "The Globe." Examine and study every sentence of - that speech thoroughly, and you will understand the whole subject. - </p> - <p> - You ask how Congress came to declare that war had existed by the act of - Mexico. Is it possible you don't understand that yet? You have at least - twenty speeches in your possession that fully explain it. I will, however, - try it once more. The news reached Washington of the commencement of - hostilities on the Rio Grande, and of the great peril of Gen. Taylor's - army. Everybody, Whigs and Democrats, was for sending them aid, in men and - money. It was necessary to pass a bill for this. The Locos had a majority - in both Houses, and they brought in a bill with a preamble, saying, <i>Whereas</i>, - War exists by the act of Mexico, therefore we send Gen. Taylor money. The - Whigs moved to strike out the preamble, so that they could vote to send - the men and money, without saying any thing about how the war commenced; - but, being in the minority, they were voted down, and the preamble was - retained. Then, on the passage of the bill, the question came upon them, - "Shall we vote for preamble and bill both together, or against both - together?" They did not want to vote against sending help to Gen. Taylor, - and therefore they voted for both together. Is there any difficulty in - understanding this? Even my little speech shows how this was; and, if you - will go to the library, you may get "The Journal" of 1845-46, in which you - can find the whole for yourself. - </p> - <p> - We have nothing published yet with special reference to the Taylor race; - but we soon will have, and then I will send them to everybody. I made an - internal-improvement speech day before yesterday, which I shall send home - as soon as I can get it written out and printed,—and which I suppose - nobody will read. - </p> - <p> - Your friend as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Washington, July 10, 1848. - </p> - <p> - Dear William,—Your letter covering the newspaper slips was received - last night. The subject of that letter is exceedingly painful to me; and I - cannot but think there is some mistake in your impression of the motives - of the old men. I suppose I am now one of the old men; and I declare, on - my veracity, which I think is good with you, that nothing could afford me - more satisfaction than to learn that you and others of my young friends at - home were doing battle in the contest, and endearing themselves to the - people, and taking a stand far above any I have ever been able to reach in - their admiration. I cannot conceive that other old men feel differently. - Of course, I cannot demonstrate what I say; but I was young once, and I am - sure I was never ungenerously thrust back. I hardly know what to say. The - way for a young man to rise is to improve himself every way he can, never - suspecting that anybody wishes to hinder him. Allow me to assure you that - suspicion and jealousy never did help any man in any situation. There may - sometimes be ungenerous attempts to keep a young man down; and they will - succeed, too, if he allows his mind to be diverted from its true channel, - to brood over the attempted injury. Cast about, and see if this feeling - has not injured every person you have ever known to fall into it. - </p> - <p> - Now, in what I have said, I am sure you will suspect nothing but sincere - friendship. I would save you from a fatal error. You have been a - laborious, studious young man. You are far better informed on almost all - subjects than I have ever been. You cannot fail in any laudable object, - unless you allow your mind to be improperly directed. I have some the - advantage of you in the world's experience, merely by being older; and it - is this that induces me to advise. - </p> - <p> - You still seem to be a little mistaken about "The Congressional Globe" and - "Appendix." They contain <i>all</i> of the speeches that are published in - any way. My speech and Dayton's speech, which you say you got in pamphlet - form, are both, word for word, in the "Appendix." I repeat again, all are - there. - </p> - <p> - Your friend, as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - The "internal-improvement" speech to which Mr. Lincoln alludes in one of - these letters was delivered on the 20th of June, and contained nothing - remarkable or especially characteristic. It was in the main merely the - usual Whig argument in favor of the constitutionality of Mr. Clay's - "American System." - </p> - <p> - But, after the nominations at Baltimore and Philadelphia, everybody in - either House of Congress who could compose any thing at all "on his legs," - or in the closet, felt it incumbent upon him to contribute at least one - electioneering speech to the political literature of the day. At last, on - the 27th of July, Mr. Lincoln found an opportunity to make his. Few like - it have ever been heard in either of those venerable chambers. It is a - common remark of those who know nothing of the subject, that Mr. Lincoln - was devoid of imagination; but the reader of this speech will entertain a - different opinion. It opens to us a mind fertile in images sufficiently - rare and striking, but of somewhat questionable taste. It must have been - heard in amazement by those gentlemen of the House who had never known a - Hanks, or seen a New Salem. - </p> - <p> - SPEECH ON THE PRESIDENCY AND GENERAL POLITICS. DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE, - JULY 27, 1848. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Speaker,—Our Democratic friends seem to be in great distress - because they think our candidate for the Presidency don't suit us. Most of - them cannot find out that Gen. Taylor has any principles at all; some, - however, have discovered that he has one, but that that one is entirely - wrong. This one principle is his position on the veto power. The gentleman - from Tennessee (Mr. Stanton), who has just taken his seat, indeed, has - said there is very little, if any, difference on this question between - Gen. Taylor and all the Presidents; and he seems to think it sufficient - detraction from Gen. Taylor's position on it, that it has nothing new in - it. But all others whom I have heard speak assail it furiously. A new - member from Kentucky (Mr. Clarke) of very considerable ability, was in - particular concern about it. He thought it altogether novel and - unprecedented for a President, or a Presidential candidate, to think of - approving bills whose constitutionality may not be entirely clear to his - own mind. He thinks the ark of our safety is gone, unless Presidents shall - always veto such bills as, in their judgment, may be of doubtful - constitutionality. However clear Congress may be of their authority to - pass any particular act, the gentleman from Kentucky thinks the President - must veto it if he has doubts about it. Now, I have neither time nor - inclination to argue with the gentleman on the veto power as an original - question; but I wish to show that Gen. Taylor, and not he, agrees with the - earliest statesmen on this question. When the bill chartering the first - Bank of the United States passed Congress, its constitutionality was - questioned; Mr. Madison, then in the House of Representatives, as well as - others, had opposed it on that ground. Gen. Washington, as President, was - called on to approve or reject it. He sought and obtained, on the - constitutional question, the separate written opinions of Jefferson, - Hamilton, and Edmund Randolph; they then being respectively Secretary of - State, Secretary of the Treasury, and Attorney-General. Hamilton's opinion - was for the power; while Randolph's and Jefferson's were both against it. - Mr. Jefferson, in his letter dated Feb. 15, 1791, after giving his opinion - decidedly against the constitutionality of that bill, closed with the - paragraph which I now read:— - </p> - <p> - "It must be admitted, however, that, unless the President's mind, on a - view of every thing which is urged for and against this bill, is tolerably - clear that it is unauthorized by the Constitution; if the pro and the con - hang so even as to balance his judgment, a just respect for the wisdom of - the Legislature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their - opinion; it is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by error, - ambition, or interest, that the Constitution has placed a check in the - negative of the President." - </p> - <p> - Gen. Taylor's opinion, as expressed in his Allison letter, is as I now - read:— - </p> - <p> - "The power given by the veto is a high conservative power, but, in my - opinion, should never be exercised, except in cases of clear violation of - the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by - Congress." - </p> - <p> - It is here seen, that, in Mr. Jefferson's opinion, if, on the - constitutionality of any given bill, the President doubts, he is not to - veto it, as the gentleman from Kentucky would have him to do, but is to - defer to Congress, and approve it. And if we compare the opinions of - Jefferson and Taylor, as expressed in these paragraphs, we shall find them - more exactly alike than we can often find any two expressions having any - literal difference. None but interested fault-finders can discover any - substantial variation. - </p> - <p> - But gentlemen on the other side are unanimously agreed that Gen. Taylor - has no other principle. They are in utter darkness as to his opinions on - any of the questions of policy which occupy the public attention. But is - there any doubt as to what he will do on the prominent question, if - elected? Not the least. It is not possible to know what he will or would - do in every imaginable case, because many questions have passed away, and - others doubtless will arise, which none of us have yet thought of; but on - the prominent questions of currency, tariff, internal improvements, and - Wilmot Proviso, Gen. Taylor's course is at least as well defined as is - Gen. Cass's. Why, in their eagerness to get at Gen. Taylor, several - Democratic members here have desired to know whether, in case of his - election, a bankrupt-law is to be established. Can they tell us Gen. - Cass's opinion on this question? (Some member answered, He is against - it.") Ay, how do you know he is? There is nothing about it in the - platform, nor elsewhere, that I have seen. If the gentleman knows any - thing which I do not, he can show it. But to return: Gen. Taylor, in his - Allison letter, says,— - </p> - <p> - "Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improvement of our - great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the people, as - expressed through their Representatives in Congress, ought to be respected - and carried out by the Executive." - </p> - <p> - Now, this is the whole matter: in substance, it is this: The people say to - Gen. Taylor, "If you are elected, shall we have a national bank?" He - answers, "Your will, gentlemen, not mine"—"What about the tariff?"—"Say - yourselves."—"Shall our rivers and harbors be improved?"—"Just - as you please."—"If you desire a bank, an alteration of the tariff, - internal improvements, any or all, I will not hinder you: if you do not - desire them, I will not attempt to force them on you. Send up your members - of Congress from the various districts, with opinions according to your - own, and if they are for these measures, or any of them, I shall have - nothing to oppose: if they are not for them, I shall not, by any - appliances whatever, attempt to dragoon them into their adoption." Now, - can there be any difficulty in understanding this? To you, Democrats, it - may not seem like principle; but surely you cannot fail to perceive the - position plain enough. The distinction between it and the position of your - candidate is broad and obvious, and I admit you have a clear right to show - it is wrong, if you can; but you have no right to pretend you cannot see - it at all. We see it, and to us it appears like principle, and the best - sort of principle at that,—the principle of allowing the people to - do as they please with their own business. My friend from Indiana (Mr. C. - B. Smith) has aptly asked, "Are you willing to trust the people?" Some of - you answered substantially, "We are willing to trust the people; but the - President is as much the representative of the people as Congress." In a - certain sense, and to a certain extent, he is the representative of the - people. He is elected by them as well as Congress is. But can he, in the - nature of things, know the wants of the people as well as three hundred - other men coming from all the various localities of the nation? If so, - where is the propriety of having a Congress? That the Constitution gives - the President a negative on legislation, all know; but that this negative - should be so combined with platforms and other appliances as to enable - him, and, in fact, almost compel him, to take the whole of legislation - into his own hands, is what we object to, is what Gen. Taylor objects to, - and is what constitutes the broad distinction between you and us. To thus - transfer legislation is clearly to take it from those who understand with - minuteness the interests of the people, and give it to one who does not - and cannot so well understand it. I understand your idea,—that if a - Presidential candidate avow his opinion upon a given question, or rather - upon all questions, and the people, with full knowledge of this, elect - him, they thereby distinctly approve all those opinions. This, though - plausible, is a most pernicious deception. By means of it, measures are - adopted or rejected contrary to the wishes of the whole of one party, and - often nearly half of the other. The process is this: Three, four, or half - a dozen questions are prominent at a given time; the party selects its - candidate, and he takes his position on each of these questions. On all - but one his positions have already been indorsed at former elections, and - his party fully committed to them; but that one is new, and a large - portion of them are against it. But what are they to do? The whole are - strung together, and they must take all or reject all. They cannot take - what they like, and leave the rest. What they are already committed to - being the majority, they shut their eyes and gulp the whole. Next - election, still another is introduced in the same way. If we run our eyes - along the line of the past, we shall see that almost, if not quite, all - the articles of the present Democratic creed have been at first forced - upon the party in this very way. And just now, and just so, opposition to - internal improvements is to be established if Gen. Cass shall be elected. - Almost half the Democrats here are for improvements, but they will vote - for Cass; and, if he succeeds, their votes will have aided in closing the - doors against improvements. Now, this is a process which we think is - wrong. We prefer a candidate, who, like Gen. Taylor, will allow the people - to have their own way, regardless of his private opinion; and I should - think the internal-improvement Democrats, at least, ought to prefer such a - candidate. He would force nothing on them which they don't want; and he - would allow them to have improvements which their own candidate, if - elected, will not. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Speaker, I have said Gen. Taylor's position is as well defined as is - that of Gen. Cass. In saying this, I admit I do not certainly know what he - would do on the Wilmot Proviso. I am a Northern man, or, rather, a Western - Free State man, with a constituency I believe to be, and with personal - feelings I know to be, against the extension of slavery. As such, and with - what information I have, I hope and <i>believe</i> Gen. Taylor, if - elected, would not veto the proviso; but I do not <i>know</i> it. Yet, if - I knew he would, I still would vote for him. I should do so, because, in - my judgment, his election alone can defeat Gen. Cass; and because, <i>should</i> - slavery thereby go into the territory we now have, just so much will - certainly happen by the election of Cass, and, in addition, a course of - policy leading to new wars, new acquisitions of territory, and still - farther extensions of slavery. One of the two is to be President; which is - preferable? - </p> - <p> - But there is as much doubt of Cass on improvements as there is of Taylor - on the proviso. I have no doubt myself of Gen. Cass on this question, but - I know the Democrats differ among themselves as to his position. My - internal-improvement colleague (Mr. Wentworth) stated on this floor the - other day, that he was satisfied Cass was for improvements, because he had - voted for all the bills that he (Mr. W.) had. So far, so good. But Mr. - Polk vetoed some of these very bills; the Baltimore Convention passed a - set of resolutions, among other things, approving these vetoes; and Cass - declares, in his letter accepting the nomination, that he has carefully - read these resolutions, and that he adheres to them as firmly as he - approves them cordially. In other words, Gen. Cass voted for the bills, - and thinks the President did right to veto them; and his friends here are - amiable enough to consider him as being on one side or the other, just as - one or the other may correspond with their own respective inclinations. My - colleague admits that the platform declares against the constitutionality - of a general system of improvement, and that Gen. Cass indorses the - platform; but he still thinks Gen. Cass is in favor of some sort of - improvements. Well, what are they? As he is against <i>general</i> - objects, those he is for must be particular and local. Now, this is taking - the subject precisely by the wrong end. - </p> - <p> - <i>Particularity</i>—expending the money of the <i>whole</i> people - for an object which will benefit only a <i>portion</i> of them—is - the greatest real objection to improvements, and has been so held by Gen. - Jackson, Mr. Polk, and all others, I believe, till now. But now, behold, - the objects most general, nearest free from this objection, are to be - rejected, while those most liable to it are to be embraced. To return: I - cannot help believing that Gen. Cass, when he wrote his letter of - acceptance, well understood he was to be claimed by the advocates of both - sides of this question, and that he then closed the door against all - further expressions of opinion, purposely to retain the benefits of that - double position. His subsequent equivocation at Cleveland, to my mind, - proves such to have been the case. - </p> - <p> - One word more, and I shall have done with this branch of the subject. You - Democrats and your candidate, in the main, are in favor of laying down in - advance a platform,—a set of party positions, as a unit; and then of - enforcing the people, by every sort of appliance, to ratify them, however - unpalatable some of them may be. We and our candidate are in favor of - making Presidential elections and the legislation of the country distinct - matters; so that the people can elect whom they please, and afterward - legislate just as they please, without any hinderance, save only so much - as may guard against infractions of the Constitution, undue haste, and - want of consideration. The difference between us is clear as noonday. That - we are right, we cannot doubt. We hold the true republican position. In - leaving the people's business in their hands, we cannot be wrong. We are - willing, and even anxious, to go to the people on this issue. - </p> - <p> - But I suppose I cannot reasonably hope to convince you that we have any - principles. The most I can expect is, to assure you that we think we have, - and are quite contented with them. The other day, one of the gentlemen - from Georgia (Mr. Iverson), an eloquent man, and a man of learning, so far - as I can judge, not being learned myself, came down upon us astonishingly. - He spoke in what "The Baltimore American" calls the "scathing and - withering style." At the end of his second severe flash I was struck - blind, and found myself feeling with my fingers for an assurance of my - continued physical existence. A little of the bone was left, and I - gradually revived. He eulogized Mr. Clay in high and beautiful terms, and - then declared that we had deserted all our principles, and had turned - Henry Clay out, like an old horse, to root. This is terribly severe. It - cannot be answered by argument; at least, I cannot so answer it. I merely - wish to ask the gentleman if the Whigs are the only party he can think of, - who sometimes turn old horses out to root? Is not a certain Martin Van - Buren an old horse which your own party have turned out to root? and is he - not rooting a little to your discomfort about now? But, in not nominating - Mr. Clay, we deserted our principles, you say. Ah! in what? Tell us, ye - men of principles, what principle we violated? We say you did violate - principle in discarding Van Buren, and we can tell you how. You violated - the primary, the cardinal, the one great living principle of all - Democratic representative government,—the principle that the - representative is bound to carry out the known will of his constituents. A - large majority of the Baltimore Convention of 1844 were, by their - constituents, instructed to procure Van Buren's nomination if they could. - In violation, in utter, glaring contempt of this, you rejected him,—rejected - him, as the gentleman from New York (Mr. Birdsall), the other day - expressly admitted, for <i>availability</i>,—that same "general - availability" which you charge upon us, and daily chew over here, as - something exceedingly odious and unprincipled. But the gentleman from - Georgia (Mr. Iverson) gave us a second speech yesterday, all well - considered and put down in writing, in which Van Buren was scathed and - withered a "few" for his present position and movements. I cannot remember - the gentleman's precise language, but I do remember he put Van Buren down, - down, till he got him where he was finally to "stink" and "rot." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Speaker, it is no business or inclination of mine to defend Martin Van - Buren. In the war of extermination now waging between him and his old - admirers, I say, Devil take the hindmost—and the foremost. But there - is no mistaking the origin of the breach; and, if the curse of "stinking" - and "rotting" is to fall on the first and greatest violators of principle - in the matter, I disinterestedly suggest, that the gentleman from Georgia - and his present co-workers are bound to take it upon themselves. - </p> - <p> - While I have Gen. Cass in hand, I wish to say a word about his political - principles. As a specimen, I take the record of his progress on the Wilmot - Proviso. In "The Washington Union" of March 2, 1847, there is a report of - the speech of Gen. Cass, made the day before in the Senate, on the Wilmot - Proviso, during the delivery of which, Mr. Miller of New Jersey is - reported to have interrupted him as follows, to wit:— - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Miller expressed his great surprise at the change in the sentiments - of the Senator from Michigan, who had been regarded as the great champion - of freedom in the North-west, of which he was a distinguished ornament. - Last year the Senator from Michigan was understood to be decidedly in - favor of the Wilmot Proviso; and, as no reason had been stated for the - change, he (Mr. Miller) could not refrain from the expression of his - extreme surprise." - </p> - <p> - To this, Gen. Cass is reported to have replied as follows, to wit:— - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Cass said, that the course of the Senator from New Jersey was most - extraordinary. Last year he (Mr. Cass) should have voted for the - proposition had it come up. But circumstances had altogether changed. The - honorable Senator then read several passages from the remarks as given - above which he had committed to writing, in order to refute such a charge - as that of the Senator from New Jersey." - </p> - <p> - In the "remarks above committed to writing," is one numbered 4, as - follows, to wit:— - </p> - <p> - "4th. Legislation would now be wholly imperative, because no territory - hereafter to be acquired can be governed without an act of Congress - providing for its government. And such an act, on its passage, would open - the whole subject, and leave the Congress called on to pass it free to - exercise its own discretion, entirely uncontrolled by any declaration - found in the statute-book." - </p> - <p> - In "Niles's Register," vol. lxxiii., p. 293, there is a letter of Gen. - Cas? to A. O. P. Nicholson of Nashville, Tenn., dated Dec. 24, 1847, from - which the following are correct extracts:— - </p> - <p> - "The Wilmot Proviso has been before the country some time. It has been - repeatedly discussed in Congress, and by the public press. I am strongly - impressed with the opinion that a great change has been going on in the - public mind upon this subject,—in my own as well as others; and that - doubts are resolving themselves into convictions, that the principle it - involves should be kept out of the national Legislature, and left to the - people of the Confederacy in their respective local governments. - </p> - <p> - "Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction by - Congress over this matter; and I am in favor of leaving the people of any - territory which may be hereafter acquired, the right to regulate it - themselves, under the general principles of the Constitution. Because, - </p> - <p> - "1. I do not see in the Constitution any grant of the requisite power to - Congress; and I am not disposed to extend a doubtful precedent beyond its - necessity,—the establishment of territorial governments when needed,—leaving - to the inhabitants all the rights compatible with the relations they bear - to the Confederation." - </p> - <p> - These extracts show, that, in 1846, Gen. Cass was for the Proviso <i>at - once</i>; that, in March, 1847, he was still for it, <i>but not just then</i>; - and that in December, 1847, he was <i>against</i> it altogether. This is a - true index to the whole man. When the question was raised in 1846, he was - in a blustering hurry to take ground for it. He sought to be in advance, - and to avoid the uninteresting position of a mere follower; but soon he - began to see glimpses of the great Democratic ox-gad waving in his face, - and to hear indistinctly a voice saying, "Back!" "Back, sir!" "Back a - little!" He shakes his head, and bats his eyes, and blunders back to his - position of March, 1847; but still the gad waves, and the voice grows more - distinct, and sharper still,—"Back, sir!" "Back, I say!" "Further - back!" and back he goes to the position of December, 1847; at which the - gad is still, and the voice soothingly says, "So!" "Stand still at that." - </p> - <p> - Have no fears, gentlemen, of your candidate: he exactly suits you, and we - congratulate you upon it. However much you may be distressed about our - candidate, you have all cause to be contented and happy with your own. If - elected, he may not maintain all, or even any, of his positions previously - taken; but he will be sure to do whatever the party exigency, for the time - being, may require; and that is precisely what you want. He and Van Buren - are the same "manner of men;" and, like Van Buren, he will never desert - you till you first desert him. - </p> - <p> - [After referring at some length to extra "charges" of Gen. Cass upon the - Treasury, Mr. Lincoln continued:—-] - </p> - <p> - But I have introduced Gen. Cass's accounts here chiefly to show the - wonderful physical capacities of the man. They show that he not only did - the labor of several men at the same <i>time</i>, but that he often did - it, at several <i>places</i> many hundred miles apart, <i>at the same time</i>. - And at eating, too, his capacities are shown to be quite as wonderful. - From October, 1821, to May, 1822, he ate ten rations a day in Michigan, - ten rations a day here in Washington, and nearly five dollars' worth a day - besides, partly on the road between the two places. And then there is an - important discovery in his example,—the art of being paid for what - one eats, instead of having to pay for it. Hereafter, if any nice young - man shall owe a bill which he cannot pay in any other way, he can just - board it out. Mr. Speaker, we have all heard of the animal standing in - doubt between two stacks of hay, and starving to death: the like of that - would never happen to Gen. Cass. Place the stacks a thousand miles apart, - he would stand stock-still, midway between them, and eat them both at - once; and the green grass along the line would be apt to suffer some, too, - at the same time. By all means make him President, gentlemen. He will feed - you bounteously—if—if—there is any left after he shall - have helped himself. - </p> - <p> - But as Gen. Taylor is, par excellence, the hero of the Mexican War, and as - you Democrats say we Whigs have always opposed the war, you think it must - be very awkward and embarrassing for us to go for Gen. Taylor. The - declaration that we have always opposed the war is true or false - accordingly as one may understand the term "opposing the war." If to say - "the war was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the - President," by opposing the war, then the Whigs have very generally - opposed it. Whenever they have spoken at all, they have said this; and - they have said it on what has appeared good reason to them: the marching - an army into the midst of a peaceful Mexican settlement, frightening the - inhabitants away, leaving their growing crops and other property to - destruction, to you may appear a perfectly amiable, peaceful, unprovoking - procedure; but it does not appear so to us. So to call such an act, to us - appears no other than a naked, impudent absurdity, and we speak of it - accordingly. But if when the war had begun, and had become the cause of - the country, the giving of our money and our blood, in common with yours, - was support of the war, then it is not true that we have always opposed - the war. With few individual exceptions, you have constantly had our votes - here for all the necessary supplies. And, more than this, you have had the - services, the blood, and the lives of our political brethren in every - trial, and on every field. The beardless boy and the mature man, the - humble and the distinguished,—you have had them. Through suffering - and death, by disease and in battle, they have endured and fought and - fallen with you. Clay and Webster each gave a son, never to be returned. - From the State of my own residence, besides other worthy but less known - Whig names, we sent Marshall, Morrison, Baker, and Hardin: they all - fought, and one fell, and in the fall of that one we lost our best Whig - man. Nor were the Whigs few in number, or laggard in the day of danger. In - that fearful, bloody, breathless struggle at Buena Vista, where each man's - hard task was to beat back five foes or die himself, of the five high - officers who perished, four were Whigs. - </p> - <p> - In speaking of this, I mean no odious comparison between the lion-hearted - Whigs and Democrats who fought there. On other occasions, and among the - lower officers and privates on that occasion, I doubt not the proportion - was different. I wish to do justice to all. I think of all those brave men - as Americans, in whose proud fame, as an American, I, too, have a share. - Many of them, Whigs and Democrats, are my constituents and personal - friends; and I thank them,—more than thank them,—one and all, - for the high, imperishable honor they have conferred on our common State. - </p> - <p> - But the distinction between the <i>cause of the President in beginning the - war,</i> and the <i>cause of the country after it was begun</i>, is a - distinction which you cannot perceive. To you, the President and the - country seem to be all one. You are interested to see no distinction - between them; and I venture to suggest that possibly your interest blinds - you a little. We see the distinction, as we think, clearly enough; and our - friends, who have fought in the war, have no difficulty in seeing it also. - What those who have fallen would say, were they alive and here, of course - we can never know; but with those who have returned there is no - difficulty. Col. Haskell and Major Gaines, members here, both fought in - the war; and one of them underwent extraordinary perils and hardships; - still they, like all other Whigs here, vote on the record that the war was - unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President. And even - Gen. Taylor himself, the noblest Roman of them all, has declared that, as - a citizen, and particularly as a soldier, it is sufficient for him to know - that his country is at war with a foreign nation, to do all in his power - to bring it to a speedy and honorable termination, by the most vigorous - and energetic operations, without inquiring about its justice, or any - thing else connected with it. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Speaker, let our Democratic friends be comforted with the assurance - that we are content with our position, content with our company, and - content with our candidate; and that although they, in their generous - sympathy, think we ought to be miserable, we really are not, and that they - may dismiss the great anxiety they have on our account.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The following passage has generally been omitted from this speech, as - published in the "Lives of Lincoln." The reason for the omission is - quite obvious. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - "But the gentleman from Georgia further says, we have deserted all our - principles, and taken shelter under Gen. Taylor's military coat-tail; and - he seems to think this is exceedingly degrading. Well, as his faith is, so - be it unto him. But can he remember no other military coat-tail, under - which a certain other party have been sheltering for near a quarter of a - century? Has he no acquaintance with the ample military coat-tail of Gen. - Jackson? Does he not know that his own party have run the last five - Presidential races under that coat-tail? and that they are now running the - sixth under the same cover? Yes, sir, that coat-tail was used, not only - for Gen, Jackson himself, but has been clung to with the grip of death by - every Democratic candidate since. You have never ventured, and dare not - now venture, from under it. Your campaign papers have constantly been 'Old - Hickories,' with rude likenesses of the old general upon them; hickory - poles and hickory brooms your never-ending emblems. Mr. Polk himself was - 'Young Hickory.' 'Little Hickory,' or something so; and even now your - campaign paper here is proclaiming that Cass and Butler are of the - 'Hickory stripe.' No, sir, you dare not give it up. Like a horde of hungry - ticks, you have stuck to the tail of the Hermitage lion to the end of his - life; and you are still sticking to it, and drawing a loathsome sustenance - from it, after he is dead. A fellow once advertised that he had made a - discovery by which he could make a new man out of an old one, and have - enough of the stuff left to make a little yellow dog. Just such a - discovery has Gen. Jackson's popularity been to you. You not only twice - made President of him out of it, but you have enough of the stuff left to - make Presidents of several comparatively small men since; and it is your - chief reliance now to make still another. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Speaker, old horses and military coat-tails, or tails of any sort, - are not figures of speech such as I would be the first to introduce into - discussions here; but, as the gentleman from Georgia has thought fit to - introduce them, he and you are welcome to all you have made, or can make, - by them. If you have any more old horses, trot them out; any more tails, - just cock them, and come at us. - </p> - <p> - "I repeat, I would not introduce this mode of discussion here; but I wish - gentlemen on the other side to understand, that the use of degrading - figures is a game at which they may find themselves unable to take all the - winnings. ["We give it up."] Ay, you give it up, and well you may; but for - a very different reason from that which you would have us understand. The - point—the power to hurt—of all figures, consists in the <i>truthfulness</i> - of their application; and, understanding this, you may well give it up. - They are weapons which hit you, but miss us. - </p> - <p> - "But, in my hurry, I was very near closing on this subject of military - tails before I was done with it. There is one entire article of the sort I - have not discussed yet; I mean the military tail you Democrats are now - engaged in dovetailing on to the great Michigander. Yes, sir, all his - biographers (and they are legion) have him in hand, tying him to a - military tail, like so many mischievous boys tying a dog to a bladder of - beans. True, the material is very limited, but they are at it might and - main. He invaded Canada without resistance, and he <i>out</i>vaded it - without pursuit. As he did both under orders, I suppose there was, to him, - neither credit nor discredit; but they are made to constitute a large part - of the tail. He was not at Hull's surrender, but he was close by; he was - volunteer aid to Gen. Harrison on the day of the battle of the Thames; - and, as you said in 1840 Harrison was picking whortleberries two miles off - while the battle was fought, I suppose it is a just conclusion, with you, - to say Cass was aiding Harrison to pick whortleberries. This is about all, - except the mooted question of the broken sword. Some authors say he broke - it; some say he threw it away; and some others, who ought to know, say - nothing about it. Perhaps it would be a fair historical compromise to say, - if he did not break it, he did not do any thing else with it. - </p> - <p> - "By the way, Mr. Speaker, did you know I am a military hero? Yes sir: in - the days of the Black-Hawk War, I fought, bled, and came away. Speaking of - Gen. Cass's career reminds me of my own. I was not at Stillman's defeat, - but I was about as near it as Cass was to Hull's surrender; and, like him, - I saw the place very soon afterwards. It is quite certain I did not break - my sword, for I had none to break; but I bent my musket pretty badly on - one occasion. If Cass broke his sword, the idea is, he broke it in - desperation: I bent the musket by accident. If Gen. Cass went in advance - of me picking whortleberries, - </p> - <p> - I guess I surpassed him in charges upon the wild onions. If he saw any - live fighting Indians, it was more than I did, but I had a good many - bloody struggles with the mosquitoes; and, although I never fainted from - loss of blood, I can truly say I was often very hungry, "Mr. Speaker, if - ever I should conclude to doff whatever our Democratic friends may suppose - there is of black-cockade Federalism about me, and, thereupon, they shall - take me up as their candidate for the Presidency, I protest that they - shall not make fun of me, as they have of Gen. Cass, by attempting to - write me into a military hero." - </p> - <p> - Congress adjourned on the 14th of August; but Mr. Lincoln went up to New - England, and made various campaign speeches before he returned home. They - were not preserved, and were probably of little importance. - </p> - <p> - Soon after his return to Washington, to take his seat at the second - session of the Thirtieth Congress, he received a letter from his father, - which astonished and perhaps amused him. His reply intimates grave doubts - concerning the veracity of his correspondent. - </p> - <p> - Washington, Dec. 24, 1848. My dear Father,—Your letter of the 7th - was received night before last. I very cheerfully send you the twenty - dollars, which sum you say is necessary to save your land from sale. It is - singular that you should have forgotten a judgment against you; and it is - more singular that the plaintiff should have let you forget it so long; - particularly as I suppose you always had property enough to satisfy a - judgment of that amount. Before you pay it, it would be well to be sure - you have not paid, or at least that you cannot prove you have paid it. - </p> - <p> - Give my love to mother and all the connections. - </p> - <p> - Affectionately your son, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - The second session was a quiet one. Mr. Lincoln did nothing to attract - public attention in any marked degree. He attended diligently and - unobtrusively to the ordinary duties of his office, and voted generally - with the Whig majority. One Mr. Gott, however, of New York, offered a - resolution looking to the abolition of the slave-trade in the District of - Columbia, and Mr. Lincoln was one of only three or four Northern Whigs who - voted to lay the resolution on the table. At another time, however, Mr. - Lincoln proposed a substitute for the Gott resolution, providing for - gradual and compensated emancipation, with the consent of the people of - the District, to be ascertained at a general election. This measure he - evidently abandoned, and it died a natural death among the rubbish of - "unfinished business." His record on the Wilmot Proviso has been - thoroughly exposed, both by himself and Mr. Douglas, and in the - Presidential campaign by his friends and foes. He said himself, that he - had voted for it "about forty-two times." It is not likely that he had - counted the votes when he made this statement, but spoke according to the - best of his "knowledge and belief." - </p> - <p> - The following letters are printed, not because they illustrate the - author's character more than a thousand others would, but because they - exhibit one of the many perplexities of Congressional life. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, April 25, 1849. - </p> - <p> - Dear Thompson,—A tirade is still kept up against me here for - recommending T. R. King. This morning it is openly avowed that my supposed - influence at Washington shall be broken down generally, and King's - prospects defeated in particular. Now, what I have done in this matter, I - have done at the request of you and some other friends in Tazewell; and I - therefore ask you to either admit it is wrong, or come forward and sustain - me. If the truth will permit, I propose that you sustain me in the - following manner: copy the enclosed scrap in your own handwriting, and get - everybody (not three or four, but three or four hundred) to sign it, and - then send it to me. Also, have six, eight, or ten of our best known Whig - friends there to write me individual letters, stating the truth in this - matter as they understand it. Don't neglect or delay in the matter. I - understand information of an indictment having been found against him - about three years ago for gaming, or keeping a gaming-house, has been sent - to the Department. I shall try to take care of it at the Department till - your action can be had and forwarded on. - </p> - <p> - Yours as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Washington, June 5, 1849. - </p> - <p> - Dear William,—Your two letters were received last night. I have a - great many letters to write, and so cannot write very long ones. There - must be some mistake about Walter Davis saying I promised him the - Post-office. I did not so promise him. I did tell him, that, if the - distribution of the offices should fall into my hands, he should have - something; and, if I shall be convinced he has said any more than this, I - shall be disappointed. - </p> - <p> - I said this much to him, because, as I understand, he is of good - character, is one of the young men, is of the mechanics, and always - faithful, and never troublesome, a Whig and is poor, with the support of a - widow-mother thrown almost exclusively on him by the death of his brother. - If these are wrong reasons, then I have been wrong; but I have certainly - not been selfish in it, because, in my greatest need of friends, he was - against me and for Baker. - </p> - <p> - Yours as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - P. S.—Let the above be confidential. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0013" id="link2HCH0013"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XIII - </h2> - <p> - LIKE most other public men in America, Mr. Lincoln made his bread by the - practice of his profession, and the better part of his fame by the - achievements of the politician. He was a lawyer of some note, and, - compared with the crowds who annually take upon themselves the responsible - office of advocate and attorney, he might very justly have been called a - good one; for he regarded his office as a trust, and selected and tried - his cases, not with a view to personal gain, but to the administration of - justice between suitors. And here, midway in his political career, it is - well enough to pause, and take a leisurely survey of him in his other - character of country lawyer, from the time he entered the bar at - Springfield until he was translated from it to the Presidential chair. It - is unnecessary to remind the reader (for by this time it must be obvious - enough) that the aim of the writer is merely to present facts and - contemporaneous opinions, with as little comment as possible. - </p> - <p> - In the courts and at the bar-meetings immediately succeeding his death, - his professional brethren poured out in volumes their testimony to his - worth and abilities as a lawyer. But, in estimating the value of this - testimony, it is fair to consider the state of the public mind at the time - it was given,—the recent triumph of the Federal arms under his - direction; the late overwhelming indorsement of his administration; the - unparalleled devotion of the people to his person as exhibited at the - polls; the fresh and bitter memories of the hideous tragedy that took him - off; the furious and deadly passions it inspired in the one party, and the - awe, indignation, and terror it inspired in the other. It was no time for - nice and critical examinations, either of his mental or his moral - character; and it might have been attended with personal danger to attempt - them. For days and nights together it was considered treason to be seen in - public with a smile on the face. Men who spoke evil of the fallen chief, - or even ventured a doubt concerning the ineffable purity and saintliness - of his life, were pursued by mobs, were beaten to death with - paving-stones, or strung up by the neck to lampposts. If there was any - rivalry, it was as to who should be foremost and fiercest among his - avengers, who should canonize him in the most solemn words, who should - compare him to the most sacred character in all history, sacred and - profane. He was prophet, priest, and king; he was Washington; he was - Moses; and there were not wanting even those who likened him to the God - and Redeemer of all the earth. These latter thought they discovered in his - lowly origin, his kindly nature, his benevolent precepts, and the homely - anecdotes in which he taught the people, strong points of resemblance - between him and the divine Son of Mary. Even at this day, men are not - wanting in prominent positions in life, who knew Mr. Lincoln well, and who - do not hesitate to make such a comparison. - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0009" id="image-0009"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/349.jpg" alt="Judge David Davis 349 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - For many years, Judge David Davis was the near friend and the intimate - associate of Mr. Lincoln. He presided in the court where Lincoln was - oftenest heard: year in and year out they travelled together from town to - town, from county to county, riding frequently in the same conveyance, and - lodging in the same room. Although a judge on the bench, Mr. Davis watched - the political course of his friend with affectionate solicitude, and more - than once interposed most effectually to advance his fortunes. When Mr. - Lincoln ascended to the Presidency, it was well understood that no man - enjoyed more confidential relations with him than Judge Davis. At the - first opportunity, he commissioned Judge Davis an Associate Justice of - that august tribunal, the Supreme Court of the United States; and, upon - his death, Judge Davis administered upon his estate at the request of his - family. Add to this the fact, that, among American jurists, Judge Davis's - fame is, if not peerless, at least not excelled by that of any man whose - reputation rests upon his labors as they appear in the books of Reports, - and we may very fairly consider him a competent judge of the professional - character of Mr. Lincoln. At Indianapolis, Judge Davis spoke of him as - follows:— - </p> - <p> - "I enjoyed for over twenty years the personal friendship of Mr. Lincoln. - We were admitted to the bar about the same time, and travelled for many - years what is known in Illinois as the Eighth Judicial Circuit. In 1848, - when I first went on the bench, the circuit embraced fourteen counties, - and Mr. Lincoln went with the court to every county. Railroads were not - then in use, and our mode of travel was either on horseback or in buggies. - </p> - <p> - "This simple life he loved, preferring it to the practice of the law in a - city, where, although the remuneration would be greater, the opportunity - would be less for mixing with the great body of the people, who loved him, - and whom he loved. Mr. Lincoln was transferred from the bar of that - circuit to the office of President of the United States, having been - without official position since he left Congress in 1849. In all the - elements that constitute the great lawyer, he had few equals. He was great - both at <i>nisi prius</i> and before an appellate tribunal. He seized the - strong points of a cause, and presented them with clearness and great - compactness. His mind was logical and direct, and he did not indulge in - extraneous discussion. Generalities and platitudes had no charms for him. - An unfailing vein of humor never deserted him; and he was always able to - chain the attention of court and jury, when the cause was the most - uninteresting, by the appropriateness of his anecdotes. - </p> - <p> - "His power of comparison was large, and he rarely failed in a legal - discussion to use that mode of reasoning. The framework of his mental and - moral being was honesty, and a wrong cause was poorly defended by him. The - ability which some eminent lawyers possess, of explaining away the bad - points of a cause by ingenious sophistry, was denied him. In order to - bring into full activity his great powers, it was necessary that he should - be convinced of the right and justice of the matter which he advocated. - When so convinced, whether the cause was great or small, he was usually - successful. He read law-books but little, except when the cause in hand - made it necessary; yet he was usually self-reliant, depending on his own - resources, and rarely consulting his brother lawyers, either on the - management of his case or on the legal questions involved. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln was the fairest and most accommodating of practitioners, - granting all favors which he could do consistently with his duty to his - client, and rarely availing himself of an unwary oversight of his - adversary. - </p> - <p> - "He hated wrong and oppression everywhere; and many a man whose fraudulent - conduct was undergoing review in a court of justice has writhed under his - terrific indignation and rebukes. He was the most simple and - unostentatious of men in his habits, having few wants, and those easily - supplied. - </p> - <p> - "To his honor be it said, that he never took from a client, even when the - cause was gained, more than he thought the service was worth and the - client could reasonably afford to pay. The people where he practised law - were not rich, and his charges were always small. - </p> - <p> - "When he was elected President, I question whether there was a lawyer in - the circuit, who had been at the bar as long a time, whose means were not - larger. It did not seem to be one of the purposes of his life to - accumulate a fortune. In fact, outside of his profession, he had no - knowledge of the way to make money, and he never even attempted it. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln was loved by his brethren of the bar; and no body of men will - grieve more at his death, or pay more sincere tributes to his memory. His - presence on the circuit was watched for with interest, and never failed to - produce joy and hilarity. When casually absent, the spirits of both bar - and people were depressed. He was not fond of controversy, and would - compromise a lawsuit whenever practicable." - </p> - <p> - More or other evidence than this may, perhaps, be superfluous. Such an - eulogium, from such a source, is more than sufficient to determine the - place Mr. Lincoln is entitled to occupy in the history, or, more properly - speaking, the traditions, of the Western bar. If Sir Matthew Hale had - spoken thus of any lawyer of his day, he would have insured to the subject - of his praise a place in the estimation of men only less conspicuous and - honorable than that of the great judge himself. At the risk, however, of - unnecessary accumulation, we venture to record an extract from Judge - Drummond's address at Chicago:— - </p> - <p> - "With a probity of character known to all, with an intuitive insight into - the human heart, with a clearness of statement which was in itself an - argument, with uncommon power and felicity of illustration,—often, - it is true, of a plain and homely kind,—and with that sincerity and - earnestness of manner which carried conviction, he was, perhaps, one of - the most successful jury lawyers we ever had in the State. He always tried - a case fairly and honestly. He never intentionally misrepresented the - evidence of a witness, nor the argument of an opponent. He met both - squarely, and, if he could not explain the one or answer the other, - substantially admitted it. He never misstated the law, according to his - own intelligent view of it. Such was the transparent candor and integrity - of his nature, that he could not well, or strongly, argue a side or a - cause that he thought wrong. Of course, he felt it his duty to say what - could be said, and to leave the decision to others; but there could be - seen in such cases the inward struggles of his own mind. In trying a case, - he might occasionally dwell too long upon, or give too much importance to, - an inconsiderable point; but this was the exception, and generally he went - straight to the citadel of the cause or question, and struck home there, - knowing, if that were won, the outworks would necessarily fall. He could - hardly be called very learned in his profession, and yet he rarely tried a - cause without fully understanding the law applicable to it; and I have no - hesitation in saying he was one of the ablest lawyers I have ever known. - If he was forcible before a jury, he was equally so with the court. He - detected, with unerring sagacity, the weak points of an opponent's - argument, and pressed his own views with overwhelming strength. His - efforts were quite unequal; and it might happen that he would not, on some - occasions, strike one as at all remarkable. But let him be thoroughly - roused,—let him feel that he was right, and that some principle was - involved in his cause,—and he would come out with an earnestness of - conviction, a power of argument, and a wealth of illustration, that I have - never seen surpassed." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln's partnership with John T. Stuart began on the 27th of April, - 1837, and continued until the 14th of April, 1841, when it was dissolved, - in consequence of Stuart's election to Congress. In that same year (1841), - Mr. Lincoln united in practice with Stephen T. Logan, late presiding judge - of the district, and they remained together until 1845. - </p> - <p> - Soon afterwards he formed a copartnership with William H. Herndon, his - friend, familiar, and, we may almost say, biographer,—a connection - which terminated only when the senior partner took an affectionate leave - of the old circuit, the old office, home, friends, and all familiar - things, to return no more until he came a blackened corpse. "He once told - me of you," says Mr. Whitney in one of his letters to Mr. Herndon, "that - he had taken you in as partner, supposing that you had a system, and would - keep things in order, but that he found that you had no more system than - he had, but that you were a fine lawyer; so that he was doubly - disappointed." 1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 The following letter exhibits the character of his early practice, and - gives us a glimpse into his social and political life;— - Springfield, Dec. 23,1839. Dear—,—Dr. Henry will write you - all the political news. I write this about some little matters of - business. You recollect you told me you had drawn the Chicago Masack - money, and sent it to the claimants. A d——d hawk-billed - Yankee is here besetting me at every turn I take, saying that Robert - Kenzie never received the eighty dollars to which he was entitled. Can - you tell any thing about the matter? Again, old Mr. Wright, who lives up - South Fork somewhere, is teasing me continually about some deeds, which - he says he left with you, but which I can find nothing of. Can you tell - where they are? The Legislature is in session, and has suffered the bank - to forfeit its charter without benefit of clergy. There seems but little - disposition to resuscitate it. Whenever a letter comes from you to Mrs.———, - I carry it to her, and then I see Betty: she is a tolerable nice fellow - now. Maybe I will write again when I get more time. Your friend as ever, - A. Lincoln. P. S.—The Democratic giant is here, but he is not now - worth talking about. A. L. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - As already stated by Judge Davis, Mr. Lincoln was not "a great reader of - law-books;" but what he knew he knew well, and within those limits was - self-reliant and even intrepid. He was what is sometimes called "a - case-lawyer,"—a man who reasoned almost entirely to the court and - jury from analagous causes previously decided and reported in the books, - and not from the elementary principles of the law, or the great underlying - reasons for its existence. In consultation he was cautious, conscientious, - and painstaking, and was seldom prepared to advise, except after careful - and tedious examination of the authorities. He did not consider himself - bound to take every case that was brought to him, nor to press all the - points in favor of a client who in the main was right and entitled to - recover. He is known to have been many times on the verge of quarrelling - with old and valued friends, because he could not see the justice of their - claims, and, therefore, could not be induced to act as their counsel. - Henry McHenry, one of his New-Salem associates, brought him a case - involving the title to a piece of land. McHenry had placed a family in a - cabin which Mr. Lincoln believed to be situated on the other side of the - adversary's line. He told McHenry that he must move the family out. - "McHenry said he should not do it. 'Well,' said Mr. Lincoln, 'if you do - not, I shall not attend to the suit.' McHenry said he did not care a d—n - whether he did or not; that he (Lincoln) was not all the lawyer there was - in town. Lincoln studied a while, and asked about the location of the - cabin,... and then said, 'McHenry, you are right: I will attend to the - suit,' and did attend to it, and gained it; and that was all the harsh - words that passed." - </p> - <p> - "A citizen of Springfield," says Mr. Herndon, "who visited our office on - business about a year before Mr. Lincoln's nomination, relates the - following:— - </p> - <p> - "'Mr. Lincoln was seated at his table, listening very attentively to a man - who was talking earnestly in a low tone. After the would-be client had - stated the facts of his case, Mr. Lincoln replied, "Yes, there is no - reasonable doubt but that I can gain your case for you. I can set a whole - neighborhood at loggerheads; I can distress a widowed mother and her six - fatherless children, and thereby get for you six hundred dollars, which - rightfully belongs, it appears to me, as much to the woman and her - children as it does to you. You must remember that some things that are - legally right are not morally right. I shall not take your case, but will - give you a little advice, for which I will charge you nothing. You seem to - be a sprightly, energetic man. I would advise you to try your hand at - making six hundred dollars in some other way."'" - </p> - <p> - In the summer of 1841, Mr. Lincoln was engaged in a curious case. The - circumstances impressed him very deeply with the insufficiency and danger - of "circumstantial evidence;" so much so, that he not only wrote the - following account of it to Speed, but another more extended one, which was - printed in a newspaper published at Quincy, 111. His mind was full of it: - he could think of nothing else. It is apparent that in his letter to Speed - he made no pause to choose his words: there is nothing constrained, and - nothing studied or deliberate about it; but its simplicity, perspicuity, - and artless grace make it a model of English composition. What Goldsmith - once said of Locke may better be said of this letter: "He never says more - nor less than he ought, and never makes use of a word that he could have - changed for a better." - </p> - <p> - Springfield, June 19,1841. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—We have had the highest state of excitement here for a - week past that our community has ever witnessed; and although the public - feeling is somewhat allayed, the curious affair which aroused it is very - far from being over yet, cleared of mystery. It would take a quire of - paper to give you any thing like a full account of it, and I therefore - only propose a brief outline. The chief personages in the drama are - Archibald Fisher, supposed to be murdered, and Archibald Trailor, Henry - Trailor, and William Trailor, supposed to have murdered him. The three - Trailors are brothers: the first, Arch., as you know, lives in town; the - second, Henry, in Clary's Grove; and the third, William, in Warren County; - and Fisher, the supposed murdered, being without a family, had made his - home with William. On Saturday evening, being the 29th of May, Fisher and - William came to Henry's in a one-horse dearborn, and there staid over - Sunday; and on Monday all three came to Springfield (Henry on horseback), - and joined Archibald at Myers's, the Dutch carpenter. That evening at - supper Fisher was missing, and so next morning some ineffectual search was - made for him; and on Tuesday, at 1 o'clock, p.m., William and Henry - started home without him. In a day or two Henry and one or two of his - Clary-Grove neighbors came back for him again, and advertised his - disappearance in the papers. The knowledge of the matter thus far had not - been general, and here it dropped entirely, till about the 10th inst., - when Keys received a letter from the postmaster in Warren County, that - William had arrived at home, and was telling a very mysterious and - improbable story about the disappearance of Fisher, which induced the - community there to suppose he had been disposed of unfairly. Keys made - this letter public, which immediately set the whole town and adjoining - county agog. And so it has continued until yesterday. The mass of the - people commenced a systematic search for the dead body, while Wickersbam - was despatched to arrest Henry Trailor at the Grove, and Jim Maxcy to - Warren to arrest William. On Monday last, Henry was brought in, and showed - an evident inclination to insinuate that he knew Fisher to be dead, and - that Arch, and William had killed him. He said he guessed the body could - be found in Spring Creek, between the Beardstown Road and Hickox's mill. - Away the people swept like a herd of buffalo, and cut down Hickox's - mill-dam <i>nolens volens</i>, to draw the water out of the pond, and then - went up and down, and down and up the creek, fishing and raking, and - raking and ducking, and diving for two days, and, after all, no dead body - found. In the mean time a sort of a scuffling-ground had been found in the - brush in the angle, or point, where the road leading into the woods past - the brewery, and the one leading in past the brick grove meet. From the - scuffle-ground was the sign of something about the size of a man having - been dragged to the edge of the thicket, where joined the track of some - small wheeled carriage drawn by one horse, as shown by the road-tracks. - The carriage-track led off toward Spring Creek. Near this drag-trail Dr. - Merryman found two hairs, which, after a long scientific examination, he - pronounced to be triangular human hair, which term, he says, includes - within it the whiskers, the hair growing under the arms, and on other - parts of the body; and he judged that these two were of the whiskers, - because the ends were cut, showing that they had flourished in the - neighborhood of the razor's operations. On Thursday last Jim Maxcy brought - in William Trailor from Warren. On the same day Arch, was arrested, and - put in jail. Yesterday (Friday) William was put upon his examining trial - before May and Lavely. Archibald and Henry were both present. Lamborn - prosecuted, and Logan, Baker, and your humble servant defended. A great - many witnesses were introduced and examined, but I shall only mention - those whose testimony seemed most important. The first of these was Capt. - Ransdell. He swore, that, when William and Henry left Springfield for home - on Tuesday before mentioned, they did not take the direct route,—which, - you know, leads by the butcher-shop,—but that they followed the - street north until they got opposite, or nearly opposite, May's new house, - after which he could not see them from where he stood; and it was - afterwards proved, that, in about an hour after they started, they came - into the street by the butcher's shop from towards the brick-yard. Dr. - Merryman and others swore to what is stated about the scuffle-ground, - drag-trail, whiskers, and carriage-tracks. Henry was then introduced by - the prosecution. He swore, that, when they started for home, they went out - north, as Ransdell stated, and turned down west by the brick-yard into the - woods, and there met Archibald; that they proceeded a small distance - farther, when he was placed as a sentinel to watch for and announce the - approach of any one that might happen that way; that William and Arch, - took the dearborn out of the road a small distance to the edge of the - thicket, where they stopped, and he saw them lift the body of a man into - it; that they then moved off with the carriage in the direction of - Hickox's mill, and he loitered about for something like an hour, when - William returned with the carriage, but without Arch., and said they had - put him in a safe place; that they went somehow, he did not know exactly - how, into the road close to the brewery, and proceeded on to Clary's - Grove. He also stated that some time during the day William told him that - he and Arch, had killed Fisher the evening before; that the way they did - it was by him (William) knocking him down with a club, and Arch, then - choking him to death. An old man from Warren, called Dr. Gilmore, was then - introduced on the part of the defence. He swore that he had known Fisher - for several years; that Fisher had resided at his house a long time at - each of two different spells,—once while he built a barn for him, - and once while he was doctored for some chronic disease; that two or three - years ago Fisher had a serious hurt in his head by the bursting of a gun, - since which he had been subject to continued bad health and occasional - aberration of mind. He also stated that on last Tuesday, being the same - day that Maxcy arrested William Trailor, he (the doctor) was from home in - the early part of the day, and on his return, about 11 o'clock, found - Fisher at his house in bed, and apparently very unwell; that he asked him - how he had come from Springfield; that Fisher said he had come by Peoria, - and also told of several other places he had been at, more in the - direction of Peoria, which showed that he at the time of speaking did not - know where he had been wandering about in a state of derangement. He - further stated, that in about two hours he received a note from one of - Trail-or's friends, advising him of his arrest, and requesting him to go - on to Springfield as a witness, to testify as to the state of Fisher's - health in former times; that he immediately set off, calling up two of his - neighbors as company, and, riding all evening and all night, overtook - Maxcy and William at Lewiston in Fulton. County; That Maxcy refusing to - discharge Trailor upon his statement, his two neighbors returned, and he - came on to Springfield. Some question being made as to whether the - doctor's story was not a fabrication, several acquaintances of his (among - whom was the same postmaster who wrote to Keys, as before mentioned) were - introduced as sort of compurgators, who swore that they knew the doctor to - be of good character for truth and veracity, and generally of good - character in every way. Here the testimony ended, and the Trailors were - discharged, Arch, and William expressing, both in word and manner, their - entire confidence that Fisher would be found alive at the doctor's by - Galloway, Mallory, and Myers, who a day before had been despatched for - that purpose; while Henry still protested that no power on earth could - ever show Fisher alive. Thus stands this curious affair. When the doctor's - story was first made public, it was amusing to scan and contemplate the - countenances, and hear the remarks, of those who had been actively engaged - in the search for the dead body: some looked quizzical, some melancholy, - and some furiously angry. Porter, who had been very active, swore he - always knew the man was not dead, and that he had not stirred an inch to - hunt for him: Langford, who had taken the lead in cutting down Hickox's - mill-dam, and wanted to hang Hickox for objecting, looked most awfully - woebegone; he seemed the "<i>wictim of hunrequited affection</i>," as - represented in the comic almanacs we used to laugh over. And Hart, the - little drayman that hauled Molly home once, said it was too damned bad to - have so much trouble, and no hanging, after all. - </p> - <p> - I commenced this letter on yesterday, since which I received yours of the - 13th. I stick to my promise to come to Louisville. Nothing new here, - except what I have written. I have not seen———since my - last trip; and I am going out there as soon as I mail this letter. - </p> - <p> - Yours forever, - </p> - <p> - Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - On the 3d of December, 1839, Mr. Lincoln was admitted to practice in the - Circuit Court of the United States; and on the same day the names of - Stephen A. Douglas, S. H. Treat, Schuyler Strong, and two other gentlemen, - were placed on the same roll. The "Little Giant" is always in sight! - </p> - <p> - The first speech he delivered in the Supreme Court of the State was one - the like of which will never be heard again, and must have led the judges - to doubt the sanity of the new attorney. We give it in the form in which - it seems to be authenticated by Judge Treat:— - </p> - <p> - "A case being called for hearing in the Court, Mr. Lincoln stated that he - appeared for the appellant, and was ready to proceed with the argument. He - then said, 'This is the first case I have ever had in this court, and I - have therefore examined it with great care. As the Court will perceive, by - looking at the abstract of, the record, the only question in the case is - one of authority. I have not been able to find any authority sustaining <i>my</i> - side of the case, but I <i>have found</i> several cases directly in point - on the <i>other</i> side. I will now give <i>these</i> cases, and then - submit the case.'" - </p> - <p> - The testimony of all the lawyers, his contemporaries and rivals, is in the - same direction. "But Mr. Lincoln's love of justice and fair play," says - Mr. Gillespie, "was his predominating trait. I have often listened to him - when I thought he would certainly state his case out of Court. It was not - in his nature to assume, or to attempt to bolster up, a false position. He - would abandon his case first. He did so in the case of Buckmaster for the - use of Denham vs. Beenes and Arthur, in our Supreme Court, in which I - happened to be opposed to him. Another gentleman, less fastidious, took - Mr. Lincoln's place, and gained the case." - </p> - <p> - In the Patterson trial—a case of murder which attained some - celebrity—in Champaign County, Ficklin and Lamon prosecuted, and - Lincoln and Swett defended. After hearing the testimony, Mr. Lincoln felt - himself morally paralyzed, and said, "Swett, the man is guilty: you defend - him; I can't." They got a fee of five hundred or a thousand dollars; of - which Mr. Lincoln declined to take a cent, on the ground that it justly - belonged to Swett, whose ardor, courage, and eloquence had saved the - guilty man from justice. - </p> - <p> - It was probably his deep sense of natural justice, his irresistible - propensity to get at the equities of the matter in hand, that made him so - utterly impatient of all arbitrary or technical rules. Of these he knew - very little,—less than an average student of six months: "Hence," - says Judge Davis, "a child could make use of the simple and technical - rules, the means and mode of getting at justice, better than Lincoln - could." "In this respect," says Mr. Herndon, "I really think he was very - deficient." - </p> - <p> - Sangamon County was originally in the First Judicial Circuit; but under - the Constitution of 1848, and sundry changes in the Judiciary Acts, it - became the Eighth Circuit. It was in 1848 that Judge Davis came on the - bench for the first time. The circuit was a very large one, containing - fourteen counties, and comprising the central portion of the State. - Lincoln travelled all over it—first with Judge Treat and then with - Judge Davis—twice every year, and was thus absent from Springfield - and home nearly, if not quite, six months out of every twelve. "In my - opinion," says Judge Davis, "Lincoln was as happy as <i>he</i> could be, - on this circuit, and happy in no other place. This was his place of - enjoyment. As a general rule, of a Saturday evening, when all the lawyers - would go home [the judge means those who were close enough to get there - and back by the time their cases were called] and see their families and - friends, Lincoln would refuse to go." "It was on this circuit," we are - told by an authority equally high, "that he shone as a <i>nisi prius</i> - lawyer; it was on this circuit Lincoln thought, spoke, and acted; it was - on this circuit that the people met, greeted, and cheered on the man; it - was on this circuit that he cracked his jokes, told his stories, made his - money, and was happy as nowhere in the world beside." When, in 1857, - Sangamon County was cut off from the Eighth Circuit by the act creating - the Eighteenth, "Mr. Lincoln would still continue with Judge Davis, first - finishing his business in Sangamon." - </p> - <p> - On his return from one of these long journeys, he found that Mrs. Lincoln - had taken advantage of his absence, and, with the connivance and - assistance of his neighbor, Gourly, had placed a second story and a new - roof on his house. Approaching it for the first time after this rather - startling alteration, and pretending not to recognize it, he called to a - man on the street, "Stranger, can you tell me where Lincoln lives? He used - to live here." - </p> - <p> - When Mr. Lincoln first began to "ride the circuit," he was too poor to own - horseflesh or vehicle, and was compelled to borrow from his friends. But - in due time he became the proprietor of a horse, which he fed and groomed - himself, and to which he was very much attached. On this animal he would - set out from home, to be gone for weeks together, with no baggage but a - pair of saddle-bags, containing a change of linen, and an old cotton - umbrella, to shelter him from sun or rain. When he got a little more of - this world's goods, he set up a one-horse buggy,—a very sorry and - shabby-looking affair, which he generally used when the weather promised - to be bad. But the lawyers were always glad to see him, and the landlords - hailed his coming with pleasure. Yet he was one of those peculiar, gentle, - uncomplaining men, whom those servants of the public who keep "hotels" - would generally put off with the most indifferent accommodations. It was a - very significant remark of a lawyer thoroughly acquainted with his habits - and disposition, that "Lincoln was never seated next the landlord at a - crowded table, and never got a chicken liver or the best cut from the - roast." If rooms were scarce, and one, two, three, or four gentlemen were - required to lodge together, in order to accommodate some surly man who - "stood upon his rights," Lincoln was sure to be one of the unfortunates. - Yet he loved the life, and never went home without reluctance. - </p> - <p> - From Mr. S. O. Parks of Lincoln, himself a most reputable lawyer, we have - two or three anecdotes, which we give in his own language:— - </p> - <p> - "I have often said, that, for a man who was for the quarter of a century - both a lawyer and a politician, he was the most honest man I ever knew. He - was not only morally honest, but intellectually so. He could not reason - falsely: if he attempted it, he failed. In politics he never would try to - mislead. At the bar, when he thought he was wrong, he was the weakest - lawyer I ever saw. You know this better than I do. But I will give you an - example or two which occurred in this county, and which you may not - remember. - </p> - <p> - "A man was indicted for larceny: Lincoln, Young, and myself defended him. - Lincoln was satisfied by the evidence that he was guilty, and ought to be - convicted. He called Young and myself aside, and said, 'If you can say any - thing for the man, do it. I can't: if I attempt, the jury will see that I - think he is guilty, and convict him, of course.' The case was submitted by - us to the jury without a word. The jury failed to agree; and before the - next term the man died. Lincoln's honesty undoubtedly saved him from the - penitentiary. - </p> - <p> - "In a closely-contested civil suit, Lincoln had proved an account for his - client, who was, though he did not know it at the time, a very slippery - fellow. The opposing attorney then proved a receipt clearly covering the - entire cause of action. By the time he was through, Lincoln was missing. - The court sent for him to the hotel. 'Tell the judge,' said he, 'that I - can't come: <i>my hands are dirty; and I came over to clean them!</i>' - </p> - <p> - "In the case of Harris and Jones vs. Buckles, Harris wanted Lincoln to - assist you and myself. His answer was characteristic: 'Tell Harris it's no - use to <i>waste money on me</i> in that case: he'll get beat.'" - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was prone to adventures in which <i>pigs</i> were the other - party. The reader has already enjoyed one from the pen of Miss Owen; and - here is another, from an incorrigible humorist, a lawyer, named J. H. - Wickizer:— - </p> - <p> - "In 1855 Mr. Lincoln and myself were travelling by buggy from Woodford - County Court to Bloomington, 111.; and, in passing through a little grove, - we suddenly heard the terrific squealing of a little pig near by us. Quick - as thought Mr. Lincoln leaped out of the buggy, seized a club, pounced - upon the old sow, and beat her lustily: she was in the act of eating one - of her young ones. Thus he saved the pig, and then remarked, 'By jing! the - unnatural old brute shall not devour her own progeny!' This, I think, was - his first proclamation of freedom." - </p> - <p> - But Mr. Wickizer gives us another story, which most happily illustrates - the readiness of Mr. Lincoln's wit:— - </p> - <p> - "In 1858, in the court at Bloomington, Mr. Lincoln was engaged in a case - of no great importance; but the attorney on the other side, Mr. S———, - a young lawyer of fine abilities (now a judge of the Supreme Court of the - State), was always very sensitive about being beaten, and in this case - manifested unusual zeal and interest. The case lasted until late at night, - when it was finally submitted to the jury. Mr. S———spent - a sleepless night in anxiety, and early next morning learned, to his great - chagrin, that he had lost the case. Mr. Lincoln met him at the Court - House, and asked him what had become of his case. With lugubrious - countenance and melancholy tone, Mr. S-said, 'It's gone to hell.'—'Oh, - well!' replied Lincoln, 'then you'll see it again!'" - </p> - <p> - Although the humble condition and disreputable character of some of his - relations and connections were the subject of constant annoyance and most - painful reflections, he never tried to shake them off, and never abandoned - them when they needed his assistance. A son of his foster-brother, John - Johnston, was arrested in———County for stealing a watch. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln went to the same town to address a mass meeting while the poor - boy was in jail. He waited until the dusk of the evening, and then, in - company with Mr. H. C. Whitney, visited the prison. "Lincoln knew he was - guilty," says Mr. Whitney, "and was very deeply affected,—more than - I ever saw him. At the next term of the court, upon the State's Attorney's - consent, Lincoln and I went to the prosecution witnesses, and got them to - come into open court, and state that they did not care to presecute." The - boy was released; and that evening, as the lawyers were leaving the town - in their buggies, Mr. Lincoln was observed to get down from his, and walk - back a short distance to a poor, distressed-looking young man who stood by - the roadside. It was young Johnston. Mr. Lincoln engaged for a few moments - apparently in earnest and nervous conversation with him, then giving him - some money, and returning to his buggy, drove on. - </p> - <p> - A thousand tales could be told of Mr. Lincoln's amusing tricks and - eccentricities on these quiet rides from county to county, in company with - judges and lawyers, and of his quaint sayings and curious doings at the - courts in these Western villages. But, much against our will, we are - compelled to make selections, and present a few only, which rest upon the - most undoubted authority. - </p> - <p> - It is well known that he used to carry with him, on what Mr. Stuart calls - "the tramp around the circuit," ordinary school-books,—from Euclid - down to an English grammar,—and study them as he rode along, or at - intervals of leisure in the towns where he stopped. He supplemented these - with a copy of Shakspeare, got much of it by rote, and recited long - passages from it to any chance companion by the way. - </p> - <p> - He was intensely fond of cutting wood with an axe; and he was often seen - to jump from his buggy, seize an axe out of the hands of a roadside - chopper, take his place on the log in the most approved fashion, and, with - his tremendous long strokes, cut it in two before the man could recover - from his surprise. - </p> - <p> - It was this free life that charmed him, and reconciled him to existence. - Here he forgot the past, with all its cruelties and mortifications: here - were no domestic afflictions to vex his weary spirit and to try his - magnanimous heart. - </p> - <p> - "After he had returned from Congress," says Judge Davis, "and had lost his - practice, Goodrich of Chicago proposed to him to open a law-office in - Chicago, and go into partnership with him. Goodrich had an extensive - practice there. Lincoln refused to accept, and gave as a reason, that he - tended to consumption; that, if he went to Chicago, he would have to sit - down and study hard, and it would kill him; that he would rather go around - the circuit—the Eighth Judicial Circuit—than to sit down and - die in Chicago." - </p> - <p> - In the summer of 1857, at a camp-meeting in Mason County, one Metzgar was - most brutally murdered. The affray took place about half a mile from the - place of worship, near some wagons loaded with liquors and provisions. Two - men, James H. Norris and William D. Armstrong, were indicted for the - crime. Norris was tried in Mason County, convicted of manslaughter, and - sentenced to the penitentiary for the term of eight years. But Armstrong, - the popular feeling being very high against him in Mason, "took a change - of venue to Cass County," and was there tried (at Beardstown) in the - spring of 1858. Hitherto Armstrong had had the services of two able - counsellors, but now their efforts were supplemented by those of a most - determined and zealous volunteer. - </p> - <p> - Armstrong was the son of Jack and Hannah Armstrong of New Salem, the child - whom Mr. Lincoln had rocked in the cradle while Mrs. Armstrong attended to - other household duties. His life was now in imminent peril: he seemed - clearly guilty; and, if he was to be saved, it must be by the - interposition of some power which could deface that fatal record in the - Norris trial, refute the senses of witnesses, and make a jury forget - themselves and their oaths. Old Hannah had one friend whom she devoutly - believed could accomplish this. She wrote to Mr. Lincoln, and he replied - that he would defend the boy. (She says she has lost his letter.) - Afterwards she visited him at Springfield, and prepared him for the event - as well as she could, with an understanding weakened by a long strain of - severe and almost hopeless reflection. - </p> - <p> - When the trial came on, Mr. Lincoln appeared for the defence. His - colleague, Mr. Walker, had possessed him of the record in the Norris case; - and, upon close and anxious examination, he was satisfied that the - witnesses could, by a well-sustained and judicious cross-examination, be - made to contradict each other in some important particulars. Mr. Walker - "handled" the victims of this friendly design, while Mr. Lincoln sat by - and suggested questions. Nevertheless, to the unskilled mind, the - testimony seemed to be absolutely conclusive against the prisoner, and - every word of it fell like a new sentence of death. Norris had beaten the - murdered man with a club from behind, while Armstrong had pounded him in - the face with a slung-shot deliberately prepared for the occasion; and, - according to the medical men, either would have been fatal without the - other. But the witness whose testimony bore hardest upon Armstrong swore - that the crime was committed about eleven o'clock at night, and that he - saw the blows struck by the light of a moon nearly full, and standing in - the heavens about where the sun would stand at ten o'clock in the morning. - It is easy to pervert and even to destroy evidence like this; and here Mr. - Lincoln saw an opportunity which nobody had dreamed of on the Norris - trial. He handed to an officer of the court an almanac, and told him to - give it back to him when he should call for it in presence of the jury. It - was an almanac of the year previous to the murder. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln," says Mr. Walker, "made the closing argument for the - defence. At first he spoke slowly, and carefully reviewed the whole - testimony,—picked it all to pieces, and showed that the man had not - received his wounds at the place or time named by the witnesses, <i>but - afterwards, and at the hands of some one else</i>" "The evidence bore - heavily upon his client," says Mr. Shaw, one of the counsel for the - prosecution. "There were many witnesses, and each one seemed to add one - more cord that seemed to bind him down, until Mr. Lincoln was something in - the situation of Gulliver after his first sleep in Lilliput. But, when he - came to talk to the jury (that was always his forte), he resembled - Gulliver again. He skilfully untied here and there a knot, and loosened - here and there a peg, until, fairly getting warmed up, he raised himself - in his full power, and shook the arguments of his opponents from him as if - they were cobwebs." In due time he called for the almanac, and easily - proved by it, that, at the time the main witness declared the moon was - shining in great splendor, there was, in fact, no moon at all, but black - darkness over the whole scene. In the "roar of laughter" and undisguised - astonishment succeeding this apparent demonstration, court, jury, and - counsel forgot to examine that seemingly conclusive almanac, and let it - pass without a question concerning its genuineness.1 - </p> - <p> - In conclusion, Mr. Lincoln drew a touching picture of Jack Armstrong - (whose gentle spirit alas! had gone to that place of coronation for the - meek), and Hannah,—this sweet-faced old lady with the silver locks,—welcoming - to their humble cabin a strange and penniless boy, to whom Jack, with that - Christian benevolence which distinguished him through life, became as a - father, and the guileless Hannah even more than a mother. The boy, he - said, stood before them pleading for the life of his benefactors' son,—the - staff of the widow's declining years. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 Mr. E. J. Loomis, assistant in charge of the "Nautical Almanac" - office, Washington, D.C., under date of Aug. 1,1871, says,— - "Referring to the 'Nautical Almanac' for 1857, I find, that, between the - hours of ten and eleven o'clock on the night of the 29th of August, - 1857, the moon was within one hour of setting. "The computed time of its - setting on that night is 11 h. 57 m.,—three minutes before - midnight. "The moon was only two days past its first quarter, and could - hardly be mistaken for 'nearly full.'" "In the case of the People vs. - Armstrong, I was assisting prosecuting counsel. The prevailing belief at - that time, and I may also say at the present, in Cass County, was as - follows:— "Mr. Lincoln, previous to the trial, handed an almanac - of the year previous to the murder to an officer of the court, stating - that he might call for one during the trial, and, if he did, to send him - that one. An important witness for the People had fixed the time of the - murder to be in the night, near a camp-meeting; 'that the moon was about - in the same place that the sun would be at ten o'clock in the morning, - and was nearly full,'therefore he could see plainly, &c. At the - proper time, Mr. Lincoln called to the officer for an almanac; and the - one prepared for the occasion was shown by Mr. 'Lincoln, he reading from - it at the time referred to by the witness 'The moon had already set;' - that in the roar of laughter the jury and opposing counsel forgot to - look at the date. Mr. Carter, a lawyer of this city (Beardstown), who - was present at, but not engaged in, the Armstrong case, says he is - satisfied that the almanac was of the year previous, and thinks he - examined it at the time. This was the general impression in the - court-room. I have called on the sheriff who officiated at that time - (James A. Dick), who says that he saw a 'Goudy's Almanac' lying upon Mr. - Lincoln's table during the trial, and that Mr. Lincoln took it out of - his own pocket. Mr. Dick does not know the date of it. I have seen - several of the petit jurymen who sat upon the case, who only recollect - that the almanac floored the witness. But one of the jurymen, the - foreman, Mr. Milton Logan, says that it was the one for the year of the - murder, and no trick about it; that he is willing to make an affidavit - that he examined it as to date, and that it was an almanac of the year - of the murder. My own opinion is, that when an almanac was called for by - Mr. Lincoln, two were brought, one of the year of the murder, and one of - the year previous; that Mr. Lincoln was entirely innocent of any - deception in the matter. I the more think this, from the fact that - Armstrong was not cleared by any want of testimony against him, but by - the irresistible appeal of Mr. Lincoln in his favor."—Henry Shaw. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - "The last fifteen minutes of his speech," his colleague declares, "was as - eloquent as I ever heard; and such the power and earnestness with which he - spoke to that jury, that all sat as if entranced, and, when he was - through, found relief in a gush of tears." "He took the jury by storm," - says one of the prosecutors. "There were tears in Mr. Lincoln's eyes while - he spoke, but they were genuine. His sympathies were fully enlisted in - favor of the young man, and his terrible sincerity could not help but - arouse the same passion in the jury. I have said a hundred times that it - was Lincoln's speech that saved that criminal from the gallows." In the - language of Hannah, who sat by enchanted, "he told the stories about our - first acquaintance,—what I did for him, and how I did it;" and she - thinks it "was truly eloquent." - </p> - <p> - "As to the trial," continues Hannah, "Lincoln said to me, 'Hannah, your - son will be cleared before sundown.' He and the other lawyers addressed - the jury, and closed the case. I went down at Thompson's pasture: Stator - came to me, and told me soon that my son was cleared and a free man. I - went up to the Court House: the jury shook hands with me, so did the - Court, so did Lincoln. We were all affected, and tears, streamed down - Lincoln's eyes. He then remarked to me, 'Hannah, what did I tell you? I - pray to God that William may be a good boy hereafter; that this lesson may - prove in the end a good lesson to him and to all.'... After the trial was - over, Lincoln came down to where I was in Beardstown. I asked him what he - charged me; told him I was poor. He said, 'Why, Hannah, I sha'n't charge - you a cent,—never. Any thing I can do for you I will do for you - willing and freely without charges.' He wrote to me about some land which - some men were trying to get from me, and said, 'Hannah, they can't get - your land. Let them try it in the Circuit Court, and then you appeal it; - bring it to Supreme Court, and I and Herndon will attend to it for - nothing.'" - </p> - <p> - This boy William enlisted in the Union army. But in 1863 Hannah concluded - she "wanted" him. She does not say that William was laboring under any - disability, or that he had any legal right to his discharge. She merely - "wanted" him, and wrote Mr. Lincoln to that effect. He replied promptly by - telegraph:— - </p> - <p> - September, 1863. - </p> - <p> - Mrs. Hannah Armstrong,—I have just ordered the discharge of your boy - William, as you say, now at Louisville, Ky. - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - For many years Mr. Lincoln was the attorney of the Illinois Central - Railway Company; and, having rendered in some recent causes most important - and laborious services, he presented a bill in 1857 for five thousand - dollars. He pressed for his money, and was referred to some under-official - who was charged with that class of business. Mr. Lincoln would probably - have modified his bill, which seemed exorbitant as charges went among - country lawyers, but the company treated him with such rude insolence, - that he contented himself with a formal demand, and then immediately - instituted suit on the claim. The case was tried at Bloomington before - Judge Davis; and, upon affidavits of N. B. Judd, O. H. - </p> - <p> - Browning, S. T. Logan, and Archy Williams, respecting the value of the - services, was decided in favor of the plaintiff, and judgment given for - five thousand dollars. This was much more money than Mr. Lincoln had ever - had at one time. - </p> - <p> - In the summer of 1859 Mr. Lincoln went to Cincinnati to argue the - celebrated McCormick reaping-machine case. Mr. Edwin M. Stanton, whom he - never saw before, was one of his colleagues, and the leading counsel in - the case; and although the other gentlemen engaged received him with - proper respect, Mr. Stanton treated him with such marked and habitual - discourtesy, that he was compelled to withdraw from the case. When he - reached home he said that he had "never been so brutally treated as by - that man Stanton;" and the facts justified the statement. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0014" id="link2HCH0014"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XIV - </h2> - <p> - WE have seen already, from one of his letters to Mr. Herndon, that Mr. - Lincoln was personally quite willing to be a candidate for Congress the - second time. But his "honor" forbade: he had given pledges, and made - private arrangements with other gentlemen, to prevent "the district from - going to the enemy." Judge Logan was nominated in his place; and, although - personally one of the most popular men in Illinois, he was sadly beaten, - in consequence of the record which the Whig party had made "against the - war." It was well as it was; for, if Mr. Lincoln had been the candidate, - he would have been still more disastrously defeated, since it was mainly - the votes he had given in Congress which Judge Logan found it so difficult - to explain and impossible to defend. - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0010" id="image-0010"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/371.jpg" alt="Stephen T. Logan 371 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was an applicant, and a very urgent one, for the office of - Commissioner of the General Land-Office in the new Whig administration. He - moved his friends to urge him in the newspapers, and wrote to some of his - late associates in Congress (among them Mr. Schenck of Ohio), soliciting - their support. But it was all of no avail; Mr. Justin Butterfield (also an - Illinoisian) beat him in the race to Washington, and got the appointment. - It is said by one of Mr. Lincoln's numerous biographers, that he often - laughed over his failure to secure this great office, pretending to think - it beneath his merits; but we can find no evidence of the fact alleged, - and have no reason to believe it. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Fillmore subsequently offered him the governorship of Oregon. The news - reached him whilst away at court at Tremont or Bloomington. Mr. Stuart and - others "coaxed him to take it;" the former insisting that Oregon would - soon become a State, and he one of its senators. Mr. Lincoln saw it all, - and said he would accept "if his wife would consent." But his wife - "refused to do so;" and time has shown that she was right, as she usually - was when it came to a question of practical politics. - </p> - <p> - From the time of his retirement from Congress to 1854, when the repeal of - the Missouri Compromise and the Kansas-Nebraska Bill broke the hollow - truce of 1856, which Mr. Clay and his compeers fondly regarded as a peace, - Mr. Lincoln's life was one of comparative political inactivity. He did not - believe that the sectional agitations could be permanently stilled by the - devices which then seemed effectual to the foremost statesmen of either - party and of both sections. But he was not disposed to be forward in the - renewal of them. He probably hoped against conviction that time would - allay the animosities which endangered at once the Union and the - principles of free government, which had thus far preserved a precarious - existence among the North American States. - </p> - <p> - Coming home to Springfield from the Tremont court in 1850 in company with - Mr. Stuart, he said, "The time will come when we must all be Democrats or - Abolitionists. When that time comes, my mind is made up. The 'slavery - question' can't be compromised."—"So is my mind made up," replied - his equally firm companion; and at that moment neither doubted on which - side he would find the other when the great struggle took place. - </p> - <p> - The Whig party everywhere, in Congress and in their conventions, local and - national, accepted the compromise of 1850 under the leadership of Mr. Clay - and Mr. Webster. Mr. Lincoln did the same; for, from the hour that party - lines were distinctly and closely drawn in his State, he was an unswerving - party man. But although he said nothing against those measures, and much - in favor of them, it is clear that he accepted the result with reluctance. - He spoke out his disapproval of the Fugitive Slave Law as it was passed, - believing and declaring wherever he went, that a negro man apprehended as - a slave should have the privilege of a trial by jury, instead of the - summary processes provided by the law. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln and I were going to Petersburg in 1850, I think," says Mr. - Herndon. "The political world was dead: the compromises of 1850 seemed to - settle the negro's fate. Things were stagnant; and all hope for progress - in the line of freedom seemed to be crushed out. Lincoln was speculating - with me about the deadness of things, and the despair which arose out of - it, and deeply regretting that his human strength and power were limited - by his nature to rouse and stir up the world. He said gloomily, - despairingly, sadly, 'How hard, oh! how hard it is to die and leave one's - country no better than if one had never lived for it! The world is dead to - hope, deaf to its own death-struggle, made known by a universal cry, What - is to be done? Is any thing to be done? Who can do any thing? and how is - it to be done? Did you ever think of these things?'" - </p> - <p> - In 1850 Mr. Lincoln again declined to be a candidate for Congress; and a - newspaper called "The Tazewell Mirror" persisting in naming him for the - place, he published a letter, refusing most emphatically to be considered - a candidate. The concluding sentence alleged that there were many men - among the Whigs of the district who would be as likely as he to bring "the - district right side up." - </p> - <p> - Until the death of his excellent step-mother, Sarah Bush Lincoln, Mr. - Lincoln never considered himself free for a moment from the obligation to - look after and care for her family. She had made herself his mother; and - he regarded her and her children as near relatives,—much nearer than - any of the Hankses. - </p> - <p> - The limit of Thomas Lincoln's life was rapidly approaching. Mrs. Chapman, - his step-daughter, wrote Mr. Lincoln to that effect; and so did John - Johnston. He began to fear that the straitened circumstances of the - household might make them think twice before they sent for a doctor, or - procured other comforts for the poor old man, which he needed, perhaps, - more than drugs. He was too busy to visit the dying man, but sent him a - kind message, and directed the family to get whatever was wanted upon his - credit. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Jan. 12,1851. - </p> - <p> - Dear Brother,—On the day before yesterday I received a letter from - Harriet, written at Greenup. She says she has just returned from your - house, and that father is very low, and will hardly recover. She also says - that you have written me two letters, and that, although you do not expect - me to come now, you wonder that I do not write. I received both your - letters; and, although I have not answered them, it is not because I have - forgotten them, or not been interested about them, but because it appeared - to me I could write nothing which could do any good. You already know I - desire that neither father nor mother shall be in want of any comfort, - either in health or sickness, while they live; and I feel sure you have - not failed to use my name, if necessary, to procure a doctor or any thing - else for father in his present sickness. My business is such that I could - hardly leave home now, if it were not, as it is, that my own wife is sick - a-bed. (It is a case of baby sickness, and, I suppose, is not dangerous.) - I sincerely hope father may yet recover his health; but, at all events, - tell him to remember to call upon and confide in our great and good and - merciful Maker, who will not turn away from him in any extremity. He notes - the fall of a sparrow, and numbers the hairs of our heads; and he will not - forget the dying man who puts his trust in him. Say to him, that, if we - could meet now, it is doubtful whether it would not be more painful than - pleasant; but that, if it be his lot to go now, he will soon have a joyous - meeting with loved ones gone before, and where the rest of us, through the - help of God, hope ere long to join them. - </p> - <p> - Write me again when you receive this. - </p> - <p> - Affectionately, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Before and after the death of Thomas Lincoln, John Johnston and Mr. - Lincoln had a somewhat spirited correspondence regarding John's present - necessities and future plans. John was idle, thriftless, penniless, and as - much disposed to rove as poor old Tom had been in his earliest and worst - days. This lack of character and enterprise on John's part added seriously - to Mr. Lincoln's anxieties concerning his step-mother, and greatly - embarrassed his attempts to provide for her. At length he wrote John the - following energetic exhortation, coupled with a most magnanimous pecuniary - offer. It is the letter promised in a previous chapter, and makes John an - intimate acquaintance of the reader:— - </p> - <p> - Dear Johnston,—Your request for eighty dollars, I do not think it - best to comply with now. At the various times when I have helped you a - little, you have said to me, "We can get along very well now;" but in a - very short time I find you in the same difficulty again. Now, this can - only happen by some defect in your conduct. What that defect is, I think I - know. You are not <i>lazy</i>, and still you are an <i>idler</i>. I doubt - whether, since I saw you, you have done a good whole day's work in any one - day. You do not very much dislike to work, and still you do not work much, - merely because it does not seem to you that you could get much for it. - This habit of uselessly wasting time is the whole difficulty; and it is - vastly important to you, and still more so to your children, that you - should break the habit. It is more important to them, because they have - longer to live, and can keep out of an idle habit before they are in it - easier than they can get out after they are in. - </p> - <p> - You are now in need of some money; and what I propose is, that you shall - go to work, "tooth and nail," for somebody who will give you money for it. - Let father and your boys take charge of things at home, prepare for a - crop, and make the crop, and you go to work for the best money-wages, or - in discharge of any debt you owe, that you can get; and, to secure you a - fair reward for your labor, I now promise you, that, for every dollar you - will, between this and the first of next May, get for your own labor, - either in money or as your own indebtedness, I will then give you one - other dollar. By this, if you hire yourself at ten dollars a month, from - me you will get ten more, making twenty dollars a month for your work. In - this I do not mean you shall go off to St. Louis, or the lead-mines, or - the gold-mines in California; but I mean for you to go at it for the best - wages you can get close to home, in Cole's County. Now, if you will do - this, you will be soon out of debt, and, what is better, you will have a - habit that will keep you from getting in debt again. But, if I should now - clear you out of debt, next year you would be just as deep in as ever. You - say you would almost give your place in heaven for $70 or $80. Then you - value your place in heaven very cheap; for I am sure you can, with the - offer I make, get the seventy or eighty dollars for four or five months' - work. You say, if I will furnish you the money, you will deed me the land, - and, if you don't pay the money back, you will deliver possession. - Nonsense! If you can't now live with the land, how will you then live - without it? You have always been kind to me, and I do not mean to be - unkind to you. On the contrary, if you will but follow my advice, you will - find it worth more than eighty times eighty dollars to you. - </p> - <p> - Affectionately your brother, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln - </p> - <p> - Again he wrote:— - </p> - <p> - Shelbyville, Nov. 4, 1851. - </p> - <p> - Dear Brother,—When I came into Charleston day before yesterday, I - learned that you are anxious to sell the land where you live, and move to - Missouri. I have been thinking of this ever since, and cannot but think - such a notion is utterly foolish. What can you do in Missouri better than - here? Is the land any richer? Can you there, any more than here, raise - corn and wheat and oats without work? Will anybody there, any more than - here, do your work for you? If you intend to go to work, there is no - better place than right where you are: if you do not intend to go to work, - you cannot get along anywhere. Squirming and crawling about from place to - place can do no good. You have raised no crop this year; and what you - really want is to sell the land, get the money, and spend it. Part with - the land you have, and, my life upon it, you will never after own a spot - big enough to bury you in. Half you will get for the land you will spend - in moving to Missouri, and the other half you will eat and drink and wear - out, and no foot of land will be bought. Now, I feel it is my duty to have - no hand in such a piece of foolery. I feel that it is so even on your own - account, and particularly on <i>mother's</i> account. The eastern forty - acres I intend to keep for mother while she lives: if you <i>will not - cultivate it</i>, it will rent for enough to support her; at least, it - will rent for something. Her dower in the other two forties she can let - you have, and no thanks to me. Now, do not misunderstand this letter: I do - not write it in any unkindness. I write it in order, if possible, to get - you to <i>face</i> the truth, which truth is, you are destitute because - you have idled away all your time. Your thousand pretences for not getting - along better are all nonsense: they deceive nobody but yourself. <i>Go to - work</i> is the only cure for your case. - </p> - <p> - A word to mother. Chapman tells me he wants you to go and live with him. - If I were you, I would try it a while. If you get tired of it (as I think - you will not), you can return to your own home. Chapman feels very kindly - to you; and I have no doubt he will make your situation very pleasant. - </p> - <p> - Sincerely your son, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - And again:— - </p> - <p> - Shelbyville, Nov. 9,1851. - </p> - <p> - Dear Brother,—When I wrote you before, I had not received your - letter. I still think as I did; but if the land can be sold so that I get - three hundred dollars to put to interest for mother, I will not object, if - she does not. But, before I will make a deed, the money must be had, or - secured beyond all doubt, at ten per cent. - </p> - <p> - As to Abram, I do not want him, <i>on my own account</i>; but I understand - he wants to live with me, so that he can go to school, and get a fair - start in the world, which I very much wish him to have. When I reach home, - if I can make it convenient to take, I will take him, provided there is no - mistake between us as to the object and terms of my taking him. - </p> - <p> - In haste as ever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - On the 1st of July, 1852, Mr. Lincoln was chosen by a public meeting of - his fellow-citizens at Springfield to deliver in their hearing a eulogy - upon the life and character of Henry Clay; and on the 16th of the same - month he complied with their request. Such addresses are usually called - orations; but this one scarcely deserved the name. He made no effort to be - eloquent, and in no part of it was he more than ordinarily animated. It is - true that he bestowed great praise upon Mr. Clay; but it was bestowed in - cold phrases and a tame style, wholly unlike the bulk of his previous - compositions. In truth, Mr. Lincoln was never so devoted a follower of Mr. - Clay as some of his biographers have represented him. He was for another - man in 1836, most probably for another in 1840, and very ardently for - another in 1848. Dr. Holland credits him with a visit to Mr. Clay at - Ashland, and an interview which effectually cooled his ardor in behalf of - the brilliant statesman. But, in fact, Mr. Lincoln never troubled himself - to make such a pilgrimage to see or hear any man,—much less Mr. - Clay. None of his friends—Judge Davis, Mr. Herndon, Mr. Speed, or - any one else, so far as we are able to ascertain—ever heard of the - visit. If it had been made at any time after 1838, it could scarcely have - been concealed from Mr. Speed; and we are compelled to place it along with - the multitude of groundless stories which have found currency with Mr. - Lincoln's biographers. - </p> - <p> - If the address upon Clay is of any historical value at all, it is because - it discloses Mr. Lincoln's unreserved agreement with Mr. Clay in his - opinions concerning slavery and the proper method of extinguishing it. - They both favored gradual emancipation by the voluntary action of the - people of the Slave States, and the transportation of the whole negro - population to Africa as rapidly as they should be freed from service to - their masters: it was a favorite scheme with Mr. Lincoln then, as it was - long after he became President of the United States. "Compensated" and - "voluntary emancipation," on the one hand, and "colonization" of the - freedmen on the other, were essential parts of every "plan" which sprung - out of his own individual mind. On this occasion, after quoting Mr. Clay, - he said, "This suggestion of the possible ultimate redemption of the - African race and African continent was made twenty-five years ago. Every - succeeding year has added strength to the hope of its realization. May it - indeed be realized! Pharaoh's country was cursed with plagues, and his - hosts were drowned in the Red Sea, for striving to retain a captive people - who had already served them more than four hundred years. May like - disasters never befall us! If, as the friends of colonization hope, the - present and coming generations of our countrymen shall by any means - succeed in freeing our land from the dangerous presence of slavery, and at - the same time restoring a captive people to their long-lost fatherland, - with bright prospects for the future, and this, too, so gradually that - neither races nor individuals shall have suffered by the change, it will - indeed be a glorious consummation. And if to such a consummation the - efforts of Mr. Clay shall have contributed, it will be what he most - ardently wished; and none of his labors will have been more valuable to - his country and his kind." - </p> - <p> - During the campaign of 1852, Judge Douglas took the stump for Pierce "in - twenty-eight States out of the thirty-one." His first speech was at - Richmond, Va. It was published extensively throughout the Union, and - especially in Illinois. Mr. Lincoln felt an ardent desire to answer it, - and, according to his own account, got the "permission" of the "Scott - Club" of Springfield to make the speech under its auspices. It was a very - poor effort. If it was distinguished by one quality above another, it was - by its attempts at humor; and all those attempts were strained and - affected, as well as very coarse. He displayed a jealous and petulant - temper from the first sentence to the last, wholly beneath the dignity of - the occasion and the importance of the topic. Considered as a whole, it - may be said that none of his public performances was more unworthy of its - really noble author than this one. The reader has doubtless observed in - the course of this narrative, as he will in the future, that Mr. Douglas's - great success in obtaining place and distinction was a standing offence to - Mr. Lincoln's self-love and individual ambition. He was intensely jealous - of him, and longed to pull him down, or outstrip him in the race for - popular favor, which they united in considering "the chief end of man." - Some of the first sentences of this speech before the "Scott Club" betray - this feeling in a most unmistakable and painful manner. "This speech [that - of Mr. Douglas at Richmond] has been published with high commendations in - at least one of the Democratic papers in this State, and I suppose it has - been and will be in most of the others. When I first saw it and read it, I - was reminded of old times, <i>when Judge Douglas was not so much greater - man than all the rest of us, as he is now</i>,—of the Harrison - campaign twelve years ago, when I used to hear and try to answer many of - his speeches; and believing that the Richmond speech, though marked with - the same species of 'shirks and quirks' as the old ones, was not marked - with any greater ability, I was seized with a strange inclination to - attempt an answer to it; and this inclination it was that prompted me to - seek the privilege of addressing you on this occasion." - </p> - <p> - In the progress of his remarks, Mr. Lincoln emphatically indorsed Mr. - Douglas's great speech at Chicago in 1850, in defence of the compromise - measures, which Mr. Lincoln pronounced the work of no party, but which, - "for praise or blame," belonged to Whigs and Democrats alike. The rest of - the address was devoted to a humorous critique upon Mr. Douglas's language - in the Richmond speech, to ridicule of the campaign biographies of Pierce, - to a description of Gens. Shields and Pierce wallowing in the ditch in the - midst of a battle, and to a most remarkable account of a militia muster - which might have been seen at Springfield a few years previous. Mr. - Douglas had expressed great confidence in the sober judgment of the - people, and at the same time had, rather inconsistently as well as - indecently, declared that Providence had saved us from one military - administration by the timely removal of Gen. Taylor. To this Mr. Lincoln - alluded in his closing paragraph, which is given as a fair sample of the - whole:— - </p> - <p> - "Let us stand by our candidate as faithfully as he has always stood by our - country, and I much doubt if we do not perceive a slight abatement in - Judge Douglas's confidence in Providence, as well as in the people. I - suspect that confidence is not more firmly fixed with the judge than it - was with the old woman whose horse ran away with her in a buggy. She said - she 'trusted in Providence till the britchin' broke, and then she didn't - know what on airth to do.' The chance is, the judge will see the - 'britchin' broke;' and then he can at his leisure bewail the fate of - Locofocoism as the victim of misplaced confidence." - </p> - <p> - On the 4th of January, 1854, Mr. Douglas, Chairman of the Committee on - Territories, of the Senate of the United States, reported a bill to - establish a territorial government in Nebraska. This bill contained - nothing in relation to the Missouri Compromise, which still remained upon - the statute-book, although the principle on which it was based had been - violated in the Compromise legislation of 1850. A Whig Senator from - Kentucky gave notice, that, when the Committee's bill came before the - Senate, he would move an amendment repealing the Missouri Compromise. With - this admonition in mind, the Committee instructed Mr. Douglas to report a - substitute, which he did on the 23d of the same month. The substitute made - two Territories out of Nebraska, and called one of them Kansas. It - annulled the Missouri Compromise, forbade its application to Kansas, - Nebraska, or any other territory, and, as amended and finally passed, - fixed the following rules:... "It being the true intent and meaning of - this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to - exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to - form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject - only to the Constitution of the United States." Mr. Douglas had long since - denounced his imprecations upon "the ruthless hand" that should disturb - that ancient compact of peace between the sections; and now he put forth - his own ingenious hand to do the deed, and to take the curse, in both of - which he was eminently successful. Not that the Missouri Act may not have - been repugnant to the Constitution, for no court had ever passed upon it; - but it was enacted for a holy purpose, was venerable in age, was - consecrated in the hearts of the people by the unsurpassed eloquence of - the patriots of a previous generation, and having the authority of law, of - reason, and of covenant, it had till then preserved the Union, as its - authors designed it should; and, being in truth a sacred thing, it was not - a proper subject for the "ruthless" interference of mere politicians, like - those who now devoted it to destruction. If, upon a regularly heard and - decided issue, the Supreme Court should declare it unconstitutional, the - recision of the compact could be attributed to no party,—neither to - slavery nor to antislavery,—and the peace of the country might still - subsist. But its repeal by the party that did it—a coalition of - Southern Whigs and Democrats with Northern Democrats—was evidence of - a design to carry slavery into the region north of 36° 30'; or the - legislation was without a purpose at all. It was the first aggression of - the South; but be it remembered in common justice, that she was tempted to - it by the treacherous proffers of a restless but powerful Northern leader, - who asked no recompense but her electoral votes. In due time he opened her - eyes to the nature of the fraud; and, if he carried through the - Kansas-Nebraska Act to catch the votes of the South in 1856, it cost him - no inconvenience to give it a false and startling construction to catch - the votes of the North in 1860. In the repeal of the Compromise, the - Northern Democrats submitted with reluctance to the dictation of Douglas - and the South. It was the great error of the party,—the one - disastrous error of all its history. The party succeeded in 1856 only by - the nomination of Mr. Buchanan, who was out of the country when the - Kansas-Nebraska Act was passed, and who was known to have opposed it. But - the questions which grew out of it, the false and disingenuous - construction of the act by its author, the slavery agitations in Kansas - and throughout the country, disrupted the party at Charleston, and made - possible Mr. Lincoln's election by a minority of the votes cast. And to - the Whig party, whose Senators and Representatives from the South voted - for the Douglas Bill in a body, the renewal of the slavery agitation, - invited and insured by their action, was the signal of actual dissolution. - </p> - <p> - Up to this date, Mr. Lincoln's views of slavery, and how they were formed, - are as well known to the reader as they can be made known from the - materials left behind for a history of them. It is clear that his <i>feelings</i> - on the subject were inspired by individual cases of apparent hardship - which had come under his observation. John Hanks, on the last trip to New - Orleans, was struck by Lincoln's peculiarly active sympathy for the - servile race, and insists, that, upon sight of their wrongs, "the iron - entered his heart." In a letter to Mr. Speed, which will shortly be - presented, Mr. Lincoln confesses to a similar experience in 1841, and - speaks with great bitterness of the pain which the actual presence of - chained and manacled slaves had given him. Indeed, Mr. Lincoln was not an - ardent sympathizer with sufferings of any sort, which he did not witness - with the eye of flesh. His compassion might be stirred deeply by an object - present, but never by an object absent and unseen. In the former case he - would most likely extend relief, with little inquiry into the merits of - the case, because, as he expressed it himself, it "took a pain out of his - own heart;" and he devoutly believed that every such act of charity or - mercy sprung from motives purely selfish. None of his public acts, either - before or after he became President, exhibits any special tenderness for - the African race, or any extraordinary commiseration of their lot. On the - contrary, he invariably, in words and deeds, postponed the interests of - the blacks to the interests of the whites, and expressly subordinated the - one to the other. When he was compelled, by what he deemed an overruling - necessity, founded on both military and political considerations, to - declare the freedom of the public enemy's slaves, he did so with avowed - reluctance, and took pains to have it understood that his resolution was - in no wise affected by sentiment. He never at any time favored the - admission of negroes into the body of electors, in his own State or in the - States of the South. He claimed that those who were incidentally liberated - by the Federal arms were poor-spirited, lazy, and slothful; that they - could be made soldiers only by force, and willing laborers not at all; - that they seemed to have no interest in the cause of their own race, but - were as docile in the service of the Rebellion as the mules that ploughed - the fields or drew the baggage-trains; and, as a people, were useful only - to those who were at the same time their masters and the foes of those who - sought their good. With such views honestly formed, it is no wonder that - he longed to see them transported to Hayti, Central America, Africa, or - anywhere, so that they might in no event, and in no way, participate in - the government of his country. Accordingly, he was, from the beginning, as - earnest a colonizationist as Mr. Clay, and, even during his Presidency, - zealously and persistently devised schemes for the deportation of the - negroes, which the latter deemed cruel and atrocious in the extreme. He - believed, with his rival, that this was purely a "white man's government;" - but he would have been perfectly willing to share its blessings with the - black man, had he not been very certain that the blessings would disappear - when divided with such a partner. He was no Abolitionist in the popular - sense; did not want to break over the safeguards of the Constitution to - interfere with slavery where it had a lawful existence; but, wherever his - power rightfully extended, he was anxious that the negro should be - protected, just as women and children and unnaturalized men are protected, - in life, limb, property, reputation, and every thing that nature or law - makes sacred. But this was all: he had no notion of extending to the negro - the <i>privilege of governing</i> him and other white men, by making him - an elector. That was a political trust, an office to be exercised only by - the superior race. - </p> - <p> - It was therefore as a white man, and in the interests of white men, that - he threw himself into the struggle to keep the blacks out of the - Territories. He did not want them there either as slaves or freemen; but - he wanted them less as slaves than as freemen. He perceived clearly enough - the motives of the South in repealing the Missouri Compromise. It did, in - fact, arouse him "like a fire-bell in the night." He felt that a great - conflict impended; and, although he had as yet no idea that it was an - "irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces," which must - end in making all free or all slave, he thought it was serious enough to - demand his entire mind and heart; and he freely gave them both. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Gillespie gives the substance of a conversation with him, which, - judging from the context, must have taken place about this time. Prefacing - with the remark that the slavery question was the only one "on which he - (Mr. Lincoln) would become excited," he says,— - </p> - <p> - "I recollect meeting with him once at Shelbyville, when he remarked that - something must be done, or slavery would overrun the whole country. He - said there were about six hundred thousand non-slaveholding whites in - Kentucky to about thirty-three thousand slaveholders; that, in the - convention then recently held, it was expected that the delegates would - represent these classes about in proportion to their respective numbers; - but, when the convention assembled, there was not a single representative - of the non-slaveholding class: every one was in the interest of the - slaveholders; 'and,' said he, 'the thing is spreading like wildfire over - the country. In a few years we will be ready to accept the institution in - Illinois, and the whole country will adopt it.' I asked him to what he - attributed the change that was going on in public opinion. He said he had - put that question to a Kentuckian shortly before, who answered by saying, - 'You might have any amount of land, money in your pocket, or bank-stock, - and, while travelling around, nobody would be any wiser; but, if you had a - darkey trudging at your heels, everybody would see him, and know that you - owned a slave.' 'It is the most glittering, ostentatious, and displaying - property in the world; and now,' says he, 'if a young man goes courting, - the only inquiry is, how many negroes he or she owns. The love for slave - property was swallowing up every other mercenary possession. Its ownership - betokened, not only the possession of wealth, but indicated the gentleman - of leisure, who was above and scorned labor.' These things Mr. Lincoln - regarded as highly seductive to the thoughtless and giddy-headed young men - who looked upon work as vulgar and ungentlemanly. Mr. Lincoln was really - excited, and said, with great earnestness, that this spirit ought to be - met, and, if possible, checked; that slavery was a great and crying - injustice, an enormous national crime, and that we could not expect to - escape punishment for it. I asked him how he would proceed in his efforts - to check the spread of slavery. <i>He confessed he did not see his way - clearly. I think he made up his mind from that time that he would oppose - slavery actively</i>. I know that Mr. Lincoln always contended that no man - had any right other than mere brute force gave him to a slave. He used to - say that it was singular that the courts would hold that a man never lost - his right to his property that had been stolen from him, but that he - instantly lost his right to himself if he was stolen. Mr. Lincoln always - contended that the cheapest way of getting rid of slavery was for the - nation to buy the slaves, and set them free." - </p> - <p> - If the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill awakened Lincoln from his dream - of security regarding the slavery question, which he hoped had been put to - rest by the compromises of 1820 and 1850, it did the same with all - likeminded people in the North. From that moment the Abolitionists, on the - one hand, discerned a hope, not only of restricting slavery, but of - ultimate emancipation; and the Southern Disunionists, on the other, who - had lately met with numerous and signal defeats in their own section, - perceived the means of inflaming the popular heart to the point of - disunion. A series of agitations immediately began,—incessant, - acrimonious, and in Kansas murderous and bloody,—which destroyed the - Whig party at once, and continued until they severed the Democratic party - at Charleston. All other issues were as chaff to this,—slavery or no - slavery in the Territories,—while the discussion ranged far back of - this practical question, and involved the much broader one, whether - slavery possessed inherent rights under the Constitution. The Whigs South - having voted for the repeal of the compromise, and the Whigs North against - it, that party was practically no more. Some of its members went into the - Know-Nothing lodges; some enlisted under the Abolition flag, and others - drifted about and together until they formed themselves into a new - organization, which they called Republican. It was a disbanded army; and, - released from the authority of discipline and party tradition, a great - part of the members engaged for a while in political operations of a very - disreputable character. But the better class, having kept themselves - unspotted from the pollution of Know-Nothingism, gradually but speedily - formed the Republican party, which in due time drew into its mighty ranks - nearly all the elements of opposition to the Democracy. Such a Whig was - Mr. Lincoln, who lost no time in taking his ground. In Illinois the new - party was not (in 1854) either Abolitionist, Republican, Know-Nothing, - Whig, or Democratic, for it was composed of odds and ends of all; but - simply the Anti-Nebraska party, of which Mr. Lincoln soon became the - acknowledged leader. - </p> - <p> - Returning from Washington, Mr. Douglas attempted to speak at Chicago; but - he was not heard, and, being hissed and hooted by the populace of the - city, betook himself to more complaisant audiences in the country. Early - in October, the State Fair being in progress there, he spoke at - Springfield. His speech was ingenious, and, on the whole, able: but he was - on the defensive; and the consciousness of the fact, both on his own part - and that of the audience, made him seem weaker than he really was. By - common consent the Anti-Nebraska men put up Mr. Lincoln to reply; and he - did reply with such power as he had never exhibited before. He was not the - Lincoln who had spoken that tame address over Clay in 1852, or he who had - deformed his speech before the "Scott Club" with petty jealousies and - gross vulgarisms, but a new and greater Lincoln, the like of whom no one - in that vast multitude had ever heard before. He felt that he was - addressing the people on a living and vital question, not merely for the - sake of speaking, but to produce conviction, and achieve a great practical - result. How he succeeded in his object may be gathered from the following - extracts from a leading editorial in "The Springfield Journal," written by - Mr. Herndon:— - </p> - <p> - "This Anti-Nebraska speech of Mr. Lincoln was the profoundest, in our - opinion, that he has made in his whole life. He felt upon his soul the - truths burn which he uttered, and all present felt that he was true to his - own soul. His feelings once or twice swelled within, and came near - stifling utterance.... He quivered with emotion. The whole house was as - still as death. - </p> - <p> - "He attacked the Nebraska Bill with unusual warmth and energy; and all - felt that a man of strength was its enemy, and that he intended to blast - it if he could by strong and manly efforts. He was most successful, and - the house approved the glorious triumph of truth by loud and continued - huzzas. Women waved their white handkerchiefs in token of woman's silent - but heartfelt assent. Douglas felt the sting: the animal within was - roused, because he frequently interrupted Mr. Lincoln. His friends felt - that he was crushed by Lincoln's powerful argument, manly logic, and - illustrations from nature around us. The Nebraska Bill was shivered, and, - like a tree of the forest, was torn and rent asunder by hot bolts of - truth.... Mr. Lincoln exhibited Douglas in all the attitudes he could be - placed in a friendly debate. He exhibited the bill in all its aspects to - show its humbuggery and falsehood; and, when thus torn to rags, cut into - slips, held up to the gaze of the vast crowd, a kind of scorn and mockery - was visible upon the face of the crowd and upon the lips of the most - eloquent speaker.... At the conclusion of this speech, every man, woman, - and child felt that it was unanswerable.... He took the heart captive, and - broke like a sun over the understanding." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Douglas rose to reply. He was excited, angry, imperious in his tone - and manner, and his voice loud and shrill. Shaking his forefinger at the - Democratic malcontents with furious energy, and declaiming rather than - debating, he occupied to little purpose the brief interval remaining until - the adjournment for supper. Then, promising to resume his address in the - evening, he went his way; and that audience "saw him no more." Evening - came, but not the orator. Many fine speeches were made during the - continuance of that fair upon the one absorbing topic,—speeches by - the ablest men in Illinois,—Judge Trumbull, Judge Breese, Col. - Taylor (Democratic recusants), and Stephen A. Douglas and John Calhoun - (then Surveyor-General of Nebraska). But it is no shame to any one of - these, that their really impressive speeches were but slightly - appreciated, nor long remembered, beside Mr. Lincoln's splendid and - enduring performance,—enduring in the memory of his auditors, - although preserved upon no written or printed page. - </p> - <p> - Among those whom the State Fair brought to Springfield for political - purposes, were some who were neither Whigs, Democrats, Know-Nothings, nor - yet mere Anti-Nebraska men: there were the restless leaders of the then - insignificant Abolition faction. Chief among them was Owen Lovejoy; and - second to him, if second to any, was William H. Herndon. But the position - of this latter gentleman was one of singular embarrassment. According to - himself, he was an Abolitionist "sometime before he was born," and - hitherto he had made his "calling and election sure" by every word and act - of a life devoted to political philanthropy and disinterested political - labors. While the two great national parties divided the suffrages of the - people, North and South, every thing in his eyes was "dead." He detested - the bargains by which those parties were in the habit of composing - sectional troubles, and sacrificing the "principle of freedom." When the - Whig party "paid its breath to time," he looked upon its last agonies as - but another instance of divine retribution. He had no patience with - time-servers, and regarded with indignant contempt the "policy" which - would postpone the natural rights of an enslaved race to the success of - parties and politicians. He stood by at the sacrifice of the Whig party in - Illinois with the spirit of Paul when he "held the clothes of them that - stoned Stephen." He believed it was for the best, and hoped to see a new - party rise in its place, great in the fervor of its faith, and animated by - the spirit of Wilberforce, Garrison, and the Lovejoys. He was a fierce - zealot, and gloried proudly in his title of "fanatic;" for it was his - conviction that fanatics were at all times the salt of the earth, with - power to save it from the blight that follows the wickedness of men. He - believed in a God, but it was the God of nature,—the God of Socrates - and Plato, as well as the God of Jacob. He believed in a Bible, but it was - the open scroll of the universe; and in a religion clear and well defined, - but it was a religion that scorned what he deemed the narrow slavery of - verbal inspiration. Hot-blooded, impulsive, brave morally and physically, - careless of consequences when moved by a sense of individual duty, he was - the very man to receive into his inmost heart the precepts of Mr. Seward's - "higher law." If he had pledged faith to slavery, no peril of life or body - could have induced him to violate it. But he held himself no party to the - compromises of the Constitution, nor to any law which recognized the - justice of human bondage; and he was therefore free to act as his God and - nature prompted. - </p> - <p> - Now, Mr. Herndon had determined to make an Abolitionist out of Mr. Lincoln - when the proper time should arrive; and that time would be only when Mr. - Lincoln could change front and "come out" without detriment to his - personal aspirations. For, although Mr. Herndon was a zealot in the cause, - he loved his partner too dearly to wish him to espouse it while it was - unpopular and politically dangerous to belong to it. "I cared nothing for - the ruin of myself," said he; "but I did not wish to see Mr. Lincoln - sacrificed." He looked forward to a better day, and, in the mean time, was - quite willing that Mr. Lincoln should be no more than a nominal Whig, or a - strong Anti-Nebraska man; being quite sure, that, when the auspicious - moment arrived, he would be able to present him to his brethren as a - convert over whom there would surely be great joy. Still, there was a bare - chance that he might lose him. Mr. Lincoln was beset by warm friends and - by old coadjutors, and besought to pause in his antislavery course while - there was yet time. Among these there was none more earnest or persuasive - than John T. Stuart, who was but the type of a class. Tempted on the one - side to be a Know-Nothing, and on the other side to be an Abolitionist, - Mr. Lincoln said, as if in some doubt of his real position, "I <i>think</i> - I am still a Whig." But Mr. Herndon was more than a match for the full - array against him. An earnest man, instant in season and out of season, he - spoke with the eloquence of apparent truth and of real personal love. - Moreover, Mr. Lincoln's preconceptions inclined him to the way in which - Mr. Herndon desired him to walk; and it is not surprising that in time he - was, not only almost, but altogether, persuaded by a friend and partner, - whose opportunities to reach and convince his wavering mind were, daily - and countless. "From 1854 to 1860," says Mr. Herndon, "I kept putting in - Lincoln's hands the speeches and sermons of Theodore Parker, the speeches - of Phillips and Beecher. I took 'The Anti-slavery Standard' for years - before 1856, 'The Chicago Tribune,' and 'The New York Tribune;' kept them - in my office, kept them purposely on my table, and would read to Lincoln - good, sharp, and solid things well put. Lincoln was a natural antislavery - man, as I think, and yet he needed watching,—needed hope, faith, - energy; and I think I warmed him. Lincoln and I were just the opposite one - of another. He was cautious and practical; I was spontaneous, ideal, and - speculative. He arrived at truths by reflection; I, by intuition; he, by - reason; I, by my soul. He calculated; I went to toil asking no questions, - never doubting. Lincoln had great faith in my intuitions, and I had great - faith in his reason." - </p> - <p> - Of course such a man as we have described Mr. Herndon to be could have - nothing but loathing and disgust for the secret oaths, the midnight - lurking, and the proscriptive spirit of Know-Nothingism. "A number of - gentlemen from Chicago," says he, "among them the editor of 'The Star of - the West,' an Abolitionist paper published in Chicago, waited on me in my - office, and asked my advice as to the policy of going into Know-Nothing - Lodges, and ruling them for freedom. I opposed it as being wrong in - principle, as well as a fraud on the lodges, and wished to fight it out in - open daylight. Lincoln was opposed to Know-Nothingism, but did not say - much in 1854 or 1855 (did afterwards). I told Lincoln what was said, and - argued the question with him often, insisting that, as we were advocating - <i>freedom for the slave in tendency</i> under the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, - it was radically wrong to enslave the religious ideas and faith of men. - The gentlemen who waited on me as before stated asked me if I thought that - Mr. Lincoln could be trusted for freedom. I said to them, 'Can you trust - yourselves? If you can, you can trust Lincoln forever.'" - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0011" id="image-0011"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/392.jpg" alt="John T. Stuart 392 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - With this explanation of the political views of Mr. Herndon, and his - personal relations to Mr. Lincoln, the reader will more easily understand - what follows. - </p> - <p> - "This State Fair," continues Mr. Herndon, "called thousands to the city. - We Abolitionists all assembled here, taking advantage of the fair to - organize and disseminate our ideas. As soon as Lincoln had finished his - speech, Lovejoy, who had been in the hall, rushed up to the stand, and - notified the crowd that there would be a meeting there in the evening: - subject, <i>Freedom</i>. I had been with the Abolitionists that day, and - knew their intentions: namely, to force Lincoln with our organization, and - to take broader and deeper and more radical views and ideas than in his - speech, which was simply <i>Historic Kansas</i>.... He (Lincoln) had not - then announced himself for freedom, only discussed the inexpediency of - repealing the Missouri Compromise Line. The Abolitionists that day - determined to make Lincoln take a stand. I determined he should <i>not at - that time</i>, because the time had not yet come when Lincoln should show - his hand. When Lovejoy announced the Abolition gathering in the evening, I - rushed to Lincoln, and said, 'Lincoln, go home; take Bob and the buggy, - and leave the county: go quickly, go right off, and never mind the order - of your going.' Lincoln took a hint, got his horse and buggy, and did - leave quickly, not noting the order of his going. He staid away till all - conventions and fairs were over." - </p> - <p> - But the speech against the repeal of the Compromise signally impressed all - parties opposed to Mr. Douglas's late legislation,—Whigs, - Abolitionists, and Democratic Free-soilers,—who agreed with perfect - unanimity, that Mr. Lincoln should be pitted against Mr. Douglas wherever - circumstances admitted of their meeting. As one of the evidences of this - sentiment, Mr. William Butler drew up a paper addressed to Mr. Lincoln, - requesting and "urging him to follow Douglas up until the election." It - was signed by Mr. Butler, William Jayne, P. P. Eads, John Cassady, B. F. - Irwin, and many others. Accordingly, Lincoln "followed" Douglas to Peoria, - where the latter had an appointment, and again replied to him, in much the - same spirit, and with the same arguments, as before. The speech was really - a great one, almost perfectly adapted to produce conviction upon a - doubting mind. It ought to be carefully read by every one who desires to - know Mr. Lincoln's power as a debater, after his intellect was matured and - ripened by years of hard experience. On the general subject of slavery and - negroes in the Union, he spoke as follows:— - </p> - <p> - "Before proceeding, let me say, I think I have no prejudice against the - Southern people: they are just what we would be in their situation. If - slavery did not now exist among them, they would not introduce it: if it - did now exist amongst us, we should not instantly give it up. This I - believe of the masses North and South. Doubtless there are individuals on - both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances, and others - would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were out of existence. We know - that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-top - Abolitionists; while some Northern men go South, and become cruel - slave-masters. - </p> - <p> - "When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin - of slavery than we, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the - institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in any - satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. <i>I surely - will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to do myself. - If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do as to the - existing institution</i>. My first impulse would be to free all the - existing slaves, and send them to Liberia,—to their own native land; - but a moment's reflection would convince me that whatever of high hope (as - I think there is) there may be in this, in the long run, its sudden - execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they - would all perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus shipping - and surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times - ten days. What then? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings? - Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? <i>I think I would - not hold</i> one in slavery at any rate, yet the point is not clear enough - to me to denounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them - politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of - this; and, if mine would, we all know that those of the great mass of - white people would not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and - sound judgment is not the sole question, if, indeed, it is any part of it. - A universal feeling, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely - disregarded. <i>We cannot, then, make them equals</i>. It does seem to me - that systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted; but for their - tardiness in this I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the South. - When they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, - not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; <i>and I would give them any - legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives which should not in its - stringency be more likely to carry a free man into slavery than our - ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one</i>. - </p> - <p> - "But all this, to my judgment, furnishes no more excuse for permitting - slavery to go into our own free territory than it would for reviving the - African slave-trade by law. The law which forbids the bringing of slaves - <i>from</i> Africa, and that which has so long forbidden the taking them - <i>to</i> Nebraska, can hardly be distinguished on any moral principle; - and the repeal of the former could find quite as plausible excuses as that - of the latter. - </p> - <p> - "But Nebraska is urged as a great Union-saving measure. Well, I, too, go - for saving the Union. Much as I hate slavery, I would consent to the - extension of it, rather than see the Union dissolved, just as I would - consent to any great evil to avoid a greater one. But, when I go to - Union-saving, I must believe, at least, that the means I employ have - adaptation to the end. To my mind, Nebraska has no such adaptation. 'It - hath no relish of salvation in it.' It is an aggravation, rather, of the - only one thing which ever endangers the Union. When it came upon us, all - was peace and quiet. The nation was looking to the forming of new bonds of - Union, and a long course of peace and prosperity seemed to lie before us. - In the whole range of possibility, there scarcely appears to me to have - been any thing out of which the slavery agitation could have been revived, - except the project of repealing the Missouri Compromise. Every inch of - territory we owned already had a definite settlement of the slavery - question, and by which all parties were pledged to abide. Indeed, there - was no uninhabited country on the continent which we could acquire, if we - except some extreme Northern regions, which are wholly out of the - question. In this state of the case, the Genius of Discord himself could - scarcely have invented a way of getting us by the ears, but by turning - back and destroying the peace measures of the past. - </p> - <p> - "The structure, too, of the Nebraska Bill is very peculiar. The people are - to decide the question of slavery for themselves; but <i>when</i> they are - to decide, or <i>how</i> they are to decide, or whether, when the question - is once decided, it is to remain so, or is to be subject to an indefinite - succession of new trials, the law does not say. Is it to be decided by the - first dozen settlers who arrive there, or is it to await the arrival of a - hundred? Is it to be decided by a vote of the people, or a vote of the - Legislature, or, indeed, on a vote of any sort? To these questions the law - gives no answer. There is a mystery about this; for, when a member - proposed to give the Legislature express authority to exclude slavery, it - was hooted down by the friends of the bill. This fact is worth - remembering. Some Yankees in the East are sending emigrants to Nebraska to - exclude slavery from it; and, so far as I can judge, they expect the - question to be decided by voting in some way or other. But the Missourians - are awake too. They are within a stone's-throw of the contested ground. - They hold meetings and pass resolutions, in which not the slightest - allusion to voting is made. They resolve that slavery already exists in - the Territory; that more shall go there; and that they, remaining in - Missouri, will protect it, and that Abolitionists shall be hung or driven - away. Through all this, bowie-knives and six-shooters are seen plainly - enough, but never a glimpse of the ballot-box. And really, what is the - result of this? Each party within having numerous and determined backers - without, is it not probable that the contest will come to blows and - bloodshed? Could there be a more apt invention to bring about a collision - and violence on the slavery question than this Nebraska project is? I do - not charge or believe that such was intended by Congress; but if they had - literally formed a ring, and placed champions within it to fight out the - controversy, the fight could be no more likely to come off than it is. - And, if this fight should begin, is it likely to take a very peaceful, - Union-saving turn? Will not the first drop of blood so shed be the real - knell of the Union?" - </p> - <p> - No one in Mr. Lincoln's audience appreciated the force of this speech more - justly than did Mr. Douglas himself. He invited the dangerous orator to a - conference, and frankly proposed a truce. What took place between them was - explicitly set forth by Mr. Lincoln to a little knot of his friends, in - the office of Lincoln & Herndon, about two days after the election. We - quote the statement of B. F. Irwin, explicitly indorsed by P. L. Harrison - and Isaac Cogdale, all of whom are already indifferently well known to the - reader. "W. H. Herndon, myself, P. L. Harrison, and Isaac Cogdale were - present. What Lincoln said was about this: that the day after the Peoria - debate in 1854, Douglas came to him (Lincoln), and flattered him that he - (Lincoln) understood the Territorial question from the organization of the - government better than all the opposition in the Senate of the United - States; and he did not see that he could make any thing by debating it - with him; and then reminded him (Lincoln) of the trouble they had given - him, and remarked that Lincoln had given him more trouble than all the - opposition in the Senate combined; and followed up with the proposition, - that he would go home, and speak no more during the campaign, if Lincoln - would do the same: to which proposition Lincoln acceded." This, according - to Mr. Irwin's view of the thing, was running Douglas "into his hole," and - making "him holler, Enough." - </p> - <p> - Handbills and other advertisements announced that Judge Douglas would - address the people of Lacon the day following the Peoria encounter; and - the Lacon Anti-Nebraska people sent a committee to Peoria to secure Mr. - Lincoln for a speech in reply. He readily agreed to go, and on the way - said not a word of the late agreement to the gentleman who had him in - charge. Judge Douglas observed the same discreet silence among his - friends. Whether they had both agreed to go to Lacon before this agreement - was made, or had mutually contrived this clever mode of deception, cannot - now be determined. But, when they arrived at Lacon, Mr. Douglas said he - was too hoarse to speak, although, "a large portion of the people of the - county assembled to hear him." Mr. Lincoln, with unheard-of magnanimity, - "informed his friends that he would not like to take advantage of the - judge's indisposition, and would not address the people." His friends - could not see the affair in the same light, and "pressed him for a - speech;" but he persistently and unaccountably "refused." - </p> - <p> - Of course, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas met no more during the campaign. - Mr. Douglas did speak at least once more (at Princeton), but Mr. Lincoln - scrupulously observed the terms of the agreement. He came home, wrote out - his Peoria speech, and published it in seven consecutive issues of "The - Illinois Daily Journal;" but he never spoke nor thought of speaking again. - When his friends insisted upon having a reason for this most unexpected - conduct, he gave the answer already quoted from Mr. Irwin. - </p> - <p> - The election took place on the 7th of November. During his absence, Mr. - Lincoln had been announced as a candidate for the House of Representatives - of the Illinois Legislature. William Jayne took the responsibility of - making him a candidate. Mrs. Lincoln, however, "saw Francis, the editor, - and had Lincoln's name taken out." When Mr. Lincoln returned, Jayne (Mrs. - Lincoln's old friend "Bill") went to see him. "I went to see him," says - Jayne, "in order to get his consent to run. This was at his house. He was - then the saddest man I ever saw,—the gloomiest. He walked up and - down the floor, almost crying; and to all my persuasions to let his name - stand in the paper, he said, 'No, I can't. You don't know all. I say you - don't begin to know one-half, and that's enough.' I did, however, go and - have his name re-instated; and there it stood. He and Logan were elected - by about six hundred majority." Mr. Jayne had caused originally both Judge - Logan and Mr. Lincoln to be announced, and they were both elected. But, - after all, Mrs. Lincoln was right, and Jayne and Lincoln were both wrong. - Mr. Lincoln was a well-known candidate for the United States Senate, in - the place of Mr. Shields, the incumbent, who had voted for the - Kansas-Nebraska Bill; and, when the Legislature met and showed a majority - of Anti-Nebraska men, he thought it a necessary preliminary of his - candidacy that he should resign his seat in the House. He did so, and Mr. - Jayne makes the following acknowledgment: "Mr. Lincoln resigned his seat, - finding out that the Republicans, the Anti-Nebraska men, had carried the - Legislature. A. M. Broadwell ran as a Whig Anti-Nebraska man, and was - badly beaten. The people of Sangamon County was down on Lincoln,—hated - him." None can doubt that even the shame of taking a woman's advice might - have been preferable to this! - </p> - <p> - But Mr. Lincoln "had set his heart on going to the United States Senate." - Counting in the Free-soil Democrats, who had revolted against Mr. - Douglas's leadership, and been largely supported the Whigs in the late - elections, there was now on joint ballot a clear Anti-Nebraska majority of - two. A Senator was to be chosen to succeed Mr. Shields; and Mr. Lincoln - had a right to expect the place. He had fairly earned the distinction, and - nobody in the old Whig party was disposed to withhold it. But a few - Abolitionists doubted his fidelity to their extreme views; and five - Anti-Nebraska Senators and Representatives, who had been elected as - Democrats, preferred to vote for a Senator with antecedents like their - own. The latter selected Judge Trumbull as their candidate, and clung to - him manfully through the whole struggle. They were five only in number; - but in the situation of affairs then existing they were the sovereign - five. They were men of conceded integrity, of good abilities in debate, - and extraordinary political sagacity. Their names ought to be known to - posterity, for their unfriendliness at this juncture saved Mr. Lincoln to - the Republicans of Illinois, to be brought forward at the critical moment - as a fresh and original candidate for the Presidency. They were Judd of - Cook County, Palmer of Macoupin, Cook of La Salle, Baker and Allen of - Madison. They called themselves Democrats, and, with the modesty peculiar - to bolters, claimed to be the only "Simon-pure." "They could not act with - the Democrats from principle, and would not act with the Whigs from - policy;" but, holding off from the caucuses of both parties, they demanded - that all Anti-Nebraska should come to them, or sacrifice the most - important fruits of their late victory at the polls. But these were not - the only enemies Mr. Lincoln could count in the body of his party. The - Abolitionists suspected him, and were slow to come to his support. Judge - Davis went to Springfield, and thinks he "got some" of this class "to go - for" him; but it is probable they were "got" in another way. Mr. Lovejoy - was a member, and required, as the condition of his support and that of - his followers, that Mr. Lincoln should pledge himself to favor the - exclusion of slavery from <i>all</i> the Territories of the United States. - This was a long step in advance of any that Mr. Lincoln had previously - taken. He was, as a matter of course, opposed to the introduction of - slavery into the Territories north of the line of 36° 30'; but he had, up - to this time, regarded all south of that as being honestly open to - slavery. The villany of obliterating that line, and the necessity of its - immediate restoration,—in short, the perfect sanctity of the - Missouri settlement,—had formed the burden of all his speeches - in-the preceding canvass. But these opinions by no means suited the - Abolitionists, and they required him to change them forthwith. He thought - it would be wise to do so, considering the peculiar circumstances of his - case; but, before committing himself finally, he sought an understanding - with Judge Logan. He told the judge what he was disposed to do, and said - he would act upon the inclination, if the judge would not regard it as - "treading upon his toes." The judge said he was opposed to the doctrine - proposed; but, for the sake of the cause in hand, he would cheerfully risk - his "toes." And so the Abolitionists were accommodated: Mr. Lincoln - quietly made the pledge, and they voted for him. - </p> - <p> - On the eighth day of February, 1855, the two Houses met in convention to - choose a Senator. On the first ballot, Mr. Shields had forty-one votes, - and three Democratic votes were scattered. Mr. Lincoln had forty-five, Mr. - Trumbull five, and Mr. Koerner two. On the seventh ballot, the Democrats - left Shields, and, with two exceptions, voted for Gov. Matte-son. In - addition to the party strength, Matteson received also the votes of two of - the anti-Nebraska Democrats. That stout little knot, it was apparent, was - now breaking up. For many reasons the Whigs detested Matteson most - heartily, and dreaded nothing so much as his success. But of that there - now appeared to be great danger; for, unless the Whigs abandoned Lincoln - and went for Trumbull, the five Anti-Nebraska men would unite on Matteson, - and elect him. Mr. Gillespie went to Lincoln for advice. "He said - unhesitatingly, 'You ought to drop me, and go for Trumbull: that is the - only way you can defeat Matteson.' Judge Logan came up about that time, - and insisted on running Lincoln still; but the latter said, 'If you do, - you will lose both Trumbull and myself; and I think the cause, in this - case, is to be preferred to men.' We adopted his suggestion, and turned - upon Trumbull, and elected him, although it grieved us to the heart to - give up Mr. Lincoln. This, I think, shows that Mr. Lincoln was capable of - sinking himself for the cause in which he was engaged." It was with great - bitterness of spirit that the Whigs accepted this hard alternative. Many - of them accused the little squad of Anti-Nebraska Democrats of "ungenerous - and selfish" motives. One of them, "Mr. Waters of McDonough, was - especially indignant, and utterly refused to vote for Mr. Trumbull at all. - On the last ballot he threw away his ballot on Mr. Williams." - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln was very much disappointed," says Mr. Parks, a member of the - Legislature, and one of Mr. Lincoln's special friends; "for I think, that, - at that time, it was the height of his ambition to get into the United - States Senate. He manifested, however, no bitterness towards Mr. Judd, or - the other Anti-Nebraska Democrats, by whom politically he was beaten, but - evidently thought that their motives were right. He told me several times - afterwards, that the election of Trumbull was the best thing that could - have happened." - </p> - <p> - In the great campaign of 1858, Mr. Douglas on various occasions insisted, - that, in 1854, Mr. Lincoln and Judge Trumbull, being until then political - enemies, had formed a secret agreement to abolitionize, the one the Whig, - and the other the Democratic party; and, in order that neither might go - unrewarded for a service so timely and patriotic, Mr. Trumbull had agreed - on the one hand that Mr. Lincoln should have Shields's seat in the United - States Senate (in 1855); and Mr. Lincoln had agreed, on the other, that - Judge Trumbull should have Douglas's seat (in 1859). But Mr. Douglas - alleged, that, when the first election (in 1854) came on, Judge Trumbull - treated his fellow-conspirator with shameful duplicity, and cheated - himself into the Senate just four years in advance of his appointed time; - that, Mr. Lincoln's friends being greatly incensed thereat, Col. James H. - Matheny, Mr. Lincoln's "friend and manager for twenty years," exposed the - plot and the treachery; that, in order to silence and conciliate the - injured party, Mr. Lincoln was promised the senatorial nomination in 1858, - and thus a second time became a candidate in pursuance of a bargain more - than half corrupt. But it is enough to say here, that Mr. Lincoln - explicitly and emphatically denied the accusation as often as it was made, - and bestowed upon the character of Judge Trumbull encomiums as lofty and - as warm as he ever bestowed upon any contemporary. With the exception of - Col. Matheny, we find none of Mr. Lincoln's peculiar friends complaining - of Judge Trumbull; but as many of them as have spoken in the records - before us (and they are numerous and prominent) speak of the purity, - devotion, and excellence of Judge Trumbull in the most unreserved and - unaffected manner. In fact and in truth, he did literally nothing to - advance his own interest: he solicited no vote, and got none which did not - come to him by reason of the political necessities of the time. His - election consolidated the Anti-Nebraska party in the State, and, in the - language of Mr. Parks, his "first encounter with Mr. Douglas in the Senate - filled the people of Illinois with admiration for his abilities; and the - ill feeling caused by his election gradually passed away." - </p> - <p> - But Mr. Douglas had a graver charge to make against Mr. Lincoln than that - of a simple conspiracy with Trumbull to dispose of a great office. He - seems to have known nothing of Mr. Lincoln's secret understanding with - Lovejoy and his associates; but he found, that, on the day previous to the - election for Senator, Lovejoy had introduced a series of extreme - antislavery resolutions; and with these he attempted to connect Mr. - Lincoln, by showing, that, with two exceptions, every member who voted for - the resolutions on the 7th of February voted also for Mr. Lincoln on the - 8th. The first of the resolutions favored the restoration of the - prohibition of slavery north of 36° 30', and also a similar prohibition as - to "<i>all</i> territory which now belongs to the United States, or which - may hereafter come under their jurisdiction." The second resolution - declared against the admission of any Slave State, no matter out of what - Territory, or in what manner formed; and the third demanded, first, the - unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave Law, or, failing that, the - right of <i>habeas corpus</i> and trial by jury for the person claimed as - a slave. The first resolution was carried by a strict party vote; while - the second and third were defeated. But Mr. Douglas asserted that Mr. - Lincoln was committed in favor of all three, because the members that - supported them subsequently supported him. Of all this Mr. Lincoln took no - further notice than to say that Judge Douglas might find the Republican - platform in the resolutions of the State Convention of that party, held at - Bloomington in 1856. In fact, he maintained a singular reticence about the - whole affair, probably dreading to go into it too deeply, lest his rival - should unearth the private pledge to Lovejoy, of which Judge Logan has - given us the history. When Judge Douglas produced a set of resolutions - which he said had been passed by the Abolitionists at their Convention at - Springfield, during the State Fair (the meeting alluded to by Mr. - Herndon), and asserted that Mr. Lincoln was one of the committee that - reported them, the latter replied with great spirit, and said what he - could say with perfect truth,—that he was not near Springfield when - that body met, and that his name had been used without his consent. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0015" id="link2HCH0015"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XV - </h2> - <p> - MR. LINCOLN predicted a bloody conflict in Kansas as the immediate effect - of the repeal of the Missouri restriction. He had not long to wait for the - fulfilment of his prophecy: it began, in fact, before he spoke; and if - blood had not actually flowed on the plains of Kansas, occurrences were - taking place on the Missouri border which could not avoid that result. The - South invited the struggle by repealing a time-honored compromise, in such - a manner as to convince the North that she no longer felt herself bound by - any Congressional restrictions upon the institution of slavery; and that - she intended, as far as her power would permit, to push its existence into - all the Territories of the Union. The Northern States accepted the - challenge promptly. The people of the Free States knew how to colonize and - settle new Territories. The march of their westward settlements had for - years assumed a steady tread as the population of these States augmented, - and the facility for emigrating increased. When, therefore, the South - threw down the barriers which had for thirty years consecrated all the - Territories north of 36° 30' to free labor, and announced her intention of - competing therein for the establishment of her "peculiar institution," the - North responded by using the legitimate means at her command to throw into - the exposed regions settlers who would organize the Territories in the - interest of free labor. The "irrepressible conflict" was therefore opened - in the Territories, with the people of the two sections of the country - arrayed against each other as participants in, as well as spectators of, - the contest. As participants, each section aided its representatives. The - struggle opened in Kansas, and in favor of the South. During the passage - of the bill organizing the Territory, preparations had been extensively - made along the Missouri border, by "Blue Lodges" and "Social Bands," for - the purpose of getting control of its Territorial government. The whole - eastern border of the Territory was open to these marauders; and they were - not slow to embrace the opportunity of meeting their enemies with so man y - advantages in their favor. Public meetings were held in many of the - frontier counties of Missouri, in which the people were not only advised - to go over and take early possession of the Territory, but to hold - themselves in readiness to remove all emigrants who should go there under - the auspices of the Northern Aid Societies. It was with these "Border - Ruffians," and some volunteers from Alabama and South Carolina, with a few - vagabond "colonels" and "generals" from the Slave States generally, that - the South began the struggle. Of course, the North did not look with - complacency upon such a state of things. If the repeal of the Missouri - Compromise startled the people of the Free States from their sense of - security, the manner of applying "popular sovereignty," as indicated at - its first introduction, was sufficient to arouse public sentiment to an - unwonted degree. Kansas became at once a subject of universal interest. - Societies were formed for throwing into her borders, with the utmost - expedition, settlers who could be relied upon to mould her government in - the interest of freedom. At the same time there was set in train all the - political machinery that could be used to agitate the question, until the - cry of "Bleeding Kansas" was heard throughout the land. - </p> - <p> - It is not necessary in this connection to set down, in order, the raids, - assassinations, burnings, robberies, and election frauds which followed. - Enough if their origin and character be understood. For this present - purpose, a brief summary only will be given of what occurred during the - long struggle to make Kansas a Slave State; for upon the practical issues - which arose during the contest followed the discussions between Mr. - Lincoln and Mr. Douglas, upon the merits of which the former was carried - into the Presidential office. - </p> - <p> - The first Territorial governor appointed under the provisions of the - Kansas-Nebraska Act was Andrew H. Reeder of Pennsylvania. He was appointed - by President Pierce. He reached Kansas in the autumn of 1854, and - proceeded to establish a Territorial Government. The first election was - for a delegate to Congress. By the aid of the people of Missouri, it - resulted in favor of the Democrats. The governor then ordered an election - for a first Territorial Legislature, to be held on the 31st of March, - 1855. To this election the Missourians came in greater force than before; - and succeeded in electing proslavery men to both Houses of the - Legislature, with a single exception in each house. The governor, a - proslavery man, set aside the returns in six districts, as being - fraudulent; whereupon new elections were held, which, with one exception, - resulted in favor of the Free-State men. These parties, however, were - refused their seats in the Legislature; while the persons chosen at the - previous election were accepted. - </p> - <p> - The Legislature thus organized proceeded to enact the most hostile - measures against the Free-State men. Many of these acts were promptly - vetoed by the governor. The Legislature then petitioned the President for - his removal. Their wishes were complied with; and Wilson G. Shannon of - Ohio was appointed in his stead. In the mean time, the Free-State men - entirely repudiated the Legislature, and refused to be bound by its - enactments. - </p> - <p> - Such was the situation in Kansas when Mr. Lincoln addressed to Mr. Speed - the following letter:— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Aug. 24, 1855. - </p> - <p> - Dear Speed,—You know what a poor correspondent I am. Ever since I - received your very agreeable letter of the 22d of May, I have been - intending to write you an answer to it. You suggest that in political - action now you and I would differ. I suppose we would; not quite as much, - however, as you may think. You know I dislike slavery; and you fully admit - the abstract wrong of it. So far there is no cause of difference. But you - say, that, sooner than yield your legal right to the slave,—especially - at the bidding of those who are not themselves interested,—you would - see the Union dissolved. I am not aware that <i>any one</i> is bidding you - yield that right: very certainly I am not. I leave that matter entirely to - yourself. I also acknowledge your rights and my obligations under the - Constitution in regard to your slaves. I confess I hate to see the poor - creatures hunted down, and caught and carried back to their stripes and - unrequited toils; but I bite my lip, and keep quiet. In 1841 you and I had - together a tedious low-water trip on a steamboat from Louisville to St. - Louis. You may remember, as I well do, that, from Louisville to the mouth - of the Ohio, there were on board ten or a dozen slaves shackled together - with irons. That sight was a continued torment to me; and I see something - like it every time I touch the Ohio, or any other slave border. It is not - fair for you to assume that I have no interest in a thing which has, and - continually exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather - to appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify - their feelings, in order to maintain their loyalty to the Constitution and - the Union. I do oppose the extension of slavery because my judgment and - feeling so prompt me; and I am under no obligations to the contrary. If - for this you and I must differ, differ we must. You say, if you were - President, you would send an army, and hang the leaders of the Missouri - outrages upon the Kansas elections; still, if Kansas fairly votes herself - a Slave State, she must be admitted, or the Union must be dissolved. But - how if she votes herself a Slave State <i>unfairly</i>,—that is, by - the very means for which you say you would hang men? Must she still be - admitted, or the Union dissolved? That will be the phase of the question - when it first becomes a practical one. In your assumption that there may - be a fair decision of the slavery question in Kansas, I plainly see you - and I would differ about the Nebraska law. I look upon that enactment, <i>not - as a law, but a violence</i> from the beginning. It was conceived in - violence, is maintained in violence, and is being executed in violence. I - say it was conceived in violence, because the destruction of the Missouri - Compromise, under the circumstances, was nothing less than violence. It - was passed in violence, because it could not have passed at all but for - the votes of many members in violence of the known will of their - constituents. It is maintained in violence, because the elections since - clearly demand its repeal; and the demand is openly disregarded. - </p> - <p> - You say men ought to be hung for the way they are executing that law; and - I say the way it is being executed is quite as good as any of its - antecedents. It is being executed in the precise way which was intended - from the first; else why does no Nebraska man express astonishment or - condemnation? Poor Reeder is the only public man who has been silly enough - to believe that any thing like fairness was ever intended; and he has been - bravely undeceived. - </p> - <p> - That Kansas will form a slave constitution, and with it will ask to be - admitted into the Union, I take to be already a settled question, and so - settled by the very means you so pointedly condemn. By every principle of - law ever held by any court, North or South, every negro taken to Kansas is - free; yet, in utter disregard of this,—in the spirit of violence - merely,—that beautiful Legislature gravely passes a law to hang any - man who shall venture to inform a negro of his legal rights. This is the - substance and real object of the law. If, like Haman, they should hang - upon the gallows of their own building, I shall not be among the mourners - for their fate. In my humble sphere, I shall advocate the restoration of - the Missouri Compromise so long as Kansas remains a Territory; and when, - by all these foul means, it seeks to come into the Union as a Slave State, - I shall oppose it. I am very loath, in any case, to withhold my assent to - the enjoyment of property acquired or located in good faith; but I do not - admit that good faith in taking a negro to Kansas to be held in slavery is - a probability with any man. Any man who has sense enough to be the - controller of his own property has too much sense to misunderstand the - outrageous character of the whole Nebraska business. But I digress. In my - opposition to the admission of Kansas, I shall have some company; but we - may be beaten. If we are, I shall not, on that account, attempt to - dissolve the Union. I think it probable, however, we shall be beaten. - Standing as a unit among yourselves, you can, directly and indirectly, - bribe enough of our men to carry the day, as you could on the open - proposition to establish a monarchy. Get hold of some man in the North - whose position and ability is such that he can make the support of your - measure, whatever it may be, a Democratic party necessity, and the thing - is done. Apropos of this, let me tell you an anecdote. Douglas introduced - the Nebraska Bill in January. In February afterwards, there was a called - session of the Illinois Legislature. Of the one hundred members composing - the two branches of that body, about seventy were Democrats. These latter - held a caucus, in which the Nebraska Bill was talked of, if not formally - discussed. It was thereby discovered that just three, and no more, were in - favor of the measure. In a day or two Douglas's orders came on to have - resolutions passed approving the bill; and they were passed by large - majorities!!! The truth of this is vouched for by a bolting Democratic - member. The masses, too, Democratic as well as Whig, were even nearer - unanimous against it; but, as soon as the party necessity of supporting it - became apparent, the way the Democracy began to see the wisdom and justice - of it was perfectly astonishing. - </p> - <p> - You say, that, if Kansas fairly votes herself a Free State, as a Christian - you will rather rejoice at it. All decent slaveholders talk that way; and - I do not doubt their candor. But they never vote that way. Although in a - private letter, or conversation, you will express your preference that - Kansas shall be free, you would vote for no man for Congress who would say - the same thing publicly. No such man could be elected from any district in - a Slave State. You think Stringfellow & Co. ought to be hung; and yet, - at the next Presidential election, you will vote for the exact type and - representative of Stringfellow. The slave-breeders and slave-traders are a - small, odious, and detested class among you; and yet in politics they - dictate the course of all of you, and are as completely your masters as - you are the master of your own negroes. You inquire where I now stand. - That is a disputed point. I think I am a Whig; but others say there are no - Whigs, and that I am an Abolitionist. When I was at Washington, I voted - for the Wilmot Proviso as good as forty times; and I never heard of any - one attempting to un whig me for that. I now do no more than oppose the - extension of slavery. I am not a Know-Nothing: that is certain. How could - I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression of negroes be in favor of - degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy appears to - me to be pretty rapid. As a nation, we began by declaring that"<i>all men - are created equal.</i>" We now practically read it "all men are created - equal, except negroes." When the Know-Nothings get control, it will read - "all men are created equal, except negroes and foreigners and Catholics." - When it comes to this, I should prefer emigrating to some country where - they make no pretence of loving liberty,—to Russia, for instance, - where despotism can be taken pure, and without the base, alloy of - hypocrisy. - </p> - <p> - Mary will probably pass a day or two in Louisville in October. My kindest - regards to Mrs. Speed. On the leading subject of this letter, I have more - of her sympathy than I have of yours; and yet let me say I am - </p> - <p> - Your friend forever, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - Gov. Shannon arrived in the Territory Sept. 1,1855. On his way thither, he - declared himself in favor of making Kansas a Slave State. He found affairs - in a turbulent condition, which his policy by no means tended to mitigate - or assuage. The Free-State party held a mass-meeting at Big Springs in the - early part of September, at which they distinctly and earnestly repudiated - the legislative government, which claimed to have been elected in March, - as well as all laws passed by it; and they decided not to participate in - an election for a delegate to Congress, which the Legislature had - appointed to be held on the 1st of October following. They also held a - Delegate Convention at Topeka, on the 19th of September, and appointed an - Executive Committee for the Territory; and also an election for a Delegate - to Congress, to be held on the second Tuesday in October. These two rival - elections for a congressional delegate took place on different days; at - the former of which, Whitfield, representing the proslavery party, was - elected; while at the other, Gov. Reeder, representing the Free-State - party, was chosen. On the 28d of October, the Free-State party held a - constitutional Convention at Topeka, and formed a State constitution in - their interest, under the provisions of which they subsequently acted, and - also asked for admission into the Union. - </p> - <p> - While we are upon this phase of the Kansas question, it may not be amiss - to postpone the relation of some intermediate events, in order to give the - reader the benefit of an expression of Mr. Lincoln's views, which thus far - has found place in no printed record. - </p> - <p> - Sometime in 1856 an association of Abolitionists was formed in Illinois to - go to Kansas and aid the Free-State men in opposing the Government. The - object of those engaged in this work was, in their opinion, a very - laudable one,—no other than the defence of freedom, which they - thought foully menaced in that far-off region. Among these gentlemen, and - one of the most courageous and disinterested, was William H. Herndon. He - says,— - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln was informed of our intents by some means. Probably the idea - of resistance was more known than I now remember. He took the first - opportunity he could to dissuade us from our partially-formed purpose. We - spoke of liberty, justice, and God's higher law, and invoked the spirit of - these as our holiest inspiration. In 1856 he addressed us on this very - subject, substantially in these words:— - </p> - <p> - "'Friends, I agree with you in Providence; but I believe in the providence - of the most men, the largest purse, and the longest cannon. You are in the - minority,—in a sad minority; and you can't hope to succeed, - reasoning from all human experience. You would rebel against the - Government, and redden your hands in the blood of your countrymen. If you - are in the minority, as you are, you can't succeed. I say again and again, - against the Government, with a great majority of its best citizens backing - it, and when they have the most men, the longest purse, and the biggest - cannon, you can't succeed. - </p> - <p> - "'If you have the majority, as some of you say you have, you can succeed - with the ballot, throwing away the bullet. You can peaceably, then, redeem - the Government, and preserve the liberties of mankind, through your votes - and voice and moral influence. Let there be peace. In a democracy, where - the majority rule by the ballot through the forms of law, these physical - rebellions and bloody resistances are radically wrong, unconstitutional, - and are treason. Better bear the ills you have than fly to those you know - not of. Our own Declaration of Independence says, that governments long - established, for trivial causes should not be resisted. Revolutionize - through the ballot-box, and restore the Government once more to the - affections and hearts of men, by making it express, as it was intended to - do, the highest spirit of justice and liberty. Your attempt, if there be - such, to resist the laws of Kansas by force, is criminal and wicked; and - all your feeble attempts will be follies, and end in bringing sorrow on - your heads, and ruin the cause you would freely die to preserve!' - </p> - <p> - "This little speech," continues Mr. Herndon, "is not in print. It is a - part of a much longer one, likewise not in print. This speech squelched - the ideas of physical resistance, and directed our energies through other - more effective channels, which his wisdom and coolness pointed out to us. - This little speech, so timely and well made, saved many of us from great - follies, if not our necks from the halter. The man who uttered it is no - more; but this little speech, I hope, shall not soon be forgotten. Mr. - Lincoln himself, after this speech, subscribed money to the people of - Kansas <i>under conditions</i>, which I will relate in other ways. He was - not alone in his gifts: I signed the same paper, I think, for the same - amount, most cheerfully; and would do it again, only doubling the sum, - adding no conditions, only the good people's wise discretion." - </p> - <p> - Early in 1856 it became painfully apparent to Mr. Lincoln that he must - take a decisive stand upon the questions of the day, and become a - Know-Nothing, a Democrat, a Republican, or an Abolitionist. Mere - "Anti-Nebraska" would answer no longer: the members of that ephemeral - coalition were seeking more permanent organizations. If interrogated - concerning his position, he would probably have answered still, "I think I - am a Whig." With the Abolition or Liberty party, he had thus far shown not - a particle of sympathy. In 1840, 1844, 1848, and 1852, the Abolitionists, - Liberty-men, or Free-Soilers, ran candidates of their own for the - Presidency, and made no little noise and stir in the politics of the - country; but they were as yet too insignificant in number to claim the - adhesion of a practical man like Mr. Lincoln. In fact, his partner, one of - the most earnest of them all, had not up to this time desired his - fellowship. But now Mr. Herndon thought the hour had arrived when his hero - should declare himself in unmistakable terms. He found, however, one - little difficulty in the way: he was not precisely certain of his hero. - Mr. Lincoln might go that way, and he might go the other way: his mind was - not altogether made up; and there was no telling on which side the - decision would fall. "He was button-holed by three ideas, and by men - belonging to each class: first, he was urged to remain a Whig; secondly, - he was urged to become a Know-Nothing, Say-Nothing, Do-Nothing; and, - thirdly, he was urged to be baptized in Abolitionism: and in my - imagination I can see Lincoln strung out three ways. At last two cords - were snapped, he flying to Freedom." - </p> - <p> - And this is the way the cords were snapped: Mr. Herndon drew up a paper to - be signed by men of his class in politics, calling a county convention to - elect delegates to the State convention at Bloomington. "Mr. Lincoln was - then backward," says Mr. Herndon, "dodge-y,—so" and so. I was - determined to make him take a stand, if he would not do it willingly, - which he might have done, as he was naturally inclined Abolitionward. - Lincoln was absent when the call was signed, and circulated here. I signed - Mr. Lincoln's name without authority; had it published in "The Journal." - John T. Stuart was keeping his eye on Lincoln, with the view of keeping - him on his side,—the totally-dead conservative side. Mr. Stuart saw - the published call, and grew mad; rushed into my office, seemed mad, - horrified, and said to me, 'Sir, did Mr. Lincoln sign that Abolition call - which is published this morning?' I answered, 4 Mr. Lincoln did not sign - that call.'—'Did Lincoln authorize you to sign it?' said Mr. Stuart. - 'No: he never authorized me to sign it.'—'Then do you know that you - have ruined Mr. Lincoln?'—'I did not know that I had ruined Mr. - Lincoln; did not intend to do so; thought he was a made man by it; that - the time had come when conservatism was a crime and a blunder.'—'You, - then, take the responsibility of your acts; do you?'—'I do, most - emphatically.' - </p> - <p> - "However, I instantly sat down and wrote to Mr. Lincoln, who was then in - Pekin or Tremont,—possibly at court. He received my letter, and - instantly replied, either by letter or telegraph,—most likely by - letter,—that he adopted <i>in toto</i> what I had done, and promised - to meet the radicals—Lovejoy, and suchlike men—among us." - </p> - <p> - At Bloomington Lincoln was the great figure. Beside him all the rest—even - the oldest in the faith and the strongest in the work—were small. - Yet he was universally regarded as a recent convert, although the most - important one that could be made in the State of Illinois. "We met at - Bloomington; and it was there," says Mr. Herndon in one of his lectures, - "that Mr. Lincoln was baptized, and joined our church. He made a speech to - us. I have heard or read all Mr. Lincoln's great speeches; and I give it - as my opinion, on my best judgment, that the Bloomington speech was the - grand effort of his life. Heretofore, and up to this moment, he had simply - argued the slavery question on grounds of policy,—on what are called - the statesman's grounds,—never reaching the question of the radical - and the eternal right. Now he was newly baptized and freshly born: he had - the fervor of a new convert; the smothered flame broke out; enthusiasm - unusual to him blazed up; his eyes were aglow with an inspiration; he felt - justice; his heart was alive to the right; his sympathies, remarkably deep - for him, burst forth, and he stood before the throne of the eternal Right, - in presence of his God, and then and there unburdened his penitential and - fired soul. This speech was fresh, new, genuine, odd, original; filled - with fervor not unmixed with a divine enthusiasm; his head breathing out - through his tender heart its truths, its sense of right, and its feeling - of the good and for the good. This speech was full of fire and energy and - force: it was logic; it was pathos; it was enthusiasm; it was justice, - equity, truth, right, and the good, set ablaze by the divine fires of a - soul maddened by the wrong; it was hard, heavy, knotty, gnarly, edged, and - heated. I attempted for about fifteen minutes, as was usual with me then, - to take notes; but at the end of that time I threw pen and paper to the - dogs, and lived only in the inspiration of the hour. If Mr. Lincoln was - six feet four inches high usually, <i>at Bloomington</i> he was seven - feet, and inspired at that. From that day to the day of his death, he - stood firm on the right. He felt his great cross, had his great idea, - nursed it, kept it, taught it to others, and in his fidelity bore witness - of it to his death, and finally sealed it with his precious blood." - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0012" id="image-0012"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/418.jpg" alt="William Herndon 418 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - If any thing in the foregoing description by Mr. Herndon seems extravagant - to the reader, something must be pardoned to the spirit of a patient - friend and an impatient teacher, who saw in this scene the first fruits of - his careful husbandry, and the end of his long vigil. He appears to have - participated even then in the belief which Mr. Lincoln himself avowed,—that - the latter was designed by the Dispenser of all things to occupy a great - place in the world's history; and he felt that that day's doings had fixed - his political character forever. The Bloomington Convention was called - "Republican," and the Republican party of Illinois was there formed: but - the most noted Abolitionists were in it, the spirit of the Lovejoys was - present; and Mr. Herndon had a right to say, that, if Mr. Lincoln was not - an Abolitionist, he was tending "Abolition-ward" so surely that no doubt - could be entertained of his ultimate destination. But, after all, the - resolutions of the convention were very "moderate." They merely denounced - the administration for its course regarding Kansas, stigmatized the repeal - of the Missouri Compromise as an act of bad faith, and opposed "the - extension of slavery into Territories heretofore free." It was surely not - because Mr. Lincoln was present, and aiding at the passage of such - resolutions, that Mr. Herndon and others thereafter regarded him as a - "newborn" Abolitionist. It must have been the general warmth of his speech - against the South,—his manifest detestation of slaveholders and - slaveholding, as exhibited in his words,—which led them to believe - that his feelings at least, if not his opinions, were similar to theirs. - But the reader will see, nevertheless, as we get along in our history, - that the Bloomington resolutions were the actual standard of Mr. Lincoln's - views; that he continued to express his determination to maintain the - rights of the Slave States under the Constitution, and to make - conspicuously plain his abhorrence of negro suffrage and negro equality. - He certainly disliked the Southern politicians very much; but even that - sentiment, growing daily more fierce and ominous in the masses of the new - party, was in his case counterbalanced by his prejudices or his caution, - and he never saw the day when he would willingly have clothed the negroes - with political privileges. - </p> - <p> - Notwithstanding the conservative character of the resolutions, the - proceedings of the Bloomington Convention were alarming to a portion of - the community, and seem to have found little favor with the people of - Springfield. About five days after its adjournment, Herndon and Lincoln - bethought them of holding a ratification meeting. Mr. Herndon got out huge - posters, announcing the event, and employed a band of musicians to parade - the streets and "drum up a crowd." As the hour of meeting drew near, he - "lit up the Court House with many blazes," rung the bells, and blew a - horn. At seven o'clock the meeting should have been called to order, but - it turned out to be extremely slim. There was nobody present, with all - those brilliant lights, but A. Lincoln, W. H. Herndon, and John Pain. - "When Lincoln came into the courtroom," says the bill-poster and - horn-blower of this great demonstration, "he came with a sadness and a - sense of the ludicrous on his face. He walked to the stand, mounted it in - a kind of mockery,—mirth and sadness all combined,—and said, - 'Gentlemen, this meeting is larger than I <i>knew</i> it would be. I knew - that Herndon and myself would come, but I did not know that any one else - would be here; and yet another has come,—you, John Pain. These are - sad times, and seem out of joint. All seems dead, dead, dead: but the age - is not yet dead; it liveth as sure as our Maker liveth. Under all this - seeming want of life and motion, the world does move nevertheless. Be - hopeful. And now let us adjourn, and appeal to the people.' - </p> - <p> - "This speech is in substance just as he delivered it, and substantially in - the same sad but determined spirit; and so we did adjourn, did go out, and - did witness the fact that 'the world was not dead.'" - </p> - <p> - The Bloomington Convention sent delegates to the general Republican - Convention, which was to be held at Philadelphia in June. That body was to - nominate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, and high hopes - were entertained of their success. But much remained to be done before - such a revolution in sentiment could be expected. The American or - Know-Nothing party—corrupt, hideous, and delusive, but still - powerful—had adopted the old Whig platform on the several slavery - questions, and planted itself decisively against the agitations of the - Anti-Nebraska men and the Republicans. A "National Council" had taken this - position for it the year previous, in terms beside which the resolutions - of the Whigs and Democrats in 1852 were mild and inexpressive. Something, - therefore, must be done to get this great organization out of the way, or - to put its machinery under "Republican" control. We have seen a party of - gentlemen from Chicago proposing to go into the lodges, and "rule them for - freedom." Mr. Herndon and Mr. Lincoln rejected the plot with lofty - indignation; but a section of the Free-Soil politicians were by no means - so fastidious. They were for the most part bad, insincere, trading men, - with whom the profession of principles of any kind was merely a convenient - disguise, and who could be attached to no party, except from motives of - self-interest. As yet, they were not quite certain whether it were - possible to raise more hatred in the Northern mind against foreigners and - Catholics than against slaveholders; and they prudently determined to be - in a situation to try either. Accordingly, they went into the lodges, took - the oaths, swore to stand by the platform of the "National Council" of - 1855, and were perfectly ready to do that, or to betray the organization - to the Republicans, as the prospect seemed good or bad. Believing the - latter scheme to be the best, upon deliberation, they carried it out as - far as in them lay, and then told the old, grim, honest, antislavery men, - with whom they again sought association, that they had joined the - Know-Nothings, and sworn irrevocable oaths to proscribe foreigners and - Catholics, solely that they might rule the order "for freedom;" and, the - Republicans standing in much need of aid just then, the excuse was - considered very good. But it was too shameless a business for Lincoln and - Herndon; and they most righteously despised it. - </p> - <p> - In February, 1856, the Republicans held what Mr. Greeley styles their - "first National. Convention," at Pittsburg; but they made no nominations - there. At the same time, a Know-Nothing American "National Council" was - sitting at Philadelphia (to be followed by a nominating convention); and - the Republicans at Pittsburg had not adjourned before they got news by - telegraph, that the patriots who had entered the lodges on false pretences - were achieving a great success: the American party was disintegrating, and - a great section of it falling away to the Republicans. A most wonderful - political feat had been performed, and the way was now apparently clear - for a union of the all-formidable anti-Democratic elements in the - Presidential canvass. - </p> - <p> - On the 17th of June the National Republican Convention met at - Philadelphia, and nominated John C. Fremont for President, and William L. - Dayton for Vice-President. Mr. Williams, Chairman of the Illinois - Delegation, presented to the convention the name of Abraham Lincoln for - the latter office; and it was received with great enthusiasm by some of - the Western delegates. He received, however, but 110 votes, against 259 - for Mr. Dayton, and 180 scattered; and Mr. Dayton was immediately - thereafter unanimously declared the nominee. - </p> - <p> - While this convention was sitting, Mr. Lincoln was attending court at - Urbana, in Champaign County. When the news reached that place that Mr. - Dayton had been nominated, and "Lincoln had received 110 votes," some of - the lawyers insisted that the latter must have been "our [their] Lincoln;" - but he said, "No, it could not be: it must have been the <i>great</i> - Lincoln from Massachusetts." He utterly refused to believe in the reality - of this unexpected distinction until he saw the proceedings in full. He - was just then in one of his melancholy moods, his spirits depressed, and - his heart suffering the miseries of a morbid mind. - </p> - <p> - With an indorsement of the "self-evident truths" and "inalienable rights" - of the Declaration of Independence, the Republican Convention adopted the - following as the practical and essential features of its platform:— - </p> - <p> - "Resolved,... That we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial - Legislature, of any individual, or association of individuals, to give - legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States while the - present Constitution shall be maintained. - </p> - <p> - "Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power - over the Territories of the United States for their government; and that, - in the exercise of this power, it is both the right and the duty of - Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism,—polygamy - and slavery." - </p> - <p> - The National Democratic Convention had already placed in nomination - Buchanan and Breckenridge. Their platform denounced as sectional the - principles and purposes of their opponents; re-affirmed "the principles - contained in the organic laws establishing the Territories of Kansas and - Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the slavery - question," and declared further,— - </p> - <p> - "That by the uniform application of Democratic principles to the - organization of Territories and the admission of new States, with or - without slavery as they may elect, the equal rights of all the States will - be preserved intact, the original compacts of the Constitution maintained - inviolate, and the perpetuity and expansion of the Union insured to its - utmost capacity of embracing, in peace and harmony, every future American - State that may be constituted or annexed with a republican form of - government." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was again a candidate for the office of Presidential elector, - and made a thorough and energetic canvass. Some of his speeches were very - striking; and probably no man in the country discussed the main questions - in that campaign—Kansas, and slavery in the Territories—in a - manner more original and persuasive. From first to last, he scouted the - intimation that the election of Fremont would justify a dissolution of the - Union, or that it could possibly become even the occasion of a - dissolution. In his eyes, the apprehensions of disunion were a "humbug;" - the threat of it mere bluster, and the fear of it silly timidity. - </p> - <p> - In the heat of the canvass, Mr. Lincoln wrote the following perfectly - characteristic letter,—marked "Confidential:"— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Sept. 8, 1856. - </p> - <p> - Harrison Maltby, Esq. - </p> - <p> - Dear Sir,—I understand you are a Fillmore man. Let me prove to you - that every vote withheld from Fremont and given to Fillmore in this State - actually lessens Fillmore's chance of being President. - </p> - <p> - Suppose Buchanan gets all the Slave States and Pennsylvania, and any other - one State besides; then he is elected, no matter who gets all the rest. - </p> - <p> - But suppose Fillmore gets the two Slave States of Maryland and Kentucky; - then Buchanan is not elected: Fillmore goes into the House of - Representatives, and may be made President by a compromise. - </p> - <p> - But suppose, again, Fillmore's friends throw away a few thousand votes on - him in Indiana and Illinois: it will inevitably give these States to - Buchanan, which will more than compensate him for the loss of Maryland and - Kentucky; will elect him, and leave Fillmore no chance in the H. R., or - out of it. - </p> - <p> - This is as plain as adding up the weights of three small hogs. As Mr. - Fillmore has no possible chance to carry Illinois for himself, it is - plainly to his interest to let Fremont take it, and thus keep it out of - the hands of Buchanan. Be not deceived. Buchanan is the hard horse to beat - in this race. Let him have Illinois, and nothing can beat him; and he will - get Illinois if men persist in throwing away votes upon Mr. Fillmore. Does - some one persuade you that Mr. Fillmore can carry Illinois? Nonsense! - There are over seventy newspapers in Illinois opposing Buchanan, only - three or four of which support Mr. Fillmore, all the rest going for - Fremont. Are not these newspapers a fair index of the proportion of the - votes? If not, tell me why. - </p> - <p> - Again, of these three or four Fillmore newspapers, two, at least, are - supported in part by the Buchanan men, as I understand. Do not they know - where the shoe pinches? They know the Fillmore movement helps them, and - therefore they help it. - </p> - <p> - Do think these things over, and then act according to your judgment. - </p> - <p> - Yours very truly, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - (Confidential.) - </p> - <p> - This letter was discovered by the Buchanan men, printed in their - newspapers, and pronounced, as its author anticipated, "a mean trick." It - was a dangerous document to them, and was calculated to undermine the very - citadel of their strength. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was still in imperfect fellowship—if, indeed, in any - fellowship at all—with the extreme Abolitionists. He had met with - Lovejoy and his followers at Bloomington, and was apparently co-operating - with them for the same party purposes; but the intensity of his opposition - to their radical views is intimated very strongly in this letter to Mr. - Whitney:— - </p> - <p> - SprinGfield, July 9, 1856. - </p> - <p> - Dear Whitney,—I now expect to go to Chicago on the 15th, and I - probably shall remain there or thereabout for about two weeks. - </p> - <p> - It turned me blind when I first heard Swett was beaten and Lovejoy - nominated; but, after much anxious reflection, I really believe it is best - to let it stand. This, of course, I wish to be confidential. - </p> - <p> - Lamon did get your deeds. I went with him to the office, got them, and put - them in his hands myself. - </p> - <p> - Yours very truly, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - In June, 1857, Judge Douglas made a speech at Springfield, in which he - attempted to vindicate the wisdom and fairness of the law under which the - people of Kansas were about to choose delegates to a convention to be held - at Lecompton to frame a State constitution. He declared with emphasis, - that, if the Free-State party refused to vote at this election, they alone - would be blamable for the proslavery constitution which might be formed. - The Free-State men professed to have a vast majority,—"three-fourths," - "four-fifths," "nine-tenths," of the voters of Kansas. If these wilfully - staid away from the polls, and allowed the minority to choose the - delegates and make the constitution, Mr. Douglas thought they ought to - abide the result, and not oppose the constitution adopted. Mr. Douglas's - speech indicated clearly that he himself would countenance no opposition - to the forthcoming Lecompton Convention, and that he would hold the - Republican politicians responsible if the result failed to be satisfactory - to them. - </p> - <p> - Judge Douglas seldom spoke in that region without provoking a reply from - his constant and vigilant antagonist. Mr. Lincoln heard this speech with a - critical ear, and then, waiting only for a printed report of it, prepared - a reply to be delivered a few weeks later. The speeches were neither of - them of much consequence, except for the fact that Judge Douglas seemed to - have plainly committed himself in advance to the support of the Lecompton - Constitution. Mr. Lincoln took that much for granted; and, arguing from - sundry indications that the election would be fraudulently conducted, he - insisted that Mr. Douglas himself, as the author of the Kansas-Nebraska - Bill, and the inventor of "popular sovereignty," had made this "outrage" - possible. He did not believe there were any "Free-State Democrats" in - Kansas to make it a Free State without the aid of the Republicans, whom he - held to be a vast majority of the population. The latter, he contended, - were not all registered; and, because all were not registered, he thought - none ought to vote. But Mr. Lincoln advised no bloodshed, no civil war, no - roadside assassinations. Even if an incomplete registry might justify a - majority of the people in an obstinate refusal to participate in the - regulation of their own affairs, it certainly would not justify them in - taking up arms to oppose all government in the Territory; and Mr. Lincoln - did not say so. We have seen already how, in the "little speech" reported - by Mr. Herndon, he deprecated "all physical rebellions" in this country, - and applied his views to this case. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln also discussed the Dred-Scott Decision at some length; and, - while doing so, disclosed his firm belief, that, in some respects, such as - "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," the negroes were made by - the Declaration of Independence the equals of white men. But it did not - follow from this that he was in favor of political or social equality with - them. "There is," said he, "a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all - the white people to the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the - white and black races; and Judge Douglas evidently is basing his chief - hope upon the chances of his being able to appropriate the benefit of this - disgust to himself. If he can, by much drumming and repeating, fasten the - odium of that idea upon his adversaries, he thinks he can struggle through - the storm. He therefore clings to his hope, as a drowning man to the last - plank. He makes an occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the - Dred-Scott Decision. He finds the Republicans insisting that the - Declaration of Independence includes all men,—black as well as - white; and forthwith he boldly denies that it includes negroes at all, and - proceeds to argue gravely, that all who contend it does, do so only - because they want to vote, eat, sleep, and marry with negroes. Now, I - protest against the counterfeit logic which concludes, that, because I do - not want a black woman for a slave, I must necessarily want her for a - wife. I need not have her for either. I can just leave her alone. In some - respects, she certainly is not my equal; but in her natural right to eat - the bread she earns with her own hands, without asking leave of any one - else, she is my equal, and the equal of all others." - </p> - <p> - These speeches were delivered, the one early and the other late, in the - month of June: they present strongly, yet guardedly, the important issues - which were to engage Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas in the famous campaign of - 1858, and leave us no choice but to look into Kansas, and observe what had - taken place and what was happening there. - </p> - <p> - Violence still (June, 1857) prevailed throughout the Territory. The - administration of President Pierce committed itself at the first in - support of the proslavery party. It acknowledged the Legislature as the - only legal government in the Territory, and gave it military assistance to - enforce its enactments. Gov. Shannon, having by his course only served to - increase the hostility between the parties, was recalled, and John W. - Geary of Pennsylvania was appointed his successor. Gov. Geary, while - adopting the policy of the administration, so far as recognizing the - Legislative party as the only legally organized government, was yet - disposed to see, that, so far as the two parties could be got to act - together, each should be fairly protected. This policy, however, soon - brought him into collision with some of the proslavery leaders in the - Territory; and, not being sustained by Mr. Buchanan's administration, - which had in the mean time succeeded the administration of President - Pierce, he resigned his office. Hon. Robert J. Walker of Mississippi was - appointed his successor, with Hon. F. P. Stanton of Tennessee as - secretary. Both were strong Democrats; and both were earnest advocates of - the policy of the administration, as expressed in the recent presidential - canvass, and in Mr. Buchanan's inaugural Message,—the absolute - freedom of the people of the Territories to form such governments as they - saw fit, subject to the provisions of the Constitution. Gov. Walker and - his secretary earnestly set themselves to work to carry out this policy. - The governor, in various addresses to the people of the Territory, assured - all parties that he would protect them in the free expression of their - wishes in the election for a new Territorial legislature; and he besought - the Free-State men to give up their separate Territorial organization, - under which they had already applied for admission into the Union, and by - virtue of which they claimed still to have an equitable legal existence. - The governor was so earnest in his policy, and so fair-minded in his - purposes, that he soon drew upon himself the opposition of the proslavery - party of the Territory, now in a small minority, as well as the enmity of - that party in the States. He assured the people they should have a fair - election for the new Legislature to be chosen in October (1857), and which - would come into power in January following. The people took him at his - word; and he kept it. Enormous frauds were discovered in two districts, - which were promptly set aside. The triumph of the Free-State party was - complete: they elected a legislature in their interest by a handsome - majority. And now began another phase of the struggle. The policy of the - Governor and the Secretary was repudiated at Washington: the former - resigned, and the latter was removed. Meanwhile, a convention held under - the auspices of the old Legislature had formed a new constitution, known - as the Lecompton Constitution, which the old Legislature proposed to - submit to the people for ratification on the 21st of December. The manner - of submitting it was singular, to say the least. The people were required - to vote either for the constitution with slavery, or the constitution - without slavery. As without slavery the constitution was in some of its - provisions as objectionable as if it upheld slavery, the Free-State men - refused to participate in its ratification. The vote on its submission, - therefore, stood 4,206 for the constitution with slavery, and 567 without - slavery; and it was this constitution, thus submitted and thus adopted, - that Mr. Buchanan submitted to Congress on the 2d of February, 1858, as - the free expression of the wishes of the people of Kansas; and its support - was at once made an administration measure. Meantime the new Legislature - elected by the people of the Territory in October submitted this same - Lecompton Constitution to the people again, and in this manner: votes to - be given for the constitution with slavery and without slavery, and also - against the constitution entirely. The latter manner prevailed; the vote - against the constitution in any form being over ten thousand. Thus the - proslavery party in the Territory was overthrown. Under the auspices of - the new Free-State Legislature, a constitutional convention was held at - Wyandotte, in March, 1859. A Free-State constitution was adopted, under - which Kansas was subsequently admitted into the Union. - </p> - <p> - Before leaving this Kansas question, there is one phase of the closing - part of the struggle which it is worth while to note, particularly as it - has a direct bearing upon the fortunes of Judge Douglas, and indirectly to - the success of Mr. Lincoln. Douglas always insisted that his plan of - "popular sovereignty" would give to the people of the Territories the - utmost freedom in the formation of their local governments. When Mr. - Buchanan attempted to uphold the Lecompton Constitution as being the free - choice of the people of Kansas, Judge Douglas at once took issue with the - administration on this question, and the Democratic party was split in - twain. Up to the time of the vote of the people of the Territory on the - constitution, Douglas had been an unswerving supporter of the - administration policy in Kansas. His speech at Springfield, in the June - previous, could not be misunderstood. He held all the proceedings which - led to the Lecompton issue to be in strict accordance, not only with the - letter, but the spirit, of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and with the faith of - the Democratic party as expounded by himself. But a few weeks later it - became manifest that his opinions had undergone a change. Ominous rumors - of a breach with the administration began to circulate among his friends. - It was alleged at length that Mr. Douglas's delicate sense of justice had - been shocked by the unfairness of certain elections in Kansas: it was even - intimated that he, too, considered the Lecompton affair an "outrage" upon - the sovereign people of Kansas, and that he would speedily join the - Republicans—the special objects of his indignation in the June - speech—in denouncing and defeating it. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill had - borne its appropriate fruits,—the fruits all along predicted by Mr. - Lincoln,—and Mr. Douglas commended them to anybody's eating but his - own. His desertion was sudden and astonishing; but there was method in it, - and a reason for it. The next year Illinois was to choose a senator to - fill the vacancy created by the expiration of his own term; and the choice - lay between the author of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill and its most - conspicuous opponent in that State. The newspapers were not yet done - publishing Mr. Lincoln's speech, in which occurred the following - paragraph:— - </p> - <p> - "Three years and a half ago Judge Douglas brought forward his famous - Nebraska Bill. The country was at once in a blaze. He scorned all - opposition, and carried it through Congress. Since then he has seen - himself superseded in a Presidential nomination by one indorsing the - general doctrine of his measure, but at the same time standing clear of - the odium of its untimely agitation and its gross' breach of national - faith; and he has seen the successful rival constitutionally elected, not - by the strength of friends, but by the division of his adversaries, being - in a popular minority of nearly four hundred thousand votes. He has seen - his chief aids in his own State, Shields and Richardson, politically - speaking, successively tried, convicted, and executed for an offence not - their own, but his. And now he sees his own case standing next on the - docket for trial." - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0016" id="link2HCH0016"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XVI - </h2> - <p> - ALTHOUGH primarily responsible for all that had taken place in Kansas, Mr. - Douglas appeared to be suddenly animated by a new and burning zeal in - behalf of the Free-State party in the Territory. It struck him very - forcibly, just when he needed most to be struck by a new idea, that the - Lecompton Constitution was not "the act and deed of the people of Kansas." - </p> - <p> - Accordingly, Mr. Douglas took his stand against Lecompton at the first - note of the long conflict in Congress. We shall make no analysis of the - debates, nor set out the votes of senators and representatives which - marked the intervals of that fierce struggle between sections, parties, - and factions which followed. It is enough to say here, that Mr. Douglas - was found speaking and voting with the Republicans upon every phase of the - question. He had but one or two followers in the Senate, and a mere - handful in the House; yet these were faithful to his lead until a final - conference committee and the English Bill afforded an opportunity for some - of them to escape. For himself he scorned all compromises, voted against - the English Bill, and returned to Illinois to ask the votes of the people - upon a winter's record wholly and consistently anti-Democratic. The fact - is mentioned, not to obscure the fame of the statesman, nor to impugn the - honesty of the politician, but because it had an important influence upon - the canvass of the ensuing summer. - </p> - <p> - During the winter Mr. Douglas held frequent consultations with the leaders - of the Republican party. Their meetings were secret, and for that reason - the more significant. By this means, harmony of action was secured for the - present, and something provided for the future. Mr. Douglas covertly - announced himself as a convert to the Republicans, declared his - uncompromising enmity to "the slave power," and said that, however he - might be distrusted then, he would be seen "fighting their battles in - 1860;" but for the time he thought it wise to conceal his ultimate - intentions. He could manage the Democracy more effectually by remaining - with them until better opportunities should occur. "He insisted that he - would never be driven from the party, but would remain in it until he - exposed the administration and the Disunionists; and, when he went out, he - would go of his own accord. He was in the habit of remarking, that it was - policy for him to remain in the party, in order to hold certain of the - rank-and-file; so that, if he went over from the Democracy to any other - party, he would be able to take the crowd along with him; and, when he got - them all over, he would cut down the bridges, and sink the boats." When - asked if he knew precisely where his present course was taking him, he - answered repeatedly, "I do; and I have checked all my baggage, and taken a - through ticket." - </p> - <p> - He was a proselyte not to be despised: his weight might be sufficient to - turn the scale in the Presidential election. The Republicans were - naturally pleased with his protestations of friendship, and more than - pleased with his proffers of active service; but he was not content with - this alone. He contrived to convince many of his late opponents that the - Kansas-Nebraska Bill itself was actually conceived in the interests of - antislavery, and that the device was the most cunning of political tricks, - intended to give back to "freedom" all the vast expanse of territory which - the Missouri line had dedicated forever to slavery. "Mr. Douglas's plan - for destroying the Missouri line," said one Republican, "and thereby - opening the way for the march of freedom beyond the limits forever - prohibited by that line, and the opening up of Free States in territory - which it was conceded belonged to the Slave States, and its march - westward, embracing the whole line of the Pacific from the British - possessions to Mexico, struck me as the most magnificent scheme ever - conceived by the human mind. This character of conversation, so frequently - employed by Mr. Douglas with those with whom he talked, made the deepest - impression upon their minds, enlisted them in his behalf, and changed, in - almost every instance, their opinion of the man." In support of this view, - Mr. Douglas could point to Kansas, where the battle under his bill was - being fought out. The Free-State men had, perhaps from the very beginning, - been in a majority, and could take possession of the Territory or the new - State, as the case might be, whenever they could secure a fair vote. The - laboring classes of, the North were the natural settlers of the western - Territories. If these failed in numbers, the enormous and increasing - European immigration was at their back; and, if both together failed, the - churches, aid societies, and antislavery organizations were at hand to - raise, arm, and equip great bodies of emigrants, as they would regular - forces for a public purpose. The South had no such facilities: its social, - political, and material conditions made a sudden exodus of its voting - population to new countries a thing impossible. It might send here a man - with a few negroes, and there another. It might insist vehemently upon its - supposed rights in the common Territories, and be ready to fight for them; - but it could never cover the surface of those Territories with cosey - farmsteads, or crowd them with intelligent and muscular white men; and yet - these last would inevitably give political character to the rising - communities. Such clearly were to be the results of "popular sovereignty," - as Mr. Douglas had up to that time maintained it under the Nebraska Bill. - </p> - <p> - It signified the right of the people of a Territory "to form and regulate - their domestic institutions in their own way" when, and not before, they - came to frame a State constitution. The Missouri line, on the contrary, - had been a sort of convention, which, by common consent, gave all north of - it to freedom, and all south of it to slavery. But popular sovereignty - disregarded all previous compacts, all ordinances, and all laws. With this - doctrine in practice, the North were sure to be victors in every serious - contest. But when Mr. Douglas changed ground again, and popular - sovereignty became squatter sovereignty, he had reason to boast himself - the most efficient, although the wiliest and coolest, antislavery agitator - on the continent. The new doctrine implied the right of a handful of - settlers to determine the slavery question in their first Legislature. It - made no difference whether they did this by direct or "unfriendly - legislation:" the result was the same. - </p> - <p> - "Popular sovereignty! popular sovereignty!" said Mr. Lincoln. "Let us for - a moment inquire into this vast matter of popular sovereignty. What is - popular sovereignty? We recollect, that, in an early period in the history - of this struggle, there was another name for the same thing,—<i>squatter - sovereignty</i>. It was not exactly popular sovereignty,—squatter - sovereignty. What do these terms mean? What do those terms mean when used - now? And vast credit is taken by our friend, the Judge, in regard to his - support of it, when he declares the last years of his life have been, and - all the future years of his life shall be, devoted to this matter of - popular sovereignty. What is it? Why, it is the sovereignty of the people! - What was squatter sovereignty? I suppose, if it had any significance at - all, it was the right of the people to govern themselves, to be sovereign - in their own affairs while they were squatted down in a country not their - own, while they had squatted on a territory that did not belong to them; - in the sense that a State belongs to the people who inhabit it, when it - belongs to the nation. Such right to govern themselves was called - 'squatter sovereignty.'" - </p> - <p> - Again, and on another occasion, but still before Mr. Douglas had - substituted "squatter" for "popular" sovereignty,—a feat which was - not performed until September, 1859,—Mr. Lincoln said,— - </p> - <p> - "I suppose almost every one knows, that in this controversy, whatever has - been said has had reference to negro slavery. We have not been in a - controversy about the right of the people to govern themselves in the - ordinary matters of domestic concern in the States and Territories. Mr. - Buchanan, in one of his late messages (I think when he sent up the - Lecompton Constitution), urged that the main point to which the public - attention had been directed was not in regard to the great variety of - small domestic matters, but it was directed to negro slavery; and he - asserts, that, if the people had had a fair chance to vote on that - question, there was no reasonable ground of objection in regard to minor - questions. Now, while I think that the people had not had given them, or - offered them, a fair chance upon that slavery question, still, if there - had been a fair submission to a vote upon that main question, the - President's proposition would have been true to the uttermost. Hence, when - hereafter I speak of popular sovereignty, I wish to be understood as - applying what I say to the question of slavery only, not to other minor - domestic matters of a Territory or a State. - </p> - <p> - "Does Judge Douglas, when he says that several of the past years of his - life have been devoted to the question of popular sovereignty, and that - all the remainder of his life shall be devoted to it,—does he mean - to say, that he has been devoting his life to securing to the people of - the Territories the right to exclude slavery from the Territories? If he - means so to say, he means to deceive; because he and every one knows that - the decision of the Supreme Court, which he approves, and makes an - especial ground of attack upon me for disapproving, forbids the people of - a Territory to exclude slavery. This covers the whole ground, from the - settlement of a Territory till it reaches the degree of maturity entitling - it to form a State constitution. So far as all that ground is concerned, - the judge is not sustaining popular sovereignty, but absolutely opposing - it. He sustains the decision which declares that the popular will of the - Territories has no constitutional power to exclude slavery during their - territorial existence. This being so, the period of time from the first - settlement of a territory till it reaches the point of forming a State - constitution is not the thing that the Judge has fought for, or is - fighting for; but, on the contrary, he has fought for, and is fighting - for, the thing that annihilates and crushes out that same popular - sovereignty." - </p> - <p> - It is probable, that, in the numerous private conferences held by Mr. - Douglas with Republican leaders in the winter of 1857-8, he managed to - convince them that it was, after all, not popular sovereignty, but - squatter sovereignty, that he meant to advance as his final and inevitable - deduction from "the great principles" of the Nebraska Bill. This he knew, - and they were sure, would give antislavery an unbroken round of solid - victories in all the Territories. The South feared it much more than they - did the Republican theory: it was, in the language of their first orator, - "a shortcut to all the ends of Sewardism." - </p> - <p> - But Mr. Douglas's great difficulty was to produce any belief in his - sincerity. At home, in Illinois, the Republicans distrusted him almost to - a man; and at Washington, among his peers in the Senate and the House, it - seemed necessary for him to repeat his plans and promises very often, and - to mingle with them bitter and passionate declamations against the South. - At last, however, he succeeded,—partially, at least. Senator Wilson - believed him devoutly; Mr. Burlingame said his record was "laid up in - light;" Mr. Colfax, Mr. Blair, and Mr. Covode were convinced; and - gentlemen of the press began industriously to prepare the way for his - entrance into the Republican party. Mr. Greeley was thoroughly possessed - by the new idea, and went about propagating and enforcing it with all his - might. Among all the grave counsellors employed in furthering Mr. - Douglas's defection, it is singular that only one man of note steadily - resisted his admission to a place of leadership in the Republican ranks: - Judge Trumbull could not be persuaded; he had no faith in the man who - proposed to desert, and had some admonitions to deliver, based upon the - history of recent events. He was willing enough to take him "on - probation," but wholly opposed to giving him any power. Covode was - employed to mollify Judge Trumbull; but he met with no success, and went - away without so much as delivering the message with which Mr. Douglas had - charged him. The message was a simple proposition of alliance with the - home Republicans, to the effect, that, if they agreed to return him to the - Senate in 1858, he would fight their Presidential battle in 1860. Judge - Trumbull did not even hear it, but he was well assured that Mr. Douglas - was "an applicant for admission into the Republican party." "It was - reported to me at that time," said he, "that such was the fact; and such - appeared to be the universal understanding, among the Republicans at - Washington. I will state another fact,—I almost quarrelled with some - of my best Republican friends in 'regard to this matter. I was willing to - receive Judge Douglas into the Republican party on probation; but I was - not, as these Republican friends were, willing to receive him, and place - him at the head of our ranks." - </p> - <p> - Toward the latter part of April, 1858, a Democratic State Convention met - in Illinois, and, besides nominating a ticket for State officers, indorsed - Mr. Douglas. This placed him in the field for re-election as an - Anti-Lecompton Democrat; but it by no means shook the faith of his - recently acquired Republican friends: they thought it very natural, under - the circumstances, that his ways should be a little devious, and his - policy somewhat dark. He had always said he could do more for them by - seeming to remain within the Democratic party; and they looked upon this - latest proceeding—his practical nomination by a Democratic - convention—as the foundation for an act of stupendous treason - between that time and the Presidential election. They continued to press - the Republicans of Illinois to make no nomination against him,—to - vote for him, to trust him, to follow him, as a sincere and manifestly a - powerful antislavery leader. These representations had the effect of - seducing away, for a brief time, Mr. Wash-burne and a few others among the - lesser politicians of the State; but, when they found the party at large - irrevocably opposed to the scheme, they reluctantly acquiesced in what - they could not prevent,—Mr. Lincoln's nomination. But the plot made - a profound impression on Mr. Lincoln's mind: it proved the existence of - personal qualities in Mr. Douglas, which, to a simpler man, were - unimaginable and inexplicable. A gentleman once inquired of Mr. Lincoln - what he thought of Douglas's chances at Charleston. "Well," he replied, - "were it not for certain matters that I know transpired, which I regarded - at one time among the impossibilities, I would say he stood no possible - chance. I refer to the fact, that, in the Illinois contest with myself, he - had the sympathy and support of Greeley, of Burlingame, and of Wilson of - Massachusetts, and other leading Republicans; that, at the same time, he - received the support of Wise, and the influence of Breckinridge, and other - Southern men; that he took direct issue with the administration, and - secured, against all its power, one hundred and twenty-five thousand out - of one hundred and thirty thousand Democratic votes cast in the State. A - man that can bring such influence to bear with his own exertions may play - the devil at Charleston." - </p> - <p> - From about the 7th to the 16th of June, 1858, Mr. Lincoln was busily - engaged writing a speech: he wrote it in scraps,—a sentence now, and - another again. It was originally scattered over numberless little pieces - of paper, and was only reduced to consecutive sheets and connected form as - the hour for its delivery drew near. It was to be spoken on or about the - 16th, when the Republican State Convention would assemble at Springfield, - and, as Mr. Lincoln anticipated, would nominate him for senator in - Congress. - </p> - <p> - About the 13th of June, Mr. Dubois, the State auditor, entered the office - of Lincoln & Herndon, and found Mr. Lincoln deeply intent upon the - speech. "Hello, Lincoln! what <i>are</i> you writing?" said the auditor. - "Come, tell me."—"I sha'n't tell you," said Lincoln. "<i>It is none - of your business</i>, Mr. Auditor. Come, sit down, and let's be jolly." - </p> - <p> - On the 16th, the convention, numbering, with delegates and alternates, - about a thousand men, met, and passed unanimously the following - resolution:— - </p> - <p> - "That Hon. Abraham Lincoln is our first and only choice for United States - senator to fill the vacancy about to be created by the expiration of Mr. - Douglas's term of office." - </p> - <p> - That evening Mr. Lincoln came early to his office, along with Mr. Herndon. - Having carefully locked the door, and put the key in his own pocket, he - pulled from his bosom the manuscript of his speech, and proceeded to read - it slowly and distinctly. When he had finished the first paragraph, he - came to a dead pause, and turned to his astounded auditor with the - inquiry, "How do you like that? What do you think of it?"—"I think," - returned Mr. Herndon, "it is true; but is it entirely <i>politic</i> to - read or speak it as it is written?" - </p> - <p> - —"That makes no difference," Mr. Lincoln said. "That expression is a - truth of all human experience,—'a house divided against itself - cannot stand;' and 'he that runs may read.' The proposition is - indisputably true, and has been true for more than six thousand years; and—I - will deliver it as written. I want to use some universally known figure, - expressed in simple language as universally known, that may strike home to - the minds of men, in order to rouse them to the peril of the times. I - would rather be <i>defeated with this expression in</i> the speech, and it - held up and discussed before the people, than <i>to be victorious without - it.</i>" - </p> - <p> - It may be questioned whether Mr. Lincoln had a clear right to indulge in - such a venture, as a representative party man in a close contest. He had - other interests than his own in charge: he was bound to respect the - opinions, and, if possible, secure the success, of the party which had - made him its leader. He knew that the strange doctrine, so strikingly - enunciated, would alienate many well-affected voters. Was it his duty to - cast these away, or to keep them? He was not asked to sacrifice any - principle of the party, or any opinion of his own previously expressed, - but merely to forego the trial of an experiment, to withhold the - announcement of a startling theory, and to leave the creed of the party as - it came from the hands of its makers, without this individual supplement, - of which they had never dreamed. It is evident that he had not always been - insensible to the force of this reasoning. At the Bloomington Convention - he had uttered the same ideas in almost the same words; and their novelty, - their tendency, their recognition of a state of incipient civil war in a - country for the most part profoundly peaceful,—these, and the bloody - work which might come of their acceptance by a great party, had filled the - minds of some of his hearers with the most painful apprehensions. The - theory was equally shocking to them, whether as partisans or as patriots. - Among them was Hon. T. Lyle Dickey, who sought Mr. Lincoln, and begged him - to suppress them in future. He vindicated his speech as he has just - vindicated it in the interview with Mr. Herndon; but, after much - persuasion, he promised at length not to repeat it. - </p> - <p> - It was now Mr. Herndon's turn to be surprised: the pupil had outstripped - the teacher. He was intensely anxious for Mr. Lincoln's election: he - feared the effect of this speech; and yet it was so exactly in accordance - with his own faith, that he could not advise him to suppress it. It might - be heresy to many others, but it was orthodoxy to him; and he was in the - habit of telling the whole truth, without regard to consequences. If it - cost a single defeat now, he was sure that its potency would one day be - felt, and the wisdom of its present utterance acknowledged. He therefore - urged Mr. Lincoln to speak it as he had written it, and to treat with the - scorn of a prophet those who, having ears, would not hear, and, having - eyes, would not see. The advice was not unacceptable, but Mr. Lincoln - thought he owed it to other friends to counsel with them also. - </p> - <p> - About a dozen gentlemen were called to meet in the Library Room in the - State House. "After seating them at the round table," says John Armstrong, - one of the number, "he read that clause or section of his speech which - reads, 'a house divided against itself cannot stand,' &c. He read it - slowly and cautiously, so as to let each man fully understand it. After he - had finished the reading, he asked the opinions of his friends as to the - wisdom or policy of it. Every man among them condemned the speech in - substance and spirit, and especially that section quoted above. They - unanimously declared that the whole speech was too far in advance of the - times; and they all condemned that section or part of his speech already - quoted, as unwise and impolitic, if not false. William H. Herndon sat - still while they were giving their respective opinions of its unwisdom and - impolicy: then he sprang to his feet and said, 'Lincoln, deliver it just - as it reads. If it is in advance of the times, let us—you and I, if - no one else—lift the people to the level of this speech now, higher - hereafter. The speech is true, wise, and politic, and will succeed now or - in the future. Nay, it will aid you, if it will not make you President of - the United States.' - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln sat still a short moment, rose from his chair, walked - backwards and forwards in the hall, stopped and said, 'Friends, I have - thought about this matter a great deal, have weighed the question well - from all corners, and am thoroughly convinced the time has come when it - should be uttered; and if it must be that I must go down because of this - speech, then let me go down linked to truth,—die in the advocacy of - what is right and just. This nation cannot live on injustice,—"a - house divided against itself cannot stand," I say again and again.' This - was spoken with some degree of emotion,—the effects of his love of - truth, and sorrow from the disagreement of his friends with himself." - </p> - <p> - On the evening of the 17th this celebrated speech—known since as - "The House-divided-against-itself Speech"—was delivered to an - immense audience in the hall of the House of Representatives. Mr. Lincoln - never penned words which had a more prodigious influence upon the public - mind, or which more directly and powerfully affected his own career. It - was as follows:— - </p> - <p> - Gentlemen of the Convention,—If we could first know where we are, - and whither we are tending, we could then better judge what to do, and how - to do it. We are now far on into the fifth year since a policy was - initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end - to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation - had not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it - will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house - divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Government cannot - endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to - be dissolved,—I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it - will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. - Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the farther spread of it, and - place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in - course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till - it shall become alike lawful in all the States,—old as well as new, - North as well as South. - </p> - <p> - Have we no tendency to the latter condition? Let any one who doubts - carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination,—piece - of machinery, so to speak,—compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and - the Dred-Scott Decision. Let him consider, not only what work the - machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted, but also let him study - the history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if - he can, to trace, the evidences of design and concert of action among its - chief master-workers from the beginning. - </p> - <p> - But so far Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the people, real - or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained and give - chance for more. The New Year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more - than half the States by State constitutions, and from most of the national - territory by congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the - struggle which ended in repealing that congressional prohibition. This - opened all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point - gained. - </p> - <p> - This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been provided for, as well - as might be, in the notable argument of "<i>squatter sovereignty</i>" - otherwise called "<i>sacred right of self-government;</i>" which latter - phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, - was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: - that, if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be - allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska Bill - itself, in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and - meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, - nor exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free - to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject - only to the Constitution of the United States." - </p> - <p> - Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of "squatter - sovereignty" and "sacred right of self-government." - </p> - <p> - "But," said opposition members, "let us be more specific,—let us - amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Territory - may exclude slavery."—"Not we," said the friends of the measure; and - down they voted the amendment. - </p> - <p> - While the Nebraska Bill was passing through Congress, a law-case involving - the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner having - voluntarily taken him first into a Free State, and then a Territory - covered by the congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave,—for - a long time in each,—was passing through the United-States Circuit - Court for the District of Missouri; and both the Nebraska Bill and lawsuit - were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negro's - name was Dred Scott, which name now designates the decision finally made - in the case. - </p> - <p> - Before the then next Presidential election, the law-case came to, and was - argued in, the Supreme Court of the United States; but the decision of it - was deferred until after the election. Still, before the election, Senator - Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requests the leading advocate of the - Nebraska Bill to state his opinion whether a people of a Territory can - constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits; and the latter - answers, "That is a question for the Supreme Court." - </p> - <p> - The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such as - it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, - however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred - thousand votes; and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and - satisfactory. The outgoing President, in his last annual Message, as - impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and - authority of the indorsement. - </p> - <p> - The Supreme Court met again; did not announce their decision, but ordered - a re-argument. The Presidential inauguration came, and still no decision - of the court; but the incoming President, in his inaugural address, - fervently exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision, - whatever it might he. Then, in a few days, came the decision. - </p> - <p> - This was the third point gained. - </p> - <p> - The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early occasion to make a - speech at this Capitol indorsing the Dred-Scott Decision, and vehemently - denouncing all opposition to it. The new President, too, seizes the early - occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly construe that - decision, and to express his astonishment that any different view had ever - been entertained. At length a squabble springs up between the President - and the author of the Nebraska Bill, on the mere question of fact whether - the Lecompton Constitution was, or was not, in any just sense, made by the - people of Kansas; and, in that squabble, the latter declares that all he - wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery - be voted down or voted up. I do not understand his declaration, that he - cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him - other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the - public mind,—the principle for which he declares he has suffered - much, and is ready to suffer to the end. - </p> - <p> - And well may he cling to that principle! If he has any parental feeling, - well may he cling to it! That principle is the only shred left of his - original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred-Scott Decision, squatter - sovereignty squatted out of existence,—tumbled down like temporary - scaffolding; like the mould at the foundery, served through one blast, and - fell back into loose sand; helped to carry an election, and then was - kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Republicans against - the Lecompton Constitution involves nothing of the original Nebraska - doctrine. That struggle was made on a point—the right of a people to - make their own constitution—upon which he and the Republicans have - never differed. - </p> - <p> - The several points of the Dred-Scott Decision, in connection with Senator - Douglas's "care-not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery in its - present state of advancement. The working-points of that machinery are,— - </p> - <p> - First, That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no - descendant of such, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the sense of - that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. - </p> - <p> - This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, - of the benefit of this provision of the United States Constitution, which - declares that "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the - privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. - </p> - <p> - Secondly, That, "subject to the Constitution of the United States," - neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude slavery from - any United States Territory. - </p> - <p> - This point is made in order that individual men may fill up the - Territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property, and - thus to enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through all - the future. - </p> - <p> - Thirdly, That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a Free - State makes him free, as against the holder, the United States courts will - not decide, but will leave it to be decided by the courts of any Slave - State the negro may be forced into by the master. - </p> - <p> - This point is made, not to be pressed immediately; but if acquiesced in - for a while, and apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then to - sustain the logical conclusion, that, what Dred Scott's master might - lawfully do with Dred Scott in the free State of Illinois, every other - master may lawfully do with any other one or one thousand slaves in - Illinois, or in any other Free State. - </p> - <p> - Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska - doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mould public opinion, - at least Northern public opinion, not to care whether slavery is voted - down or voted up. - </p> - <p> - This shows exactly where we now are, and partially, also, whither we are - tending. - </p> - <p> - It will throw additional light on the latter to go back and run the mind - over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things will - now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were - transpiring. - </p> - <p> - The people were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only to the - Constitution." What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders could - not then see. Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche for the - Dred-Scott Decision afterward to come in, and declare that perfect freedom - of the people to be just no freedom at all. - </p> - <p> - Why was the amendment expressly declaring the right of the people to - exclude slavery voted down? Plainly enough now: the adoption of it would - have spoiled the niche for the Dred-Scott Decision. - </p> - <p> - Why was the court decision held up? Why even a senator's individual - opinion withheld till after the Presidential election? Plainly enough now: - the speaking out then would have damaged the "perfectly free" argument - upon which the election was to be carried. - </p> - <p> - Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the - delay of a re-argument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation - in favor of the decision? These things look like the cautious patting and - petting of a spirited horse preparatory to mounting him, when it is - dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty - after-indorsements of the decision by the President and others? - </p> - <p> - We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the result - of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions - of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places, and - by different workmen,—Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for - instance,—and when we see these timbers joined together, and see - they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and - mortises, exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the - different pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a - piece too many or too few,—not omitting even scaffolding—or, - if a single piece be lacking, we can see the place in the frame exactly - fitted and prepared to yet bring such piece in,—in such a case, we - find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and - James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked upon a - common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was struck. - </p> - <p> - It should not be overlooked, that, by the Nebraska Bill, the people of a - State as well as Territory were to be left "perfectly free" "subject only - to the Constitution." Why mention a State? They were legislating for - Territories, and not for or about States. Certainly the people of a State - are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United States; but - why is mention of this lugged into this merely territorial law? Why are - the people of a Territory and the people of a State therein lumped - together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being - precisely the same? - </p> - <p> - While the opinion of the court by Chief-Justice Taney, in the Dred-Scott - case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring judges, expressly - declare that the Constitution of the United States neither permits - Congress nor a Territorial Legislature to exclude slavery from any United - States - </p> - <p> - Territory, they all omit to declare whether or not the same Constitution - permits a State, or the people of a State, to exclude it. Possibly, this - was a mere omission; but who can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had - sought to get into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the - people of a State to exclude slavery from their limits, just as Chase and - Mace sought to get such declaration, in behalf of the people of a - Territory, into the Nebraska Bill,—I ask, who can be quite sure that - it would not have been voted down in the one case as it had been in the - other? - </p> - <p> - The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over - slavery is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using - the precise idea, and almost the language too, of the Nebraska Act. On one - occasion his exact language is, "Except in cases where the power is - restrained by the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State - is supreme over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction." - </p> - <p> - In what cases the power of the State is so restrained by the United States - Constitution is left an open question, precisely as the same question, as - to the restraint on the power of the Territories, was left open in the - Nebraska Act. Put that and that together, and we have another nice little - niche, which we may ere long see filled with another Supreme Court - decision, declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not - permit a State to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially - be expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or - voted up" shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise - that such a decision can be maintained when made. - </p> - <p> - Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all - the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such decision is probably coming, and - will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political dynasty - shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that - the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their State free; and we - shall awake to the reality, instead, that the Supreme Court has made - Illinois a Slave State. - </p> - <p> - To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty is the work now before all - those who would prevent that consummation. That is what we have to do. But - how can we best do it? - </p> - <p> - There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends, and yet - whisper softly, that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there is - with which to effect that object. They do not tell us, nor has he told us, - that he wishes any such object to be effected. They wish us to infer all, - from the facts that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of - the dynasty; and that he has regularly voted with us, on a single point, - upon which he and we have never differed. - </p> - <p> - They remind us that he is a very great man, and that the largest of us are - very small ones. Let this be granted. But "a <i>living dog</i> is better - than a <i>dead lion</i>." Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion for this work, - is at least a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose the advances of - slavery? He don't care any thing about it. His avowed mission is - impressing the "public heart" to care nothing about it. - </p> - <p> - A leading Douglas Democrat newspaper thinks Douglas's superior talent will - be needed to resist the revival of the African slave-trade. Does Douglas - believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He has not said so. - Does he really think so? But, if it is, how can he resist it? For years he - has labored to prove it a sacred right of white men to take negro slaves - into the new Territories. Can he possibly show that it is less a sacred - right to buy them where they can be bought cheapest? And unquestionably - they can be bought cheaper in Africa than in Virginia. - </p> - <p> - He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of slavery to - one of a mere right of property; and as such, how can he oppose the - foreign slave-trade,—how can he refuse that trade in that "property" - shall be "perfectly free,"—unless he does it as a protection to the - home production? And, as the home producers will probably not ask the - protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition. - </p> - <p> - Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser to-day - than he was yesterday; that he may rightfully change when he finds himself - wrong. But can we for that reason run ahead, and infer that he will make - any particular change, of which he himself has given no intimation? Can we - safely base our action upon any such vague inferences? - </p> - <p> - Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's position, - question his motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive to him. - Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on principle, so that our - great cause may have assistance from his great ability, I hope to have - interposed no adventitious obstacle. - </p> - <p> - But clearly he, is not now with us; he does not pretend to be; he does not - promise ever to be. Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted - by, its own undoubted friends,—those whose hands are free, whose - hearts are in the work, who do care for the result. - </p> - <p> - Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred - thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a - common danger, with every external circumstance against us. Of strange, - discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, - and formed and fought the battle through, under the constant hot fire of a - disciplined, proud, and pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter - now?—now, when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered, and - belligerent? - </p> - <p> - The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail,—if we stand firm, we - shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate or mistakes delay it; but, - sooner or later, the victory is sure to come. - </p> - <p> - The speech produced a profound impression upon men of all parties: the - Democrats rejoiced in it, and reprobated it; the conservative Republicans - received it coldly, and saw in it the sign of certain defeat. In the eyes - of the latter it was a disheartening mistake at the outset of a momentous - campaign,—a fatal error, which no policy or exertion could retrieve. - Alone of all those directly affected by it, the Abolitionists, the - compatriots of Mr. Herndon, heard in it the voice of a fearless leader, - who had the wisdom to comprehend an unwelcome fact, and the courage to - proclaim it at the moment when the delusion of fancied security and peace - was most generally and fondly entertained. It was the "irrepressible - conflict" which Mr. Seward had been preaching, and to which the one party - had given almost as little credit as the other. Except a few ultraists - here and there, nobody as yet had actually prepared his armor for this - imaginary conflict, to which the nation was so persistently summoned,—and, - indeed, none but those few seriously believed in the possibility of its - existence. The Republican party had heretofore disavowed the doctrine with - a unanimity nearly as great as that exhibited by the little council of Mr. - Lincoln's immediate friends. It was therefore to be expected, that, when a - slow, cautious, moderate man like Mr. Lincoln came forward with it in this - startling fashion, it would carry dismay to his followers, and a cheering - assurance to his enemies. But Mr. Lincoln was looking farther than this - campaign: he was quietly dreaming of the Presidency, and edging himself to - a place in advance, where he thought the tide might take him up in 1860. - He was sure that sectional animosities, far from subsiding, would grow - deeper and stronger with time; and for that reason the next nominee of the - exclusively Northern party must be a man of radical views. "I think," says - Mr. Herndon, "the speech was intended to take the wind out of Seward's - sails;" and Mr. Herndon is not alone in his opinion. - </p> - <p> - A day or two after Mr. Lincoln spoke, one Dr. Long came into his office, - and delivered to him a foretaste of the remarks he was doomed to hear for - several months. "Well, Lincoln," said he, "that foolish speech of yours - will kill you,—will defeat you in this contest, and probably for all - offices for all time to come. I am sorry, sorry,—very sorry: I wish - it was wiped out of existence. Don't you wish it, now?" Mr. Lincoln had - been writing during the doctor's lament; but at the end of it he laid down - his pen, raised his head, lifted his spectacles, and, with a look half - quizzical, half contemptuous, replied, "Well, doctor, if I had to draw a - pen across, and erase my whole life from existence, and I had one poor - gift or choice left, as to what I should save from the wreck, I should - choose that speech, and leave it to the world unerased." - </p> - <p> - Leonard Swett, than whom there was no more gifted man, nor a better judge - of political affairs, in Illinois, is convinced that "the first ten lines - of that speech defeated him." "The sentiment of the 'house divided against - itself' seemed wholly inappropriate," says Mr. Swett. "It was a speech - made at the commencement of a campaign, and apparently made for the - campaign. Viewing it in this light alone, nothing could have been more - unfortunate or inappropriate. It was saying first the wrong thing; yet he - saw that it was an abstract truth, and standing by the speech would - ultimately find him in the right place. I was inclined at the time to - believe these words were hastily and inconsiderately uttered; but - subsequent facts have convinced me they were deliberate and had been - matured.... In the summer of 1859, when he was dining with a party of his - intimate friends at Bloomington, the subject of his Springfield speech was - discussed. We all insisted that it was a great mistake; but he justified - himself, and finally said, 'Well, gentlemen, you may think that speech was - a mistake; but I never have believed it was, and you will see the day when - you will consider it was the wisest thing I ever said.'" - </p> - <p> - John T. Stuart was a family connection of the Todds and Edwardses, and - thus also of Lincoln. Mr. C. C. Brown married Mr. Stuart's daughter, and - speaks of Mr. Lincoln as "our relative." This gentleman says, "The - Todd-Stuart-Edwards family, with preacher and priest, dogs and servants, - got mad at Mr. Lincoln because he made 'The House-divided-against-itself - Speech.' He flinched, dodged, said he would explain, and did explain, in - the Douglas debates." - </p> - <p> - But it was difficult to explain: explanations of the kind are generally - more hurtful than the original offence. Accordingly, Mr. Herndon reports - in his broad, blunt way, that "Mr. Lincoln met with many cold shoulders - for some time,—nay, during the whole canvass with Douglas." At the - great public meetings which characterized that campaign, "you could hear, - from all quarters in the crowd, Republicans saying, 'Damn that fool - speech! it will be the cause of the death of Lincoln and the Republican - party. Such folly! such nonsense! Damn it!'" - </p> - <p> - Since 1840 Lincoln and Douglas had appeared before the people, almost as - regularly as the elections came round, to discuss, the one against the - other, the merits of parties, candidates, and principles. Thus far Mr. - Lincoln had been in a certain sense the pursuer: he had lain in wait for - Mr. Douglas; he had caught him at unexpected turns and upon sharp points; - he had mercilessly improved the advantage of Mr. Douglas's long record in - Congress to pick apart and to criticise, while his own was so much more - humble and less extensive. But now at last they were abreast, candidates - for the same office, with a fair field and equal opportunities. It was the - great crisis in the lives of both. Let us see what they thought of each - other; and, in the extracts which convey the information, we may also get - a better idea of the character of each for candor, generosity, and - truthfulness. - </p> - <p> - Dr. Holland quotes from one of Mr. Lincoln's unpublished manuscripts as - follows:— - </p> - <p> - "Twenty-two years ago, Judge Douglas and I first became acquainted: we - were both young then,—he a trifle younger than I. Even then we were - both ambitious,—I, perhaps, quite as much so as he. With me the race - of ambition has been a failure,—a flat failure; with him it has been - one of splendid success. His name fills the nation, and is not unknown - even in foreign lands. I affect no contempt for the high eminence he has - reached,—so reached that the oppressed of my species might have - shared with me in the elevation, I would rather stand on that eminence - than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow." - </p> - <p> - Again, in the pending campaign, Mr. Lincoln said, "There is still another - disadvantage under which we labor, and to which I will invite your - attention. It arises out of the relative positions of the two persons who - stand before the State as candidates for the Senate. Senator Douglas is of - worldwide renown. All the anxious politicians of his party, or who had - been of his party for years past, have been looking upon him as certainly, - at no distant day, to be the President of the United States. They have - seen, in his round, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices, - marshalships, and cabinet appointments, chargéships and foreign missions, - bursting and sprouting out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold - of by their greedy hands. And as they have been gazing upon this - attractive picture so long, they cannot, in the little distraction that - has taken place in the party, bring themselves to give up the charming - hope; but, with greedier anxiety, they rush about him, sustain him, and - give him marches, triumphal entries, and receptions, beyond what, even in - the days of his highest prosperity, they could have brought about in his - favor. On the contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be President. In my - poor, lean, lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were - sprouting out. These are disadvantages, all taken together, that the - Republicans labor under. We have to fight this battle upon principle, and - principle alone." - </p> - <p> - Now hear Mr. Douglas. In their first joint debate at Ottawa, he said, "In - the remarks I have made on this platform, and the position of Mr. Lincoln - upon it, I mean nothing personally disrespectful or unkind to that - gentleman. I have known him for nearly twenty-five years. There were many - points of sympathy between us when we first got acquainted. We were both - comparatively boys, and both struggling with poverty in a strange land. I - was a schoolteacher in the town of Winchester, and he a flourishing - grocery-keeper in the town of Salem. He was more successful in his - occupation than I was in mine, and hence more fortunate in this world's - goods. Lincoln is one of those peculiar men who perform with admirable - skill every thing which they undertake. I made as good a school-teacher as - I could; and, when a cabinet-maker, I made a good bedstead and tables, - although my old boss said I succeeded better with bureaus and secretaries - than with any thing else; but I believe that Lincoln was always more - successful in business than I, for his business enabled him to get into - the Legislature. I met him there, however, and had a sympathy with him, - because of the up-hill struggle we both had in life. He was then just as - good at telling an anecdote as now. He could beat any of the boys - wrestling, or running a foot-race, in pitching quoits, or tossing a - copper; could ruin more liquor than all of the boys of the town together; - and the dignity and impartiality with which he presided at a horse-race or - fist-fight excited the admiration and won the praise of everybody that was - present and participated. I sympathized with him because he was struggling - with difficulties; and so was I. Mr. Lincoln served with me in the - Legislature in 1836, when we both retired, and he subsided, or became - submerged; and he was lost sight of as a public man for some years. In - 1846, when Wilmot introduced his celebrated proviso, and the abolition - tornado swept over the country, Lincoln again turned up as a member of - Congress from the Sangamon district. I was then in the Senate of the - United States, and was glad to welcome my old friend and companion. Whilst - in Congress, he distinguished himself by his opposition to the Mexican - War, taking the side of the common enemy against his own country; and, - when he returned home, he found that the indignation of the people - followed him everywhere, and he was again submerged, or obliged to retire - into private life, forgotten by his former friends. He came up again in - 1854, just in time to make this abolition or Black Republican platform, in - company with Giddings, Lovejoy, Chase, and Fred. Douglas, for the - Republican party to stand upon. Trumbull, too, was one of our own - contemporaries." - </p> - <p> - Previous pages of this book present fully enough for our present purpose - the issues upon which this canvass was made to turn. The principal - speeches, the joint debates, with five separate and independent speeches - by Mr. Lincoln, and three by Mr. Douglas, have been collected and - published under Mr. Lincoln's supervision in a neat and accessible volume. - It is, therefore, unnecessary, and would be unjust, to reprint them here. - They obtained at the time a more extensive circulation than such - productions usually have, and exerted an influence which is very - surprising to the calm reader of the present day. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Douglas endeavored to prove, from Mr. Lincoln's Springfield speech, - that he (Mr. Lincoln) was a self-declared Disunionist, in favor of - reducing the institutions of all the States "to a dead uniformity," in - favor of abolishing slavery everywhere,—an old-time abolitionist, a - negropolist, an amalgamationist. This, with much vaunting of himself for - his opposition to Lecompton, and a loud proclamation of "popular - sovereignty," made the bulk of Mr. Douglas's speeches. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln denied these accusations; he had no "thought of bringing about - civil war," nor yet uniformity of institutions: he would not interfere - with slavery where it had a lawful existence, and was not in favor of - negro equality or miscegenation. He did, however, believe that Congress - had the right to exclude slavery from the Territories, and ought to - exercise it. As to Mr. Douglas's doctrine of popular sovereignty, there - could be no issue concerning it; for everybody agreed that the people of a - Territory might, when they formed a State constitution, adopt or exclude - slavery as they pleased. But that a Territorial Legislature possessed - exclusive power, or any power at all, over the subject, even Mr Douglas - could not assert, inasmuch as the Dred-Scott Decision was plain and - explicit the other way; and Mr. Douglas boasted that decision as the rule - of his political conduct, and sought to impose it upon all parties as a - perfect definition of the rights and duties of government, local and - general. - </p> - <p> - At Ottawa, Mr. Douglas put to Mr. Lincoln a series of questions, which, - upon their next meeting (at Freeport), Mr. Lincoln answered as follows:— - </p> - <p> - I have supposed myself, since the organization of the Republican party at - Bloomington, in May, 1856, bound as a party man by the platforms of the - party, then and since. If, in any interrogatories which I shall answer, I - go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, it will be - perceived that no one is responsible but myself. - </p> - <p> - Having said thus much, I will take up the judge's interrogatories as I - find them printed in "The Chicago Times," and answer them <i>seriatim</i>. - In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have copied the - interrogatories in writing, and also my answers to them. The first one of - these interrogatories is in these words:— - </p> - <p> - Question 1.—"I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he - did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave - Law." - </p> - <p> - Answer.—I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the - unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave Law. - </p> - <p> - Q. 2.—"I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as - he did in 1854, against the admission of any more Slave States into the - Union, even if the people want them." - </p> - <p> - A.—I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission - of any more Slave States into the Union. - </p> - <p> - Q. 3.—"I want to know whether he stands pledged against the - admission of a new State into the Union with such a constitution as the - people of that State may see fit to make." - </p> - <p> - A.—I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into - the Union, with such a constitution as the people of that State may see - fit to make. - </p> - <p> - Q. 4.—"I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the - abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia." - </p> - <p> - A.—I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the - District of Columbia. - </p> - <p> - Q. 5.—"I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the - prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States." - </p> - <p> - A.—I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade - between the different States. - </p> - <p> - Q. 6.—"I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit - slavery in all the Territories of the United States, north as well as - south of the Missouri Compromise line." - </p> - <p> - A.—I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the - right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all the United States - Territories. [Great applause.] - </p> - <p> - Q 7.—"I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the - acquisition of any new territory unless slavery is first prohibited - therein." - </p> - <p> - A.—I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of territory; - and, in any given case, I would or would not oppose such acquisition, - accordingly as I might think such acquisition would or would not agitate - the slavery question among ourselves. - </p> - <p> - Now, my friends, it will be perceived, upon an examination of these - questions and answers, that so far I have only answered that I was not - pledged to this, that, or the other. The judge has not framed his - interrogatories to ask me any thing more than this, and I have answered in - strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered truly that I - am not pledged at all upon any of the points to which I have answered. But - I am not disposed to hang upon the exact form of his interrogatory. I am - rather disposed to take up at least some of these questions, and state - what I really think upon them. - </p> - <p> - As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive-Slave Law, I have never - hesitated to say, and I do not now hesitate to say, that I think, under - the Constitution of the United States, the people of the Southern States - are entitled to a congressional slave law. Having said that, I have had - nothing to say in regard to the existing Fugitive-Slave Law, further than - that I think it should have been framed so as to be free from some of the - objections that pertain to it, without lessening its efficiency. And - inasmuch as we are not now in an agitation in regard to an alteration or - modification of that law, I would not be the man to introduce it as a new - subject of agitation upon the general question of slavery. - </p> - <p> - In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged to the admission - of any more Slave States into the Union, I state to you very frankly, that - I would be exceedingly sorry ever to be put in a position of having to - pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that there - would never be another Slave State admitted into the Union; but I must - add, that, if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the - Territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people - shall, having a fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the - constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave - constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among - them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into - the Union. [Applause.] - </p> - <p> - The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to the second, it being, - as I conceive, the same as the second. - </p> - <p> - The fourth one is in regard to the abolition of slavery in the District of - Columbia. In relation to that, I have my mind very distinctly made up. I - should be exceedingly glad to see slavery abolished in the District of - Columbia. I believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power to - abolish it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should not, with my present - views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the District of - Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions: First, that the - abolition should be gradual; Second, That it should be on a vote of the - majority of qualified voters in the District; and Third, That compensation - should be made to unwilling owners. With these three conditions, I confess - I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the - District of Columbia, and, in the language of Henry Clay, "sweep from our - capital that foul blot upon our nation." - </p> - <p> - In regard to the fifth interrogatory, I must say here, that as to the - question of the abolition of the slave-trade between the different States, - I can truly answer, as I have, that I am pledged to nothing about it. It - is a subject to which I have not given that mature consideration that - would make me feel authorized to state a position so as to hold myself - entirely bound by it. In other words, that question has never been - prominently enough before me to induce me to investigate whether we really - have the constitutional power to do it. I could investigate it if I had - sufficient time to bring myself to a conclusion upon that subject; but I - have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here and to Judge Douglas. I - must say, however, that, if I should be of opinion that Congress does - possess the constitutional power to abolish slave-trading among the - different States, I should still not be in favor of the exercise of that - power unless upon some conservative principle as I conceive it, akin to - what I have said in relation to the abolition of slavery in the District - of Columbia. - </p> - <p> - My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be prohibited in all - Territories of the United States is full and explicit within itself, and - cannot be made clearer by any comments of mine. So I suppose, in regard to - the question whether I am opposed to the acquisition of any more territory - unless slavery is first prohibited therein, my answer is such that I could - add nothing by way of illustration, or making myself better understood, - than the answer which I have placed in writing. - </p> - <p> - Now, in all this the Judge has me, and he has me on the record. I suppose - he had flattered himself that I was really entertaining one set of - opinions for one place, and another set for another place,—that I - was afraid to say at one place what I uttered at another. What I am saying - here I suppose I say to a vast audience as strongly tending to - abolitionism as any audience in the State of Illinois; and I believe I am - saying that which, if it would be offensive to any persons, and render - them enemies to myself, would be offensive to persons in this audience. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Douglas had presented his interrogatories on the 21st of August, and - Mr. Lincoln did not answer them until the 27th. They had no meetings - between those days; and Mr. Lincoln had ample time to ponder his replies, - and consult his friends. But he did more: he improved the opportunity to - prepare a series of insidious questions, which he felt sure Mr. Douglas - could not possibly answer without utterly ruining his political prospects. - Mr. Lincoln struggled for a great prize, unsuspected by the common mind, - but the thought of which was ever present to his own. Mr. Douglas was a - standing candidate for the Presidency; but as yet Mr. Lincoln was a very - quiet one, nursing hopes which his modesty prevented him from obtruding - upon others. He was wise enough to keep the fact of their existence to - himself, and in the mean time to dig pitfalls and lay obstructions in the - way of his most formidable competitors. His present purpose was not only - to defeat Mr. Douglas for the Senate, but to "kill him,"—to get him - out of the way finally and forever. If he could make him evade the - Dred-Scott Decision, and deny the right of a Southern man to take his - negroes into a Territory, and keep them there while it was a Territory, he - would thereby sever him from the body of the Democratic party, and leave - him the leader of merely a little half-hearted antislavery faction. Under - such circumstances, Mr. Douglas could never be the candidate of the party - at large; but he might serve a very useful purpose by running on a - separate ticket, and dividing the great majority of conservative votes, - which would inevitably elect a single nominee. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln went to Chicago, and there intimated to some of his friends - what he proposed to do. They attempted to dissuade him, because, as they - insisted, if Mr. Douglas should answer that the Dred-Scott Decision might - be evaded by the people of a Territory, and slavery prohibited in the face - of it, the answer would draw to him the sympathies of the antislavery - voters, and probably, of itself, defeat Mr. Lincoln. But, so long as Mr. - Douglas held to the decision in good faith, he had no hope of more aid - from that quarter than he had already received. It was therefore the part - of wisdom to let him alone as to that point. Mr. Lincoln, on the contrary, - looked forward to 1860, and was determined that the South should - understand the antagonism between Mr. Douglas's latest conception of - "squatter sovereignty," on the one hand, and the Dred-Scott Decision, the - Nebraska Bill, and all previous platforms of the party, on the other. Mr. - Douglas taught strange doctrines and false ones; and Mr. Lincoln thought - the faithful, far and near, should know it. If Mr. Douglas was a - schismatic, there ought to be a schism, of which the Republicans would - reap the benefit; and therefore he insisted upon his questions. "That is - no business of yours," said his friends. "Attend exclusively to your - senatorial race, and let the slaveholder and Douglas fight out that - question among themselves and for themselves. If you put the question to - him, he will answer that the Dred-Scott Decision is simply an abstract - rule, having no practical application."—"If he answers that way, - he's a dead cock in the pit," responded Mr. Lincoln. "But that," said - they, "is none of your business: you are concerned only about the - senator-ship."—"No," continued Mr. Lincoln, "not alone <i>exactly</i>: - I am killing larger game. The great battle of 1860 is worth a thousand of - this senatorial race." - </p> - <p> - He did accordingly propound the interrogatories as follows:— - </p> - <p> - 1. If the people of Kansas shall, by means entirely unobjectionable in all - other respects, adopt a State constitution, and ask admission into the - Union under it, before they have the requisite number of inhabitants - according to the English Bill,—some ninety-three thousand,—will - you vote to admit them? - </p> - <p> - 2. Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against - the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its - limits? - </p> - <p> - 3. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States - cannot exclude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing - in, adopting, and following such decision as a rule of political action? - </p> - <p> - 4. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard of how - such acquisition may affect the nation on the slavery question? - </p> - <p> - The first and fourth questions Mr. Douglas answered substantially in the - affirmative. To the third he replied, that no judge would ever be guilty - of the "moral treason" of making such a decision. But to the second—the - main question, to which all the others were riders and make-weights—he - answered as he was expected to answer. "It matters not," said he, "what - way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question - whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory under the Constitution: - the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it, as they - please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour - anywhere, unless it is supported by local police regulations. Those police - regulations can only be established by the local Legislature; and, if the - people are opposed to slavery, they will elect representatives to that - body who will, by unfriendly legislation, effectually prevent the - introduction of it into their midst." - </p> - <p> - The reply was more than enough for Mr. Lincoln's purpose. It cut Mr. - Douglas off from his party, and put him in a state of perfect antagonism - to it. He firmly denied the power of Congress to restrict slavery; and he - admitted, that, under the Dred-Scott Decision, all Territories were open - to its entrance. But he held, that, the moment the slaveholder passed the - boundary of a Territory, he was at the mercy of the squatters, a dozen or - two of whom might get together in a legislature, and rob him of the - property which the Constitution, the Supreme Court, and Mr. Douglas - himself said he had an indefeasible right to take there. Mr. Lincoln knew - that the Southern people would feel infinitely safer in the hands of - Congress than in the hands of the squatters. If they regarded the - Republican mode of excluding slavery as a barefaced usurpation, they would - consider Mr. Douglas's system of confiscation by "unfriendly legislation" - mere plain stealing. The Republicans said to them, "We will regulate the - whole subject by general laws, which you participate with us in passing;" - but Mr. Douglas offered them, as sovereign judges and legislators, the - territorial settlers themselves,—squatters they might be,—whom - the aid societies rushed into the new Territories for the very purpose of - keeping slavery away. The new doctrine was admirably calculated to alarm - and incense the South; and, following so closely Mr. Douglas's conduct in - the Lecompton affair, it was very natural that he should now be - universally regarded by his late followers as a dangerous heretic and a - faithless turncoat. The result justified Mr. Lincoln's anticipations. Mr. - Douglas did not fully develop his new theory, nor personally promulgate it - as the fixed tenet of his faction, until the next year, when he embodied - it in the famous article contributed by him to "Harper's Magazine." But it - did its work effectually; and, when parties began to marshal for the great - struggle of 1860, Mr. Douglas was found to be, not precisely what he had - promised,—a Republican, "fighting their battles,"—but an - independent candidate, upon an independent platform, dividing the - opposition. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln pointed out on the spot the wide difference between Mr. - Douglas's present views and those he had previously maintained with such - dogged and dogmatic persistence. "The new state of the case" had induced - "the Judge to sheer away from his original ground." The new theory was - false in law, and could have no practical application. The history of the - country showed it to be a naked humbug, a demagogue's imposture. Slavery - was established in all this country, without "local police regulations" to - protect it. Dred Scott himself was held in a Territory, not only without - "local police regulations" to favor his bondage, but in defiance of a - general law which prohibited it. A man who believed that the Dred-Scott - Decision was the true interpretation of the Constitution could not refuse - to negro slavery whatever protection it needed in the Territories without - incurring the guilt of perjury. To say that slave property might be - constitutionally confiscated, destroyed, or driven away from a place where - it was constitutionally protected, was such an absurdity as Mr. Douglas - alone in this evil strait was equal to; the proposition meaning, as he - said on a subsequent occasion, "no less than that a thing may lawfully be - driven away from a place where it has a lawful right to be." - </p> - <p> - "Of that answer at Freeport," as Mr. Herndon has it, Douglas "instantly - died. The red-gleaming Southern tomahawk flashed high and keen. Douglas - was removed out of Lincoln's way. The wind was taken out of Seward's sails - (by the House-divided Speech), and Lincoln stood out prominent." - </p> - <p> - The State election took place on the 2d of November, 1858. Mr. Lincoln had - more than four thousand majority of the votes cast; but this was not - enough to give him a majority in the Legislature. An old and inequitable - apportionment law was still in operation; and a majority of the members - chosen under it were, as it was intended by the law-makers they should be, - Democrats. In the Senate were fourteen Democrats to eleven Republicans; - and in the House, forty Democrats to thirty-five Republicans. Mr. Douglas - was, of course, re-elected, and Mr. Lincoln bitterly disappointed. Some - one asked Mr. Lincoln how he felt when the returns came in. He replied, - "that he felt like the boy that stumped his toe,—'it hurt too bad to - laugh, and he was too big to cry!'" - </p> - <p> - In this canvass Mr. Lincoln earned a reputation as a popular debater - second to that of no man in America,—certainly not second to that of - his famous antagonist. He kept his temper; he was not prone to - personalities; he indulged in few anecdotes, and those of a decent - character; he was fair, frank, and manly; and, if the contest had shown - nothing else, it would have shown, at least, that "Old Abe" could behave - like a well-bred gentleman under very trying circumstances. His marked - success in these discussions was probably no surprise to the people of the - Springfield District, who knew him as well as, or better than, they did - Mr. Douglas. But in the greater part of the State, and throughout the - Union the series of brilliant victories successively won by an obscure man - over an orator of such wide experience and renown was received with - exclamations of astonishment, alike by listeners and readers. It is true - that many believed, or pretended to believe, that he was privately tutored - and "crammed" by politicians of greater note than himself; and, when the - speeches were at last collected and printed together, it was alleged that - Mr. Lincoln's had been re-written or extensively revised by Mr. Judd, - Judge Logan, Judge Davis, or some one else of great and conceded - abilities. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0017" id="link2HCH0017"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XVII - </h2> - <p> - IN the winter of 1858-9, Mr. Lincoln, having no political business on - hand, appeared before the public in the character of lecturer, having - prepared himself with much care. His lecture was, or might have been, - styled, "All Creation is a mine, and every man a miner." He began with - Adam and Eve, and the invention of the "fig-leaf apron," of which he gave - a humorous description, and which he said was a "joint operation." The - invention of letters, writing, printing, of the application of steam, of - electricity, he classed under the comprehensive head of "inventions and - discoveries," along with the discovery of America, the enactment of - patent-laws, and the "invention of negroes, or the present mode of using - them." Part of the lecture was humorous; a very small part of it actually - witty; and the rest of it so commonplace that it was a genuine - mortification to his friends. He delivered it at two or three points, and - then declined all further invitations. To one of these he replied, in - March, as follows: "Your note, inviting me to deliver a lecture in - Gales-burgh, is received. I regret to say I cannot do so now: I must stick - to the courts a while. I read a sort of a lecture to three different - audiences during the last month and this; but I did so under circumstances - which made it a waste of no time whatever." - </p> - <p> - From the Douglas discussion many of the leaders of the Republican party - believed, and the reader will agree had some foundation for the belief, - that Mr. Lincoln was one of the greatest and best men in the party. It was - natural, therefore, that many eyes should be turned towards him for the - coming Presidential nomination. He had all the requisites of an available - candidate: he had not been sufficiently prominent in national politics to - excite the jealousies of powerful rivals; he was true, manly, able; he was - pre-eminently a man of the people; he had sprung from a low family in the - lowest class of society; he had been a rail-splitter, a flat-boatman, a - grocery-keeper,—every thing that could commend him to the "popular - heart." His manners, his dress, his stories, and his popular name and - style of "Honest Old Abe," pointed to him as a man beside whose "running - qualities" those of Taylor and Harrison were of slight comparison. That he - knew all this, and thought of it a great deal, no one can doubt; and in - the late campaign he had most adroitly opened the way for the realization - of his hopes. But he knew very well that a becoming modesty in a "new man" - was about as needful as any thing else. Accordingly, when a Mr. Pickett - wrote him on the subject in March, 1859, he replied as follows: "Yours of - the 2d instant, inviting me to deliver my lecture on 'Inventions' in Rock - Island, is at hand, and I regret to be unable from press of business to - comply therewith. In regard to the other matter you speak of, I beg that - you will not give it a further mention. I do not think I am fit for the - Presidency." - </p> - <p> - But in April the project began to be agitated in his own town. On the 27th - of that month, he was in the office of "The Central Illinois Gazette," - when the editor suggested his name. Mr. Lincoln, "with characteristic - modesty, declined." But the editor estimated his "No" at its proper value; - and he "was brought out in the next issue, May 4." Thence the movement - spread rapidly and strongly. Many Republicans welcomed it, and, - appreciating the pre-eminent fitness of the nomination, saw in it the - assurance of certain victory. - </p> - <p> - The West was rapidly filling with Germans and other inhabitants of foreign - birth. Dr. Canisius, a German, foreseeing Mr. Lincoln's strength in the - near future, wrote to inquire what he thought about the restrictions upon - naturalization recently adopted in Massachusetts, and whether he favored - the fusion of all the opposition elements in the next canvass. He replied, - that, as to the restrictions, he was wholly and unalterably opposed to - them; and as to fusion, he was ready for it upon "Republican grounds," but - upon no other. He would not lower "the Republican standard even by a - hair's breadth." The letter undoubtedly had a good effect, and brought him - valuable support from the foreign population. - </p> - <p> - To a gentleman who desired his views about the tariff question, he replied - cautiously and discreetly as follows:— - </p> - <p> - Dr. Edward Wallace. - </p> - <p> - My dear Sir,—I am here just now attending court. Yesterday, before I - left Springfield, your brother, Dr. William S. Wallace, showed me a letter - of yours, in which you kindly mention my name, inquire for my - tariff-views, and suggest the propriety of my writing a letter upon the - subject. I was an old Henry-Clay Tariff Whig. In old times I made more - speeches on that subject than on any other. - </p> - <p> - I have not since changed my views. I believe yet, if we could have a - moderate, carefully adjusted, protective tariff, so far acquiesced in as - not to be a perpetual subject of political strife, squabbles, changes, and - uncertain, ties, it would be better for us. Still, it is my opinion, that, - just now, the revival of that question will not <i>advance the cause - itself, or the man who revives it.</i> - </p> - <p> - I have not thought much on the subject recently; but my general impression - is, that the necessity for a protective tariff will ere long force its old - opponents to take it up; and then its old friends can join in and - establish it on a more firm and durable basis. We, the old Whigs, have - been entirely beaten out on the tariff question; and we shall not be able - to re-establish the policy until the absence of it shall have demonstrated - the necessity for it in the minds of men heretofore opposed to it. With - this view, I should prefer to not now write a public letter upon the - subject. - </p> - <p> - I therefore wish this to be considered confidential. - </p> - <p> - I shall be very glad to receive a letter from you. - </p> - <p> - In September Mr. Lincoln made a few masterly speeches in Ohio, where Mr. - Douglas had preceded him on his new hobby of "squatter sovereignty," or - "unfriendly legislation." - </p> - <p> - Clinton, Oct. 11,1859. - </p> - <p> - Yours truly, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - He spoke at Columbus, Cincinnati, and several other points, each time - devoting the greater part of his address to Mr. Douglas and his theories, - as if the habit of combating that illustrious chieftain was hard to break. - </p> - <p> - In December he went to Kansas, speaking at Elwood, Don-aphan, Troy, - Atchison, and twice at Leavenworth. Wherever he went, he was met by vast - assemblages of people. His speeches were principally repetitions of those - previously made in Illinois; but they were very fresh and captivating to - his new audiences. These journeys, which turned out to be continuous - ovations, spread his name and fame far beyond the limits to which they had - heretofore been restricted. - </p> - <p> - During the winter of 1859-60, he saw that his reputation had reached such - a height, that he might honorably compete with such renowned men as - Seward, Chase, and Bates, for the Presidential nomination. Mr. Jackson - Grimshaw of Quincy urged him very strongly on the point. At length Mr. - Lincoln consented to a conference with Grimshaw and some of his more - prominent friends. It took place in a committee-room in the State House. - Mr. Bushnell, Mr. Hatch (the Secretary of State), Mr. Judd (Chairman of - the Republican State Central Committee), Mr. Peck, and Mr. Grimshaw were - present,—all of them "intimate friends." They were unanimous in - opinion as to the expediency and propriety of making him a candidate. But - "Mr. Lincoln, with his characteristic modesty, doubted whether he could - get the nomination, even if he wished it, and asked until the next morning - to answer us.... The next day he authorized us to consider him, and work - for him, if we pleased, as a candidate for the Presidency." - </p> - <p> - It was in October, 1859, that Mr. Lincoln received an invitation to speak - in New York. It enchanted him: no event of his life had given him more - heartfelt pleasure. He went straight to his office, and, Mr. Herndon says, - "looked pleased, not to say <i>tickled</i>. He said to me, 'Billy, I am - invited to deliver a lecture in New York. Shall I go?'—'By all - means,' I replied; 'and it is a good opening too.'—'If you were in - my fix, what subject would you choose?' said Lincoln. 'Why, a political - one: that's your forte,' I answered." Mr. Herndon remembered his partner's - previous "failure,—utter failure," as a lecturer, and, on this - occasion, dreaded excessively his choice of a subject. "In the absence of - a friend's advice, Lincoln would as soon take the Beautiful for a subject - as any thing else, when he had absolutely no sense of it." He wrote in - response to the invitation, that he would avail himself of it the coming - February, provided he might be permitted to make a political speech, in - case he found it inconvenient to get up one of another kind. He had - purposely set the day far ahead, that he might thoroughly prepare himself; - and it may safely be said, that no effort of his life cost him so much - labor as this one. Some of the party managers who were afterwards put to - work to verify its statements, and get it out as a campaign document, are - alleged to have been three weeks in finding the historical records - consulted by him. - </p> - <p> - On the 25th of February, 1860, he arrived in New York. It was Saturday, - and he spent the whole day in revising and retouching his speech. The next - day he heard Beecher preach, and on Monday wandered about the city to see - the sights. When the committee under whose auspices he was to speak waited - upon him, they found him dressed in a sleek and shining suit of new black, - covered with very apparent creases and wrinkles, acquired by being packed - too closely and too long in his little valise. He felt uneasy in his new - clothes and a strange place. His confusion was increased when the - reporters called to get the printed slips of his speech in advance of its - delivery. Mr. Lincoln knew nothing of such a custom among the orators, and - had no slips. He was, in fact, not quite sure that the press would desire - to publish his speech. When he reached the Cooper Institute, and was - ushered into the vast hall, he was surprised to see the most cultivated - men of the city awaiting him on the stand, and an immense audience - assembled to hear him. Mr. Bryant introduced him as "an eminent citizen of - the West, hitherto known to you only by reputation." Mr. Lincoln then - began, in low, monotonous tones, which gradually became louder and - clearer, the following speech:— - </p> - <p> - Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens of New York,—The facts with which - I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there any - thing new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be any - novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the - inferences and observations following that presentation. - </p> - <p> - In his speech last autumn, at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in "The New-York - Times," Senator Douglas said,—"Our fathers, when they framed the - government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and - even better than we do now." - </p> - <p> - I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so - adopt it, because it furnishes a precise and agreed starting-point for the - discussion between Republicans and that wing of Democracy headed by - Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry, "What was the understanding - those fathers had of the questions mentioned?" - </p> - <p> - What is the frame of government under which we live? - </p> - <p> - The answer must be, "The Constitution of the United States." That - Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which the - present Government first went into operation), and twelve subsequently - framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789. - </p> - <p> - Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the - "thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our - fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is almost - exactly true to say they framed it; and it is altogether true to say they - fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that - time. Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite - all, need not now be repeated. - </p> - <p> - I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being "our fathers, who - framed the Government under which we live." - </p> - <p> - What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers - understood just as well, and even better than we do now? - </p> - <p> - It is this: Does the proper division of local from Federal authority, or - any thing in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government control as to - slavery in our Federal Territories? - </p> - <p> - Upon this, Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the negative. - This affirmative and denial form an issue; and this issue, this question, - is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood better than we. - </p> - <p> - Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, ever acted - upon this question; and, if they did, how they acted upon it,—how - they expressed that better understanding. - </p> - <p> - In 1784,—three years before the Constitution,—the United - States then owning the North-western Territory, and no other, the Congress - of the Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery - in that Territory; and four of the "thirty-nine" who afterward framed the - Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on that question. Of these, - Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the - prohibition; thus showing, that, in their understanding, no line dividing - local from Federal authority, nor any thing else, properly forbade the - Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. The - other of the four, James McHenry, voted against the prohibition, showing - that, for some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it. - </p> - <p> - In 1787—still before the Constitution, but while the Convention was - in session framing it, and while the North-western Territory still was the - only Territory owned by the United States—the same question of - prohibiting slavery in the Territory again came before the Congress of the - Confederation; and three more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward signed - the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They - were William Blount, William Few, and Abraham Baldwin; and they all voted - for the prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no line - dividing local from Federal authority, nor any thing else, properly - forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal - territory. This time the prohibition became a law, being part of what is - now well known as the Ordinance of '87. - </p> - <p> - The question of Federal control of slavery in the Territories seems not to - have been directly before the convention which framed the original - Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the "thirty-nine," or any - of them, while engaged on that instrument, expressed any opinion on that - precise question. - </p> - <p> - In 1789, by the First Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act - was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of - slavery in the North-western Territory. The bill for this act was reported - by one of the "thirty-nine,"—Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of - the House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its - stages without a word of opposition, and finally passed both branches - without yeas and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this - Congress there were sixteen of the "thirty-nine" fathers who framed the - original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, William S. - Johnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thomas Fitzsimmons, William Few, - Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Patterson, George Clymer, Richard - Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carrol, James Madison. - </p> - <p> - This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from - Federal authority, nor any thing in the Constitution, properly forbade - Congress to prohibit slavery in the Federal territory; else both their - fidelity to correct principle, and their oath to support the Constitution, - would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition. - </p> - <p> - Again, George Washington, another of the "thirty-nine," was then President - of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the bill, thus - completing its validity as a law, and thus showing, that, in his - understanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor any - thing in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to - slavery in Federal territory. - </p> - <p> - No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North - Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now constituting the - State of Tennessee; and a few years later Georgia ceded that which now - constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds of - cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal - Government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Besides this, - slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these circumstances, - Congress, on taking charge of these countries, did not absolutely prohibit - slavery within them. But they did interfere with it, take control of it, - even there, to a certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the Territory - of Mississippi. In the act of organization they prohibited the bringing of - slaves into the Territory, from any place without the United States, by - fine, and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act passed both - branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that Congress were three of - the "thirty-nine" who framed the original Constitution: they were John - Langdon, George Read, and Abraham Baldwin. They all, probably, voted for - it. Certainly they would have placed their opposition to it upon record, - if, in their understanding, any line dividing local from Federal - authority, or any thing in the Constitution, properly forbade the Federal - Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. - </p> - <p> - In 1803 the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country. Our former - territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States; but this - Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804 Congress - gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now constitutes - the State of Louisiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, was an old - and comparatively large city. There were other considerable towns and - settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly intermingled with - the people. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act, prohibit slavery; - but they did interfere with it, take control of it, in a more marked and - extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi. The substance of - the provision therein made, in relation to slaves, was,— - </p> - <p> - First, That no slave should be imported into the Territory from foreign - parts. - </p> - <p> - Second, That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported into - the United States since the first day of May, 1798. - </p> - <p> - Third, That no slave should be carried into it, except by the owner, and - for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being a fine - upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave. - </p> - <p> - This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which - passed it there were two of the "thirty-nine:" they were Abraham Baldwin - and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable - they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without - recording their opposition to it, if, in their understanding, it violated - either the line proper dividing local from Federal authority or any - provision of the Constitution. - </p> - <p> - In 1819-20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were taken by - yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the various phases of - the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"—Rufus King and - Charles Pinckney—were members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily - voted for slavery prohibition and against all compromises; while Mr. - Pinckney as steadily voted against slavery prohibition and against all - compromises. By this Mr. King showed, that, in his understanding, no line - dividing local from Federal authority, nor any thing in the Constitution, - was violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory; while - Mr. Pinckney, by his votes, showed, that, in his understanding, there was - some sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case. - </p> - <p> - The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or of - any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover. - </p> - <p> - To enumerate the persons who thus acted as being four in 1784, three in - 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in 1819-20,—there - would be thirty-one of them. But this would be counting John Lang-don, - Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read each twice, and - Abraham Baldwin four times. The true number of those of the "thirty-nine" - whom I have shown to have acted upon the question, which, by the text, - they understood better than we, is twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown - to have acted upon it in any way. - </p> - <p> - Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our "thirty-nine" fathers, who - framed the government under which we live, who have, upon their official - responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very question - which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and even better than - we do now;" and twenty-one of them—a clear majority of the - "thirty-nine"—so acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross - political impropriety and wilful perjury if, in their understanding, any - proper division between local and Federal authority, or any thing in the - Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the - Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. - Thus the twenty-one acted; and, as actions speak louder than words, so - actions under such responsibility speak still louder. - </p> - <p> - Two of the twenty-three voted against congressional prohibition of slavery - in the Federal Territories in the instances in which they acted upon the - question; but for what reasons they so voted is not known. They may have - done so because they thought a proper division of local from Federal - authority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution, stood in - the way; or they may, without any such question, have voted against the - prohibition, on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds of - expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution can - conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional - measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to vote - against a measure which he deems constitutional if, at the same time, he - deems it inexpedient. It, therefore, would be unsafe to set down even the - two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their - understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority, or any - thing in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to - slavery in Federal territory. - </p> - <p> - The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have discovered, - have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of - Federal control of slavery in the Federal Territories. But there is much - reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not - have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it - been manifested at all. - </p> - <p> - For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omitted - whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however - distinguished, other than the "thirty-nine" fathers who framed the - original Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted - whatever understanding may have been manifested by any of the - "thirty-nine" even, on any other phase of the general question of slavery. - If we should look into their acts and declarations on those other phases, - as the foreign slave-trade, and the morality and policy of slavery - generally, it would appear to us, that, on the direct question of Federal - control of slavery in Federal Territories, the sixteen, if they had acted - at all, would probably have acted just as the twenty-three did. Among that - sixteen were several of the most noted antislavery men of those times,—as - Dr. Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris; while there was - not one now known to have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge - of South Carolina. - </p> - <p> - The sum of the whole is, that of our "thirty-nine" fathers who framed the - original Constitution, twenty-one—a clear majority of the whole—certainly - understood that no proper division of local from Federal authority, nor - any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control - slavery in the Federal Territories; while all the rest probably had the - same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the understanding of our - fathers who framed the original Constitution; and the text affirms that - they understood the question better than we. - </p> - <p> - But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question - manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the - original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; and, as I have - already stated, the present frame of government under which we live - consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articles framed and - adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal control of slavery in - Federal Territories violates the Constitution point us to the provisions - which they suppose it thus violates; and, as I understand, they all fix - upon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original - instrument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred-Scott case, plant themselves - upon the fifth amendment, which provides that "no person shall be deprived - of property without due process of law;" while Senator Douglas and his - peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth amendment, providing - that "the powers not granted by the Constitution are reserved to the - States respectively and to the people." - </p> - <p> - Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first Congress - which sat under the Constitution,—the identical Congress which - passed the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in - the North-western Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but they - were the identical, same individual men, who, at the same time within the - session, had under consideration, and in progress toward maturity, these - constitutional amendments, and this act prohibiting slavery in all the - territory the nation then owned. The constitutional amendments were - introduced before, and passed after, the act enforcing the Ordinance of - '87; so that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the - Ordinance, the constitutional amendments were also pending. - </p> - <p> - That Congress, consisting in all of seventy-six members, including sixteen - of the framers of the original Constitution, as before stated, were - preeminently our fathers who framed that part of the government under - which we live, which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal Government - to control slavery in the Federal Territories. - </p> - <p> - Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that the - two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and earned to maturity - at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other? And does - not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled with the other - affirmation, from the same mouth, that those who did the two things - alleged to be inconsistent understood whether they were really - inconsistent better than we,—better than he who affirms that they - are inconsistent? - </p> - <p> - It is surely safe to assume that the "thirty-nine" framers of the original - Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed the - amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who may be - fairly called "our fathers who framed the government under which we live." - And so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them ever, in his - whole life, declared, that, in his understanding, any proper division of - local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the - Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. I - go a step farther. I defy any one to show that any living man in the whole - world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I might - almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the present - century), declare, that, in his understanding, any proper division of - local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the - Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories. To - those who now so declare, I give, not only "our fathers, who framed the - government under which we live," but with them all other living men within - the century in which it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall - not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them. - </p> - <p> - Now, and here, let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do not - mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our fathers did. - To do so would be to discard all the lights of current experience,—to - reject all progress,—all improvement. What I do say is, that, if we - would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we - should do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that even - their great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand; and - most surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they understood the - question better than we. - </p> - <p> - If any man, at this day, sincerely believes that a proper division of - local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the - Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he - is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful evidence - and fair argument which he can. But he has no right to mislead others, who - have less access to history and less leisure to study it, into the false - belief that "our fathers, who framed the government under which we live," - were of the same opinion, thus substituting falsehood and deception for - truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day sincerely - believes "our fathers, who framed the government under which we live," - used and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have led them - to understand that a proper division of local from Federal authority, or - some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control - as to slavery in the Federal Territories, he is right to say so. But he - should, at the same time, brave the responsibility of declaring, that, in - his opinion, he understands their principles better than they did - themselves; and especially should he not shirk that responsibility by - asserting that they "understood the question just as well, and even better - than we do now." - </p> - <p> - But enough. Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the - government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and - even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they acted - upon it. This is all Republicans ask, all Republicans desire, in relation - to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an - evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected only because of - and so far as its actual presence among us makes that toleration and - protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be, - not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For this Republicans - contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content. - </p> - <p> - And now, if they would listen,—as I suppose they will not,—I - would address a few words to the Southern people. - </p> - <p> - I would say to them, You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just - people; and I consider, that, in the general qualities of reason and - justice, you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak - of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the - best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or - murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all your - contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional - condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended - to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable - prerequisite—license, so to speak—among you to be admitted or - permitted to speak at all. - </p> - <p> - Now can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause and to consider whether - this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves? - </p> - <p> - Bring forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long - enough to hear us deny or justify. - </p> - <p> - You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden - of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that - our party has no existence in your section,—gets no votes in your - section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If - it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get - votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot - escape this conclusion; and yet are you willing to abide by it? If you - are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for - we shall get votes in your section this very year. You will then begin to - discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof does not touch the - issue. The fact that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your - making, and not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is - primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by some - wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or - practice, the fault is ours; but this brings us to where you ought to have - started,—to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If - our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit - of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are - sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on - the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong your - section; and so meet it as if it were possible that something may be said - on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No? Then you really believe that - the principle which our fathers, who framed the government under which we - live, thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and - again upon their official oaths, is, in fact, so clearly wrong as to - demand your condemnation without a moment's consideration. - </p> - <p> - Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional - parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years - before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of the United - States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition - of slavery in the North-western Territory, which act embodied the policy - of the Government upon that subject up to and at the very moment he penned - that warning; and about one year after he penned it he wrote Lafayette - that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing, in the - same connection, his hope that we should some time have a confederacy of - Free States. - </p> - <p> - Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon - this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or - in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast - the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon - you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington; and we - commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right - application of it. - </p> - <p> - But you say you are conservative,—eminently conservative; while we - are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is - conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried against the new and - untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old-policy on the point - in controversy which was adopted by our fathers who framed the government - under which we live; while you, with one accord, reject and scout and spit - upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting something new. True, - you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. You - have considerable variety of new propositions and plans; but you are - unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some - of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a Congressional - Slave-code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the - Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining - slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat - pur-rinciple" that, "if one man would enslave another, no third man should - object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty;" but never a man among - you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, - according to the practice of our fathers, who framed the government under - which we live. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or - an advocate in the century within which our Government originated. - Consider, then, whether your claim of conservatism for yourselves, and - your charge of destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear and - stable foundations. - </p> - <p> - Again, you say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it - formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we deny - that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old policy - of the fathers. We resisted, and still resist, your innovation; and thence - comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that question - reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has - been will be again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace - of the old times, re-adopt the precepts and policy of the old times. - </p> - <p> - You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it. - And what is your proof? Harper's Ferry! John Brown! John Brown was no - Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his - Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that - matter, you know it, or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are - inexcusable to not designate the man, and prove the fact. If you do not - know it, you are inexcusable to assert it, and especially to persist in - the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the proof. You need - not be told that persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true - is simply malicious slander. - </p> - <p> - Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the - Harper's-Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and - declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We - know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declarations, which were not held - to and made by our fathers, who framed the government under which we live. - You never deal fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it occurred, - some important State elections were near at hand; and you were in evident - glee with the belief, that, by charging the blame upon us, you could get - an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came; and your - expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew, that, as - to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not much - inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines and - declarations are accompanied with a continual protest against any - interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. - Surely this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common with - our fathers who framed the government under which we live, declare our - belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us declare even - this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely know there is - a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, generally know it - but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. In your political - contest among yourselves, each faction charges the other with sympathy - with Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to the charge, defines - Black Republicanism to simply be insurrection, blood, and thunder among - the slaves. - </p> - <p> - Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the - Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton Insurrection, - twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times as many lives were - lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your very elastic - fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was got up by Black - Republicanism. In the present state of things in the United States, I do - not think a general, or even a very extensive slave insurrection, is - possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be attained. The - slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can incendiary free men, - black or white, supply it. The explosive materials are everywhere in - parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied, the indispensable - connecting trains. - </p> - <p> - Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their - masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for an - uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty individuals - before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite master or - mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave revolution in - Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring under peculiar - circumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, though not connected - with the slaves, was more in point. In that case, only about twenty were - admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a - friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by consequence, averted the - calamity. Occasional poisoning from the kitchen, and open or stealthy - assassinations in the field, and local revolts extending to a score or so, - will continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no general - insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for a long - time. Whoever much fears, or much hopes, for such an event will be alike - disappointed. - </p> - <p> - In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still in - our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation peaceably, - and in such slow degrees, as that the evil will wear off insensibly; and - their places be, <i>pari passu</i>, filled up by free white laborers. If, - on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder - at the prospect held up." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of - emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as - to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slaveholding States only. - </p> - <p> - The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of - restraining the extension of the institution,—the power to insure - that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is - now free from slavery. - </p> - <p> - John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was - an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the - slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, - with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. 'That - affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts, related in - history, at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods - over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by - Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little - else than in his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon, and - John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry, were, in their philosophy, - precisely the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one - case, and on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of - the two things. - </p> - <p> - And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John Brown, - Helper's book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human - action can be modified to some extent; but human nature cannot be changed. - There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation, which - cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot destroy that - judgment and feeling, that sentiment, by breaking up the political - organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter and - disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your - heaviest fire; but, if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the - sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, - into some other channel? What would that other channel probably be? Would - the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? - </p> - <p> - But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your - constitutional rights. - </p> - <p> - That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not - fully justified, were we proposing by the mere force of numbers to deprive - you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But we are - proposing no such thing. - </p> - <p> - When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-under-stood - allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into - the Federal Territories, and hold them there as property; but no such - right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is - literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such - a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication. - </p> - <p> - Your purpose then, plainly stated, is, that you will destroy the - government, unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution - as you please on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule - or ruin in all events. - </p> - <p> - This, plainly stated, is your language to us. Perhaps you will say the - Supreme Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your - favor. Not quite so. But waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum - and decision, the courts have decided the question for you in a sort of - way. The courts have substantially said, it is your constitutional right - to take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as - property. - </p> - <p> - When I say the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made in a - divided court by a bare majority of the judges, and they not quite - agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so made - as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its meaning, - and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact,—the - statement in the opinion that "the right of property in a slave is - distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution." - </p> - <p> - An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in - a slave is not distinctly and expressly affirmed in it. Bear in mind, the - judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is impliedly - affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity that it is - distinctly and expressly affirmed there,—"distinctly," that is, not - mingled with any thing else; "expressly," that is, in words meaning just - that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of no other - meaning. - </p> - <p> - If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is - affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to - show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the - Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with - language alluding to the things slave or slavery, and that, wherever in - that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person;" and - wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it is - spoken of as "service or labor due,"—as a "debt" payable in service - or labor. Also it would be open to show, by contemporaneous history, that - this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of speaking of them, - was employed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution the idea that - there could be property in man. - </p> - <p> - To show all this is easy and certain. - </p> - <p> - When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their notice, - is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken - statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? - </p> - <p> - And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers, who framed the - government under which we live,"—the men who made the Constitution,—decided - this same constitutional question in our favor long ago,—decided it - without a division among themselves, when making the decision; without - division among themselves about the meaning of it after it was made, and, - so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon any mistaken - statement of facts. - </p> - <p> - Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified to - break up this Government, unless such a court decision as yours is shall - be at once submitted to, as a conclusive and final rule of political - action? - </p> - <p> - But you will not abide the election of a Republican President. In that - supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you say, - the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! - </p> - <p> - That is cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through - his teeth, "Stand and deliver, or I shall kill you; and then you will be a - murderer!" - </p> - <p> - To be sure, what the robber demanded of me—my money—was my - own; and I had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my - vote is my own; and threat of death to me to extort my money, and threat - of destruction to the Union to extort my vote, can scarcely be - distinguished in principle. - </p> - <p> - A few words now to Republicans. It is exceedingly desirable that all parts - of this great Confederacy shall be at peace, and in harmony, one with - another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much - provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill-temper. Even though - the Southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly - consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of - our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the - subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we - can, what will satisfy them. - </p> - <p> - Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered - to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against - us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections - are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we have nothing - to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it will not. We so know - because we know we never had any thing to do with invasions and - insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the - charge and the denunciation. - </p> - <p> - The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must not only - let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we do let them - alone. This we know by experience is no easy task. We have been so trying - to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but with no - success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly protested - our purpose to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to convince - them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they have never - detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them. - </p> - <p> - These natural, and apparently adequate means all failing, what will - convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery <i>wrong</i>, - and join them in calling it <i>right</i>. And this must be done - thoroughly,—done in <i>acts</i> as well as in <i>words</i>. Silence - will not be tolerated: we must place ourselves avowedly with them. - Douglas's new sedition law must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all - declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, - in pulpits, or in private. We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves - with greedy pleasure. We must pull down our Free-State Constitutions. The - whole atmosphere must be disinfected from all taint of opposition to - slavery, before they will cease to believe that all their troubles proceed - from us. - </p> - <p> - I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most - of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and say - what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone, have never - disturbed them; so that, after all, it is what we say which dissatisfies - them. They will continue to accuse us of doing until we cease saying. - </p> - <p> - I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the overthrow of - our Free-State constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong of - slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it; - and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow - of these constitutions will be demanded, and nothing be left to resist the - demand. It is nothing to the contrary, that they do not demand the whole - of this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they - can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as they - do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot - cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a legal right and a - social blessing. - </p> - <p> - Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground, save our conviction - that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and - constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and - swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality, - its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its - extension, its enlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant, if we - thought slavery right; all we ask, they could as readily grant, if they - thought it wrong. Their thinking it right, and our thinking it wrong, is - the precise fact upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it - right, as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full - recognition, as being right; but thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield - to them? Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In - view of our moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this? - </p> - <p> - Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it - is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual - presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow - it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here in - these Free States? - </p> - <p> - If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty - fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those - sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and - belabored,—contrivances such as groping for some middle ground - between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who should - be neither a living man nor a dead man,—such as a policy of "don't - care" on a question about which all true men do care,—such as Union - appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to Dis-unionists, reversing the - divine rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous, to - repentance,—such as invocations to Washington, imploring men to - unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did. - </p> - <p> - Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, - nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government, nor of - dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might; and in - that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it. - </p> - <p> - The next morning "The Tribune" presented a report of the speech, but, in - doing so, said, "the tones, the gestures, the kindling eye, and the - mirth-provoking look defy the reporter's skill.... No man ever before made - such an impression on his first appeal to a New York audience." "The - Evening Post" said, "We have made room for Mr. Lincoln's speech, - notwithstanding the pressure of other matters; and our readers will see - that it was well worthy of the deep attention with which it was heard." - For the publication of such arguments the editor was "tempted to wish" - that his columns "were indefinitely elastic." And these are but fair - evidences of the general tone of the press. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was much annoyed, after his return home, by the allegation - that he had sold a "political speech," and had been generally governed by - mercenary motives in his Eastern trip. Being asked to explain it, he - answered as follows:— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, April 6, 1860. - </p> - <p> - C. F. McNeill, Esq. - </p> - <p> - Dear Sir,—Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, - enclosing a slip from "The Middleport Press." It is not true that I ever - charged any thing for a political speech in my life; but this much is - true. Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some sort of - speech in Mr. Beecher's church in Brooklyn,—$200 being offered in - the first letter. I wrote that I could do it in February, provided they - would take a political speech if I could find time to get up no other. - They agreed; and subsequently I informed them the speech would have to be - a political one. When I reached New York, I, for the first, learned that - the place was changed to "Cooper Institute." I made the speech, and left - for New Hampshire, where I have a son at school, neither asking for pay - nor having any offered me. Three days after, a check for $200 was sent to - me at N.H.; and I took it, <i>and did not know it was wrong</i>. My - understanding now is, though I knew nothing of it at the time, that they - did charge for admittance at the Cooper Institute, and that they took in - more than twice $200. - </p> - <p> - I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no explanation - made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a fuss: and that - they can have if we explain; and they cannot have it if we don't. - </p> - <p> - When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the - gentlemen who sent me the check, that a drunken vagabond in the club, - having learned something about the $200, made the exhibition out of which - "The Herald" manufactured the article quoted by "The Press" of your town. - </p> - <p> - My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial, and - no explanations. - </p> - <p> - Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain - </p> - <p> - Yours truly, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - From New York Mr. Lincoln travelled into New England, to visit his son - Robert, who was a student at Harvard; but he was overwhelmed with - invitations to address Republican meetings. In Connecticut he spoke at - Hartford, Norwich, New Haven, Meriden, and Bridgeport; in Rhode Island, at - Woonsocket; in New Hampshire, at Concord and Manchester. Everywhere the - people poured out in multitudes, and the press lavished encomiums. Upon - his speech at Manchester, "The Mirror," a neutral paper, passed the - following criticisms of his style of oratory,—criticisms familiar - enough to the people of his own State: "He spoke an hour and a half with - great fairness, great apparent candor, and with wonderful interest. He did - not abuse the South, the administration, or the Democrats, or indulge in - any personalities, with the exception of a few hits at Douglas's notions. - He is far from prepossessing in personal appearance, and his voice is - disagreeable; and yet he wins your attention and good-will from the - start.... He indulges in no flowers of rhetoric, no eloquent passages. He - is not a wit, a humorist, or a clown; yet so great a vein of pleasantry - and good-nature pervades what he says, gilding over a deep current of - practical argument, he keeps his hearers in a smiling mood, with their - mouths open ready to swallow all he says. His sense of the ludicrous is - very keen; and an exhibition of that is the clincher of all his arguments,—not - the ludicrous acts of persons, but ludicrous ideas. Hence he is never - offensive, and steals away willingly into his train of belief persons who - were opposed to him. For the first half-hour his opponents would agree - with every word he uttered; and from that point he began to lead them off - little by little, until it seemed as if he had got them all into his fold. - He displays more shrewdness, more knowledge of the masses of mankind, than - any public speaker we have heard since Long Jim Wilson left for - California." - </p> - <p> - On the morning after the Norwich speech, Mr. Lincoln was met, or is said - to have been met, in the cars by a preacher, one Gulliver,—a name - suggestive of fictions. Gulliver says he told Mr. Lincoln that he thought - his speech "the most remarkable one he ever heard." Lincoln doubted his - sincerity; but Gulliver persisted. "Indeed, sir," said he, "I learned more - of the art of public speaking last evening than I could from a whole - course of lectures on rhetoric." Lincoln found he had in hand a clerical - sycophant, and a little politician at that,—a class of beings whom - he most heartily despised. Whereupon he began to quiz the fellow, and told - him, for a most "remarkable circumstance," that the professors of Yale - College were running all around after him, taking notes of his speeches, - and lecturing about him to the classes. "Now," continued he, "I should - like very much to know what it was in my speech which you thought so - remarkable, and which interested my friend the professor so much?" - Gulliver was equal to the occasion, and answered with an opinion which Mr. - Bunsby might have delivered, and died, leaving to the world a reputation - perfected by that single saying. "The clearness of your statements," said - Gulliver, "the unanswerable style of your reasoning, and especially your - illustrations, which were romance and pathos, and fun and logic, all - welded together." Gulliver closed the interview with the cant peculiar to - his kind. "Mr. Lincoln," said he, "may I say one thing to you before we - separate?"—"Certainly; any thing you please," replied the - good-natured old Abe. "You have just spoken," preached Gulliver, "of the - tendency of political life in Washington to debase the moral convictions - of our representatives there by the admixture of mere political - expediency. You have become, by the controversy with Mr. Douglas, one of - our leaders in this great struggle with slavery, which is undoubtedly the - struggle of the nation and the age. What I would like to say is this, and - I say it with a full heart: Be true to your principles; and we will be - true to you, and God will be true to us all." To which modest, pious, and - original observation, Mr. Lincoln responded, "I say Amen to that! Amen to - that!" - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0018" id="link2HCH0018"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XVIII - </h2> - <p> - IT was not until May 9 and 10 that the Republican State Convention of - Illinois met at Decatur. Mr. Lincoln was present, and is said to have been - there as a mere "spectator." He had no special interest in the - proceedings, and appears to have had no notion that any business relating - to him was to be transacted that day. It was a very large and spirited - body, comprising an immense number of delegates, among whom were the most - brilliant, as well as the shrewdest men in the party. It was evident that - something of more than usual importance was expected to transpire. A few - moments after the convention organized, "Old Abe" was seen squatting, or - sitting on his heels, just within the door of the Wigwam. Gov. Oglesby - rose and said amid increasing silence, "I am informed that a distinguished - citizen of Illinois, and one whom Illinois will ever delight to honor, is - present; and I wish to move that this body invite him to a seat on the - stand." Here the governor paused, as if to tease and dally, and work - curiosity up to the highest point; but at length he shouted the magic name - "<i>Abraham Lincoln!</i>" Not a shout, but a roar of applause, long and - deep, shook every board and joist of the Wigwam. The motion was seconded - and passed. A rush was made for the hero that sat on his heels. He was - seized, and jerked to his feet. An effort was made to "jam him through the - crowd" to his place of honor on the stage; but the crowd was too dense, - and it failed. Then he was "troosted,"—lifted up bodily,—and - lay for a few seconds sprawling and kicking upon the heads and shoulders - of the great throng. In this manner he was gradually pushed toward the - stand, and finally reached it, doubtless to his great relief, "in the arms - of some half-dozen gentlemen," who set him down in full view of his - clamorous admirers. "The cheering was like the roar of the sea. Hats were - thrown up by the Chicago delegation, as if hats were no longer useful." - Mr. Lincoln rose, bowed, smiled, blushed, and thanked the assembly as well - as he could in the midst of such a tumult. A gentleman who saw it all - says, "I then thought him one of the most diffident and worst-plagued men - I ever saw." - </p> - <p> - At another stage of the proceedings, Gov. Oglesby rose again with another - provoking and mysterious speech. "There was," he said, "an old Democrat - outside who had something he wished to present to this Convention."—"Receive - it!" "Receive it!" cried some. "What is it?" "What is it?" screamed some - of the lower Egyptians, who had an idea the old Democrat might want to - blow them up with an infernal machine. But the party for Oglesby and the - old Democrat was the stronger, and carried the vote with a tremendous - hurrah. The door of the Wigwam opened; and a fine, robust old fellow, with - an open countenance and bronzed cheeks, marched into the midst of the - assemblage, bearing on his shoulder "two small triangular heart rails," - surmounted by a banner with this inscription:— - </p> - <p> - TWO RAILS, - </p> - <p> - FROM A LOT MADE BY ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND JOHN HANKS, IN THE SANGAMON BOTTOM, - IN THE YEAR 1830. - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0013" id="image-0013"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/489.jpg" alt="Uncle John Hanks 489 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - The sturdy bearer was old John Hanks himself, enjoying the great field-day - of his life. He was met with wild and tumultuous cheers, prolonged through - several minutes; and it was observed that the Chicago and Central-Illinois - men put up the loudest and longest. The whole scene was for a time simply - tempestuous and bewildering. But it ended at last; and now the whole body, - those in the secret and those out of it, clamored like men beside - themselves for a speech from Mr. Lincoln, who in the mean time "blushed, - but seemed to shake with inward laughter." In response to the repeated - appeals he rose and said,— - </p> - <p> - "Gentlemen, I suppose you want to know something about those things" - (pointing to old John and the rails). "Well, the truth is, John Hanks and - I did make rails in the Sangamon Bottom. I don't know whether we made - those rails or not; fact is, I don't think they are a credit to the - makers" (laughing as he spoke). "But I do know this: I made rails then, - and I think I could make better ones than these now." - </p> - <p> - By this time the innocent Egyptians began to open their eyes: they saw - plainly enough now the admirable Presidential scheme unfolded to their - view. The result of it all was a resolution declaring that "Abraham - Lincoln <i>is the first choice of the Republican party of Illinois for the - Presidency, and instructing the delegates to the Chicago Convention to use - all honorable means to secure his nomination, and to cast the vote of the - State as a unit for him</i>." - </p> - <p> - The crowd at Decatur, delegates and private citizens, who took part in - these proceedings, was estimated at five thousand. Neither the numbers nor - the enthusiasm was a pleasant sight to the divided and demoralized - Democrats. They disliked to hear so much about "honest Old Abe," "the - rail-splitter," "the flat-boatman," "the pioneer." These cries had an - ominous sound in their ears. Leaving Decatur on the cars, an old man out - of Egypt, devoted to the great principles of Democracy, and excessively - annoyed by the demonstration in progress, approached Mr. Lincoln and said, - "So you're Abe Lincoln?"—"That's my name, sir," answered Mr. - Lincoln. "They say you're a self-made man," said the Democrat. "Well, - yes," said Mr. Lincoln, "what there is of me is self-made."—"Well, - all I've got to say," observed the old man, after a careful survey of the - statesman before him, "is, that it was a d—n bad job." - </p> - <p> - In the mean time Mr. Lincoln's claims had been attractively presented to - the politicians of other States. So early as 1858, Mr. Herndon had been to - Boston partly, if not entirely, on this mission; and latterly Judge Davis, - Leonard Swett, and others had visited Ohio, Indiana, Pennsylvania, and - Maryland in his behalf. Illinois was, of course, overwhelmingly and - vociferously for him. - </p> - <p> - On the 16th of May, the Republican Convention assembled at Chicago. The - city was literally crammed with delegates, alternates, "outside workers," - and spectators. No nominating convention had ever before attracted such - multitudes to the scene of its deliberations. - </p> - <p> - The first and second days were spent in securing a permanent organization, - and the adoption of a platform. The latter set out by reciting the - Declaration of Independence as to the equality of all men, not forgetting - the usual quotation about the right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of - happiness." The third resolution denounced disunion in any possible event; - the fourth declared the right of each State to "order and control its own - domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively;" the - fifth denounced the administration and its treatment of Kansas, as well as - its general support of the supposed rights of the South under the - Constitution; the sixth favored "economy;" the seventh denied the "new - dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any - or all of the Territories of the United States;" the eighth denied the - "authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any - individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the - United States;" the ninth called the African slave-trade a "burning - shame;" the tenth denounced the governors of Kansas and Nebraska for - vetoing certain antislavery bills; the eleventh favored the admission of - Kansas; the twelfth was a high-tariff manifesto, and a general stump - speech to the mechanics; the thirteenth lauded the Homestead policy; the - fourteenth opposed any Federal or State legislation "by which the rights - of citizenship, hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands, shall - be abridged or impaired," with some pretty words, intended as a further - bid for the foreign vote; the fifteenth declared for "river and harbor - improvements," and the sixteenth for a "Pacific Railroad." It was a very - comprehensive "platform;" and, if all classes for whom planks were - provided should be kind enough to stand upon them, there could be no - failure in the election. - </p> - <p> - On the third day the balloting for a candidate was to begin. Up to the - evening of the second day, Mr. Seward's prospects were far the best. It - was certain that he would receive the largest vote on the first ballot; - and outside of the body itself the "crowd" for him was more numerous and - boisterous than for any other, except Mr. Lincoln. For Mr. Lincoln, - however, the "pressure" from the multitude, in the Wigwam, in the streets, - and in the hotels, was tremendous. It is sufficiently accounted for by the - fact that the "spot" was Chicago, and the State Illinois. Besides the vast - numbers who came there voluntarily to urge his claims, and to cheer for - him, as the exigency demanded, his adherents had industriously "drummed - up" their forces in the city and country, and were now able to make - infinitely more noise than all the other parties put together. There was a - large delegation of roughs there for Mr. Seward, headed by Tom Hyer, the - pugilist. These, and others like them, filled the Wigwam toward the - evening of the second day in expectation that the voting would begin. The - Lincoln party found it out, and determined to call a check to that game. - They spent the whole night in mustering and organizing their "loose - fellows" from far and near, and at daylight the next morning "took charge" - of the Wigwam, filling every available space, and much that they had no - business to fill. As a result, the Seward men were unable to get in, and - were forced to content themselves with curbstone enthusiasm. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln seemed to be very sure, all along, that the contest would be - ultimately between him and Mr. Seward. The "Bates men" were supposed to be - conservative, that is, not Abolitionists; and the object of the move in - favor of Mr. Bates was to lower the fanatical tone of the party, and save - the votes of certain "Union men" who might otherwise be against it. But a - Seward man had telegraphed to St. Louis, to the friends of Mr. Bates, to - say that Lincoln was as bad as Seward, and to urge them to go for Mr. - Seward in case their own favorite should fail. The despatch was printed in - "The Missouri Democrat," but was not brought to Mr. Lincoln's attention - until the meeting of the Convention. He immediately caught up the paper, - and "wrote on its broad margin," "Lincoln agrees with Seward in his - irrepressible-conflict idea, and in negro equality; but he is opposed to - Seward's Higher Law." With this he immediately despatched a friend to - Chicago, who handed it to Judge Davis or Judge Logan. - </p> - <p> - Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania was nominally a candidate; but, in the - language of Col. McClure, "it meant nothing:" it was a mere sham, got up - to enable Cameron to make a bargain with some real candidate, and thus - secure for himself and his friends the lion's share of the spoils in the - event of a victory at the polls. The genuine sentiment of the Pennsylvania - delegation was divided between Judge Bates and Judge McLean. But Cameron - was in a fine position to trade, and his friends were anxious for - business. On the evening of the second day, these gentlemen were - gratified. A deputation of them—Casey, Sanderson, Reeder, and - perhaps others—were invited to the Lincoln Head-quarters at the - Tremont House, where they were met by Messrs. Davis, Swett, Logan, and - Dole, on the part of Mr. Lincoln. An agreement was there made, that, if - the Cameron men would go for Lincoln, and he should be nominated and - elected, Cameron should have a seat in his Cabinet, <i>provided</i> the - Pennsylvania delegation could be got to recommend him. The bargain was - fulfilled, but not without difficulty. Cameron's strength was more - apparent than real. There was, however, "a certain class of the delegates - under his immediate influence;" and these, with the aid of Mr. Wilmot and - his friends, who were honestly for Lincoln, managed to carry the - delegation by a very small majority,—"about six." - </p> - <p> - About the same time a similar bargain was made with the friends of Caleb - B. Smith of Indiana; and with these two contracts quietly ratified, the - Lincoln men felt strong and confident on the morning of the third day. - </p> - <p> - While the candidates were being named, and when the ballotings began, - every mention of Mr. Lincoln's name was received with thundering shouts by - the vast mass of his adherents by whom the building had been packed. In - the phrase of the day, the "outside pressure" was all in his favor. On the - first ballot, Mr. Seward had 173 1/2 votes; Mr. Lincoln, 102; Mr. Cameron, - 50 1/2; Mr. Chase, 49; Mr. Bates, 48; Mr. Dayton, 14; Mr. McLean, 12; Mr. - Collamer, 10; and 6 were scattered. Mr. Cameron's name was withdrawn on - the second ballot, according to the previous understanding; Mr. Seward had - 184 1/2; Mr. Lincoln, 181; Mr. Chase, 42 1/2; Mr. Bates, 35; Mr. Dayton, - 10; Mr. McLean, 8; and the rest scattered. It was clear that the - nomination lay between Mr. Seward and Mr. Lincoln, and the latter was - receiving great accessions of strength. The third ballot came, and Mr. - Lincoln ran rapidly up to 231 1/2 votes; 233 being the number required to - nominate. Hundreds of persons were keeping the count; and it was well - known, without any announcement, that Mr. Lincoln lacked but a vote and a - half to make him the nominee. At this juncture, Mr. Cartter of Ohio rose, - and changed four votes from Mr. Chase to Mr. Lincoln. He was nominated. - The Wigwam shook to its foundation with the roaring cheers. The multitude - in the streets answered the multitude within, and in a moment more all the - holiday artillery of Chicago helped to swell the grand acclamation. After - a time, the business of the convention proceeded amid great excitement. - All the votes that had heretofore been cast against Mr. Lincoln were cast - for him before this ballot concluded; and, upon motion, the nomination was - made unanimous. The convention then adjourned for dinner, and in the - afternoon finished its work by the nomination of Hannibal Hamlin of Maine - for Vice-President. - </p> - <p> - All that day and all the day previous Mr. Lincoln was in Springfield, - trying to behave as usual, but watching the proceedings of the Convention, - as they were reported by telegraph, with nervous anxiety. Mr. Baker, the - friend who had taken "The Missouri Democrat" to Chicago with Mr. Lincoln's - pregnant indorsement upon it, returned on the night of the 18th. Early in - the morning, he and Mr. Lincoln went to the balll-alley to play at - "fives;" but the alley was pre-engaged. They went to an "excellent and - neat beer saloon" to play a game of billiards; but the table was occupied. - In this strait they contented themselves with a glass of beer, and - repaired to "The Journal" office for news. - </p> - <p> - C. P. Brown says that Lincoln played ball a great deal that day, - notwithstanding the disappointment when he went with Baker; and Mr. Zane - informs us that he was engaged in the same way the greater part of the day - previous. It is probable that he took this physical mode of working off or - keeping down the unnatural excitement that threatened to possess him. - </p> - <p> - About nine o'clock in the morning, Mr. Lincoln came to the office of - Lincoln & Herndon. Mr. Zane was then conversing with a student, "Well, - boys," said Mr. Lincoln, "what do you know?"—"Mr. Rosette," answered - Zane, "who came from Chicago this morning, thinks your chances for the - nomination are good." Mr. Lincoln wished to know what Mr. Rosette's - opinion was founded upon; and, while Zane was explaining, Mr. Baker - entered with a telegram, "which said the names of the candidates for - nomination had been announced," and that Mr. Lincoln's had been received - with more applause than any other. Mr. Lincoln lay down on a sofa to rest. - Soon after, Mr. Brown entered; and Mr. Lincoln said to him, "Well, Brown, - do you know any thing?" Brown did not know much; and so Mr. Lincoln, - secretly nervous and impatient, rose and exclaimed, "Let's go to the - telegraph-office." After waiting some time at the office, the result of - the first ballot came over the wire. It was apparent to all present that - Mr. Lincoln thought it very favorable. He believed that if Mr. Seward - failed to get the nomination, or to "come very near it," on the first - ballot, he would fail altogether. Presently the news of the second ballot - arrived, and Mr. Lincoln showed by his manner that he considered the - contest no longer doubtful. "I've got him," said he. He then went over to - the office of "The Journal," where other friends were awaiting decisive - intelligence. The local editor of that paper, Mr. Zane, and others, - remained behind to receive the expected despatch. In due time it came: the - operator was intensely excited; at first he threw down his pencil, but, - seizing it again, wrote off the news that threw Springfield into a frenzy - of delight. The local editor picked it up, and rushed to "The Journal" - office. Upon entering the room, he called for three cheers for the next - President. They were given, and then the despatch was read. Mr. Lincoln - seemed to be calm, but a close observer could detect in his countenance - the indications of deep emotion. In the mean time cheers for Lincoln - swelled up from the streets, and began to be heard throughout the town. - Some one remarked, "Mr. Lincoln, I suppose now we will soon have a book - containing your life."—"There is not much," he replied, "in my past - life about which to write a book, as it seems to me." Having received the - hearty congratulations of the company in the office, he descended to the - street, where he was immediately surrounded by "Irish and American - citizens;" and, so long as he was willing to receive it, there was great - handshaking and felicitating. "Gentlemen," said the great man with a happy - twinkle in his eye, "you had better come up and shake my hand while you - can: honors elevate some men, you know." But he soon bethought him of a - person who was of more importance to him than all this crowd. Looking - toward his house, he said, "Well, gentlemen, there is a little short woman - at our house who is probably more interested in this despatch than I am; - and, if you will excuse me, I will take it up and let her see it." - </p> - <p> - During the day a hundred guns were fired at Springfield; and in the - evening a great mass meeting "ratified" the nomination, and, after doing - so, adjourned to the house of the nominee. Mr. Lincoln appeared, made a - "model" speech, and invited into his house everybody that could get in. To - this the immense crowd responded that they would give him a larger house - the next year, and in the mean time beset the one he had until after - midnight. - </p> - <p> - On the following day the Committee of the Convention, with Mr. Ashmun, the - president, at its head, arrived at Springfield to notify Mr. Lincoln of - his nomination. Contrary to what might have been expected, he seemed sad - and dejected. The re-action from excessive joy to deep despondency—a - process peculiar to his constitution—had already set in. To the - formal address of the Committee, he responded with admirable taste and - feeling;— - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee,—I tender to you, and - through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people - represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, which - you now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible of the great - responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor,—a - responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the - far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names - were before the Convention, I shall, by your leave, consider more fully - the resolutions of the Convention, denominated the platform, and, without - unnecessary and unreasonable delay, respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in - writing, not doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and - the nomination gratefully accepted. And now I will not longer defer the - pleasure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand." - </p> - <p> - The Committee handed him a letter containing the official notice, - accompanied by the resolutions of the Convention; and to this he replied - on the 23d as follows:— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Ill, May 23,1860. - </p> - <p> - Hon. George Ashmun, President of the Republican National Convention. - </p> - <p> - Sir,—I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over - which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of - yourself and others, acting as a Committee of the Convention for that - purpose. - </p> - <p> - The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter - meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or disregard it - in any part. - </p> - <p> - Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the - views and feelings of all who were represented in the Convention; to the - rights of all the States and Territories, and people of the nation; to the - inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, harmony, and - prosperity of all,—I am most happy to co-operate for the practical - success of the principles declared by the Convention. - </p> - <p> - Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, - </p> - <p> - Abraham Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - In the mean time the National Democratic Convention had met at Charleston, - S.C., and split in twain. The South utterly repudiated Mr. Douglas's new - heresy; and Mr. Douglas insisted that the whole party ought to become - heretics with him, and, turning their backs on the Dred-Scott Decision and - the Cincinnati Platform, give up slavery in the Territories to the tender - mercies of "squatter sovereignty" and "unfriendly legislation." Neither - party to the controversy would be satisfied with a simple re-affirmation - of the Cincinnati Platform; for under it Mr. Douglas could go to the North - and say that it meant "squatter sovereignty," and Mr. Breckinridge could - go to the South and say that it meant Congressional protection to slavery. - In fact, it meant neither, and said neither, but declared, in plain - English words, that Congress had no power to interfere with slavery in the - Territories; and that, when the Territories were about to become States, - they had all power to settle the question for themselves. Gen. B. F. - Butler of Massachusetts proposed to heal the ominous divisions in the - Convention by the re-adoption of that clear and emphatic provision; but - his voice was soon drowned in the clamors of the fiercer disputants. The - differences were irreconcilable. Mr. Douglas's friends had come there - determined to nominate him at any cost; and, in order to nominate him, - they dared not concede the platform to the South. A majority of the - Committee on Resolutions reported the Cincinnati Platform, with the - Southern interpretation of it; and the minority reported the same platform - with a recitation concerning the "differences of opinion" "in the - Democratic party," and a pledge to abide by the decision of the Supreme - Court "on the questions of constitutional law,"—a pledge supposed to - be of little value, since those who gave it were that moment in the very - act of repudiating the only decision the Court had ever rendered. The - minority report was adopted after a protracted and acrimonious debate, by - a vote of one hundred and sixty-five to one hundred and thirty-eight. - Thereupon the Southern delegates, most of them under instructions from - their State conventions, withdrew, and organized themselves into a - separate convention. The remaining delegates, called "the rump" by their - Democratic adversaries, proceeded to ballot for a candidate for President, - and voted fifty-seven times without effecting a nomination. Mr. Douglas, - of course, received the highest number of votes; but, the old two-thirds - rule being in force, he failed of a nomination. Mr. Guthrie of Kentucky - was his principal competitor; but at one time and another Mr. Hunter of - Virginia, Gen. Lane of Oregon, and Mr. Johnson of Tennessee, received - flattering and creditable votes. After the fifty-seventh ballot, the - Convention adjourned to meet at Baltimore on the 18th of June. - </p> - <p> - The seceders met in another hall, adopted the majority platform, as the - adhering delegates had adopted the minority platform, and then adjourned - to meet at Richmond on the second Monday in June. Faint hopes of - accommodation were still entertained; and, when the seceders met at - Richmond, they adjourned again to Baltimore, and the 28th of June. - </p> - <p> - The Douglas Convention, assuming to be the regular one, had invited the - Southern States to fill up the vacant seats which belonged to them; but, - when the new delegates appeared, they were met with the apprehension that - their votes might not be perfectly secure for Mr. Douglas, and were - therefore, in many instances, lawlessly excluded. This was the signal for - another secession: the Border States withdrew; Mr. Butler and the - Massachusetts delegation withdrew; Mr. Cushing deserted the chair, and - took that of the rival Convention. The "regular" Convention, it was said, - was now "the rump of a rump." - </p> - <p> - On the first ballot for a candidate, Mr. Douglas had 173 1/2 votes; Mr. - Guthrie, 10; Mr. Breckinridge, 5; and 3 were scattered. On the second - ballot, Mr. Douglas had 181 1/2; Mr. Breckinridge, 5; and Mr. Guthrie, 5 - 1/2. It was plain that under the two-thirds rule no nomination could be - made here. Neither Mr. Douglas nor any one else could receive two-thirds - of a full convention. It was therefore resolved that Mr. Douglas, "having - received two-thirds of all the votes <i>given in this Convention</i>," - should be declared the nominee. Mr. Fitzpatrick of Alabama was nominated - for Vice-President, but declined to stand; and Mr. Johnson of Georgia was - substituted for him by the Douglas "National Committee." - </p> - <p> - In the seceders' Convention, twenty-one States were represented more or - less fully. It had no trouble in selecting a candidate. John C. - Breckinridge of Kentucky and Joseph Lane of Oregon were unanimously - nominated for the offices of President and Vice-President. - </p> - <p> - In the mean time another party—the "Constitutional Union party"—had - met in Baltimore on the 19th of May, and nominated John Bell of Tennessee - for President, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for Vice-President. Its - platform was, in brief, "The Constitution of the Country, the Union of the - States, and the Enforcement of the Laws." This body was composed for the - most part of impenitent Know-Nothings and respectable old-line Whigs. - </p> - <p> - The spring elections had given the democracy good reason to hope for - success in the fall. The commercial classes, the shipping classes, and - large numbers of the manufacturers, were thoroughly alarmed for the safety - of the great trade dependent upon a political connection with the South. - It seemed probable that a great re-action against antislavery agitations - might take place. But the division at Charleston, the permanent - organization of the two factions at Baltimore, and their mutual and - rancorous hostility, completely reversed the delusive prospect. A majority - of the whole people of the Union looked forward to a Republican victory - with dread, and a large part with actual terror; and yet it was now clear - that that majority was fatally bent upon wasting its power in the bitter - struggles of the factions which composed it. Mr. Lincoln's election was - assured; and for them there was nothing left but to put the house in order - for the great convulsion which all our political fathers and prophets had - predicted as the necessary consequence of such an event. - </p> - <p> - On the 6th of November, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the - United States. He received 1,857,610 votes; Mr. Douglas had 1,291,574; Mr. - Breckinridge, 850,082; Mr. Bell, 646,124. Against Mr. Lincoln there was a - majority of 980,170 of all the votes cast. Of the electoral votes, Mr. - Lincoln had 180; Mr. Breckinridge, 72; Mr. Bell, 30; and Mr. Douglas, 12. - It is more than likely that Mr. Lincoln owed this, his crowning triumph, - to the skill and adroitness with which he questioned Mr. Douglas in the - canvass of 1858, and drew out of him those fatal opinions about "squatter - sovereignty" and "unfriendly legislation" in the Territories. But for Mr. - Douglas's committal to those opinions, it is not likely that. Mr. Lincoln - would ever have been President. - </p> - <p> - The election over, Mr. Lincoln was sorely beset by office-seekers. - Individuals, deputations, "delegations," from all quarters, pressed in - upon him in a manner that might have killed a man of less robust - constitution. The hotels of Springfield were filled with gentlemen who - came with, light baggage and heavy schemes. The party had never been in - office: a "clean sweep" of the "ins" was expected; and all the "outs" were - patriotically anxious to take the vacant places. It was a party that had - never fed; and it was voraciously hungry. Mr. Lincoln and Artemus Ward saw - a great deal of fun in it; and in all human probability it was the fun - alone that enabled Mr. Lincoln to bear it. - </p> - <p> - Judge Davis says that Mr. Lincoln had determined to appoint "Democrats and - Republicans alike to office." Many things confirm this statement. Mr. - Lincoln felt deeply the responsibility of his great trust; and he felt - still more keenly the supposed impossibility of administering the - government for the sole benefit of an organization which had no existence - in one-half of the Union. He was therefore willing, not only to appoint - Democrats to office, but to appoint them to the very highest offices - within his gift. At this time he thought very highly of Mr. Stephens of - Georgia, and would gladly have taken him into his Cabinet but for the fear - that Georgia might secede, and take Mr. Stephens along with her. He did - actually authorize his friend, Mr. Speed, to offer the Treasury Department - to Mr. Guthrie of Kentucky; and Mr. Guthrie, for good reasons of his own, - declined it. The full significance of this act of courageous magnanimity - cannot be understood without reference to the proceedings of the - Charleston Convention, where Mr. Guthrie was one of the foremost - candidates. He considered the names of various other gentlemen from the - Border States, each of them with good proslavery antecedents. He - commissioned Thurlow Weed to place a seat in the Cabinet at the disposal - of Mr. Gilmore of North Carolina; but Mr. Gilmore, finding that his State - was likely to secede, was reluctantly compelled to decline it. He was, in - fact, sincerely and profoundly anxious that the South should be honestly - represented in his councils by men who had an abiding-place in the hearts - of her people. To accomplish that high purpose, he was forced to go beyond - the ranks of his own party; and he had the manliness to do it. He felt - that his strength lay in conciliation at the outset: that was his ruling - conviction during all those months of preparation for the great task - before him. It showed itself, not only in the appointments which he sought - to make, but in those which he did make. Harboring no jealousies, - entertaining no fears concerning his personal interests in the future, he - called around him the most powerful of his late rivals,—Seward, - Chase, Bates,—and unhesitatingly gave into their hands powers which - most presidents would have shrunk from committing to their equals, and - much more to their superiors in the conduct of public affairs. - </p> - <p> - The cases of Cameron and Smith, however, were very distressing. He had - authorized no one to make such bargains for him as had been made with the - friends of these men. He would gladly have repudiated the contracts, if it - could have been done with honor and safety. For Smith he had great regard, - and believed that he had rendered important services in the late - elections. But his character was now grossly assailed; and it would have - saved Mr. Lincoln serious embarrassments if he had been able to put him - aside altogether, and select Mr. Lane or some other Indiana statesman in - his place. He wavered long, but finally made up his mind to keep the - pledge of his friends; and Smith was appointed. - </p> - <p> - In Cameron's case the contest was fierce and more protracted. At Chicago, - Cameron's agents had demanded that he should have the Treasury Department; - but that was too much; and the friends of Mr. Lincoln, tried, pushed, and - anxious as they were, declined to consider it. They would say that he - should be appointed to a Cabinet position, but no more; and to secure - this, he must get a majority of the Pennsylvania delegation to recommend - him. Mr. Cameron was disposed to exact the penalty of his bond, hard as - compliance might be on the part of Mr. Lincoln. But Cameron had many and - formidable enemies, who alleged that he was a man notorious for his evil - deeds, shameless in his rapacity and corruption, and even more shameless - in his mean ambition to occupy exalted stations, for which he was utterly - and hopelessly incompetent; that he had never dared to offer himself as a - candidate before the people of Pennsylvania, but had more than once gotten - high offices from the Legislature by the worst means ever used by a - politician; and that it would be a disgrace, a shame, a standing offence - to the country, if Mr. Lincoln should consent to put him into his Cabinet. - On the other hand, Mr. Cameron had no lack of devoted friends to deny - these charges, and to say that his was as "white a soul" as ever yearned - for political preferment: they came out to Springfield in numbers,—Edgar - Cowan, J. K. Moorehead, Alexander Cummins, Mr. Sanderson, Mr. Casey, and - many others, besides Gen. Cameron himself. On the ground, of course, were - the powerful gentlemen who had made the original contract on the part of - Mr. Lincoln, and who, from first to last, strenuously insisted upon its - fulfilment. It required a hard struggle to overcome Mr. Lincoln's - scruples; and the whole force was necessarily mustered in order to - accomplish it. "All that I am in the world," said he,—"the - Presidency and all else,—I owe to that opinion of me which the - people express when they call me 'honest Old Abe.' Now, what will they - think of their <i>honest</i> Abe, when he appoints Simon Cameron to be his - familiar adviser?" - </p> - <p> - In Pennsylvania it was supposed for a while that Cameron's audacity had - failed him, and that he would abandon the attempt. But about the 1st of - January Mr. Swett, one of the contracting parties, appeared at Harrisburg, - and immediately afterwards Cameron and some of his friends took flight to - Springfield. This circumstance put the vigilant opposition on the alert, - and aroused them to a clear sense of the impending calamity. The sequel is - a painful story; and it is, perhaps, better to give it in the words of a - distinguished actor,—Col. Alexander K. McClure. "I do not know," - says he, "that any went there to oppose the appointment but myself. When I - learned that Cameron had started to Springfield, and that his visit - related to the Cabinet, I at once telegraphed Lincoln that such an - appointment would be most unfortunate. Until that time, no one outside a - small circle of Cameron's friends dreamed of Lincoln's calling him to the - Cabinet. Lincoln's character for honesty was considered a complete - guaranty against such a suicidal act. No efforts had therefore been made - to guard against it. - </p> - <p> - "In reply to my telegram, Mr. Lincoln answered, requesting me to come to - Springfield at once. I hastily got letters from Gov. Curtin, Secretary - Slifer, Mr. Wilmot, Mr. Dayton, Mr. Stevens, and started. I took no - affidavits with me, nor were any specific charges made against him by me, - or by any of the letters I bore; but they all sustained me in the - allegation, that the appointment would disgrace the administration and the - country, because of the notorious incompetency and public and private - villany of the candidate. I spent four hours with Mr. Lincoln alone; and - the matter was discussed very fully and frankly. Although he had - previously decided to appoint Cameron, he closed our interview by a - reconsideration of his purpose, and the assurance that within twenty-four - hours he would write me definitely on the subject. He wrote me, as he - promised, and stated, that, if I would make specific charges against Mr. - Cameron, and produce the proof, he would dismiss the subject. I answered, - declining to do so for reasons I thought should be obvious to every one. I - believe that affidavits were sent to him, but I had no hand in it. - </p> - <p> - "Subsequently Cameron regarded his appointment as impossible, and he - proposed to Stevens to join in pressing him. Stevens wrote me of the fact; - and I procured strong letters from the State administration in his favor. - A few days after Stevens wrote me a most bitter letter, saying that - Cameron had deceived him, and was then attempting to enforce his own - appointment. The bond was demanded of Lincoln; and that decided the - matter."1 - </p> - <p> - 1 As this was one of the few public acts which Mr. Lincoln performed with - a bad conscience, the reader ought to know the consequences of it; and, - because it may not be convenient to revert to them in detail at another - place, we give them here, still retaining the language of the eye-witness, - Col. McClure:— - </p> - <p> - "I saw Cameron the night of the day that Lincoln removed him. We met in - the room of a mutual friend, and he was very violent against Lincoln for - removing him without consultation or notice. His denunciation against the - President was extremely bitter, for attempting, as he said, his 'personal - as well as his political destruction.' He exhibited the letter, which was - all in Mr. Lincoln's handwriting, and was literally as follows. I quote - from carefully-treasured recollection:— - </p> - <p> - "'Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. - </p> - <p> - "Dear Sir,—I have this day nominated Hon. Edwin M. Stanton to be - Secretary of War, and you to be Minister Plenipotentiary to Russia. - </p> - <p> - "I am sure there is no material error in my quotation of the letter. - </p> - <p> - "Cameron's chief complaint was, that he had no knowledge or intimation of - the change until Chase delivered the letter. We were then, as ever before - and since, and as we ever shall be, not in political sympathy, but our - personal relations were ever kind. Had he been entirely collected, he - would probably not have said and done what I heard and witnessed; but he - wept like a child, and appealed to me to aid in protecting him against the - President's attempt at personal degradation, assuring me that under like - circumstances he would defend me. In my presence the proposition was made - and determined upon to ask Lincoln to allow a letter of resignation to be - antedated, and to write a kind acceptance of the same in reply. The effort - was made, in which Mr. Chase joined, although perhaps ignorant of all the - circumstances of the case; and it succeeded. The record shows that Mr. - Cameron voluntarily resigned; while, in point of fact, he was summarily - removed without notice. - </p> - <p> - "In many subsequent conversations with Mr. Lincoln, he did not attempt to - conceal the great misfortune of Cameron's appointment and the painful - necessity of his removal." - </p> - <p> - Very truly, - </p> - <p> - A. LINCOLN.' - </p> - <p> - As a slight relief to the miseries of his high position, and the doleful - tales of the office-hunters, who assailed him morning, noon, and night, - Mr. Lincoln ran off to Chicago, where he met with the same annoyances, and - a splendid reception besides. Here, however, he enjoyed the great - satisfaction of a long private conference with his old friend Speed; and - it was then that he authorized him to invite Mr. Guthrie to the Cabinet. - </p> - <p> - And now he began to think very tenderly of his friends and relatives in - Coles County, especially of his good stepmother and her daughters. By the - first of February, he concluded that he could not leave his home to assume - the vast responsibilities that awaited him without paying them a visit. - Accordingly, he left Springfield on the first day of that month, and went - straight to Charleston, where Col. Chapman and family resided. He was - accompanied by Mr. Marshall, the State Senator from that district, and was - entertained at his house. The people crowded by hundreds to see him; and - he was serenaded by "both the string and brass bands of the town, but - declined making a speech." Early the next morning, he repaired "to his - cousin, Dennis Hanks;" and our Jolly old friend Dennis had the - satisfaction of seeing a grand levee under his own roof. It was all very - pleasant to Mr. Lincoln to see such multitudes of familiar faces smiling - upon his wonderful successes. But the chief object of his solicitude was - not here; Mrs. Lincoln lived in the southern part of the county, and he - was all impatience to see her. As soon, therefore, as he had taken a - frugal breakfast with Dennis, he and Col. Chapman started off in a - "two-horse buggy" toward Farmington, where his step-mother was living with - her daughter, Mrs. Moore. They had much difficulty in crossing "the - Kickapoo" River, which was running full of ice; but they finally made the - dangerous passage, and arrived at Farmington in safety. The meeting - between him and the old lady was of a most affectionate and tender - character. She fondled him as her own "Abe," and he her as his own mother. - It was soon arranged that she should return with him to Charleston, so - that they might enjoy by the way the unrestricted and uninterrupted - intercourse which they both desired above all things, but which they were - not likely to have where the people could get at him. Then Mr. Lincoln and - Col. Chapman drove to the house of John Hall, who lived "on the old - Lincoln farm," where Abe split the celebrated rails, and fenced in the - little clearing in 1830. Thence they went to the spot where old Tom - Lincoln was buried. The grave was unmarked and utterly neglected. Mr. - Lincoln said he wanted to "have it enclosed, and a suitable tombstone - erected." He told Col. Chapman to go to a "marble-dealer," ascertain the - cost of the work proposed, and write him in full. He would then send - Dennis Hanks the money, and an inscription for the stone; and Dennis would - do the rest. (Col. Chapman performed his part of the business, but Mr. - Lincoln noticed it no further; and the grave remains in the same condition - to this day.) - </p> - <p> - "We then returned," says Col. Chapman, "to Farmington, where we found a - large crowd of citizens—nearly all old acquaintances—waiting - to see him. His reception was very enthusiastic, and appeared to gratify - him very much. After taking dinner at his step-sister's (Mrs. Moore), we - returned to Charleston, his step-mother coming with us. - </p> - <p> - "Our conversation during the trip was mostly concerning family affairs. - Mr. Lincoln spoke to me on the way down to Farmington of his step-mother - in the most affectionate manner; said she had been his best friend in the - world, and that no son could love a mother more than he loved her. He also - told me of the condition of his father's family at the time he married his - step-mother, and of the change she made in the family, and of the - encouragement he (Abe) received from her.... He spoke of his father, and - related some amusing incidents of the old man; of the bull-dogs' biting - the old man on his return from New Orleans; of the old man's escape, when - a boy, from an Indian who was shot by his uncle Mordecai. He spoke of his - uncle Mordecai as being a man of very great natural gifts, and spoke of - his step-brother, John - </p> - <p> - D. Johnston, who had died a short time previous, in the most affectionate - manner. - </p> - <p> - "Arriving at Charleston on our return from Farmington, we proceeded to my - residence. Again the house was crowded by persons wishing to see him. The - crowd finally became so great, that he authorized me to announce that he - would hold a public reception at the Town Hall that evening at seven - o'clock; but that, until then, he wished to be left with relations and - friends. After supper he proceeded to the Town Hall, where large numbers - from the town and surrounding country, irrespective of party, called to - see him. - </p> - <p> - "He left this place Wednesday morning at four o'clock to return to - Springfield.... Mr. Lincoln appeared to enjoy his visit here remarkably - well. His reception by his old acquaintances appeared to be very - gratifying to him. They all appeared so glad to see him, irrespective of - party, and all appeared so anxious that his administration might be a - success, and that he might have a pleasant and honorable career as - President." - </p> - <p> - The parting between Mr. Lincoln and his mother was very touching. She - embraced him with deep emotion, and said she was sure she would never - behold him again, for she felt that his enemies would assassinate him. He - replied, "No, no, mamma: they will not do that. Trust in the Lord, and all - will be well: we will see each other again." Inexpressibly affected by - this new evidence of her tender attachment and deep concern for his - safety, he gradually and reluctantly withdrew himself from the arms of the - only mother he had ever known, feeling still more oppressed by the heavy - cares which time and events were rapidly augmenting. - </p> - <p> - The fear that Mr. Lincoln would be assassinated was not peculiar to his - step-mother. It was shared by very many of his neighbors at Springfield; - and the friendly warnings he received were as numerous as they were silly - and gratuitous. Every conceivable precaution was suggested. Some thought - the cars might be thrown from the track; some thought he would be - surrounded and stabbed in some great crowd; others thought he might be - shot from a house-top as he rode up Pennsylvania Avenue on inauguration - day; while others still were sure he would be quietly poisoned long before - the 4th of March. One gentleman insisted that he ought, in common - prudence, to take his cook with him from Springfield,—one from - "among his own female friends." - </p> - <p> - Mingled with the thousands who came to see him were many of his old - New-Salem and Petersburg friends and constituents; and among these was - Hannah Armstrong, the wife of Jack and the mother of William. Hannah had - been to see him once or twice before, and had thought there was something - mysterious in his conduct. He never invited her to his house, or - introduced her to his wife; and this circumstance led Hannah to suspect - that "there was something wrong between him and her." On one occasion she - attempted a sort of surreptitious entrance to his house by the kitchen - door; but it ended very ludicrously, and poor Hannah was very much - discouraged. On this occasion she made no effort to get upon an intimate - footing with his family, but went straight to the State House, where he - received the common run of strangers. He talked to her as he would have - done in the days when he ran for the Legislature, and Jack was an - "influential citizen." Hannah was perfectly charmed, and nearly beside - herself with pride and pleasure. She, too, was filled with the dread of - some fatal termination to all his glory. "Well," says she, "I talked to - him some time, and was about to bid him good-by; had told him that it was - the last time I should ever see him: something told me that I should never - see him; they would kill him. He smiled, and said jokingly, 'Hannah, if - they do kill me, I shall never die another death.' I then bade him - good-by." - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0019" id="link2HCH0019"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XIX. - </h2> - <p> - IT was now but a few weeks until Mr. Lincoln was to become the - constitutional ruler of one of the great nations of the earth, and to - begin to expend appropriations, to wield armies, to apportion patronage, - powers, offices, and honors, such as few sovereigns have ever had at - command. The eyes of all mankind were bent upon him to see how he would - solve a problem in statesmanship to which the philosophy of Burke and the - magnanimity of Wellington might have been unequal. In the midst of a - political canvass in his own State but a few years before, impressed with - the gravity of the great issues which then loomed but just above the - political horizon, he had been the first to announce, amid the objections - and protestations of his friends and political associates, the great - truth, that "a house divided against itself cannot stand;" that the - perpetuity of the Union depended upon its becoming devoted either to the - interests of freedom or slavery. And now, by a turn of fortune - unparalleled in history, he had been chosen to preside over the interests - of the nation; while, as yet unseen to him, the question that perplexed - the founders of the government, which ever since had been a disturbing - element in the national life, and had at last arrayed section against - section, was destined to reach its final settlement through the fierce - struggle of civil war. In many respects his situation was exceptionally - trying. He was the first President of the United States elected by a - strictly sectional vote. The party which elected him, and the parties - which had been defeated, were inflamed by the heat of the canvass. The - former, with faith in their principles, and a natural eagerness for the - prizes now within their reach, were not disposed to compromise their first - success by any lowering of their standard or any concession to the beaten; - while many of the latter saw in the success of the triumphant party an - attack on their most cherished rights, and refused in consequence to abide - by the result of the contest. To meet so grave an exigency, Mr. Lincoln - had neither precedents nor experience to guide him, nor could he turn - elsewhere for greater wisdom than he possessed. The leaders of the new - party were as yet untried in the great responsibilities which had fallen - upon him and them. There were men among them who had earned great - reputation as leaders of an opposition; but their eloquence had been - expended upon a single subject of national concern. They knew how to - depict the wrongs of a subject race, and also how to set forth the baleful - effects of an institution like slavery on national character. But was it - certain that they were equally able to govern with wisdom and prudence the - mighty people whose affairs were now given to their keeping? - </p> - <p> - Until the day of his overthrow at Chicago, Mr. Seward had been the - recognized chief of the party; had, like Mr. Lincoln, taught the existence - of an irrepressible conflict between the North and the South, and had also - inculcated the idea of a law higher than the Constitution, which was of - more binding force than any human enactment, until many of his followers - had come to regard the Constitution with little respect. It was this - Constitution which Mr. Lincoln, having sworn to preserve, protect, and - defend, was to attempt to administer to the satisfaction of the minority - which had elected him, and which was alone expected to support him. To - moderate the passions of his own partisans, to conciliate his opponents in - the North, and divide and weaken his enemies in the South, was a task - which no mere politician was likely to perform, yet one which none but the - most expert of politicians and wisest of statesmen was fitted to - undertake. It required moral as well as intellectual qualities of the - highest order. William of Orange, with a like duty and similar - difficulties, was ready at one time and another to give up the effort in - despair, although aided by "the divinity that hedges round a king." Few - men believed that Mr. Lincoln possessed a single qualification for his - great office. His friends had indicated what they considered his chief - merit, when they insisted that he was a very common, ordinary man, just - like the rest of "the people,"—"Old Abe," a rail-splitter and a - story-teller. They said he was good and honest and well-meaning; but they - took care not to pretend that he was great. He was thoroughly convinced - that there was too much truth in this view of his character. He felt - deeply and keenly his lack of experience in the conduct of public affairs. - He spoke then and afterwards about the duties of the Presidency with much - diffidence, and said, with a story about a justice of the peace in - Illinois, that they constituted his "great first case misunderstood." He - had never been a ministerial or an executive officer. His most intimate - friends feared that he possessed no administrative ability; and in this - opinion he seems to have shared himself, at least in his calmer and more - melancholy moments. - </p> - <p> - Having put his house in order, arranged all his private business, made - over his interest in the practice of Lincoln & Herndon to Mr. Herndon, - and requested "Billy," as a last favor, to leave his name on the old sign - for four years at least, Mr. Lincoln was ready for the final departure - from home and all familiar things. And this period of transition from - private to public life—a period of waiting and preparing for the - vast responsibilities that were to bow down his shoulders during the years - to come—affords us a favorable opportunity to turn back and look at - him again as his neighbors saw him from 1837 to 1861. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was about six feet four inches high,—the length of his - legs being out of all proportion to that of his body. When he sat down on - a chair, he seemed no taller than an average man, measuring from the chair - to the crown of his head; but his knees rose high in front, and a marble - placed on the cap of one of them would roll down a steep descent to the - hip. He weighed about a hundred and eighty pounds; but he was thin through - the breast, narrow across the shoulders, and had the general appearance of - a consumptive subject. Standing up, he stooped slightly forward; sitting - down, he usually crossed his long legs, or threw them over the arms of the - chair, as the most convenient mode of disposing of them. His "head was - long, and tall from the base of the brain and the eyebrow;" his forehead - high and narrow, but inclining backward as it rose. The diameter of his - head from ear to ear was six and a half inches, and from front to back - eight inches. The size of his hat was seven and an eighth. His ears were - large, standing out almost at right-angles from his head; his cheek-bones - high and prominent; his eyebrows heavy, and jutting forward over small, - sunken blue eyes; his nose long, large, and blunt, the tip of it rather - ruddy, and slightly awry toward the right-hand side; his chin, projecting - far and sharp, curved upward to meet a thick, material, lower lip, which - hung downward; his cheeks were flabby, and the loose skin fell in - wrinkles, or folds; there was a large mole on his right cheek, and an - uncommonly prominent Adam's apple on his throat; his hair was dark brown - in color, stiff, unkempt, and as yet showing little or no sign of - advancing age or trouble; his complexion was very dark, his skin yellow, - shrivelled, and "leathery." In short, to use the language of Mr. Herndon, - "he was a thin, tall, wiry, sinewy, grizzly, raw-boned man," "looking - woe-struck." His countenance was haggard and careworn, exhibiting all the - marks of deep and protracted suffering. Every feature of the man—the - hollow eyes, with the dark rings beneath; the long, sallow, cadaverous - face, intersected by those peculiar deep lines; his whole air; his walk; - his long, silent reveries, broken at long intervals by sudden and - startling exclamations, as if to confound an observer who might suspect - the nature of his thoughts—showed he was a man of sorrows,—not - sorrows of to-day or yesterday, but long-treasured and deep,—bearing - with him a continual sense of weariness and pain. - </p> - <p> - He was a plain, homely, sad, weary-looking man, to whom one's heart warmed - involuntarily, because he seemed at once miserable and kind. - </p> - <p> - On a winter's morning, this man could be seen wending his way to the - market, with a basket on his arm, and a little boy at his side, whose - small feet rattled and pattered over the ice-bound pavement, attempting to - make up by the number of his short steps for the long strides of his - father. The little fellow jerked at the bony hand which held his, and - prattled and questioned, begged and grew petulant, in a vain effort to - make his father talk to him. But the latter was probably unconscious of - the other's existence, and stalked on, absorbed in his own reflections. He - wore on such occasions an old gray shawl, rolled into a coil, and wrapped - like a rope around his neck. The rest of his clothes were in keeping. "He - did not walk cunningly,—Indian-like,—but cautiously and - firmly." His tread was even and strong. He was a little pigeon-toed; and - this, with another peculiarity, made his walk very singular. He set his - whole foot flat on the ground, and in turn lifted it all at once,—not - resting momentarily upon the toe as the foot rose, nor upon the heel as it - fell. He never wore his shoes out at the heel and the toe more, as most - men do, than at the middle of the sole; yet his gait was not altogether - awkward, and there was manifest physical power in his step. As he moved - along thus silent, abstracted, his thoughts dimly reflected in his sharp - face, men turned to look after him as an object of sympathy as well as - curiosity: "his melancholy," in the words of Mr. Herndon, "dripped from - him as he walked." If, however, he met a friend in the street, and was - roused by a loud, hearty "Good-morning, Lincoln!" he would grasp the - friend's hand with one or both of his own, and, with his usual expression - of "Howdy, howdy," would detain him to hear a story: something reminded - him of it; it happened in Indiana, and it must be told, for it was - wonderfully pertinent. - </p> - <p> - After his breakfast-hour, he would appear at his office, and go about the - labors of the day with all his might, displaying prodigious industry and - capacity for continuous application, although he never was a fast worker. - Sometimes it happened that he came without his breakfast; and then he - would have in his hands a piece of cheese, or Bologna sausage, and a few - crackers, bought by the way. At such times he did not speak to his partner - or his friends, if any happened to be present: the tears were, perhaps, - struggling into his eyes, while his pride was struggling to keep them - back. Mr. Herndon knew the whole story at a glance: there was no speech - between them; but neither wished the visitors to the office to witness the - scene; and, therefore, Mr. Lincoln retired to the back office, while Mr. - Herndon locked the front one, and walked away with the key in his pocket. - In an hour or more the latter would return, and perhaps find Mr. Lincoln - calm and collected; otherwise he went out again, and waited until he was - so. Then the office was opened, and every thing went on as usual. - </p> - <p> - When Mr. Lincoln had a speech to write, which happened very often, he - would put down each thought, as it struck him, on a small strip of paper, - and, having accumulated a number of these, generally carried them in his - hat or his pockets until he had the whole speech composed in this odd way, - when he would sit down at his table, connect the fragments, and then write - out the whole speech on consecutive sheets in a plain, legible - handwriting. - </p> - <p> - His house was an ordinary two-story frame-building, with a stable and a - yard: it was a bare, cheerless sort of a place. He planted no fruit or - shade trees, no shrubbery or flowers. He did on one occasion set out a few - rose-bushes in front of his house; but they speedily perished, or became - unsightly for want of attention. Mrs. Wallace, Mrs. Lincoln's sister, - undertook "to hide the nakedness" of the place by planting some flowers; - but they soon withered and died. He cultivated a small garden for a single - year, working in it himself; but it did not seem to prosper, and that - enterprise also was abandoned. He had a horse and a cow: the one was fed - and curried, and the other fed and milked, by his own hand. When at home, - he chopped and sawed all the wood that was used in his house. Late one - night he returned home, after an absence of a week or so. His neighbor, - Webber, was in bed; but, hearing an axe in use at that unusual hour, he - rose to see what it meant. The moon was high; and by its light he looked - down into Lincoln's yard, and there saw him in his shirt-sleeves "cutting - wood to cook his supper with." Webber turned to his watch, and saw that it - was one o'clock. Besides this house and lot, and a small sum of money, Mr. - Lincoln had no property, except some wild land in Iowa, entered for him - under warrants, received for his service in the Black Hawk War. - </p> - <p> - Mrs. Wallace thinks "Mr. Lincoln was a domestic man by nature." He was not - fond of other people's children, but was extremely fond of his own: he was - patient, indulgent, and generous with them to a fault. On Sundays he often - took those that were large enough, and walked with them into the country, - and, giving himself up entirely to them, rambled through the green fields - or the cool woods, amusing and instructing them for a whole day at a time. - His method of reading is thus quaintly described. "He would read, - generally aloud (couldn't read otherwise),—would read with great - warmth, all funny or humorous things; read Shakspeare that way. He was a - sad man, an abstracted man. He would lean back, his head against the top - of a rocking-chair; sit abstracted that way for minutes,—twenty, - thirty minutes,—and all at once would burst out into a joke." - </p> - <p> - Mrs. Col. Chapman, daughter of Dennis Hanks, and therefore a relative of - Mr. Lincoln, made him a long visit previous to her marriage. "You ask me," - says she, "how Mr. Lincoln acted at home. I can say, and that truly, he - was all that a husband, father, and neighbor should be,—kind and - affectionate to his wife and child ('Bob' being the only one they had when - I was with them), and very pleasant to all around him. Never did I hear - him utter an unkind word. For instance: one day he undertook to correct - his child, and his wife was determined that he should not, and attempted - to take it from him; but in this she failed. She then tried - tongue-lashing, but met with the same fate; for Mr. Lincoln corrected his - child as a father ought to do, in the face of his wife's anger, and that, - too, without even changing his countenance or making any reply to his - wife. - </p> - <p> - "His favorite way of reading, when at home, was lying down on the floor. I - fancy I see him now, lying full-length in the hall of his old house - reading. When not engaged reading law-books, he would read literary works, - and was very fond of reading poetry, and often, when he would be, or - appear to be, in deep study, commence and repeat aloud some piece that he - had taken a fancy to, such as the one you already have in print, and 'The - Burial of Sir John Moore,' and so on. He often told laughable jokes and - stories when he thought we were looking gloomy." - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0014" id="image-0014"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/519.jpg" - alt="Mr. Lincoln's Home in Springfield, Ill. 519 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was not supremely happy in his domestic relations: the - circumstances of his courtship and marriage alone made that impossible. - His engagement to Miss Todd was one of the great misfortunes of his life - and of hers. He realized the mistake too late; and when he was brought - face to face with the lie he was about to enact, and the wrong he was - about to do, both to himself and an innocent woman, he recoiled with - horror and remorse. For weeks together, he was sick, deranged, and on the - verge of suicide,—a heavy care to his friends, and a source of - bitter mortification to the unfortunate lady, whose good fame depended, in - a great part, upon his constancy. The wedding garments and the marriage - feast were prepared, the very hour had come when the solemn ceremony was - to be performed; and the groom failed to appear! He was no longer a free - agent: he was restrained, carefully guarded, and soon after removed to a - distant place, where the exciting causes of his disease would be less - constant and active in their operation. He recovered slowly, and at length - returned to Springfield. He spoke out his feelings frankly and truly to - the one person most interested in them. But he had been, from the - beginning, except in the case of Ann Rutledge, singularly inconstant and - unstable in his relations with the few refined and cultivated women who - had been the objects of his attention. He loved Miss Rutledge - passionately, and the next year importuned Miss Owens to be his wife. - Failing in his suit, he wrote an unfeeling letter about her, apparently - with no earthly object but to display his levity and make them both - ridiculous. He courted Miss Todd, and at the moment of success fell in - love with her relative, and, between the two, went crazy, and thought of - ending all his woes with a razor or a pocket-knife. It is not impossible - that the feelings of such a man might have undergone another and more - sudden change. Perhaps they did. At all events, he was conscientious and - honorable and just. There was but one way of repairing the injury he had - done Miss Todd, and he adopted it. They were married; but they understood - each other, and suffered the inevitable consequences, as other people do - under similar circumstances. But such troubles seldom fail to find a - tongue; and it is not strange, that, in this case, neighbors and friends, - and ultimately the whole country, came to know the state of things in that - house. Mr. Lincoln scarcely attempted to conceal it, but talked of it with - little or no reserve to his wife's relatives, as well as his own friends. - Yet the gentleness and patience with which he bore this affliction from - day to day, and from year to year, was enough to move the shade of - Socrates. It touched his acquaintances deeply, and they gave it the widest - publicity. They made no pause to inquire, to investigate, and to apportion - the blame between the parties, according to their deserts. Almost ever - since Mr. Lincoln's death, a portion of the press has never tired of - heaping brutal reproaches upon his wife and widow; whilst a certain class - of his friends thought they were honoring his memory by multiplying - outrages and indignities upon her, at the very moment when she was broken - by want and sorrow, defamed, defenceless, in the hands of thieves, and at - the mercy of spies. If ever a woman grievously expiated an offence not her - own, this woman did. In the Herndon manuscripts, there is a mass of - particulars under this head; but Mr. Herndon sums them all up in a single - sentence, in a letter to one of Mr. Lincoln's biographers: "All that I - know ennobles both." - </p> - <p> - It would be very difficult to recite all the causes of Mr. Lincoln's - melancholy disposition. That it was partly owing to physical causes there - can be no doubt. Mr. Stuart says, that in some respects he was totally - unlike other people, and was, in fact, a "mystery." Blue-pills were the - medicinal remedy which he affected most. But whatever the history or the - cause,—whether physical reasons, the absence of domestic concord, a - series of painful recollections of his mother, of his father and master, - of early sorrows, blows, and hardships, of Ann Rutledge and fruitless - hopes, or all these combined, Mr. Lincoln was the saddest and gloomiest - man of his time. "I do not think that he knew what happiness was for - twenty years," says Mr. Herndon. "Terrible" is the word which all his - friends use to describe him in the black mood. "It was terrible! It was - terrible!" says one and another. - </p> - <p> - His mind was filled with gloomy forebodings and strong apprehensions of - impending evil, mingled with extravagant visions of personal grandeur and - power. His imagination painted a scene just beyond the veil of the - immediate future, gilded with glory yet tarnished with blood. It was his - "destiny,"—splendid but dreadful, fascinating but terrible. His case - bore little resemblance to those of religious enthusiasts like Bunyan, - Cowper, and others. His was more like the delusion of the fatalist, - conscious of his star. At all events, he never doubted for a moment but - that he was formed for "some great or miserable end." He talked about it - frequently and sometimes calmly. Mr. Herndon remembers many of these - conversations in their office at Springfield, and in their rides around - the circuit. Mr. Lincoln said the impression had grown in him "all his - life;" but Mr. Herndon thinks it was about 1840 that it took the character - of a "religious conviction." He had then suffered much, and, considering - his opportunities, achieved great things. He was already a leader among - men, and a most brilliant career had been promised him by the prophetic - enthusiasm of many friends. Thus encouraged and stimulated, and feeling - himself growing gradually stronger and stronger, in the estimation of "the - plain people," whose voice was more potent than all the Warwicks, his - ambition painted the rainbow of glory in the sky, while his morbid - melancholy supplied the clouds that were to overcast and obliterate it - with the wrath and ruin of the tempest. To him it was fate, and there was - no escape or defence. The presentiment never deserted him: it was as - clear, as perfect, as certain, as any image conveyed by the senses. He had - now entertained it so long, that it was as much a part of his nature as - the consciousness of identity. All doubts had faded away, and he submitted - humbly to a power which he could neither comprehend nor resist. He was to - fall,—fall from a lofty place, and in the performance of a great - work. The star under which he was born was at once brilliant and - malignant: the horoscope was cast, fixed, irreversible; and he had no more - power to alter or defeat it in the minutest particular than he had to - reverse the law of gravitation. - </p> - <p> - After the election, he conceived that he would not "last" through his term - of office, but had at length reached the point where the sacrifice would - take place. All precautions against assassination he considered worse than - useless. "If they want to kill me," said he, "there is nothing to - prevent." He complained to Mr. Gillespie of the small body-guard which his - counsellors had forced upon him, insisting that they were a needless - encumbrance. When Mr. Gillespie urged the ease and impunity with which he - might be killed, and the value of his life to the country, he said, "What - is the use of putting up the <i>gap</i> when the fence is down all - around?" - </p> - <p> - "It was just after my election in 1860," said Mr. Lincoln to his - secretary, John Hay, "when the news had been coming in thick and fast all - day, and there had been a great 'hurrah boys!' so that I was well tired - out, and went home to rest, throwing myself upon a lounge in my chamber. - </p> - <p> - "Opposite to where I lay was a bureau with a swinging glass upon it; and, - in looking in that glass, I saw myself reflected nearly at full length; - but my face, I noticed, had two separate and distinct images, the tip of - the nose of one being about three inches from the tip of the other. I was - a little bothered, perhaps startled, and got up and looked in the glass; - but the illusion vanished. On lying down again, I saw it a second time,—plainer, - if possible, than before; and then I noticed that one of the faces was a - little paler—say five shades—than the other. I got up, and the - thing melted away; and I went off, and in the excitement of the hour - forgot all about it,—nearly, but not quite, for the thing would once - in a while come up, and give me a little pang, as though something - uncomfortable had happened. When I went home, I told my wife about it: and - a few days after I tried the experiment again, when, sure enough, the - thing came back again; but I never succeeded in bringing the ghost back - after that, though I once tried very industriously to show it to my wife, - who was worried about it somewhat. She thought it was 'a sign' that I was - to be elected to a second term of office, and that the paleness of one of - the faces was an omen that I should not see life through the last term." - </p> - <p> - In this morbid and dreamy state of mind, Mr. Lincoln passed the greater - part of his life. But his "sadness, despair, gloom," Mr. Herndon says, - "were not of the kind that leads a badly-balanced mind into misanthropy - and universal hate and scorn. His humor would assert itself from the hell - of misanthropy: it would assert its independence every third hour or day - or week. His abstractedness, his continuity of thought, his despair, made - him, twice in his life, for two weeks at a time, walk that narrow line - that divides sanity from insanity.... This peculiarity of his nature, his - humor, his wit, kept him alive in his mind.... It was those good sides of - his nature that made, to him, his life bearable. Mr. Lincoln was a weak - man and a strong man by turns." - </p> - <p> - Some of Mr. Lincoln's literary tastes indicated strongly his prevailing - gloominess of mind. He read Byron extensively, especially "Childe Harold," - "The Dream," and "Don Juan." Burns was one of his earliest favorites, - although there is no evidence that he appreciated highly the best efforts - of Burns. On the contrary, "Holy Willie's Prayer" was the only one of his - poems which Mr. Lincoln took the trouble to memorize. He was fond of - Shakspeare, especially "King Lear," and "The Merry Wives of Windsor." But - whatever was suggestive of death, the grave, the sorrows of man's days on - earth, charmed his disconsolate spirit, and captivated his sympathetic - heart. Solemn-sounding rhymes, with no merit but the sad music of their - numbers, were more enchanting to him than the loftiest songs of the - masters. Of these were, "Why should the Spirit of Mortal be Proud?" and a - pretty commonplace little piece, entitled "The Inquiry." One verse of - Holmes's "Last Leaf" he thought was "inexpressibly touching." This verse - we give the reader:— - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "The mossy marbles rest On the lips that he has pressed In their bloom; - And the names he loved to hear Have been carved for many a year On the - tomb." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln frequently said that he lived by his humor, and would have - died without it. His manner of telling a story was irresistibly comical, - the fun of it dancing in his eyes and playing over every feature. His face - changed in an instant: the hard lines faded out of it, and the mirth - seemed to diffuse itself all over him, like a spontaneous tickle. You - could see it coming long before he opened his mouth, and he began to enjoy - the "point" before his eager auditors could catch the faintest glimpse of - it. Telling and hearing ridiculous stories was one of his ruling passions. - He would go a long way out of his road to tell a grave, sedate fellow a - broad story, or to propound to him a conundrum that was not particularly - remarkable for its delicacy. If he happened to hear of a man who was known - to have something fresh in this line, he would hunt him up, and "swap - jokes" with him. Nobody remembers the time when his fund of anecdotes was - not apparently inexhaustible. It was so in Indiana; it was so in New - Salem, in the Black-Hawk War, in the Legislature, in Congress, on the - circuit, on the stump,—everywhere. The most trifling incident - "reminded" him of a story, and that story reminded him of another, until - everybody marvelled "that one small head could carry all he knew." The - "good things" he said were repeated at second-hand, all over the counties - through which he chanced to travel; and many, of a questionable flavor, - were attributed to him, not because they were his in fact, but because - they were like his. Judges, lawyers, jurors, and suitors carried home with - them select budgets of his stories, to be retailed to itching ears as "Old - Abe's last." When the court adjourned from village to village, the taverns - and the groceries left behind were filled with the sorry echoes of his - "best." He generally located his little narratives with great precision,—in - Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois; and if he was not personally "knowing" to the - facts himself, he was intimately acquainted with a gentleman who was. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln used his stories variously,—to illustrate or convey an - argument; to make his opinions clear to another, or conceal them - altogether; to cut off a disagreeable conversation, or to end an - unprofitable discussion; to cheer his own heart, or simply to amuse his - friends. But most frequently he had a practical object in view, and - employed them simply "as labor-saving contrivances." - </p> - <p> - It was Judge Davis's opinion, that Mr. Lincoln's hilarity was mainly - simulated, and that "his stories and jokes were intended to whistle off - sadness." "The groundwork of his social nature was sad," says Judge Scott; - "but for the fact that he studiously cultivated the humorous, it would - have been very sad indeed. His mirth to me always seemed to be put on, and - did not properly belong there. Like a plant produced in the hot-bed, it - had an unnatural and luxuriant growth." - </p> - <p> - Although Mr. Lincoln's walk among men was remarkably pure, the same cannot - be said of his conversation. He was endowed by nature with a keen sense of - humor, and he found great delight in indulging it. But his humor was not - of a delicate quality; it was chiefly exercised in hearing and telling - stories of the grosser sort. In this tendency he was restrained by no - presence and no occasion. It was his opinion that the finest wit and - humor, the best jokes and anecdotes, emanated from the lower orders of the - country people. It was from this source that he had acquired his peculiar - tastes and his store of materials. The associations which began with the - early days of Dennis Hanks continued through his life at New Salem and his - career at the Illinois Bar, and did not desert him when, later in life, he - arrived at the highest dignities. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln indulged in no sensual excesses: he ate moderately, and drank - temperately when he drank at all. For many years he was an ardent agitator - against the use of intoxicating beverages, and made speeches, far and - near, in favor of total abstinence. Some of them were printed; and of one - he was not a little proud. He abstained himself, not so much upon - principle, as because of a total lack of appetite. He had no taste for - spirituous liquors; and, when he took them, it was a punishment to him, - not an indulgence. But he disliked sumptuary laws, and would not prescribe - by statute what other men should eat or drink. When the temperance men ran - to the Legislature to invoke the power of the State, his voice—the - most eloquent among them—was silent. He did not oppose them, but - quietly withdrew from the cause, and left others to manage it. In 1854 he - was induced to join the order called Sons of Temperance, but never - attended a single meeting after the one at which he was initiated. - </p> - <p> - Morbid, moody, meditative, thinking much of himself and the things - pertaining to himself, regarding other men as instruments furnished to his - hand for the accomplishment of views which he knew were important to him, - and, therefore, considered important to the public, Mr. Lincoln was a man - apart from the rest of his kind, unsocial, cold, impassive,—neither - a "good hater" nor a fond friend. He unbent in the society of those who - gave him new ideas, who listened to and admired him, whose attachment - might be useful, or whose conversation amused him. He seemed to make - boon-companions of the coarsest men on the list of his acquaintances,—"low, - vulgar, unfortunate creatures;" but, as Judge Davis has it, "he used such - men as tools,—things to satisfy him, to feed his desires." He felt - sorry for them, enjoyed them, extracted from them whatever service they - were capable of rendering, discarded and forgot them. If one of them, - presuming upon the past, followed him to Washington with a view to - personal profit, Mr. Lincoln would probably take him to his private room, - lock the doors, revel in reminiscences of Illinois, new stories and old, - through an entire evening, and then dismiss his enchanted crony with - nothing more substantial than his blessing. It was said that "he had no - heart;" that is, no personal attachments warm and strong enough to govern - his actions. It was seldom that he praised anybody; and, when he did, it - was not a rival or an equal in the struggle for popularity and power. His - encomiums were more likely to be satirical than sincere, and sometimes - were artfully contrived as mere stratagems to catch the applause he - pretended to bestow, or at least to share it in equal parts. No one knew - better how to "damn with faint praise," or to divide the glory of another - by being the first and frankest to acknowledge it. Fully alive to the fact - that no qualities of a public man are so charming to the people as - simplicity and candor, he made simplicity and candor the mask of deep - feelings carefully concealed, and subtle plans studiously veiled from all - eyes but one. He had no reverence for great men, followed no leader with - blind devotion, and yielded no opinion to mere authority. He felt that he - was as great as anybody, and could do what another did. It was, however, - the supreme desire of his heart to be right, and to do justice in all the - relations of life. Although some of his strongest passions conflicted more - or less directly with this desire, he was conscious of them, and strove to - regulate them by self-imposed restraints. He was not avaricious, never - appropriated a cent wrongfully, and did not think money for its own sake a - fit object of any man's ambition. But he knew its value, its power, and - liked to keep it when he had it. He gave occasionally to individual - mendicants, or relieved a case of great destitution at his very door; but - his alms-giving was neither profuse nor systematic. He never made - donations to be distributed to the poor who were not of his acquaintance - and very near at hand. There were few entertainments at his house. People - were seldom asked to dine with him. To many he seemed inhospitable; and - there was something about his house, an indescribable air of - exclusiveness, which forbade the entering guest. It is not meant to be - said that this came from mere economy. It was not at home that he wished - to see company. He preferred to meet his friends abroad,—on a - street-corner, in an office, at the Court House, or sitting on nail-kegs - in a country store. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln took no part in the promotion of local enterprises, railroads, - schools, churches, asylums. The benefits he proposed for his fellow-men - were to be accomplished by political means alone. Politics were his world,—a - world filled with hopeful enchantments. Ordinarily he disliked to discuss - any other subject. "In his office," says Mr. Herndon, "he sat down, or - spilt himself, on his lounge, read aloud, told stories, talked politics,—never - science, art, literature, railroad gatherings, colleges, asylums, - hospitals, commerce, education, progress, nothing that interested the - world generally," except politics. He seldom took an active part in local - or minor elections, or wasted his power to advance a friend. He did - nothing out of mere gratitude, and forgot the devotion of his warmest - partisans as soon as the occasion for their services had passed. What they - did for him was quietly appropriated as the reward of superior merit, - calling for no return in kind. He was always ready to do battle for a - principle, after a discreet fashion, but never permitted himself to be - strongly influenced by the claims of individual men. When he was a - candidate himself, he thought the whole canvass and all the preliminaries - ought to be conducted with reference to his success. He would say to a - man, "Your continuance in the field injures me" and be quite sure that he - had given a perfect reason for his withdrawal. He would have no - "obstacles" in his way; coveted honors, was eager for power, and impatient - of any interference that delayed or obstructed his progress. He worked - hard enough at general elections, when he could make speeches, have them - printed, and "fill the speaking trump of fame" with his achievements; but - in the little affairs about home, where it was all work and no glory, his - zeal was much less conspicuous. Intensely secretive and cautious, he - shared his secrets with no man, and revealed just enough of his plans to - allure support, and not enough to expose their personal application. After - Speed left, he had no intimates to whom he opened his whole mind. This is - the unanimous testimony of all who knew him. Feeling himself perfectly - competent to manage his own affairs, he listened with deceptive patience - to the views of others, and then dismissed the advice with the adviser. - Judge Davis was supposed to have great influence over him; but he declares - that he had literally none. "Once or twice," says he, "he asked my advice - about the almighty dollar, but never about any thing else." - </p> - <p> - Notwithstanding his overweening ambition, and the breathless eagerness - with which he pursued the objects of it, he had not a particle of sympathy - with the great mass of his fellow-citizens who were engaged in similar - scrambles for place. "If ever," said he, "American society and the United - States Government are demoralized and overthrown, it will come from the - voracious desire of office,—this wriggle to live without toil, work, - and labor, from which I am not free myself." Mr. Lincoln was not a - demagogue or a trimmer. He never deserted a party in disaster, or joined - one in triumph. Nearly the whole of his public life was spent in the - service of a party which struggled against hopeless odds, which met with - many reverses and few victories. It is true, that about the time he began - as a politician, the Whigs in his immediate locality, at first united with - the moderate Democrats, and afterwards by themselves, were strong enough - to help him to the Legislature as often as he chose to go. But, if the - fact had been otherwise, it is not likely that he would have changed - sides, or even altered his position in any essential particular, to catch - the popular favor. Subsequently he suffered many defeats,—for - Congress, for Commissioner of the Land Office, and twice for Senator; but - on this account he never faltered in devotion to the general principles of - the party, or sought to better his fortune by an alliance with the common - enemy. It cannot be denied, that, when he was first a candidate for the - Legislature, his views of public policy were a little cloudy, and that his - addresses to the people were calculated to make fair weather with men of - various opinions; nor that, when first a candidate for United States - Senator, he was willing to make a secret bargain with the extreme - Abolitionists, and, when last a candidate, to make some sacrifice of - opinion to further his own aspirations for the Presidency. The pledge to - Lovejoy and the "House-divided Speech" were made under the influence of - personal considerations, without reference to the views or the success of - those who had chosen and trusted him as a leader for a far different - purpose. But this was merely steering between sections of his own party, - where the differences were slight and easily reconciled,—manoeuvring - for the strength of one faction today and another to-morrow, with intent - to unite them and lead them to a victory, the benefits of which would - inure to all. He was not one to be last in the fight and first at the - feast, nor yet one to be first in the fight and last at the feast. He - would do his whole duty in the field, but had not the slightest objection - to sitting down at the head of the table,—an act which he would - perform with a modest, homely air, that disarmed envy, and silenced the - master when he would say, "Friend, go down lower." His "master" was the - "plain people." To be popular was to him the greatest good in life. He had - known what it was to be without popularity, and he had known what it was - to enjoy it. To gain it or to keep it, he considered no labor too great, - no artifice misused or misapplied. His ambition was strong; yet it existed - in strict subordination to his sense of party fidelity, and could by no - chance or possibility lure him into downright social or political - treasons. His path may have been a little devious, winding hither and - thither, in search of greater convenience of travel, or the security of a - larger company; but it always went forward in the same general direction, - and never ran off at right-angles toward a hostile camp. The great body of - men who acted with him in the beginning acted with him at the last. - </p> - <p> - On the whole, he was an honest, although a shrewd, and by no means an - unselfish politician. He - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - ................."Foresaw Which way the world began to draw," - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - and instinctively drew with it. He had convictions, but preferred to - choose his time to speak. He was not so much of a Whig that he could not - receive the support of the "nominal" Jackson men, until party lines were - drawn so tight that he was compelled to be one thing or the other. He was - not so much of a Whig that he could not make a small diversion for White - in 1836, nor so much of a White man that he could not lead Harrison's - friends in the Legislature during the same winter. He was a firm believer - in the good policy of high "protective tariffs;" but, when importuned to - say so in a public letter, he declined on the ground that it would do him - no good. He detested Know-Nothingism with all his heart; but, when - Know-Nothingism swept the country, he was so far from being obtrusive with - his views, that many believed he belonged to the order. He was an - anti-slavery man from the beginning of his service in the Legislature; but - he was so cautious and moderate in the expression of his sentiments, that, - when the anti-Nebraska party disintegrated, the ultra-Republicans were any - thing but sure of his adherence; and even after the Bloomington Convention - he continued to pick his way to the front with wary steps, and did not - take his place among the boldest of the agitators until 1858, when he - uttered the "House-divided Speech," just in time to take Mr. Seward's - place on the Presidential ticket of 1860. - </p> - <p> - Any analysis of Mr. Lincoln's character would be defective that did not - include his religious opinions. On such matters he thought deeply; and his - opinions were positive. But perhaps no phase of his character has been - more persistently misrepresented and variously misunderstood, than this of - his religious belief. Not that the conclusive testimony of many of his - intimate associates relative to his frequent expressions on such subjects - has ever been wanting; but his great prominence in the world's history, - and his identification with some of the great questions of our time, - which, by their moral import, were held to be eminently religious in their - character, have led many good people to trace in his motives and actions - similar convictions to those held by themselves. His extremely general - expressions of religious faith called forth by the grave exigencies of his - public life, or indulged in on occasions of private condolence, have too - often been distorted out of relation to their real significance or meaning - to suit the opinions or tickle the fancies of individuals or parties. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was never a member of any church, nor did he believe in the - divinity of Christ, or the inspiration of the Scriptures in the sense - understood by evangelical Christians. His theological opinions were - substantially those expounded by Theodore Parker. Overwhelming testimony - out of many mouths, and none stronger than that out of his own, place - these facts beyond controversy. - </p> - <p> - When a boy, he showed no sign of that piety which his many biographers - ascribe to his manhood. His stepmother—herself a Christian, and - longing for the least sign of faith in him—could remember no - circumstance that supported her hope. On the contrary, she recollected - very well that he never went off into a corner, as has been said, to - ponder the sacred writings, and to wet the page with his tears of - penitence. He was fond of music; but Dennis Hanks is clear to the point - that it was songs of a very questionable character that cheered his lonely - pilgrimage through the woods of Indiana. When he went to church at all, he - went to mock, and came away to mimic. Indeed, it is more than probable - that the sort of "religion" which prevailed among the associates of his - boyhood impressed him with a very poor opinion of the value of the - article. On the whole, he thought, perhaps, a person had better be without - it. - </p> - <p> - When he came to New Salem, he consorted with freethinkers, joined with - them in deriding the gospel history of Jesus, read Volney and Paine, and - then wrote a deliberate and labored essay, wherein he reached conclusions - similar to theirs. The essay was burnt, but he never denied or regretted - its composition. On the contrary, he made it the subject of free and - frequent conversations with his friends at Springfield, and stated, with - much particularity and precision, the origin, arguments, and objects of - the work. - </p> - <p> - It was not until after Mr. Lincoln's death, that his alleged orthodoxy - became the principal topic of his eulogists; but since then the effort on - the part of some political writers and speakers to impress the public mind - erroneously seems to have been general and systematic. It is important - that the question should be finally determined; and, in order to do so, - the names of some of his nearest friends are given below, followed by - clear and decisive statements, for which they are separately responsible. - Some of them are gentlemen of distinction, and all of them men of high - character, who enjoyed the best opportunities to form correct opinions. - </p> - <p> - James H. Matheny says in a letter to Mr. Herndon:— - </p> - <p> - "I knew Mr. Lincoln as early as 1834-7; know he was an infidel. He and W. - D. Herndon used to talk infidelity in the clerk's office in this city, - about the years 1837-40. Lincoln attacked the Bible and the New Testament - on two grounds: first, from the inherent or apparent contradictions under - its lids; second, from the grounds of reason. Sometimes he ridiculed the - Bible and New Testament, sometimes seemed to scoff it, though I shall not - use that word in its full and literal sense. I never heard that Lincoln - changed his views, though his personal and political friend from 1834 to - 1860. Sometimes Lincoln bordered on atheism. He went far that way, and - often shocked me. I was then a young man, and believed what my good mother - told me. Stuart & Lincoln's office was in what was called Hoffman's - Row, on North Fifth Street, near the public square. It was in the same - building as the clerk's office, and on the same floor. Lincoln would come - into the clerk's office, where I and some young men—Evan Butler, - Newton Francis, and others—were writing or staying, and would bring - the Bible with him; would read a chapter; argue against it. Lincoln then - had a smattering of geology, if I recollect it. Lincoln often, if not - wholly, was an atheist; at least, bordered on it. Lincoln was enthusiastic - in his infidelity. As he grew older, he grew more discreet, didn't talk - much before strangers about his religion; but to friends, close and bosom - ones, he was always open and avowed, fair and honest; but to strangers, he - held them off from policy. Lincoln used to quote Burns. Burns helped - Lincoln to be an infidel, as I think; at least, he found in Burns a like - thinker and feeler. Lincoln quoted 'Tam O'Skanter.' 'What! send one to - heaven, and ten to hell!' &c. - </p> - <p> - "From what I know of Mr. Lincoln and his views of Christianity, and from - what I know as honest and well-founded rumor; from what I have heard his - best friends say and regret for years; from what he never denied when - accused, and from what Lincoln has hinted and intimated, to say no more,—he - did write a little book on infidelity at or near New Salem, in Menard - County, about the year 1834 or 1835. I have, stated these things to you - often. Judge Logan, John T. Stuart, yourself, know what I know, and some - of you more. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Herndon, you insist on knowing something which you know I possess, - and got as a secret, and that is, about Lincoln's little book on - infidelity. Mr. Lincoln did tell me that he did write a little book on - infidelity. This statement I have avoided heretofore; but, as you strongly - insist upon it,—probably to defend yourself against charges of - misrepresentations,—I give it you as I got it from Lincoln's mouth." - </p> - <p> - From Hon. John T. Stuart:— - </p> - <p> - "I knew Mr. Lincoln when he first came here, and for years afterwards. He - was an avowed and open infidel, sometimes bordered on atheism. I have - often and often heard Lincoln and one W. D. Herndon, who was a - freethinker, talk over this subject. Lincoln went further against - Christian beliefs and doctrines and principles than any man I ever heard: - he shocked me. I don't remember the exact line of his argument: suppose it - was against the inherent defects, so called, of the Bible, and on grounds - of reason. Lincoln always denied that Jesus was the Christ of God,—denied - that Jesus was the Son of God, as understood and maintained by the - Christian Church. The Rev. Dr. Smith, who wrote a letter, tried to convert - Lincoln from infidelity so late as 1858, and couldn't do it." - </p> - <p> - William H. Herndon, Esq.:— - </p> - <p> - "As to Mr. Lincoln's religious views, he was, in short, an infidel,... a - theist. He did not believe that Jesus was God, nor the Son of God,—was - a fatalist, denied the freedom of the will. Mr. Lincoln told me a thousand - times, that he did not believe the Bible was the revelation of God, as the - Christian world contends. The points that Mr. Lincoln tried to demonstrate - (in his book) were: First, That the Bible was not God's revelation; and, - Second, That Jesus was not the Son of God. I assert this on my own - knowledge, and on my veracity. Judge Logan, John T. Stuart, James H. - Matheny, and others, will tell you the truth. I say they will confirm what - I say, with this exception,—they all make it blacker than I remember - it. Joshua F. Speed of Louisville, I think, will tell you the same thing." - </p> - <p> - Hon. David Davis:— - </p> - <p> - "I do not know any thing about Lincoln's religion, and do not think - anybody knew. The idea that Lincoln talked to a stranger about his - religion or religious views, or made such speeches, remarks, &c., - about it as are published, is to me absurd. I knew the man so well: he was - the most reticent, secretive man I ever saw, or expect to see. He had no - faith, in the Christian sense of the term,—had faith in laws, - principles, causes, and effects—philosophically: you [Herndon] know - more about his religion than any man. You ought to know it, of course." - </p> - <p> - William H. Hannah, Esq.:— - </p> - <p> - "Since 1856 Mr. Lincoln told me that he was a kind of immortalist; that he - never could bring himself to believe in eternal punishment; that man lived - but a little while here; and that, if eternal punishment were man's doom, - he should spend that little life in vigilant and ceaseless preparation by - never-ending prayer." - </p> - <p> - Mrs. Lincoln:— - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln had no hope and no faith in the usual acceptance of those - words." - </p> - <p> - Dr. C. H. Ray:— - </p> - <p> - "I do not know how I can aid you. You [Herndon] knew Mr. Lincoln far - better than I did, though I knew him well; and you have served up his - leading characteristics in a way that I should despair of doing, if I - should try. I have only one thing to ask: that you do not give Calvinistic - theology a chance to claim him as one of its saints and martyrs. He went - to the Old-School Church; but, in spite of that outward assent to the - horrible dogmas of the sect, <i>I have reason from, himself</i> to know - that his 'vital purity' if that means belief in the impossible, was of a - negative sort." - </p> - <p> - I. W. Keys, Esq.:— - </p> - <p> - "In my intercourse with Mr. Lincoln, I learned that he believed in a - Creator of all things, who had neither beginning nor end, and possessing - all power and wisdom, established a principle, in obedience to which - worlds move, and are upheld, and animal and vegetable life come into - existence. A reason he gave for his belief was, that, in view of the order - and harmony of all nature which we behold, it would have been more - miraculous to have come about by chance than to have been created and - arranged by some great thinking power. As to the Christian theory, that - Christ is God, or equal to the Creator, he said that it had better be - taken for granted; for, by the test of reason, we might become infidels on - that subject, for evidence of Christ's divinity came to us in a somewhat - doubtful shape; but that the system of Christianity was an ingenious one - at least, and perhaps was calculated to do good." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Jesse W. Fell of Illinois, who had the best opportunities of knowing - Mr. Lincoln intimately, makes the following statement of his religious - opinions, derived from repeated conversations with him on the subject:— - </p> - <p> - "Though every thing relating to the character and history of this - extraordinary personage is of interest, and should be fairly stated to the - world, I enter upon the performance of this duty—for so I regard it—with - some reluctance, arising from the fact, that, in stating my convictions on - the subject, I must necessarily place myself in opposition to quite a - number who have written on this topic before me, and whose views largely - pre-occupy the public mind. This latter fact, whilst contributing to my - embarrassment on this subject, is, perhaps, the strongest reason, however, - why the truth in this matter should be fully disclosed; and I therefore - yield to your request. If there were any traits of character that stood - out in bold relief in the person of Mr. Lincoln, they were those of truth - and candor. He was utterly incapable of insincerity, or professing views - on this or any other subject he did not entertain. Knowing such to be his - true character, that insincerity, much more duplicity, were traits wholly - foreign to his nature, many of his old friends were not a little surprised - at finding, in some of the biographies of this great man, statements - concerning his religious opinions so utterly at variance with his known - sentiments. True, he may have changed or modified those sentiments after - his removal from among us, though this is hardly reconcilable with the - history of the man, and his entire devotion to public matters during his - four years' residence at the national capital. It is possible, however, - that this may be the proper solution of this conflict of opinions; or, it - may be, that, with no intention on the part of any one to mislead the - public mind, those who have represented him as believing in the popular - theological views of the times may have misapprehended him, as experience - shows to be quite common where no special effort has been made to attain - critical accuracy on a subject of this nature. This is the more probable - from the well-known fact, that Mr. Lincoln seldom communicated to any one - his views on this subject. But, be this as it may, I have no hesitation - whatever in saying, that, whilst he held many opinions in common with the - great mass of Christian believers, <i>he did not believe</i> in what are - regarded as the orthodox or evangelical views of Christianity. - </p> - <p> - "On the innate depravity of man, the character and office of the great - Head of the Church, the atonement, the infallibility of the written - revelation, the performance of miracles, the nature and design of present - and future rewards and punishments (as they are popularly called), and - many other subjects, he held opinions utterly at variance with what are - usually taught in the Church. I should say that his expressed views on - these and kindred topics were such as, in the estimation of most - believers, would place him entirely outside the Christian pale. Yet, to my - mind, such was not the true position, since his principles and practices - and the spirit of his whole life were of the very kind we universally - agree to call Christian; and I think this conclusion is in no wise - affected by the circumstance that he never attached himself to any - religious society whatever. - </p> - <p> - "His religious views were eminently practical, and are summed up, as I - think, in these two propositions: 'the Fatherhood of God, and the - brotherhood of man.' He fully believed in a superintending and overruling - Providence, that guides and controls the operations of the world, but - maintained that law and order, and not their violation or suspension, are - the appointed means by which this providence is exercised. - </p> - <p> - "I will not attempt any specification of either his belief or disbelief on - various religious topics, as derived from conversations with him at - different times during a considerable period; but, as conveying a general - view of his religious or theological opinions, will state the following - facts. Some eight or ten years prior to his death, in conversing with him - upon this subject, the writer took occasion to refer, in terms of - approbation, to the sermons and writings generally of Dr. W. E. Channing; - and, finding he was considerably interested in the statement I made of the - opinions held by that author, I proposed to present him (Lincoln) a copy - of Channing's entire works, which I soon after did. Subsequently, the - contents of these volumes, together with the writings of Theodore Parker, - furnished him, as he informed me, by his friend and law-partner, Mr. - Herndon, became naturally the topics of conversation with us; and though - far from believing there was an entire harmony of views on his part with - either of those authors, yet they were generally much admired and approved - by him. - </p> - <p> - "No religious views with him seemed to find any favor, except of the - practical and rationalistic order; and if, from my recollections on this - subject, I was called upon to designate an author whose views most nearly - represented Mr. Lincoln's on this subject, I would say that author was - Theodore Parker. - </p> - <p> - "As you have asked from me a candid statement of my recollections on this - topic, I have thus briefly given them, with the hope that they may be of - some service in rightly settling a question about which—as I have - good reason to believe—the public mind has been greatly misled. - </p> - <p> - "Not doubting that they will accord, substantially, with your own - recollections, and that of his other intimate and confidential friends, - and with the popular verdict after this matter shall have been properly - canvassed, I submit them." - </p> - <p> - John G. Nicolay, his private secretary at the White House:— - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Lincoln did not, to my knowledge, in any way change his religious - views, opinions, or beliefs, from the time he left Springfield to the day - of his death. I do not know just what they were, never having heard him - explain them in detail; but I am very sure he gave no outward indication - of his mind having undergone any change in that regard while here." - </p> - <p> - The following letter from Mr. Herndon was, about the time of its date, - extensively published throughout the United States, and met with no - contradiction from any responsible source. - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Feb. 18, 1870. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Abbott,—-Some time since I promised you that I would send a - letter in relation to Mr. Lincoln's religion. I do so now. Before entering - on that question, one or two preliminary remarks will help us to - understand why he disagreed with the Christian world in its principles, as - well as in its theology. In the first place, Mr. Lincoln's mind was a - purely logical mind; secondly, Mr. Lincoln was purely a practical man. He - had no fancy or imagination, and not much emotion. He was a realist as - opposed to an idealist. As a general rule, it is true that a purely - logical mind has not much hope, if it ever has <i>faith in the unseen and - unknown</i>. Mr. Lincoln had not much hope and no faith in things that lie - outside of the domain of demonstration: he was so constituted, so - organized, that he could believe nothing unless his senses or logic could - reach it. I have often read to him a law point, a decision, or something I - fancied: he could not understand it until he took the book out of my hand, - and read the thing for himself. He was terribly, vexatiously sceptical. He - could scarcely understand any thing, unless he had time and place fixed in - his mind. - </p> - <p> - I became acquainted with Mr. Lincoln in 1834, and I think I knew him well - to the day of his death. His mind, when a boy in Kentucky, showed a - certain gloom, an unsocial nature, a peculiar abstractedness, a bold and - daring scepticism. In Indiana, from 1817 to 1830, it manifested the same - qualities or attributes as in Kentucky: it only intensified, developed - itself, along those lines, in Indiana. He came to Illinois in 1830, and, - after some little roving, settled in New Salem, now in Menard County and - State of Illinois. This village lies about twenty miles north-west of this - city. It was here that Mr. Lincoln became acquainted with a class of men - the world never saw the like of before or since. They were large men,—large - in body and large in mind; hard to whip, and never to be fooled. They were - a bold, daring, and reckless sort of men; they were men of their own - minds,—believed what was demonstrable; were men of great common - sense. With these men Mr. Lincoln was thrown; with them he lived, and with - them he moved, and almost had his being. They were sceptics all,—scoffers - some. These scoffers were good men, and their scoffs were protests against - theology,—loud protests against the follies of Christianity: they - had never heard of theism and the newer and better religious thoughts of - this age. Hence, being natural sceptics, and being bold, brave men, they - uttered their thoughts freely: they declared that Jesus was an - illegitimate child.... They were on all occasions, when opportunity - offered, debating the various questions of Christianity among themselves: - they took their stand on common sense and on their own souls; and, though - their arguments were rude and rough, no man could overthrow their homely - logic. They riddled all divines, and not unfrequently made them sceptics,—disbelievers - as bad as themselves. They were a jovial, healthful, generous, social, - true, and manly set of people. - </p> - <p> - It was here, and among these people, that Mr. Lincoln was thrown. About - the year 1834, he chanced to come across Volney's "Ruins," and some of - Paine's theological works. He at once seized hold of them, and assimilated - them into his own being. Volney and Paine became a part of Mr. Lincoln - from 1834 to the end of his life. In 1835 he wrote out a small work on - "Infidelity," and intended to have it published. The book was an attack - upon the whole grounds of Christianity, and especially was it an attack - upon the idea that Jesus was the Christ, the true and only-begotten Son of - God, as the Christian world contends. Mr. Lincoln was at that time in New - Salem, keeping store for Mr. Samuel Hill, a merchant and postmaster of - that place. Lincoln and Hill were very friendly. Hill, I think, was a - sceptic at that time. Lincoln, one day after the book was finished, read - it to Mr. Hill, his good friend. Hill tried to persuade him not to make it - public, not to publish it. Hill at that time saw in Mr. Lincoln a rising - man, and wished him success. Lincoln refused to destroy it, said it should - be published. Hill swore it should never see light of day. He had an eye, - to Lincoln's popularity,—his present and future success; and - believing, that if the book were published, it would kill Lincoln forever, - he snatched it from Lincoln's hand, when Lincoln was not expecting it, and - ran it into an old-fashioned tin-plate stove, heated as hot as a furnace; - and so Lincoln's book went up to the clouds in smoke. It is confessed by - all who heard parts of it, that it was at once able and eloquent; and, if - I may judge of it from Mr. Lincoln's subsequent ideas and opinions, often - expressed to me and to others in my presence, it was able, strong, plain, - and fair. His argument was grounded on the internal mistakes of the Old - and New Testaments, and on reason, and on the experiences and observations - of men. The criticisms from internal defects were sharp, strong, and - manly. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln moved to this city in 1837, and here became acquainted with - various men of his own way of thinking. At that time they called - themselves <i>free-thinkers, or free-thinking men</i>. I remember all - these things distinctly; for I was with them, heard them, and was one of - them. Mr. Lincoln here found other works,—Hume, Gibbon, and others,—and - drank them in: he made no secret of his views, no concealment of his - religion. He boldly avowed himself an infidel. When Mr. Lincoln was a - candidate for our Legislature, he was accused of being an infidel, and of - having said that Jesus Christ was an illegitimate child: he never denied - his opinions, nor flinched from his religious views; he was a true man, - and yet it may be truthfully said, that in 1837 his religion was low - indeed. In his moments of gloom he would <i>doubt, if he did not sometimes - deny, God</i>. He made me once erase the name of God from a speech which I - was about to make in 1854; and he did this in the city of Washington to - one of his friends. I cannot now name the man, nor the place he occupied - in Washington: it will be known sometime. I have the evidence, and intend - to keep it. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln ran for Congress, against the Rev. Peter Cartwright, in the - year 1847 or 1848. In that contest he was accused of being an infidel, if - not an atheist; he never denied the charge; would not; "<i>would die first</i>:" - in the first place, because he knew it could and would be proved on him; - and in the second place he was too true to his own convictions, to his own - soul, to deny it. From what I know of Mr. Lincoln, and from what I have - heard and verily believe, I can say, First, That he <i>did not believe in - a special creation, his idea being that all creation was an evolution - under law</i>; Secondly, That he did not believe that the Bible was a - special revelation from God, as the Christian world contends; Thirdly, He - did not believe in miracles, as understood by the Christian world; - Fourthly, He believed in universal inspiration and miracles under law; - Fifthly, He did not believe that Jesus was the Christ, the Son of God, as - the Christian world contends; Sixthly, He believed that all things, both - matter and mind, were governed by laws, universal, absolute, and eternal. - All his speeches and remarks in Washington conclusively prove this. <i>Law - was to Lincoln every thing, and special interferences shams and delusions</i>. - I know whereof I speak. I used to loan him Theodore Parker's works: I - loaned him Emerson sometimes, and other writers; and he would sometimes - read, and sometimes would not, as I suppose,—nay, know. - </p> - <p> - When Mr. Lincoln left this city for Washington, I know he had undergone no - change in his religious opinions or views. He held many of the Christian - ideas in abhorrence, and among them there was this one; namely, that God - would forgive the sinner for a violation of his laws. <i>Lincoln - maintained that God could not forgive; that punishment has to follow the - sin; that Christianity was wrong in teaching forgiveness</i>; that it - tended to make man sin in the hope that God would excuse, and so forth. - Lincoln contended that the minister should teach that God has affixed - punishment to sin, and that <i>no repentance could bribe him to remit it</i>. - In one sense of the word, Mr. Lincoln was a Universalist, and in another - sense he was a Unitarian; but he was a theist, as we now understand that - word: he was so fully, freely, unequivocally, boldly, and openly, when - asked for his views. Mr. Lincoln was supposed, by many people in this - city, to be an atheist; and some still believe it. I can put that - supposition at rest forever. I hold a letter of Mr. Lincoln in my hand, - addressed to his step-brother, John D. Johnston, and dated the twelfth day - of January, 1851. He had heard from Johnston that his father, Thomas - Lincoln, was sick, and that no hopes of his recovery were entertained. Mr. - Lincoln wrote back to Mr. Johnston these words:— - </p> - <p> - "I sincerely hope that father may yet recover his health; but, at all - events, tell him to remember to call upon and confide in One great and - good and merciful Maker, who will not turn away from him in any extremity. - He notes the fall of a sparrow, and numbers the hairs of our heads; and he - will not forget the dying man who puts his trust in him. Say to him, that, - if we could meet now, it is doubtful whether it would not be more painful - than pleasant; but that, if it be his lot to go now, he will soon have a - joyous meeting with many loved ones gone before, and where the rest of us, - through the help of God, hope ere long to join them. - </p> - <p> - "A. Lincoln." - </p> - <p> - So it seems that Mr. Lincoln believed in God and immortality as well as - heaven,—a place. He believed in no hell and no punishment in the - future world. It has been said to me that Mr. Lincoln wrote the above - letter to an old man simply to cheer him up in his last moments, and that - the writer did not believe what he said. The question is, Was Mr. Lincoln - an honest and truthful man? If he was, he wrote that letter honestly, - believing it. It has to me the sound, the ring, of an honest utterance. I - admit that Mr. Lincoln, in his moments of melancholy and terrible gloom, - was living on the borderland between theism and atheism,—sometimes - quite wholly dwelling in atheism. In his happier moments he would swing - back to theism, and dwell lovingly there. It is possible that Mr. Lincoln - was not always responsible for what he said or thought, so deep, so - intense, so terrible, was his melancholy. I send you a lecture of mine - which will help you to see what I mean. I maintain that Mr. Lincoln was a - deeply-religious man at all times and places, in spite of his transient - doubts. - </p> - <p> - Soon after Mr. Lincoln was assassinated, Mr. Holland came into my office, - and made some inquiries about him, stating to me his purpose of writing - his life. I freely told him what he asked, and much more. He then asked me - what I thought about Mr. Lincoln's religion, meaning his views of - Christianity. I replied, "The less said, the better." Mr. Holland has - recorded my expression to him (see Holland's "Life of Lincoln," p. 241). I - cannot say what Mr. Holland said to me, as that was private. It appears - that he went and saw Mr. Newton Bateman, Superintendent of Public - Instruction in this State. It appears that Mr. Bateman told Mr. Holland - many things, if he is correctly represented in Holland's "Life of Lincoln" - (pp. 236-241, inclusive). I doubt whether Mr. Bateman said in full what is - recorded there: I doubt a great deal of it. I know the whole story is - untrue,—untrue in substance, untrue in fact and spirit. As soon as - the "Life of Lincoln" was out, on reading that part here referred to, I - instantly sought Mr. Bateman, and found him in his office. I spoke to him - politely and kindly, and he spoke to me in the same manner. I said - substantially to him that Mr. Holland, in order to make Mr. Lincoln a - technical Christian, made him a hypocrite; and so his "Life of Lincoln" - quite plainly says. I loved Mr. Lincoln, and was mortified, if not angry, - to see him made a hypocrite. I cannot now detail what Mr. Bateman said, as - it was a private conversation, and I am forbidden to make use of it in - public. If some good gentleman can only get the seal of secrecy removed, I - can show what was said and done. On my word, the world may take it for - granted that Holland is wrong, that he does not state Mr. Lincoln's views - correctly. Mr. Bateman, if correctly represented in Holland's "Life of - Lincoln," is the only man, the sole and only man, who dare say that Mr. - Lincoln believed in Jesus as the Christ of God, as the Christian world - represents. This is not a pleasant situation for Mr. Bateman. I have notes - and dates of our conversation; and the world will sometime know who is - truthful, and who is otherwise. I doubt whether Bateman is correctly - represented by Holland. My notes bear date Dec. 3, 12, and 28, 1866. Some - of our conversations were in the spring of 1866 and the fall of 1865. - </p> - <p> - I do not remember ever seeing the words Jesus or Christ in print, as - uttered by Mr. Lincoln. If he has used these words, they can be found. He - uses the word God but seldom. I never heard him use the name of Christ or - Jesus but to confute the idea that he was the Christ, the only and truly - begotten Son of God, as the Christian world understands it. The idea that - Mr. Lincoln carried the New Testament or Bible in his bosom or boots, to - draw on his opponent in debate, is ridiculous. - </p> - <p> - My dear sir, I now have given you my knowledge, speaking from my own - experience, of Mr. Lincoln's religious views. I speak likewise from the - evidences, carefully gathered, of his religious opinions. I likewise speak - from the ears and mouths of many in this city; and, after all careful - examination, I declare to your numerous readers, that Mr. Lincoln is - correctly represented here, so far as I know what truth is, and how it - should be investigated. - </p> - <p> - If ever there was a moment when Mr. Lincoln might have been expected to - express his faith in the atonement, his trust in the merits of a living - Redeemer, it was when he undertook to send a composing and comforting - message to a dying man. He knew, moreover, that his father had been - "converted" time and again, and that no exhortation would so effectually - console his weak spirit in the hour of dismay and dissolution as one which - depicted, in the strongest terms, the perfect sufficiency of Jesus to save - the perishing soul. But he omitted it wholly: he did not even mention the - name of Jesus, or intimate the most distant suspicion of the existence of - a Christ. On the contrary, he is singularly careful to employ the word - "One" to qualify the word "Maker." It is the Maker, and not the Saviour, - to whom he directs the attention of a sinner in the agony of death. - </p> - <p> - While it is very clear that Mr. Lincoln was at all times an infidel in the - orthodox meaning of the term, it is also very clear that he was not at all - times equally willing that everybody should know it. He never offered to - purge or recant; but he was a wily politician, and did not disdain to - regulate his religious manifestations with some reference to his political - interests. As he grew older, he grew more cautious; and as his New Salem - associates, and the aggressive deists with whom he originally united at - Springfield, gradually dispersed, or fell away from his side, he - appreciated more and more keenly the violence and extent of the religious - prejudices which freedom in discussion from his standpoint would be sure - to arouse against him. He saw the immense and augmenting power of the - churches, and in times past had practically felt it. The imputation of - infidelity had seriously injured him in several of his earlier political - contests; and, sobered by age and experience, he was resolved that that - same imputation should injure him no more. Aspiring to lead religious - communities, he foresaw that he must not appear as an enemy within their - gates; aspiring to public honors under the auspices of a political party - which persistently summoned religious people to assist in the extirpation - of that which is denounced as the "nation's sin," he foresaw that he could - not ask their suffrages whilst aspersing their faith. He perceived no - reason for changing his convictions, but he did perceive many good and - cogent reasons for not making them public. - </p> - <p> - Col. Matheny alleges, that, from 1854 to 1860, Mr. Lincoln "played a sharp - game" upon the Christians of Springfield, "treading their toes," and - saying, "Come and convert me." Mr. Herndon is inclined to coincide with - Matheny; and both give the obvious explanation of such conduct; that is to - say, his morbid ambition; coupled with a mortal fear that his popularity - would suffer by an open avowal of his deistic convictions. At any rate, - Mr. Lincoln permitted himself to be misunderstood and misrepresented by - some enthusiastic ministers and exhorters with whom he came in contact. - Among these was the Rev. Mr. Smith, then pastor of the First Presbyterian - Church of Springfield, and afterwards Consul at Dundee, in Scotland, under - Mr. Lincoln's appointment. The abilities of this gentleman to discuss such - a topic to the edification of a man like Mr. Lincoln seem to have been - rather slender; but the chance of converting so distinguished a person - inspired him with a zeal which he might not have felt for the salvation of - an obscurer soul. Mr. Lincoln listened to his exhortations in silence, - apparently respectful, and occasionally sat out his sermons in church with - as much patience as other people. Finding these oral appeals unavailing, - Mr. Smith composed a heavy tract out of his own head to suit the - particular case. "The preparation of that work," says he, "cost me long - and arduous labor;" but it does not appear to have been read. Mr. Lincoln - took the "work" to his office, laid it down without writing his name on - it, and never took it up again to the knowledge of a man who inhabited - that office with him, and who saw it lying on the same spot every day for - months. Subsequently Mr. Smith drew from Mr. Lincoln an acknowledgment - that his argument was unanswerable,—not a very high compliment under - the circumstances, but one to which Mr. Smith often referred afterwards - with great delight. He never asserted, as some have supposed, that Mr. - Lincoln was converted from the error of his ways; that he abandoned his - infidel opinions, or that he united himself with any Christian church. On - the contrary, when specially interrogated on these points by Mr. Herndon, - he refused to answer, on the ground that Mr. Herndon was not a proper - person to receive such a communication from Mr. Newton Bateman is reported - to have said that a few days before the Presidential election of 1860, Mr. - Lincoln came into his office, closed the door against intrusion, and - proposed to examine a book which had been furnished him, at his own - request, "containing a careful canvass of the city of Springfield, showing - the candidate for whom each citizen had declared his intention to vote at - the approaching election. He ascertained that only three ministers of the - gospel, out of twenty-three, would vote for him, and that, of the - prominent church-members, a very large majority were against him." Mr. - Bateman does not say so directly, but the inference is plain that Mr. - Lincoln had not previously known what were the sentiments of the Christian - people who lived with him in Springfield: he had never before taken the - trouble to inquire whether they were for him or against him. At all - events, when he made the discovery out of the book, he wept, and declared - that he "did not understand it at all." He drew from his bosom a pocket - New Testament, and, "with a trembling voice and his cheeks wet with - tears," quoted it against his political opponents generally, and - especially against Douglas. He professed to believe that the opinions - adopted by him and his party were derived from the teachings of Christ; - averred that Christ was God; and, speaking of the Testament which he - carried in his bosom, called it "this rock, on which him I stand." When - Mr. Bateman expressed surprise, and told him that his friends generally - were ignorant that he entertained such sentiments, he gave this answer - quickly: "I know they are: I am obliged to appear different to them." Mr. - Bateman is a respectable citizen, whose general reputation for truth and - veracity is not to be impeached; but his story, as reported in Holland's - Life, is so inconsistent with Mr. Lincoln's whole character, that it must - be rejected as altogether incredible. From the time of the Democratic - split in the Baltimore Convention, Mr. Lincoln, as well as every other - politician of the smallest sagacity, knew that his success was as certain - as any future event could be. At the end of October, most of the States - had clearly voted in a way which left no lingering doubts of the final - result of November. If there ever was a time in his life when ambition - charmed his whole heart,—if it could ever be said of him that "hope - elevated and joy brightened his crest," it was on the eve of that election - which he saw was to lift him at last to the high place for which he had - sighed and struggled so long. It was not then that he would mourn and weep - because he was in danger of not getting the votes of the ministers and - members of the churches he had known during many years for his steadfast - opponents: he did not need them, and had not expected them. Those who - understood him best are very sure that he never, under any circumstances, - could have fallen into such weakness—not even when his fortunes were - at the lowest point of depression—as to play the part of a hypocrite - for their support. Neither is it possible that he was at any loss about - the reasons which religious men had for refusing him their support; and, - if he said that he could not understand it at all, he must have spoken - falsely. But the worst part of the tale is Mr. Lincoln's acknowledgment - that his "friends generally were deceived concerning his religious - sentiments, and that he was obliged to appear different to them." - </p> - <p> - According to this version, which has had considerable currency, he carried - a Testament in his bosom, carefully hidden from his intimate associates: - he believed that Christ was God; yet his friends understood him to deny - the verity of the gospel: he based his political doctrines on the - teachings of the Bible; yet before all men, except Mr. Bateman, he - habitually acted the part of an unbeliever and reprobate, because he was - "obliged to appear different to them." How obliged? What compulsion - required him to deny that Christ was God if he really believed him to be - divine? Or did he put his political necessities above the obligations of - truth, and oppose Christianity against his convictions, that he might win - the favor of its enemies? It may be that his mere silence was sometimes - misunderstood; but he never made an express avowal of any religious - opinion which he did not entertain. He did not "appear different" at one - time from what he was at another, and certainly he never put on infidelity - as a mere mask to conceal his Christian character from the world. There is - no dealing with Mr. Bateman, except by a flat contradiction. Perhaps his - memory was treacherous, or his imagination led him astray, or, - peradventure, he thought a fraud no harm if it gratified the strong desire - of the public for proofs of Mr. Lincoln's orthodoxy. It is nothing to the - purpose that Mr. Lincoln said once or twice that he thought this or that - portion of the Scripture was the product of divine inspiration; for he was - one of the class who hold that all truth is inspired, and that every human - being with a mind and a conscience is a prophet. He would have agreed much - more readily with one who taught that Newton's discoveries, or Bacon's - philosophy, or one of his own speeches, were the works of men divinely - inspired above their fellows.1 - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "As we have bodily senses to lay hold on matter, and supply bodily - wants, through which we obtain, naturally, all needed material things; - so we have spiritual faculties to lay hold on God and supply spiritual - wants: through them we obtain all needed spiritual things. As we observe - the conditions of the body, we have nature on our side: as we observe - the law of the soul, we have God on our side. He imparts truth to all - men who observe these conditions: we have direct access to him through - reason, conscience, and the religious faculty, just as we have direct - access to nature through the eye, the ear, or the hand. Through these - channels, and by means of a law, certain, regular, and universal as - gravitation, God inspires men, makes revelation of truth; for is not - truth as much a phenomenon of God as motion of matter? Therefore, if God - be omnipresent and omniactive, this inspiration is no miracle, but a - regular mode of God's action on conscious spirit, as gravitation on - unconscious matter. It is not a rare condescension of God, but a - universal uplifting of man. To obtain a knowledge of duty, a man is not - sent away, outside of himself, to ancient documents: for the only rule - of faith and practice, the Word, is very nigh him, even in his heart, - and by this Word he is to try all documents whatsoever. Inspiration, - like God's omnipresence, is not limited to the few writers claimed by - the Jews, Christians, or Mohammedans, but is co- extensive with the - race. As God fills all space, so all spirit; as he influences and - constrains unconscious and necessitated matter, so he inspires and helps - free, unconscious man. "This theory does not make God limited, partial, - or capricious: it exalts man. While it honors the excellence of a - religious genius of a Moses or a Jesus, it does not pronounce their - character monstrous, as the supernatural, nor fanatical, as the - rationalistic theory; but natural, human, and beautiful, revealing the - possibility of mankind. Prayer—whether voluntative or spontaneous, - a word or a feeling, felt in gratitude, or penitence, or joy, or - resignation—is not a soliloquy of the man, not a physiological - function, nor an address to a deceased man, but a sally into the - infinite spiritual world, whence we bring back light and truth. There - are windows towards God, as towards the world. There is no intercessor, - angel, mediator, between man and God; for man can speak, and God hear, - each for himself. He requires no advocate to plead for men, who need not - pray by attorney. Each man stands close to the omnipresent God; may feel - his beautiful presence, and have familiar access to the All-Father; get - truth at first hand from its Author. Wisdom, righteousness, and love are - the Spirit of God in the soul of man: wherever these are, and just in - proportion to their power, there is inspiration from God. Thus God is - not the author of confusion, but concord. Faith and knowledge and - revelation and reason tell the same tale, and so legitimate and confirm - each one another. "God's action on matter and on man is, perhaps, the - same thing to him, though it appear differently modified to us. But it - is plain, from the nature of things, that there can be but one kind of - inspiration, as of truth, faith, or love: it is the direct and intuitive - perception of some truth, either of thought or of sentiment. There can - be but one mode of inspiration: it is the action of the Highest within - the soul, the divine presence imparting light; this presence, as truth, - justice, holiness, love, infusing itself into the soul, giving it new - life; the breathing-in of the Deity; the in-come of God to the soul, in - the form of truth through the reason, of right through the conscience, - of love and faith through the affections and religious element. Is - inspiration confined to theological matter alone? Most certainly not."— - —Parker's Discourse pertaining to Religion. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - But he never told any one that he accepted Jesus as the Christ, or - performed a single one of the acts which necessarily follow upon such a - conviction. At Springfield and at Washington he was beset on the one hand - by political priests, and on the other by honest and prayerful Christians. - He despised the former, respected the latter, and had use for both. He - said with characteristic irreverence, that he would not undertake to "run - the churches by military authority;" but he was, nevertheless, alive to - the importance of letting the churches "run" themselves in the interest of - his party. Indefinite expressions about "Divine Providence," the "justice - of God," "the favor of the Most High," were easy, and not inconsistent - with his religious notions. In this, accordingly, he indulged freely; but - never in all that time did he let fall from his lips or his pen an - expression which remotely implied the slightest faith in Jesus as the Son - of God and the Saviour of men. - </p> - <p> - The effect of Mr. Lincoln's unbelief did not affect his constitutional - love of justice. Though he rejected the New Testament as a book of divine - authority, he accepted the practical part of its precepts as binding upon - him by virtue of the natural law. The benevolence of his impulses served - to keep him, for the most part, within the limits to which a Christian is - confined by the fear of God. It is also true beyond doubt that he was - greatly influenced by the reflected force of Christianity. If he did not - believe it, the masses of the "plain people" did; and no one ever was more - anxious to do "whatsoever was of good report among men." To qualify - himself as a witness or an officer it was frequently necessary that he - should take oaths; and he always appealed to the Christian's God either by - laying his hand upon the Gospels, or by some other form of invocation - common among believers. Of course the ceremony was superfluous, for it - imposed no religious obligation upon him; but his strong innate sense of - right was sufficient to make him truthful without that high and awful - sanction which faith in divine revelation would have carried with it. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was by no means free from a kind of belief in the - supernatural. While he rejected the great facts of Christianity, as - wanting the support of authentic evidence, his mind was readily impressed - with the most absurd superstitions.1 He lived constantly in the serious - conviction that he was himself the subject of a special decree, made by - some unknown and mysterious power, for which he had no name. The birth and - death of Christ, his wonderful works, and his resurrection as "the - first-fruits of them that slept," Mr. Lincoln denied, because they seemed - naturally improbable, or inconsistent with his "philosophy so called;" but - his perverted credulity terrified him when he saw two images of himself in - a mirror. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - 1 "He had great faith in the strong sense of country people; and he gave - them credit for greater intelligence than most men do. If he found an - idea prevailing generally amongst them, he believed there was something - in it, although it might not harmonize with science. "He had great faith - in the virtues of the 'mad-stone' although he could give no reason for - it, and confessed that it looked like superstition. But, he said, he - found the people in the neighborhood of these stones fully impressed - with a belief in their virtues from actual experiment; and that was - about as much as we could ever know of the properties of medicines."—Gillespie. - "When his son 'Bob' was supposed to have been bitten by a rabid dog, Mr. - Lincoln took him to Terre Haute, La., where there was a mad-stone, with - the intention of having it applied, and, it is presumed, did so."—Mrs. - Wallace. - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - It is very probable that much of Mr. Lincoln's unhappiness, the melancholy - that "dripped from him as he walked," was due to his want of religious - faith. When the black fit was on him, he suffered as much mental misery as - Bunyan or Cowper in the deepest anguish of their conflicts with the evil - one. But the unfortunate conviction fastened upon him by his early - associations, that there was no truth in the Bible, made all consolation - impossible, and penitence useless. To a man of his temperament, - predisposed as it was to depression of spirits, there could be no chance - of happiness, if doomed to live without hope and without God in the world. - He might force himself to be merry with his chosen comrades; he might - "banish sadness" in mirthful conversation, or find relief in a jest; - gratified ambition might elevate his feelings, and give him ease for a - time: but solid comfort and permanent peace could come to him only through - "a correspondence fixed with heaven." The fatal misfortune of his life, - looking at it only as it affected him in this world, was the influence at - New Salem and Springfield which enlisted him on the side of unbelief. He - paid the bitter penalty in a life of misery. - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "It was a grievous sin in Cæsar; And grievously hath Cæsar answered it." - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - Very truly, - </p> - <p> - W. H. Herndon. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0020" id="link2HCH0020"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER XX - </h2> - <p> - ON the 11th of February, 1861, the arrangements for Mr. Lincoln's - departure from Springfield were completed. It was intended to occupy the - time remaining between that date and the 4th of March with a grand tour - from State to State and city to city. One Mr. Wood, "recommended by - Senator Seward," was the chief manager. He provided special trains to be - preceded by pilot engines all the way through. - </p> - <p> - It was a gloomy day: heavy clouds floated overhead, and a cold rain was - falling. Long before eight o'clock, a great mass of people had collected - at the station of the Great Western Railway to witness the event of the - day. At precisely five minutes before eight, Mr. Lincoln, preceded by Mr. - Wood, emerged from a private room in the dépôt building, and passed slowly - to the car, the people falling back respectfully on either side, and as - many as possible shaking his hands. Having finally reached the train, he - ascended the rear platform, and, facing about to the throng which had - closed around him, drew himself up to his full height, removed his hat, - and stood for several seconds in profound silence. His eye roved sadly - over that sea of upturned faces; and he thought he read in them again the - sympathy and friendship which he had often tried, and which he never - needed more than he did then. There was an unusual quiver in his lip, and - a still more unusual tear on his shrivelled cheek. His solemn manner, his - long silence, were as full of melancholy eloquence as any words he could - have uttered. What did he think of? Of the mighty changes which had lifted - him from the lowest to the highest estate on earth? Of the weary road - which had brought him to this lofty summit? Of his poor mother lying - beneath the tangled underbrush in a distant forest? Of that other grave in - the quiet Concord cemetery? Whatever the particular character of his - thoughts, it is evident that they were retrospective and painful. To those - who were anxiously waiting to catch words upon which the fate of the - nation might hang, it seemed long until he had mastered his feelings - sufficiently to speak. At length he began in a husky tone of voice, and - slowly and impressively delivered his farewell to his neighbors. Imitating - his example, every man in the crowd stood with his head uncovered in the - fast-falling rain. - </p> - <p> - "Friends,—No one who has never been placed in a like position can - understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I feel at - this parting. For more than a quarter of a century I have lived among you, - and during all that time I have received nothing but kindness at your - hands. Here I have lived from my youth, until now I am an old man. Here - the most sacred ties of earth were assumed. Here all my children were - born; and here one of them lies buried. To you, dear friends, I owe all - that I have, all that I am. All the strange, checkered past seems to crowd - now upon my mind. To-day I leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult - than that which devolved upon Washington. Unless the great God, who - assisted him, shall be with and aid me, I must fail; but if the same - omniscient mind and almighty arm that directed and protected him shall - guide and support me, I shall not fail,—I shall succeed. Let us all - pray that the God of our fathers may not forsake us now. To him I commend - you all. Permit me to ask, that, with equal security and faith, you will - invoke his wisdom and guidance for me. With these few words I must leave - you: for how long I know not. Friends, one and all, I must now bid you an - affectionate farewell." - </p> - <p> - "It was a most impressive scene," said the editor of "The Journal." "We - have known Mr. Lincoln for many years; we have heard him speak upon a - hundred different occasions; but we never saw him so profoundly affected, - nor did he ever utter an address which seemed to us so full of simple and - touching eloquence, so exactly adapted to the occasion, so worthy of the - man and the hour." - </p> - <p> - At eight o'clock the train rolled out of Springfield amid the cheers of - the populace. Four years later a funeral train, covered with the emblems - of splendid mourning, rolled into the same city, bearing a discolored - corpse, whose obsequies were being celebrated in every part of the - civilized world. - </p> - <p> - Along with Mr. Lincoln's family in the special car were Gov. Yates, - Ex-Gov. Moore, Dr. Wallace (Mr. Lincoln's brother-in-law), Mr. Judd, Mr. - Browning, Judge Davis, Col. Ellsworth, Col. Lamon, and private secretaries - Nicolay and Hay. - </p> - <p> - It has been asserted that an attempt was made to throw the train off the - track between Springfield and Indianapolis, and also that a hand-grenade - was found on board at Cincinnati, but no evidence of the fact is given in - either case, and none of the Presidential party ever heard of these - murderous doings until they read of them in some of the more imaginative - reports of their trip. - </p> - <p> - Full accounts of this journey were spread broadcast over the country at - the time, and have been collected and printed in various books. But, - except for the speeches of the President elect, those accounts possess no - particular interest at this day; and of the speeches we shall present here - only such extracts as express his thoughts and feelings about the - impending civil war. - </p> - <p> - In the heat of the late canvass, he had written the following private - letter:— - </p> - <p> - Springfield, Ill., Aug. 15, 1860. - </p> - <p> - John B. Fry, Esq. - </p> - <p> - My dear Sir,—Yours of the 9th, enclosing the letter of Hon. John M. - Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned, according to - your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the - South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort - to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good sense - and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government, rather than see it - administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At least, so I - hope and believe. - </p> - <p> - I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that of Mr. Botts. - </p> - <p> - Yours very truly, - </p> - <p> - A. Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - The opinion expressed in the letter as to the probability of war does not - appear to have undergone any material change or modification during the - eventful months which had intervened; for he expressed it in much stronger - terms at almost every stage of his progress to Washington. - </p> - <p> - At Toledo he said,— - </p> - <p> - "I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as you - are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet - has expressed it, 'Behind the cloud the sun is shining still.'" - </p> - <p> - At Indianapolis:— - </p> - <p> - "I am here to thank you for this magnificent welcome, and still more for - the very generous support given by your State to that political cause, - which, I think, is the true and just cause of the whole country, and the - whole world. Solomon says, 'There is a time to keep silence;' and when men - wrangle by the mouth, with no certainty that they mean the same thing - while using the same words, it perhaps were as well if they would keep - silence. - </p> - <p> - "The words 'coercion' and 'invasion' are much used in these days, and - often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that we - do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the - exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men - themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the - use of the words. - </p> - <p> - "What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an army - into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile - intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would; and it would - be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if - the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other - property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold - the mails from places where they were' habitually violated, would any or - all of these things be invasion or coercion? Do our professed lovers of - the Union, who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and - invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part of the United - States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of - means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be - exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist - would be much too large for them to swallow. In their view, the Union, as - a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort - of 'free-love' arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction." - </p> - <p> - At Columbus:— - </p> - <p> - "Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to the policy of - the new administration. In this, I have received from some a degree of - credit for having kept silence, from others some depreciation. I still - think I was right. In the varying and repeatedly-shifting scenes of the - present, <i>without a precedent which could enable me to judge for the - past</i>, it has seemed fitting, that, before speaking upon the - difficulties of the country, I should have gained a view of the whole - field. To be sure, after all, I would be at liberty to modify and change - the course of policy as future events might make a change necessary. - </p> - <p> - "I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. <i>It is a - good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going - wrong. It is a consoling circumstance, that when we look out there is - nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon - political questions; but nobody is suffering any thing. This is a most - consoling circumstance, and from it I judge that all we want is time and - patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this people</i>." - </p> - <p> - At Pittsburg:— - </p> - <p> - "Notwithstanding the troubles across the river, <i>there is really no - crisis springing from any thing in the Government itself. In plain words, - there is really no crisis, except an artificial one.</i> What is there now - to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends 'over the - river'? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and there is - nothing to justify the course which they are pursuing. <i>I repeat it, - then, there is no crisis, except such a one as may be gotten up at any - time by turbulent men, aided by designing politicians</i>. My advice, - then, under such circumstances, is <i>to keep cool. If the great American - people will only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the trouble - will come to an end, and the question which now distracts the country will - be settled just as surely as all other difficulties of like character - which have originated in this Government have been adjusted. Let the - people on both sides keep their self-possession, and, just as other clouds - have cleared away in due time, so will this; and this great nation shall - continue to prosper as heretofore</i>." - </p> - <p> - At Cleveland:— - </p> - <p> - "Frequent allusion is made to the excitement at present existing in our - national politics, and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. - <i>I think that there is no occasion for any excitement. The crisis, as it - is called, is altogether an artificial crisis.... As I said before, this - crisis is all artificial! It has no foundation in fact. It was not 'argued - up,' as the saying is, and cannot be argued down. Let it alone, and it - will go down itself</i>." - </p> - <p> - Before the Legislature of New York:— - </p> - <p> - "When the time comes, according to the custom of the Government, I shall - speak, and speak as well as I am able for the good of the present and of - the future of this country,—for the good of the North and of the - South, for the good of one and of the other, and of all sections of it. In - the mean time, <i>if we have patience, if we maintain our equanimity, - though some may allow themselves to run off in a burst of passion</i>, I - still have confidence that the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, through the - instrumentality of this great and intelligent people, can and will bring - us through this difficulty, as he has heretofore brought us through all - preceding difficulties of the country. Relying upon this, and again - thanking you, as I forever shall, in my heart, for this generous reception - you have given me, I bid you farewell." - </p> - <p> - In response to the Mayor of New York City, who had said, "To you, - therefore, chosen under the forms of the Constitution, as the head of the - Confederacy, we look for a restoration of fraternal relations between the - States,—only to be accomplished by peaceful and conciliatory means, - aided by the wisdom of Almighty God," Mr. Lincoln said,— - </p> - <p> - "In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this time, and of which - you have seen fit to speak so becomingly and so justly, I can only say - that I agree with the sentiments expressed." - </p> - <p> - At Trenton:— - </p> - <p> - "I shall endeavor to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the - East, the West, the South, and the whole country. I take it, I hope, in - good temper,—certainly with no malice towards any section. <i>I - shall do all that may be in my power to promote a peaceful settlement of - all our difficulties. The man does not live who is more devoted to peace - than I am,—none who would do more to preserve it. But it maybe - necessary to put the foot down firmly</i>. And if I do my duty, and do - right, you will sustain me: will you not? Received, as I am, by the - members of a legislature, the majority of whom do not agree with me in - political sentiments, I trust that I may have their assistance in piloting - the Ship of State through this voyage, surrounded by perils as it is; for, - if it should suffer shipwreck now, there will be no pilot ever needed for - another voyage." - </p> - <p> - At Philadelphia:— - </p> - <p> - "It is true, as your worthy mayor has said, that there is anxiety among - the citizens of the United States at this time. I deem it a happy - circumstance that this dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens do not - point us to any thing in which they are being injured, or are about to be - injured; <i>for which reason I have felt all the while justified in - concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety, of the country at this - time is artificial.</i> If there be those who differ with me upon this - subject, they have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that exists. - I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considerable - harm: that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been - expressed by your mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, harmony, and - prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him; and happy indeed will I - be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil that hope. I promise you, in - all sincerity, that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I will - bring a head equal to that heart, will be for future times to determine. - It were useless for me to speak of details or plans now: I shall speak - officially next Monday week, if ever. If I should not speak then, it were - useless for me to do so now." - </p> - <p> - At Philadelphia again:— - </p> - <p> - "Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no - bloodshed or war. <i>There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of - such a course: and I may say, in advance, that there will be no blood shed - unless it be forced upon the Government; and then it will be compelled to - act in self-defence.</i>" - </p> - <p> - At Harrisburg:— - </p> - <p> - "I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in - regard to what has been said about the military support which the General - Government may expect from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper - emergency. <i>To guard against any possible mistake, do I recur to this. - It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a - necessity may arise in this country for the use of the military arm</i>. - While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your - streets of your military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your - promise here to use that force upon a proper emergency; while I make these - acknowledgments, I desire to repeat, in order to <i>preclude any possible - misconstruction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use - for them; that it will never become their duty to shed Hood, and most - especially never to shed fraternal blood</i>. I promise that, so far as I - have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought - about, it shall be through no fault of mine." - </p> - <p> - Whilst Mr. Lincoln, in the midst of his suite and attendants, was being - borne in triumph through the streets of Philadelphia, and a countless - multitude of people were shouting themselves hoarse, and jostling and - crushing each other around his carriage-wheels, Mr. Felton, the President - of the Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore Railway, was engaged with a - private detective discussing the details of an alleged conspiracy to - murder him at Baltimore. Some months before, Mr. Felton, apprehending - danger to the bridges along his line, had taken this man into his pay, and - sent him to Baltimore to spy out and report any plot that might be found - for their destruction. Taking with him a couple of other men and a woman, - the detective went about his business with the zeal which necessarily - marks his peculiar profession. He set up as a stock-broker, under an - assumed name, opened an office, and became a vehement Secessionist. His - agents were instructed to act with the duplicity which such men generally - use, to be rabid on the subject of "Southern rights," to suggest all - manner of crimes in vindication of them; and if, by these arts, - corresponding sentiments should be elicited from their victims, the "job" - might be considered as prospering. Of course they readily found out what - everybody else knew,—that Maryland was in a state of great alarm; - that her people were forming military associations, and that Gov. Hicks - was doing his utmost to furnish them with arms, on condition that the - arms, in case of need, should be turned against the Federal Government. - Whether they detected any plan to burn bridges or not, the chief detective - does not relate; but it appears that he soon deserted that inquiry, and - got, or pretended to get, upon a scent that promised a heavier reward. - Being intensely ambitious to shine in the professional way, and something - of a politician besides, it struck him that it would be a particularly - fine thing to discover a dreadful plot to assassinate the President elect; - and he discovered it accordingly. It was easy to get that far: to furnish - tangible proofs of an imaginary conspiracy was a more difficult matter. - But Baltimore was seething with political excitement; numerous strangers - from the far South crowded its hotels and boarding-houses; great numbers - of mechanics and laborers out of employment encumbered its streets; and - everywhere politicians, merchants, mechanics, laborers, and loafers were - engaged in heated discussions about the anticipated war, and the - probability of Northern troops being marched through Maryland to slaughter - and pillage beyond the Potomac. It would seem like an easy thing to - beguile a few individuals of this angry and excited multitude into the - expression of some criminal desire; and the opportunity was not wholly - lost, although the limited success of the detective under such favorable - circumstances is absolutely wonderful. He put his "shadows" upon several - persons, whom it suited his pleasure to suspect; and the "shadows" pursued - their work with the keen zest and the cool treachery of their kind. They - reported daily to their chief in writing, as he reported in turn to his - employer. These documents are neither edifying nor useful: they prove - nothing but the baseness of the vocation which gave them existence. They - were furnished to Mr. Herndon in full, under the impression that partisan - feeling had extinguished in him the love of truth, and the obligations of - candor, as it had in many writers who preceded him on the same - subject-matter. They have been carefully and thoroughly read, analyzed, - examined, and Compared, with an earnest and conscientious desire to - discover the truth, if, perchance, any trace of truth might be in them. - The process of investigation began with a strong bias in favor of the - conclusion at which the detective had arrived. For ten years the author - implicitly believed in the reality of the atrocious plot which these spies - were supposed to have detected and thwarted; and for ten years he had - pleased himself with the reflection that he also had done something to - defeat the bloody purpose of the assassins. It was a conviction which - could scarcely have been overthrown by evidence less powerful than the - detective's weak and contradictory account of his own case. In that - account there is literally nothing to sustain the accusation, and much to - rebut it. It is perfectly manifest that there was no conspiracy,—no - conspiracy of a hundred, of fifty, of twenty, of three; no definite - purpose in the heart of even one man to murder Mr. Lincoln at Baltimore. - </p> - <p> - The reports are all in the form of personal narratives, and for the most - relate when the spies went to bed, when they rose, where they ate, what - saloons and brothels they visited, and what blackguards they met and - "drinked" with. One of them "shadowed" a loud-mouthed, drinking fellow, - named Luckett, and another, a poor scapegrace and braggart, named - Hilliard. These wretches "drinked" and talked a great deal, hung about - bars, haunted disreputable houses, were constantly half-drunk, and easily - excited to use big and threatening words by the faithless protestations - and cunning management of the spies. Thus Hilliard was made to say that he - thought a man who should act the part of Brutus in these times would - deserve well of his country; and Luckett was induced to declare that he - knew a man who would kill Lincoln. At length the great arch-conspirator—the - Brutus, the Orsini, of the New World, to whom Luckett and Hilliard, the - "national volunteers," and all such, were as mere puppets—condescended - to reveal himself in the most obliging and confiding manner. He made no - mystery of his cruel and desperate scheme. He did not guard it as a - dangerous secret, or choose his confidants with the circumspection which - political criminals, and especially assassins, have generally thought - proper to observe. Very many persons knew what he was about, and levied on - their friends for small sums—five, ten, and twenty dollars—to - further the "captain's" plan. Even Luckett was deep enough in the awful - plot to raise money for it; and when he took one of the spies to a public - bar-room, and introduced him to the "captain," the latter sat down and - talked it all over without the slightest reserve. When was there ever - before such a loud-mouthed conspirator, such a trustful and innocent - assassin! His name was Ferrandina, his occupation that of a barber, his - place of business beneath Barnum's Hotel, where the sign of the - bloodthirsty villain still invites the unsuspecting public to come in for - a shave. - </p> - <p> - "Mr. Luckett," so the spy relates, "said that he was not going home this - evening; and if I would meet him at Barr's saloon, on South Street, he - would introduce me to Ferrandina. - </p> - <p> - "This was unexpected to me; but I determined to take the chances, and - agreed to meet Mr. Luckett at the place named at 7, p.m. Mr. Luckett left - about 2.30, p.m.; and I went to dinner. - </p> - <p> - "I was at the office in the afternoon in hopes that Mr. Felton might call, - but he did not; and at 6.15, p.m., I went to supper. After supper, I went - to Barr's saloon, and found Mr. Luckett and several other gentlemen there. - He asked me to drink, and introduced me to Capt. Ferrandina and Capt. - Turner. He eulogized me very highly as a neighbor of his, and told - Ferrandina that I was the gentleman who had given the twenty-five dollars - he (Luckett) had given to Ferrandina. - </p> - <p> - "The conversation at once got into politics; and Ferrandina, who is a - fine-looking, intelligent-appearing person, became very excited. He shows - the Italian in, I think, a very marked degree; and, although excited, yet - was cooler than what I had believed was the general characteristic of - Italians. He has lived South for many years, and is thoroughly imbued with - the idea that the South must rule; that they (Southerners) have been - outraged in their rights by the election of Lincoln, and freely justified - resorting to any means to prevent Lincoln from taking his seat; and, as he - spoke, his eyes fairly glared and glistened, and his whole frame quivered, - but he was fully conscious of all he was doing. He is a man well - calculated for controlling and directing the ardent-minded: he is an - enthusiast, and believes, that, to use his own words, 'murder of any kind - is justifiable and right to save the rights of the Southern people.' In - all his views he was ably seconded by Capt. Turner. - </p> - <p> - "Capt. Turner is an American; but although very much of a gentleman, and - possessing warm Southern feelings, he is not by any means so dangerous a - man as Ferrandina, as his ability for exciting others is less powerful; - but that he is a bold and proud man there is no doubt, as also that he is - entirely under the control of Ferrandina. In fact, it could not be - otherwise: for even I myself felt the influence of this man's strange - power; and, wrong though I knew him to be, I felt strangely unable to keep - my mind balanced against him. - </p> - <p> - "Ferrandina said, 'Never, never, shall Lincoln be President. His life - (Ferrandina's) was of no consequence: he was willing to give it up for - Lincoln's; he would sell it for that Abolitionist's; and as Orsini had - given his life for Italy, so was he (Ferrandina) ready to die for his - country, and the rights of the South; and, said Ferrandina, turning to - Capt. Turner, 'We shall all die together: we shall show the North that we - fear them not. Every man, captain,' said he, 'will on that day prove - himself a hero. The first shot fired, the main traitor (Lincoln) dead, and - all Maryland will be with us, and the South shall be free; and the North - must then be ours.'—'Mr. Hutchins,' said Ferrandina, 'if I alone - must do it, I shall: Lincoln shall die in this city.' - </p> - <p> - "Whilst we were thus talking, we (Mr. Luckett, Turner, Ferrandina, and - myself) were alone in one corner of the barroom; and, while talking, two - strangers had got pretty near us. Mr. Luckett called Ferrandina's - attention to this, and intimated that they were listening; and we went up - to the bar, drinked again at my expense, and again retired to another part - of the room, at Ferrandina's request, to see if the strangers would again - follow us: whether by accident or design, they again got near us; but of - course we were not talking of any matter of consequence. Ferrandina said - he suspected they were spies, and suggested that he had to attend a secret - meeting, and was apprehensive that the two strangers might follow him; - and, at Mr. Luckett's request, I remained with him (Luckett) to watch the - movements of the strangers. I assured Ferrandina, that, if they would - attempt to follow him, that we would whip them. - </p> - <p> - "Ferrandina and Turner left to attend the meeting; and, anxious as I was - to follow them myself, I was obliged to remain with Mr. Luckett to watch - the strangers, which we did for about fifteen minutes, when Mr. Luckett - said that he should go to a friend's to stay over night, and I left for my - hotel, arriving there at about 9, p.m., and soon retired." - </p> - <p> - It is in a secret communication between hireling spies and paid informers - that these ferocious sentiments are attributed to the poor knight of the - soap-pot. No disinterested person would believe the story upon such - evidence; and it will appear hereafter, that even the detective felt that - it was too weak to mention among his strong points at that decisive - moment, when he revealed all he knew to the President and his friends. It - is probably a mere fiction. If it had had any foundation in fact, we are - inclined to believe that the sprightly and eloquent barber would have - dangled at a rope's end long since. He would hardly have been left to - shave and plot in peace, while the members of the Legislature, the - police-marshal, and numerous private gentlemen, were locked up in Federal - prisons. When Mr. Lincoln was actually slain, four years later, and the - cupidity of the detectives was excited by enormous rewards, Ferrandina was - totally unmolested. But even if Ferrandina really said all that is here - imputed to him, he did no more than many others around him were doing at - the same time. He drank and talked, and made swelling speeches; but he - never took, nor seriously thought of taking, the first step toward the - frightful tragedy he is said to have contemplated. - </p> - <p> - The detectives are cautious not to include in the supposed plot to murder - any person of eminence, power, or influence. Their game is all of the - smaller sort, and, as they conceived, easily taken,—witless - vagabonds like Hilliard and Luckett, and a barber, whose calling indicates - his character and associations. They had no fault to find with the - governor of the State: he was rather a lively trimmer, to be sure, and - very anxious to turn up at last on the winning side; but it was manifestly - impossible that one in such exalted station could meditate murder. Yet, if - they had pushed their inquiries with an honest desire to get at the truth, - they might have found much stronger evidence against the governor than - that which they pretend to have found against the barber. In the - governor's case the evidence is documentary, written, authentic,—over - his own hand, clear and conclusive as pen and ink could make it. As early - as the previous November, Gov. Hicks had written the following letter; - and, notwithstanding its treasonable and murderous import, the writer - became conspicuously loyal before spring, and lived to reap splendid - rewards and high honors under the auspices of the Federal Government, as - the most patriotic and devoted Union man in Maryland. The person to whom - the letter was addressed was equally fortunate; and, instead of drawing - out his comrades in the field to "kill Lincoln and his men," he was sent - to Congress by power exerted from Washington at a time when the - administration selected the representatives of Maryland, and performed all - his duties right loyally and acceptably. Shall one be taken, and another - left? Shall Hicks go to the Senate, and Webster to Congress, while the - poor barber is held to the silly words which he is alleged to have - sputtered out between drinks in a low groggery, under the blandishments - and encouragements of an eager spy, itching for his reward? - </p> - <p> - State of Maryland, Executive Chamber, Annapolis, Nov. 9, 1860. - </p> - <p> - Hon. E. H. Webster. - </p> - <p> - My dear Sir,—I have pleasure in acknowledging receipt of your favor - introducing a very clever gentleman to my acquaintance (though a Demo'). I - regret to say that we have, at this time, no arms on hand to distribute, - but assure you at the earliest possible moment your company shall have - arms: they have complied with all required on their part. We have some - delay, in consequence of contracts with Georgia and Alabama, ahead of us: - we expect at an early day an additional supply, and of first received your - people shall be furnished. Will they be good men to send out to kill - Lincoln and his men? if not, suppose the arms would be better sent South. - </p> - <p> - How does late election sit with you? 'Tis too bad. Harford, nothing to - reproach herself for. - </p> - <p> - Your obedient servant, - </p> - <p> - Thos. H. Hicks. - </p> - <p> - With the Presidential party was Hon. Norman B. Judd: he was supposed to - exercise unbounded influence over the new President; and with him, - therefore, the detective opened communications. At various places along - the route, Mr. Judd was given vague hints of the impending danger, - accompanied by the usual assurances of the skill and activity of the - patriots who were perilling their lives in a rebel city to save that of - the Chief Magistrate. When he reached New York, he was met by the woman - who had originally gone with the other spies to Baltimore. She had urgent - messages from her chief,—messages that disturbed Mr. Judd - exceedingly. The detective was anxious to meet Mr. Judd and the President; - and a meeting was accordingly arranged to take place at Philadelphia. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln reached Philadelphia on the afternoon of the 21st. The - detective had arrived in the morning, and improved the interval to impress - and enlist Mr. Felton. In the evening he got Mr. Judd and Mr. Felton into - his room at the St. Louis Hotel, and told them all he had learned. He - dwelt at large on the fierce temper of the Baltimore Secessionists; on the - loose talk he had heard about "fire-balls or hand-grenades;" on a - "privateer" said to be moored somewhere in the bay; on the organization - called National Volunteers; on the fact, that, eaves-dropping at Barnum's - Hotel, he had overheard Marshal Kane intimate that he would not supply a - police-force on some undefined occasion, but what the occasion was he did - not know. He made much of his miserable victim, Hilliard, whom he held up - as a perfect type of the class from which danger was to be apprehended; - but, concerning "Captain" Ferrandina and his threats, he said, according - to his own account, not a single word. He had opened his case, his whole - case, and stated it as strongly as he could. Mr. Judd was very much - startled, and was sure that it would be extremely imprudent for Mr. - Lincoln to pass through Baltimore in open daylight, according to the - published programme. But he thought the detective ought to see the - President himself; and, as it was wearing toward nine o'clock, there was - no time to lose. It was agreed that the part taken by the detective and - Mr. Felton should be kept secret from every one but the President. Mr. - Sanford, President of the American Telegraph Company, had also been - co-operating in the business; and the same stipulation was made with - regard to him. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Judd went to his own room at the Continental, and the detective - followed. The crowd in the hotel was very dense, and it took some time to - get a message to Mr. Lincoln. But it finally reached him, and he responded - in person. Mr. Judd introduced the detective; and the latter told his - story over again, with a single variation: this time he mentioned the name - of Ferrandina along with Hilliard's, but gave no more prominence to one - than to the other. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Judd and the detective wanted Lincoln to leave for Washington that - night. This he flatly refused to do. He had engagements with the people, - he said,—to raise a flag over Independence Hall in the morning, and - to exhibit himself at Harrisburg in the afternoon; and these engagements - he would not break in any event. But he would raise the flag, go to - Harrisburg, "get away quietly" in the evening, and permit himself to be - carried to Washington in the way they thought best. Even this, however, he - conceded with great reluctance. He condescended to cross-examine the - detective on some parts of his narrative, but at no time did he seem in - the least degree alarmed. He was earnestly requested not to communicate - the change of plan to any member of his party, except Mr. Judd, nor permit - even a suspicion of it to cross the mind of another. To this he replied, - that he would be compelled to tell Mrs. Lincoln; "and he thought it likely - that she would insist upon W. H. Lamon going with him; but, aside from - that, no one should know." - </p> - <p> - In the mean time, Mr. Seward had also discovered the conspiracy. He - despatched his son to Philadelphia to warn the President elect of the - terrible plot into whose meshes he was about to run. Mr. Lincoln turned - him over to Judd, and Judd told him they already knew all about it. He - went away with just enough information to enable his father to anticipate - the exact moment of Mr. Lincoln's surreptitious arrival in Washington. - </p> - <p> - Early on the morning of the 22d, Mr. Lincoln raised the flag over - Independence Hall, and departed for Harrisburg. On the way, Mr. Judd "gave - him a full and precise detail of the arrangements that had been made" the - previous night. After the conference with the detective, Mr. Sanford, Col. - Scott, Mr. Felton, railroad and telegraph officials, had been sent for, - and came to Mr. Judd's room. They occupied nearly the whole of the night - in perfecting the plan. It was finally understood that about six o'clock - the next evening Mr. Lincoln should slip away from the Jones Hotel, at - Harrisburg, in company with a single member of his party. A special car - and engine would be provided for him on the track outside the dépôt. All - other trains on the road would be "sidetracked" until this one had passed. - Mr. Sanford would forward skilled "telegraph-climbers," and see that all - the wires leading out of Harrisburg were cut at six o'clock, and kept down - until it was known that Mr. Lincoln had reached Washington in safety. The - detective would meet Mr. Lincoln at the West Philadelphia dépôt with a - carriage, and conduct him by a circuitous route to the Philadelphia, - Wilmington, and Baltimore dépôt. Berths for four would be pre-engaged in - the sleeping-car attached to the regular midnight train for Baltimore. - This train Mr. Felton would cause to be detained until the conductor - should receive a package, containing important "government despatches," - addressed to "E. J. Allen, Willard's Hotel, Washington." This package was - made up of old newspapers, carefully wrapped and sealed, and delivered to - the detective to be used as soon as Mr. Lincoln was lodged in the car. Mr. - Lincoln approved of the plan, and signified his readiness to acquiesce. - Then Mr. Judd, forgetting the secrecy which the spy had so impressively - enjoined, told Mr. Lincoln that the step he was about to take was one of - such transcendent importance, that he thought "it should be communicated - to the other gentlemen of the party." Mr. Lincoln said, "You can do as you - like about that." Mr. Judd now changed his seat; and Mr. Nicolay, whose - suspicions seem to have been aroused by this mysterious conference, sat - down beside him, and said, "Judd, there is something up. What is it, if it - is proper that I should know?"—"George," answered Judd, "there is no - necessity for your knowing it. One man can keep a matter better than two." - </p> - <p> - Arrived at Harrisburg, and the public ceremonies and speech-making over, - Mr. Lincoln retired to a private parlor in the Jones House; and Mr. Judd - summoned to meet him Judge Davis, Col. Lamon, Col. Sumner, Major Hunter, - and Capt. Pope. The three latter were officers of the regular army, and - had joined the party after it had left Springfield. Judd began the - conference by stating the alleged fact of the Baltimore conspiracy, how it - was detected, and how it was proposed to thwart it by a midnight - expedition to Washington by way of Philadelphia. It was a great surprise - to most of those assembled. Col. Sumner was the first to break silence. - "That proceeding," said he, "will be a damned piece of cowardice." Mr. - Judd considered this a "pointed hit," but replied that "that view of the - case had already been presented to Mr. Lincoln." Then there was a general - interchange of opinions, which Sumner interrupted by saying, "I'll get a - squad of cavalry, sir, and <i>cut</i> our way to Washington, sir!"—"Probably - before that day comes," said Mr. Judd, "the inauguration day will have - passed. It is important that Mr. Lincoln should be in Washington that - day." Thus far Judge Davis had expressed no opinion, but "had put various - questions to test the truthfulness of the story." He now turned to Mr. - Lincoln, and said, "You personally heard the detective's story. You have - heard this discussion. What is your judgment in the matter?"—"I have - listened," answered Mr. Lincoln, "to this discussion with interest. I see - no reason, no good reason, to change the programme; and I am for carrying - it out as arranged by Judd." There was no longer any dissent as to the - plan itself; but one question still remained to be disposed of. Who should - accompany the President on his perilous ride? Mr. Judd again took the - lead, declaring that he and Mr. Lincoln had previously determined that but - one man ought to go, and that Col. Lamon had been selected as the proper - person. To this Sumner violently demurred. "<i>I</i> have undertaken," he - exclaimed, "to see Mr. Lincoln to Washington." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln was hastily dining when a close carriage was brought to the - side-door of the hotel. He was called, hurried to his room, changed his - coat and hat, and passed rapidly through the hall and out of the door. As - he was stepping into the carriage, it became manifest that Sumner was - determined to get in also. "Hurry with him," whispered Judd to Lamon, and - at the same time, placing his hand on Sumner's shoulder, said aloud, "One - moment, colonel!" Sumner turned around; and, in that moment, the carriage - drove rapidly away. "A madder man," says Mr. Judd, "you never saw." - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln and Col. Lamon got on board the car without discovery or - mishap. Besides themselves, there was no one in or about the car but Mr. - Lewis, general superintendent of the Pennsylvania Central Railroad, and - Mr. Franciscus, superintendent of the division over which they were about - to pass. As Mr. Lincoln's dress on this occasion has been much discussed, - it may be as well to state that he wore a soft, light felt hat, drawn down - over his face when it seemed necessary or convenient, and a shawl thrown - over his shoulders, and pulled up to assist in disguising his features - when passing to and from the carriage. This was all there was of the - "Scotch cap and cloak," so widely celebrated in the political literature - of the day. - </p> - <p> - At ten o'clock they reached Philadelphia, and were met by the detective, - and one Mr. Kinney, an under-official of the Philadelphia, Wilmington, and - Baltimore Railroad. Lewis and Franciscus bade Mr. Lincoln adieu. Mr. - Lincoln, Col. Lamon, and the detective seated themselves in a carriage, - which stood in waiting, and Mr. Kinney got upon the box with the driver. - It was a full hour and a half before the Baltimore train was to start; and - Mr. Kinney found it necessary "to consume the time by driving northward in - search of some imaginary person." - </p> - <p> - On the way through Philadelphia, Mr. Lincoln told his companions about the - message he had received from Mr. Seward. This new discovery was infinitely - more appalling than the other. Mr. Seward had been informed "that about <i>fifteen - thousand men</i> were organized to prevent his (Lincoln's) passage through - Baltimore, and that arrangements were made by these parties <i>to blow up - the railroad track, fire the train.</i>" &c. In view of these - unpleasant circumstances, Mr. Seward recommended a change of route. Here - was a plot big enough to swallow up the little one, which we are to regard - as the peculiar property of Mr. Felton's detective. Hilliard, Ferrandina, - and Luckett disappear among the "fifteen thousand;" and their maudlin and - impotent twaddle about the "abolition tyrant" looks very insignificant - beside the bloody massacre, conflagration, and explosion now foreshadowed. - </p> - <p> - As the moment for the departure of the Baltimore train drew near, the - carriage paused in the dark shadows of the dépôt building. It was not - considered prudent to approach the entrance. The spy passed in first, and - was followed by Mr. Lincoln and Col. Lamon. An agent of the former - directed them to the sleeping-car, which they entered by the rear door. - Mr. Kinney ran forward, and delivered to the conductor the "important - package" prepared for the purpose; and in three minutes the train was in - motion. The tickets for the whole party had been procured beforehand. - Their berths were ready, but had only been preserved from invasion by the - statement, that they were retained for a sick man and his attendants. The - business had been managed very adroitly by the female spy, who had - accompanied her employer from Baltimore to Philadelphia to assist him in - this the most delicate and important affair of his life. Mr. Lincoln got - into his bed immediately; and the curtains were drawn together. When the - conductor came around, the detective handed him the "sick man's" ticket; - and the rest of the party lay down also. None of "our party appeared to be - sleepy," says the detective; "but we all lay quiet, and nothing of - importance transpired." "Mr. Lincoln is very homely," said the woman in - her "report," "and so very tall, that he could not lay straight in his - berth." During the night Mr. Lincoln indulged in a joke or two, in an - undertone; but, with that exception, the "two sections" occupied by them - were perfectly silent. The detective said he had men stationed at various - places along the road to let him know "if all was right;" and he rose and - went to the platform occasionally to observe their signals, but returned - each time with a favorable report. - </p> - <p> - At thirty minutes after three, the train reached Baltimore. One of the - spy's assistants came on board, and informed him "in a whisper that all - was right." The woman got out of the car. Mr. Lincoln lay close in his - berth; and in a few moments the car was being slowly drawn through the - quiet streets of the city toward the Washington dépôt. There again there - was another pause, but no sound more alarming than the noise of shifting - cars and engines. The passengers, tucked away on their narrow shelves, - dozed on as peacefully as if Mr. Lincoln had never been born, until they - were awakened by the loud strokes of a huge club against a - night-watchman's box, which stood within the dépôt and close to the track. - It was an Irishman, trying to arouse a sleepy ticket-agent, comfortably - ensconced within. For twenty minutes the Irishman pounded the box with - ever-increasing vigor, and, at each report of his blows, shouted at the - top of his voice, "Captain! it's four o'clock! it's four o'clock!" The - Irishman seemed to think that time had ceased to run at four o'clock, and, - making no allowance for the period consumed by his futile exercises, - repeated to the last his original statement that it was four o'clock. The - passengers were intensely amused; and their jokes and laughter at the - Irishman's expense were not lost upon the occupants of the "two sections" - in the rear. "Mr. Lincoln," says the detective, appeared "to enjoy it very - much, and made several witty remarks, showing that he was as full of fun - as ever." - </p> - <p> - In due time the train sped out of the suburbs of Baltimore; and the - apprehensions of the President and his friends diminished with each - welcome revolution of the wheels. At six o'clock the dome of the Capitol - came in sight; and a moment later they rolled into the long, unsightly - building, which forms the Washington dépôt. They passed out of the car - unobserved, and pushed along with the living stream of men and women - toward the outer door. One man alone in the great crowd seemed to watch - Mr. Lincoln with special attention. Standing a little on one side, he - "looked very sharp at him," and, as he passed, seized hold of his hand, - and said in a loud tone of voice, "Abe, you can't play that on me." The - detective and Col. Lamon were instantly alarmed. One of them raised his - fist to strike the stranger; but Mr. Lincoln caught his arm, and said, - "Don't strike him! don't strike him! It is Washburne. Don't you know him?" - Mr. Seward had given to Mr. Washburne a hint of the information received - through his son; and Mr. Washburne knew its value as well as another. For - the present, the detective admonished him to keep quiet; and they passed - on together. Taking a hack, they drove towards Willard's Hotel. Mr. - Lincoln, Mr. Washburne, and the detectives got out in the street, and - approached the ladies' entrance; while Col. Lamon drove on to the main - entrance, and sent the proprietor to meet his distinguished guest at the - side door. A few minutes later Mr. Seward arrived, and was introduced to - the company by Mr. Washburne. He spoke in very strong terms of the great - danger which Mr. Lincoln had so narrowly escaped, and most heartily - applauded the wisdom of the "secret passage." "I informed Gov. Seward of - the nature of the information I had," says the detective, "and that I had - no information of any large organization in Baltimore; but the Governor - reiterated that he had conclusive evidence of this." - </p> - <p> - It soon became apparent that Mr. Lincoln wished to be left alone. He said - he was "rather tired;" and, upon this intimation, the party separated. The - detective went to the telegraph-office, and loaded the wires with - despatches, containing the pleasing intelligence that "Plums" had brought - "Nuts" through in safety. In the spy's cipher the President elect was - reduced to the undignified title of "Nuts." - </p> - <p> - That same day Mr. Lincoln's family and suite passed through Baltimore on - the special train intended for him. They saw no sign of any disposition to - burn them alive, or to blow them up with gunpowder, but went their way - unmolested and very happy. - </p> - <p> - Mr. Lincoln soon learned to regret the midnight ride. His friends - reproached him, his enemies taunted him. He was convinced that he had - committed a grave mistake in yielding to the solicitations of a - professional spy and of friends too easily alarmed. He saw that he had - fled from a danger purely imaginary, and felt the shame and mortification - natural to a brave man under such circumstances. But he was not disposed - to take all the responsibility to himself, and frequently upbraided the - writer for having aided and assisted him to demean himself at the very - moment in all his life when his behavior should have exhibited the utmost - dignity and composure. - </p> - <p> - The news of his surreptitious entry into Washington occasioned much and - varied comment throughout the country; but important events followed it in - such rapid succession, that its real significance was soon lost sight of. - Enough that Mr. Lincoln was safely at the capital, and in a few days would - in all probability assume the power confided to his hands. - </p> - <p> - If before leaving Springfield he had become weary of the pressure upon him - for office, he found no respite on his arrival at the focus of political - intrigue and corruption. The intervening days before his inauguration were - principally occupied in arranging the construction of his Cabinet. He was - pretty well determined on this subject before he reached Washington; but - in the minds of the public, beyond the generally accepted fact, that Mr. - Seward was to be the Premier of the new administration, all was - speculation and conjecture. From the circumstances of the case, he was - compelled to give patient ear to the representations which were made him - in favor of or against various persons or parties, and to hold his final - decisions till the last moment, in order that he might decide with a full - view of the requirements of public policy and party fealty. - </p> - <p> - The close of this volume is not the place to enter into a detailed history - of the circumstances which attended the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln's - administration, nor of the events which signalized the close of Mr. - Buchanan's. The history of the former cannot be understood without tracing - its relation to that of the latter, and both demand more impartial - consideration than either has yet received. - </p> - <p> - The 4th of March, 1861, at last arrived; and at noon on that day the - administration of James Buchanan was to come to a close, and that of - Abraham Lincoln was to take its place. Mr. Lincoln's feelings, as the hour - approached which was to invest him with greater responsibilities than had - fallen upon any of his predecessors, may readily be imagined by the - readers of the foregoing pages. If he saw in his elevation another step - towards the fulfilment of that destiny which at times he believed awaited - him, the thought served but to tinge with a peculiar, almost poetic - sadness, the manner in which he addressed himself to the solemn duties of - the hour. - </p> - <p> - <a name="image-0015" id="image-0015"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/579.jpg" alt="Norman B. Judd 579 " width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - The morning opened pleasantly. At an early hour he gave his inaugural - address its final revision. Extensive preparations had been made to render - the occasion as impressive as possible. By nine o'clock the procession had - begun to form, and at eleven o'clock it commenced to move toward Willard's - Hotel. Mr. Buchanan was still at the Capitol, signing bills till the - official term of his office expired. At half-past twelve he called for Mr. - Lincoln; and, after a delay of a few moments, both descended, and entered - the open barouche in waiting for them. Shortly after, the procession took - up its line of march for the Capitol. - </p> - <p> - Apprehensions existed, that possibly some attempt might be made to - assassinate Mr. Lincoln; and accordingly his carriage was carefully - surrounded by the military and the Committee of Arrangements. By order of - Gen. Scott, troops were placed at various points about the city, as well - as on the tops of some of the houses along the route of the procession. - </p> - <p> - The Senate remained in session till twelve o'clock, when Mr. Breckinridge, - in a few well-chosen words, bade the senators farewell, and then conducted - his successor, Mr. Hamlin, to the chair. At this moment, members and - members elect of the House of Representatives, and the Diplomatic Corps, - entered the chamber. At thirteen minutes to one, the Judges of the Supreme - Court were announced; and on their entrance, headed by the venerable - Chief-Justice Taney, all on the floor arose, while they moved slowly to - the seats assigned them at the right of the Vice-President, bowing to that - officer as they passed. At fifteen minutes past one, the Marshal-in-Chief - entered the chamber ushering in the President and President elect. Mr. - Lincoln looked pale, and wan, and anxious. In a few moments, the Marshal - led the way to the platform at the eastern portico of the Capitol, where - preparations had been made for the inauguration ceremony; and he was - followed by the Judges of the Supreme Court, Sergeant-at-Arms of the - Senate, the Committee of Arrangements, the President and President elect, - Vice-President, Secretary of the Senate, Senators, Diplomatic Corps, Heads - of Departments, and others in the chamber. - </p> - <p> - On arriving at the platform, Mr. Lincoln was introduced to the assembly, - by the Hon. E. D. Baker, United States Senator from Oregon. Stepping - forward, in a manner deliberate and impressive, he read in a clear, - penetrating voice, the following - </p> - <p> - INAUGURAL ADDRESS. - </p> - <p> - Fellow-Citizens of the United States:— - </p> - <p> - In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear - before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath - prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the - President before he enters on the execution of his office. - </p> - <p> - I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those - matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or - excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern - States, that, by the accession of a Republican administration, their - property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There - has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the - most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been - open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches - of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches, - when I declare, that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to - interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists." - I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no inclination to do - so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with the full knowledge that - I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted - them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, - and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution - which I now read:— - </p> - <p> - "Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and - especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic - institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to - that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our - political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed - force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, - as among the gravest of crimes." - </p> - <p> - I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the - public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is - susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to - be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. - </p> - <p> - I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the - Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all - the States, when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to - one section as to another. - </p> - <p> - There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from - service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the - Constitution as any other of its provisions:— - </p> - <p> - "No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, - escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation - therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered - up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." - </p> - <p> - It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who - made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the - intention of the lawgiver is the law. - </p> - <p> - All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution,—to - this provision as well as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves - whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," - their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good - temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law - by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? - </p> - <p> - There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced - by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a - very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but - little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done; and - should any one in any case be content that this oath shall go unkept on a - merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? - </p> - <p> - Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of - liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so - that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it - not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that - clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each - State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens - in the several States"? - </p> - <p> - I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no - purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; - and, while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as - proper to be enforced, I do suggest, that it will be much safer for all, - both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all - those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting - to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. - </p> - <p> - It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under - our national Constitution. During that period, fifteen different and very - distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive - branch of the government. They have conducted it through many perils, and - generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I - now enter upon the same task, for the brief constitutional term of four - years, under great and peculiar difficulties. - </p> - <p> - A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now - formidably attempted. I hold, that, in the contemplation of universal law - and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. - Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all - national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever - had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to - execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution, and the - Union will endure forever; it being impossible to destroy it, except by - some action not provided for in the instrument itself. - </p> - <p> - Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association - of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a contract, be - peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a - contract may violate it,—break it, so to speak; but does it not - require all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general - principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union - is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. - </p> - <p> - The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by - the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued in the - Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith - of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it - should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation, in 1778; and, - finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and - establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect Union. But, if - the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be - lawfully possible, the Union is less than before, the Constitution having - lost the vital element of perpetuity. - </p> - <p> - It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can - lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect - are legally void; and that acts of violence within any State or States - against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or - revolutionary according to circumstances. - </p> - <p> - I therefore consider, that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the - Union is unbroken; and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as - the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the - Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, which I - deem to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform it, so - far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, - shall withhold the requisite power, or in some authoritative manner direct - the contrary. - </p> - <p> - I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared - purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain - itself. - </p> - <p> - In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall be - none unless it is forced upon the national authority. - </p> - <p> - The power confided to me <i>will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the - property and places belonging to the government</i>, and collect the - duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be necessary for these objects, - there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people - anywhere. - </p> - <p> - Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and so universal as - to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, - there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for - that object. While the strict legal right may exist of the Government to - enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so - irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to - forego for the time the uses of such offices. - </p> - <p> - The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of - the Union. - </p> - <p> - So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect - security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. - </p> - <p> - The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events and - experience shall show a modification or change to be proper; and in every - case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to the - circumstances actually existing, and with a view and hope of a peaceful - solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fraternal - sympathies and affections. - </p> - <p> - That there are persons, in one section or another, who seek to destroy the - Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither - affirm nor deny. But, if there be such, I need address no word to them. - </p> - <p> - To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak? Before - entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, - with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be well - to ascertain why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step, while any - portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while - the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly - from? Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to - be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is - it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has - been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted, that - no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. - </p> - <p> - Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written - provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force - of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written - constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify - revolution: it certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such - is not our case. - </p> - <p> - All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly - assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and - prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise - concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision - specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical - administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of - reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. - Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by National or by State - authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect - slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From - questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and - we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. - </p> - <p> - If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government - must cease. There is no alternative for continuing the government but - acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a minority, in such a case, - will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn - will ruin and divide them; for a minority of their own will secede from - them, whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For - instance, why not any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, - arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now - claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being - educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity - of interests among the States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony - only, and prevent renewed secession? Plainly, the central idea of - secession is the essence of anarchy. - </p> - <p> - A majority held in restraint by constitutional check and limitation, and - always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and - sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects - it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is - impossible: the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly - inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or - despotism in some form is all that is left. - </p> - <p> - I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional - questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such - decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit, as to - the object of that suit; while they are also entitled to very high respect - and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the - government; and, while it is obviously possible that such decision may be - erroneous in any given case, still, the evil effect following it, being - limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled - and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than - could the evils of a different practice. - </p> - <p> - At the same time, the candid citizen must confess, that, if the policy of - the government upon the vital questions affecting the whole people is to - be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme Court the instant - they are made, as in ordinary litigation between parties in personal - actions, the people will have ceased to be their own masters, having to - that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that - eminent tribunal. - </p> - <p> - Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is - a duty from which they may not shrink, to decide cases properly brought - before them; and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their - decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes - slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is - wrong and ought not to be extended; and this is the only substantial - dispute: and the fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution, and the law - for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, - perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of - the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the - people abide by the dry, legal obligation in both cases, and a few break - over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be - worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The - foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately - revived, without restriction, in one section; while fugitive slaves, now - only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. - </p> - <p> - Physically speaking, we cannot separate: we cannot remove our respective - sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A - husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond - the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do - this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either - amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to - make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after - separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can - make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than - laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; - and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease - fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again - upon you. - </p> - <p> - This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. - Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can - exercise their constitutional right of amending, or their revolutionary - right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact, that - many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national - Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendment, I fully - recognize the full authority of the people over the whole subject, to be - exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and - I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair - opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. - </p> - <p> - I will venture to add, that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in - that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead - of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by - others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be - precisely such as they would wish either to accept or refuse. I understand - that a proposed amendment to the Constitution (which amendment, however, I - have not seen) has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal - Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of States, - including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of - what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular - amendments so far as to say, that, holding such a provision to now be - implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express - and irrevocable. - </p> - <p> - The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they - have conferred none upon him to fix the terms for the separation of the - States. The people themselves, also, can do this if they choose; but the - Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer - the present government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it - unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient - confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or - equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party - without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, - with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on - yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the - judgment of this great tribunal,—the American people. By the frame - of the government under which we live, this same people have wisely given - their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal - wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very - short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no - administration, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously - injure the Government in the short space of four years. - </p> - <p> - My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. - Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. - </p> - <p> - If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which - you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by - taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. - </p> - <p> - Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution - unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing - under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it - would, to change either. - </p> - <p> - If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in - the dispute, there is still no single reason for precipitate action. - Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has - never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in - the best way, all our present difficulties. - </p> - <p> - In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the - momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. - </p> - <p> - You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You can - have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government; while I shall - have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend" it. - </p> - <p> - I am loah to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be - enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of - affection. - </p> - <p> - The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and - patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad - land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as - surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. - </p> - <p> - This address, so characteristic of its author, and so full of the best - qualities of Mr. Lincoln's nature, was well received by the large audience - which heard it. Having finished, Mr. Lincoln turned to Chief-Justice - Taney, who, with much apparent agitation and emotion, administered to him - the following oath:— - </p> - <p> - "I, Abraham Lincoln, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the - office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my - ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United - States." - </p> - <p> - The ceremony concluded, Mr. Lincoln, as President of the United States, in - charge of the Committee of Arrangements, was accompanied by Mr. Buchanan - back to the Senate- Chamber, and from there to the Executive Mansion. Here - Mr. Buchanan took leave of him, invoking upon his administration a - peaceful and happy result; and here for the present we leave him. In - another volume we shall endeavor to trace his career as the nation's Chief - Magistrate during the ensuing four years. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2H_APPE" id="link2H_APPE"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - APPENDIX. - </h2> - <p> - <a name="image-0016" id="image-0016"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/588.jpg" alt="Facsimile of Autobiography1 588 " - width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - <a name="image-0017" id="image-0017"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/590.jpg" alt="Facsimile of Autobiography2 590 " - width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - <a name="image-0018" id="image-0018"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img src="images/592.jpg" alt="Facsimile of Autobiography3 592 " - width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - THE circumstances under which the original of the accompanying <i>facsimile</i> - was written are explained in the following letter:— - </p> - <p> - National Hotel, Washington, D.C., Feb. 19, 1872. Colonel Ward H. Lamon. - </p> - <p> - Dear Sir,—In compliance with your request, I place in your hands a - copy of a manuscript in my possession written by Abraham Lincoln, giving a - brief account of his early history, and the commencement of that political - career which terminated in his election to the Presidency. - </p> - <p> - It may not be inappropriate to say, that some time preceding the writing - of the enclosed, finding, in Pennsylvania and elsewhere, a laudable - curiosity in the public mind to know more about the early history of Mr. - Lincoln, and looking, too, to the possibilities of his being an available - candidate for the Presidency in 1860, I had on several occasions requested - of him this information, and that it was not without some hesitation he - placed in my hands even this very modest account of himself, which he did - in the month of December, 1859. - </p> - <p> - To this were added, by myself, other facts bearing upon his legislative - and political history, and the whole forwarded to a friend residing in my - native county (Chester, Pa.),—the Hon. Joseph J. Lewis, former - Commissioner of Internal Revenue,—who made them the basis of an - ably-written and somewhat elaborate memoir of the late President, which - appeared in the Pennsylvania and other papers of the country in January, - 1860, and which contributed to prepare the way for the subsequent - nomination at Chicago the following June. - </p> - <p> - Believing this brief and unpretending narrative, written by himself in his - own peculiar vein,—and injustice to him I should add, without the - remotest expectation of its ever appearing in public,—with the - attending circumstances, may be of interest to the numerous admirers of - that historic and truly great man, I place it at your disposal. - </p> - <p> - I am truly yours, - </p> - <p> - Jesse W. Fell. - </p> - <div style="height: 6em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Life Of Abraham Lincoln, by Ward H. 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