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diff --git a/40698.txt b/40698.txt deleted file mode 100644 index dd4bc06..0000000 --- a/40698.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1823 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Address to the People of the United States, -together with the Proceedings and Resolutions of the Pro-Slavery Convention of Missouri, by Unknown - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Address to the People of the United States, together with the Proceedings and Resolutions of the Pro-Slavery Convention of Missouri - Held at Lexington - -Author: Unknown - -Release Date: September 7, 2012 [EBook #40698] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE *** - - - - -Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Ernest Schaal, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - ADDRESS - - TO THE - - PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, - - TOGETHER WITH THE - - PROCEEDINGS AND RESOLUTIONS - - OF THE - - PRO-SLAVERY CONVENTION - - OF MISSOURI, - - HELD AT LEXINGTON, - - JULY, 1855. - - ST. LOUIS, MO. - PRINTED AT THE REPUBLICAN OFFICE. - 1855. - - - - - ADDRESS. - - TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. - - -We have been appointed by a Convention of citizens of Missouri, mainly -representing that portion of the State lying contiguous to the Territory -of Kansas, to lay before you some suggestions, upon a topic which -vitally concerns our State, and which, it is believed, may to a serious -extent affect the general welfare of our country. - -We propose to discharge this duty by a concise and candid exposition of -facts, touching our condition, and its bearing upon Kansas, accompanied -with such reflections as the facts naturally suggest. - -That portion of Missouri which borders on Kansas contains, as nearly as -can now be ascertained, a population of fifty thousand slaves, and their -estimated value, at the prices prevailing here, is about twenty-five -millions of dollars. As the whole State contains but about one hundred -thousand slaves, it will be seen that one-half of the entire slave -population of Missouri is located in the eighteen counties bordering on -Kansas, the greater portion of which is separated from that Territory by -no natural boundary, and is within a day's ride of the line. This part -of our State is distinguished by an uniform fertility of soil, a -temperate and healthful climate, and a population progressing rapidly in -all the elements that constitute a prosperous community. Agriculture is -in a most flourishing condition, and the towns and villages which have -sprung up, indicate a steady progress towards wealth, refinement and -commercial importance. Nor have the higher interests of education, -religion and science, been neglected; but common schools, and -respectable institutions of a higher grade, and churches of every -Christian denomination, are found in every county. The great staple of -this district is hemp, although tobacco, and corn, and wheat are also -largely produced. The culture of hemp has been found profitable,--more -so than cotton in the South; and this fact, with the additional ones, -that almost every foot of land within the counties alluded to, is -wonderfully adapted by nature to its production, in greater quantities, -and finer qualities, and at smaller cost, than in any other State in the -Union, and that the climate is such as to permit the growers of this -article to reside on their estates, will readily explain and account for -the unexampled growth of the country. Already it constitutes the most -densely populated portion of our State, and its remarkable fertility of -soil, and general salubrity of climate, with the facilities for outlet -furnished by a noble river, running through its midst, and two great -railroads, destined soon to traverse its upper and lower border, will -render it at no distant period, if left undisturbed, as desirable and -flourishing a district as can be found in the Mississippi Valley. - -An idea has to some extent prevailed abroad, that Missouri contained but -a very small slave population, and that the permanence of this -institution here was threatened by the existence of at least a -respectable minority of her citizens, ready and anxious to abolish it, -and that only a slight external pressure was necessary to accomplish -this purpose. We regret that this opinion has to some extent received -countenance from the publication and patronage of journals in our -commercial metropolis, evidently aiming at such a result. Without, -however, going into any explanation of political parties here, which -would be entirely foreign to our purpose, we think it proper to state, -that the idea above alluded to is unfounded; and that no respectable -party can be found in this State, outside of St. Louis, prepared to -embark in any such schemes. In that city, constituting the great outlet -of our commerce, as well as that of several other States and -Territories, it will not seem surprising that its heterogeneous -population should furnish a foothold for the wildest and most visionary -projects. St. Louis was, however, represented in our Convention, and it -is not thought unwarrantable to assume that the resolutions adopted by -this body have received the cordial approbation of a large and -influential portion of her citizens. Other counties, besides St. Louis, -outside of the district to which our observations have been principally -directed, were also represented by delegates; and had not the season of -the year, the short notice of its intended session, and the locality -where the Convention was held--remote from the centre of the -State--prevented, we doubt not that delegates from every county in the -State would have been in attendance. Indeed, a portion of the upper -Mississippi and lower Mississippi counties are as deeply, though less -directly interested in this question, as any part of this State; and -their citizens are known to accord most heartily in the sentiments and -actions of Western Missouri. Even in the south-west part of our State, -from the Osage to the borders of Arkansas, where there are but few -slaves, the proceedings of public meetings indicate the entire and -active sympathy of their people. From the general tone of the public -press throughout the State, a similar inference is deducible, and, we -feel warranted in asserting, a very general, if not unanimous -concurrence in the principles adopted by the Lexington Convention. Those -principles are embodied in a series of resolutions appended to this -address, and which, we are happy to say, were adopted with entire -unanimity, by a body representing every shade of political opinion to be -found in the interior of our State. These facts are conclusive of the -condition of public sentiment in Missouri. The probabilities of changes -here in reference to the question of slavery, are not essentially -different from what they are in Tennessee, or Virginia, or Kentucky. In -relation to numbers, a reference to the census shows that Missouri -contains double the number of Arkansas, nearly double the number of -Texas, and about an equal number with Maryland. - -These facts are stated with a view to a proper understanding of our -position in reference to the settlement of Kansas, and the legitimate -and necessary interest felt in the progress and character of that -settlement. Previous to the repeal of the Congressional restriction of -1820, by which Missouri was thrown into an isolated position in -reference to the question of slavery, and made a solitary exception to a -general rule, her condition in regard to the territory west of her -border, and yet north of the geographical line which Congress had fixed -as the terminus of Southern institutions, was truly unenviable. With two -States on her northern and eastern border, in many portions of which the -Constitution of the United States, and the Fugitive Slave Law, passed in -pursuance thereof, were known to be as inefficacious for the protection -of our rights as they would have been in London or Canada, it was left -to the will of Congress, by enforcing the restriction of 1820, to cut -Missouri off almost entirely from all territorial connexion with States -having institutions congenial to her own, and with populations ready and -willing to protect and defend them. No alternative was left to that body -but to repeal the restriction, and thus leave to the Constitution and -the laws of nature, the settlement of our territories, or, by retaining -the restriction, indirectly to abolish slavery in Missouri. If the -latter alternative had to be selected, it would have been an act of -charity and mercy to the slaveholders of Missouri, to warn them in time -of the necessity of abandoning their homes, or manumitting or selling -their slaves--to give them ample time to determine between the sacrifice -of fifty millions of slave property, or seventy millions of landed -estate. Direct legislation would have been preferable to indirect -legislation, leading to the same result, and the enforcement of the -restriction in the settlement of Kansas was virtually the abolition of -slavery in Missouri. But Congress acted more wisely, as we think, and -with greater fidelity to the Constitution and the Union. - -The history of the Kansas-Nebraska bill is known to the country. It -abolished the geographical line of 36 deg. 30 min., by which the limits -of slavery were restricted, and substituted a constitutional and just -principle, which left to the settlers of the territories to adopt such -domestic institutions as suited themselves. If ever there was a -principle calculated to commend itself to all reasonable men, and -reconcile all conflicting interests, this would seem to have been the -one. It was the principle of popular sovereignty--the basis upon which -our independence had been achieved--and it was therefore supposed to be -justly dear to all Americans, of every latitude and every creed. But -fanaticism was not satisfied. The abolitionists and their allies moved -heaven and earth to accomplish its defeat, and although unsuccessful, -they did not therefore despair. Out-voted in Congress, receiving no -countenance from the Executive, they retired to another theatre of -action, and, strange to say, they prostituted an ancient and respectable -Commonwealth--one of the Old Thirteen--to commence, in her sovereign -capacity as a State, with the means and imposing attitude incident to -such a position, a crusade against slavery, novel in its character, more -alarming in its features, and likely to be more fatal in its -consequences, than all the fanatical movements hitherto attempted, since -the appearance of abolitionism as a political party in 1835. They -originated and matured a scheme, never before heard of or thought of in -this country, the object and effect of which was to evade the principle -of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and in lieu of _non-intervention by -Congress_, to substitute _active intervention by the States_. An act of -incorporation was passed; a company with a capital of five millions was -chartered; and this company was authorized to enlist an army of -mercenary fanatics, and transport them to Kansas. Recruiting officers -were stationed in places most likely to furnish the proper material; -premiums were offered for recruits; the public mind was stimulated by -glowing and false descriptions of the country proposed to be occupied, -and a _Hessian_ band of mercenaries was thus prepared and forwarded, to -commence and carry on a war of extermination against slavery. - -To call these people _emigrants_, is a sheer perversion of language. -They are not sent to cultivate the soil, to better their social -condition, to add to their individual comforts, or the aggregate wealth -of the nation. They do not move from choice or taste, or from any motive -affecting, or supposed to affect, themselves or their families. They -have none of the marks of the old pioneers, who cut down the forests of -Kentucky, Ohio and Indiana, or levelled the cane brakes of Tennessee and -Mississippi, or broke up the plains of Illinois and Missouri. They are -mostly ignorant of agriculture; picked up in cities or villages, they of -course have no experience as farmers, and if left to their unaided -resources--if not clothed and fed by the same power which has effected -their transportation--they would starve or freeze. They are -_hirelings_--an army of hirelings--recruited and shipped indirectly by a -sovereign state of this Union, to make war upon an institution _now_ -existing in the Territory to which they are transplanted, and thence to -inflict a fatal blow upon the resources, the prosperity and the peace of -a neighboring State. They are _military_ colonies, planted by a State -government, to subdue a territory opened to settlement by Congress, and -take exclusive possession thereof. In addition to that _esprit du -corps_, which of necessity pervades such an organization, they have in -common a reckless and desperate fanaticism, which teaches them that -slavery is a sin, and that they are doing God's service in hastening its -destruction. They have been picked and culled from the ignorant masses, -which Old England and New England negro philanthropy has stirred up and -aroused to madness on this topic, and have been selected with reference -to their views on this topic alone. They are men with a single idea; and -to carry out this, they have been instructed and taught to disregard the -laws of God and man; to consider bloodshed and arson, insurrection, -destruction of property, or servile war, as the merest trifles, compared -with the glory and honor of seducing a single slave from his master, or -harboring and protecting the thief who has carried him off! - -That such a population would be fatal to the peace and security of the -neighboring State of Missouri, and immediate destruction of such owners -of slaves as had already moved to the Territory of Kansas, is too clear -to admit of argument. A horde of our western savages, with avowed -purposes of destruction to the white race, would be less formidable -neighbors. - -The colonization of Kansas with a population of this character was a -circumstance which aroused attention, and excited alarm among our -citizens here, and those who had already emigrated to Kansas. Could any -other result have been expected? Did sensible men at the North--did the -abolitionists themselves, expect any other? - -Missouri contained, as we have seen, one hundred thousand slaves, and -their value amounted to fifty millions of dollars. Had these fanatics -who pronounced slavery an individual sin, and a national curse, ever yet -pointed out any decently plausible scheme by which it could be removed? -The entire revenue of our State, for ordinary fiscal purposes, scarcely -reaches five hundred thousand dollars, and the abolition of slavery here -would involve the destruction of productive capital estimated at fifty -millions of dollars, or a taxation upon the people of five millions of -dollars annually, which is the legalized interest upon this amount of -capital, besides the additional tax which would be necessary to raise a -sinking fund to pay off the debt created. The Constitution of Missouri -prohibits the Legislature from passing laws emancipating slaves, without -a full compensation to their owners; and it is therefore apparent, that -ten-fold the entire revenue of the State would be barely sufficient to -pay the interest upon a sum equivalent to the actual moneyed value of -the slaves, without providing any means to extinguish the principal -which such a debt would create. We omit altogether, in this calculation, -the impracticability and impolicy and cruelty to both races, of -liberating the slaves here, with no provision for their removal, and the -additional debt which such removal would create, equal, in all -probability, to that occasioned by their mere emancipation. It would -seem then, that the merest glance at the statistical tables of our -State, showing its population and revenue, must have satisfied the most -sanguine abolitionist of the futility of his schemes. If the -investigation was pursued further, and our estimate was made to embrace -the three millions and a half of slaves now in the southern and -south-western States, and the billions to which our computation must -ascend in order to ascertain their value in money, this anti-slavery -crusade, which presents itself in a form of open aggression against the -white race, without the semblance or pretext of good to that race for -which the abolitionist professes so much regard, and which stands so -much higher in his affections than his own, is seen to be one of mere -folly and wickedness, or, what is perhaps worse, a selfish and sectional -struggle for political power. - -It is a singular fact, and one worthy of notice in this connexion, that -in the history of African slavery up to this time, no government has -ever yet been known to abolish it, which fairly represented the -interests and opinions of the governed. Great Britain, it is true, -abolished slavery in Jamaica, but the planters of Jamaica had no -potential voice in the British Parliament. The abolition of slavery in -New England, and in the middle States, can hardly be cited as an -exception, since that abrogation was not so much the result of positive -legislation, as it was of natural causes--the unfitness of climate and -productions to slave labor. It is well known to those familiar with the -jurisprudence of this country, and of England, that slavery has been in -no instance created by positive statutory enactment, nor has it been -thus abolished in any country, when the popular will was paramount in -legislative action. Its existence and non-existence appears to depend -entirely upon causes beyond the reach of governmental action, and this -fact should teach some dependence upon the will of an overruling -Providence, which works out its ends in a mode, and at a time, not -always apparent to finite mortals. - -The history of some of our slaveholding States, in relation to efforts -of this character, it would seem, ought to be conclusive, at least, -against those who have no actual interests involved, and whom a proper -sense of self-respect, if not of constitutional obligation, should -restrain from impertinent interference. Virginia in 1831, and Kentucky -more recently, were agitated from centre to circumference by a bold and -unrestricted discussion of the subject of emancipation. Upon the -hustings and in legislative assemblies, the subject was thoroughly -examined, and every project which genius or philanthropy could suggest, -was investigated. Brought forward in the Old Dominion, under the -sanction of names venerated and respected throughout the limits of the -commonwealth--well known to have been a cherished project of her most -distinguished statesmen--favored by the happening of a then recent -servile disturbance, and patronized by some of the most patriotic and -enlightened citizens, the scheme nevertheless failed, without a show of -strength or a step in advance towards the object contemplated. The -magnitude of the difficulties to be overcome was so great, and so -obvious, as to strike alike the emancipationists and their adversaries. -The result has been, both in Virginia and Kentucky, that slavery, to use -the language of one of Kentucky's eloquent and distinguished sons, and -one, too, of the foremost in the work of emancipation, "has been -accepted as a permanent part of their social system." Can it be that -there is a destitution of honesty--of intelligence--of patriotism and -piety in slaveholding States, and that these qualities are alone to be -found in Great Britain and the northern free States? If not, the -conclusion must be, that the difficulties in the way of such an -enterprise exceed all the calculations of statesmanship and philosophy; -and their removal must await the will of that Being, whose prerogative -it is to make crooked paths straight, and justify the ways of God to -man. - -We have no thought of discussing the subject of slavery. Viewed in its -social, moral or economical aspects, it is regarded, as the resolutions -of the Convention declare, as solely and exclusively a matter of State -jurisdiction, and therefore, one which does not concern the Federal -Government, or the States where it does not exist. We have merely -adverted to the fact, in connexion with the recent abolition movements -upon Kansas, that amidst all their fierce denunciations of slavery for -twenty years past, these fanatics have never yet been able to suggest a -plan for its removal, consistent with the safety of the white -race--saying nothing of constitutional guarantees, Federal and State. - -The colonization scheme of Massachusetts, as we have said, excited alarm -in Missouri. Its obvious design was to operate further than the mere -prevention of the natural expansion of slavery. It was intended to -narrow its existing limits,--to destroy all equilibrium of power between -the North and the South, and leave the slaveholder at the will of a -majority, ready to disregard constitutional obligations, and carry out -to their bitter end the mandates of ignorance, prejudice and bigotry. -Its success manifestly involved a radical change in our Federal -Government, or its total overthrow. If Kansas could be thus -abolitionized, every additional part of the present public domain -hereafter opened to settlement, and every future accession of territory, -would be the subject of similar experiments, and an exploded Wilmot -Proviso thus virtually enforced throughout an extended domain still -claimed as _national_, and still bearing on its military ensigns the -stars and stripes of the Union. If the plan was constitutional and -legal, it must be conceded that it was skillfully contrived, and -admirably adapted to its ends. It was also eminently practicable, if no -resistance was encountered, since the States adopting it contained a -surplus population which could be bought up and shipped, whilst the -South, which had an interest in resisting, had no such people among her -white population. The Kansas-Nebraska law, too, which was so extremely -hateful to the fanatics, and has constituted the principal theme of -their recent denunciations, would be a dead letter, both as it regarded -the two Territories for which it was particularly framed, and as a -precedent to Congress for the opening of other districts to settlement. -The old Missouri restriction could have done no more, and the whole -purpose of the anti-slavery agitators, both in and out of Congress, was -quietly accomplished. But the scheme failed--as it deserved to fail; and -as the peace, prosperity, and union of our country required it should -fail. It was a scheme totally at variance with the genius of our -government, both State and Federal, and with the social institutions -which these governments were designed to protect, and its success would -have been as fatal to those who contrived it, as it could have been to -those intended to be its victims. - -The circumstance of novelty is entitled to its weight in politics as -well as law. The abolition irruption upon Kansas is without precedent in -our history. Seventy-nine years of our national life have rolled by; -Territory after Territory has been annexed, or settled, and added to the -galaxy of States, until from thirteen we have increased to thirty-two; -yet it never before entered into the head of any statesman, North or -South, to devise a plan of acquiring exclusive occupation of a Territory -by State colonization. To Massachusetts belongs the honor of its -invention, and we trust she will survive its defeat. But, she is not the -Massachusetts, we must do justice to her past history to say, that she -was in the times of her Adams', her Hancocks, and her Warrens; nor yet -is she where she stood in more recent times, when her Websters, and -Choates, and Winthrops, led the van of her statesmen. Her legislative -halls are filled with ruthless fanatics, dead to the past and reckless -to the future; her statute books are polluted with enactments purporting -to annul the laws of Congress, passed in pursuance, and by reason of the -special requirements of the Constitution; and her senatorial chairs at -Washington are filled by a rhetorician and a bigot, one of whom studies -to disguise in the drapery of a classic elocution, the most hideous and -treasonable forms of fanaticism; whilst his colleague is pleased to -harangue a city rabble with open and unadulterated disunionism, -associated with the oracles of abolitionism and infidelity--a melancholy -spectacle to the descendants of the compatriots of Benjamin Franklin! - -No southern or slaveholding State has ever attempted to colonize a -Territory. Our public lands have been left to the occupancy of such -settlers as soil and climate invited. The South has sent no armies to -force slave labor upon those who preferred free labor. Kentucky sprung -from Virginia, as did Tennessee from North Carolina, and Kansas will -from Missouri--from contiguity of territory, and similarity of climate. -Emigration has followed the parallels of latitude and will continue to -do so, unless diverted by such organizations as Emigrant Aid Societies -and Kansas Leagues. - -It has been said that the citizens of Massachusetts have an undoubted -right to emigrate to Kansas; that this right may be exercised -individually, or in families, or in larger private associations; and -that associated enterprise, under the sanction of legislative -enactments, is but another and equally justifiable form of emigration. -Political actions, like those of individuals, must be judged by their -motives and effects. Unquestionably, emigration, both individual and -collective, from the free States to the South, and, _vice versa_, from -the slave States to the North, has been progressing from the foundation -of our government to the present day, without comment and without -objection. It is not pretended that such emigration, even if fostered by -State patronage, would be illegal, or in any respect objectionable. The -wide expanse of the fertile West, and the deserted wastes of the sunny -South, invite occupation; and no man, from the southern extremity of -Florida to the northern boundary of Missouri, has ever objected to an -emigrant simply because he was from the North, and preferred free labor -to that of slaves. Upon this subject he is allowed to consult his own -taste, convenience, and conscience; and it is expected that he will -permit his neighbors to exercise the same privilege. But, no one can -fail to distinguish between an honest, _bona fide_ emigration, prompted -by choice or necessity, and an organized colonization with offensive -purposes upon the institutions of the country proposed to be settled. -Nor can there be any doubt in which class to place the movements of -Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Societies and Kansas Leagues. Their motives -have been candidly avowed, and their objects boldly proclaimed -throughout the length and breadth of the land. Were this not the case, -it would still be impossible to mistake them. Why, we might well -enquire, if simple emigration was in view, are these extraordinary -efforts confined to the Territory of Kansas? Is Nebraska, which was -opened to settlement by the same law, less desirable, less inviting to -northern adventurers, than Kansas? Are Iowa, and Washington, and Oregon, -and Minnesota, and Illinois and Michigan, filled up with -population--their lands all occupied, and furnishing no room for -Massachusetts emigrants? Is Massachusetts herself overrun with -population--obliged to rid herself of paupers whom she cannot feed at -home? Or, is Kansas, as eastern orators have insinuated, a newly -discovered paradise--a modern El Dorado, where gold and precious stones -can be gathered at pleasure; or an Arcadia, where nature is so bountiful -as not to need the aid of man, and fruits and vegetables of every -desirable description spontaneously spring up? - -There can be but one answer to these questions, and that answer shows -conclusively the spirit and intent of this miscalled and pretended -emigration. _It is an anti-slavery movement._ As such it was organized -and put in motion by an anti-slavery legislature; as such, the organized -army was equipped in Massachusetts, and transported to Kansas; and, as -such, it was met there and defeated. - -If further illustration was needed of the illegality of these movements -upon Kansas, we might extend our observations to the probable reception -of similar movements upon a State. If the Massachusetts legislature, or -that of any other State, have the right to send an army of abolitionists -into Kansas, they have the same right to transport them to Missouri. We -are not apprised of any provisions in the constitutions or laws of the -States, which in this respect distinguishes their condition from that of -a territory. We have no laws, and we presume no slaveholding State has, -which forbids the emigration of non-slaveholders. Such laws, if passed, -would clearly conflict with the Federal Constitution. The southern and -south-western slaveholding States are as open to emigration from -non-slaveholding States as Kansas. They differ only in the price of land -and the density of population. Let us suppose, then, that Massachusetts -should turn her attention to Texas, and should ascertain that the -population of that State was nearly divided between those who favored -and those who opposed slavery, and that one thousand votes would turn -the scale in favor of emancipation, and, acting in accordance with her -world-wide philanthropy, she should resolve to transport the thousand -voters necessary to abolish slavery in Texas, how would such a movement -be received there? Or, to reverse the proposition, let it be supposed -that South Carolina, with her large slaveholding population, should -undertake to transport a thousand slaveholders to Delaware, with a view -to turn the scale in that State, now understood to be rapidly passing -over to the list of free States, would the gallant sons of that ancient -State, small as she is territorially, submit to such interference? Now, -the institutions of Kansas are as much fixed and as solemnly guaranteed -by statute, as those of Delaware or Texas. The laws of Kansas Territory -may be abrogated by succeeding legislatures; but, so also may the laws, -and even the constitutions, of Texas and Delaware. Kansas only differs -from their condition in her limited resources, her small population, and -her large amount of marketable lands. There is no difference in -principle between the cases supposed; if justifiable and legal in the -one, it is equally so in the other. They differ only in point of -practicability and expediency; the one would be an outrage, easily -perceived, promptly met, and speedily repelled; the other is disguised -under the forms of emigration, and meets with no populous and organized -community to resent it. We are apprised that it is said, that the Kansas -legislature was elected by fraud, and constitute no fair representation -of the opinions of the people of the Territory. This is evidently the -excuse of the losing party, to stimulate renewed efforts among their -friends at home; but even this is refuted by the record. The Territorial -Governor of Kansas, a gentleman not suspected of, or charged with -partiality to slavery or to its advocates, has solemnly certified under -his official seal, that the statement is false; that a large majority of -the legislature were duly and legally elected. Even in the districts -where Governor Reeder set aside the elections for illegality, the -subsequent returns of the special elections ordered by him, produced the -same result, except in a single district. There is, then, no pretext -left, and it is apparent, that to send an army of abolitionists to -Kansas to destroy slavery existing there, and recognized by her laws, is -no more to be justified on the part of the Massachusetts legislature, -than it would be to send a like force to Missouri, with the like -purposes. The object might be more easily and safely accomplished in the -one case than in the other, but in both cases it is equally repugnant to -every principle of international comity, and likely to prove equally -fatal to the harmony and peace of the Union. - -We conclude, then, that this irruption upon Kansas by Emigrant Aid -Societies and Kansas Leagues, under the patronage of the Massachusetts -legislature, is to be regarded in no other light than a new phase of -abolitionism, more practical in its aims, and therefore more dangerous -than any form it has yet assumed. We have shown it to be at variance -with the true intent of the act of Congress, by which the Territory was -opened to settlement; at variance with the spirit of the Constitution of -the United States, and with the institutions of the Territory, already -recognized by law; totally destructive of that fellowship and good -feeling which should exist among citizens of confederated States; -ruinous to the security, peace and prosperity of a neighboring State; -unprecedented in our political annals up to this date, and pregnant with -the most disastrous consequences to the harmony and stability of the -Union. Thus far its purposes have been defeated; but renewed efforts are -threatened. Political conventions at the north and north-west have -declared for the repeal of the Kansas-Nebraska law, and, anticipating a -failure in this direction, are stimulating the anti-slavery sentiment to -fresh exertions, for abolitionizing Kansas after the Massachusetts -fashion. We have discharged our duty in declaring the light in which -such demonstrations are viewed here, and our firm belief of the spirit -by which they will be met. If civil war and ultimate disunion are -desired, a renewal of these efforts will be admirably adapted to such -purposes. Missouri has taken her position in the resolutions adopted by -the Lexington Convention, and from that position she will not be likely -to recede. It is based upon the Constitution--upon justice, and equality -of rights among the States. What she has done, and what she is still -prepared to do, is in self-defence and for self-preservation; and from -these duties she will hardly be expected to shrink. With her, everything -is at stake; the security of a large slave property, the prosperity of -her citizens, and their exemption from perpetual agitation and border -feuds; whilst the emissaries of abolition are pursuing a phantom--an -abstraction, which, if realized, could add nothing to their possessions -or happiness, and would be productive of decided injury to the race for -whose benefit they profess to labor. If slavery is an evil, and it is -conceded that Congress cannot interfere with it in the States, it is -most manifest that its diffusion through a new territory, where land is -valueless and labor productive, tends greatly to ameliorate the -condition of the slaves. Opposition to the extension of slavery is not, -then, founded upon any philanthropic views, or upon any love for the -slave. It is a mere grasp for political power, beyond what the -Constitution of the United States concedes; and it is so understood by -the leaders of the movement. And this additional power is not desired -for constitutional purposes--for the advancement of the general welfare, -or the national reputation. For such purposes the majority in the North -is already sufficient, and no future events are likely to diminish it. -The slaveholding States are in a minority, but so far, a minority which -has commanded respect in the national councils. It has answered, and we -hope will continue to subserve the purposes of self-protection. -Conservative men from other quarters have come up to the rescue, when -the rights of the South have been seriously threatened. But it is -essential to the purposes of self-preservation, that this minority -should not be materially weakened; it is essential to the preservation -of our present form of government, that the slave States should retain -sufficient power to make effectual resistance against outward aggression -upon an institution peculiar to them alone. Parchment guarantees, as all -history shows, avail nothing against an overwhelming public clamor. The -fate of the Fugitive Slave Law affords an instructive warning on the -subject, and shows that the most solemn constitutional obligations will -be evaded or scorned, where popular prejudice resists their execution. -The South must rely on herself for protection, and to this end her -strength in the Federal Government cannot be safely diminished. - -If indeed it be true, as public men at the North have declared, and -political assemblages have endorsed, that a determination has been -reached in that quarter to refuse admission to any more slave States, -there is an end to all argument on the subject. To reject Kansas, or any -other Territory from the Union, simply and solely because slavery is -recognized within her limits, would be regarded here, and, we presume, -throughout the South and South-west, as an open repudiation of the -Constitution--a distinct and unequivocal step towards a dissolution of -the Union. We presume it would be so regarded everywhere, North and -South. Taken in connexion with the abrogation of that provision of the -Constitution which enforces the rights of the owners of slaves in all -the States of the Union, into which they might escape, which has been -effected _practically_ throughout nearly all the free States, and more -formally by solemn legislative enactments in a portion of them, the -rejection of Kansas on account of slavery would be disunion in a form of -grossest insult to the sixteen slave States now comprehended in the -nation. It would be a declaration that slavery was incompatible with -republican government, in the face of at least _two formal recognitions_ -of its legality, _in terms_, by the Federal Constitution. - -We trust that such counsels have not the remotest prospect of prevailing -in our National Legislature, and will not dwell upon the consequence of -their adoption. We prefer to anticipate a returning fidelity to national -obligations--a faithful adherance to the Constitutional guarantees, and -the consequent prospect--cheering to the patriot of this and other -lands--of a continued and _perpetual_ UNION. - - WM. B. NAPTON, _Chairman_. - STERLING PRICE, - M. OLIVER, - S. H. WOODSON. - - - - - PROCEEDINGS - - OF THE - - PRO-SLAVERY CONVENTION, - - HELD AT LEXINGTON, MO. - - -The Convention was called to order by Judge Thompson, of Clay county, -and on his motion Samuel H. Woodson, Esq., of Jackson county, was called -to the chair; and on motion of E. C. McCarty, Esq., Col. Sam. A. Lowe, -of Pettis county, was appointed Secretary. - -On motion of Col. Young, of Boone county, Resolved, That a committee of -one delegate from each county represented in the Convention be raised, -to select and report permanent officers for the Convention, and to -select a committee who shall prepare resolutions and other business for -the action of the Convention. - -In accordance with the above resolution, the following gentlemen were -appointed said committee: - - J. W. Torbert, of Cooper county, - Major Morin, of Platte " - W. M. Jackson, of Howard " - S. Barker, of Carroll " - A. G. Davis, of Caldwell " - J. S. Williams, of Linn " - E. C. McCarty, of Jackson " - Austin A. King, of Ray " - Edwin Toole, of Andrew " - D. H. Chism, of Morgan " - A. M. Forbes, of Pettis " - A. G. Blakey, of Benton " - Thomas E. Birch, of Clinton " - G. H. C. Melody, of Boone " - Sam. L. Sawyer, of Lafayette " - C. F. Jackson, of Saline " - Wm. Hudgins, of Livingston " - C. F. Chamblin, of Johnson " - W. H. Russell, of Cass " - John Dougherty, of Clay " - Joseph Davis, of Henry " - Capt. Head, of Randolph " - John A. Leppard, of Daviess " - Wm. H. Buffington, of Cole " - -On motion of Mr. Russell, of Cass county, Resolved, That the delegations -from the different counties furnish the Secretary of this Convention -with a list of delegates from their counties. - -On further motion of Mr. Russell, of Cass county, permission was given -to the committee on resolutions, &c., to retire and draft resolutions, -to report as soon as practicable. - -On motion of Mr. Field, of Lafayette, a committee, consisting of Messrs. -Field, of Lafayette, Bayless, of Platte, and Boyce, of Ray, was -appointed to wait upon Messrs. D. R. Atchison and A. W. Doniphan, and -invite them to address the Convention. - -Mr. Moss, of Clay, offered the following resolution: - -Resolved, That all persons who are present from the different counties, -although not appointed as delegates by their several counties, be -considered as delegates to this Convention. - -Mr. Peabody, of Boone county, moved to amend so as to read, That all -persons from the different counties of the State, friendly to the object -of this Convention, be considered as delegates. - -Pending which question, on leave granted, Mr. Field, of Lafayette -county, from the committee appointed to wait on Messrs. D. R. Atchison -and A. W. Doniphan, made their report, stating that those gentlemen -declined addressing the Convention at the present time. - -On motion of Mr. Bryant, of Saline, the Convention adjourned. to meet at -2 o'clock, P. M. - - - EVENING SESSION. - -The Convention was called to order by the President, when, on motion of -Mr. Slack, of Livingston, the resolution offered by Mr. Moss, of Clay, -together with the amendment offered by Mr. Peabody, which was pending -when the Convention adjourned, was laid on the table. - -On motion of Mr. Field, of Lafayette, Major M. Oliver was requested to -address the Convention, and to give his views on the different subjects -now agitating this country, and which would be brought before this -Convention; which he was proceeding to do, when the committee on -resolutions, &c., asked leave to make their report, which was granted. - -The committee then, through their Chairman, Hon. A. A. King, submitted -the following report: - -The Committee to whom was assigned the duty of designating permanent -officers for this Convention, beg leave to report the following: - - For President, Hon. W. G. Wood, of Lafayette county. - - For Vice Presidents, Hon. J. T. V. Thompson, of Clay Co. - Hon. John J. Lowry, of Howard " - - Secretaries, Hon. Samuel A. Lowe, of Pettis county, - L. A. Wisely, of Platte " - - For Committee on Resolutions, - Major Bradley, of Cooper county, - Dr. Bayless, of Platte " - B. F. Willis, of Clinton " - S. A. Young, of Boone " - Wade M. Jackson, of Howard " - Martin Slaughter, of Lafayette " - Stephen Stafford, of Carroll " - W. B. Napton, of Saline " - W. S. Pollard, of Caldwell " - W. Y. Slack, of Livingston " - J. S. Williams, of Linn " - G. D. Hansbrough, of Cass " - Sam. H. Woodson, of Jackson " - James H. Moss, of Clay " - M. Oliver, of Ray " - D. C. Stone, of Henry " - Robert Wilson, of Andrew " - B. W. Grover, of Johnson " - John S. Jones, of Pettis " - John A. Leppard, of Daviess " - A. G. Blakey, of Benton " - John Head, of Randolph " - W. H. Buffington, of Cole " - -The committee also offered the following resolution, which was adopted -by the Convention: - -Resolved, That to ascertain the sense of this Convention on all -propositions submitted for its action, each county represented shall be -permitted to cast the same number of votes that it is entitled to cast -in the Lower House of the General Assembly of this State. - -On motion of Col. Young, of Boone, a committee, consisting of Messrs. -Young, of Boone, Napton, of Saline, and Russell, of Cass, was appointed -to wait on the President, Hon. W. T. Wood, and escort him to the chair. - -On motion of Dr. McCabe, of Cooper, the Convention took a recess for one -hour. - -The Convention was again called to order by the President, Hon. W. T. -Wood, when the following gentlemen appeared as delegates, and took their -seats: - -_Andrew Co._--Robert Wilson and Edwin Toole. - -_Benton Co._--A. G. Blakey. - -_Boone Co._--Saml. A. Young, Dr. Peabody, Dr. Thomas, Col. G. H. C. - Melody, Sterling Price, Jr., and James Shannon. - -_Caldwell Co._--W. S. Pollard, David Thomson, Wm. Griffey, Albert G. - Davis. - -_Carroll Co._--S. Barker, S. Stafford, W. J. Poindexter, R. H. Courts, - C. Haskins, H. Wilcoxen, Judge Thomas, Hyram Willson. - -_Cass Co._--Wm. Palmer, J. F. Callaway, F. R. Martin, J. G. Martin, T. - Railey, J. T. Thornton, C. T. Worley, W. H. Russell, S. R. - Crockett, T. F. Freeman, C. Vanhoy, G. D. Hansbrough, S. G. - Allen, H. D. Russell, J. T. Martin. - -_Clay Co._--J. T. V. Thompson, John Dougherty, A. W. Doniphan, J. G. - Price, D. J. Adkins, W. E. Price, W. McNealy, J. H. Moss, J. H. - Adams, G. W. Withers, T. McCarty, E. P. Moore, J. M. Jones, - L. A. Talbott, R. J. Lamb, J. Lincoln, W. D. Hubble, T. M. Dawson, - H. L. Rout, R. H. Miller, J. A. Poague, L. W. Burris, S. R. - Shrader, G. Elgin, H. Corwine. - -_Cooper Co._--J. W. Torbert, J. K. Ragland, Wm. Bradly, H. E. Moore, - Geo. S. Cockrell, Thomas S. Cockrell, Horace W. Ferguson, R. - Ellis, J. K. McCabe, Jacob Alstadt, H. Tracy. - -_Clinton Co._--John Reed, B. F. Williss, C. C. Birch, M. Summers, T. E. - Birch, J. T. Hughes. - -_Cole Co._--W. H. Buffington, R. R. Jefferson, J. C. Rogers, C. Eckler. - -_Chariton Co._--W. S. Hyde, S. J. Cortes, L. Salisbury. - -_Daviess Co._--B. Weldon, J. A. Leppard. - -_Howard Co._--J. J. Lowry, S. Graves, W. Payne, R. Basket, M. Taylor, - B. W. Lewis, H. Cooper, J. B. Clark, R. Patterson. - -_Henry Co._--D. A. Gillespie, Jo. Davis, D. C. Stone, R. T. Lindsay, H. - Lewis. - -_Jackson Co._--S. H. Woodson, W. M. F. Magraw, W. F. Robinson, W. - Easley, E. C. McCarty, N. R. McMurry, J. A. Winn, T. M. Adams, - N. M. Miller, W. Ellis, E. McClanahan, John McCarty, J. M. - Ridge, J. R. Henry, Col. J. M. Cogswell, Jno. Hambright. - -_Johnson Co._--Hy. Ousley, S. Craig, N. W. Perry, W. Marr, W. L. Wood, - W. L. Barksdale, C. F. Chamblin, J. M. Fulkerson, Reuben - Fulkerson, W. P. Tucker, P. Manion, W. Kirkpatrick, B. W. Grover. - -_Lafayette Co._--F. C. Sharp, W. K. Trigg, O. Anderson, S. L. Sawyer, A. - Jones, R. N. Smith, W. T. Field, W. M. Smallwood, Dr. G. A. - Rucker, (a Committee to cast the vote.) - -_Livingston Co._--A. T. Kirtly, A. Craig, W. Hudgins, W. Y. Slack, W. F. - Miller, W. O. Jennings, J. D. Hoy. - -_Linn Co._--J. S. Williams. - -_Morgan Co._--D. H. Chism. - -_Pettis Co._--J. S. Jones, Saml. A. Lowe, A. M. Forbes, G. W. Rothwell, - Geo. Anderson, T. E. Staples. - -_Platte Co._--D. R. Atchison, Jo. Walker, G. W. Bayless, T. Beaumont, - D. P. Wallingford, Hy. Coleman, E. P. Duncan, Jesse Morin, - P. Ellington, Sr., Jesse Summers, A. B. Stoddard, Thomas H. - Starnes, J. C. Hughes, Jno. H. Dorriss, F. P. Davidson, L. A. - Wisely, H. B. Ladd. - -_Randolph Co._--Judge Head. - -_Ray Co._----A. A. King, B. J. Brown, Col. Bohannan, M. Oliver, Major - Boyce, Judge Branstetter, Dr. Chew, W. Warriner, D. P. Whitmer, - Dr. Woodward, S. A. Richardson, Major Shaw, Dr. Garner, A. - Oliphant, T. A. H. Smith, G. J. Wasson, Judge Carter, J. E. - Couch, G. L. Benton, J. P. Quisenberry, S. J. Brown, J. S. - Shoop, J. S. Hughes, D. D. Bullock, Dr. Stone, Judge Price, W. - Hughes, C. T. Brown, O. Taylor, M. C. Nuckolls, J. H. Taylor, R. - Winsett, J. P. Taylor, D. Harbison, Dr. Buchanan, W. M. Jacobs, - Wm. Murry, Col. Smith. - -_Saline Co._--W. B. Sappington, C. F. Jackson, O. B. Pearson, T. R. E. - Harvey, J. H. Irvine, L. B. Harwood, V. Marmaduke, M. Marmaduke, - J. H. Grove, Robert Grove, A. M. Davison, W. B. Napton, J. W. - Bryant, T. W. B. Crews, F. A. Combs, M. W. O'Banon, Jas. Coombs, - H. C. Simmons. - -Mr. Withers, of Clay, offered a series of resolutions, which he asked -might be read and acted on by the Convention. - -Mr. Jackson, of Saline, objected to the reading and moved their -reference to the Committee on Resolutions. - -Previous to the vote on said motion, Mr. Withers withdrew the -resolutions, and then, by leave of the Convention, the resolutions were -handed over to the Committee. - -The President being notified of the presence of Gov. Sterling Price, in -the house, on motion of Dr. Lowry, of Howard, appointed Messrs. Lowry, -of Howard, and Shewalter, of Lafayette, a committee to wait upon him and -invite him to a seat within the bar. - -Mr. C. T. Worley offered the following resolutions: - -Resolved, That it is the sense of this Convention, that no valuable -purpose whatever will be subserved by debate, but on the other hand, -will most certainly lead to heated and unprofitable excitement; -therefore, - -Resolved, That from henceforward, we will proceed on all propositions -submitted to a direct vote. - -Mr. Jackson, of Saline, moved to lay the resolutions on the table, which -motion was carried. - -On motion of Mr. King, of Ray, the Convention adjourned till to-morrow -morning at eight o'clock. - - - SECOND DAY. - - FRIDAY MORNING, 8 o'clock. - -The Convention met, and was called to order by the President. - -Owing to the absence of Mr. Lowe, one of the Secretaries, on motion of -Col. S. A. Young, of Boone, L. J. Sharp, of Lafayette, was appointed to -act in his place. - -On motion of J. W. Bryant, of Saline, the proceedings of yesterday were -ordered to be read. - -It being announced that other delegates had arrived from different -counties, the following named gentlemen appeared and took their seats in -Convention: - -F. Walker, of Howard, Dr. E. C. Moss, of Pettis, P. T. Able, Esq. of -Platte, and George T. Wood, of Henry. Messrs. J. Loughborough and George -F. Hill also appeared and took their seats as delegates from St. Louis -county. - -Dr. Lowry, of Howard, moved that the President appoint a committee to -wait on President Shannon, of Boone, and invite him to address the -Convention on the subject of slavery. - -A motion was then made to lay Dr. Lowry's motion on the table, which, -being voted upon by counties, resulted as follows: - -Yeas--Cass, Daviess, Henry, Johnson, Ray, Cole, Clay. - -Noes--Andrew, Boone, Caldwell, Carroll, Cooper, Jackson, Lafayette, -Livingston, Linn, Morgan, Pettis, Platte, Randolph, Chariton, St. Louis, -Saline. - -Dr. Lowry's motion was then put to the Convention, and on motion of -C. F. Jackson, of Saline, the rule to vote by counties was suspended. -Dr. Lowry's motion was then adopted by the Convention: whereupon the -President appointed Dr. Lowry, of Howard, and Major Morin, of Platte, -said committee. - -S. L. Sawyer, of Lafayette, announced that the Committee on Resolutions -was ready to report. - -The report being called for, the Committee proceeded to report, through -their Chairman, Judge Napton, of Saline, the following preamble and -resolutions: - -Whereas, This Convention have observed a deliberate and apparently -systematic effort, on the part of several States of this Union, to wage -a war of extermination upon the institution of slavery as it exists -under the Constitution of the United States, and of the several States, -by legislative enactments annulling acts of Congress passed in pursuance -of the Constitution, and incorporating large moneyed associations to -abolitionize Kansas, and through Kansas to operate upon the contiguous -States of Missouri, Arkansas and Texas; this Convention, representing -that portion of Missouri more immediately affected by these movements, -deem it proper to make known their opinions and purposes, and what they -believe to be the opinions and purposes of the whole State, and to this -end have agreed to the following resolutions: - -1. That we regard the institution of African slavery, whether relating -to its social, moral, political or economical aspect, solely and -exclusively a question of State jurisdiction, and any agitation of this -question in the Congress of the United States, or in States where it has -no existence, with a view to affect its condition, or bring about its -destruction, is a direct and dangerous attack upon the reserved rights -of the several slaveholding states, and is an impertinent interference -in matters nowise concerning the agitators, and, if persisted in, must -sooner or later destroy all harmony and good feeling between the States -and the citizens thereof, and will finally result in a dissolution of -the Union. - -2. That the resolution on the part of several of the northern and -western non-slaveholding States, never to admit another slaveholding -State into this Union, is substantially a declaration of hostility to -our Federal Constitution, and avows a purpose to disregard its -compromises; and implies a threat of continued aggression upon, and -ultimate destruction of slavery, under whatever sanctions it may exist. - -3. That the diffusion of slavery over a wider surface tends greatly to -ameliorate the condition of the slave, whilst it advances the prosperity -of his owner; and the admission of new slaveholding States into the -Union, by maintaining to some extent an equilibrium between the -conflicting influences which now control the Federal Government, is the -only reliable guarantee which the slaveholding minority have for the -protection of their property against unconstitutional and oppressive -legislation by the non-slaveholding majority, now and hereafter destined -to be in the ascendancy. - -4. That we cordially approve the recent act of Congress, for the -settlement of Kansas and Nebraska, and the act of 1850, popularly known -as the Fugitive Slave Law. - -5. That the incorporation of moneyed associations, under the patronage -of sovereign States of this Union, for the avowed purpose of recruiting -and colonizing large armies of abolitionists upon the territory of -Kansas, and for the avowed purpose of destroying the value and existence -of slave property now in that Territory, in despite of the wishes of the -bona fide independent settlers thereof, and for the purpose, equally -plain and obvious whether avowed or not, of ultimately abolishing -slavery in Missouri, is a species of legislation and a mode of -emigration unprecedented in our history, and is an attempt, by State -legislation, indirectly to thwart the purposes of a constitutional and -equitable enactment of Congress, by which the domestic institutions of -the territories were designed to be left to the exclusive management and -control of the bona fide settlers thereof. - -6. That these organized bands of colonists, shipped from Massachusetts -and other quarters under State patronage, and resembling in their -essential features the military colonies planted by the Roman Emperors -upon their conquered provinces, rather than the pioneers who have -hitherto levelled the forests and broke up the plains of the West, -authorize apprehension of an intent of _exclusive_ occupancy, and will -necessarily lead to organized resistance on the part of those who, under -the Constitution and laws of the United States, have equal rights to -possession; and whilst we earnestly deprecate such results, we are -justified in advance in placing their entire responsibility upon those -who have commenced the system, and are the aggressors. - -7. That we disclaim all right and any intent to interfere with the bona -fide independent settlers in the Territory of Kansas, from whatever -quarter they may come, or whatever opinions they may entertain; but we -maintain the right to protect ourselves and our property against all -unjust and unconstitutional aggression, present or prospective, -immediate or threatened; and we do not hold it necessary or expedient to -wait until the torch is applied to our dwellings, or the knife to our -throats, before we take measures for our security and the security of -our firesides. - -8. That the eighteen counties of Missouri, lying on or near the border -of Kansas, with only an imaginary boundary intervening, contain a -population of about fifty thousand slaves, worth, at present prices, -twenty-five millions of dollars; and this large amount of property, one -half of the entire slave property of the State, is not merely unsafe, -but valueless, if Kansas is made the abode of an army of hired fanatics, -recruited, transported, armed and paid for the special and sole purpose -of abolitionizing Kansas and Missouri. - -9. That this convention and the people they represent, and the State -government of Missouri, and the entire people thereof, should take such -measures as to them appear suitable and just and constitutional, to -prevent such disastrous consequences to their security and prosperity -and peace; and confidently relying upon the sympathy and support of the -entire South and South-west, whose ultimate fate must inevitably be the -same with theirs, and confidently relying also upon the conservative -portion of the North, they respectfully appeal to the good sense and -patriotism of the entire North, to put down such fanatical aggressions -as have hitherto characterized the movements of Emigrant Aid Societies, -and leave the settlement of Kansas and the regulation of its domestic -institutions to be controlled as the settlement and institutions of our -other territories have been, by those impulses of self-interest and -congeniality of feeling on the part of settlers, which, by the natural -laws of climate and soil, will, if undisturbed, invariably determine the -ultimate condition of the Territory. - -10. That a committee of five be appointed to draw up and publish an -address to the people of the United States, setting forth the history of -this Kansas excitement, with the views and action of our people thereon, -in conformity with the principles and positions of the foregoing -resolutions; and that printed copies of the same, with a copy of these -resolutions appended, be forwarded by the Secretary of this Convention -to the Executive of each State in the Union. - -After the reading of which, Judge Napton proceeded to address the -Convention in support of the resolutions. - -Judge Napton then read the following resolution, as recommended by the -Committee, to the Convention: - -Resolved, That in view of the acts of the legislature of the State of -Massachusetts, and other Northern and Western States, practically -nullifying the Constitution of the United States, and the laws of -Congress relating to the rendition of fugitive slaves, and in -vindication of the Constitution, and for the purpose of preserving the -integrity of the American Union, we recommend to the General Assembly of -Missouri to pass such retaliatory measures, discriminating against the -sale of the productions or manufactures, or material of commerce, -whether of importation by them or of the production of said States, -within this State, as they may deem proper for that purpose, and that -such measures shall be made operative as long as the offensive -legislation above referred to continues on the statute books of those -States. - -Mr. Withers, of Clay, moved the adoption of the resolutions as reported -by the Committee, and the vote being taken by counties, resulted in -their unanimous adoption. - -On motion of C. F. Jackson, of Saline, the vote upon said resolutions -was then taken by the house, standing, which resulted in their unanimous -adoption. - -A motion was then made to adopt the resolution recommended by the -Committee to the Convention. - -Mr. Torbert, of Cooper, offered the following amendment: - -"Insert after the word 'manufactures,' the words, or materials of -commerce, whether of importation by them or of their production;" -pending which the Convention adjourned till 2 o'clock, P. M. - - - EVENING SESSION. - -The Convention met and was called to order by the President. - -Major Morin, of Platte, from the committee appointed to wait on -President Shannon, reported that President Shannon would address the -Convention at any time, at the pleasure of the Convention. - -Mr. Torbert, of Cooper, withdrew the amendment offered by him this -morning to the resolution recommended by the Committee, and offered the -following substitute: - -Resolved, That in view of the acts of the State of Massachusetts, and -other northern and north-western States, practically nullifying the -Constitution of the United States, and the laws of Congress relating to -the rendition of fugitive slaves, and in vindication of the -Constitution, and for the purpose of preserving the integrity of the -American Union, we recommend to the General Assembly of the State of -Missouri to pass such retaliatory measures as may not be inconsistent -with the Constitution of the United States, or the State of Missouri, -discriminating against the sale of the productions, manufactures, or -goods and merchandise of any description whatever, of said States, -within this State, as may be deemed proper for that purpose, and that -such retaliatory measures shall be made operative as long as the -offensive legislation above referred to continues on the statute books -of those States. - -Col. J. B. Brown, of Ray, moved to recommit the original resolution, -together with the substitute, to the Committee on Resolutions. - -The previous question was called for and sustained by the Convention. On -this, the President decided, the effect was to require a direct vote on -the adoption of the substitute as offered by Mr. Torbert. From this -decision an appeal was taken by Gov. King, of Ray, and the decision of -the Chair was sustained by the vote of the Convention. The vote then -being taken on the substitute, it was adopted. - -Mr. Withers, of Clay, offered a set of resolutions to the Convention for -adoption; whereupon a discussion arose, pending which Mr. Withers -withdrew his resolutions. - -Col. T. M. Ewing, of Lafayette, presented to the Convention a letter -from Gov. Metcalf, of Kentucky, which being read, on motion of J. B. -Clark, of Howard, was entered upon the record, and made a part of the -proceedings of this Convention. - - FOREST RETREAT, KY., July, 1855. - - _Gentlemen of the Committee_: - - Allow me to acknowledge the receipt of your kind favor of the - 21st ult., inviting me to meet in Convention at Lexington, Mo., - on the 12th inst. Your letter having been addressed to me at - Carlisle, instead of Forest Retreat, Kentucky, delayed its - reception a few days, in consequence of which this reply may not - reach you in due time for your meeting. It would indeed afford - me great pleasure to meet you on that patriotic occasion. But, - the delicacy of my health at present, although it has not cut - off all hope of ultimate recovery, is such as to forbid me from - attempting the journey to Lexington. - - If I am not ungraciously and unfairly treated by my friends of - the Louisville Journal, a _second_ letter of mine must by this - time be published in that paper, intended as a reply to their - editorial commentary upon the _first_--the one referred to in - your postscript. My first letter that appeared in the Journal, - had been elicited by one previously received from a friend in - that place, whose pleasure it was to hand it over for - publication, to the editor of that paper; and it was published - accordingly, with a long editorial commentary, in which, - although kind and even generous enough in a _personal_ point of - view, they did not fail, _politically_, to give _Old - Stonehammer_ a right severe pelting with their ingenious and - hard-twisted sophisms, intended to cast _great blame and all - sorts of dishonor_ upon the southern section, for having - supported the Nebraska bill, &c. - - Believing myself, that the North had redeemed itself from the - disgrace--the dishonor of having disregarded its constitutional - obligations in refusing to admit Missouri as a State, except - upon the condition of _restriction_, _north of_ 36 deg. 30', and not - then, except by a few votes from that section--the most of whom - were condemned and prostrated by their constituents - respectively, who at that time denied that the few truant votes - of the North constituted a bargain on their part, or placed that - section under any legal or moral obligation to abide by it, I - was induced in my feeble way to vindicate the voters, North and - South, who supported the Nebraska bill. It is true, that in 1820 - the southern section yielded to the glaring imposition of - restriction, rather than keep Missouri any longer out of her - constitutional right of admission, that being the only - alternative presented by the North for the time being. But, did - not all the parties know full well that no power was lodged in - that Congress to repeal, alter or modify any one of the - constitutional rights of succeeding generations? Was it not well - understood by all, that the Federal Convention alone had the - right to fix upon the line of 36 deg. 30', or upon any other line? - and just as well known that the Union would never have been - formed if such an alternative had been presented to our - illustrious forefathers of that Convention? If in 1820 Congress - had the power to legislate upon the subject at all, by what - means has the same body been deprived of the right of - legislation upon the same subject in 1855? - - To put any other construction than this upon the intention or - designs of the Congress of 1820, would, to my mind, amount to an - imputation of great arrogance on the part of that body, in the - assumption of power not conferred upon it. Admit the right of a - subsequent Congress to alter or obliterate the line of 36 deg. 30', - and let this latter _compromise_ be sustained, together with the - Fugitive Slave Law, and all will be well for the future. Repeal - these acts, and we shall soon hear of retaliation in other forms - than described by Mr. Calhoun, which God forbid. But, pardon my - brevity, and allow me to refer you to my forthcoming letter, - expected in the Louisville Journal, for my further views - touching this question. - - With many sincere thanks for your kind invitation, allow me - respectfully to subscribe myself your honored and ob't servant, - - THOS. METCALF. - - Messrs. T. M. EWING, WM. SHIELDS, WM. T. WOOD, F. A. KOWNSLAR. - - P. S.--It is my intention to visit Missouri, if I can once more - recover my health so as to justify the undertaking; and in that - event will certainly call on my Lexington friends of the - Committee. - - T. M. - -Mr. F. A. Kownslar, of Lafayette, offered the following resolution, -which was adopted: - -Resolved, That the peace, quiet, and welfare of this and every other -slaveholding State, as also a regard for the integrity of the Union, -require the passage, by the respective State legislatures, of effective -laws, suppressing within said States the circulation of abolition or -freesoil publications, and the promulgation of freesoil or abolition -opinions. - -Mr. Graves, of Howard, moved that the Convention take a recess of -fifteen minutes, and then re-assemble to hear the address of President -Shannon. Motion sustained, and Convention took a recess. - -The Convention re-assembled. - -President Shannon came forward and delivered his address, after which -Col. Anderson, of Lafayette, moved that the President appoint a -committee to wait on President Shannon, and request a copy of his -address for publication. - -Col. S. A. Young moved to amend said motion by the following: That a -committee be appointed to wait on President Shannon, and request a copy -of his address for publication, and that the speech be published in -connexion with, and as a part of the proceedings of this Convention. - -Pending which motion, the Convention adjourned till 8 o'clock, to-night. - - - NIGHT SESSION. - -The Convention met, and was called to order by the President. - -Col. Anderson explained his motion made previous to adjournment, and -Col. Young withdrew his amendment; whereupon a discussion followed, when -F. C. Sharp, Esq., of Lafayette, offered the following resolutions: - -1st. Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are hereby tendered to -President Shannon, for his able and patriotic address delivered before -us. - -2d. That President Shannon is hereby requested to furnish a copy of his -address to this Convention for publication; and the Convention hereby -expresses the desire that he will deliver his address in as many -counties in this State, as his duties will allow. - -Pending the discussion of these resolutions, Mr. Sharp withdrew his -resolutions and offered the following: - -Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention are hereby tendered to -President Shannon, for his address delivered before us, and he is hereby -requested to furnish a copy of the same for publication. - -And the vote being taken by counties, the resolution was adopted by the -following vote: - -Yeas--Boone, Carroll, Cooper, Howard, Jackson, Johnson, Lafayette, -Livingston, Pettis, Platte, St. Louis, Ray. - -Noes--Cass, Clay, Clinton, Daviess, Saline. Two other counties voting in -the negative. - -(The minutes of the clerk upon taking this vote being imperfect, the -vote by counties cannot be given with certainty.) - -Mr. Cook appeared as a delegate from St. Louis, and took his seat in the -Convention. - -On motion, the Convention adjourned till 8 o'clock, to-morrow morning. - - - THIRD DAY. - - SATURDAY MORNING, 8 o'clock. - -The Convention met, and was called to order by the President. - -The President announced the following named gentlemen, to compose the -committee to draw up and publish an address, as required by the tenth -resolution: - -Hon. W. B. Napton, of Saline county, (Chairman;) Hon. M. Oliver, of Ray -county; Gov. Sterling Price, Col. Sam. H. Woodson, of Jackson county, -and Hon. A. A. King, of Ray county. - -The President also announced the following committee, to procure and -superintend the printing, under the action of this Convention, as -required by the resolution of Mr. Peabody: - -Wm. Shields, Edward Winsor, and Charles Patterson. - -It is also made the duty of said last mentioned committee, to call on -President Shannon, and obtain a copy of his speech for publication. - -Col. S. A. Young rose and informed the Convention, that he had -information that a letter had been received by a member of this -Convention, Mr. Field, from a distinguished politician, advising and -urging him, that unless certain resolutions were adopted by this -Convention, to secede from the Convention and break it up in a row; and -he wished this matter investigated, and the facts properly brought out. - -Mr. Field required of Col. Young to give the name of the distinguished -politician who had written the letter, and whether he referred to him. - -Objection was made to the Convention hearing anything further of the -matter complained of by Col. Young. - -The President decided that Col. Young was out of order, there being no -proposition before the Convention. - -Mr. Moss, of Clay, moved that the Convention proceed to inquire into, -and investigate the matters charged by Col. Young. - -Gen. Clark moved to lay the motion of Mr. Moss on the table. - -Mr. Field desired to make an explanation. He had called for the name of -the author of the letter; did not get it; could not get him to say he -was the member of the Convention alluded to, as having received the -letter, but, from rumor, supposed he was the Field alluded to, and Maj. -J. S. Rollins the alleged author of the supposed letter. He had a -private letter from Maj. Rollins, which, amongst other things, spoke of -this Convention and its objects, but in terms of approval--giving his -opinions and views in strict accordance with the platform of, and -principles adopted by, this Convention, and denied that there was one -word of truth in the charge that Maj. Rollins advised a secession from -the Convention, or to break it up in a row in any contingency. He said -the letter of Maj. Rollins was at his office, and, although a private -letter, any gentleman who desired could see it; that he had intended, if -the investigation proceeded, to show it in Convention, and appealed to a -number of members of the Convention who had seen the letter, to say -whether he had not given a true statement as to its contents. - -Col. Doniphan, Mr. Sawyer, Mr. Grover, and Mr. Moss, who had seen the -letter, confirmed the statement of Mr. Field, as to the contents of the -letter. - -Col. Young acknowledged himself satisfied, and expressed his -gratification that the rumors on the street to Maj. Rollins' prejudice -were so fully proven to be false and groundless, and said his object in -bringing this matter up was to do but an act of justice to his friend -and neighbor, Maj. Rollins. - -The motions to lay on the table and for investigation were withdrawn. - -On motion, the thanks of the Convention were tendered to the President -and other officers of the Convention, for the faithful manner in which -they had discharged their duties. - -On motion of Maj. Morin, of Platte, a vote of thanks was tendered to the -citizens of Lafayette, for their kind hospitality. - -On motion, it was Resolved, That the proceedings of this Convention, -together with the address to be prepared by the committee appointed for -that purpose, be published in pamphlet form; that a committee of three -be appointed by the Chair, to superintend their publication, and that a -contribution be made by the delegates to this Convention and others -present, to defray the expenses of said publication. - -Resolved, That ten thousand copies of said proceedings and address be -published, and that they be distributed to every part of the State, by -the publishing committee, in such manner as may be practicable and -advisable. - -On motion of Mr. Staples, of Pettis, the Convention adjourned _sine -die_. - - WM. T. WOOD, _President_. - - L. A. WISELY, } _Secretaries_. - L. J. SHARP, } - - - - - Transcriber Notes: - -Passages in italics were indicated by _underscores_. - -Small caps were replaced with ALL CAPS. - -On page 5, "manumiting" was replaced with "manumitting". - -On page 9, "statesmanshp" was replaced with "statesmanship". - -On page 9, "he ways" was replaced with "the ways". - -On page 16, "Resolved, that" was replaced with "Resolved, That". - -On page 17, "Johnson county" was replaced with two quotation marks. - -On page 17, "Davis" was replaced with "Daviess". - -On page 17, "Cass County" was replaced with "Cass county". - -On page 18, "W Y. Slack" was replaced with "W. Y. Slack". - -On page 19, "H. D. Russell" was replaced with "H. D. Russell". - -On page 19, "Clinton Co" was replaced with "Clinton Co.". - -On page 19, "Jackson, Co." was replaced with "Jackson Co.". - -On page 19, "J. M," was replaced with "J. M.". - -On page 19, "Manion." was replaced with "Manion,". - -On page 20, "Ray Co" was replaced with "Ray Co.". - -On page 20, the comma was removed after "Mr. C. T. Worley". - -On page 27, "upon t" was replaced with "upon it". - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Address to the People of the United -States, together with the Proceedings and Resolutions of the Pro-Slavery Convention of Missouri, by Unknown - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE *** - -***** This file should be named 40698.txt or 40698.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/0/6/9/40698/ - -Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Ernest Schaal, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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