diff options
Diffstat (limited to '40681-8.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | 40681-8.txt | 13098 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 13098 deletions
diff --git a/40681-8.txt b/40681-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 1dcce25..0000000 --- a/40681-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13098 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Greville Memoirs (Third Part) Volume II -(of II), by Charles Cavendish Fulke Greville - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Greville Memoirs (Third Part) Volume II (of II) - A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860 - -Author: Charles Cavendish Fulke Greville - -Editor: Henry Reeve - -Release Date: October 9, 2013 [EBook #40681] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREVILLE MEMOIRS, VOLUME II *** - - - - -Produced by Paul Murray, Val Wooff and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - -TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES - -The Third Part of The Greville Memoirs contains two volumes, of which -this is the second. The first volume is available from Project Gutenberg -at http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40680 - -All spellings are as they appeared in the original text save for those -that were obviously printer's errors. - -All phrases that are in languages other than English have been -italicised for consistency. The oe ligature is replaced by the separate -letters oe. - -There are two styles of footnotes used in this work. Footnotes enclosed -in square brackets [ ] are by the editor. Footnotes not enclosed in -square brackets are by the author. - -1 [This note is by the editor.] - -2 This note is by the author. - - - - - THE - GREVILLE MEMOIRS - - (THIRD PART) - - VOL. II. - - - PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - LONDON - - - - - _THE GREVILLE MEMOIRS_ - (_THIRD PART_) - - - - - A JOURNAL OF THE REIGN - OF - QUEEN VICTORIA - FROM 1852 TO 1860 - - - BY THE LATE - CHARLES C. F. GREVILLE, ESQ. - CLERK OF THE COUNCIL - - IN TWO VOLUMES--VOL. II. - - - LONDON - LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. - 1887 - - _All rights reserved_ - - - - - CONTENTS - OF - THE SECOND VOLUME. - - -CHAPTER XI. - -France and Prussia--The Emperor's Speech--Faint Hopes of -Peace--Favourable View of the Policy of Russia--Progress of the -Negotiations--Russia accepts the Terms of Peace--The Acceptance -explained--Popular Feeling in Favour of the War--Lord Stratford -and General Williams--Mr. Disraeli's Prospects--Meeting of -Parliament--Baron Parke's Life Peerage--The Debate on the -Address--Debate on Life Peerages--Report on the Sufferings of the -Army--Strained Relations with France--Lord Clarendon goes to the -Congress at Paris--Opening of the Conference--Sabbatarianism--Progress -of the Negotiations--Kars--Nicolaieff--The Life Peerage -Question--Blunders and Weakness of the Government--A Visit -to Paris--Count Orloff's View of the War--Lord Cowley on the -Negotiations--Princess Lieven on the War--An Evening at the -Tuileries--Opening of the Legislative Chamber--Lord Cowley's Desponding -Views--The Austrian Proposals--Bitterness in French Society--Necessity -of Peace to France--Conversation with M. Thiers--A Stag Hunt at St. -Germains--The Emperor yields to the Russians--Birth of the Prince -Imperial _page_ 1 - - -CHAPTER XII. - -Lord Clarendon's favourable View of the Peace--General Evans' Proposal -to embark after the Battle of Inkerman--Sir E. Lyons defends Lord -Raglan--Peace concluded--Sir J. Graham's gloomy View of Affairs--Edward -Ellice's Plan--Favourable Reception of the Peace--A Lull in Politics--A -Sabbatarian Question--The Trial of Palmer for Murder--Defeat of -the Opposition--Danger of War with the United States--Ristori as -an Actress--Defeat of the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill--Return -of the Guards--Baron Parke on the Life Peerage--Close of the -Session--O'Donnell and Espartero in Spain--Chances of War--Coronation -of the Czar--Apathy of the Nation--Expense of the Coronation at -Moscow--Interference at Naples--Foreign Relations--Progress of -Democracy in England--Russia, France, England, and Naples--Russian -Intrigues with France--The Bolgrad Question--The Quarrel with -Naples--The Formation of Lord Palmerston's Government in 1855--Death of -Sir John Jervis--Sir Alexander Cockburn's Appointment--James Wortley -Solicitor-General--Conference on the Treaty of Paris--Low Church -Bishops--Leadership of the Opposition--Coolness in Paris--Dictatorial -Policy to Brazil _page_ 35 - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -State of England after the War--Prussia and Neufchâtel--Sir Robert -Peel's Account of the Russian Coronation--An Historical Puzzle--The -Death of Princess Lieven--Mr. Spurgeon's Preaching--Mr. Gladstone -in Opposition--Tit for Tat--Difficult Relations with France--Lord -John in Opposition--The Liddell _v._ Westerton Case--Death of -Lord Ellesmere--Violent Opposition to the Government on the -China Question--Languid Defence of the Government--Impending -Dissolution--Popularity of Lord Palmerston--Despotism of -Ministers--Parliament dissolved--Judgement on Liddell v. -Westerton--Lord Palmerston's Address--The Elections--Defeat of the -Manchester Leaders--Fear of Radical Tendencies--The Country approves -the Chinese Policy--Death of Lady Keith _page_ 72 - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -Results of the Elections--Defeat of Cobden and Bright--The War with -China--Death of Lady Ashburton--Lord Palmerston's Success--The Handel -Concerts--M. Fould in London--The Queen and Lord Palmerston--The -Indian Mutiny--The Prince Consort--Death of General Anson--The State -of India--Royal Guests--The Government of India--Temper of the House -of Commons--Debates on India--Royal Visits--The Divorce Bill--The -Divorce Bill in the House of Lords--Close of the Session--A Dukedom -offered to Lord Lansdowne--Death of Mr. Croker--History of the Life -Peerages--The Indian Mutiny and the Russian War--The Struggle in -India--Reinforcements for India--The Queen's Attention to Public -Business--Attacks on Lord Canning--Big Ships and Big Bells--Lord -Canning defended--Courteous Behaviour of Foreign Nations--The Capture -of Delhi and Lucknow--Difficulties in India--Depression in the -City--Speculations on the Contingency of a Change of Government--The -East India Company and the Government--Exaggerated Reports from -India--A Queen's Speech--The Bank Charter Act _page_ 104 - - -CHAPTER XV. - -Opening of the Session--Prevailing Distress--Lord John -reconciled--Ministerial Speculations--Contemplated Transfer of -India to the Crown--Military Position in India--Conversation -with Mr. Disraeli--Bill for the Dissolution of the East India -Company--Difficulties of Parliamentary Reform--The Relief of -Lucknow--Lord Normanby's 'Year of Revolution'--Brougham's Jealousy of -Lord Cockburn--Refutation of Lord Normanby's Book--The Crown Jewels -of Hanover--Labour in the French Colonies--The Death of General -Havelock--Gloomy Prospects in India--Inadequate Measures for the Relief -of India--Lord John Russell hostile to Government--Death of the Duke -of Devonshire--Mr. Disraeli suggests a Fusion of Parties--Marriage of -the Princess Royal--Weakness of the Government--Excitement in France -against this Country--Petition of the East India Company--Drowsiness -of Ministers--Decline of Lord Palmerston's Popularity--Effect of the -Orsini Attempt on the Emperor Napoleon--Opposition to the Conspiracy -Bill--Review of the Crisis--Lord Derby sent for by the Queen--Refusal -of the Peelites--The Catastrophe unexpected--The Defeat might have been -avoided--Mismanagement of the Affair--Ministers determined to resign -_page_ 139 - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -The Second Derby Administration--Lord Derby's first Speech--Lord -Clanricarde defends himself--The New Ministry--Coincidences--Lord -Derby's favourable Position--Opinion of the Speaker--Lord Derby's -Liberal Declarations--Dinner to Mr. Buckle--Instability of the -Government--Mr. Disraeli's sanguine Views--India--Prospects of the -new Government--A Visit to the Duc d'Aumale--Delicate Relations -with France--Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston--Irritation of -the Whigs--Marshal Pélissier Ambassador in London--The Peelites -and the Whigs--Failure of the India Bill--An Overture from Lord -John Russell--Dissensions of the Whigs--Lord Derby resolves to -remain in Office--Lord John Russell proposes to deal with the -India Bill by Resolutions--Mistake of the Whigs in resigning on -the Conspiracy Bill--Withdrawal of the India Bill--Policy of -the Whigs in Opposition--Lord Cowley on the Relations of France -and England--Strong Opposition to the Government--Lord Derby -on the State of Affairs--Disunion of the Whigs--Lord Canning's -Proclamation--Littlecote House--Vehemence of the Opposition--Lord -Lyndhurst displeased--Debates on the Indian Proclamation--Collapse of -the Debates--Triumph of the Ministry--Disraeli's violent Speech at -Slough--Lord Palmerston's Discomfiture--Prospects of a Fusion--Success -of the Government--Concessions to the Radicals--The Queen's Visit to -Birmingham--Progress of the India Bill--The Jew Bill--The Jew Bill -passed--Disturbed State of India--Baron Brunnow on the Russian War -_page_ 171 - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -Lord John Russell and Lord Stanley--Lord Palmerston's -Leadership--Dissensions in the Liberal Party--The Queen and her -Ministers--Lord Stanley at the India Office--The Queen's Letter to -the Prince of Wales--Reform Speeches and Projects--Lord Palmerston's -Confidence--Prosecution of Count Montalembert in France--Lord -Clarendon's Visit to Compiègne--The Emperor's Designs on Italy--The -Emperor and the Pope--Approach of War--Lord Palmerston's Prudent -Language--Lord Palmerston's Italian Sympathies--The Electric -Telegraph--Opposition in France to the War--The Emperor's -Prevarication--Opening of Parliament--Debates on Foreign Affairs--Lord -Cowley's Mission to Vienna--General Opposition to the War--A -Reform Bill--Mr. Walpole and Mr. Henley resign--Duplicity of the -Emperor--Mr. Disraeli's Reform Bill--The Emperor denies his Warlike -Preparations--The Whigs oppose the Reform Bill--Anxiety to defeat the -Government--Lord Cowley returns from Vienna--War impending--Dishonest -Conduct of both Parties--Lord Cowley's Account of Cavour's Policy--His -Mission to Vienna--A Congress proposed--Indifference to Reform--Debates -on the Reform Bill--Defeat of the Reform Bill--An Emissary from Cavour -_page_ 208 - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -The Government determine to dissolve the Parliament--Apathy of the -Country--Hopes and Fears as to the War--The Congress a Trick--Disraeli -on the approaching Elections--War declared--Mr. Greville resigns the -Clerkship of the Council--Result of the Elections--Mistakes of the -Austrian Government--Policy of the Opposition--Reconciliation of Lord -Palmerston and Lord John Russell--The Reconciliation doubtful--Meeting -of the Liberal Party--Resolution of the Meeting--Debate on the -Resolution of Want of Confidence--Defeat of Ministers--Lord Derby -resigns--Lord Granville sent for by the Queen--Lord Granville does not -form a Government--Lord Palmerston sent for--Lord Palmerston's Second -Administration--The Queen confers the Garter on Lord Derby--Successful -Progress of the French in Italy--Causes of Lord Granville's -Failure--Lord John claims the Foreign Office--Lord Clarendon declines -to take Office--Lord Clarendon's Interview with the Queen--Mr. -Cobden declines to take Office--The Armistice of Villafranca--Peace -concluded--The Terms of Peace--Position of the Pope--Disappointment of -Italy--Conference of the Emperors--Alleged Sensitiveness of the Emperor -Napoleon--Details of the War--A Visit to Ireland--Irish National -Education--Dublin--Howth Castle--Waterford--Killarney--Return from -Ireland--Numerous Cabinets--A Dispute with China--Lord Palmerston and -Lord John Russell--Lord Clarendon at Osborne--Spain and Morocco--The -Duc d'Aumale--Perplexity of the Emperor Napoleon--The Emperor Napoleon -and the 'Times' _page_ 240 - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -Prospects of the Government and of the Opposition--Mr. Disraeli's -commanding Position--Preparation of a Reform Bill--A Congress--Death -of Macaulay--The Affairs of Italy--Policy of the Emperor Napoleon--The -Commercial Treaty with France--M. de Cavour resumes Office--Opening -of Parliament--Negotiation of the Commercial Treaty--The Emperor -a Free Trader--Perplexity of Italian Affairs--Moderation of Lord -Derby--Opposition to the Commercial Treaty--The Reform Bill of -1860--Tory Opposition to Reform--Mr. Gladstone's great Budget -Speech--Opposition to the Treaty and the Budget--Triumph of Mr. -Gladstone--The Italian Correspondence--Democratic Opinions of Mr. -Gladstone--Introduction of the Reform Bill--The Annexation of Savoy -and Nice--Annexation of Tuscany to Piedmont--The Dénouement of the -Plot--Complete Apathy of the Country as to Reform--Lord Derby declines -to interfere--Lord John's adverse Declaration to France--Consequences -of Lord John's Speech against France--Our Position in Europe--Anecdote -of the Crimean War--Designs of the Emperor Napoleon in 1858--Lord -Palmerston's Distrust of Napoleon III.--Lord John's Indifference -to his own Reform Bill--Mr. Gladstone's Ascendency--Designs of the -Emperor and Cavour--Unpopularity of the Reform Bill--Correspondence -of Lord Grey and Lord John Russell--Reaction against Mr. Gladstone's -Measures--Opposition to the Repeal of the Paper Duties--Coolness with -France--Garibaldi's Expedition--Lord Palmerston attacks the Neapolitan -Minister--The Paper Duties Bill rejected by the Lords--The Reform -Bill withdrawn--Lord Palmerston adjusts the Difference between the -two Houses--Mr. Gladstone supported by the Radicals--Mr. Senior's -Conversations in Paris--A Letter from the Speaker--Mr. Cobden's Faith -in the Emperor Napoleon--Conclusion of these Journals _page_ 275 - - -INDEX _page_ 317 - - - - - A JOURNAL - OF THE - REIGN OF QUEEN VICTORIA - FROM 1852 TO 1860. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -France and Prussia--The Emperor's Speech--Faint Hopes of -Peace--Favourable View of the Policy of Russia--Progress of the -Negotiations--Russia accepts the Terms of Peace--The Acceptance -explained--Popular Feeling in Favour of the War--Lord Stratford -and General Williams--Mr. Disraeli's Prospects--Meeting of -Parliament--Baron Parke's Life Peerage--The Debate on the -Address--Debate on Life Peerages--Report on the Sufferings of the -Army--Strained Relations with France--Lord Clarendon goes to the -Congress at Paris--Opening of the Conference--Sabbatarianism--Progress -of the Negotiations--Kars--Nicolaieff--The Life Peerage -Question--Blunders and Weakness of the Government--A Visit -to Paris--Count Orloff's View of the War--Lord Cowley on the -Negotiations--Princess Lieven on the War--An Evening at the -Tuileries--Opening of the Legislative Chamber--Lord Cowley's Desponding -Views--The Austrian Proposals--Bitterness in French Society--Necessity -of Peace to France--Conversation with M. Thiers--A Stag Hunt at St. -Germains--The Emperor yields to the Russians--Birth of the Prince -Imperial. - - -_January 1st_, 1856.--Intelligence arrived yesterday that Esterhazy -had presented the Austrian proposal to Nesselrode on the 28th, who -had received it _in profound silence_. Yesterday morning the 'Morning -Post,' in communicating this fact, put forth an article indecently -violent and menacing against Prussia; and as it contained a statement -of what the Emperor Napoleon had said to Baron Seebach, which was -exactly what Persigny had told Clarendon, this alone would prove, -if any proof were required, that the article was inserted either -by Palmerston or by Persigny. The 'Morning Post' derives its only -importance from being the Gazette of Palmerston and of the French -Government, and it is not very easy to determine which of the two is -guilty of this article. These are the sort of manifestos which make us -so odious all over the world. - - -[Sidenote: MISCHIEVOUS RESULTS OF THE WAR.] - -_Hatchford, January 2nd._--The speech which Louis Napoleon addressed -to the Imperial Guard the day before yesterday when they marched into -Paris in triumph, gives reason for suspecting that the manifesto -against Prussia in the 'Morning Post' was French, for there is no small -correspondence between the speech and the article. In the article -Prussia is openly threatened and told, if she will not join the allies -in making war on Russia, the allies will make war upon her; in the -speech the Guards are told to hold themselves in readiness and that a -great French army will be wanted. Nothing is more within the bounds of -probability than that the Emperor may determine, if he is obliged to -make war, to make it for a French object, and on some enemy from whom -a good spoil may be taken, a war which will gratify French vanity and -cupidity, and which will therefore not be unpopular. He may think, -and most probably not erroneously, that in the present temper of -this country the people would be quite willing to let him do what he -pleases with Prussia, Belgium, or any other part of the continent, if -he will only concur with us in making fierce war against Russia. But -though this I believe to be the feeling of the masses, and that their -resentment against Prussia is so strong that they would rejoice at -seeing another Jena followed by similar results, the minority who are -elevated enough in life to reason and reflect will by no means like to -see France beginning to run riot again, and while we have been making -such an uproar about the temporary occupation of the Principalities -and the crossing of the Pruth by Russia, that we should quietly -consent to, nay, become accomplices in the passage of the Rhine and an -aggression on Germany by France. The very possibility of this shows -the necessity of putting an end to a war which cannot continue without -so many and such perilous contingencies. Nothing in fact can exceed -the complications in which we can hardly help being plunged, and the -various antagonistic interests which will be brought into collision, -creating perplexities and difficulties which it would require the -genius of a Richelieu to unravel and compose. The earth under our feet -may be mined with plots; we know not what any of the Great Powers are -really designing; the only certainty for us is that we are going on -blindly and obstinately spending our wealth and our blood in a war in -which we have no interest, and in keeping Europe in a state of ferment -and uncertainty the ultimate consequences of which it is appalling to -contemplate. Clarendon showed me a letter from Francis Baring from -Paris the other day, which told him that the Emperor wished to make -peace, because he knew that France, with all her outward signs of -prosperity, was unable to go on with the war without extreme danger, -that she is in fact 'using herself up,' has been going on at a rate she -cannot afford. - - -[Sidenote: NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE.] - -_Hatchford, January 4th._--I was in London yesterday, where I saw -George Lewis, who was very low, sees no chance of peace, and everybody -thinks it hopeless since the Russian Circular has appeared. It is -difficult to understand the motive of the Russians in publishing such a -proposal, when they must know it would not and could not be accepted, -and were also aware of the terms the Western Powers were going to offer -to her. Lewis says our financial prospect is very bad, a declining -revenue, rising prices, a large loan wanted which will be got on bad -terms, and more money to be lent to Sardinia and Turkey. He thinks, if -the Russians propose to negotiate, that Palmerston will never consent; -but though he will no doubt resist, if France presses it I have no -doubt he will give way and that the majority of the Cabinet will be -for doing so. Everything looks as black as possible, and the Emperor -Napoleon's speech to the Imperial Guard following Persigny's article in -the 'Morning Post' wears a very menacing aspect. It is possible indeed -that he may have held this language in order to frighten us into a more -pacific disposition, but so far from being alarming or unpalatable to -the majority here, they will hail with satisfaction any intimation -of his resolution to make war on Prussia; and if Louis Napoleon will -only go on fighting against Russia, they will be quite willing that -he should take whatever he pleases from any other power which will -not join us in our present crusade. I often wonder what the Duke of -Wellington would have said and thought if he could have lived to see -this day, and the madness of this nation. - - -_London, January 9th._--I came to town on Monday and found when I -arrived that there was a fresh glimmering of peace. Austria had sent -word she was inclined to believe that Russia intended to accept the -terms. I went to Lewis, who told me this was true, but he did not -know on what ground their opinion rested more than that ten days had -elapsed during which no symptoms of a flat refusal had appeared, and -Lewis himself thought there was no doubt they were considering whether -they should accept or what reply they should make. Colloredo called on -Clarendon the other day, and, after some unimportant talk, asked him -if he had ever heard, or had reason to believe, that Russia had made -a communication to France to the effect that if France had a mind to -take the Rhenish Provinces and make peace with her, she should not -oppose such a design. Clarendon replied that he knew nothing of it, but -thought it not at all improbable. - -Bernstorff had a conversation with Reeve the other day in which he told -him that he was much put out at the isolated condition of Prussia, -and gave him to understand that he should like the King to join the -alliance, but he did not think anything would induce him to do so. It -might perhaps be prudent, but it would be enormously base if Prussia -were to come _au secours des vainqueurs_, and, now that Russia is in -exceeding distress, to join England and France, to whom she certainly -is under no obligations, in crushing her. But then it would only be -prudent for the moment and to remove an immediate and impending danger, -for in the more comprehensive view of the balance of power and with -referance to general policy, it would be far wiser to leave the power -of Russia undiminished. Germany has nothing to fear from Russia, for -the notion of her being eternally animated with designs of conquest in -every direction is a mere chimæra which the people who propagate it do -not themselves believe. The part she has played for many years past -has been that of a pacificator, and her only intervention has been to -appease quarrels, and resist the progress of democracy and revolution. -In 1848 it was the authority of the Emperor Nicholas which prevented a -great war between Austria and Prussia which would have made all Germany -a scene of havoc and bloodshed. Our Government now evidently expect a -proposal from Russia to negotiate, and are living in hopes that it may -be rejected _in limine_ by Esterhazy, and that they shall be able to -prevail on the Emperor Napoleon not to consent to any overture that may -be made to him through any other channel. - - -_January 15th._--I came to town yesterday morning and found on my -arrival the Russian answer, which was pretty much what I expected. -I suspect our Government will have been disappointed that so much -was conceded as to make a peremptory rejection so monstrous as to be -hardly safe. However, Esterhazy has been ordered to withdraw on the -18th, unless everything else is conceded. Granville fancies they are -not unlikely to do this, but I am persuaded they will not. It remains -to be seen what the French will do, for all depends on them. I asked -Granville what he thought would be the end of it; he said _on the -whole_ he was rather disposed to expect it would lead to peace; he said -Austria did not mean to go to war with Russia in any case, he thought -she had played her cards with considerable dexterity, and made herself -a sort of arbitress, and, what she most desired, had got a decided -lead of Prussia, the object of her hatred. I asked him if Prussia was -terrified at the menaces contained in the Emperor's speech and other -things against her, and he said he thought she was irritated but not -frightened, and he inveighed against the folly of such speeches, and -especially such articles as Persigny, if it was he, had put into the -'Morning Post.' - - -_January 16th._--So far as I can as yet discover of public opinion, -it is in favour of accepting, or at all events of negotiating on, the -Russian proposals. The 'Times' has an ambiguous article on the subject. -Nobody will approve of the continuation of the war merely to obtain an -Austrian object, which the cession of Bessarabia is, and the article -about Bomarsund, which has nothing to do with the avowed object of the -war. I have not the least doubt one half of the Cabinet, at least, are -in their hearts of this opinion, but I am afraid they will not have the -courage to stand forth, avow, and act upon it. - - -[Sidenote: TERMS OF PEACE ACCEPTED BY RUSSIA.] - -_January 17th._--I saw Lewis yesterday and for the first time saw -something approaching to _a certainty_ of peace. His information was -curious: the 'Morning Post,' in the statement inserted by Persigny, -said that the Russians had rejected the conditions about Bessarabia, -and about Bomarsund and had accepted the rest. In the counter -proposition of Russia there was no mention of Bomarsund, and for this -very good reason, that no such proposal was made to them. When the -terms of Austria and France were sent here our Government objected -to that article which said the allies reserved to themselves to make -_other_ conditions, or some such words. They said it was not fair, -and that they should at once say what they wanted, and _all_ they -wanted, and the additions they proposed were that Bomarsund should not -be restored, that Consuls should be admitted to the Black Sea ports, -and that 'something' should be done about Georgia and Circassia. -This was their answer, and our allies agreed to these additions, but -for what reason has not as yet appeared. They sent the terms to St. -Petersburg in their original shape and without our articles, so that -in fact no condition about Bomarsund was made to them. The Cabinet -met yesterday to determine what answer should be sent to Paris, the -French having notified that they would make no reply to the counter -proposal till they were apprised of our sentiments thereupon. Lewis -said he had no doubt that both governments would be willing to enter -upon negotiation on these terms, France and Austria being anxious for -peace and our Government not averse, for they begin to perceive that -there is a rapidly increasing disposition to put an end to the war, -and particularly that nobody will desire to continue it merely to -obtain an exclusively Austrian object, which the cession of part of -Bessarabia would be, especially as Austria has no thought of going to -war. The Russian Government have written in a very conciliatory tone -to Paris, which is known, though the letter has not yet arrived. The -King of Prussia had written a private, but very pressing letter to the -Emperor of Russia entreating him to make peace. Though very private, -the French Government contrived to get a copy of it, and Cowley sent -this copy home. It is said to be a very able letter written in a most -confidential style. Such being the state of affairs and all parties -apparently being agreed in a disposition to put an end to the war, it -seemed to me quite certain that the negotiations would be established, -and that they would lead to peace. In the evening I asked Granville -if he did not think we should now certainly have peace, and he said -'I think so, but there are still a great many complications,' and -he said Cowley and Walewski were on such bad terms that they hardly -spoke. The fact is that Cowley is a gentleman and a man of honour and -veracity, but he is sensitive and prone to take offence; the other -is an adventurer, a needy speculator, without honour, conscience, or -truth, and utterly unfit both as to his character and his capacity -for such an office as he holds. Then it must be owned that it must be -intolerably provoking to Walewski or any man in his situation to see -Cowley established in such strange relations with the Emperor, being at -least for certain purposes more his Minister for Foreign Affairs than -Walewski himself. - -[Sidenote: TERMS OF PEACE ACCEPTED BY RUSSIA.] - -_12 o'clock._--Payne has just rushed in here, to say that a telegraphic -message, dated Vienna, ten o'clock last night, announces that 'Russia -accepts _unconditionally_ the proposals of the allies.' The consequence -of this astounding intelligence was such a state of confusion and -excitement on the Stock Exchange as was hardly ever seen before. The -newspapers had one and all gone on predicting that the negotiations -would lead to nothing, and that the war would go on, so that -innumerable people continued to be 'bears,' and they were all rushing -to get out as fast as they could. It remains yet to be seen whether it -is really true; if it is, the Russians will be prodigiously provoked -when they find that this concession was superfluous, and that the -allies would have accepted _their_ terms. - - -_January 18th._--Though the account in the 'Times' was not exactly -correct, it proved substantially so. The right message came from -Seymour soon after. There was such a scene in the Stock Exchange as -was hardly ever witnessed; the funds rose three per cent., making five -in the last two days. The Rothschilds, and all the French who were -in the secret with Walewski, must have made untold sums. I have been -endeavouring to account for what appears the extraordinary conduct of -Russia in accepting the Austrian terms purely and simply, and this -strikes me to be the solution of it, and if my idea is correct it -will account for the exceedingly bad terms which Cowley and Walewski -are on. The conditions offered to Russia contained none of the points -insisted on by our Government. I believe that the French and Austrians -believed, very likely were certain, that if they had been sent Russia -would have refused them, and, being bent on peace, they resolved to -leave them out, and excuse themselves to England as they best could; -they therefore simply presented their proposal as it originally stood. -Russia replied with a qualified acceptance, and then Esterhazy was -obliged by the compact to say that he could only take yes or no; then, -finding them not inclined to give any other answer, that he or somebody -else told them the true state of the case, viz., that he had kept back -the conditions _we_ had demanded, and that unless they accepted his -proposition, it must of necessity fall to the ground, and that nothing -would then prevent the English points being brought forward and made -absolute conditions of any fresh preliminaries. This was very likely to -determine them to accept the proposals as put before them, for although -by so doing they accepted the fifth condition, which exposes them to -further and not specified demands, the especial points on which we -insist can only be brought forward as points for negotiation, and will -not form part of those conditions to which by their acceptance they -stand completely and irrevocably pledged. - - -[Sidenote: POPULAR FEELING FOR WAR.] - -_London, January 22nd._--I went to Trentham on Friday, and returned -yesterday. Granville is very confident of peace, fancying that Russia -will make no difficulties, and will agree to our additional demands, -which may be so, but seems to me far from certain. The intelligence of -peace being at hand, or probable, gives no satisfaction here, and the -whole press is violent against it, and thunders away against Russia -and Austria, warns the people not to expect peace, and incites them -to go on with the war. There seems little occasion for this, for the -press has succeeded in inoculating the public with such an eager desire -for war that there appears a general regret at the notion of making -peace. When I was at Trentham, I asked Mr. Fleming, the gardener, a -very intelligent man, what the general feeling was in that part of -the world, and he said the general inclination was to go on with the -war till we had made Russia, besides other concessions, pay all its -expenses. It appears to me impossible the _entente cordiale_ with -France can go on long if the war goes on, when the people here are -passionate for war, and in France they are equally passionate for -peace. If the Emperor goes on with the war he will be very popular -here, which does not signify much to him, but give deep offence to -his own countrymen, which will be of vital importance to him, and no -wonder, for their disgust will be intense at being compelled to carry -on a war at a ruinous expense, merely because it is the pleasure of -the English to do so. This seems so obvious that I do not believe, -after having gone so far, and excited such strong hopes of peace, -that he will dare to disappoint the expectations of the country. What -the people of England would really like would be to engage France to -continue, and to issue a joint declaration of war against Austria and -Prussia. - - -_January 23rd._--Telegraphic news yesterday that Austria positively -refuses to send our supplementary conditions to St. Petersburg. -France backed us up, or at least pretended to do so, for it is quite -impossible to know what she really does. Baudin is come over here, -supposed to be for the purpose of explaining and apologising for -Walewski's not having sent the conditions originally. I do not know -what excuse he makes. Lewis thinks as I do, that the real reason was -his fear lest they should endanger the acceptance by Russia of the -conditions. Our Government believe, or at least pretend to do so, that -the Emperor was innocent of this _ruse_ and that Walewski is alone -guilty; but I doubt it, for I cannot believe Walewski would dare to do -such a thing without his master's knowledge and consent, and should not -be surprised if the whole thing was the Emperor's doing. - -There is a tremendous clamour got up by the press against Lord -Stratford on account of his neglect of General Williams at Kars and -leaving his appeals for aid unattended to. Stratford has sent home -a defence of himself, and, I hear, a skilful one. I do not think -they will remove him, because they say he is now acting _bonâ fide_ -according to his instructions, and exerting all his influence to -smooth any difficulties that may arise at Constantinople in adjusting -the terms of peace. But it is likely that the Turks are now very -anxious for peace, as they are exceedingly sick of their protectors, -by whom their dignity and independence are quite as much compromised -as by their enemies, while the process of exhaustion is going on at a -constantly increasing ratio. - - -[Sidenote: LORD DERBY AND MR. DISRAELI.] - -_January 26th._--Yesterday morning Disraeli called on me, and after we -had discussed some private affairs, he began talking politics. He is -very triumphant at his pacific views and expectations having turned -out so true, and at the 'Press' newspaper having proved to be right. -He said, he had never stood so well with the _best_ men of his party -as he did now, that he is to have forty-five men, the cream of the -Conservatives, to dine with him on Wednesday next. He then talked of -Derby and the blunders he had made in spite of all the advice he had -given and the remonstrances he had made to him, that he had written to -him and told him what he knew from undoubted authority must and would -happen about peace, and implored him not to commit himself to the -continuance of the war, but that Derby with all his great talents had -no discretion, and suffered himself to be led and influenced by some of -the weakest and least capable men of his party. So instead of listening -to what Disraeli said to him, he writes a long, reasoned reply to his -arguments in the same way he would have replied to a speech in the -House of Lords, and when he went to Scotland he had the folly to go -to some meeting got up for the purpose, and then to make a violent -war speech. I asked him how Derby and Stanley got on together, and he -said that they were so much attached to each other, and Stanley had so -profound a filial veneration for his father, that personal feelings -silenced all political differences, and nothing would induce Stanley -to take any public part adverse to his father's policy and opinions. -It was evident that there is little political cordiality between Derby -and Disraeli, and a considerable split in the party. If Disraeli is to -be believed, the best of the Conservatives are disposed to go with him -rather than with Derby, but I own I much doubt this. However, it will -soon be seen what the state of that party is. - -No further advance has been made towards the arrangements, but it -is clear peace will be made. George Grey told me so yesterday, and -intimated as much as that small difficulties must and would be got -over. France, Austria, and Russia are resolved on peace, and England -cannot alone make herself an obstacle. I suppose it will end in some -compromise upon the points remaining in dispute. - -Macaulay has retired from Parliament, where he had done nothing -since his last election; he hardly ever attended and never spoke, or -certainly not more than once. It is to be hoped his life will be spared -to bring down his history to the end of Queen Anne's reign, which is -all that can possibly be expected. - - -_January 31st._--Parliament meets to-day. Who would have thought a few -weeks ago that the Queen's Speech would announce the preliminaries of -peace? Who would ever have thought that tidings of peace would produce -a general sentiment of disappointment and dissatisfaction in this -nation? There are, however, sundry symptoms of an approaching change -in the public mind. The press is much perplexed; the newspapers do -not know what to say. They confidently predicted that there would be -no peace, and urged the people to go on clamouring for war as long as -they could; but since they have seen that their noise is ineffectual, -and that peace is inevitable, they have nearly left off inveighing -against it, because doing so without any result only exhibits their own -impotence, which is just what they most wish to avoid. They therefore -now confine themselves to a sort of undergrowl, muttering abuse against -Russia and Austria, calling out for more stringent terms, and still -indulging in a desperate hope that some unexpected difficulty may -occur to break off the negotiations and plunge us into war again. The -Opposition are as much perplexed as the press, and do not know what -course to take, or what is the most vulnerable part of the Government, -and they are not agreed among themselves. - -So in the meantime they seem disposed to vent themselves in a fierce -attack on Baron Parke's Life Peerage. This peerage has excited great -wrath even in many who are friendly to the Government, and probably in -all who are unfriendly. Amongst those who most vehemently resent it are -Lord Campbell, Lord Lyndhurst, and, as I am told, Brougham. There is -much to be said about it either way, and it will probably give rise to -some good debates and not uninteresting. - -As one of many other proofs of the difficulty of getting at truth, and -therefore of having history correctly written, I must record a fact -not very important in itself. Lewis distinctly told me that it was -_France_ (i.e. Walewski) who kept back our conditions when the Austrian -propositions were returned to Vienna; now Granville tells me it was not -France, but Austria, who is responsible for their not having been sent -to St. Petersburg, and that Walewski did send them to Vienna. The truth -probably is that he gave notice to Buol that we wanted these things, -but did not incorporate them with the propositions, and that Buol, -though apprised of them, did not choose to insert what France had not -chosen to insert herself. It is quite impossible to believe that they -can make any serious difficulty; it is time to make peace with Russia -when our relations with America are assuming a very unpleasant aspect. - - -[Sidenote: MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.] - -_February 3rd._--Parliament opened very quietly, and there was no -disposition evinced to find fault with the Government, or to throw -obstacles in the way of making peace. A great change has certainly -come over the country within the last fortnight or three weeks, not -that people are not still sorry to see the end of the war, and rather -inclined to view the peace with suspicion as well as dislike, but they -have no grounds for complaint, they see that it is inevitable, and they -are disposed to acquiesce. - -Derby came down full of opposition but rather puzzled how to vent -it, so he criticised the Speech, which was a very poor and bald -composition, made a great stir about Kars, and announced a fierce -attack on Baron Parke's Life Peerage. - -In the House of Commons everything was very _piano_, and Disraeli quite -moderate. The Government are much puzzled about this unlucky Life -Peerage. The thing is done, and now they find themselves condemned by -a large majority which includes all the Law Peers. If any vote can be -taken on it in the House of Lords, they will be beaten. - -The Conferences will begin in about three weeks, and probably be very -soon over, for it is the object of all parties to put an end to the -enormous expense which, every day that the war lasts, is increased, and -no doubt is entertained by the well-informed that Russia is in earnest, -and will go through with it firmly and sincerely. The most unpleasant -incident is the difference with America, which has a bad aspect, but -when they learn that we are going to make peace with Russia we flatter -ourselves the Americans will become reasonable.[1] If a war should -ensue it would be still more insane than the Russian war, for we should -be fighting absolutely for no object whatever, and merely from the -collision of the proud and angry feelings of the two nations. Neither -would gain anything if the other were to give way and concede all that -is in dispute as to the Central American question. - -Footnote 1: [Differences had arisen between the British and the -American Governments in consequence of the enlistment of American -citizens in the British army during the war, and also with reference to -the British possessions in Central America.] - - -_February 7th._--Nothing can be more extraordinary than the lull here, -after so much sound and fury, while the negotiations and question of -peace or war are pending. There is evidently a complete acquiescence in -the coming peace, though if the terms are not as stringent as people -expect, there will be a great deal of grumbling and abuse of the -Government. - -The case with America looks bad, but nobody can seriously believe that -war between the two countries can possibly arise out of such questions -as those now pending. It will probably end in the return of Crampton, -and the return of Buchanan, suspension of diplomatic relations for a -time, then fresh negotiations and a reconciliation, but no war. - - -[Sidenote: THE LIFE PEERAGE QUESTION.] - -_February 9th._--The debate in the House of Lords on the Wensleydale -Peerage was interesting but inconclusive. Lyndhurst made, as usual, -a wonderful speech for his age. He contrived with much dexterity to -avoid the question of legality, which he evidently thought he could -not disprove; Campbell and St. Leonards boldly pronounced it illegal; -Brougham admitted the legality; all the lawyers but the Chancellor are -dead against the Life Peerage. Out of the House, Lushington is clear -for it; Pemberton Leigh against; both of them have been offered and -have refused peerages. The result appears to be that the patent is not -illegal, but that there was no sufficient cause, and therefore that it -was a great folly to deviate from the usual course in Parke's case. It -is awkward, and both the Opposition and the Government seem very much -puzzled what to do. The best course on the whole seems to be (and it -probably will so end) to confer on the Baron an hereditary peerage, and -let the question of life peers stand over for the present, to be better -considered and discussed hereafter when circumstances may require such -a measure. - -Palmerston made a very good speech last night on the American -questions, judicious and becoming, and it was very well received. -According to present appearances the Government is in no danger of -being turned out, and if they make a peace which satisfies, and bring -in and pass some good measures, they may actually become strong. - - -_February 15th._--While the world is waiting with tolerable patience -for the opening of the negotiations, it has got two subjects to -occupy and interest it, and to give rise to plenty of discussion and -dispute. The first is the Life Peerage question, which is become very -embarrassing to its opponents and its advocates. There is a great -majority of the lawyers against it, but more on the score of its being -improper and inexpedient, _perhaps_ unconstitutional, than that it is -absolutely illegal. The highest authority in favour of it seems to -be Dr. Lushington, who refused to be made a peer when a peerage was -pressed upon him. The Government are determined to fight it out, and on -no account to give way. Nobody knows with whom the project originated, -but there is a very general idea that it was with the Prince. General -Grey, however, told his brother, the Earl, that the Prince had nothing -to do with it, and that His Royal Highness knew nothing of the matter -till after it had been settled. I cannot see how it can be _illegal_, -and neither the danger nor the inexpediency of making Life Peers is -quite apparent to me; but I think it has been a blunder, and that so -great a novelty ought not to have been suddenly sprung upon the world -without any attempt to ascertain how it would be regarded, and Derby's -argument it is very difficult to meet. He says that when a certain -prerogative has not been exercised for 400 years, such long disuse of -it, if it does not amount to an abrogation of it, at all events throws -such a doubt upon it as to make the exercise of it now exceedingly -questionable, and it appears by the precedents that in every case of -a Life Peerage it was done _consensu procerum_, or _consensu procerum -et communitatis_, that is, by consent of the Lords, or by Act of -Parliament. The whole question is so obscure and uncertain, that it is -impossible to come to any satisfactory conclusion drawn from precedents -and usage. In spite of the resolution of the Government, I doubt -whether they will not be compelled to give way in some manner, for the -Opposition appear to be equally resolved not to let Baron Parke take -his seat. - -The other subject is Sir John McNeill's report,[1] which has already -elicited violent articles in the papers, and will occasion hot debates -in the House of Commons, perhaps in both Houses. The report furnishes -a strong _primâ facie_ case against Airey and Gordon, Q.M. and A.Q.M. -Generals, and _par ricochet_ against Hardinge himself, also against -Lucan and Cardigan. The accused parties vehemently complain, and -insist upon being allowed to vindicate themselves. Probably in the -course of the discussions a good deal of the truth, but not all, -will come out. It may be doubted whether there is any part of our -military administration, as well as of our military operations during -this war, on which it is possible to reveal and explain everything -without showing up the French, and this has been the reason why -all investigations and explanations have had such imperfect and -unsatisfactory results. If the charges of McNeill are true, it seems to -me that the man most to blame was Raglan, who was supreme, omnipotent, -and responsible, and who ought not to have allowed the evils, which -were notorious, to go on accumulating, without applying those effectual -remedies which, according to the report, were abundantly at his -disposal; but of course everybody will shrink from casting the blame -posthumously upon him. The 'Times' has now found that the losses and -sufferings of the army were erroneously and wrongfully attributed to -the Government at home. McNeill has brought back with him notes of -conversations with Raglan, in which Raglan told him that most if not -all of the things he had been so bitterly reproached for were all -owing to the opposition and contradiction he met with from the French, -Canrobert especially. - -Cowley, who called on me the day before yesterday, said he should be -very glad to have peace concluded, in order that our intimate connexion -and dependence on each other might be at an end, for the difficulties -arising therefrom, and the impossibility of placing any reliance on the -French Ministers, were a perpetual source of annoyance. He thinks the -Emperor honest and true, but that he is surrounded by a parcel of men -every one of whom is dishonest and false. The Emperor knows this, and -knows what is thought of his ministers, but he says 'What am I to do? -and where can I find better men who will enter my service?' - -[Sidenote: THE CONFERENCE IN PARIS.] - -Clarendon came here to-day to take leave of me on going to the -Conference in Paris. He talks despondingly, but less about making peace -than about making one that will be acceptable here. He augurs well -from the choice of Russian Plenipotentiaries who are both personally -agreeable to him, for he knows Orloff very intimately. When he took -leave of Brunnow three years ago he said to him, 'If ever you see a -good chance of peace, let me know,' and now Brunnow has sent him a -message reminding him of what he had said, and telling him he now saw -it. It was Clarendon who fixed on Paris for the Conference, everybody -else being against it, especially the Emperor Napoleon and Palmerston, -but Clarendon thought the advantage of having personal communication -with the Emperor himself outweighed every other consideration, and he -is right. Louis Napoleon will be the arbiter, and the struggle will be -between England and Russia to get possession of him. Brunnow arrived at -Paris to-day, the first arrival of the Plenipotentiaries, and he was -received with great acclamations and manifestations of joy. Clarendon -is dissatisfied at Brunnow's having got there first as if to steal a -march on him, but this is unreasonable, as no particular day was fixed -for their coming at once, and Clarendon might have been the first if he -had chosen it, and Cavour is to be there to-day or to-morrow. - -Footnote 1: [Sir John McNeill had been sent to the Crimea and -Constantinople to investigate the causes of the sufferings of the -troops in the winter 1854-55.] - - -_February 21st._--A week has passed since most of the Plenipotentiaries -arrived at Paris, and we hear nothing of what has been going on amongst -them; at least I hear nothing except that Clarendon writes word he -is quite satisfied with the Emperor--the Hollands, that all sorts of -intrigues are rife, Brunnow, Morny, and Madame de Lieven closeted -together for hours, and Madame de Lieven writes to me in melancholy -mood, saying she anticipates many difficulties, and complaining of -the _exigeances_ which she hears of as probable, and how ungenerous -as well as impolitic it is to make no allowance for the difficulty -of the Emperor's position _vis à vis_ of his own people, and to bear -so hard upon him. From all this I infer that the Russians have been -informed that the Emperor Napoleon has engaged to back us up in our -_exigeances_, the principal of which is probably the dismantling of -Nicolaieff; this may be inferred from what has appeared in the French -press. The 'Journal des Débats' published an article saying we had no -right to demand this, to which the 'Siècle' replied asserting we had a -right, and the article in the 'Siècle' was copied into the 'Moniteur,' -which was tantamount to a recognition and approval of it. There are -rumours afloat here that matters are not going on satisfactorily at -Paris, and, taking all these things together, it looks as if the -horizon was a little overcast, but as Orloff was only to arrive at -Paris last night nothing essential can as yet have passed. Meanwhile -this country remains in the same passive and expectant state, so far -behaving very well that there is not the least stir or any attempt to -make peace more difficult, not a word said in Parliament, no meetings -or petitions, the 'Times' nearly silent, and only an undergrowl from -time to time from the Radical or malignant journals. But all who have -had any opportunity of testing the state of public feeling agree that -the peace, be it what it may, will be taken with regret, and that if -Clarendon were to return having broken off the negotiations, and to -announce that the war would go on, he would be hailed with the greatest -enthusiasm, and the ardour for war would break out with redoubled force. - -While this lull has been going on upon the great question, the world -has been less passionately moved and interested by the affair of the -Wensleydale Peerage, and nobody has talked of anything else for the -last ten days but this and the Crimean Report. The general feeling -amongst the lawyers and in society is against the Life Peerage, but the -Government are very reluctant to give way and to own themselves beaten -upon it. To-night is the great, and, it may be hoped, final struggle in -the House of Lords upon it, when nobody doubts that the Government will -be beaten. - -Last night the Evangelical and Sabbatarian interest had a great victory -in the House of Commons, routing those who endeavoured to effect the -opening of the National Gallery and British Museum on Sunday. The only -man of importance who sustained this unequal and imprudent contest was -Lord Stanley. At this moment cant and Puritanism are in the ascendant, -and so far from effecting any anti-sabbatarian reform, it will be very -well if we escape some of the more stringent measures against Sunday -occupations and amusements with which Exeter Hall and the prevailing -spirit threaten us. - - -[Sidenote: LORD CLARENDON IN PARIS.] - -_February 24th._--A letter from Lady Clarendon, who says 'the report -about things going ill is false, and as yet things have hardly begun. -The Emperor in feelings and opinions is everything that Clarendon could -desire.' Madame de Lieven received Clarendon _à bras ouverts_, but said -very little to him. This morning I called on George Lewis, and had a -long talk about the prospects of peace. He said Palmerston, according -to his ancient custom, was doing all he could to extort as much as -possible from Russia, writing to Clarendon in this strain constantly -and urging him to insist on more and more concessions; but Lewis thinks -notwithstanding this that Palmerston has quite made up his mind for -peace, and that he makes demands very often with the expectation of -being refused, and the intention of not insisting on them if he finds -a very determined resistance. One point of difference is Kars; the -Russians not unfairly wish to have some equivalent for surrendering -it, and Palmerston insists that they are not entitled to any. In the -preliminaries it was settled that we were to restore all our conquests, -and they were in return to give up part of Bessarabia. At that time -Kars was not taken, and now they say the relative positions of the -parties are altered, and 'if we are to restore Kars, that ought to -be set against the restoration of Kinburn, the part of the Crimea -you occupy, &c., and having got an equivalent in Kars, you ought to -relax your demand for Bessarabia.' To this Palmerston replies that -the Russians are to guarantee the integrity of the Turkish dominions, -of which Kars is a part, and therefore their restoration of it is a -matter of course for which no equivalent is necessary. This argument is -not logical, and no arbitrator would admit it. It is a good point to -wrangle upon, and if the Russians knock under it will be because they -are resolved to submit to any terms rather than not have peace. - -It is much the same thing about Nicolaieff, as to which the Emperor -appears at present disposed to back us up. Lewis disapproves of our -_exigeances_ and Palmerston's tone. He thinks on both points the -Russians have good cases, and that Palmerston and Clarendon are only -fighting for them in order to have a more plausible and showy peace -to set before the country. He says we never thought of demanding -the destruction of the docks of Nicolaieff _at first_, and that our -demanding it now is a mere afterthought, and in pursuance of the plan -of starting as many demands as we can to take the chance of what we -can get. Lewis disapproves of this course, and urged me to encourage -Clarendon not to lend himself to exigencies unjust in themselves, but -to do what he really thinks right and necessary without fear of the -consequences. - -[Sidenote: DEBATE ON LIFE PEERAGES.] - -When we had done talking of this matter he said he wanted to speak -to me about the Peerage question, which had assumed a shape which he -thought menaced great embarrassment, if not danger. The Government, he -said, would not give way, and he was himself opposed to their doing -so; but what was to be done? I said I did not see what the Government -could do, nor why they should not give way when they had resolved to -fight and had been fairly beaten; but he thought they should stultify -themselves by acknowledging they had been wrong, and that such a -course would oblige the Chancellor to resign. I controverted these -propositions and said they would stultify themselves much more, if from -motives of vanity and pride they chose to let the House of Lords remain -without that assistance to obtain which was the pretext for Parke's -creation. On the whole, Lewis seemed to think the least objectionable -course would be to pass a bill enabling the Crown to make a certain -number of Life Peers, but he overlooked the fact that this would be as -much a confession of error, and an acknowledgement that the Queen had -no such prerogative, as to make Lord Wensleydale an hereditary Peer. My -advice was to make him an hereditary Viscount. I was obliged to go away -and had not time to talk it out. In the afternoon, I spoke to Campbell -and Lyndhurst about it, and asked what they proposed, and how the -difficulty was to be got over. They naturally want the Government to -knock under and give up the hereditary peerage; they both scouted the -idea of Parke coming down to the House of Lords and insisting on being -admitted and making a scene. Lyndhurst to-night is to give notice of -motion for a Committee to consider the Appellate Jurisdiction. - - -_February 27th._--The debate in the Lords on Monday night affords -a prospect of an amicable termination of the Peerage case, but the -Government still have a lingering hope that by some management and -contrivance they may avoid the necessity of submitting to their defeat -and acting accordingly. There is to be a Committee on the Appellate -Jurisdiction, and they think they may obtain some report which may -enable them to get out of their scrape, but the only way I can make -out by which they think of doing this is to lay the foundation of a -bill to enable the Crown to make a limited number of Life Peers. This -would, however, be a more formal acknowledgement of error, and that the -Queen does not possess the prerogative, than any other course. I expect -they will at last be driven to adopt the course I recommended, that of -making Parke a Viscount, hereditary of course. - -Last night, Disraeli made a bitter attack on the Government, to which -Labouchere replied with a spirit for which nobody gave him credit. The -Opposition displayed great warmth, and a disposition to show serious -fight on any occasion they could find. Certainly the Government cuts a -very poor figure, and it is difficult not to think that as soon as the -all absorbing question of peace or war is decided, they will be much -put to it to defend themselves, unless they conduct affairs much better -for the future than they have done up to the present time. Hitherto -they have presented a series of blunders, failures, and exposures. -First of all the Peerage question; then, much worse, in the House of -Commons, Lowe's Bill on Shipping Dues, which Palmerston was obliged -to withdraw last night, not at all creditably, and the failure of -which was in a great measure attributable to Lowe's very injudicious -speech, which, as he is the organ of the Board of Trade in the House of -Commons, was in itself a great evil and misfortune. George Grey's Bill -on County Police meets with such opposition that though it is a very -good measure he will probably not be able to carry it. But still worse -than these are the case of the Crimean Report with all its incidents, -one blunder after another, and the wretched exhibition of Monsell in -moving the Ordnance Estimates, amounting to a complete break-down. -All these things, one after another, place the Government in a very -weak and contemptible position, and show that in spite of Palmerston's -having recovered a good deal of his personal popularity in the House of -Commons, his Government has no strength, and his being able to go on at -all is only owing to the peculiar circumstances in which the country is -placed, and the extreme difficulty of any other Government being formed -which would be palateable to the country, more efficient, and therefore -stronger and more durable than the present. - -To-morrow I purpose going to Paris to see and hear what is going on at -this interesting moment. - - -[Sidenote: A VISIT TO PARIS.] - -_Paris, March 1st_, 1856.--I left London on Thursday with M. de -Flahault and my brother. We slept at Boulogne, and after a prosperous -journey in all its stages, found myself in my old quarters at the -Embassy yesterday evening at seven o'clock. I had hardly arrived -before a card came from Morny, who gave a great evening party with -two _petites pièces_ and music. I went there with Lady Cowley. The -crowd was so great that I saw nothing whatever of the spectacle, but -was pretty well amused, for I met some old acquaintance, made some -new ones, and was presented to some of the celebrities of the day. -I was much struck with the ugliness of the women, and the extreme -_recherche_ of their costumes. Nature has done nothing for them, their -_modistes_ all that is possible. The old friends I met were La Marre -and Bourqueney, whom I have not seen since he was Secretary of Embassy -to Guizot, when we had so much to do together about the affairs of the -East. I made acquaintance with Fleury, the Empress's _Grand Écuyer_, -renewed it with Bacciochi, and I was presented to Cavour and the Grand -Vizier, as little like the _beau idéal_ of a Grand Vizier as can well -be imagined, but by all accounts a Turk _comme il y en a peu_. He is a -very little, dark, spare, mild-looking man, speaks French perfectly, -and exceedingly clever, well-informed, enlightened, and honourable. He -was Grand Vizier once before, and owes his present elevation to his -great personal merit. He accepted the post with reluctance, feeling -sure Stratford would torment him to death and get him turned out again, -but it seems as if his high qualities, and the general respect with -which he is regarded, would enable him to maintain himself against all -intrigues, and even against Stratford's predominance. I met Clarendon, -but had hardly any opportunity of talking to him, as he was every -moment interrupted by people come up to do civilities to him. He had -just time to tell me that matters are going on very slowly, and that he -sees no reason why he should not be kept here for the next six months. -Orloff had met him _à bras ouverts_ and renewed their old Petersburg -friendship. Brunnow he is disgusted with, and says he has made a bad -impression here. He told me he had said to Brunnow: 'You were in -England long enough to know what a special pleader is; well, if all -other trades should fail you, take to that.' - -Orloff spoke very frankly about the war, and the conduct of the late -Emperor, which he had always regarded as insane in sending Menschikoff -to Constantinople. If he had sent him, Orloff, instead, he would -answer for it, there would have been no war. Then marching into the -Principalities, and finally not accepting the modifications of the -Vienna Note. After this, Orloff said, he had declined to have anything -more to do with those affairs, and had retired in disgust. He thought -Nicholas's mind had undergone a change after he had reached sixty years -of age. - -Clarendon said he was delighted with the Emperor and liked him -better and better every time he saw him. I met Walewski, who said he -wanted to talk to me, when he expressed great anxiety to know the -state of opinion in England, and talked of the chances of peace, -and particularly wished to know if I thought Palmerston really and -sincerely desired peace. I told him the exact truth as to opinion in -England, and said I believed Palmerston was now sincere in wishing -to make peace, but that it was in his nature to be _exigeant_, and -he thought it necessary to be so now because it was of great moment -to him to present to the country a peace with as many concessions as -possible from Russia. I said it depended on France after all, and then -I found that while they thought Bomarsund ought to be an indispensable -condition, Nicolaieff ought not; and so we parted, and I promised to -dine with him on Monday. - -[Sidenote: LORD COWLEY ON THE NEGOTIATIONS.] - -This morning after breakfast I had a long conversation with Cowley. -He did not speak despondingly of the peace, but he dilated on the -difficulty of coming to satisfactory terms, and such as Clarendon could -consent to, which he attributes principally to the French, who, having -gained all the glory they want for the satisfaction of their national -vanity, have no longer any desire to go on with the war, and we are -placed by them in a fix. 'If,' he said, 'our army was in Asia Minor -he should not care, because then we might say to them, do just what -you please, make peace if it suits you, we shall not resent it or have -any quarrel with you, but we will carry on the war on our own account. -As it is, if we insist on renewing the war, the French _cannot_, and -would not abandon us, and leave us to be attacked by superior Russian -armies; they would therefore very reluctantly go on with the war, but -it would be well known that we were dragging them on with us, and the -exasperation against us would be great and general, and, say what we -might, a quarrel between France and England would infallibly ensue.' -He said all the objections he had entertained against Paris being the -place of conference had been more than realised, and that the thing to -have done would have been to have it in some dull German town, where -there would have been no amusements and occupations, and no intrigues, -and where they would have applied themselves vigorously to their work -in order to get it done as quickly as possible. I have not, however, as -yet made out what intrigues there are, but there is of course a vast -deal of _commérage_ going on. - -The conferences take place every other day, beginning at one, and they -generally last about four hours. Walewski presides, and, they say, -does it pretty well; M. Benedetti, the _Chef de Département in the -Foreign Office, is the _Protocollist and Rédacteur; the manner of it is -conversational, but they occasionally make speeches, Walewski told me. -I asked Clarendon in the evening how they were going on, and he said he -thought they were making a little progress, but that the French did all -they could to render it impossible. - -I called on Madame de Lieven in the morning, who did not seem to know -much beyond what lies on the surface. She is craving for news and eager -for peace. Orloff has kept aloof from her, to her great mortification, -and rather to the malicious satisfaction of her enemies, but he went -to see her at last the day before yesterday, and, I suppose, accounted -for the delay, for she spoke of him as if they were friends, though -of course she would take care not to say a word of complaint or to -have it supposed, if she could help it, that he had neglected her. -She complained that in our _exigeance_ we did not make allowance -enough for the difficulties of the Emperor of Russia's position, for, -however necessary peace might be to Russia, there is a very great -party there who from pride and obstinacy would carry on the war at all -risks and hazards. She talked much of the enormous faults that had -been committed throughout the whole of the Eastern Question, and of -the severe retribution the pride of the late Emperor had drawn down -on his country, and remarked, which is quite true, that this would -be the first time in the history of Russia in which she had made a -disadvantageous peace; for even in her wars against Napoleon, when she -had suffered defeat after defeat, she had still concluded peace with -a gain of territory. I saw the Hollands, Guizot at Madame de Lieven's -door, called on Lady Clarendon, and then went to ride with Lady Cowley -in the Bois, and so the evening and the morning were the first day. The -weather is cold and gloomy, and I don't think I shall stay here long. - - -_March 3rd._--Went about visiting yesterday, and at night to the -Tuileries, an evening party and play, two small pieces; the Emperor -was very civil to me as usual, came up to me and shook hands; he -talked to Orloff and to Clarendon, then the Grande Maîtresse told him -the Empress was ready, when he went out and came back with her on his -arm, Mathilde, Princess Murat, and Plon Plon following. As the Emperor -passed before me, he stopped and presented me to the Empress. I was -introduced to Orloff, and in the course of the evening had a long talk -with Brunnow, who said _they_ had made all the advances and concessions -they could, and it was for us to move towards peace, and not to advance -one step and then retreat two. - -This morning I went to see the opening of the legislative bodies, and -hear the Emperor's Speech. It was a gay and pretty sight, so full of -splendour and various colours, but rather theatrical. He read his -speech very well and the substance of it gave satisfaction; it was not -easy to compose it, but he did it exceedingly well, and steered clear -of the ticklish points with great adroitness and tact. It sounded odd -to English ears to hear a Royal Speech applauded at the end of each -paragraph, and the shouts of _'Vive l'Empereur'_ from the Senators and -Deputies. - -After Cowley came home he began talking over the state of affairs, -and the peace we are going to make, about which his grief and -disappointment are overflowing. He says the Emperor had the best -intentions, but has been beset with men who were determined on peace -for their own ends, and whom he could not resist. What he blames him -for is not having at once said that he would go so far with us and no -further, and not have allowed us to delude ourselves with expectations -of support from him that were not to be realised. He says it is now all -over, the matter decided, it will proceed rapidly, and all be finished -by Easter. - - -[Sidenote: A DINNER AT COUNT WALEWSKI'S.] - -_At night._--I have been dining with Walewski, a very handsome dinner -to the Sardinians, and a party afterwards. Knowing none of the people, -it was a bore; I found nobody to converse with but Cavour and Flahault; -talked over the state of affairs with the latter and our discontents. -He said the Emperor could not refuse, and when Clarendon came over -and found His Majesty's conversation so satisfactory, he was misled -by it and fancied he should obtain his support to all our demands; -he owned that it would have been better if the Emperor had been more -explicit. When I got home I found Cowley, who was engaged in drawing up -a statement of the comparative state of Russia, as to her aggressive -power against Turkey before the war and now, after peace has been -made. He is doing this for Clarendon and to assist him in making his -case good in Parliament when the peace is attacked, as he says it is -quite certain it will be. I asked him what were the points on which the -Russians made the most difficulty. He said on _all_ except Bomarsund. -He is quite convinced that Walewski has played false, and that he has -made known to Orloff exactly what he must give up, and when he may be -stout. - - -_March 5th._--Little to record; Cowley continues talking to me of the -state of affairs as it is and as it might have been, and is excessively -dejected and disgusted at the idea of the peace he is about to sign; -he thinks it neither creditable nor likely to be durable, but we start -from such different points of view that it is impossible for us to -agree. He harps upon the evil done by having the Conference here, and -certainly the advantage Clarendon promised himself from having it here -has proved null, for the Emperor does not send for him, having no -mind to talk to him, and he will not ask an audience of the Emperor, -though Cowley urges him very much to do it. He acknowledges, however, -that it would be now too late, and that nothing more can be done; he -thinks Clarendon will bring himself with great reluctance to sign such -a Treaty; but he must swallow the pill, however bitter. The bitterness -proceeds from having had such vast pretensions and having encouraged, -if not held, such lofty language. - -It is no wonder that this Government want to get their army home when -typhus is raging there, and they have by their own account 22,000 -men in hospital, while ours is quite healthy. We took all sorts of -precautions, and strongly advised the French to do the same, and to -adopt a sanitary plan we imparted to them; they held it cheap, did -nothing, and here are the consequences. It is said that while those who -have been in the Crimea and have distinguished themselves are eager for -peace, those who have not yet earned medals are averse to peace, and -that there will be a good deal of jealousy between the regiments. - - -_March 6th._--We talked yesterday morning about the origin of the -Austrian proposals, and Cowley said he had never been able exactly to -make out whether the scheme had originated at Vienna or here, but he -was inclined to believe that the first hint was given by Austria, and -that Walewski then put the thing on paper, which was sent to Vienna and -returned thence in the shape of a proposal. Bourqueney first brought it -from Vienna, Buol having obtained his Emperor's consent to it. Cowley -told me Buol had been all along willing to join us in the war, but the -Emperor never would consent to it. Cowley's notions are that we never -ought to have listened to any intervention, nor to any proposals for -peace but from Russia herself, that we should have made her sue for -peace. He would have had our demands from the first stated distinctly, -and have allowed of nothing but acceptance or refusal; he would never -have agreed to the article for the cession of Bessarabia, nor have -asked for territory at all. If it could have been managed he would have -preferred giving the Principalities to Austria, who should for them -give up Lombardy to Sardinia. Not a bad idea. By the by, it is much -noticed that in the Emperor's Speech he calls the King of Sardinia the -King of Piedmont, probably without any particular meaning or intention, -but they say he never does anything without a meaning. I rode to the -new racecourse yesterday, near the Bois de Boulogne, and went to the -Opera last night to see a beautiful new ballet, _'Le Corsaire.'_ Went -to Passy to see the Delesserts, who were out. - -[Sidenote: BITTERNESS IN FRENCH SOCIETY.] - -In this head quarter of gossip every trifle makes a noise, a little -scene in society excites interest and shows the continued violence of -party feeling. A party dined at Lord Holland's and more came in the -evening, mostly, as it happened, Orleanists, for the Hollands live -with all parties indiscriminately. There were Mesdames de Rémusat, -d'Haussonville, and several others of that colour, when the door opened -and MM. de Flahault and Morny were announced, on which the women all -jumped up like a covey of partridges and walked out of the room, -without taking any notice of the men. It is said that the Orleanist -party entertain a peculiar rancour against M. de Flahault for having -seen behind a door or a curtain the arrest of General Changarnier on -the 2nd of December, which he afterwards had the folly to avow. - - -_At night._--Just before dinner came an invitation to go to the -Tuileries to-night, which with much reluctance I was forced to do. -Two _petites pièces_ as on Sunday. I did not attempt to get into the -gallery, and sat in the next room, first with Brunnow, then with -the Grand Vizier, who is become a great friend of mine. The Emperor -did nothing but take off one Plenipotentiary after another: first -Clarendon, next Buol, then Orloff, and lastly Walewski, and probably -more was done there than at the Conference in the morning. Brunnow and -Walewski both told me the affair was progressing, and Cowley seemed -very low coming home. His dejection is extreme, and he said this -morning that he could not recover from his extreme disappointment at -the conduct of the Emperor, that he had always had a bad opinion of -Walewski, and no reliance on him or any of the ministers, but he would -have staked his life on the Emperor's remaining true to us, that he -had always assured our Government that they might depend implicitly on -him, and it was a bitter mortification to him to have been deceived -himself and to deceive them. I asked him how Clarendon felt all this, -and he said Clarendon had never spoken to him about it, and preserved -a calmness which astonished him. 'What,' I asked, 'did the Cabinet -at home say?' He said, 'They seemed to place entire confidence in -Clarendon, and to leave all power and responsibility to him.' - - -_March 8th._--Called on M. de Greffuhle yesterday, whom I had not -seen for years. He is eighty, enormously rich, full of activity and -intelligence, Orleanist by social habits, but well affected towards -this Government and not hostile to the Emperor, though despising his -Government. He said that he was _compelled_ to make peace, and that it -would cost him his Crown if he did not; that _something_ would happen -and then he would be upset, so great would be the consequences of -his running counter to the universal desire for peace here; that the -finances are in a very difficult state and there must be another loan, -but it would not be contracted like the last, which was a piece of -absurd _charlatanerie_. - -I went in the afternoon to see the Imperial stables, a wonderful -establishment; and then the stallions, near Passy. In the evening to -Madame Baudon's, where I was presented to General Cavaignac, but had -no conversation with him. He is a tall, gentlemanlike man with a very -military air. I was surprised to see him there in the midst of the -Legitimists, he, a republican, but it seems he was once near marrying -Madame Baudon, who was _sous-gouvernante des Enfants de France_ when -Madame de Gontaut was Gouvernante. - - -_March 9th._--Went about visiting as usual. Called on Achille Fould, -who introduced me to Magne, Minister of Finance, said to be a great -rogue. Everything here is intrigue and jobbery, and I am told there is -a sort of gang, of which Morny is the chief, who all combine for their -own purpose and advantage: Morny, Tould, Magne, and Rouher, Minister of -Commerce. They now want to get out Billault, Minister of the Interior, -whom they cannot entirely manage, and that ministry is necessary to -them, on account of the railroads, which are under his management. -Fould was full of civilities and offers of services, and he told me -the Emperor has a mind to talk to me; whether anything will come of it -I know not. I went thence to Madame de Galliera's, where I met Thiers -and made a _rendez-vous_ with him for to-day; then to Madame de Lieven -who had had Orloff with her; lastly to Madame de Girardin and renewed -our old acquaintance, dined with Delmar, and came home to a great party -here. - - -[Sidenote: CONVERSATION WITH M. THIERS.] - -_March 10th._--I called on Thiers yesterday, and had a long talk with -him; he declared he was happier unemployed and quite free than he -had ever been; he had been all for the war, and was now as much for -peace--like every other Frenchman he considered it a necessity; anxious -as ever for the English alliance, and ridiculed the idea that we had -not accomplished everything that our honour and glory required; bitter -against this Government, and maintained that the Emperor might very -safely relax the severity of it without giving up anything; indignant -with the peculation and corruption that prevailed, and the abominable -acts of injustice committed, one of which he mentioned towards his own -family. Very pleasant as usual. - -The news of the day was the dangerous illness of King Jerome, whose -life hangs on a thread. This morning I went to St. Germains to see -a stag hunt in the forest--a curious sight, with the old-fashioned -_meute_; the officers, and those privileged to wear the uniform, in -embroidered coats, jackboots, and cocked hats; _piqueurs_ on horseback -and foot with vast horns wound round their bodies; the costume and the -sport exactly as in the time of Louis XIV., rather tiresome after a -time. The old chateau is a melancholy _délabré_ building, sad as the -finishing career of its last Royal inhabitant. These recollections -come thick upon one--Anne of Austria and the Fronde, Louis XIV. and -Mademoiselle de la Vallière--for here their lives began. When the Queen -was here she insisted on being taken up to see Mademoiselle de la -Vallière's apartment, to mark which some slight ornaments remain. Here -too James II. held his dismal Court and came to his unhappy and bigoted -end. After it ceased to be a palace, it became successively a prison, -a school, and a barrack, and now the Emperor has a fancy to restore -it. I went at night to a great concert at Walewski's, where I fell in -with Clarendon, and found he was quite prepared to make peace even on -such terms as he can get, in which I encouraged him, and to my surprise -he said he did not think it would be a bad peace, though it was not -so good as we might have got if the generals had done all they might, -or if we had had another campaign. He asked me how I thought people -would look on it in England, and I told him from all I heard I thought -_now_ the wish was for peace, and that the peace would be well enough -taken. This he now thinks himself, and he said peace would certainly be -concluded before the end of the month. - - -_March 15th._--From Cowley's account the Conferences appear to be -drawing to an end, as a committee has been formed to draw up the -Treaty. It consists of Cowley, Bourqueney, Brunnow, Cavour, Buol, and -the Grand Vizier. Cowley is still bemoaning the insufficiency of the -terms, and while he admits the necessity of peace here, maintains that -if the Emperor would only have joined us in insisting upon the terms we -wished to impose, it is certain the Russians would have consented to -everything, for he says they now know from unquestionable information -that the Russians expected much harder terms. The Emperor was, however, -so beset by his _entourage_, and so afraid of running the slightest -risk of the Russians breaking off the negotiations, that he would not -insist on anything which he was not certain the Russians would agree -to, and Cowley says he thinks Clarendon was not so firm as he might -have been, and if he had pressed the Emperor more strongly, that the -latter would have yielded and told Orloff that, though anxious to -make peace, he was still more anxious to continue on good terms with -us, and that if the Russian Government wanted peace, they would only -have it on such and such terms. All this may be true, and I am myself -inclined to think the Russians would have agreed to our terms, if those -terms had been heartily backed up by the Emperor; but except to give -something more of a triumph to the English public, I am not of opinion -that the difference between what we required and what we shall get is -worth much. When the _dénouement_ is before the world, it will appear -how insane it was to plunge into such a war, and that the confusion -and unsettled state of affairs which will be the result of it are more -dangerous to the stability of the Turkish Empire than the ambitious -designs of Russia ever were. Whether the Emperor Nicholas was premature -or not in his idea of 'the sick man,' it will soon appear how sick the -man will be left by the doctors who have stepped in to save him, and I -believe the _bouleversement_ of the old Turkish dominion will have been -greatly accelerated by the war and the consequences which will flow -from the successes of the allies. - -[Sidenote: THE CIRCASSIANS.] - -What Cowley particularly laments over is having failed to dismantle -Nicolaieff and to stop the outlet from the Bug to the Black Sea, and -having got no satisfactory arrangement with regard to the Circassian -coast and the contiguous provinces which were ceded to Russia by the -Treaty of Adrianople. We wanted that Russia should acknowledge the -independence of these provinces or of some part of them; but I cannot -see of what use this would have been, and it would have been a matter -of the greatest difficulty how to secure their independence and under -what Government. There is a sort of sympathy with the Circassians -in England, which would have made some stipulations with regard to -them popular; but the independence would be illusory, Russia would -soon reassert her authority, and our stipulations would become a dead -letter, or we should be involved in endless disputes without any -satisfactory results. As to forming another coalition for the sake of -semi-barbarous nationalities on the coasts of the Caspian, nothing -would be more impossible. England herself, who will soon recover from -her madness, would not hear of it, and France still less. The war -was founded in delusion and error, and carried on by a factitious -and ignorant enthusiasm, and we richly deserve to reap nothing but -mortification and disappointment in return for all the blood and -treasure we have spent. - - -_March 16th._--We passed the day in momentary expectation of hearing -of the Empress's confinement. No news arrived, but at six in the -morning we were awakened from our beds by the sound of the cannon -of the Invalides, which gave notice of a son. Will his fortune be -more prosperous than that of the other Royal and Imperial heirs to -the throne whom similar salvoes have proclaimed? It is a remarkable -coincidence that the confinement was as difficult and dangerous as that -of Marie Louise, with the same symptoms and circumstances, and that the -_doctor accoucheur_ (Dubois) in this instance was the son of the Dubois -who attended the other Empress. From all I hear the event was received -here with good will, but without the least enthusiasm, though with some -curiosity, and the Tuileries Gardens were crowded. People were invited -by the police to illuminate. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -Lord Clarendon's favourable View of the Peace--General Evans' Proposal -to embark after the Battle of Inkerman--Sir E. Lyons defends Lord -Raglan--Peace concluded--Sir J. Graham's gloomy View of Affairs--Edward -Ellice's Plan--Favourable Reception of the Peace--A Lull in Politics--A -Sabbatarian Question--The Trial of Palmer for Murder--Defeat of -the Opposition--Danger of War with the United States--Ristori as -an Actress--Defeat of the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill--Return -of the Guards--Baron Parke on the Life Peerage--Close of the -Session--O'Donnell and Espartero in Spain--Chances of War--Coronation -of the Czar--Apathy of the Nation--Expense of the Coronation at -Moscow--Interference at Naples--Foreign Relations--Progress of -Democracy in England--Russia, France, England, and Naples--Russian -Intrigues with France--The Bolgrad Question--The Quarrel with -Naples--The Formation of Lord Palmerston's Government in 1855--Death of -Sir John Jervis--Sir Alexander Cockburn's Appointment--James Wortley -Solicitor-General--Conference on the Treaty of Paris--Low Church -Bishops--Leadership of the Opposition--Coolness in Paris--Dictatorial -Policy to Brazil. - - -[Sidenote: RETURN TO ENGLAND.] - -_London, March 21st, Good Friday._--I left Paris on Wednesday morning -with Mr. and Mrs. Reeve, dined at Boulogne, crossed over in the -evening, and arrived in London yesterday morning at eleven o'clock. -When near Folkestone we were caught in a fog, lost our way, and were -very near having to anchor and pass the night at sea. After a vast deal -of whistling and bellowing, stopping and going on, the fog cleared a -little, lights became visible, and we entered the harbour with no other -inconvenience than having made a long _détour_, and being an hour later -than our proper time. I regretted leaving Paris, where I was treated -with so much affection and hospitality, and on the whole very well -amused. On Monday, I dined with the Duchesse de Mouchy; on Tuesday -night Clarendon came after dinner to see me before my departure, and we -had some talk about the peace and the terms. He spoke very cheerfully -about it and seems not at all dissatisfied, nor to feel any alarm about -its reception. As it is, without at all acknowledging that he has made -any sacrifices, he considers that the influence he has acquired for -England, particularly with Austria and Turkey, is far more valuable -than any items of concession from Russia would have been. Buol told him -that he was now quite convinced that England was the Power to which -Austria must really look with confidence and reliance on her honour and -friendship, and the Turk was still more warm and vehement in assurances -of the same kind. This was elicited from the Austrians by the fact of -England having supported the condition of the Bessarabian cession, -while France took part with Russia and threw Austria over. Moreover, -Clarendon does not, like Cowley, complain of the Emperor Napoleon, but -speaks with great satisfaction of His Majesty's conduct to him, and the -renewed cordiality with which he has recently expressed himself towards -England, and for the maintenance of his alliance with us. In short, he -evidently thinks, and not without reason, that he will return, having -obtained a sufficiently good peace, and having placed England in a very -fine position. He said that he had been able to accomplish his task -by being ready to incur responsibility at home, and by being able to -act unfettered, and taking on himself to disregard any instructions -or recommendations from home that he did not approve of. Yesterday I -saw George Lewis and had a talk with him and his wife about Clarendon -and the peace. He said he thought the peace quite sufficient, and he -did not understand what it was Cowley found fault with, nor why he is -dissatisfied. He denies that we have given up anything that it would -have been just and reasonable to stand out upon, and will not hear of -taking an apologetic tone, but that Clarendon should defend the peace -on its own merits. He thinks it will be well enough received in the -House of Commons and by the country, and he is in good spirits about -the Government. He says Palmerston has been moderate and reasonable, -and that he is not aware of Clarendon's having been harassed with any -instructions, but left entirely to his own discretion. They all think -he has done exceedingly well. - - -[Sidenote: SIR EDMUND LYONS' NARRATIVE.] - -_March 29th._--I went to Hatchford on Saturday last; on Wednesday to -Althorp. I met Sir Edmund Lyons at Hatchford, who talked incessantly -about the incidents of the war and the conduct of the people concerned -in it, and very interesting his talk was, for besides having been one -of the most conspicuous and important actors in it, he was completely -in the confidence of the Commanders-in-Chief, and consulted by them on -every occasion and with regard to all operations. He told us what had -passed between Evans and Raglan and between Evans and himself on a most -important occasion, to this effect: Evans went to Raglan immediately -after the battle of Inkerman, and proposed to him to embark the army -immediately, leaving their guns, and (Lyons says he is almost certain) -their sick and wounded to the enemy. Raglan said, 'But you forget the -French: would you have us abandon them to their fate?' He replied, -'You are Commander-in-Chief of the _English_ army, and it is your -business to provide for _its_ safety....' Raglan would not hear of the -proposal. Almost immediately after Evans met Sir Edmund Lyons and told -him what had passed with Raglan, and urged him to suggest the same -course. Lyons made the same observation about the French that Raglan -had done, and said one of two things would happen: either the French -would take Sebastopol alone, when we should be covered with shame and -dishonour; or they would fail and probably suffer some great disaster. -The expression of _'perfide Albion'_ had long been current in France, -and then indeed it would be well deserved and would become a perpetual -term of reproach against us. These rebuffs did not prevent Evans going -on board ship and there giving out that the army would in a few days -be obliged to embark, and Captain Dacres came to Lyons and told him -he heard this was going to happen. Lyons asked him where he had heard -this, and he said Evans had announced it, and talked of it unreservedly -as certain to happen. Lyons said, 'It is false; the army will not go -away, and Sebastopol will be taken. It is very mischievous that such -reports should circulate, and I order you not to allow such a thing to -be said by anybody on board your ship, and to contradict it in the most -positive manner.' - -Everything that Lyons said, and it may be added all one hears in -every way, tends to the honour and the credit of Raglan, and I am -glad to record this because I have always had an impression that much -of the difficulty and distress of the army in 1854 was owing to his -want of energy and management. He was not a Wellington certainly, and -probably he might have done more and better than he did, but he was -unquestionably, on the whole, the first man in the army, and if he had -not been continually thwarted by the French, would have done more. -While many here were crying out for placing our army under the command -of French generals, and recalling Raglan (and I must confess I had -myself a considerable leaning that way), he was struggling against the -shortcomings or the inactivity of Canrobert and Pélissier. Canrobert -acknowledged that he had not nerves sufficient for the duties of his -station, and he never could be got to agree to adopt the bold offensive -movements which Raglan was continually urging upon him, especially -after the battle of Inkerman, when Raglan entreated him to follow up -the discomfited Russians, his whole army being ready and not above -1,500 of them having been engaged. With Pélissier, Raglan had very -little to do, for his death occurred soon after Pélissier took the -command. - -[Sidenote: LYONS DEFENDS LORD RAGLAN.] - -Lyons gave us an interesting account of Raglan's last illness. He -seemed to have no idea that he was in serious danger, nor had the -people about him. At last, when he was so rapidly sinking that the -doctors saw his end was approaching, and it was deemed necessary to -apprise him thereof, he would not believe it, and he insisted to his -aide-de-camp who told him of his state that he was better, and he fell -into a state of insensibility without ever having been conscious of -his dying condition. One of the best authenticated charges against -Raglan was that of his not showing himself to his soldiers, and it was -said many believed that he had quitted the camp; at last this idea -became so prevalent that his own staff felt the necessity of something -being said to him about it, but none dared, for it seems they were all -exceedingly afraid of him. At last they asked Lyons if he would speak -to him and tell him what was said. Lyons said he had no scruple or -difficulty in so doing, and told him plainly the truth. Raglan not only -took it in good part, but thanked him very much, and said his reason -for not riding round all the divisions was that he could not prevent -the soldiers turning out to salute him, and he could not bear to see -this ceremony done by the men who had been all night in the trenches or -otherwise exposed to fatigue, and that this was the sole reason why he -had abstained, but henceforward he would make a point of riding round -every day, and so he ever after did; so that the main fact as reported -by 'correspondents' was not devoid of truth. I wish I could recollect -all the various anecdotes Lyons told us, but I neglected to put them -down at the time, and now they have faded from my memory. He discussed -the qualities of the English generals with reference to the command -of the army after Raglan's death. He never had well understood why it -was that Colin Campbell was always considered out of the question, and -his own opinion seemed to be that he was the fittest man. The French -thought so, and one of the alleged reasons against him, viz., that -he could not speak French, was certainly not true. Simpson was very -reluctant to take the command at first, and wrote home to say so, but -after he had received certain flattering encouragements his opposition -waxed fainter, and by the time it was taken from him he became anxious -to retain it. Raglan was not at all annoyed at Simpson's being sent -there, and did what he pleased with him. Simpson never attempted to -interfere with him or to control him in any way, but on the contrary -was entirely subservient to Raglan. - - -_April 1st._--News of peace reached London on Sunday evening, and was -received joyfully by the populace, not from any desire to see an end of -the war, but merely because it is a great event to make a noise about. -The newspapers have been reasonable enough, except the 'Sun,' which -appeared in deep mourning and with a violent tirade against peace. - - -[Sidenote: SIR JAMES GRAHAM ON THE STATE OF PARTIES.] - -_April 3rd._--Yesterday I met Graham at the Council Office, where he -had come to attend a committee. Since the formation of Aberdeen's -Government three years ago I have hardly ever seen him, and have never -had any conversation with him. Yesterday he sat down and began talking -over the state of affairs generally, and the prospects of the country, -which he considers very gloomy and full of danger, more particularly -from the outrageous license of the press, which has now arrived at a -pitch perfectly intolerable, but which it is impossible to check or -control. Then the total destruction of parties and of party ties and -connexions, to say nothing of the antipathies and disagreements of such -public men as these are. He says there is not one man in the House -of Commons who has ten followers, neither Gladstone, nor Disraeli, -nor Palmerston. The Government goes on because there is no organized -opposition prepared and able to take its place, and the Government -receives a sufficiency of independent support, because all feel that -the business of the country must be carried on, and hitherto Palmerston -has been supported as a War Minister, and the best man to carry on the -war; but Graham is very doubtful what will happen when the discussions -on the peace and all matters relating to the war are over, and other -questions (principally of domestic policy) come into play. Palmerston, -always sanguine, fancies he can stand, but it is very doubtful, for -he is not backed by a party constituting a majority; the Treasury -Bench is very weak, and Palmerston himself a poor and inefficient -conductor of the Government in the House. John Russell has taken up the -question of education, which he hopes to render popular, and through -it means again to recover his former influence and authority. He said -that John Russell is (in spite of all that happened last year) more -looked up to by the Whig party than Palmerston, and that they would -rather have him for their leader, as, notwithstanding the faults he -has committed, he is by far the ablest man, has a much greater grasp -of intellect, more foresight, and is much more of a statesman, and has -fixed principles. Palmerston (Graham thinks) has a passionate love of -office and power, and will cling to it with tenacity to the last, and -never resign it but on compulsion, not caring with whom he acts, nor -on what principles. This, I think, is partly true and partly false. I -do not think he cares whom he acts with, but I do not believe he is -quite indifferent as to the principles. He says Lewis has done well, -and is liked in the House of Commons, and Gladstone likes him and -gives him a cordial support; that Baines is a good man, and those two -are the most respected and considered of all the men on the Treasury -Bench, the House accepting their sterling qualities in place of greater -brilliancy such as Gladstone can command; that Gladstone is certainly -the ablest man there, though it is still doubtful whether his talents -are equal to such an emergency as the present to master public opinion, -enlist it on his side, and to administer the Government on certain -principles of administrative reform, which Graham himself considers -necessary. His religious opinions, in which he is zealous and sincere, -enter so largely into his political conduct as to form a very serious -obstacle to his success, for they are abhorrent to the majority of this -Protestant country, and (I was rather surprised to hear him say) Graham -thinks approach very nearly to Rome. Gladstone would have nothing to -do with any Government unless he were leader in the House of Commons, -and when that Government is formed, there should be previously a clear -and distinct understanding on what principles it was founded and what -their course of action should be. His tone is now that of disclaiming -party connexions, and being ready to join with any men who are able and -willing to combine in carrying out such measures as are indispensably -necessary for the good government of the country, such a system as -he briefly shadowed out in his speech at the Mansion House the other -day. Graham's idea is, that in the event of this Government breaking -down, the best chance of another being formed would be by Clarendon -undertaking it, whom on the whole he regards as the man best fitted by -his experience and ability to be at the head of affairs; that he and -Gladstone might be brought together, but would Lord John consent to go -to the Lords, and to serve under Clarendon as President of the Council -and Head of the Education Department? This opens questions full of -doubt and difficulty. Derby, he thinks, has no desire to form another -Government, and would prefer to go on as he is now, leader of a large -party of Peers who are willing to follow him and to make the House of -Lords one of the scenes and instruments of his amusements as usual, -provided it supplies him with occupation and excitement, indifferent -to the consequences and to the mischief he may do. Disraeli appears to -be endeavouring to approach Gladstone, and a confederacy between those -two and young Stanley by no means an improbability. What Stanley is -disposed to do and capable of doing is still an enigma, and although -his speeches are not devoid of matter, they are without a particle of -the spirit and stirring eloquence of his father. - -The change which has taken place in the country presents to Graham a -most alarming prospect. Hitherto it has been governed by parties, and -patronage has been the great instrument of keeping parties together; -whereas Sir Robert Peel has destroyed party, which had now entirely -ceased to exist; and between the press, the public opinion which the -press had made, and the views of certain people in Parliament, of whom -Gladstone is the most eminent and strenuous, patronage was either -destroyed or going rapidly to destruction. The only hope of escaping -from great perils was in that broad stratum of good sense and firmness -which still existed in the country, and of which manifestations had -been recently given. He admires the resolute and unflinching spirit -with which the war had been entered into, carried on, and the country -was quite willing to persist in; and not less the sensible and -reasonable manner in which the peace, by which they were mortified and -disappointed, had been acquiesced in, for he says that it is beyond -all question that there is throughout the country a strong feeling of -mortification and regret that we have not played a more brilliant part, -and that our share of glory has been less than that of our ally, and -there would have been a general feeling of exultation and satisfaction -if we had fought another campaign in order to end the war with greater -_éclat_. But this sentiment has been sufficiently mastered by prudent -considerations and a just appreciation of the circumstances of Europe -generally, and of our relations with other Powers, to check all -ebullitions of mortified pride, and to induce a prudent reserve and -acquiesce in the management of the Government, and in a spirit like -this there appears some hope for the future. We had a very long talk -about these and other matters, the substance of which I record as it -recurs to my mind. - -[Sidenote: EDWARD ELLICE ON THE STATE OF PARTIES.] - -A day or two before I met Ellice at Hillingdon, where we interchanged -our thoughts, and a good deal that he said was much in Graham's sense: -that this Government could not stand but by being remodelled, and his -notion is that half of it should be got rid of, the Peelites taken in, -and Lord John to go to the House of Lords as President of the Council, -Granville taking Cowley's place as ambassador at Paris, and Cowley -replacing Stratford Canning at Constantinople. _À propos_ of Stratford -Canning, Graham thinks the Opposition will attack the Government and -not the ambassador on the case of Kars, and that it is not impossible -they may carry a vote of censure against them, which I told him I -did not believe was possible, or that they could be able to carry -any resolution affecting the Government so much as to compel their -resignation, and I suggested to him how fatal this would be to his -scheme of reorganizing a Government under Clarendon, as such censure -would more especially touch him, and this would make it impossible for -the Queen to entrust the formation of another Government to his hands. - - -_April 7th._--Since my conversation with Graham, I have learnt from -the Duke of Bedford that Lord John is not very much disinclined to -go to the House of Lords, particularly as his position in reference -to his seat for the City is so embarrassing. The Dissenters, always -unreasonable and ungrateful, will not forgive his speech upon Church -Rates the other night, and his general popularity is gone. Then it -is probably a consideration with him to secure to his family the -settlement his brother will make on him if he takes the peerage. - - -_London, May 4th._--For nearly a month I have let this journal fall -into arrear, during which period the most interesting occurrences have -been the return of Clarendon, the publication of the conditions of -peace with the accompanying protocols, and the debate upon Kars. With -regard to the peace, Clarendon comes very well out of his mission, and -no fault is found with the peace. The Kars debate was a great error -on the part of the Opposition, and ended with a great triumph for -the Government. Just before it, Palmerston called a meeting of his -supporters, where he harangued them with great success, and managed -to rally them round him with more of zeal and cordiality than they -have hitherto shown. His position is certainly improved, and according -to present appearances he will get through the session without much -difficulty. All agree that he has been doing well in the House of -Commons; his assiduity, his punctual attendance, and his popular -manners make him agreeable to the House, and he has exhibited greater -facility and resource in dealing with all sorts of miscellaneous -subjects than anybody gave him credit for. There is not the smallest -danger of the peace proving dangerous to him, and it is evident that -the House of Commons, however independent and undisciplined it may be, -will not allow him to be placed in any danger, and is determined not to -have any change of Government at present. The Peelites and John Russell -supported him and had nothing else to do, for they are neither of them -in a condition to attempt to play a game of their own. - - -_May 14th._--Every day my disinclination to continue this work (which -is neither a journal nor anything else) increases, but I have at the -same time a reluctance to discontinue entirely an occupation which has -engaged me for forty years, and in which I may still find from time to -time something to record which may hereafter be deemed worth reading, -and so at long intervals, and for short periods, I resume my reluctant -pen. - -We are now in the Whitsuntide holidays, in a profound political and -parliamentary calm, the Government perfectly secure, Palmerston very -popular, the Opposition disheartened and disunited, and having managed -their matters as awkwardly and stupidly as possible, attacking the -Government on questions and points on which the assailants were sure to -be beaten, and strengthening instead of weakening it by their abortive -attempts. There was great difference of opinion amongst them about -fighting battles, on Kars, and on the peace; Lyndhurst and Derby were -against, Disraeli was for. Roebuck, whom I fell in with on Sunday in -a railway train, told me that if they had laid hold of the one point -of the protocol in the Belgian press, and worked this well, they might -have put the Government in a minority, but they missed this obvious -opportunity.[1] I called on Lyndhurst yesterday, who said they had -unaccountably overlooked this plausible topic. He is going to make a -speech on Italy when Parliament meets, and we agreed entirely that -either too much or too little was done at Paris on this question, and -that either it ought not to have been entertained and discussed at all, -or some more decided measures ought to have been adopted with regard to -it. To stir up such delicate questions, and leave them in their present -unhappy condition, is an egregious error. - -[Sidenote: A SABBATARIAN QUESTION.] - -The questions of war and of peace having now ceased to interest and -excite the public mind, a religious question has sprung up to take -their place for the moment, which though not at present of much -importance, will in all probability lead to more serious consequences -hereafter. Sir Benjamin Hall having bethought himself of providing -innocent amusement for the Londoners on Sunday, established a Sunday -playing of military bands in Kensington Gardens and in the other parks -and gardens about the metropolis, which has been carried on, with the -sanction of the Government, with great success for several Sundays. -Some murmurs were heard from the puritanical and Sabbatarian party, -but Palmerston having declared himself favourable to the practice in -the House of Commons, the opposition appeared to cease. The puritans, -however, continued to agitate against it in meetings and in the press, -though the best part of the latter was favourable to the bands, and -at last, when a motion in Parliament was threatened to insist on the -discontinuance of the music, the Cabinet thought it necessary to -reconsider the subject. They were informed that if the Government -resisted the motion they would be beaten, and moreover that no man -could support them in opposition to it without great danger of losing -his seat at the next election. It is stated that the Sabbatarians are -so united and numerous, and their organisation so complete, that all -over the country they would be able to influence and probably carry -any election, and that this influence would be brought to bear against -every man who maintained by his vote this 'desecration of the Sabbath.' -Accordingly it was resolved by the Cabinet to give way, and the only -question was how to do so with anything like consistency and dignity. -The Archbishop of Canterbury was made the '_Deus ex machinâ_' to effect -this object. He was made to write a letter to the Premier representing -the feelings of the people and begging the bands might be silenced. To -this Palmerston wrote a reply in which he repeated his own opinion in -favour of the music, but that in deference to the public sentiment he -would put an end to their playing. All this has excited a good deal of -interest and discussion. For the present, the only question is whether -the angry public will not vent its indignation and resentment to-morrow -in acts of uproar and violence; but though these acts will not be -serious or lasting if they do take place, it may be expected that the -Sabbatarians will not rest satisfied with their triumph, but will -endeavour to make fresh encroachments on our free will and our habits -and pursuits, and that fresh and more serious contests will arise out -of this beginning. - -Footnote 1: [An attempt had been made at the Congress of Paris by -Count Walewski to bring forward some measure or resolution reflecting -on the independence of the press in Belgium. It led to nothing, but -Lord Clarendon was accused of not having protested against it with -sufficient energy.] - - -_May 28th (day of the Derby)._--Yesterday on Epsom racecourse arrived -the news of Palmer's being found guilty of the murder of Cook. This -case and the trial have excited an interest almost unprecedented, -unlike anything since the case of Thurtell about twenty years ago or -more. People who never heard of either of the men took the deepest -interest in it, the women particularly, though there was nothing -peculiar in it or of a nature to excite them particularly. The -trial lasted a fortnight, all the details of it were read with the -greatest avidity, half the town went one day or other to hear it, -and the anxiety that the man should be convicted was passionate. -Cockburn gained great applause by the manner in which he conducted the -prosecution. - -[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE OPPOSITION.] - -This trial has proved more attractive and interesting than anything -in the political world, though there has been a pitched battle in the -Lords on the question of Maritime Law and Right of Search given up in -the recent Treaty. Derby made a violent onslaught on the Government, -and was at first very confident of a majority. He soon found these -hopes were fallacious, when he got angry and was more violent than -he has ever been before this session. The Government got a majority -of above fifty, which puts an end to any further contest there. -The Government have now nothing to fear, the Opposition are routed -and dispirited, and one can see nothing to alter the present state -of affairs. The minor questions which have occupied attention are -settling quietly. The Chelsea Commission is over, and the result will -be harmless, on the whole rather good than bad, because it will prove -that the violent attacks on the military authorities during the war -have been exaggerated and in many cases unfounded. A sort of compromise -has been made about the Wensleydale peerage, not a very happy one, and -it remains to be seen whether the House of Commons is sufficiently -acquiescent as to sanction it by agreeing to the 12,000_l._ a year -to be paid to two new judges and peers for life. The Government have -virtually abandoned the principle they contended for, and have yielded -to the adverse vote and Committee. When they appeal to Parliament and -limit the number of life peerages, they abandon the prerogative of the -Crown. - - -_June 1st._--The state of affairs with America becomes more and more -alarming.[1] Grey told me the other night that he had had a long -conversation with Dallas, whose tone was anything but reassuring as -to the prospect of peace; and yesterday I met Thackeray, who is just -returned from the United States. He thinks there is every probability -of the quarrel leading to war, for there is a very hostile spirit, -constantly increasing, throughout the States, and an evident desire -to quarrel with us. He says he has never met with a single man who -is not persuaded that they are entirely in the right and we in the -wrong, and they are equally persuaded if war ensues that they will -give us a great thrashing; they don't care for the consequences, their -riches are immense, and 200,000 men would appear in arms at a moment's -notice. Here, however, though there is a great deal of anxiety, there -is still a very general belief that war cannot take place on grounds -so trifling between two countries which have so great and so equal -an interest in remaining at peace with each other. But in a country -where the statesmen, if there are any, have so little influence, and -where the national policy is subject to the passions and caprices of -an ignorant and unreasoning mob, there is no security that good sense -and moderation will prevail. Many imagine that matters will proceed to -the length of a diplomatic rupture, that Crampton will be sent away and -Dallas retire in consequence, and that then by degrees the present heat -will cool down, and matters be amicably arranged without a shot being -fired. I feel no such confidence, for if diplomatic intercourse ceases -numerous causes of complaint will arise, and as there will be no means -left for mutual and friendly explanation and adjustment, such causes -will be constantly exaggerated and inflamed into an irreconcileable -quarrel. Matters cannot long go on as they now are without the public -here becoming excited and angry, and the press on both sides insolent, -violent, and provoking, and at last, going on from one step to another, -we shall find ourselves drifted into this odious and on both parts -suicidal contest, for there is not a blow we can strike at America and -her interests that will not recoil on us and our own. It has often been -remarked that civil wars are of all wars the most furious, and a war -between America and England would have all the characteristics of a -civil and an international contest; nor, though I have no doubt that -America is in the wrong, can I persuade myself that we are entirely in -the right on either of the principal points in dispute. We have reason -to congratulate ourselves that the Russian war is over, for if it had -gone on and all our ships had been in the Baltic, and all our soldiers -in the Crimea, nothing would have prevented the Americans from seizing -the opportunity of our hands being full to bring their dispute with us -to a crisis. - -Footnote 1: [In consequence of the dispute with the American Government -on the subject of Foreign Enlistment, Mr. Crampton, the British -Minister, was ordered to leave Washington on May 28th. He arrived -in England on June 15th; but Lord Palmerston stated in the House of -Commons that the dismissal of Mr. Crampton did not break off diplomatic -relations with the United States, as Mr. Dallas remained in this -country. It is remarkable that within a few months or even weeks two -British Ministers received their passports from foreign governments and -were sent away--a very uncommon occurrence!] - - -[Sidenote: MADAME RISTORI.] - -_June 7th._--I went last night to see the celebrated Ristori in a very -bad play called 'Medea,' being a translation into Italian from a French -tragedy by a M. Legouvé. This play was written for Madame Rachel, who -refused to act the part, which refusal led to a lawsuit, in which the -actress was (I think) defeated. Ristori is certainly a fine actress, -but she did not appear to me equal to Pasta in the same part, or to -other great actresses I have seen. However, my inability to hear well -and want of familiarity with Italian acting and imperfect knowledge of -the language disqualify me from being a competent judge. - -The American horizon is rather less dark. Nothing is yet known as -to Crampton's dismissal, and Dallas does not believe it. The Danish -Minister at Washington writes over here that he thinks the clouds will -disperse and there will be no serious quarrel. - - -_London, July 12th._--After the lapse of a month and more, during -which I could not bring myself to record anything, or to comment upon -passing events, I am at last roused from my apathy, and am induced -to take up my pen and say a word upon the defeat of the Appellate -Jurisdiction Bill in the House of Commons the other night, which gave -me the greatest satisfaction, because I regard it as a just punishment -for the stupid obstinacy with which the Government have blundered on -from one fault to another throughout this whole business. It has been -a complete comedy of errors, and every one who has taken a part in it -has been in the wrong. I told Granville how it would be in the first -instance, and urged him, after the House of Lords had refused to let -in Parke as a life peer, to accept the defeat quietly by making him -an hereditary peer and thus give the go-by to the main question. This -nothing would induce them to do, and they fancied that they could -avoid the mortification of appearing to knock under, and save their -own consistency, by the contrivance of this bill. Every mischief that -it was possible to do they have managed to accomplish, and the leaders -of the opposite parties, who all felt themselves in a scrape, came to -a sort of compromise in the Lords' Committee, the result of which was -this unpopular bill. Amongst them they have assailed the prerogative -of the Crown, they have damaged the judicial authority of the House of -Lords, they have deeply offended many of their own friends by tendering -to them such a measure, and they have behaved most unkindly and -unhandsomely to Baron Parke, who thinks he has great reason to complain. - -I have been at Knowsley for the last three days, and so missed the -march of the Guards into London on Wednesday. Lord Hardinge was struck -down by paralysis as he was speaking to the Queen at Aldershot on -Tuesday last. It is supposed that the Duke of Cambridge will succeed -him, and that Jim Macdonald will be his Military Secretary. The -American question is still undecided, but everybody appears to be very -easy about it. - - -[Sidenote: BARON PARKE ON THE LIFE PEERAGE.] - -_July 20th._--I met Baron Parke the other day, who talked over -his affair, complained of the treatment he had received from the -Government, but said he gathered from what the Chancellor had said to -him that they meant now to make him an hereditary peer, declared there -was not a shadow of doubt about the legality, and that Campbell had as -little doubt as he himself had, but finding the measure was unpopular -with certain lawyers, he had suddenly turned against his own recorded -opinion and opposed it. The Baron said the Government were greatly -to blame for not having ventilated the question, and ascertained -whether they could carry it or not, and if he had had an idea of all -the bother it had made, he never would have had anything to do with -it. George Lewis told me that the life peerage had never been brought -before the Cabinet, and he knew nothing of it till he saw it in the -Gazette, nor did Clarendon; in fact it was confined to the Chancellor, -Granville, and Palmerston. They none of them, however, know with whom -it originated. Now that the measure turns out to be so unpopular and -is so scouted, and the transaction has been attended with so many -blunders and defeats, no one is willing to accept the responsibility of -it, or to acknowledge having had anything to do with it. It is strange -that Palmerston should ever have consented to it, but he knew nothing -and cared nothing about it; he was probably assured it would go down -without any difficulty, and in this _poco curante_ way he suffered -himself to be committed to it, not seeing the storm it would cause. -He allowed Granville to manage it all his own way, and at last he had -the good luck to be beaten upon it in the House of Commons, for the -scrape would have been more serious if he had earned it there. These -last days of the session have been as usual marked by the withdrawal -and abandonment of various bills that were for the most part introduced -at the beginning of it, and which were found to be quite worthless, -especially the Law Reform Bill. - - -_London, July 27th._--Parliament has finished its debates, and will -be prorogued on Tuesday. Dizzy wound up by a 'review of the session,' -a species of entertainment which used to be given annually some years -ago by Lord Lyndhurst with great skill and effect, but which on the -present occasion, and in Disraeli's hands, was singularly inopportune -and ineffective. Lord Wensleydale has at last taken his seat as an -hereditary Peer; the Government, after various abortive attempts to -wriggle out of their absurd position, having done at last what they -ought to have done at first--knocked under and endured what could not -be cured. The Government go into summer and winter quarters in a very -healthy and prosperous state, with nothing apparently to apprehend, -and with every probability of meeting Parliament next year in the -same condition, and, barring accidents, going through next session as -successfully as they have gone through this. - - -_August 4th._--I was at Goodwood all last week; the Prince of Prussia -came there. Not a word of news; the Queen still engaged in reviewing -the troops, and complimentary _fêtes_ are still going on to Sir -W. Williams of Kars, and Charles Wyndham 'the hero of the Redan.' -The disturbances in Spain seem to be over, and O'Donnell remains -victorious. My first impression was (the common one) that Espartero -had been ousted by an intrigue, and that it was a reactionary _coup -d'état_, but I now hear that it is no such thing, and that we ought to -desire the success of the present Government. Espartero and O'Donnell -could not agree, as was not unlikely in a coalition Government the two -chiefs of which were men of such different opinions and antecedents. -After many abortive attempts to reconcile their differences, it was -agreed that a Council of Ministers should be held which the Queen -herself should preside over, and when a final attempt should be made. -A long discussion took place, and the Queen did all she could to -reconcile the two generals, and to enable the Government to go on -unchanged. Finding it impossible to effect this, she ended by saying, -'Well, gentlemen, since I cannot prevail on you to go on together, -I must needs choose between you, and as I think Marshal O'Donnell -will be the best able to carry on the Government, I appoint him.' -Then the National Guards began an insurrection which was put down, -but no violent measures seem to have been adopted, and O'Donnell has -declared that Spain can only be successfully governed on constitutional -principles, and that he means to retain the Cortes in its integrity. -How far his acts will correspond with his professions remains to be -seen. Narvaez was recommended to go to France, and Queen Christina -appears not to have been allowed to return to Spain, which are good -signs. It is a good thing for Spain that Espartero should have retired, -for though probably the honestest Spaniard, he is at the same time the -weakest and the most wanting in moral courage and decision. - -[Sidenote: CHANCES OF WAR.] - -History is full of examples of the slight and accidental causes on -which the greatest events turn, and of such examples the last war seems -very full. Charles Wyndham told me that nothing but a very thick fog -which happened on the morning of Inkerman prevented the English army -being swept from their position and totally discomfited. The Russians -could see nothing, lost their own way, and mistook the position of -the British troops. Had the weather been clear so that they had been -able to execute their plans, we could not have resisted them; a defeat -instead of the victory we gained would have changed the destiny of the -world, and have produced effects which it is impossible to contemplate -or calculate. - -On the other hand, nothing but miscalculation and bad management -prevented the capture of Sebastopol immediately after Alma. My nephew -is just returned from a voyage with Lord Lyons to the Crimea, where -he went all over the scenes of the late contest, all the positions, -and the ruins of Sebastopol as well as the northern forts. He was -well treated by the Russians, who showed him everything, and talked -over the events of the war with great frankness. They told him that -if the allies had marched at once after the battle on the north side, -no resistance could have been made, and the other side must have -fallen. We had long known that the north side would have fallen if -we had attacked it at once. Frank asked the Russian officer whether -there was any bad feeling on the part of the Russian army towards -the French or English, and he said none whatever, but a great deal -towards the Austrians, and that they desired nothing more than an -opportunity of fighting them. He also said that they had been misled -by our newspapers, from which they obtained all their information, and -thinking that the announcements there of an intended invasion of the -Crimea were made for the purpose of deceiving them, they had withdrawn -a great many troops from the Crimea, so that while Sebastopol had -been emptied of the garrison to increase the army of Menschikoff, the -Russians had not more than 30,000 or 35,000 men at the Alma. - - -_Hillingdon, August 17th._--It is impossible to find anything of the -least interest to write about, and my journal is in danger of dying of -starvation or of atrophy. The causes of discontent we have had with -Russia are disappearing, and the Emperor's coronation will not be -clouded by fresh _doléances_ on our part. Bulwer is just gone to the -Principalities, where the commissioners are to endeavour to ascertain -what are the wishes of the people as to the union. France and England -are in favour of it, Turkey and Austria against it, while Russia -professes to be indifferent and neutral. Spain is settling down into -submission to the Government of O'Donnell. Naples is relieved from her -fears of English intervention, and there seems some chance that she -may relax the rigour of her Government now that she may do so _salvo -honore_ and not under compulsion. This country is profoundly tranquil -and generally prosperous; everybody seems satisfied with Palmerston -and his administration. I myself, who for so many years regarded him -politically with the greatest aversion and distrust, have come to think -him the best minister we can have, and to wish him well. - - -[Sidenote: THE CORONATION AT MOSCOW.] - -_September 15th._--Another month has passed away, and still I have -had nothing to record. The coronation at Moscow appears to have gone -off with great _éclat_, and to have been a spectacle of extraordinary -magnificence, the prodigious cost of which betrays no sign of -exhaustion or impoverishment by the late war.[1] We were probably -mistaken, as we were in so many other things, in fancying that the -power and resources of Russia were very greatly impaired, but during -the war, whatever we wished we were ready to believe. - -The state of affairs at home and abroad is curious: abroad there is -uneasiness and uncertainty as to the future, the elements of future -disturbances being in a sort of abeyance; at home the fever and -excitement which prevailed during the war having been succeeded by a -torpor and an apathy such as I never remember to have seen before. All -party politics seem to be extinct, the country cares about nobody, -desires no changes, and only wishes to go on and prosper. There is not -a public man to whom public opinion turns, and no great questions are -afloat to agitate and divide the country, or around the standards of -which different opinions, principles, or passions can flock. Palmerston -may remain minister as long as he lives, if he does not commit any -gross faults either of commission or of omission, or unless something -may occur, which nobody can foresee or imagine, to rouse the nation -from its apathy. - -Footnote 1: [The Emperor Alexander II. of Russia was crowned with great -pomp in Moscow on September 7; the ceremony was attended by special -ambassadors from all the great Powers; Lord Granville, accompanied by -Lady Granville and a brilliant suite, was the representative of Great -Britain on this occasion.] - - -_September 21st._--The old Crimean correspondent of the 'Times' has -despatched a very interesting and graphic account of the coronation -at Moscow, and Granville writes word that whereas he had estimated -the cost of it at a million sterling, he was now led to believe it -would be not much less than three. The coronation of George IV. cost -240,000_l._, which was considered an enormous sum and a monstrous -extravagance. Our two last coronations cost from 30,000_l._ to -50,000_l._ - -The quarrel with the King of Naples appears to be coming to a crisis, -and though it will not produce any serious consequences now, the -precedent of interference we are establishing may have very important -ones at some future time, and though philanthropy may make us rejoice -at some coercion being applied to put an end to such a cruel and -oppressive government as that of King Bomba (as they call Ferdinand), -it may be doubted whether it would not be sounder policy to abstain -from interference with what only indirectly and remotely concerns us, -and from enforcing a better and more humane system of government in a -country where the people do not seem to care much about its tyranny and -inhumanity. And then there is the great objection of dictating to and -interfering with weak governments while we do not venture to deal in -the same way with the equally flagrant abominations of stronger ones, -to say nothing of a host of difficulties and objections which suggest -themselves as possible, if not probable, results of our interference. -It will afford to other Powers an excuse if not a right to interfere -in like manner, whenever they require a pretext, and they consider it -their interest to do so; and if such cases occur, the peace of the -world will be largely endangered. As it is, I strongly suspect (for I -know nothing) that the agreement on the Neapolitan question between -France and ourselves is by no means cordial and complete. Mrs. Craven -writes me word she has been in a house in the country with Walewski, -who talked very openly (and no doubt imprudently) to her, telling her -that Palmerston was very difficult to go on with. I know not what -Palmerston has been doing, nor what his present policy may be, but I -thought he had either abandoned or greatly modified that old policy -of meddling and bullying to which he used to be so addicted, and at -all events that while the foreign policy of England is directed by -Clarendon, we should abstain from anything very arbitrary and violent. -It is, however, whispered that Walewski is no longer in the good graces -of the Emperor, and what I heard long ago about Her Majesty's opinion -of him renders it not unlikely. - - -_September 23rd._--All the little I hear tends to confirm the notion -that there is an antagonism growing up between French and English -policy, and that France and Russia are becoming more and more intimate -every day. The points of the Treaty on which there are still some -differences, and on which we appear to be making a great fuss, the -French seem to care very little about, perhaps being rather disposed -to side with Russia. These differences are very inconsiderable in -themselves, but if they lead to coolness and estrangement between us -and the French, and to an alliance between France and Russia, they may -hereafter be very important. - -Nothing can be more perplexed and unintelligible (at least to those who -are not behind the curtain) than the international relations of the -Great Powers and of their dispositions towards the smaller ones, and in -such a chaos no little tact, discretion, and firmness are required to -shape our foreign policy. - - -[Sidenote: M. GUIZOT ON DEMOCRACY IN ENGLAND.] - -_September 25th._--The void which the march of events fails to fill up -cannot be better occupied than by the following extract from Guizot's -notice on Sir Robert Peel in the _'Revue des Deux-Mondes'_ (1856). He -is speaking of democracy in England:--_'M. de Talleyrand disait dans la -Chambre des Pairs, il y a quelqu'un qui a plus d'esprit que Napoléon -ou que Voltaire, c'est tout le monde. On peut dire aujourd'hui même à -propos de L'Angleterre il y a quelqu'un qui a plus de pouvoir que la -couronne, plus de pouvoir que l'aristocratie, c'est tout le monde, et -tout le monde c'est la démocratie. Où commence-t-elle? où finit-elle? -à quels signes visibles se distingue-t-elle des autres éléments de la -société? Personne ne pourrait le dire, mais peu importe: pour être -difficile à définir, le fait n'en est ni moins certain, ni moins -puissant, les éléments les plus divers entrent dans la composition -de la démocratie moderne, des classes riches et des classes pauvres, -des classes savantes et des classes ignorantes, des maîtres et des -ouvriers, des conservateurs et des novateurs, des amis du pouvoir et -des enthousiastes de liberté, bien des aristocrates mêmes, détachés -de leur origine par leurs moeurs, par leur aversion des gênes et des -devoirs que l'aristocratie impose. Et la position de la démocratie -anglaise n'est pas moins changée que sa composition; elle ne se borne -pas comme jadis à défendre au besoin ses libertés, elle regarde les -affaires publiques comme les siennes, surveille assidûment ceux qui les -font, et si elle ne gouverne pas l'état, elle domine le gouvernement.'_ -All this seems to me perfectly true, and the best definition of the -English democracy, its nature, and its position that could possibly -be given, and that the nature of things admits of. Guizot evidently -saw clearly a truth which might be elaborated into a very interesting -essay, and which has often suggested itself to me, namely, that without -any violence or ostensible disturbances or any change in external -forms, this country has undergone as great a revolution as France -itself, or any of the continental nations which have been torn to -pieces by civil discords and contests. If we compare the condition of -England at any two not very distant periods, and the manner in which -power and influence have been distributed at one and at the other, this -will be very apparent, and nobody can doubt that this process is still -going on. We are, as Guizot says, _'dans une époque de transition ... -sous l'empire des principes et des sentiments encore confus, perplexes -et obscurs, mais essentiellement démocratiques, qui fermentent en -Europe depuis quinze siècles et y remportent de nos jours des victoires -dont personne ne saurait dire encore quel sera le vrai et dernier -résultat.'_ - - -[Sidenote: THE QUARREL WITH NAPLES.] - -_October 3rd._--There appears to be a general feeling of uneasiness, -almost of alarm, as if something was impending to disturb the peace of -the world and interrupt the prosperity of nations, though nobody can -very well tell what it is they dread. The apprehension is vague, but -it is general. The only political question of any consequence in which -we are concerned is that of Naples, and some fancy that the Russian -manifesto prognosticates a renewal of the contest with that Empire. I -have no such idea, but I am quite unable to comprehend what it is the -different Powers are about; there is a general impression, probably -not unfounded, that France and Russia are meditating a close alliance, -and if this be the truth, it is not likely that Russia should have put -forth a State paper offensive to France. It is by no means impossible -that Gortschakoff may have ascertained that the declaration of his -Emperor's opinion would not be distasteful to the Emperor Napoleon, who -probably does not enter _con amore_ into this contest with Naples and -merely does it to please us.[1] - -When Baudin took leave of him at Paris the other day on his going -to Russia, he said to him, 'Is it your Majesty's wish that I should -cultivate the most friendly relations with the English Ministers at -Moscow and Petersburg?' to which the Emperor replied 'Certainly,' and -_'L'Angleterre avant tout.'_ In this there can be little doubt of his -personal sincerity, but probably his personal disposition and the -policy of his Government and the sentiments of the French people do not -altogether coincide, and this places him in a somewhat false position, -and will most likely lead to apparent vacillation and inconsistency in -his conduct. - -Madame de Lieven writes to me that the Neapolitan Minister at Paris -affirms that his King will not give way at the dictation of the allied -Powers. We do not, however, as yet know what it is that is required of -him. If it be true that he should govern his people more mildly and -liberally, nothing can be more vague, and our greatest difficulties -would begin when we had extorted from him promises and engagements to -act according to _our_ notions of justice and humanity. He would be -more than mortal if he was disposed honestly to act up to engagements -and promises extorted from him by fear, and it would be impossible -for us to superintend and secure their due performance without taking -upon ourselves virtually the government of his kingdom and superseding -the King's authority. We never should get France to concur in this, -and on the whole it appears more probable that differences will arise -in the course of this joint action between us and France than that we -should succeed in ameliorating the condition of Naples. I fear the -rage for interfering in the internal affairs of other countries will -never be extinguished here. I see in the papers to-day an address to -Clarendon from the Protestant Society, requesting he will interpose -with the Spanish Government in favour of some Spanish subject who has -got into trouble in consequence of having turned Protestant, and being -engaged in diffusing the Scriptures, and trying to convert others to -Protestantism, which is an offence against the laws of Spain. - -Footnote 1: [The British and French Governments had on more than -one occasion remonstrated with the King of Naples on the cruel and -arbitrary policy of his Government, which led eventually to his own -destruction; but the King received these remonstrances very ill, and on -October 28 the differences between these Courts had become so serious -that the British and French Ministers were withdrawn from Naples, and -a naval squadron appeared off the city. The Russian Government at this -time issued a circular despatch complaining of these proceedings of the -Western Powers, and denying their right to interfere for the purpose of -extorting concessions from the King of Naples to his own subjects.] - - -_October 7th._--I have seen Clarendon and asked him about the affair -of Naples. He was not very communicative, and I suspect he is not very -easy about the course we are pursuing and the part he has to play. He -first said that it was impossible for us to tolerate the conduct of the -King to us, and the impertinence of his note. I asked what it was he -said; Clarendon replied it amounted to this, 'Mind your own business.' -Then he alluded to the atrocities of the Government, which ought not to -be endured; that no man was safe for a minute, or could tell when he -went to bed at night that he might not be arrested in the morning, all -which was done by the King's personal orders; that there was continual -danger of an outbreak or insurrection, particularly of a Muratist -revolution. I told him my opinion of the very questionable policy -of interference, either as a matter of right or of expediency, and -nothing could be more lame than the case he made out. He said the ships -were not to act any hostile part, or to coerce the King, which makes -the case worse in my opinion. It is doing neither one thing nor the -other, violating a sound principle, and incurring great future risks -without any present object, or effecting any good, or benefiting the -people in whom we take an interest. He says the Emperor Napoleon has -a great horror of a Muratist movement, the Prince Murat, his cousin, -being a most worthless blackguard; but his son, who married Berthier's -granddaughter and heiress, is a young man full of merit of every sort. - - -[Sidenote: RUSSIAN INTRIGUE WITH FRANCE.] - -_London, October 10th._--I met Clarendon again at the Travellers', and -had some conversation with him, but was interrupted by Azeglio, or I -might probably have learnt more about the present state of affairs. He -told me that we had been squabbling with the French Government, and -that the persevering attempts of Russia to disturb the harmony between -us and them had not been unsuccessful. Nothing in the way of cajolery -had been omitted at Moscow to captivate the French, while on one -occasion the Emperor had been so uncivil that Granville felt himself -obliged to go to Gortschakoff and make a formal complaint, which was -met by all sorts of assurances and protestations in order to mollify -him, and after this everything went on smoothly. It is a curious state -of things, for as far as I can make it out, the policy of the French -Government appears to be to become intimate with Russia and to be cool -with us; but all the time the Emperor (who is the Government) shrinks -from anything like a breach with England, and clings to the intimacy -established between the two Courts, and has a profound respect for the -Queen and value for her good opinion. I asked him how he reconciled the -offensive Circular of Gortschakoff with the anxiety of Russia to please -France, when he said that he had no doubt they had told the French that -it was aimed exclusively at _us_, and had come to an understanding with -Morny about it, so that France was not to take offence at it. We are -now, he said, on the best terms with Austria, and Austria on the worst -with Russia. Russia knows that the article of the treaty compelling -her to surrender a part of Bessarabia was the work of Austria, and -this was an injury and an insult (for she had never before disgorged -territory) which she never would forgive. The Russian Circular would -have the effect of complicating the Neapolitan question, as it made the -King more resolved not to yield to the demands of the two Powers. He -told me that Palmerston had resolved to take up in earnest the question -of Law Reform next year, and that he (Clarendon) had strongly urged -him to do so as the best way of procuring both strength and credit -for his Government; that Palmerston had readily come into it, and was -resolved to carry out those measures which have so long been under -discussion, and which for various reasons have hitherto failed of their -accomplishment. - - -_November 10th._--I went to The Grove on Saturday and had a good deal -of comfortable talk with Clarendon about foreign affairs, especially -the Bolgrad question and Naples. He described the former very clearly, -and satisfied me that we are entirely in the right. It was settled, -he said, at Paris mainly between him and Orloff. He drew the line on -the map as the boundary had been agreed upon, and as he was doing so, -Orloff said, 'I wish you would draw it a little more to the south; it -will make no sort of difference to you, and by this means it includes -within our line a strip of territory which the Emperor wishes to retain -because it forms a part of a military colony which he is anxious to -keep intact;' and Clarendon agreed to draw the line accordingly and to -accomplish the Emperor's wishes. They have since attempted to quibble -about another Bolgrad which was not even marked at all on their map, -and it turns out that the story of the military colony was a mere -pretence, as they have themselves given that up without making any -difficulty. The state of the case and the difference which has since -arisen with Russia and with France is this: the Emperor Napoleon, who -is very indolent and abhors the trouble of examining details, and -consequently remains often ignorant of what it behoves him to know, -suffered himself to be bamboozled by Brunnow and misled by Walewski -into giving his assent to the Russian interpretation of the boundary -line, and to giving a promise of his support in the controversy. -Recently at Compiègne Cowley, in a long audience, went through the -whole question with him and minutely explained the case against Russia. -The Emperor said he had never really understood it before, acknowledged -that our case was good, regretted that he had committed himself, but -said that having pledged his word he did not know how to break that -pledge and to withdraw the support he had promised to give to Russia in -the dispute, and this is the fix in which the question now is. While -the foolish and ignorant newspapers here (except the 'Times') are -endeavouring to separate the Emperor from his ministers, and to make -out that he is one with our Government, and that the difficulties and -obstructions proceed from other parties, the truth is that they now -proceed entirely from himself, worked upon and deceived certainly by -Russian agents and pro-Russian ministers; but if he really was in the -disposition which our press attributes to him, he might break through -such obligations as he suffered himself to be entangled in and settle -the question at once; nor is it very easy to see why he does not, for -there is good reason to believe he is sincerely desirous of remaining -on good terms with us. I asked Clarendon why the question could not be -again referred to a Conference of the Powers parties to the Treaty, -and he said we could not consent to this, because we should be in -a minority, for Sardinia, partly cajoled by Russia and partly from -antipathy to Austria, would go against us. - -[Sidenote: DISMISSAL OF NEAPOLITAN MINISTER.] - -I asked him about Naples, of which affair he could give but a very -unsatisfactory account and a lame story. He said France had acted -with us very steadily, but that it was she who had started this hare, -and he had engaged in it in the belief that the Emperor would never -have mooted the question unless he had been assured that the King -of Naples would yield to the remonstrances of the two Courts, and -but for that conviction he would never have meddled in it, which he -now very much regretted. He had given Carini notice to quit, and at -their parting interview he had entreated him to persuade the King if -possible to change his system, and, now that he was relieved from all -interference, menace, or coercion, and his dignity could not suffer, -to give satisfaction to all Europe by putting an end to the inhuman -and impolitic system, which had occasioned our interference and had -drawn upon him remonstrances and advice from every Sovereign in Europe. -Very good advice, and I hope it may be followed, but it is a lame and -impotent conclusion to the menacing demonstrations with which we began -to quarrel. Clarendon talked of the various atrocities of the King of -Naples, but with an evident consciousness that the fact, even if it be -true, and not, as is probable, exaggerated, affords no excuse for our -policy in the matter. As the subject could not be agreeable I did not -press it, and abstained from telling him how general the opinion is -that he has committed a great blunder. He will probably hear enough of -it before the chapter is closed; even Granville, who never says much, -said to me yesterday that 'it was a very foolish affair.' - -Clarendon talked to me of Palmerston, and told me (what I think I had -heard, and have very likely noted before) that on Aberdeen's fall -Palmerston was quite ready to join Derby when Derby tried to form a -Government, and that it was Clarendon's refusal which frustrated that -attempt. Palmerston endeavoured to persuade Clarendon to join, but when -Clarendon put to him all the reasons why they had both of them better -refuse, Palmerston saw them all very clearly, and rather imprudently -said on leaving him, 'We are _both_ agreed that it will not do to have -anything to do with Derby and his Government.' When Clarendon went to -the Queen and explained his own conduct to her, and she expressed to -him the embarrassment which she felt, and asked him what she could do, -he at once said, 'Send for Lord Palmerston, who is the only man, in -the present temper of the people and state of affairs, who can form a -Government that has a chance of standing. Send for him at once, place -yourself entirely in his hands, give him your entire confidence, and I -will answer for his conduct being all that you can desire.' The Queen -took the advice, and has had no reason to repent of it, and Clarendon -told me he had done everything in his power, and seized every available -opportunity to reconcile them to each other, to promote a good feeling -and understanding, and to soften any little asperities which might -have made their intercourse less smooth, and the consequence is that -Palmerston gets on with her very well, and his good sense as well as -Clarendon's exhortations make him see of what importance it is to him -for the easy working of his Government and his own ease to be on good -and cordial terms with the Queen. It is therefore really to Clarendon -that Palmerston is indebted in great measure, if not entirely, for -being in his present position, but Clarendon has too much tact ever to -remind him of it, or of what he was himself inclined to do in 1855. - - -[Sidenote: LEGAL APPOINTMENTS.] - -_November 19th._--The death of Jervis made the office of Chief Justice -of Common Pleas vacant.[1] According to established (but as I think -bad) usage, the Attorney-General, Cockburn, had a right to take the -place, and for the last fortnight nothing occupied public attention -more than the question whether he would take it or not. He was much -averse to take it, but everybody pressed him to accept it, and after -much hesitation and consultation he agreed to be Chief Justice, and -now it is said he regrets his determination and thinks he has made a -mistake. He gives up Parliament, for which he is well adapted, where -he acts a conspicuous part, being a capital speaker, and which he -likes, and feels that it is his element. He gives up the highest place -at the bar, where he is a successful advocate, and makes 15,000_l._ -or 16,000_l._ a year, and he sees that he shall be obliged to give up -in great measure his loose habits and assume more decorous behaviour, -which will be a great sacrifice to him, and he becomes a judge with -6,000_l._ a year for life, not being a good lawyer, and conscious -that he will be inferior to his colleagues and to the Puisne Judge in -his own court. As soon as he had consented to the promotion a fresh -difficulty presented itself as to the office of Solicitor-General, for -such is the penury of legal ability at this time that Westminster Hall -cannot furnish any men of unquestionable fitness for the office, and -the difficulty is increased by the choice being necessarily restricted -to men holding the opinions of the present Government, and being able -to command a seat in Parliament. They have offered the place to the -Recorder, James Wortley, but up to this moment I know not if it has -been accepted.[2] - -Footnote 1: [Right Hon. Sir John Jervis, Chief Justice of the Common -Pleas, died on November 1, 1856, at the age of fifty-four.] - -Footnote 2: [Right Hon. James Stuart Wortley, a younger son of Lord -Wharncliffe, who then filled the office of Recorder of London, which he -surrendered for that of Solicitor-General.] - - -_November 23rd._--After long delay and apparently much hesitation James -Wortley has accepted the Solicitor-Generalship. He consulted Gladstone -and Sidney Herbert, neither of them very eligible advisers on such a -question. Gladstone is said to have replied that he would run a great -risk as to his pecuniary interests, but if he could support the foreign -policy of the Government, there was no reason why he should not accept. -He retains his rank of Privy Councillor, of which I doubt the fitness, -as it places him at all events in a very anomalous position, for the -law officers are the official advisers of the Privy Council and are -often called upon to sit there as assessors. However, the Judges are -said to have pronounced an opinion that there is no reason why he -should not plead in any of the courts. It is said, and I believe truly, -that now Cockburn has taken the irretrievable step he is very sorry for -it, and is more struck by the necessary consequences of his promotion -than he was at first. He has all his life been a very debauched fellow, -but he is clever, good-natured, and of a liberal disposition and much -liked by his friends. A story is told of him that he was in the habit -of going down on Sundays to Richmond or elsewhere with a woman, and -generally with a different one, and the landlady of the inn he went to -remembered that Sir A. Cockburn always brought Lady Cockburn with him, -but that she never saw any woman who looked so different on different -days, and this gave rise to another story. When Lord Campbell went -to some such place with Lady Stratheden (who had been raised to the -peerage before her husband), the mistress of the house said that Sir A. -Cockburn always brought _Lady Cockburn_ with him, but that the Chief -Justice brought another lady and not _Lady Campbell_. - -While we have meetings perpetually held and innumerable writings put -forth to promote education and raise the moral standard of the people, -we are horrified and alarmed day after day by accounts of the most -frightful murders, colossal frauds, and crimes of every description. -War has ceased, though the Temple of Janus seems only to be ajar; but -the world is still in commotion, in alarm, and visited by every sort of -calamity, moral and material, in the midst of which it is difficult to -discover any signs of the improvement of the human race, even of those -portions of it which are supposed to be the most civilised and the most -progressive. - - -[Sidenote: A DIPLOMATIC IMBROGLIO.] - -_December 7th._--At Wrotham and at Ossington last week. The news of the -day is that we are to have another 'Conference' at Paris, to settle the -Bolgrad affair, our Government having given way to what Clarendon told -me he certainly would not consent; but we had managed to get matters -into such a fix, and it was so necessary to extricate all the several -parties from the embarrassed positions in which they were placed by -their own or by each other's faults, that no alternative remained. -This arrangement, which is not very consistent with Palmerston's -recent declarations at Manchester and in London, is proclaimed by the -Government papers, and generally understood to be a means of enabling -Russia to concede our demands with as little loss of dignity and credit -as possible, and to terminate the difference between us and France by -our making an apparent concession to France, while she makes a real -one to us. Everything has evidently been carefully arranged for the -playing out of this diplomatic farce, and Cowley, who is to be our -sole representative, is to be accommodating and not quarrelsome; but -_reste à savoir_ whether the manoeuvres of some of the others may not -provoke his temper and bring about angry collisions. Between this -matter and the _bévue_ we have made of our Neapolitan interference, -never was there such a deplorable exhibition as our foreign policy -displays; but nobody seems to care much about it, and though there -will in all probability be a good deal of sparring, and taunts and -sneers in Parliament, Palmerston's Government will incur no danger -of any adverse vote, for everybody is conscious that in the actual -state of parties and the dearth of parliamentary leaders, every man of -sufficient ability being disqualified for one reason or another, no -man but Palmerston can conduct a Government or command a majority in -Parliament; nor does there appear in the distance any man likely to -be able to fill his place in the event of his death or his breaking -down, events which must be contemplated as not very remote when he -is seventy-three years old, although his wonderful constitution and -superhuman vigour of mind and body make everybody forget his age and -regard the possibility of his demise with the sort of incredulity which -made the courtier of Louis XIV. exclaim on the death of that monarch, -_'Après la mort du Roi on peut tout croire.'_ - -Great astonishment has been excited by the appointment of a Mr. -Bickersteth as Bishop of Ripon, against whom nothing can be said, nor -anything for him, except that he is a very Low Churchman. All the -vacant sees have now been filled with clergymen of this colour, which -is not very fair or prudent, as it will exasperate the moderate High -Churchmen and set them strongly against a Government which appears -determined to shut the door of ecclesiastical preferment against all -but the Lowest Churchmen, and such a policy will most likely have the -effect of encouraging the advocates of those extreme measures of an -anti-Catholic or a puritanical character which always give so much -trouble and embarrassment when they are brought forward in Parliament. - - -_December 12th._--The Conference to which Clarendon told me he would -not agree is going to take place after all, but everybody is ridiculing -what is notoriously a got-up comedy with a foregone conclusion, devised -to solve the difficulty into which all the great actors had got -themselves, but it is not yet quite clear what the _modus operandi_ is -to be. From what I have picked up here and there I gather that Sardinia -is to be induced to give a casting vote against Russia, leaving France -still at liberty to fulfil her original engagement and vote with her, -while we obtain the object for which we have stood out, and by such a -_dodge_ to bring the dispute to an end. When Parliament meets there -will be plenty to be said about this affair and about Naples, and no -doubt the Opposition or the malcontents will be able to bombard the -Government and vent their spleen, but that will be all, for Palmerston -is perfectly invulnerable and may commit any blunders with impunity. - -[Sidenote: LEADERSHIP OF THE OPPOSITION.] - -A report has been lately current that Gladstone will become the leader -of the Opposition _vice_ Disraeli, a report I thought quite wild and -improbable, but I heard the other day something which looks as if it -was not so much out of the question as I had imagined. George Byng told -me he had met Sir William Jolliffe, who is the Derbyite whipper-in, at -Wrotham, and having asked him whether there was any foundation for the -above report, he replied that it certainly was not true at present, -that he could not say what might or might not happen hereafter, but -that he could not at once be accepted as _leader_, and must in any -case first serve in the ranks. I do not know what may be the value of -Jolliffe's opinions, or what he knows of the intentions of his chief, -but he may probably be more or less acquainted with the sentiments of -his party, and may be aware that their necessities have modified their -extreme repugnance to Gladstone, and that they may now be willing -to accept him as leader (eventually), though two years ago they so -peremptorily insisted on his entire exclusion from their political -society. Meanwhile there is no combination amongst them. Derby is at -Knowsley amusing himself, and Disraeli at Paris, doing nobody knows -what. - -There is talk of Lord Granville's resigning the lead and his office -and going to Ireland instead of Carlisle, or to Paris instead of -Cowley, but he has never intimated the least intention of doing either. -Ireland he certainly will not go to; Paris is not so impossible. -There seems some doubt whether his health will admit of his going on -in the House of Lords, and if they knew how to get Cowley away from -Paris without doing him an injustice or an unkindness, I think they -would not be sorry, for his position there is unsatisfactory. It is -a serious inconvenience to be on such terms with Walewski that they -never converse at all except when business obliges them to meet, and -the consequence of their relations is that all affairs between the two -countries are carried on between Clarendon and Persigny in London, -and as little as possible at Paris, because the Emperor now fights -rather shy of Cowley, and is by no means on the same terms with him -as heretofore, though always very civil and cordial enough when they -meet; and His Majesty will not part with Walewski, who, although of -a moderate capacity, is clever enough to know how to deal with his -master, and make himself agreeable to him, and the Emperor knows -that if he were to change his Minister for Foreign Affairs, it would -be attributed to the influence of England and be on that account -unpopular. The English press has rendered Walewski the incalculable -service of making him popular in France, and rendering it impossible -for the Emperor to dismiss him, even if he had a mind to do so, which -he has not. - - -[Sidenote: DICTATORIAL POLICY TO BRAZIL.] - -_December 17th._--There was an article in the 'Times' the day before -yesterday commenting in severe terms upon a transaction of our Foreign -Office, as set forth in a Blue Book, in relation to Brazil. It was -the old subject of the slave trade, and the old method of arrogant -overbearing meddling and dictation, a case as odious and unjust as any -one of those by which Palmerston's foreign administration has ever been -disgraced. I really no longer recognise my old friend Clarendon, in -whose good sense and moderation I used to place implicit confidence, -and believed that he would inaugurate a system at the Foreign Office -very different from that of Palmerston, and which would tend to relieve -us from the excessive odium and universal unpopularity which Palmerston -had drawn upon us. It appears that I was mistaken. I told Granville -yesterday morning what I thought of this case, and asked him if it was -correctly stated. He said he regarded it just as I did, and that it was -quite true, every word of it. I then expressed my astonishment that -Clarendon should have acted in this way, and he replied, 'The fault of -Clarendon is that he is always thinking of the effect to be produced -by Blue Books, and he looks after popularity, and is influenced by -those he acts with. Under Aberdeen he was very moderate, but he saw -that the moderation of Aberdeen made him unpopular, while Palmerston's -popularity in great measure arose from his very different manner -towards other Powers, so when Palmerston became Prime Minister instead -of Aberdeen, he fell readily into the Palmerstonian method.' I dare say -this is the truth, and besides the contagion of Palmerston himself, he -is surrounded by men at the Foreign Office who are prodigious admirers -of Palmerston and of his slashing ways, and who no doubt constantly -urge Clarendon to adopt a similar style. All this is to me matter of -great regret personally, and it is revolting as to good taste, and, as -I believe, to our national interests. It is, however, a consolation -to see that the most powerful and influential of our journals has the -courage, independence, and good sense to protest publicly against such -violent and unjustifiable proceedings. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -State of England after the War--Prussia and Neufchâtel--Sir Robert -Peel's Account of the Russian Coronation--An Historical Puzzle--The -Death of Princess Lieven--Mr. Spurgeon's Preaching--Mr. Gladstone -in Opposition--Tit for Tat--Difficult Relations with France--Lord -John in Opposition--The Liddell _v._ Westerton Case--Death of -Lord Ellesmere--Violent Opposition to the Government on the -China Question--Languid Defence of the Government--Impending -Dissolution--Popularity of Lord Palmerston--Despotism of -Ministers--Parliament dissolved--Judgement on Liddell _v._ -Westerton--Lord Palmerston's Address--The Elections--Defeat of the -Manchester Leaders--Fear of Radical Tendencies--The Country approves -the Chinese Policy--Death of Lady Keith. - - -_January 9th, 1857._--The old year ended and the new year began -strangely. After three years of expensive war the balance-sheet -exhibited such a state of wealth and prosperity as may well make us -'the envy of surrounding nations;' but while we have recovered the -great blessing of peace, we have to look back upon a year stained -beyond all precedent with frightful crimes of every sort and kind: -horrible murders, enormous frauds, and scandalous robberies and -defalcations. The whole attention of the country is now drawn to the -social questions which press upon us with appalling urgency, and -the next session of Parliament, which is rapidly advancing, must be -principally engaged in the endeavour to find remedies for the evils -and dangers incident to our corrupted population, and our erroneous -and inadequate penal system, the evils and dangers of which threaten -to become greater and more difficult to remedy every day. From this -question it is impossible to dissever that of education, for at least -we ought to make the experiment whether the diffusion of education will -or will not be conducive to the diminution of crime, and we shall see -whether the sectarian prejudices, the strength and obstinacy of which -have hitherto erected impassable barriers to the progress of educating -the people, will retain all their obstinacy in the face of the existing -evil, or whether the bodily fear and the universal persuasion of the -magnitude and imminence of the danger will not operate upon bigotry -itself and render the masses more reasonable. Besides these important -questions the new year opens with a most unpleasant prospect abroad, -where everything seems to go wrong and our foreign relations, be the -cause what, or the fault whose it may, to be in a very unhappy state. - -[Sidenote: PRUSSIA AND NEUFCHATEL.] - -The quarrel between Prussia and Switzerland[1] is one in which we -appear to have no immediate interest, except that it is always our -interest to prevent any infraction of the general peace, but of course -we could not think of not interfering in some way or other in the -matter. The King of Prussia has behaved as ill and as foolishly as -possible, and our Government entirely disapprove of his conduct and -have given the Swiss to understand that all our sympathies are with -them, and that we think they have right on their side. If France -and England were now on really good terms, and would act together -with cordiality and authority, nothing would be so easy as to put a -prompt extinguisher on the Swiss affair; but as we cannot agree upon -a common course of action, there is danger of the dispute drifting -into a war, though it is evidently so much the interest and the desire -of the Emperor Napoleon to allow no shots to be fired, that I still -expect, even at this almost the eleventh hour, to be in a complete -fix. The Swiss will not release the prisoners unless the King will at -the same time abandon his claims on Neufchâtel, or unless England and -France will guarantee that he will do so. The King will do nothing and -agree to nothing unless the Swiss will previously and unconditionally -release the prisoners, and moreover he repudiates our intervention, -as he thinks us unfairly disposed to himself. The simplest course -would be for England and France to declare that a Prussian invasion of -Switzerland should be a _casus belli_, and I think we should have no -objection to this, but France won't go along with us. Then if the Swiss -should deliver over the prisoners to France, and she would accept the -_depôt_, all might be settled. As it is, we have backed up Switzerland -to resist, and if war ensues we shall leave her to her fate--a very -inglorious course to pursue; and although I have a horror of war, and -am alive to the policy of keeping well with France, I am inclined to -think that having encouraged the Swiss to a certain point it would -better become us to take our own independent line and to threaten -Prussia with war if she does not leave Switzerland alone, than to sit -tamely by and see her, unimpeded, execute her threats. The Government -are evidently much embarrassed by this question, which is still further -complicated by the matrimonial engagement between the two Royal -families. - -Footnote 1: [The Prussian Crown retained, by the Treaty of Vienna, -rights of sovereignty over the Swiss Canton of Neufchâtel, and -appointed a Governor there. In other respects the Neufchâtelese enjoyed -all the rights and liberties of Swiss citizens. This anomalous state -of things naturally gave rise to friction. The King of Prussia derived -no sort of advantage from his nominal sovereignty; but as a matter of -dignity he declined to renounce it, and even threatened a military -occupation of the Canton, which the Swiss Confederation would have -resisted.] - - -_January 13th._--The Swiss affair seems settled, so far at least that -there will be no war. The prisoners will be released, but I dare -say the King of Prussia will _chicaner_ about the abdication of his -rights over Neufchâtel. All the world is occupied with Sir Robert -Peel's speech, or lecture as he terms it, at Birmingham, where he -gave an account, meant to be witty, of his _séjour_ in Russia and its -incidents. It was received with shouts of applause by a congenial -Brummagem audience, and by deep disapprobation in every decent society -and by all reasonable people. - - -_January 14th._--I met Clarendon last night, who told me the Swiss -question was still in doubt, for the King was shuffling and would -probably play them a trick, and though he knew the prisoners were going -to be liberated, he would not engage positively to give up his claim. -The Emperor Napoleon has behaved very ill and ungratefully to the -Swiss, who in consequence were more irritated against him than against -the King of Prussia himself. Nothing could equal the fawning flattery -and servility of the King to the Emperor, who was at the same time -tickled by it and disgusted. - - -[Sidenote: LORD ABERDEEN AND LORD JOHN RUSSELL.] - -_January 20th._--At Woburn for two days. I found the Duke entirely -occupied with a question (on which he had of course a various -correspondence), whether when Aberdeen's Government was formed, -Aberdeen had _at the time_ imparted to John Russell his wish and -intention to retire as soon as possible, so that John might take his -place as Premier. To ascertain this fact, he had applied to Lord John -and Aberdeen, to Lansdowne and to Clarendon, all of whom he invited -to send him their recollections and impressions, which they did. The -matter now is not of much importance, but is worth noticing from -the evidence it affords of the difficulty of arriving at truth, and -therefore of the fallibility of all history. Though this circumstance -is so recent, and at the time was so important, not one of the parties, -neither Lord John nor Aberdeen nor the other two, can recollect what -did pass, but as they all concur in their impressions that no such -engagement was given when the Government was formed, it may safely be -concluded that this is the truth. I know I heard all that passed, and -certainly I never heard of any such intention, though I did hear some -time afterwards that such had been Aberdeen's expressed wish and Lord -John's expectation. I read Aberdeen's letters, in which he entered -into other matters connected with his Government, and I must say more -creditable, gentlemanlike, and amiable letters I never read. - - -_January 28th._--At Stoke from Saturday to Monday. On returning to -town, we heard that the Persian war was over, Palmerston's usual luck -bringing a settlement of the only question that could be embarrassing -on the eve of the meeting of Parliament. But the news only comes -telegraphically, so unless confirmed must be doubtful, and cannot be -named in the Speech.[1] - -[Sidenote: DEATH OF PRINCESS LIEVEN.] - -Two remarkable deaths have occurred, one of which touches me nearly, -that of Madame de Lieven; the other is that of the Duke of Rutland. -Madame de Lieven died, after a short illness, of a severe attack of -bronchitis, the Duke having lingered for many months. Very different -characters. Madame de Lieven came to this country at the end of 1812 or -beginning of 1813 on the war breaking out between Russia and France. -Pozzo di Borgo had preceded the Lievens to renew diplomatic relations -and make arrangements with us. She was at that time young, at least -in the prime of life, and though without any pretensions to beauty, -and indeed with some personal defects, she had so fine an air and -manner, and a countenance so pretty and so full of intelligence, as to -be on the whole a very striking and attractive person, quite enough -so to have lovers, several of whom she engaged in succession without -seriously attaching herself to any. Those who were most notoriously her -slaves at different times were the present Lord Willoughby, the Duke of -Sutherland (then Lord Gower), the Duke of Cannizzaro (then Count St. -Antonio), and the Duke of Palmella, who was particularly clever and -agreeable. Madame de Lieven was a _très grande dame_, with abilities -of a very fine order, great tact and _finesse_, and taking a boundless -pleasure in the society of the great world and in political affairs of -every sort. People here were not slow to acknowledge her merits and -social excellence, and she almost immediately took her place in the -cream of the cream of English society, forming close intimacies with -the most conspicuous women in it, and assiduously cultivating relations -with the most remarkable men of all parties. These personal _liaisons_ -sometimes led her into political partisanship not always prudent and -rather inconsistent with her position, character, and functions here. -But I do not believe she was ever mixed up in any intrigues, nor even, -at a later period, that she was justly obnoxious to the charge of -caballing and mischief-making which has been so lavishly cast upon her. -She had an insatiable curiosity for political information, and a not -unnatural desire to make herself useful and agreeable to her own Court -by imparting to her Imperial masters and mistresses all the information -she acquired and the anecdotes she picked up. Accordingly while she -was in England, which was from 1812 to 1834, she devoted herself to -society, not without selection, but without exclusion, except that -she sought and habitually confined herself to the highest and best. -The Regent, afterwards George IV., delighted in her company, and she -was a frequent guest at the Pavilion, and on very intimate terms with -Lady Conyngham, for although Madame de Lieven was not very tolerant -of mediocrity, and social and colloquial superiority was necessary to -her existence, she always made great allowances for Royalty and those -immediately connected with it. She used to be a great deal at Oatlands, -and was one of the few intimate friends of the Duchess of York, -herself very intelligent, and who therefore had in the eyes of Madame -de Lieven the double charm of her position and her agreeableness. It -was her duty as well as her inclination to cultivate the members of -all the successive Cabinets which passed before her, and she became -the friend of Lord Castlereagh, of Canning, the Duke of Wellington, -Lord Grey, Lord Palmerston, John Russell, Aberdeen, and many others of -inferior note, and she was likewise one of the _habitués_ of Holland -House, which was always more or less neutral ground, even when Lord -Holland was himself a member of the government. When Talleyrand came -over here as Ambassador, there was for some time a sort of antagonism -between the two embassies, and particularly between the ladies of -each, but Madame de Dino (now Duchesse de Sagan) was so clever, and -old Talleyrand himself so remarkable and so agreeable, that Madame de -Lieven was irresistibly drawn towards them, and for the last year or -two of their being in England they became extremely intimate; but her -greatest friend in England was Lady Cowper, afterwards Lady Palmerston, -and through her she was also the friend of Palmerston, who was also -well affected towards Russia, till his jealous and suspicious mind was -inflamed by his absurd notion of her intention to attack us in India, -a crotchet which led us into the folly and disaster of the Afghan war. -In 1834 the Lievens were recalled, and she was established at St. -Petersburg in high favour about the Empress, but her _séjour_ there was -odious to her, and she was inconsolable at leaving England, where after -a residence of above twenty years she had become rooted in habits and -affections, although she never really and completely understood the -country. She remained at St. Petersburg for several months, until her -two youngest children were taken ill, and died almost at the same time. -This dreadful blow, and the danger of the severe climate to her own -health, gave her a valid excuse for desiring leave of absence, and she -left Russia never to return. She went to Italy, where M. de Lieven died -about the year 1836 or 1837, after which she established herself in -Paris, where her salon became the rendezvous of the best society, and -particularly the neutral ground on which eminent men and politicians -of all colours could meet, and where her tact and adroitness made them -congregate in a sort of social truce. - -I do not know at what exact period it was that she made the -acquaintance of M. Guizot, but their intimacy no doubt was established -after he had begun to play a great political part, for his literary and -philosophical celebrity would not alone have had much charm for her. -They were, however, already great friends at the time of his embassy to -England, and she took that opportunity of coming here to pay a visit to -her old friends. The fall of Thiers' Government and Guizot's becoming -Minister for Foreign Affairs of course drew Madame de Lieven still -more closely to him, and during the whole of his administration their -alliance continued to be of the closest and most intimate character. It -was an immense object to her to possess the entire confidence of the -French Minister for Foreign Affairs, who kept her _au courant_ of all -that was going on in the political world, while it is not surprising -that he should be irresistibly attracted by a woman immensely superior -to any other of his acquaintance, who was fully able to comprehend and -willing to interest herself about all the grand and important subjects -which he had to handle and manage, and who associated herself with a -complete sympathy in all his political interests. Their _liaison_, -which some people consider mysterious, but which I believe to have been -entirely social and political, grew constantly more close, and every -moment that Guizot could snatch from the Foreign Office and the Chamber -he devoted to Madame de Lieven. He used to go there regularly three -times a day on his way to and his way from the Chamber, when it was -sitting, and in the evening; but while he was by far her first object, -she cultivated the society of all the most conspicuous and remarkable -people whom she could collect about her, and she was at one time very -intimate with Thiers, though his rivalry with Guizot and their intense -hatred of each other eventually produced a complete estrangement -between her and Thiers. - -[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF PRINCESS LIEVEN.] - -The revolution of 1848 dispersed her friends, broke up her salon, -and terrified her into making a rather ludicrous, but as it turned -out wholly unnecessary, escape. She came to England, where she -remained till affairs appeared to be settled in France and all danger -of disturbance at an end. She then returned to Paris, where she -remained, not without fear and trembling, during the period of peril -and vicissitude which at length ended, much to her satisfaction, -with the _coup d'état_ and the Empire. Guizot had returned to Paris, -but constantly refused to take any part in political affairs, either -under the Republic or with the new government of Louis Napoleon. This, -however, did not prevent Madame de Lieven (though their friendship -continued the same) from showing her sympathy and goodwill to the -Imperial _régime_, and her salon, which had been decimated by previous -events, was soon replenished by some of the ministers or adherents -of the Empire, who, though they did not amalgamate very well with -her old _habitués_, supplied her with interesting information, and -subsequently, when the war broke out, rendered her very essential -service. When the rupture took place all the Russian subjects were -ordered to quit Paris. She was advised by some of her friends to -disobey the order, for as she was equally precluded from going to -England, the circumstances in which this order placed her were -indescribably painful and even dangerous, but she said that however -great the sacrifice, and though she was entirely independent, she was -under so many obligations and felt so much attachment to the Imperial -family that, cost her what it might, she would obey the order, and -accordingly she repaired to Brussels, where for a year and a half or -two years she took up her melancholy and uncomfortable abode. At last -this banishment from her home and her friends, with all the privations -it entailed, became insupportable, and she endeavoured, through the -intervention of some of her Imperialist friends, to obtain leave of the -French Government to return to Paris, either with or without (for it -is not clear which) the consent of her own Court. The Emperor Napoleon -seems to have been easily moved to compassion, and signified his -consent to her return. No sooner did this become known to Cowley and -the English Government than they resolved to interpose for the purpose -of preventing her return to Paris, and Cowley went to Walewski and -insisted that the Emperor's permission should be revoked. The _entente -cordiale_ was then in full force, nothing could be refused to the -English Ambassador, and Madame de Lieven was informed that she must not -come back to Paris. She bore this sad disappointment with resignation, -made no complaints, and resolved to bide her time. Some months later -she caused a representation to be made to the French Government that -the state of her health made it impossible for her to pass another -winter at Brussels, and that she was going to Nice, but as it was of -vital importance to her to consult her medical adviser at Paris, she -craved permission to proceed to Nice _viâ_ Paris, where she would only -stay long enough for that purpose. The permission was granted. She -wrote me word that she was going to Paris to remain there a few days. I -replied that I was much mistaken in her if once there she ever quitted -it again. She arrived and was told by her doctor that it would be -dangerous in her state to continue her journey. She never did proceed -further, and never did quit Paris again. The Government winked at her -stay, and never molested or interfered with her. She resumed her social -habits, but with great caution and reserve, and did all she could to -avoid giving umbrage or exciting suspicion. It was a proof of the -greatness of her mind, as well as of her prudence and good temper, that -she not only testified no resentment at the conduct of Cowley towards -her, but did all she could to renew amicable relations with him, and -few things annoyed her more than his perseverance in keeping aloof -from her. From the time of her last departure from England up to the -death of Frederic Lamb (Lord Beauvale and Melbourne) she maintained a -constant correspondence with him. After his death she proposed to me to -succeed him as her correspondent, and for the last two or three years -our epistolary commerce was intimate and unbroken. She knew a vast deal -of the world and its history during the half century she had lived -and played a part in it, but she was not a woman of much reading, and -probably at no time had been very highly or extremely educated, but her -excessive cleverness and her _finesse d'esprit_ supplied the want of -education, and there was one book with which her mind was perpetually -nourished by reading it over and over again. This was the 'Letters -of Madame de Sévigné,' and to the constant study of those unrivalled -letters she was no doubt considerably indebted for her own epistolary -eminence, and for her admirable style of writing, not, however, that -her style and Madame de Sévigné's were at all alike. She had not (in -her letters at least) the variety, the abundance, or the _abandon_ of -the great Frenchwoman, but she was more terse and epigrammatic, and she -had the same graphic power and faculty of conveying much matter in few -words. - -[Sidenote: PRINCESS LIEVEN.] - -Nothing could exceed the charm of her conversation or her grace, ease, -and tact in society. She had a nice and accurate judgement, and an -exquisite taste in the choice of her associates and friends; but though -taking an ardent pleasure in agreeableness, and peculiarly susceptible -of being bored, she was not fastidious, full of politeness and good -breeding, and possessed the faculty of turning every one to account, -and eliciting something either of entertainment or information from -the least important of her acquaintance. It has been the fashion here, -and the habit of the vulgar and ignorant press, to stigmatise Madame -de Lieven as a mischievous intriguer, who was constantly occupied in -schemes and designs hostile to the interests of our country. I firmly -believe such charges to be utterly unfounded. She had resided for -above twenty years, the happiest of her life, in England, and had -imbibed a deep attachment to the country, where she had formed many -more intimacies and friendships than she possessed anywhere else, and -to the last day of her life she continued to cherish the remembrance -of her past connexion, to cultivate the society of English people, -and to evince without disguise her predilection for their country. -She had never lived much in Russia, her connexion with it had been -completely dissolved, and all she retained of it was a respectful -attachment to the Imperial family, together with certain sympathies -and feelings of loyalty for her native country and her Sovereign -which it would have been unnatural and discreditable to disavow. Her -well-known correspondence with the Imperial Court was only caused by -the natural anxiety of those great persons to be kept _au courant_ of -social and political affairs by such an accomplished correspondent, -but I do not believe she was ever employed by them in any business or -any political design; on the contrary, she was rather distrusted and -out of favour with them, on account of her being so denaturalised and -for her ardent affection for England and the English. Russia was the -country of her birth, France the country of her adopted abode, but -England was the country of her predilection. With this cosmopolite -character she dreaded everything which might produce hostile collision -between any two of these countries. She was greatly annoyed when the -question of the Spanish marriages embittered the relations between -France and England, but infinitely more so at the Turkish quarrel, and -the war which it produced. Those who fulminated against her intrigues -were, as I believe, provoked at the efforts she made, so far as she -had any power or influence, to bring about the restoration of peace, -an unpardonable offence in the eyes of all who were bent on the -continuation of the war. She lived to see peace restored, and closed -her eyes almost at the moment that the last seal was put to it by the -Conference of Paris. Her last illness was sudden and short. Her health -had always been delicate, and she was very nervous about herself; an -attack of bronchitis brought on fever, which rapidly consumed her -strength, and brought her, fully conscious, within sight of death; -that consummation, which at a distance she had always dreaded, she saw -arrive with perfect calmness and resignation, and all the virtues and -qualities for which the smallest credit was given her seem to have -shone forth with unexpected lustre on her deathbed. Her faculties were -bright and unclouded to the last, her courage and presence of mind were -unshaken, she evinced a tender consideration for the feelings of those -who were lamenting around her bed, and she complied with the religious -obligations prescribed by the Church of which she was a member with -a devotion the sincerity of which we have no right to question. She -made her son Paul and Guizot leave her room a few hours before she -died, that they might be spared the agony of witnessing her actual -dissolution, and only three or four hours before the supreme moment, -she mustered strength to write a note in pencil to Guizot with these -words: _'Merci pour vingt années d'amitié et de bonheur. Ne m'oubliez -pas, adieu, adieu!'_ It was given to him after her death. - -Footnote 1: [Differences had arisen in the spring of 1856 between -Great Britain and the Court of Persia, in consequence of which the -British Minister was withdrawn from Teheran. In October 1856 Herat was -attacked and taken by the Persians, which led to war. A detachment of -British troops under General Outram landed at Bushire on January 27, -1857, and the Persians were defeated at Kooshab on February 8. Peace -was signed in Paris between Her Majesty and the Shah on March 4, the -Persians engaging to abstain from all interference in the internal -affairs of Afghanistan, and to respect the independence of Herat. If -these dates are correct, as given in Irving's _Annals of our Time_, the -intelligence of the peace cannot have reached London so soon as Mr. -Greville supposed, and rumour anticipated the event.] - - -[Sidenote: A SERMON BY MR. SPURGEON.] - -_February 8th._--I am just come from hearing the celebrated Mr. -Spurgeon preach in the Music Hall of the Surrey Gardens. It was quite -full; he told us from the pulpit that 9,000 people were present. The -service was like the Presbyterian: Psalms, prayers, expounding a Psalm, -and a sermon. He is certainly very remarkable, and undeniably a very -fine character; not remarkable in person, in face rather resembling -a smaller Macaulay, a very clear and powerful voice, which was heard -through the whole hall; a manner natural, impassioned, and without -affectation or extravagance; wonderful fluency and command of language, -abounding in illustration, and very often of a very familiar kind, -but without anything either ridiculous or irreverent. He gave me an -impression of his earnestness and his sincerity; speaking without book -or notes, yet his discourse was evidently very carefully prepared. -The text was 'Cleanse me from my secret sins,' and he divided it into -heads, the misery, the folly, the danger (and a fourth which I have -forgotten) of secret sins, on all of which he was very eloquent and -impressive. He preached for about three-quarters of an hour, and, to -judge of the handkerchiefs and the audible sobs, with great effect. - -We have had a week of Parliament, and though nothing important has -occurred, the discussions do not seem to have raised the reputation -of the Government or to promise them an easy session, though nobody -seems to expect that their stability is likely to be shaken. Disraeli -and Gladstone seem verging towards each other in opposition, but there -is no appearance of a coalition between them; the only striking fact -is that the Opposition, of whose disunion we have heard so much, and -of the internal repulsion supposed to prevail among them, seems to -be as united as ever it has been, and the usual people appeared at -Derby's and Disraeli's gatherings. I take it that any appearance of -vulnerability of the Government silences all manifestations of their -mutual antipathies, and puts them on the _qui vive_ to turn out their -opponents. - -Gladstone seems bent on leading Sir George Lewis a weary life, but -Lewis is just the man to encounter and baffle such an opponent, -for he is cold-blooded as a fish, totally devoid of sensibility or -nervousness, of an imperturbable temper, calm and resolute, laborious -and indefatigable, and exceedingly popular in the House of Commons from -his general good humour and civility, and the credit given him for -honour, sincerity, plain dealing, and good intentions. - - -_February 11th._--The Duke of Bedford told me yesterday that Clarendon -had complained to him bitterly of John Russell's speech the first night -of the session, of the hostility it manifested, and particularly of -what he said about Naples. On looking at the report of the speech, the -Neapolitan part was certainly strong, but it was not stronger than was -warranted by the circumstances of the case, and there seems no reason -why Lord John should abstain from speaking out his opinions fairly on -any important point of foreign policy. His speech, on the whole, was -not regarded as hostile or acrimonious. Disraeli has got into a scrape -by blurting out an accusation which he has entirely failed in making -good, and he has afforded Palmerston an occasion for a triumph over him -not a little damaging. I am told the effect in the House was very bad -for Disraeli. Palmerston is said to be beginning to show some symptoms -of physical weakness, which if it be so, is very serious at the -beginning of a long and arduous session. He is rising seventy-three, -and at that age, and loaded with the weight of public affairs, it is -not wonderful if the beginning of the end should be discernible. - - -[Sidenote: TREATY BETWEEN FRANCE AND AUSTRIA.] - -_February 14th._--The defeat which Disraeli sustained the other night -was turned the night before last into something like a triumph, and -Palmerston found himself in a disagreeable position. Disraeli had -asserted that a Treaty had been concluded between France and Austria -for certain ends and at a certain time. Palmerston flatly contradicted -him, and with great insolence of manner, especially insisting that it -was nothing but a Convention, and that conditional, which _never had -been signed_. Two nights after Palmerston came down to the House, and -in a very jaunty way said he must correct his former statement, and -inform the House he had just discovered that the Convention _had been -signed_. Great triumph naturally on the part of Disraeli, who poured -forth a rather violent invective. Then Palmerston lost his temper and -retorted that Disraeli was trying to cover an ignominious retreat by -vapouring. This language, under the circumstances of the case, was very -imprudent and very improper, and (unlike what he had ever experienced -before) he sat down without a single cheer, his own people even not -venturing to challenge the approbation of the House in a matter in -which, though Disraeli was not right, Palmerston was so clearly wrong. -What business had he to make such a mistake? for he ought to have -been perfectly and accurately informed of every detail connected with -foreign affairs. He certainly is not _qualis erat_, and I am disposed -to believe that he is about to begin breaking, and that he will not be -able to go through a long and arduous session with the same vigour and -success which he has hitherto manifested. Every sign and symptom of -weakness and failing strength which he may show will raise the hopes -and stimulate the exertions of the Opposition, and we may expect to see -not a coalition, but such a concurrence between Gladstone, Disraeli, -and Lord Stanley as will prevent the possibility of an alternative -Government. Gladstone and Disraeli are already on friendly terms, and -Gladstone and Stanley seem to be still more intimate. The present -Government only exists by Palmerston's personal popularity, and it -would not require much to pull that down. - - -_February 17th._--I called on Lyndhurst on Sunday. He was in high -force, with the Blue Book before him, getting up the China case, on -which he means to have a day in the House of Lords. He told me that -Gladstone says the Budget is the worst that was ever produced, and he -stakes his credit on proving that it is full of errors from beginning -to end, that, instead of a present surplus of nearly a million, there -is a present deficit of four millions, and that there will be one of -nine millions in 1860. I don't believe he will make his words good. - -[Sidenote: DIFFICULT RELATIONS WITH FRANCE.] - -I saw Clarendon yesterday morning, and found him low, worn, and out -of sorts; said he wished to Heaven he could be delivered from office; -everything went wrong, the labour, anxiety, and responsibility were -overwhelming, and the difficult state of our relations with France more -than could be endured. He could not depend on the French Government, -and never knew from one day to another what the consequences of their -conduct might be. He believed the Emperor sincerely desired to keep -well with us, but his Government were constantly doing things which -rendered our acting together and cordially almost impossible; that his -excessive levity and carelessness perpetually made him the dupe of -other people, and led him into saying things and committing himself, -and then he did not know how to get out of the engagements to which he -stood committed. Clarendon added that it was impossible such a state -of things should not produce first coolness and then quarrels, and -then God knows what consequences, and he was obliged to pick his way -through the embarrassments that spring up around him with the utmost -care and circumspection. Palmerston, who never saw difficulties, took -it with his usual easy way, and said we were not tied to France like -Siamese Twins, and why should we care so much what she did, and why -might she not take her way, and we ours; but Clarendon feels that it -is impossible for him, on whom the responsibility is more immediately -thrown, to take a matter fraught with such consequences in so easy -a style; that if any serious dispute arose, France and Russia would -probably become allied against us, and that America would join them. -Russia pays the most unceasing and the most abject court to Louis -Napoleon, and not without success. He (Clarendon) said nothing could -be worse than the conduct of the French Government about the affair -of the Principalities, which was of vital importance to Austria, who -threatened (though she would not keep her resolution) to make it a -_casus belli_ if it is insisted on. He said Austria had behaved very -well about the amnesty in Italy, and was going to do the same thing in -Hungary. We were interrupted as usual in our conversation, and I had -not time to ask him about many things I wanted to hear of. I told him I -thought the China case was a very bad one. - -John Russell seems to me to be drifting into hostility to the -Government more and more. He made a strong, but very just, speech on -Naples the first night, which irritated Clarendon very much. A few -nights ago he said something in the House about China, and backed up -the Government against Roebuck, at which Clarendon expressed great -satisfaction, and evinced a disposition to seize that pretext to put -himself on good terms with Lord John, but Lord John showed no readiness -to meet the overture, and when the Duke of Bedford wrote to him what -Clarendon had said, he replied that Clarendon owed him nothing, for -he had said what he thought right and not what he thought would be -agreeable to him, and that it was very probable he should say something -he would not at all like before long. - -Yesterday morning the Judicial Committee finished the case of Liddell -and Westerton, after eight days of elaborate argument, and a powerful -case was made in appeal against Lushington's judgement, which I expect -to see reversed, and I hope it will, for I detest the proceedings of -the people who back up Mr. Westerton, who would drag down the Church to -a puritanical level, and strip it of its splendour. - - -[Sidenote: DEATH OF LORD ELLESMERE.] - -_February 19th._--Yesterday morning, at half-past twelve o'clock, my -brother-in-law Lord Ellesmere, expired at Bridgewater House, after -an illness of three months. He was surrounded by all his family, and -died most peacefully, and without any suffering, and in possession of -his mental powers till within a few hours of his death. Few men have -quitted this world more beloved, respected, and lamented than this -excellent person. He had just completed the fifty-seventh year of his -age, so might naturally have been expected to live many years, and -till he was taken ill, little more than three months ago, he appeared -to be in his usual state of health and likely to have a long and -enjoyable existence before him. It is no exaggeration to say that he -was most estimable in every relation of life, and as such he enjoyed -universal respect and regard. He never at any time played a conspicuous -part in politics, for which he had neither ambition nor the necessary -qualifications, but in such part as he was occasionally called upon -to take, he acted with propriety and general approbation. But he had -no taste for the turmoil of political life, and his temper was too -serene and his love of repose too great to allow him to plunge deeply -in political warfare. His abilities were not of a very high order, but -he had a good understanding, a cultivated mind, and an inquisitive -disposition, and though not profound in any branch of literature or -science, he loved to wander over the vast fields of knowledge, so that -he was stored with much superficial information on a great variety of -subjects. His taste was good both in literature and art; he was an -elegant poet, and a fair writer of his own tongue; he was naturally -kind-hearted and charitable, more particularly to meritorious artists -who stood in need of assistance, by whom his loss will be severely -felt. All his tastes and pursuits were of the most refined character, -and he delighted in the society of all who were remarkable for ability -in any walk of life, and from whom he could derive information of any -description. In political opinions he was the very type and model of -a Liberal Conservative, and the statesman to whom he gave all his -allegiance, together with a boundless admiration, was the Duke of -Wellington. But he was always much more of a patriot than a political -partisan, and he was oftener to be found giving an independent support -to different Governments than fighting in the ranks of Opposition. - -He will, I have no doubt, be regarded as a loss to the country, even -a greater loss than if he had been more actively and conspicuously -engaged in politics, for he stood nearly alone in the station he -occupied, with vast wealth, unblemished character, esteemed by people -of all parties, without an enemy in the world, and having no personal -objects to pursue; and though never thrusting himself forward, alike -fitted for either active or contemplative life, he was at all times -ready to exert his best energies in the public service or to promote -the benefit and happiness of his fellow creatures. He was sincerely -religious, without intolerance and austerity, or the slightest particle -of ostentatious or spiritual pride. It was not, however, in the annals -of political history or in the modest and unambitious incidents of his -public career that his best panegyric is to be found, but in the more -placid walk of private life, in the strict and conscientious discharge -of his domestic and social duties, which was at the same time congenial -to his sense of moral obligation, and to the benevolent impulses of his -heart. - -[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF LORD ELLESMERE.] - -Lord Francis Leveson Gower, upon the death of his father the late -Duke of Sutherland, succeeded to the immense fortune entailed upon -him by his great-uncle, the Duke of Bridgewater, in the shape of the -Bridgewater Canal, and found himself the possessor of vast wealth, -and surrounded by a population sunk in ignorance and vice. From the -first moment of his succession he considered himself in the light -of a trustee for working out the moral and spiritual improvement of -the people who were in a great measure committed to his charge. He -accepted the obligation in a spirit of cheerfulness and resolution, -and the due discharge of it continued to be the principal object of -his interest and care for the remainder of his life. He employed his -wealth liberally in promoting the material comfort and raising the -moral condition of those by whose labour that wealth was produced. -Churches, schools, and reading-rooms rose around Worsley Hall. His -benevolent efforts were crowned with success, and he reaped his reward -in the blessings of the surrounding multitudes and in the contemplation -of their enjoyment of all the good which his active bounty had bestowed -upon them. Such qualities as were here displayed, and a life thus -devoted to works of duty and beneficence, made Lord Ellesmere an object -of general veneration and attachment; but those alone who belonged -to his family, or who had familiar access to the sanctuary of his -domestic life, could appreciate fully the excellence and the charm of -his character, and comprehend the immensity of the loss which those -who were nearest and dearest to him have sustained by his death. He -regarded with indifference the ordinary objects of worldly ambition; -he lived in and for his family, and he was their joy, their delight, -and their pride, fulfilling in the most exemplary manner all the duties -of his station, political, social, literary, and artistic; unsurpassed -as a husband, father, brother, or friend. He cultivated unremittingly -the society of the best and wisest of his fellow-creatures, and it -may be as truly said of him as it was of certain sages of antiquity, -that 'his excellent understanding was adorned by study, ... and his -days were spent in the pursuit of truth and the practice of virtue.' -The length of these precious days was not permitted by the Divine Will -to be extended to the ordinary duration of human life. In the three -last months, while death was gradually but surely, and with his full -consciousness, advancing, his courage was never shaken and the serenity -of his temper was never disturbed; he always seemed to have more -consideration for others than himself, and he met his approaching end -with the firmness of a philosopher and the resignation of a Christian. -To witness such an end free from bodily pain, with the mental faculties -remaining unclouded till the last, full of peace and charity and -love, was the best consolation that was possible to the family which -surrounded his deathbed; to them he has left a memory which will be -long reverenced by all who honour virtue and patriotism, and which they -will cherish with never-ending sentiments of duty and affection. He has -left them an example how to live and how to die, and the world in which -he had no enemy will ungrudgingly acknowledge - - - That to the realms of bliss was ne'er conveyed - A purer spirit or more welcome shade. - - -_February 27th._--The political war is raging furiously, and personal -animosities are becoming bitterer than ever. Confusion, disorder, and -doubt rage in both the great camps. Derby made a grand onslaught in -the beginning of last week on the China question, and there was (an -unusual thing in the Lords) an adjourned debate. Granville was very -apprehensive of being beaten, but Bessborough, his able whipper-in, -made such exertions that they ended by getting a very good majority. -All the speaking was on the side of the Opposition, but it is quite -curious how afraid people are of seriously shaking the Government. The -day the debate in the Lords ended, that in the Commons began on the -same question, _duce_ Cobden.[1] The great event of the first night -was John Russell's speech and powerful attack on the Government. It -was one of his very best efforts and extremely successful with the -House, but it was exceedingly bitter and displayed without stint or -reason his hostile _animus_. It did all the mischief he wished to -do, and everybody admits that if a division had then taken place -Government would have been beaten by a great majority; but they have -since adjourned twice, and the debate stands over till Monday, and the -aspect of affairs appears to be very much altered. Whether it be that -the effect of Lord John's speech has evaporated, that a rally has taken -place among the Liberals, or that the aversion of the stiff Tories -to the union between Gladstone and their leaders, the approaching -consummation of which seems not to be denied, the general opinion -has veered round, and now it is expected that Government will have -a majority. Here again, as in the Lords, the speaking was all with -the Opposition. Palmerston's speech is looked for with interest and -curiosity. The remarkable incidents connected with these transactions -have been the parliamentary conduct of Gladstone and John Russell and -their respective positions. Gladstone seems to have been so inflamed -by spite and ill humour that all prudence and discretion forsook him; -he appears ready to say and do anything and to act with everybody if -he can only contribute to upset the Government, though it is not easy -to discover the cause of his bitterness, or what scheme of future -conduct he has devised for himself. Lord John came over in a state of -ill-humour which at first he appears to have kept under to a certain -degree, and to have wished to have the appearance of acting with -perfect independence, but still fairly and impartially speaking out -what he thought the truth without caring whom he offended or whom he -pleased by so doing. Thus he shocked Clarendon by what he said on the -affair of Naples, and then pleased him very much by his next speech on -foreign affairs. Then on the Budget he came to the aid of Lewis with -great effect and bowled over Gladstone and Disraeli, yet even then -evincing a certain spirit of hostility about the tea duties; but on the -China question he gave way to all the bitter feeling that is in him, -and cast all moderation to the winds. It is impossible to conjecture -what he promises to himself, and what purpose he has in view by this -conduct, for it is quite extraordinary to what absolute nothingness -his political power has fallen. Here is a man who has been leader with -occasional intervals of Whig Governments and of the Whig party since -1834, and with great and admitted abilities, and yet he is so entirely -without following in the House of Commons that three insignificant -votes are the most he can command. His speech the other night was very -well received because it was a very good one, and because he spoke the -opinions of the greater number of his hearers. - -[Sidenote: DISPUTE WITH CHINA.] - -There is, in fact, a strong feeling, both in Parliament and the -country, against all that has been done at Canton, and this is the more -remarkable because the press has, upon the whole, taken the opposite -side. I never could understand why Palmerston and Clarendon were in -such a hurry to identify themselves with Bowring's proceedings, and -to send out without delay a full approbation of all he had done, till -Granville told me that both of them had been under the extraordinary -delusion that the Canton affair had been very well done and would be -received with great applause and satisfaction here; in point of fact, -that it was a great _hit_, from which the Government would derive -considerable advantage, he (Granville) himself showing his good sense -by taking exactly the opposite view. He tells me that George Lewis -does so likewise, and I dare say, if the truth were known, that the -majority of the Cabinet coincide with them. It is remarkable that the -defence of the Government in the Lords should have fallen on a man -who was speaking all the time against his own opinion, and I should -think Labouchere, who took up the defence in the House of Commons, was -the most unlikely man in the world to approve of such proceedings. -Political necessities which compel men to act thus insincerely, and -to strive to make the worse appear the better cause, with the full -consciousness that they are fighting against truth, appear to me -frightfully demoralising, a sad sealing of the political conscience, -the spectacle of which is enough to scare honourable minds from -entering into an arena where the contest is to be carried on in such a -manner. - -If the Government should be beaten on the pending question, they -will dissolve, at least if the state of their financial affairs will -allow them; but at all events they will not resign without an appeal -to the country, and this appeal they will make not on this or that -question, but on the great one of all, whether the country desires -that Palmerston should continue to be its minister, and on this it -is impossible to doubt what will be the reply. His popularity is a -fact beyond all doubt or cavil, and it is the more decisive, because -not only is there no rival popularity, but every one of the other -public men who have been, are, or might be his rivals are absolutely -unpopular. Nobody cares any longer for John Russell; everybody detests -Gladstone; Disraeli has no influence in the country, and a very -doubtful position with his own party. He and Derby have made up their -minds to coalesce with Gladstone on the first good opportunity, but -it seems not unlikely that they will make such a split among their -own followers by so doing as to lose more than they will gain by the -junction. Palmerston's popularity does not extend to his colleagues, -for not one of whom does anybody care a straw. It is purely personal, -and I do not think he would strengthen himself by any other alliance he -could form. This fact of his popularity just at the end of his strange -and chequered career is most remarkable and not a little unaccountable; -but innumerable circumstances prove this to be the undoubted truth, -and that it is manifested more decidedly out of the House than in it, -for in the House of Commons it does not amount to a certainty of his -having always a majority. It is curious that a session which not long -ago looked like being a very quiet one, in which there would be ample -leisure for consideration of legal and other practical reforms, should -in the first weeks be a scene of tremendous conflict, in which the very -existence of the Government is trembling in the balance. - -Footnote 1: [A motion was made by Mr. Cobden condemning the violent -measures resorted to by the British authorities in the Canton river in -consequence of the seizure of the lorcha 'Arrow' by the Chinese when -she had hoisted the British flag. The debate was carried on with great -acrimony, and ended by the adoption of Mr. Cobden's motion by 263 to -247, a majority of 16 against the Government.] - - -_March 2nd._--Derby has announced to his assembled party that he is -ready to join with Gladstone, though he has not done so yet, and -that as they are a minority in the House of Commons, they ought to -form any junction that would make them strong enough to oust the -present Government and form a Conservative one. He finds it, however, -a difficult matter to reconcile them all to any alliance with the -detested Gladstone. Great exertions have been made to secure a majority -to the Government, and John Russell's friends (the Duke of Bedford -especially) are bestirring themselves to take away some of the odium -that attaches to Lord John by securing his two or three followers for -the division. - - -_March 3rd._--Nothing can equal the excitement and curiosity here about -the division. All sorts of efforts have been made all ways to influence -votes. George Byng and others who meant to vote with John Russell have -been obliged to promise to vote with the Government. Palmerston has -had a meeting and harangued them cheerily, but in spite of everything -Hayter does not think he will have a majority, but everybody expects it -to be so near that there are as many opinions as men. Much is expected -to depend on Palmerston's speech, and unluckily for him he is ill with -both gout and cold. If they are beaten they will dissolve as speedily -as possible. - - -[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT.] - -_March 4th._--A majority of 16 against Government, more than any of -them expected. A magnificent speech of Gladstone; Palmerston's speech -is said to have been very dull in the first part, and very bow-wow in -the second; not very judicious, on the whole bad, and it certainly -failed to decide any doubtful votes in his favour. I rejoice that the -House of Commons has condemned this iniquitous case for the honour of -the country. I do not believe it will make any difference as to the -Government. When Palmerston appeals to the country it will not be on -the merits of the Canton case, but on his own political existence, -whether they will have him for minister or no. It is not, however, yet -by any means clear what the real opinion of the country is upon the -question itself, and whether they will be for the right or for the -expedient, or that which the Government thinks to be the expedient. - - -[Sidenote: DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.] - -_Hatchford, March 10th._--The intention of Government to dissolve -Parliament was announced on Friday last, and as far as one can judge at -present, Palmerston seems likely to have it all his own way. The press -generally espouses his cause, and the 'Times' particularly takes up -the cudgels for him vehemently, and cries out 'Coalition,' and abuses -the majority and all who voted in it. At present, public opinion seems -to be running in his favour, and there is every appearance of his -having a triumphant election. But the cry of 'coalition and faction' -is perfectly absurd, and nothing more than the mere jargon which -all parties employ as their battle cry. There has been no coalition -whatever, and that those who clamour against it very well know. The -only coalition of which there has been any question has been one -between Gladstone (with or without the other Peelites) and Disraeli and -Derby, but that has hitherto been _in posse_ rather than _in esse_, and -it would have been much more plausible to raise the cry on the Budget -than on the Canton question. Nobody can read the list of the division -without seeing that the majority comprised the names of people who have -never dreamt of any coalition with anybody, and who voted entirely -with reference to the merits of the particular case, and though some -(including Disraeli and Gladstone) wished to damage the Government, -many others were either friendly to them generally, or at least -neutral. To say that the majority was made up of a factious coalition -of men who sought to turn the Government out and to take their places, -is a wilful and deliberate lie, but it suits the Government to raise -the cry, and they find plenty of people to re-echo and to believe it. -As to the question itself, I am sure that some of the Cabinet, and -probably more than I know of, were in their hearts and consciences -as much against the question as any of their opponents. Palmerston's -popularity, and the manner in which he is encouraged and supported by -the country, and the sympathy he finds are really most extraordinary. -It provokes me, because I think his great success unmerited, but I -have no wish to see him defeated at the election, because I see no -prospect of any better Government being formed. The pretension of the -Government and of their noisy supporters to find fault with the House -of Commons for expressing its independent opinion upon the conduct of -the officials in China is most preposterous and arrogant. Everybody -admits that the Government was not morally responsible for what was -done, but because they chose, without any necessity, to approve -those acts and to accept the political responsibility of them, it is -pretended that the House of Commons ought not to have taken the liberty -to express any adverse opinion on the matter, and that it was factious -to do so. The scrape, if it was one, the Government got themselves -into by their precipitate approval of Bowring, and there was nothing -in the resolution and the vote which ought to have been considered as -implying any general want of confidence on the part of the House of -Commons, more particularly when the Government had just before carried -their Budget by large majorities, and had not met with any difficulty -or rebuff on any point. If, indeed, matters are come to such a pass, -and such divinity hedges in the Palmerston Government that the House -of Commons is to be precluded from censuring any transaction, wherever -and by whomsoever done, which the Government thinks fit to sanction and -approve of, and if the fact of many men of very different opinions and -opposite parties concurring in such a vote is to expose the majority -by which the vote is carried to a charge of faction, coalition, and -all sorts of base motives, then indeed, instead of asking the Duke of -Wellington's celebrated question, 'How is the King's Government to be -carried on?' it will be time to ask whether the Queen's Government is -to be considered despotic and infallible, and the functions of the -House of Commons reduced to the very humble ones of registering their -acts and re-echoing their approbation. - -It seems to be entirely forgotten that in times when the Royal and -ministerial authority were much stronger than they are supposed to be -now, and before the Reform Bill had effected a sort of revolution in -favour of the democratic principle, all governments, however powerful -or popular, sustained occasional defeats and were obliged to submit -to them, it being of course perfectly understood that defeats which -conveyed want of confidence and the withdrawal of the general support -of the House of Commons were to be deemed fatal and conclusive. -Every case of this kind must be determined according to the especial -circumstances of it, but it is a mere pretence to treat the Canton -question as one of this description, and the truth is that it is -a dodge on their part, and a pretext for going to the country and -obtaining a majority, as they think they have an opportunity of doing, -on false pretences and by means of a vast deal of humbug. The worst is, -that after the immediate purpose has been answered, there is certain -to be some dangerous reaction, and as the cry of 'Palmerston' will be -the only one got up for the occasion, and everybody will be acceptable -who will declare for him, whatever crotchets or cries he may join to -his partisanship, we shall probably have a House of Commons full of -all sorts of mischievous people stirring every variety of mischievous -question. - - -_March 14th._--I returned yesterday from Hatchford and find the current -still running strong, but some think a reaction in favour of John -Russell has already begun. He stands for the City and is in very good -spirits, though his chances of success do not look bright; but he is -a gallant little fellow, likes to face danger, and comes out well in -times of difficulty. - - -_March 24th._--The dissolution took place on Saturday, and all the -world is busy about the elections; many places are without candidates, -or with very bad ones, and unable to find good ones. The dinner at the -Mansion House the other day to the Ministers was a sort of triumph to -Palmerston, who was rapturously received and cheered. He made a very -bad speech, but which did very well for such an audience. It was full -of claptraps and reiterations of the exploded charges of coalitions, -&c., which he is not ashamed to harp upon, and in his address to -Tiverton he talks of the 'combination only formed last session' to turn -him out. I find myself, _malgré moi_, thrown back into my old state of -antagonism towards Palmerston, and what is very paradoxical, I am so -without any hostility to his Government or any desire for its being -overthrown, for I cannot descry any chance of a better, or, indeed, -any possibility of forming another able to carry on affairs at all; -but I am inexpressibly disgusted at the egregious folly of the country -at his being made such an idol in this ridiculous way, and at the -false and hypocritical pretences upon which this dissolution has been -founded, and the enormous and shameful lying with which the country is -deluged. I long to write, print, and publish the truth, and to expose -this miserable delusion; but I repress the desire, because I cannot do -so without exciting bitter personal animosities, probably quarrels, -and I can see no reasonable hope of producing any effects which would -sufficiently repay me for such consequences. - -[Sidenote: THE LIDDELL _v._ WESTERTON CASE.] - -The day before yesterday Pemberton Leigh gave judgement in the Privy -Council in the case of Liddell and Westerton; the Judicial Committee -reversed in great measure the judgements in the Courts below of Dr. -Lushington and Sir John Dodson, but not entirely. It was a very able -judgement, and prepared with great care and research, and so moderately -and fairly framed that it was accepted unanimously by the Committee, -and even by the Bishops of Canterbury and London, both Low Churchmen. -It was drawn up by Pemberton Leigh himself, and its publication will -give the world in general some idea of his great ability, with the -extent of which few are acquainted. It is a very singular thing that in -such times as these, and when there is such a dearth of able men and -so great a demand for them, that he should voluntarily condemn himself -to a state of comparative obscurity, and refuse to take the station in -public life which it would be difficult to find any other man so well -qualified to fill. - - -_March 28th._--At Althorp the last two days. Palmerston's address to -Tiverton, following his speech, at the Mansion House, has excited great -indignation in all who are not thorough Palmerstonians. Both were full -of deception and falsehood. John Russell is particularly incensed, -and said these two productions were unworthy of a gentleman, and so -they were. Malmesbury has addressed to Palmerston a letter in the -newspapers on the subject, which though not well written is true, and -fully justified by what Palmerston said; but all this signifies very -little, the current is too strong to be opposed, and it is provoking to -see the Conservatives endeavouring to bolster up their pretensions by -saying they would have supported Palmerston on the China question, if -they had been in Parliament, or promising to support him if they are -elected. Yesterday, which was the first day of returns, does not give -much difference; to-day is the polling for the City, and nobody has an -idea how the election will go, whether Lord John will come in, and if -he does which of the four will go to the wall. He was enthusiastically -received yesterday, and the show of hands was unanimous in his favour, -but this proves very little, and his organisation is miserably -defective; had it been better and begun earlier, it is probable that -his success would have been certain; he is the favourite as it is. -Palmerston's speech at Tiverton yesterday was less objectionable than -his address and speech at the Mansion House, and he left himself -entirely unfettered on the subject of Reform, and rightly. The -Parliament promises to be a Radical one, and I fully expect that the -result of all this great commotion will be to give a stimulus to -organize Reform; nor will it surprise me if Palmerston should find it -conducive to his interest as minister to appear in the character of a -Reformer, if he were to fling overboard all his old opinions, and to -pay this price for a renewed lease of his own power. Wilkes used to say -he had never been a _Wilkite_, but Palmerston has never been anything -but a Palmerstonian, and I firmly believe that at seventy-three years -of age his single thought is how to secure for himself power for his -life, and that he will not scruple to accept measures which, so far -as he thinks about it, he believes to be constitutionally dangerous -and mischievous if by so doing he can maintain himself on the Treasury -Bench. - - -[Sidenote: RESULTS OF THE ELECTION.] - -_March 29th._--Great excitement yesterday in the town, particularly at -Brooks's. The most interesting event was the City election, and the -return, which under the circumstances may be called triumphant, of John -Russell, which was made more agreeable to himself and his friends by -the defeat of Raikes Currie, who came from Northampton on purpose to -turn him out. Up to the last hour John Russell continued to lead at the -head of the poll, after which he fell off and only ended third, but -still he had 7,000 votes after having been assured by his old adherents -(J. Abel Smith in particular) that his success was hopeless, that he -would be beaten 'disgracefully,' and probably would have hardly any -votes at all. - -After this the most interesting events were the defeats of the -Manchester men, and generally, though not universally, of the voters -for Cobden's motion, Bright and Milner Gibson, Cobden, Ricardo, Layard, -all defeated. It seems that Manchester and the other great towns had -got tired of their leaders, who had made themselves unpopular by -their opposition to the war. I am sorry for the loss of Bright and -Cobden, because such able men ought not to be ousted and replaced by -mediocrities. - -Palmerston's speech at Tiverton was in the same style, but far less -offensive and objectionable than his address and his Mansion House -harangue. The most remarkable part of it was the total silence which -he observed as to his intention upon reforms and domestic questions -generally, or rather his positive refusal to say a word on the subject -or to pledge himself in any way; he evidently means to meet his -Parliament free to take any course his interests may dictate. There -was one remarkable speech yesterday, considering what the man is who -uttered it. Vernon Smith at Northampton spoke as follows: 'Mr. Disraeli -said Lord Palmerston was the Tory chief of a Radical Cabinet. I do not -admit the description as regards Lord Palmerston, but I accept the -designation as to the Cabinet of which I am a member. A great statesman -once said that parties were like fishes (it was snakes, I believe), and -their heads were propelled by their tails, and it will very likely be -found that the head of the Government will in like manner be propelled -by his tail.' The words are not exact, but the meaning is, and it -must be owned a remarkable declaration for a Cabinet Minister to make -as to his chief, and such a chief. I believe that it will turn out -to be the truth. The returns so far as they have gone are frightful, -and a deluge of Radicalism and violence will burst out in the House -of Commons. There will be a Radical majority prepared to support Lord -Palmerston and to keep him in power, but on the condition of his doing -their bidding, and consenting to their demands, nor will he be able to -help himself. He will no doubt try to do as little as possible, but -there will be no strong Conservative party to which he can appeal from -and against his own Radical supporters; the Conservatives will be too -weak to help him, and probably will not be inclined to help him out of -his difficulty if they could. At his age his only object will be to -grasp power while he lives. _Après moi le déluge_ will be his motto, -and my expectation is that he will never consent to sacrifice power -from scruples or upon principles, and will consent to anything that may -be necessary rather than allow himself to be outbid and to see power -torn from his hands. The prospect seems to me tremendous. The cry of -Palmerston, and nothing but Palmerston, has done very well to go to the -hustings on, but having accomplished its purpose, other cries much more -serious will soon take its place, and we shall see, as the Prince said, -Constitutional Government on its trial with a vengeance. - - -_March 31st._--The elections continue to be unfavourable to the -Conservatives, but the people at Brooks's, and the Government -generally, are too sanguine when they call everything gain to them -where a Conservative is replaced by a Liberal, for in many cases the -so-called Liberal is a violent Radical, very likely to give much more -trouble to the Government than the Conservative who was turned out. The -gains to Government up to this time (and the borough elections are all -over) are calculated at 20, making a difference of 40 votes; but the -Conservatives do not admit this, and will make other calculations with -different results. - -[Sidenote: TRIUMPH OF LORD PALMERSTON.] - -There is no denying the fact, however, that a strong sense has been -evinced of partiality for Palmerston and resentment against the China -vote. The news of the Emperor of China having ordered Yeo to make -peace on any terms comes very opportunely, but nothing can be so -absurd as the pretence that by so doing the Emperor himself condemns -his Viceroy and justifies our conduct at Canton. It only proves that -His Majesty is very much alarmed, and wishes to heal the breach as -quickly as possible, and on any terms he can. I am bound to say that -many people, not extravagant either, maintain that this promises to -be a very good Parliament, and by no means so dangerous as my fears -have pictured it to myself; still I cannot look upon it as a safe and -innocent Parliament. Cardwell's defeat at Oxford proves how low the -Peelites are. Frederic Peel's loss of his seat is a great inconvenience -to the Government, and one does not see how it is to be repaired, for -it is almost impossible in these days to treat any place (if one can be -found) as a nomination borough, turn the sitting member out, and put -him in instead. The serious part of it is that he has to move the Army -Estimates, and nobody else can do it now. - -Old Lady Keith is dead, at some prodigious age. She was the 'Queeny' -of Dr. Johnson, Mrs. Hale's daughter, and was the last surviving link -between those times and our own, and probably the only person surviving -who could remember Johnson himself and his remarkable contemporaries, -or who had lived in intimacy with them. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -Results of the Elections--Defeat of Cobden and Bright--The War with -China--Death of Lady Ashburton--Lord Palmerston's Success--The Handel -Concerts--M. Fould in London--The Queen and Lord Palmerston--The -Indian Mutiny--The Prince Consort--Death of General Anson--The State -of India--Royal Guests--The Government of India--Temper of the House -of Commons--Debates on India--Royal Visits--The Divorce Bill--The -Divorce Bill in the House of Lords--Close of the Session--A Dukedom -offered to Lord Lansdowne--Death of Mr. Croker--History of the Life -Peerages--The Indian Mutiny and the Russian War--The Struggle in -India--Reinforcements for India--The Queen's Attention to Public -Business--Attacks on Lord Canning--Big Ships and Big Bells--Lord -Canning defended--Courteous Behaviour of Foreign Nations--The Capture -of Delhi and Lucknow--Difficulties in India--Depression in the -City--Speculations on the Contingency of a Change of Government--The -East India Company and the Government--Exaggerated Reports from -India--A Queen's Speech--The Bank Charter Act. - - -_April 4th, 1857._--The elections are drawing to a close. It is strange -that what ought to be a matter of fact is made matter of opinion, for -while the Whigs of Brooks's and the Liberals generally claim an immense -gain, the Conservatives and the Carlton Club and their organs only -admit an inconsiderable loss. There can be no doubt, however, that -a great many Conservatives have lost their seats, and a great many -Radicals and Palmerstonians have been elected. At Brooks's they insist -that it will be a very good Parliament, and they are throwing their -caps up at the Government successes; but it seems to me that they are -reckoning somewhat rashly, and counting as gains to the Government -many men who will be found more troublesome and unmanageable than the -moderate men over whose defeats they are exulting. But as to gains -and losses, and all calculations, I agree with the late Speaker, -Lord Eversley, who said to me the other day that nothing could be so -fallacious as all such calculations, and that it is impossible to know -the result till Parliament meets, and it is seen how the new members -group themselves. The most striking and remarkable feature of this -election is the complete rout of the Peelites and of the Manchester -men, the Old Leaguers. For a long time past it has been absurd to talk -of the Peelites as a Party. There were not a dozen men in the House -of Commons who could by any possibility be so designated, and in fact -only a few formerly members of Sir Robert Peel's Government or of -Lord Aberdeen's, who still kept together, and were called Peelites, -because they would not be either Whigs or Tories or Radicals. Now the -designation must fall to the ground. Half these men have lost their -seats; of the rest, some repudiate the association and announce their -independence; some join, or are ready to join, Derby and the Tories; -others openly declare their adhesion to Palmerston; and thus in one way -or another there are no _Peelites_ left. - -[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF COBDEN AND BRIGHT.] - -The fate of Bright, Cobden, and Co. exhibits a curious example of the -fleeting and worthless nature of popular favour. They who were once -the idols of millions, and not without cause, have not only lost all -their popularity, but are objects of execration, and can nowhere find -a parliamentary resting place. No constituency will hear of them. The -great towns of Lancashire prefer any mediocrities to Bright and Cobden. -It seems that they had already ceased to be popular, when they made -themselves enormously unpopular, and excited great resentment, by their -opposition to the Russian War, the rage for which was not less intense -in Manchester and all the manufacturing district than in the rest of -the kingdom. This great crime, as it appeared in the eyes of their -constituents, was never pardoned, and their punishment was probably -determined while the war was still going on. As the favour of Cobden -fell, so that of Palmerston rose, and his visit to Manchester a few -months ago raised the favour to a pitch of enthusiasm. When Cobden -therefore originated the China motion, he no doubt gave great offence, -and he sealed his own condemnation. Bright has been long abroad, and -has done nothing lately that any one could take umbrage at, but his -opposition to the war has not been forgotten or forgiven, and when -Cobden appeared at Manchester as his representative, and made a very -able speech in his behalf, it is highly probable that his advocacy was -in itself fatal to his re-election. It seems quite clear that another -man, Sir Elkanah Armytage, lost his election at Salford solely because -he was strongly supported and recommended by Cobden. - - -_May 1st._--Parliament met yesterday, the last (Irish) election -having ended only a few days before. Denison's election as Speaker -went off very quietly. The prevailing opinion now seems to be that -this will prove a good Parliament, on the whole safe and moderate, -and an improvement on the last. All the news we get from China, or -in reference to Chinese affairs, only proves the more strongly how -foolish and mischievous the conduct of Bowring was, and what a sound -and correct judgement the vote of the House of Commons expressed upon -it. It is impossible to conjecture what the result of the war now -began will be, but is quite certain that we shall have to wade to our -ends through all sorts of horrors and atrocities, which it does not -become us to inflict, though the Chinese are a savage, stupid, and -uninteresting people, who in some degree deserve the sufferings that -will be inflicted on them, though perhaps not at our hands. - -George Anson[1] writes to me from India that there is a strange feeling -of discontent pervading the Indian Army from religious causes, and a -suspicion that we are going to employ our irresistible power in forcing -Christianity upon them. It is not true, but the natives will never -be quite convinced that it is not, as long as Exeter Hall and the -missionaries are permitted to have _carte blanche_ and work their will -as they please in those regions. - -Footnote 1: [General Anson was at this time Commander-in-Chief in -India. He died there shortly after the outbreak of the great military -revolt, of which the letter mentioned in the text was the first -premonitory indication.] - - -[Sidenote: DEATH OF LADY ASHBURTON.] - -_May 10th._--I passed the last week at Wynnstay for Chester races; -a very fine place. The events that have occurred in the course of -the last ten days are the opening of the Manchester Exhibition, very -successfully; the first proceedings of the new Parliament, which -promise a quiet session and a peaceful reign to Palmerston, who has -put the House in good humour by promising a Reform Bill next year; the -death of the Duchess of Gloster, and, what interests the world still -more, the death of Lady Ashburton.[1] Milnes has written a short, but -very fair and appropriate notice of her for the 'Times' newspaper, -which of course was intended as a eulogy, and not as a _character_, -with the bad as well as the good that could be said of her. Lady -Ashburton was perhaps, on the whole, the most conspicuous woman in -the society of the present day. She was undoubtedly very intelligent, -with much quickness and vivacity in conversation, and by dint of a -good deal of desultory reading and social intercourse with men more or -less distinguished, she had improved her mind, and made herself a very -agreeable woman, and had acquired no small reputation for ability and -wit. It is never difficult for a woman in a great position and with -some talent for conversation to attract a large society around her, and -to have a number of admirers and devoted _habitués_. Lady Ashburton -laid herself out for this, and while she exercised hospitality on -a great scale, she was more of a _précieuse_ than any woman I have -known. She was, or affected to be, extremely intimate with many men -whose literary celebrity or talents constituted their only attraction, -and while they were gratified by the attentions of the great lady, -her vanity was flattered by the homage of such men, of whom Carlyle -was the principal. It is only justice to her to say that she treated -her literary friends with constant kindness and the most unselfish -attentions. They, their wives and children (when they had any), were -received at her house in the country, and entertained there for weeks -without any airs of patronage, and with a spirit of genuine benevolence -as well as hospitality. She was in her youth tall and commanding in -person, but without any pretension to good looks; still she was not -altogether destitute of sentiment and coquetry, or incapable of both -feeling and inspiring a certain amount of passion. The only man with -whom she was ever what could be called _in love_ was Clarendon, and -that feeling was never entirely extinct, and the recollection of it -kept up a sort of undefined relation between them to the end of her -life. Two men were certainly in love with her, both distinguished in -different ways. One was John Mill, who was sentimentally attached to -her, and for a long time was devoted to her society. She was pleased -and flattered by his devotion, but as she did not in the slightest -degree return his passion, though she admired his abilities, he at last -came to resent her indifference, and ended by estranging himself from -her entirely, and proved the strength of his feeling by his obstinate -refusal to continue even his acquaintance with her. Her other admirer -was Charles Buller, with whom she was extremely intimate, but without -ever reciprocating his love. Curiously enough, they were very like -each other in person, as well as in their mental accomplishments. They -had both the same spirits and cleverness in conversation, and the same -quickness and drollery in repartee. I remember Allen well describing -them, when he said that their talk was like that in the polite -conversation between Never Out and Miss Notable. Her faults appeared -to be caprice and a disposition to quarrels and _tracasseries_ about -nothing, which, however common amongst ordinary women, were unworthy -of her superior understanding. But during her last illness all that -was bad and hard in her nature seemed to be improved and softened, -and she became full of charity, good-will, and the milk of human -kindness. Her brother and her sister-in-law, who, forgetting former -estrangements, hastened to her sickbed, were received by her with -overflowing tenderness, and all selfish and unamiable feelings seemed -to be entirely subdued within her. Had she recovered she would probably -have lived a better and a happier woman, and as it is she has died -in charity with all the world, and has left behind her corresponding -sentiments of affection and regret for her memory. I was once very -intimate with her, but for a long time past our intimacy had dwindled -into ordinary acquaintance. - -Footnote 1: [Harriet Mary, eldest daughter of the sixth Earl of -Sandwich, was married in 1828 to William Bingham Baring, afterwards -second Baron Ashburton. One son, the only issue of this marriage, died -in infancy. Lady Ashburton was distinguished for her wit, her social -qualities, and her hospitality, which made Bath House and the Grange -the centres of a brilliant literary society, well known by the records -of it in the Life of Mr. Carlyle and the Autobiography of Sir Henry -Taylor.] - - -_June 3rd._--There is really nothing to write about, but it is evident -that the session is going to pass away in the most quiet and uneventful -manner. Never had Minister such a peaceful and undisturbed reign as -Palmerston's. There is something almost alarming in his prodigious -felicity and success. Everything prospers with him. In the House of -Commons there is scarcely a semblance of opposition to anything he -proposes; a speech or two here and there from Roebuck, or some stray -Radical, against some part of the Princess Royal's dowry, but hardly -any attempt at divisions; and when there have been any, the minorities -have been so ridiculously small as to show the hopelessness of -opposition. The only men who might be formidable or troublesome seem -to have adopted the prudent course of not kicking against the pricks. -John Russell evinces no hostility, and accepts Hayter's letters. -Gladstone hardly ever goes near the House of Commons, and never opens -his lips. There seems to be a disposition in both Houses to work and -bring legislative reforms to a conclusion. The House of Lords has been -very busy with the Divorce Bill, and there has been a good deal of -vigorous debating, particularly among Lyndhurst, the Bishops of Oxford -and London, and Campbell and Wensleydale, who hate each other, and have -interchanged blows. - - -[Sidenote: THE HANDEL CONCERTS.] - -_June 20th._--All this past week the world has been occupied with -the Handel Concerts at the Crystal Palace, which went off with the -greatest success and _éclat_. I went to the first ('Messiah'), and the -last ('Israel in Egypt'); they were amazingly grand, and the beauty of -the _locale_, with the vast crowds assembled in it, made an imposing -spectacle. The arrangements were perfect, and nothing could be easier -than the access and egress, or more comfortable than the accommodation. -But the wonderful assembly of 2,000 vocal and 500 instrumental -performers did not produce musical effect so agreeable and so perfect -as the smaller number in the smaller space of Exeter Hall. The volume -of sound was dispersed and lost in the prodigious space, and fine as it -undoubtedly was, I much prefer the concerts of the Harmonic Society. - -Fould[1] came over from Paris the other day for the purpose of going to -see the Manchester Exhibition. He was received with great distinction. -The Queen invited him to Windsor for Ascot, and Granville gave him a -breakfast here to meet the financial notabilities whom he wanted to -talk to. We had the Chancellor of the Exchequer and an ex-Chancellor -(C. Wood), the Governor of the Bank, and the ex-Governor of the Bank, -_cum multis aliis_. He said that their financial affairs in France were -in a very healthy state, which is contrary to the general impression -here. - -[Sidenote: THE QUEEN AND LORD PALMERSTON.] - -I met Clarendon in the Park a day or two ago, and had some talk with -him in the friendly and intimate tone of former times, which rejoiced -my heart, because it proved that though circumstances and accidental -habits had impeded our intercourse, there exist still the same feelings -of regard towards me in his mind, and if our intercourse was restored -again, he would probably fall into the same habit of confidence and -communication which formerly existed, but which has lately been -completely interrupted. He talked of Palmerston, his position and -his health, and his _rapports_ with the Queen, who is now entirely -reconciled to him. She treats him with unreserved confidence, and he -treats her with a deference and attention which have produced a very -favourable change in her sentiments towards him. Clarendon told me that -Palmerston had lately been ailing in a way to cause some uneasiness. He -had had a bad leg with a sore that it had been found difficult to heal, -but he appears to have got over it. This might have been very serious. -Clarendon talked one day to the Queen about Palmerston's health, -concerning which she expressed her anxiety, when Clarendon said she -might indeed be anxious, for it was of the greatest importance to her, -and if anything happened to him he did not know where she could look -for a successor to him, that she had often expressed her great desire -to have a _strong_ Government, and that she had now got one, Palmerston -being a really strong Minister. She admitted the truth of it. Clarendon -said he was always very earnest with her to bestow her whole confidence -on Palmerston, and not even to talk to others on any subjects which -properly belonged to him, and he had more than once (when, according to -her custom, she began to talk to him on certain things) said to her, -'Madam, that concerns Lord Palmerston, and I think your Majesty had -better reserve it for your communications with him.' He referred to -the wonderful change in his own relations with Palmerston, that seven -or eight years ago Palmerston was full of hatred and suspicion of him, -and now they were the best of friends, with mutual confidence and good -will, and lately when he was talking to Palmerston of the satisfactory -state of his relations with the Queen and of the utility it was to his -Government that it should be so, Palmerston said, 'And it is likewise a -very good thing that she has such boundless confidence in her Secretary -for Foreign Affairs, when after all there is nothing she cares about so -much.' - -Footnote 1: [M. Achille Fould, who had made a large fortune as a banker -in Paris, was one of the ablest and most honourable of the Ministers of -Napoleon III. He was much attached to this country, where he had many -friends, and he encouraged the Emperor in that Free Trade policy which -led to the Commercial Treaty of 1860, and strengthened the ties between -England and France.] - - -_June 28th._--I went last Saturday week to Strawberry Hill.[1] A large -party of people, the Persignys, the Speaker and Lady Charlotte, etc.; -it is an enjoyable villa, with its vast expanse of grass, profusion -of flowers, and fine trees affording ample shade. Horace Walpole's -ridiculous house is unaltered, but furbished up and made comfortable. I -regret to hear that Denison does not make a very good Speaker, and that -the Government think they made a mistake in putting him into the Chair. -It was Palmerston's doing, who would hear of nobody else. There are -several men among the Opposition who would probably have been fitter, -but with the great majority the Government have they were in a manner -compelled to take a man from their own party. Denison says it is owing -to the laxity of Palmerston himself if things do not go on so well as -they might in the House of Commons. - -At Hatchford the past week, and when I got to town I was apprised of -the disastrous news from India,[2] the most serious occurrence that has -ever been in that quarter, not only from the magnitude of the events -themselves as the telegraph conveys them, but because it is quite -impossible to estimate the gravity of the case, nor what the extent of -it may be. Till we receive the details it is idle to speculate upon it. - -The Queen has made Prince Albert 'Prince Consort' by a patent ordered -in Council, but as this act confers on him neither title, dignity, -nor privileges, I cannot see the use of it. He was already as high in -England as he can be, assuming the Crown Matrimonial to be out of the -question, and it will give him no higher rank abroad, where our acts -have no validity. - -Footnote 1: [Strawberry Hill was the residence of the Countess of -Waldegrave, to whom it had passed on the death of her second husband, -the Earl of Waldegrave. It was then, and continued to be until her -death in 1879, the most hospitable villa in the neighbourhood, and -the constant resort of all that was distinguished in politics and in -letters.] - -Footnote 2: [The Indian mutiny broke out at Meerut on Sunday, 10th May, -but the details were not known in England till nearly six weeks later. -General Anson died at Kurnaul on the 27th May.] - - -[Sidenote: THE MUTINY IN INDIA.] - -_July 15th._--For the last three weeks or more all public interest -and curiosity have been absorbed in the affairs of India and the -great Mutiny that has broken out there, and which has now assumed -such an alarming character. I had intended to take some notice of -this, and of other matters which time and the hour have brought forth; -but, according to my bad custom, I kept putting it off, till at last -all other things were driven out of my mind by the news which so -unexpectedly reached us on Saturday last of the death of George Anson -from a sudden attack of cholera. He was the oldest and most intimate -friend I had, and almost the last surviving associate of my youth. I -reserve for another moment to say a word or two of a man who, without -great abilities or a great career, was too conspicuous a member of -society to be passed over without some notice. - -The alarm created here by the Indian news is very great, and -Ellenborough (reckoned a great authority on Indian matters) does his -best to increase it. The serious part of it is that no one can tell -or venture to predict what the extent of the calamity may be, and -what proportions the mischief may possibly assume. It is certain that -hitherto the Government and the East India Company have been in what -is called a fool's paradise on the subject. They have been so long -accustomed to consider our Empire there as established on so solid a -foundation, and so entirely out of the reach of danger, that they never -have paid any attention to those who hinted at possible perils, and I -don't think anybody ever foresaw anything like what has occurred, and -they were disinclined to adopt any of the precautionary recommendations -which would have been attended with expense, and the Press, and the -public who are always led by the Press, took the same easy view of -the subject. While the Russian War was going on a clamour was raised -against Government for not calling away _all_ the British troops in -India and sending them to the Crimea, and those who went mad about the -Crimean War would willingly have left India without a single European -regiment, and have entrusted all our interests to the fidelity and -attachment of the Native army. Though our Government was willing enough -to enter into anything that the passion of the multitude suggested, -they were not so insane as all that; but as it is, we may consider -it most providential that the mutiny did not show itself during the -Russian, or indeed during the Persian war. If it had happened while we -were still fighting in the Crimea, we could not have sent out the force -that would have been indispensable to save India. At the present moment -the interest of the public is not greater than its apprehensions and -alarm. Rumours of every sort are rife, generally of the most disastrous -kind, and though the mails only come at a fortnight's interval, and it -is physically impossible that any intelligence should reach us during -those intervals, the public curiosity is fed and excited by continual -rumours, which generally circulate stories of fresh disasters and -dangers. There is a disposition in some quarters to make if possible -poor Anson the scapegoat, and, now that he is dead and cannot defend -himself, to attribute to him and to his misconduct or _laches_ the -misfortunes that have befallen us. I know not what he may have written -home to the civil and military authorities; but, if I may judge by the -tenor of his correspondence with me, I should infer that he has warned -the Government against leaving India without adequate protection, -and constantly urged the expediency of sending out fresh troops. I -have long expected that the day would come when we should find reason -for regretting our expansive policy and our going on with continual -conquests and annexations. - -We are overrun with Royalties present and prospective. Besides our -Princess Royal's bridegroom, there are here the King of the Belgians' -son and daughter, Prince Napoleon, the Queen of the Netherlands, and -the Montpensiers _as Spanish Princes_, in which capacity Persigny -has had to pay his court to them, and they have had to receive the -Ambassador of Louis Napoleon. - - -_July 19th._--Although it is impossible that any fresh accounts should -have come from India, reports are rife of fresh insurrections and of -all sorts of evils. Amidst all the bad news from India the good fortune -is that so many of the Native troops, and not only the military, but -the whole population of the Punjaub, have shown so much fidelity and -attachment to the British Government. It is the strongest testimony -to the wisdom and justice of our rule, and of the capacity of the -natives to appreciate the benefits they derive from it, for beyond all -question the introduction of European civilisation into the East, and -the substitution of such a government as that of England for the cruel, -rapacious, and capricious dominion of Oriental chiefs and dynasties, is -the greatest boon that the people could have had conferred upon them. -Our administration may not have been faultless, and in some instances -it may have been oppressive, and it may have often offended against the -habits and prejudices of the natives, but it is certainly very superior -in every respect, and infinitely more beneficent than any rule, either -of Hindoos or Mahometans, that has ever been known in India. However, -people much more civilized and more sagacious than the Indians do -not always know what is best for them, or most likely to promote -their happiness, so it will not be surprising if these disorders -should continue to increase, supposing the means of immediately and -effectually suppressing them should be found wanting. - -[Sidenote: TEMPER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS] - -For the last week the House of Commons has presented a more animated -appearance than during the preceding months of this dull and passive -session. Gladstone has reappeared and proved that his oratorical powers -have not been rusted by his retirement, and John Russell has come forth -showing his teeth, but not yet attempting to bite the Government. -Palmerston, evidently nettled by these two, as well as by Roebuck and -Disraeli, has spoken with considerable asperity, and with an insolent -air of superiority and defiance, which has hitherto not been usual to -him, and which has given no little offence. There are evident symptoms -of an approaching cessation of that humble and deferential submission -to his will which has hitherto distinguished his servile majority, and -though it is not clear in what way they will assert their independence, -those who watch the symptoms think that he will not find the same -passive disposition in the next session, and if anything should go -seriously wrong there would be open and general rebellion. Up to the -present time, however, there is nothing to be seen but a certain amount -of restlessness and a disposition to find fault, and the Government -seem still to command the same enormous majorities, and Palmerston to -be as powerful as ever, if he is not quite so popular. A violent effort -is made by a number of Liberals in the House of Commons to renew the -contest with the House of Lords for the admission of the Jews (the -newspapers contain all the details of this attempt), which cannot be -pursued without mischievous results, and will fail in its object. - - -_August 2nd._--The Civil War in India, for such it may be called, -supersedes every other object of interest, and the successive mails are -looked for with the utmost impatience. The Government, though anxious -and nervous, are not disheartened, and as far as we can judge the -authorities in India have not been deficient in the emergency. Canning -writes in good spirits, and all accounts agree in reporting that he -has done his work hitherto very well. The discussions in Parliament -have been on the whole creditable. Disraeli came down to the House of -Commons with a long set oration, in which he entered at great length -into the causes of the present confusion, and the misgovernment and -bad policy which had engendered it, and although his speech was able, -and probably contained a great deal that was true, it was deemed (as -it was) mischievous and ill-timed, and very ill received by the House. -He was rebuked with some asperity by Tom Baring, his own political -adherent, and by Lord John Russell, who declared it to be the duty of -the House to give every support to the Government in such a crisis. In -the House of Lords Ellenborough was as mischievous and ill-disposed -as Disraeli in the Commons, and was no better received. Granville -administered to him a severe lecture, by no means ill done, and the -House of Lords went with Granville. - -[Sidenote: THE PRINCE CONSORT.] - -Last week was passed at Goodwood, with fine weather, and the usual -_fête_ with the unusual accompaniment of foreign Royalties. First the -Comte de Paris for a night, and then the Queen of the Netherlands for -two. The young French Prince is good-humoured and unpretending, the -Queen is very gay, natural, and pleasing. I renewed an acquaintance I -had made with her at Ems many years ago. It is a new feature in the -present day the flitting about of Royal personages. Besides these I -have named, the Prince Napoleon has been finishing a tour through -England and part of Ireland by a visit to Osborne, and the Emperor and -Empress are coming to Osborne for a week. Prince Albert has been to -Brussels for the marriage of the Princess Charlotte, where he seems to -have made his first experiment of the effect to be obtained from his -newly-acquired title of 'Prince Consort of England,' as I see that he -signed the marriage contract immediately after the Queen Marie Amélie, -and before an Austrian Archduke who was present. - - -_August 12th._--I was at Stoke on Saturday and Sunday, and went over -to see Bulstrode; surprised to find the place less _délabré_, and more -capable of being restored than I expected. I passed the first fifteen -years of my life there, and don't know whether the place or myself is -the most changed. To feed our curiosity during the intervals between -the Indian mails, the newspapers, the 'Times' especially, collect all -the letters they can obtain, and publish them day by day. We have -had a success in China, but I always tremble for the consequences -of our successes there, lest we should be seduced or compelled into -making permanent settlements and further extensions of our Empire in -the East. Parliament is approaching its close, and the Government -ends the session with unimpaired strength, but depending entirely on -Palmerston's life, for there is nobody else capable of leading the -House of Commons. There are growing symptoms of independence on the -part of the House in the shape of adverse votes every now and then, -principally on matters of estimates. - - -_August 20th._--I have read over the few preceding pages, and am -disgusted to find how barren they are of interest and how little worth -preserving. They show how entirely my social relations have ceased with -all those friends and acquaintances from whom I have been in the habit -of drawing the information which the earlier parts of this journal -contain, and consequently my total ignorance of all political subjects. -There was a time when I should have had a great deal to say upon -passing events of interest or importance, but all that is gone by. - -The visit of the Emperor Napoleon at Osborne seems to have been spent -in discussing the affairs of the Principalities and patching up the -quarrels of the Ambassadors at Constantinople. As far as outward -appearances go we do not appear to have played a very brilliant part, -and the Opposition papers think they have got a good case on which to -twit Palmerston, but as I do not know what has really taken place, I -abstain from expressing any opinion upon the conduct of our Government. - -The session of Parliament has been prolonged beyond all expectation -by the vehement and acrimonious debates upon the Divorce Bill in the -House of Commons, which has been very ably and vigorously fought by -Bethell on one side _cum quibusdam aliis_, and Gladstone, Walpole, and -Heathcote on the other. The Opposition hoped by constant obstructions -to wear out the patience of Palmerston and to get the Bill put off till -next session. Palmerston, however, was firmly resolved not to submit -to this, and when they found that he was so determined, they contented -themselves with insisting upon certain amendments, which Palmerston -thought it prudent to consent to, and the spirit of compromise and -concession which the Government have lately evinced has softened in -some degree the asperity of the debates, and at last enabled the -Government to carry the Bill. Bethell, who has fought the battle with -great ability, is not a little disgusted at the concessions to which he -has been forced to consent, and has done so with a solemn protest and -warning with regard to the exemption clause for the clergy, which the -Government have very reluctantly consented to, but on which Granville -assures me they had no option, and that if they had refused to give way -they would have infallibly been beaten upon it. I dined at Richmond -with Lord Lansdowne yesterday, to meet the Duchess of Orleans and -the Comte de Paris. I had never seen her before. She is plain, but -pleasing, and with very good manners. - - -_August 21st._--The Divorce Bill having passed the House of Commons, -went up to the House of Lords yesterday, when Lord Redesdale attempted -to strangle it by a dodge, which he was obliged to give up in -consequence of the vigorous attacks made upon him by the Ministerial -side, who were supported even by St. Leonards, and particularly by an -indignant and effective speech, made by Lord Lansdowne, who, in spite -of weakness and gout, from which, he was actually suffering, spoke -with extraordinary spirit. If Redesdale had persisted, and gone to -a division, the Government would probably have been beaten, and the -labour of half the session would have been thrown away. As it is, there -is to be a fight on Monday next, the result of which depends on which -side can get the greatest number to come up from the country to vote. - - -[Sidenote: CLOSE OF THE SESSION.] - -_September 6th._--Went to Worsley on Thursday last, in order to go -from thence to see the Manchester Exhibition, which is very pretty, -but appears diminutive after the London and Sydenham Exhibitions. Its -principal attraction is in the excellent collection of pictures; it -will be a failure in a pecuniary point of view, but there are plenty of -rich people in Manchester able and willing to bear the expenses. The -session closed very quietly, though not without some grumbling. Some -complained that Parliament should not continue to sit while the Indian -troubles are going on with undiminished force, others that the Queen -should go to Scotland; but the Government have brought their labours -to a close very prosperously, and Palmerston continues as powerful and -as secure as ever. There is no longer the same enthusiasm there was -for him, but there is a universal impression that he is indispensable, -and on the whole a feeling of satisfaction and confidence in his -administration. Even I myself am compelled in candour to acknowledge -that he does at least as well as anybody else would be likely to do, -and no complaints can justly be made against the Government of any -supineness in sending out adequate reinforcements to India. Lewis -told me, just as Parliament was prorogued, that they were thoroughly -impressed with the gravity of the case, and conscious of the danger, -and that they were going to send out every man they could muster here -or in the Colonies, and they have already despatched troops in great -numbers with remarkable celerity. - -They have made some Peers, of whom the most conspicuous is Macaulay, -and I have not seen or heard any complaints of his elevation. Lord -Lansdowne has declined the offered Dukedom, which I rather regret, -for such a public recognition of his character and services during a -long life would have been graceful and becoming, and the report of -it elicited from all quarters expressions of satisfaction at such an -honour having been so worthily conferred. - -While Macaulay is thus ascending to the House of Peers, his old enemy -and rival Croker has descended to the grave, very noiselessly and -almost without observation, for he had been for some time so withdrawn -from the world that he was nearly forgotten. He had lived to see -all his predictions of ruin and disaster to the country completely -falsified. He continued till the last year or two to exhale his -bitterness and spite in the columns of the 'Quarterly Review,' but at -last the Editor (who had long been sick of his contributions) contrived -to get rid of him. I never lived in any intimacy with him, and seldom -met him in society, but he certainly occupied a high place among -the second-rate men of his time; he had very considerable talents, -great industry, with much information and a retentive memory. He -spoke in Parliament with considerable force, and in society his long -acquaintance with the world and with public affairs, and his stores of -general knowledge made him entertaining, though he was too overbearing -to be agreeable. He was particularly disliked by Macaulay, who never -lost an opportunity of venting his antipathy by attacks upon him. - - -[Sidenote: HISTORY OF THE LIFE PEERAGES.] - -_Holwood, September 10th._--I came here on Tuesday on a visit to the -Chancellor.[1] This beautiful place formerly belonged to Mr. Pitt, -and abounds in local recollections of the great Minister in the shape -of 'Pitt's Oak,' 'Pitt's Well,' &c. It is close to Hayes, where his -father, the great Lord Chatham, lived and died. Nobody is here but -Pemberton Leigh. - -I asked the Chancellor what was the real history of the Life Peerage -last year, and he told me that it originated in his finding great -inconvenience from himself and Lord St. Leonards frequently sitting -together in the House of Lords without any third, and as St. Leonards -invariably opposed his view of every case great injustice was often -done to suitors, and he urged on Palmerston the expediency of giving -them some assistance. Palmerston said it would be a good opportunity -for making some Life Peers. Wensleydale was willing to retire from the -Bench and to accept a Life Peerage, so it was determined to create him -a Peer for life only, and they did this without the slightest idea -that any objection would be made in any quarter. He owned that he -regretted this design had not been abandoned at once when the storm -of opposition began. I told him that I had no doubt there would have -been no opposition if he had imparted the intentions of Government to -some of the Law Lords, and obtained their acquiescence, for Lyndhurst -would certainly not have objected, having himself told me that he meant -to comply with Parke's request to him to introduce him to the House -of Lords. The Chancellor said this was very likely true, but that he -had never liked the attempt to force it through the House of Lords. He -thought the opposition had originated with Campbell, who had probably -forgotten that he had recorded his own opinion, in his 'Lives of the -Chancellors,' that Life Peerages would be advisable in certain cases. - -Footnote 1: [Lord Cranworth at this time occupied Holwood as a summer -residence.] - - -_September 22nd._--I am just returned from Doncaster, Bretby, and -Wilby. The Indian mail arrived on Monday last, just as I was starting -for Doncaster. The news it brought at first appeared rather good, but -when it all came out it seemed so chequered with good and evil, that it -produced great despondency. Still it is a curious circumstance (which -I have heard no one else remark) that, with all the deep interest -universally felt on account of this Sepoy war, not only as it regards -our national interests, but out of feeling and sympathy for the vast -numbers of our countrymen and women exposed to its horrors and dangers, -it does not produce the same degree of enthusiasm as the Crimean War -did, in which we had no real interest concerned, and which was only a -gigantic folly on our part. People are very anxious about this war, and -earnestly desire that the mutiny may be put down and punished, but they -regard the war itself with aversion and horror, whereas they positively -took pleasure in the war against Russia, and were ready to spend -their last guinea in carrying it on. A subscription has been set on -foot, but although there never was an occasion on which it might have -been expected that vast sums would be subscribed, the contributions -have been comparatively small in amount, and it seems probable that a -much less sum will be produced for the relief of the Indian sufferers -than the Patriotic Fund or any of the various subscriptions made for -purposes connected with the Crimean War. I was so struck with the -backwardness of the Government in rewarding General Havelock for his -brilliant exploits, that I wrote to George Lewis and urged him to press -his colleagues to confer some honour upon him and promote him. - -I am on the point of starting for Balmoral, summoned for a Council to -order _a day of humiliation_. - - -[Sidenote: VISIT TO SCOTLAND.] - -_Gordon Castle, September 27th._--I left town on Tuesday afternoon, and -slept that night at York, on Wednesday at Perth, and on Thursday posted -to Balmoral, where I arrived between two and three o'clock. Granville, -Panmure, and Ben Stanley formed the Council. Granville told me the -Queen wished that the day appointed should be a Sunday, but Palmerston -said it must be on a weekday, and very reluctantly she gave way. What -made the whole thing more ridiculous was, that she gave a ball (to the -gillies and tenants) the night before this Council. The outside of -the new house at Balmoral, in the Scotch and French style, is pretty -enough, but the inside has but few rooms, and those very small, not -uncomfortable, and very simply decorated; the place and environs are -pretty. In the afternoon I drove over to Invercauld with Phipps. On -Friday morning came on here, by post, by rail, and by mail. Without any -beauty, this is rather a fine place, and the house very comfortable. - - -_September 28th._--Went to Elgin to see the fine old ruin of the -Cathedral, which is very grand, and must have been magnificent. It -was built in the beginning of the thirteenth century, burnt down, and -rebuilt in the fourteenth. I see they have done all I wanted to have -done for General Havelock. He has got a good service pension, is made -Major-General and K.C.B. - - -_Dunrobin Castle, October 2nd._--I came here from Gordon Castle on -Wednesday, by sea from Burghead to the Little Ferry, a very tiresome -way of travelling, the delays being detestable. Have long been -most desirous of seeing this place, which has quite equalled my -expectations, for it is a most princely possession, and the Castle -exceedingly beautiful and moreover very comfortable. I start for London -to-morrow morning with a long journey before me. - -The Indian news of this week as bad and promises as ill as well can be, -and I expect worse each mail that comes. We are justly punished for -our ambition and encroaching spirit, but it must be owned we struggle -gallantly for what we have perhaps unjustly acquired. Europe behaves -well to us, for though we have made ourselves universally odious by -our insolence and our domination, and our long habit of bullying all -the world, nobody triumphs over us in the hour of our distress, and -even Russia, who has no cause to feel anything but ill will towards -us, evinces her regret and sympathy in courteous terms. Whatever the -result of this contest may be, it will certainly absorb all our efforts -and occupy our full strength and power so that we shall not be able to -take any active or influential part in European affairs for some time -to come. The rest of the Great Powers will have it in their power to -settle everything as seems meet to them, without troubling themselves -about us and our opinions. For the present we are reduced to the -condition of an insignificant Power. It is certain that if this mutiny -had taken place two years earlier, we could not have engaged at all in -the Russian War. - - -_London, October 6th._--I left Dunrobin after breakfast on Saturday -morning, 3rd inst., and arrived in London on Monday (yesterday) at 11 -A.M. My journey was after this wise: We (i.e. Mr. Marshall of the Life -Guards, an aide-de-camp of Lord Carlisle's, who travelled from Dunrobin -with me) got into the mail at Golspie and took our places to Inverness. -At Tain, the first stage, we walked on, leaving the coach to overtake -us. After walking three miles, and no coach coming, we got alarmed, -and on enquiry of the first man we fell in with, found we had come the -wrong way, and that the mail had gone on. We started on our return to -Tain, and falling in with a good Samaritan in the shape of a banker in -that place, who was driving in the opposite direction, he took us up in -his gig, and drove us back to the inn, where we took post, and followed -the mail to Inverness, where we arrived an hour after it. There we -slept, and at five minutes before five on Sunday morning we were in -the mail again, and arrived at Perth at six o'clock, making 117 miles -in thirteen hours. In twenty minutes more we were in the mail train, -and reached Euston Square safe and sound at eleven o'clock, doing the -distance between Perth and London in seventeen and a half hours. I -have seen a vast deal of very beautiful scenery of all sorts, but the -most beautiful of all (and I never saw anything more lovely anywhere) -is the road from Blair Athol to Dunkeld, which includes the pass of -Killiecrankie. - -[Sidenote: REINFORCEMENTS FOR INDIA.] - -I fell in with Granville and Clarendon at Watford, and got into their -carriage. Of course my first enquiries were about India, when they -told me that the general impression was not quite so unfavourable as -that produced by the first telegraphic intelligence. Clarendon said -that if it was possible for Havelock to maintain himself a short time -longer, and that reinforcements arrived in time to save the beleaguered -places, the tide would turn and Delhi would fall; but if he should be -crushed, Agra, Lucknow, and other threatened places would fall with -renewals of the Cawnpore horrors, and in that case the unlimited spread -of the mutiny would be irrepressible, Madras and Bombay would revolt, -all the scattered powers would rise up everywhere, and all would be -lost. We both agreed that the next would probably be decisive accounts -for weal or for woe. I told Granville afterwards that I was glad to -see they had called out more militia, but regretted they had not done -more, when he said that he was inclined to take the same view, from -which it was evident to me that there has been difference of opinion in -the Cabinet as to the extent to which the calling out of the militia -should be carried. I urged him to press on his colleagues a more -extensive measure. It is evident that public opinion will back them up -in gathering together as great a force as possible in this emergency, -regardless of expense, and at all events the course of this Government -is not embarrassed and annoyed as that of another Government was three -years ago in reference to the Crimean War. As a very true article -in a very sensible paper set forth, the difference between then and -now is, that the Government of Palmerston has fair play, while that -of Lord Aberdeen never had it. The Press, and public opinion goaded -and inflamed by the Press, treated the latter with the most flagrant -injustice, while Palmerston and the whole Government, out of regard for -him, are treated with every sort of consideration and confidence. - - -_London, October 19th._--I spent last week at Newmarket; the details of -the last Indian news which arrived there put people in better spirits, -but they were too much occupied with the business of the place to -think much about India. Returned to town on Friday, and went to The -Grove yesterday; had some talk with Clarendon, who said Palmerston was -very offhand in his views of Indian affairs, and had jumped to the -conclusion that the Company must be extinguished. At the Cabinet on -Friday last he said, 'They need not meet again for some time, but they -must begin to think of how to deal with India when the revolt was put -down. Of course everybody must see that the India Company must be got -rid of, and Vernon Smith would draw up a scheme in reference thereto.' -This brief announcement did not meet with any response, and there was -no disposition to come to such rapid and peremptory conclusions, but it -seemed not worth while to raise any discussion about it then. - -Clarendon then talked of the Court, and confirmed what I had heard -before, going into more detail. He said that the manner in which the -Queen in her own name, but with the assistance of the Prince, exercised -her functions, was exceedingly good, and well became her position -and was eminently useful. She held each Minister to the discharge of -his duty and his responsibility to her, and constantly desired to be -furnished with accurate and detailed information about all important -matters, keeping a record of all the reports that were made to her, -and constantly recurring to them, e.g. she would desire to know what -the state of the Navy was, and what ships were in readiness for -active service, and generally the state of each, ordering returns to -be submitted to her from all the arsenals and dockyards, and again -weeks or months afterwards referring to these returns, and desiring to -have everything relating to them explained and accounted for, and so -throughout every department. In this practice Clarendon told me he had -encouraged her strenuously. This is what none of her predecessors ever -did, and it is in fact the act of Prince Albert, who is to all intents -and purposes King, only acting entirely in her name. All his views and -notions are those of a Constitutional Sovereign, and he fulfils the -duties of one, and at the same time makes the Crown an entity, and -discharges the functions which properly belong to the Sovereign. I -told Clarendon that I had been told the Prince had upon many occasions -rendered the most important services to the Government, and had -repeatedly prevented their getting into scrapes of various sorts. He -said it was perfectly true, and that he had written some of the ablest -papers he had ever read. - -Clarendon said he had recently been very much pleased with the Duke -of Cambridge, who had shown a great deal of sense and discretion, -and a very accurate knowledge of the details of his office, and that -he was a much better Commander-in-Chief than Hardinge. He had been -lately summoned to the Cabinet on many occasions, and had given great -satisfaction there. Clarendon talked of Vernon Smith, of whom he has -no elevated opinion, but still thinks him not without merit, and that -at this moment it would not be easy to replace him by some one clearly -better fitted. He takes pains, is rather clever, and did better in the -House of Commons than anybody gave him credit for last session; he -makes himself well informed upon everything about his office, and is -never at a loss to answer any questions that are put to him, and to -answer them satisfactorily. - - -[Sidenote: ATTACKS ON LORD CANNING.] - -_November 2nd._--Gout in my hand has prevented my writing anything, -and adding some trifling particulars to what I have written above. In -the meantime has arrived the news of the capture of Delhi, but though -we have received it now a week ago we are still unacquainted with the -particulars. All the advantages of the electric telegraph are dearly -paid for by the agonies of suspense which are caused by the long -intervals between the arrival of general facts and of their particular -details. It still remains to be seen whether the results of this -success turn out on the whole to be as advantageous as it appears to be -brilliant. The Press goes on attacking Canning with great asperity and -injustice, and nobody here defends him. Though I am not a very intimate -or particular friend of his, I think him so unfairly and ungenerously -treated that I mean to make an effort to get him such redress as -the case admits of, and the only thing which occurs to me is that -Palmerston, as head of the Government, should take the opportunity of -the Lord Mayor's dinner to vindicate him, and assume the responsibility -of his acts. His 'Clemency' proclamation, as it is stupidly and falsely -called, was, I believe, not only proper and expedient, but necessary, -and I expect he will be able to vindicate himself completely from all -the charges which the newspapers have brought against him, but in the -meantime they will have done him all the mischief they can. Amongst -other things Clarendon told me at The Grove, he said, in reference -to Canning's war against the press, that the license of the Indian -press was intolerable, not of the native press only, but the English -in Bengal. Certain papers are conducted there by low, disaffected -people, who publish the most gross, false, and malignant attacks on the -Government, which are translated into the native languages, and read -extensively in the native regiments, and amongst the natives generally, -and that to put down this pest was an absolute necessity. - - -_November 4th._--I have been speaking to Granville about Canning, and -urged him to move Palmerston to stand forth in his defence at the Lord -Mayor's dinner on the 9th. This morning he received a very strong and -pressing letter from Clanricarde, in the same sense in which I had been -urging him, and a very good letter, and this he is going to send to -Palmerston. Clanricarde is struck, as I am, with the fact that nobody -and no newspaper has said a word in Canning's favour, and he sees as I -have done all the damage which has already been done to him by the long -and uncontradicted course of abuse and reproach with which the press -has teemed. - - -_Hatchford, November 8th._--Granville made a speech in defence of -Canning, at a dinner given at the Mansion House to the Duke of -Cambridge. He writes me word it was 'rather uphill work,' and I was -told it was not very well received, but nevertheless it produced -an effect, and it acted as a check upon the 'Times,' which without -retracting (which it never does) has considerably mitigated its -violence. It was the first word that has been said for Canning in -public, and it has evidently been of great use to him. - -The most interesting event during the last few days is the failure of -the attempted launch of the big ship (now called 'Leviathan),' and it -is not a little remarkable that all the _great_ experiments recently -made have proved failures. Besides this one of the ship, there was a -few weeks ago the cracking of the bell (Big Ben) for the Houses of -Parliament, and not long before that the failure of the submarine -telegraph in the attempt to lay it down in the sea. The bell will -probably be replaced without much difficulty, but it is at present -doubtful whether it will be found possible to launch the ship at all, -and whether the telegraphic cable can ever be completed. - - -_November 10th._--Palmerston pronounced a glowing eulogium on Canning -last night at the Lord Mayor's dinner, which will infallibly stop the -current of abuse against him. It has already turned the 'Times.' He -seems to have been induced to do this by the great pressure brought to -bear on him, for otherwise he had no desire to stand forth and oppose -public opinion and the press; but Clarendon, Lansdowne, and others all -urged him strenuously to support Canning, and he did it handsomely -enough. His speech in other respects was an injudicious one, full of -_jactance_ and bow-wow, but well enough calculated to draw cheers from -a miscellaneous audience. - - -[Sidenote: PALMERSTON'S SPEECH AT THE MANSION HOUSE.] - -_November 11th._--I was told yesterday that Palmerston's swaggering -speech would produce a bad effect in France, and those whom I have -spoken to agree in thinking it very ill-timed and in very bad taste. -It is the more objectionable because he might have said something -very different that would have been very becoming and true. He might -have observed upon the remarkable good taste and forbearance which -had been so conspicuous in all foreign nations towards us, even those -who may be supposed to be least friendly to us, or those whom we have -most outraged by our violent and insulting language or conduct. It is -at once creditable to other countries and honourable to us that no -disposition has been shown in any quarter to act differently towards -us, or to avail themselves of what they may suppose to be our weakness -and difficulty; but, on the contrary, the same consideration and -deference has been shown to us as if there had been no Indian outbreak -to absorb our resources. Our position in Europe is not only as high as -ever, but no one shows any disposition to degrade or diminish it; and -while this is a gratifying homage to us and a flattering recognition -of our power, it is, or at least ought to be, calculated to inspire us -with amicable sentiments, and to be an inducement to us to depart from -the insolent and offensive tone which has so long prevailed here, and -which has made England universally an object of aversion. It was of -course impossible that some expressions should not be given here and -there and now and then to such feelings, but on the whole we have no -reason to complain, but much the contrary; not even in Russia, whose -power and pride we have so deeply wounded, and whom we have so outraged -by every topic and expression of insult and injury which the bitterest -hatred could suggest, has there been anything like asperity, or any -rejoicing over our misfortunes. - - -_Frognal, November 14th._--The news of the capture of Delhi and -the relief of Lucknow excited a transport of delight and triumph, -and everybody jumped to the conclusion that the Indian contest was -virtually at an end. Granville told me he thought there would be no -more fighting, and that the work was done. I was not so sanguine, and -though I thought the result of the contest was now secure, I thought we -should still have a great deal on our hands and much more fighting to -hear of before the curtain could drop. But I was not prepared to hear -the dismal news which arrived to-day, and which has so cruelly damped -the public joy and exultation. It appears that Havelock is in great -danger and the long suffering garrison of Lucknow not yet out of their -peril, for the victory of Havelock had not been complete, the natives -were gathering round the small British force in vast numbers, and -unless considerable reinforcements could be speedily brought up, the -condition of the British, both military and civilians, of men, women, -and children, would soon again be one of excessive danger. - - -[Sidenote: SUSPENSION OF THE BANK ACT.] - -_The Grove, November 15th._--I talked with Clarendon about the -Government letter to the Bank[1] and the state of financial affairs. -It is evident that Clarendon knows very little about these questions, -and takes very little part in them, but he told me one curious fact. A -letter which appeared about a week ago, addressed by the Emperor of the -French to his Finance Minister, made a great sensation here. In it the -Emperor deprecated all empirical measures for the purpose of meeting -the prevailing difficulties, financial and commercial, at Paris. About -a week before this Clarendon received a letter from Cowley, who said -that he had been conversing with the Emperor and with Walewski on these -matters, and Walewski had begged him (by the desire of the Emperor) to -write to Clarendon and request the advice of the English Government as -to the course he should adopt. Clarendon said that George Lewis was out -of town, but as there could be no delay, he sent his private secretary -to the Governor and Deputy Governor of the Bank, and requested their -advice and opinion. They said it was so important they would go down -to the Foreign Office, which they did, when they told Clarendon that -their advice was that the Emperor should insist on the Bank of France -following as nearly as possible the example of the Bank of England, to -keep their rates of discount high, and to avoid all rash experiments -of any kind. He wrote to Cowley accordingly, who communicated the -answer, and judging from the dates it would appear that the Emperor's -letter was the consequence of the advice so tendered. But Clarendon -seemed to think that the appearance of the Government letter was rather -awkward, and would appear to the French Government very inconsistent -with our communication to them. However, it will probably be easy to -afford satisfactory explanations on this head. The measure itself here -has apparently had the desired success, and they hope the panic and -distress will gradually subside, without any more mischief happening. -Lewis thinks that the best mode of dealing with Peel's Act will be to -retain it, but to give a power to the Queen in Council to relax it in -the same manner as has been now twice done by the interposition of -Government, whenever an urgent necessity should arise, and I suppose -this is the course that will be adopted, though not without a great -deal of discussion and diversity of opinion. I have hitherto said -nothing about the very curious and important state of affairs in -America and in this country, because I am too ignorant of financial -questions to talk about them, and I have not been apprised of any facts -beyond what all the world knows that it was worth while to record, but -this anecdote of the French Government and our own appears sufficiently -curious to have a place in this book. - -Footnote 1: [On the 12th of November a letter was addressed to the -Governors of the Bank of England by Lord Palmerston and Sir George -Cornewall Lewis, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, empowering the Bank -to exceed the limits prescribed by the Bank Act of 1844 (if necessary) -to meet the demands for discount and advances on approved security. -This measure was rendered necessary by the extensive failures which -had recently taken place, and the severe pressure on the money market. -On the 4th November discount had advanced to 9 per cent. The Issue -Department made over to the Banking Department two millions in excess -of the statutable amount, of which about one million was advanced to -the public. On the 1st December the whole amount was repaid. Parliament -was summoned to pass a Bill of Indemnity, and public confidence was -restored.] - - -_November 17th._--A council was held yesterday at Windsor to summon -Parliament, where I found the ministers much dejected at the news from -India. There was a letter from Colin Campbell, expressing great alarm -at the position of Outram and Havelock, whom he thought to be in a -great scrape, though without any fault of theirs, and there was also a -report from Sir John Lawrence that affairs were in a ticklish state in -the Punjaub, and expressing a great anxiety for reinforcements, which -he had very little prospect of getting; in short the apparently bright -sky in which we were rejoicing only a few days ago seems to be obscured -by black clouds, and the great result to be as uncertain as ever. - -[Sidenote: THE CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY.] - -I met Clarendon at dinner this evening, when he told me that affairs -were in a bad state in the City, and that Lewis had received very -unsatisfactory accounts, so that it is not clear that the Government -letter is producing the good which at first seemed to be following -from it. There is a good deal of uneasiness in the financial and -commercial world and no confidence. The very prudence of the trading -community in arresting the course of production is becoming a source -of distress, for already vast numbers of people are out of employment, -or working short time with reduced wages. The prices of everything -are falling, consumption will be diminished, and the revenue must be -diminished likewise, while our expenses cannot but be increased by -the war. A general cry is getting up for making India pay for the -expense of this Indian war, which, even supposing it to be just and -reasonable, will make the ultimate settlement of the Indian question -more difficult, and a measure little calculated to reconcile the native -population to our rule. Then, as if we had not embarrassments enough -on our hands, America is going to add to them, for President Buchanan, -who hates England with a mortal antipathy, threatens to repudiate the -Clayton-Bulwer Treaty upon the pretence that we have not abided by its -conditions, and if he proposes to the Senate to declare it null and -void, the Senate will do so at his bidding. This would be a flagrant -violation of good faith, and of the obligations by which all civilized -nations consider themselves bound. If this event happens, it will -place us in a very perplexing dilemma, especially after Palmerston's -absurd bravado and confident boastings of our power, for we are not in -a condition to enable us to take a highline corresponding with that -lofty language, and we shall have to eat humble pie and submit to the -affront. Hitherto all other nations and governments have behaved to -us as well and as respectfully as we could desire, and far more than -we deserve; but if America bullies us in one instance, and we are -found pocketing the affront, it is by no means improbable that other -governments will begin to take advantage of our weakness, and adopt -towards us a conduct injurious to our interests or a tone galling to -our pride.[1] - -Footnote 1: [These apprehensions were unfounded. Mr. Buchanan did -not seek to abrogate the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty with reference to the -eventual construction of a passage through the Isthmus of Central -America, and the neutral character of that undertaking, which is now -said to be in progress by the Canal of Panama, has remained unchanged -to the present time.] - - -_November 25th._--Last week I went to Ampthill from Wednesday till -Saturday; on Saturday to The Grove, with the Duke of Bedford, the -Lewises, Charles Villiers, and Ben Stanley. The Duke of Bedford told me -he was very uneasy about his brother John, who seemed in an irritable -frame of mind, and disposed to wage war against the Government when -Parliament meets.[1] He told Sir George Grey the other day that they -would not find him friendly. Clarendon told me of a conversation he -had recently had with the Queen _à propos_ of Palmerston's health, -concerning which Her Majesty was very uneasy, and what could be done -in the not impossible contingency of his breaking down. It is a -curious change from what we saw a few years ago, that she is become -almost affectionately anxious about the health of Palmerston, whose -death might then have been an event to be hailed with satisfaction. -Clarendon said she might well be solicitous about it, for if anything -happened to Palmerston she would be placed in the greatest difficulty. -She said that in such a case she should look to _him_, and expect him -to replace Palmerston, on which Clarendon said he was glad she had -broached the subject, as it gave him an opportunity of saying what he -was very anxious to impress upon her mind, and that was the absolute -impossibility of his undertaking such an office, against which he -enumerated various objections. He told her that Derby could not form a -Government, and if she had the misfortune to lose Palmerston, nothing -remained for her to do but to send for John Russell and put him at the -head of the Government. She expressed her great repugnance to this, and -especially to make him Prime Minister. Clarendon then entreated her -to conquer her repugnance, and to be persuaded that it would never do -to offer him anything else, which he neither would nor could accept; -that the necessity was to have a man who could lead the House of -Commons, and there was no other but him; that Lord John had consented -to take a subordinate office under Lord Aberdeen, who was his senior -in age, and occupied a high position, but he would never consent to -take office under him (Clarendon), and the proposal he would consider -as an insult. For every reason, therefore, he urged her, if driven to -apply to him at all, to do it handsomely, to place the whole thing in -his hands, and to give him her full confidence and support. He appears -to have convinced her that this is the proper course, and he gave me -to understand that if Lord John acts with prudence and moderation all -the present Government would accept him for their head, and Clarendon -is so anxious that this should be the turn affairs should take, that -he urged me to talk to the Duke of Bedford about it, and to get him to -exert all his influence with Lord John to conduct himself in such a -manner as shall conduce to his restoration to office at a future time. -I had only time to exchange a few words with the Duke before we parted -the next morning, and we agreed that I should write him a letter on the -subject which he may show to Lord John if he sees fit to do so. I went -to Wrotham on Monday, and yesterday penned an epistle to be shown to -Lord John, in which I set forth his position, and dilated on the great -importance to himself and to the country of his conducting himself with -patience and forbearance, and of his abstaining from any such vexatious -opposition to the Government as might render his future union with -them impossible. It remains to be seen whether my remonstrance (which -I tried to couch in terms that would not be disagreeable to Lord John) -will produce any effect.[2] - -Footnote 1: [Lord John Russell had taken office in Lord Palmerston's -first Administration as Colonial Secretary, but he resigned on June 13, -1855, and remained out of office.] - -Footnote 2: [These speculations are curious, but happily the -apprehensions caused by the supposed state of Lord Palmerston's -health were unfounded, for with the short interval of the second -Derby Government in 1858 and 1859, he continued to hold office and -to discharge the duties of Prime Minister with his accustomed vigour -and success until his death in October 1865, when he was succeeded -by Lord Russell. At this particular moment (1857) the latent danger -of the Government lay, not in the failing health of Lord Palmerston, -but in an unforeseen occurrence which caused the unexpected defeat of -Lord Palmerston's Ministry within four months of this date, and the -accession of Lord Derby and his friends to office.] - - -[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL IN OPPOSITION.] - -_Hitchinbrook, November 28th._--I came here to-day from Riddlesworth, -where I have now been for the first time for twenty years. I received -there two letters from the Duke of Bedford, the first telling me he -should show, and the second that he had shown, my letter to Lord John. -He received it graciously, saying he agreed with almost all I said, but -that it was easier to give than it was to take such advice, and that he -had been blamed by certain persons for not having given more opposition -to the Government last year on some questions than he had done, -especially to the Persian War; but I rather infer on the whole that my -letter made some impression on him, though it remains to be seen how -much. - -The last news from India is as good as could be expected, and the -current there has evidently turned. I met Martin Smith (Indian -Director) at Riddlesworth, and had much talk with him about Indian -affairs. It is clear that the Company do not mean to submit to be -summarily extinguished without a struggle. He told me that with regard -to the great subject, the sending out troops by sailing vessels instead -of by steamers, which is made matter of bitter reproach against the -Directors, the fault lay entirely with the Government. The Directors -wanted to send 10,000 men across Egypt, and the Government would -not do it. They proposed it formally to the Board of Control, who -referred it to the Foreign Office, and Clarendon said it could not be -done on account of certain political considerations which rendered it -inexpedient, so that if the Directors could have had their own way the -thing would have been done. There may have been good grounds for the -refusal of the Government, but in this instance the double Government -was productive only of a sacrifice of Indian to Imperial interests, -and it will not be easy to draw from this transaction any argument in -favour of abolishing the East India Company and the Leadenhall Street -Administration. - - -_London, December 2nd._--Yesterday morning Lord Sydney received a -letter from Lady Canning, who said that although undoubtedly many -horrible things had happened in India, the exaggeration of them had -been very great, and that she had read for the first time in the -English newspapers stories of atrocities of which she had never heard -at Calcutta, and that statements made in India had turned out to be -pure inventions and falsehoods. Yet our papers publish everything that -is sent to them without caring whether it may be true or false, and -the credulous public swallow it all without the slightest hesitation -and doubt. Shaftesbury too, who is a prodigious authority with the -public, and who has all the religious and pseudo-religious people at -his back, does his utmost to make the case out to be as bad as possible -and to excite the rage and indignation of the masses to the highest -pitch. He is not satisfied with the revolting details with which the -Press has been teeming, but complains that more of them have not been -detailed and described, and that the particulars of mutilation and -violation have not been more copiously and circumstantially given to -the world. I have never been able to comprehend what his motives are -for talking in this strange and extravagant strain, but it is no doubt -something connected with the grand plan of Christianizing India, in -the furtherance of which the High Church and the Low Church appear -to be bidding against each other; and as their united force will in -all probability be irresistible, so they will succeed in making any -Government in India impossible. - -[Sidenote: A QUEEN'S SPEECH.] - -B---- showed me the Draft of the Queen's Speech this evening after -dinner. Cobbett in his Grammar produces examples of bad English taken -from Kings' Speeches, which he says might be expected to be the best -written, but generally are the worst written documents in the world. -It would be difficult to produce any former Speech more deplorably -composed than this one. Long sentences, full of confusion, and of which -the meaning is not always clear, and some faults of grammar for which -a schoolboy would be whipped. B---- was so struck by one I pointed -out that he said he would beg Palmerston to alter it. If this Speech -escapes severe criticism and ridicule I shall be much surprised, as I -am already that George Lewis, who has so lately been a literary critic, -and is a correct writer himself, should have allowed it to pass in its -present shape, and indeed the sentence he himself put in about his own -business is as bad as any other part of it. - -I have no idea what they mean to propose about the Bank Charter Act, -but if it be what Lewis told me some time ago, to give the Queen the -power of suspending the Act by Order in Council, I much doubt if -they will carry such a proposal, and it appears to me on reflexion -thoroughly unconstitutional, and as such I expect it will be vehemently -attacked by all the opponents and the quasi-opponents of Government, -and indeed by all except those who are prepared to follow Palmerston -with blind submission, and to vote for anything rather than allow him -to be put in jeopardy. John Russell, for instance, would hardly be able -to resist the temptation of falling foul of such a proposal, though he -would approve of their having followed a precedent which he had himself -set in a case somewhat similar, though in some respects less urgent. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -Opening of the Session--Prevailing Distress--Lord John -reconciled--Ministerial Speculations--Contemplated Transfer of -India to the Crown--Military Position in India--Conversation -with Mr. Disraeli--Bill for the Dissolution of the East India -Company--Difficulties of Parliamentary Reform--The Relief of -Lucknow--Lord Normanby's 'Year of Revolution'--Brougham's Jealousy of -Lord Cockburn--Refutation of Lord Normanby's Book--The Crown Jewels -of Hanover--Labour in the French Colonies--The Death of General -Havelock--Gloomy Prospects in India--Inadequate Measures for the Relief -of India--Lord John Russell hostile to Government--Death of the Duke -of Devonshire--Mr. Disraeli suggests a Fusion of Parties--Marriage of -the Princess Royal--Weakness of the Government--Excitement in France -against this Country--Petition of the East India Company--Drowsiness -of Ministers--Decline of Lord Palmerston's Popularity--Effect of the -Orsini Attempt on the Emperor Napoleon--Opposition to the Conspiracy -Bill--Review of the Crisis--Lord Derby sent for by the Queen--Refusal -of the Peelites--The Catastrophe unexpected--The Defeat might have been -avoided--Mismanagement of the Affair--Ministers determined to resign. - - -[Sidenote: A BAD WINTER.] - -_London, December 4th_, 1857.--Parliament opened yesterday, very -quietly, and at present a quiet session seems probable, but such -appearances are often fallacious. The most alarming consideration -is the probability of a very hard and hungry winter for the working -classes, vast numbers of people being already out of employment. I -met Sir James Shuttleworth yesterday, who knows a great deal about -Lancashire, where he lives, and he told me that though the distress was -considerable and threatening to increase, the conduct of the people was -admirable. There was no disaffection or bad feeling towards the upper -classes and employers; they seemed to have greatly improved in good -sense and reflection, and were satisfied of the sympathy felt for them, -and the disposition entertained by the rich to do all in their power to -alleviate the distress of the poor. And he stated (what seemed to me a -curious fact) that they preferred that the time of working should be -shortened, or even mills closed, rather than a general reduction in the -rate of wages. This moral condition of the labouring classes is a most -satisfactory sign of the times. - -The Duke of Bedford has just been here, and tells me Lord John is in -a better frame of mind, and has already done two sensible things. He -has given notice to some of his supporters that he will have nothing -to do with the organisation of any party, and he has responded to an -invitation of Vernon Smith's by a promise to impart to him his opinion -and advice upon Indian affairs, and the best mode of providing for the -future government of that country. - - -_December 6th._--John Russell has begun well in the House of Commons -and _si sic omnia_ he will put himself in a good position, but it -is impossible to rely upon him. At present his disposition to the -Government appears friendly. I had a conversation about him and -his future relations with the Government last night with B----. I -infer from what dropped from him that he thinks the probability of -Palmerston's breaking down is not a remote and unlikely one. I do -not think he considers him broken in health, but that he thinks the -strength of his intellect is impaired, and that he begins to show signs -of decay to those who have the means of observing them. He particularly -noticed the failure of his memory, and he said, what I have no doubt is -true, that he will never be himself conscious, still less acknowledge, -that his faculties are less vigorous and active than they were. What -the nature and amount of the decay in him is I know not, and they will -not say, but from the uneasy feeling, and these speculations as to -future contingencies among his colleagues, I am sure they are prepared -for something. B---- said if the case occurred there were only two men -who could be Minister, Derby or Clarendon, and he fancies that John -Russell might be induced to take office under Clarendon, and he does -not believe that Clarendon really means what he says when he expresses -his extreme reluctance to take the post, or that he would not in -reality prefer it even to the Foreign Office. He treats his scruples -as a sort of _nolo episcopari_, in which I think he is partially, but -not entirely, right. There can be no doubt that in the present state of -affairs it is much to be desired that Palmerston should be able to go -on. I was amused by a trifling incident, so very Palmerstonian, told me -the other day. I have already alluded to the bad writing in the Queen's -Speech, and it seems one phrase was criticised and altered in the -Cabinet, but when he got back to his office he altered the alteration, -and made it as it was before. I am not sure that the alteration was not -the one suggested by B---- upon the strength of my criticism, and that -Palmerston declined to alter the passage. - - -[Sidenote: TRANSFER OF INDIA TO THE CROWN.] - -_December 7th._--I called on Lord Grey in the morning and dined with -Lyndhurst in the evening, and had much talk with both of them about -the pending questions, Reform, India, Bank Act. Lord Grey is bringing -out a book upon Reform. Lyndhurst is decidedly against any strong and -subversive measure about India, and is for improving and not upsetting -the present system. Public opinion, led by the Press, has hitherto -leant to the dissolution of the Company and the Directorial Government; -but as time advances and the extreme difficulty of concocting another -system becomes apparent, people begin to dread the idea of destroying -an ancient system, without any certainty of a better one replacing it, -and I think there is a general feeling of alarm at the notion of the -Indian Empire being placed under the direction of such a man as Vernon -Smith; more, indeed, than is quite just and called for, as his talents, -though of a second-rate calibre, are not so low as is supposed, and he -is not the cipher in his office he is thought to be, but is well enough -acquainted with all its details, and always able to explain everything -to the Cabinet clearly and correctly. But these merits, which are those -of a diligent clerk, are far from being sufficient to qualify him for -having the direction of an office which circumstances have rendered -by far the most important and difficult in the whole Government. -Till recently the Board of Control has been looked upon as a very -subordinate department, and one of mere routine, which anybody might -fill. I remember when John Russell offered it to Graham some years ago, -he treated the proposal as an insult. - - -_December 8th._--I went to the House of Lords last night and heard for -the first time Ellenborough speak--an admirable style of speaking. It -was a good night for Canning. The 'Times' has turned right round and -defends him, finding the Government are in earnest in doing so. The -account of Lucknow just come by telegram is very alarming, and keeps -one in a state of nervous excitement, difficult to describe. - - -_London, December 17th._--Though the last advices from India were -satisfactory as far as they went, it is generally understood that the -next mail must bring the account of a bloody battle at or near Lucknow, -in which, though no one doubts that the British will be victorious, it -is certain that there will be great loss of life. Sanguine people and -the Press, with hardly any exception, imagine that this anticipated -victory will terminate the contest and leave only some straggling -conflicts to go on for a short time longer, ending by a speedy -suppression of the rebellion. In this expectation I do not share, but, -on the contrary, believe it will be a protracted affair, not indeed -doubtful in its ultimate result, but which will cost as much time -and money and many men, for all who know anything of the matter tell -us that the wear and tear in India is enormous, and that a continual -stream of reinforcements must be poured into the country to keep the -army in a state of efficiency. Captain Lowe, lately aide-de-camp to -poor George Anson, and who was in the storm of Delhi, an intelligent -officer, confirms all these notions, and he says that nothing can -be more inexpedient than the scheme, propounded here with great -confidence, of forming the native force, on which we are hereafter to -rely, of Sikhs instead of Hindoos. He says that inasmuch as they are -very brave and excellent soldiers, it would only be to place ourselves -in a state of far greater danger and uncertainty, for though the Sikhs -have proved very faithful to us, and rendered excellent service, it -is impossible to predict how long this humour may last, and whether -circumstances may not arise to induce them to throw off our yoke and -assert their own independence. It is marvellous and providential that -on this occasion the Sikhs were disposed to side with us instead of -against us, for if they had taken the latter course, it would have -been all up and nothing could have saved us. _À propos_ of this -consideration he told me a curious anecdote. A Sikh was talking to a -British officer in a very friendly way, and he said, 'Don't you think -it very strange that we, who were so recently fighting against you, -should be now fighting with you? and should you be very much surprised -if a year or two hence you should see us fighting against you again?' - -[Sidenote: CONVERSATION WITH MR. DISRAELI.] - -Disraeli called on me a day or two ago, when we had a political -chat. He talked with much contempt of the present Government, except -of George Lewis, of whom he spoke in the highest terms. He said -Palmerston's popularity was of a negative character, and, rather more -from the unpopularity of every other public man than from any peculiar -attachment to him; he talked bitterly of Derby's having declined -to take the Government in 1855, which he seemed to consider as an -irreparable blow to his party. He is evidently not without hopes that -the Government may find themselves in some inextricable difficulty -about their Reform Bill, and thinks they will be incapable of -concocting an India Bill which will go down with the country. He does -not appear to have made up his mind what course to take on the Indian -question, and it is evident that at present the Tory party have decided -on nothing. The Cabinet has committed the scheme of Reform to a select -number of its members, as was done in 1830, but what they are doing -about India I do not know. There is certainly a difference of opinion -amongst them, as there no doubt is about Reform, but as little doubt -that they are all agreed upon not letting their conflicting opinions -break up the Government. - - -_December 21st._--I called on George Lewis the day before yesterday -and had a long talk with him. He told me that Palmerston had given -notice to the Chairs that the Government had come to the resolution -of bringing in a Bill to put an end to their dominion, and that the -plan was to have an Indian Secretary of State with a Council, and the -Council to have the distribution of the patronage. I was surprised to -hear him say that he saw no difficulty in the settlement of the Indian -question, either in passing it through Parliament or in producing a -good measure which would work better than the present system, and he -said he wished the other great question they had upon their hands, -that of Reform, was as easy, but that the more they went into it, the -more difficult it appeared. I need not enter into the details which we -discussed, as the Bill is not yet settled, and in a few weeks more it -will come forth. He said that the great misfortune was their having -thrown out Locke King's motion this year, for if they had done what -they had originally intended with regard to it, they should in all -probability have laid the question at rest for ten years longer at -least, and he then told me a curious anecdote on this matter, giving an -example of strange levity and incapacity on the part of the Government. -When Locke King brought forward his motion, it was considered in the -Cabinet, and they came to a unanimous resolution to let his bill be -read a second time, but to oppose the amount of his franchise in -Committee and raise it from 10_l._ to 20_l._, which they had no doubt -they should carry. On the very night on which the question was to be -moved Lewis went down to the House of Commons with this understanding, -never dreaming that any alteration was contemplated, when George Grey -said to him, 'You know Palmerston is going to oppose Locke King's -motion' (for leave to bring in his Bill). Lewis expressed his surprise, -and asked what had happened to set aside the unanimous agreement come -to in the Cabinet. Grey said there had been a dinner at Charles Wood's, -at which certain Ministers were present (whom he named, but I forget -if Palmerston was one), when the question had been discussed, and the -result had been to make a change in their opinions, and Palmerston -had agreed that Locke King should be opposed _in limine_. This Lewis -told me he regarded as a fatal error, to which they owed the dilemma -in which they found themselves placed. But what struck me most was the -mode of doing business of such importance, and that there should not -be found a single individual to protest against it, and to resign his -office rather than to submit to be so dragged through the mire; but -the present doctrine seems to be that _Palmerston's_ Government must -be held together at any price, and this is the more curious when it is -obvious to me that his colleagues, while conscious of the difficulty of -doing without him, have an exceedingly mean opinion of his intrinsic -value. I told Lewis all that Disraeli had said to me about him as well -as about Palmerston, when he expressed his surprise at the manner -in which Disraeli had spoken of _him_, for which he was not at all -prepared, but said _he estimated Palmerston at his real worth_. He told -me of Harrowby's resignation on account of his health, and that his -place had been offered to Clanricarde, and wanted to know if I thought -Clanricarde would be objected to.[1] We talked of the stories which -John Russell had heard of, about our being on bad terms with France, -and the Emperor Napoleon out of humour with us, and of Palmerston's -meditating hostile designs against Russia, all of which he said were -pure fabrications, as we were on the best terms with France, and -Palmerston entertained no hostile designs against Russia or any other -Power. We both agreed that our hands were too full to think of any -fresh quarrels or aggressions, and I found him of the same opinion as -myself about our arbitrary and dictatorial system, and of the mischief -it had done, and as much with reference to the slave trade as any other -question. - -[Sidenote: THE CASE OF THE 'NEWPORT.'] - -I told him of the slave case just decided in the Judicial Committee -of the Privy Council, and of the sum of money it would cost our -Government, to say nothing of the mortification. He said no doubt -Palmerston would proclaim it to be a wrong decision, and would defend -the Foreign Office and all the agents who had been concerned in the -outrage.[2] - -Footnote 1: [The Earl of Harrowby held the office of Lord Privy Seal. -He was succeeded by the Marquis of Clanricarde, which proved a very -unpopular appointment.] - -Footnote 2: [This refers to the case of the 'Newport,' a vessel which -had been condemned by the Vice-Admiralty Court at St. Helena for -alleged trading in slaves, together with penalties to the amount of -13,000_l._ on the shippers and owners of the cargo. The Lords of the -Judicial Committee reversed this sentence with costs and damages, and -declared that the owners of the ship must look to the Government for -their indemnity. They added that 'merchants who, having engaged only -in a lawful adventure, have been subjected to an unjust and illegal -sentence, are entitled to be indemnified against its consequences, and -against the costs which they have incurred in obtaining its reversal, -in relieving themselves from the heavy pecuniary loss which it -inflicted, and from the deep stain which it cast upon their characters, -and that the national honour must be vindicated at the national -expense.'] - - -_Hatchford, December 26th._--Christmas Day, usually coming in frost and -snow, was yesterday like a fine day in May, the glorious weather being -in unison with the general gladness at the good news from India and the -tidings that Lucknow, with its wounded and its long suffering band of -women and children, had been relieved at last, and for good and all. -This news arrived on Christmas Eve, to make the day itself as merry as -it is proverbially said to be. - -[Sidenote: LORD NORMANBY'S 'YEAR OF REVOLUTION.'] - -Brougham has taken Normanby's book, 'A Year of Revolution,' under his -protection, for what reason nobody can divine. He wrote to Mrs. Austin -begging she would exert her influence with her nephew Reeve to get it -noticed favourably in the 'Edinburgh Review,' that it was a good book, -had the merit of being true, and that it was much approved by Louis -Napoleon, who had encouraged its being translated. I had imagined -Brougham was improved, but it is evident from his conduct on this -occasion that he is the same man he ever was. The book contains page -after page of matter the most offensive to Guizot and to Louis Philippe -and his family, with which everybody is revolted, and its malice is -not redeemed by literary merit or attractiveness in any shape. That -Brougham should take up such a production is as unaccountable as -it is indecent, for he affected to be exceedingly attached to the -Orleans royalties, to be on very intimate terms with the King, and he -treated Guizot with a familiarity quite at variance with good taste -and propriety, and which had excited the astonishment, with no small -disgust, of Guizot himself. It might have been expected that he would -have resented such a production as Normanby's, instead of patronising -it. He told Mrs. Austin he could not himself speak to Reeve about it, -since he had made the 'Edinburgh Review' the vehicle of a personal -attack upon himself. What he alluded to was, that when Lord Cockburn's -life was published an article (anonymous of course) appeared in the -'Law Magazine' in which Lord Cockburn was very ill-used, and another -in reply to this, and in vindication of Lord Cockburn, but without a -word against Brougham, appeared in the 'Edinburgh.' This was what he -called a personal attack upon himself. He was the author of the paper -in the 'Law Magazine,' but the writer in the 'Edinburgh' had no right -to assume this, or to know anything about it, though as a matter of -fact he did know, or at least had good reason to suspect, that it was -penned by Brougham. It had already been settled that the 'Edinburgh -Review' should take no notice whatever of 'The Year of Revolution,' -and Mrs. Austin having sent Brougham's letter to Reeve, Reeve answered -it himself, utterly denying that he had made or intended to make any -attack upon him, and telling him in plain terms what the general -opinion is of Normanby's book. - -Meanwhile Guizot writes to Reeve that the book is full of lies, and -not worth notice; that he will take none of what concerns himself -alone, but cannot leave uncontradicted such parts of it as relate to -the King, and give utterly false statements of the relations between -the King and himself. He then refers to various passages which he says -are all false, and desires Reeve to show his letter to Lord Lansdowne, -Granville, and me, and to anybody else he thinks fit. All this will -contribute to bring Normanby into a very unpleasant dilemma about -this ill-advised book, and it must be said that it is all Clarendon's -fault for his weakness and good nature in abstaining from renewing -his prohibition, and when Normanby was here giving a sort of tacit -consent to its appearance, although that was accompanied with a strong -expression of opinion that it ought to be suppressed. And now a report -has got about that before the book came out Clarendon read and approved -of it, which I requested Mrs. Austin to deny in the most peremptory -manner, for it was to her that this assertion had been made.[1] - -Footnote 1: [Lord Normanby had written this narrative of the events -of 1847 to 1848 whilst he was Ambassador in Paris, and he proposed to -publish it at an earlier period when he was still in office. But upon -this coming to the knowledge of the Foreign Office, Lord Clarendon -(without having read the work) intimated to Lord Normanby that he -could not allow a diplomatic servant of the Crown of the first rank -to publish a polemical narrative of transactions in which he had been -engaged, at any rate whilst he held office. The book therefore was -suppressed for some years. But when Lord Normanby had quitted office, -he felt at liberty to disregard Lord Clarendon's injunction, and the -book was published, to the great detriment of his own reputation.] - - -[Sidenote: THE CROWN JEWELS OF HANOVER.] - -_December 29th._--The long-pending dispute about the Crown jewels -claimed by the King of Hanover was settled the other day. The history -of it is this. The late King of Hanover on the death of William IV. -claimed these jewels upon the ground that they were partly belonging -to the Crown of Hanover and partly had been bequeathed to him by -Queen Charlotte. Our Government, on behalf of the Queen, naturally -resisted the claim. After a good deal of wrangling they were at last -prevailed on to name a commission to investigate the question, and -Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Langdale, and Chief Justice Tindal were appointed -accordingly. After a considerable delay and a troublesome enquiry, -they arrived at a conclusion, but when they were just about to give -their award Chief Justice Tindal died. Lyndhurst and Langdale were -divided in opinion, so no award could be given. The Chancellor, Lord -Cottenham, refused to renew the Commission, and the matter has stood -over ever since. In the present year, however, the Government thought -the matter ought to be decided one way or another, and they issued a -fresh Commission, consisting of Lord Wensleydale, Vice-Chancellor Page -Wood, and Sir Lawrence Peel (ex-Indian judge), and they have given -judgement unanimously in favour of the King of Hanover, i.e., with -regard to the bulk of the jewels, some few seem to have been allotted -to the Queen. Lord Wensleydale came into my room at the Council Office -just after they had finished their award, and told me about it. I asked -him if they had decided it on _evidence_ or only by a sort of rough -estimate, but he said they had ample evidence, and they were all quite -satisfied upon the point. Last night I asked Lord Lyndhurst about his -share in the question, when he told me their difficulty had been to -make out whether the jewels which Queen Charlotte had disposed of by -her will had really been hers to leave, or whether she had only had the -use of them, but that this had been decided by the discovery of George -III.'s will, in which he expressly left them to her. Tindal entirely -agreed with Lyndhurst, and if he had lived a little longer, judgement -would have been given then in favour of Hanover. Lyndhurst said the -Court was very anxious about it, for Prince Albert had told him the -pearls were the finest in Europe. The value of them has been enormously -exaggerated, but is still considerable. Lord Lyndhurst said they were -worth about 150,000_l._, and Kielmansegge told me the same thing. - -By the Indian papers just arrived it appears that the relief of the -Residency of Lucknow and the deliverance of all who were confined in it -was complete, but there was no great battle (which everybody expected), -though much severe fighting, and Lucknow itself was still untaken. -The mutineers, though always worsted, seem to fight better than they -were thought capable of doing, and everything tends to show that the -suppression of the Mutiny is still far from being accomplished. - - -_December 31st._--I met Clarendon last night, who talked about the -Hanoverian jewel question; he said the Queen was very anxious to know -Lord Lyndhurst's opinion upon the award, so last night I went to his -house and asked him, telling him the reason why. He said he had no -doubt the award was correct; that in their case the jewels were divided -into two categories: first, those which came from George II. and were -undoubtedly Hanoverian; and secondly, those which George III. had given -Queen Charlotte. They had heard counsel on both sides, but neither -side chose to produce the will of George III., which they never had -before them, so they were in a difficulty about these latter stones. -Tindal died the day they were to have met to draw up an award. He and -Lyndhurst were agreed, Langdale doubted. Lyndhurst said he had no doubt -if they had had King George III.'s will, which Wensleydale and his -colleagues had before them, they should all three have agreed, and to -the same award. - -Clarendon complained of the recent pro-slavery articles in the 'Times,' -and told Delane they were calculated to encourage the French in holding -to their African operations. The French Government had told us that -they must have labour, but they did not care if it was black or brown, -and if we would undertake to find coolies for them in the same way -as Mauritius is supplied, they would give up their scheme. Clarendon -said this was fair enough, but it did not get rid of the difficulty, -because it was impossible to get the coolies in sufficient numbers, -and that our own Colonies, which were perishing for want of labour, -would complain loudly, and not unjustly, if we brought the French into -competition with them, thus enhancing the difficulty and the cost of -supply to themselves. The probability then is that the French will go -on, and that all other nations who have the same wants will follow -their example, and we shall be reinvolved in endless remonstrances and -squabbles under very disadvantageous circumstances. - - -_January 1st_.1858.--It is worth noticing that after a year of fine -weather, of which nobody can recollect the like, this first day of the -New Year has opened like one of a genial spring. This nearly unbroken -course of wonderful weather for about nine or ten months gives rise to -many speculations as to its cause, and no doubt there is some physical -cause, although it has not yet been ascertained. - - -_January 5th._--To-day the winter seems to have set in in earnest. - - -[Sidenote: THE CONTEST IN INDIA.] - -_January 7th._--Not many days ago the 'Times' concluded an article on -the Indian war in these words (it was after describing the relief of -the Residence at Lucknow by Sir Colin Campbell): 'thus ends the Indian -Mutiny of 1857;' and to-day we have the news of Wyndham having been -defeated by the Gwalior Force; of Sir Colin having been obliged to quit -Lucknow, _without having captured it_, in order to repair this check -(which he seems to have done very effectually) and deplorable event; of -the death of Havelock, the hero of this war, who, after escaping unhurt -through battle after battle, has succumbed to disease, not having lived -long enough to know all that is said of him and all that has been done -for him here. It is impossible not to feel the loss of this man as if -he belonged to one individually, so deep is the interest which his -gallantry and his brilliant career have excited in every heart. - -Every account we receive only confirms the impression that this -war will be a long and difficult affair, and if we are able by our -military successes to put down all opposition and suppress the mutiny -thoroughly, we shall have a still more difficult task to re-establish -order and a quiet and regular government in the country, and this -difficulty promises to be enormously increased by all that is passing -here on the subject. Shaftesbury is stirring up all the fanaticism -of the country, and clamouring for what he calls the _emancipation_ -of Christianity in India, and even the 'Times,' once celebrated for -its strong sound sense and its fearless independence, is afraid to -rebuke this nonsense, and endorses it by saying 'we have commited -great errors,' but without explaining what it means, or giving any -exemplification of the assertion. The real meaning, however, of the -Exeter Hall clamour is, that we should commence as soon as we can a -crusade against the religions of the natives of India, and attempt -to force Christianity upon them. I begin to have the most dismal -forebodings upon this Indian question. I continue indeed to believe -that by dint of enormous exertions, by a vast expenditure of money, -and sending out every man we can raise and make a soldier of, we shall -sooner or later conquer the mutineers and suppress the rebellion, but I -expect we shall lose our Indian Empire. I may possibly not live to see -the catastrophe, but those who are twenty or may be ten years younger -than I am in all probability will. All our legislation is conducting -us to this end. We are taking this moment of war and confusion to -revolutionize our Indian Empire and government, to root up all that -the natives have been accustomed to regard with veneration, and to -pronounce sentence of condemnation upon the only authority of which -they know anything, and which has been the object of their fears and -hopes, and sometimes of their attachment. The Government is about to -hurry into this measure as if the existing system had been the cause -of the present rebellion and conflict, and that the one they propose -to substitute would be so much better and capable of repairing the -mischief which the government of the Company has caused by its alleged -mismanagement. I have no prejudice or partiality for the Company, but I -believe any great change at this moment to be fraught with danger, and -that the notion of improving the state of affairs by the abolition of -what is called the double government is a mere delusion.[1] - -Footnote 1: [The experience of nearly thirty years has proved that -these gloomy forebodings were unfounded. The Government and the -condition of the Indian Empire have undergone enormous changes in that -interval of time, but upon the whole the suppression of the military -revolt of 1857 has placed British authority in India upon a more secure -basis, the loyalty of the native princes to the Crown has increased, -the native population is more enlightened and more prosperous, and -the dangers which may still threaten the British Empire in India are -not those which struck the mind of Mr. Greville in 1858. He himself, -however, soon changed his opinion. See entry of the 12th March, -_infra._] - - -_January 16th._--I went to The Grange on Tuesday and returned yesterday -morning, when I was met by the news of an attempted assassination of -the Emperor Napoleon, whose escape seems to have been providential. - -It is since I last wrote anything here that we have received the -news from India of Wyndham's defeat at Cawnpore, and of Sir Colin's -subsequent victory, but we are not yet informed of the details so as -to be able to pass a judgement on these events, and upon Wyndham's -conduct. It may be doubted, however, whether the small defeat in the -one case is not more prejudicial than the considerable victory in -the other is advantageous; and the inference to be derived from the -whole is to my mind of a gloomy character, for I think unless we can -manage to pour into India an unceasing stream of fresh troops for an -indefinite period, we shall succumb in the contest by the mere weight -of numbers, and the question is, whether we shall be able to do this, -which seems to me exceedingly doubtful. The Government appear never -to have been sufficiently alive to the danger and the difficulties of -this warfare, and have contented themselves with going on leisurely -and lazily, preparing reinforcements to be sent out from time to time, -but have never thought it incumbent on them to make the extraordinary -efforts that the case imperatively demands. - -[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL IN OPPOSITION.] - -When Parliament meets I shall be surprised if there is not before long -a great storm in both Houses, and if Palmerston means to rest upon his -popularity, and to endeavour to conjure it by his habitual offhand -manner and assurances that they have done all they could, expecting -that such assurances will be accepted as a matter of course, I think he -will be greatly mistaken. In spite of all that has been said to John -Russell, and his not unfriendly disposition during the short autumnal -session, his patience and prudence are evidently well-nigh exhausted, -and we may soon expect to see him in vehement opposition. He writes to -his brother that 'he is appalled at the part he may be obliged to take -in the coming session,' and he seems to be under the influence of a -fresh feeling of antipathy to Palmerston. It is not unlikely that he -thinks it not worth his while to wait for the chance of Palmerston's -being withdrawn from the field, and that he may as well gratify his -inclination by going into Opposition, and it is likely enough that he -fancies he has more influence in the House of Commons and the country -than he really possesses, and may collect a party of his own, instead -of being grudgingly accepted by the present Government as a matter of -necessity, rather than one of choice. If this is his view, I believe -he is egregiously mistaken. Lowe, whom I met at The Grange, and who -knows something of both Parliamentary and public opinion, told me that -John Russell would find no support in the House of Commons where his -influence was extinct, and that so far from forming a party of his -own, he did not believe if Palmerston were to die to-morrow, and Lord -John take his place at the head of the Government, that the Government -itself would stand. - - -_Woburn Abbey, January 19th._--Yesterday morning we were astounded by -the receipt of a telegraphic message informing Granville that the Duke -of Devonshire had been found dead in his bed.[1] Nothing could be more -sudden and unexpected, and the immediate cause of his death is not -known. At different periods of my life I have lived in great intimacy -with him, but he was capricious, so the intervals were long and -frequent during which we were almost strangers to each other. Spoiled -by his mother as a boy, and becoming Duke of Devonshire with a colossal -fortune at twenty-one years old, and besides afflicted with incurable -deafness, his existence was _manqué_, and he was a disappointed and -unhappy man. His abilities were of a very high order, and if he had -not been relieved by his position and wealth from the necessity of -exertion and disqualified by his infirmities from taking an active part -in public life, he might have been a considerable and important as well -as a far happier man; but as he had unfortunately no positive tastes -or active pursuits, no domestic ties to engage his affections, and no -public duties to occupy his mind, he was reduced to fill up the vacuum -of his existence by capricious _engouements_ and frivolous society. -He was very clever and very comical, with a keen sense of humour, -frequently very droll with his intimate friends, and his letters were -always very amusing. The Duke lived very much like a _grand seigneur_, -hospitable and magnificent; he was very fond of his family, and very -kind to them, as he was also to those of his friends whom he took into -favour, many of the poorer of whom will have great reason to regret the -loss of a benefactor. There was for a long time a vague notion that -some mystery attached to his birth, and that he was not really the -son, or at all events not the legitimate son, of his reputed father. -The idea was that Lady Elizabeth Foster (whom the Duke afterwards -married as his second wife) and the Duchess had been confined at the -same time at Paris, and that the latter having a girl and the former a -boy, the children had been changed, the Duke being the father of both -children. I always treated this story as a myth, and this opinion has -been confirmed by the deposition of the woman who had received the -child in her arms upon his birth, which was conclusive evidence of his -legitimacy. It is remarkable that the whole of the vast property of -the late Duke was in his own power. The entail was cut off upon his -majority, and his father died before the estates were resettled. - -Footnote 1: [William Spencer, sixth Duke of Devonshire, born May 21, -1790, died January 17, 1858. He was Mr. Greville's second cousin, the -Duchess of Portland, mother of Lady Charlotte Greville, having been the -daughter of the fourth Duke of Devonshire.] - - -_January 20th._--The more I hear from India and about Indian affairs, -and the more I read and reflect upon the subject, the more desponding -I become as to our future prospects there; first, as to our means of -bringing the war to a successful issue, and secondly, as to our power -to govern the country and keep it quiet and contented when the first -object has been accomplished. - - -[Sidenote: DISRAELI'S OVERTURE TO THE WHIGS.] - -_January 23rd._--On arriving in town yesterday, I received a visit -from Disraeli, who said he had come to consult me _in confidence_, -and to ask my opinion, by which his own course would be very much -influenced. I was not a little surprised at this _exordium_, but told -him I should be glad to hear what his object was, and that he was -welcome to any opinion he wished for from me. He then began a rather -hazy discourse, from which I gathered, or at least thought I gathered, -that he thinks the present state of affairs very serious, and the -position of the Government very precarious; that he is meditating on -the possible chances there may be for him and his party in the event -of Palmerston's fall, and knowing that some sort of coalition with -some other party would be indispensable to form any other Government, -an idea had crossed his mind that this might be practicable with some -of the most moderate of the Whigs, especially with the younger ones, -such as Granville and Argyll, and he wished to know if I thought this -would be possible, and whether I could be in any way instrumental in -promoting it, and if I did not think so what my ideas were as to the -most advisable course in order to avert the threatened Reform, and to -give the country a better Government than this. This, with a great deal -of verbiage and mixed with digressions about the leading men of the -present day, seemed to me to be the substance and object of his talk. -He professed to speak to me of his own sentiments without disguise, and -with entire confidence about everything, but I cannot call to mind that -he imparted to me anything of the slightest interest or importance. It -would be difficult and not very interesting to write down our somewhat -vague and _décousu_ conversation, but I told him that I knew very -little of the dispositions of any of the men he alluded to, but I did -not believe they any of them would be parties to any such combination -as he looked to, or separate from their present colleagues. - - -_January 25th._--We are still without any advices from India. The -petition to Parliament of the East India Company, which is very able, -and was written by John Mill, has produced a considerable effect in the -world, and doubts are expressed in all quarters whether Government will -be able to carry their Bill. - - -_January 26th._--The Princess Royal's wedding went off yesterday with -amazing _éclat_, and it is rather ludicrous to contrast the vehement -articles with which the Press teemed (the 'Times' in particular) -against the alliance two years ago with the popularity of it and the -enthusiasm displayed now. The whole thing seems to have been very -successful. At the breakfast after the wedding, to which none but the -Royalties were invited, the French Princes were present, which was -amiable and becoming on the part of the Queen. - - -_January 28th._--As the day approaches for the re-assembling of -Parliament there is an increasing impression that this Government is -very likely not to get through the session, and the 'Times,' which is -always ready to assist in the discomfiture of a losing party, is now -showing unmistakeable symptoms of its own doubts whether the Government -is any longer worth supporting, and Delane told me yesterday he thought -they would not remain long in office, and that it is time they should -go, and he ridiculed the idea of its not being practicable to form -another Government. It is absurd, but nevertheless true, that nothing -has damaged Palmerston so much as his making Clanricarde Privy Seal. It -was an unwise appointment, but the fault of it is grossly exaggerated. -Everybody agrees that from one end of the country to another there is -a feeling of universal indignation against it. Then there is a great -turn in the public mind in favour of the East India Company, or rather -against the Government measure, of which nothing is known, but that the -result of it will be to place the Indian Empire in the hands of Vernon -Smith. - - -[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE ORSINI CONSPIRACY.] - -_February 2nd._--The Indian question has for the moment been superseded -by the French question as it may be called, that is, by the storm which -is raging in France against this country, its institutions and laws, -in reference to the assassination plot of January 14.[1] It was well -known that the French Government had been urging our Ministers to adopt -measures or to pass laws against the refugees and their machinations -in this country; but while this question was under discussion, we -were astounded by a speech made by Persigny in reply to an address -from the City, and still more by the publication in the 'Moniteur' of -certain addresses from corps or regiments of the French army to the -Emperor, full of insult and menace to this country. These offensive -manifestations naturally excited great indignation here, and the Press -did not fail to hurl back these insults, and to retort with interest -upon the persons from whom they had proceeded or who had permitted -their appearance. On Sunday I spoke to Clarendon on the subject. He is -very much annoyed and embarrassed by this posture of affairs as might -be expected, but more than this he is very much alarmed, more than I -think he need be. I said it seemed to be that the Emperor had forgotten -his usual good sense, and that he who knows this country ought to have -felt that if he wishes to have anything done here, he is taking the -most effectual means to prevent it by permitting the military addresses -to appear in the 'Moniteur,' since in the present state of the Press -this is tantamount to their being published by the Government itself. -I said I could not believe that these hot and enthusiastic expressions -were to be taken entirely as proofs of a passionate attachment to the -Emperor's person, but that these were outbreaks of that hatred of -England which sometimes slumbered, but never died. He said the Emperor -felt that his alliance with this country was indispensable to him, and -regretted sincerely the displays of feeling in France, but that he did -not dare to repress the sentiments evinced by the army, though he kept -them in check as well as he could, and the truth was, as I have said -above, that it was the undying animosity to us which had found a vent -upon this occasion. He added that he had not blamed Morny, who could -not say less than he did without being denounced by the Chamber as an -inadequate exponent of its sentiments. The French, seeing how all our -force is absorbed in our Indian war, think they may treat us as they -please, and Clarendon fancies that if any accident were to befall the -Emperor, any Government that might be able to establish itself would go -to war with us as the best means of ingratiating itself with the nation -and of being able to establish itself. He says they can march 50,000 -men at a moment's notice to Cherbourg, where there is an abundance of -war steamers ready to transport them across the Channel, while we have -no soldiers and no ships to defend us in case of such a storm suddenly -bursting. George Lewis says that Clarendon is haunted with this -apprehension, which he does not share in the slightest degree. - -Though there is some truth in this account of the Emperor's position, -I cannot believe that he might not have kept matters more quiet in -France than he has done, if he had exerted his influence and power -for that end. There can be no doubt that our international relations -are upon a very unpleasant and perilous footing, and that the evil is -not corrected by the fact of the two Courts being on friendly terms, -by mutual interchanges of soft sawder and proofs of friendship in the -shape of handsome bridal gifts from the Emperor and Empress to the -Princess Royal. We are going to do something to soothe the French; but -as it will, I believe, be no more than to make that a felony which is -now only a misdemeanour, it may be doubted if this will satisfy or -appease them; but it would be impossible to do more even if it were -desirable, which I think it is not, and I doubt if even this slight -concession will be obtained from Parliament without some strong and -indignant remarks upon the tone which has been adopted towards England. - -Footnote 1: [It was known in France that the explosive bombs with which -Orsini had attempted the life of the Emperor Napoleon were manufactured -in England, and that some of the accomplices of that conspirator were -still in this country, where the law could not reach them for a crime -committed abroad. These facts called forth a strong hostile feeling, -and England was accused of harbouring assassins. On January 20 Count -Walewski addressed a remonstrance to the British Government, which -remained unanswered, and on January 23 Count Persigny spoke in strong -language to a deputation from the City of London. Military addresses of -a violent character from several French regiments to the Emperor were -published in the _Moniteur_. On February 9 Lord Palmerston introduced a -bill, called The Conspiracy to Murder Bill, making conspiracy to murder -a felony. The opposition to this bill gave rise to the ensuing events -and overthrew the Ministry.] - - -[Sidenote: PETITION OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.] - -_February 3rd._--The Directors have got Tom Baring and Lord Grey to -present their petition in the two Houses, and they mean to adopt -the moderate and judicious course of not agitating any further, but -trust to the course of events, which is now turning in their favour, -and to ask for delay and a Committee. Graham, acting, I believe, -independently, means to move for a Committee. John Russell intimated to -him that he did not think he should support such a motion, but he has -not finally determined what to do, and I rather expect he will end in -voting for it. Palmerston's friends still tell him that his name is all -powerful, and that he is sure of carrying through the House of Commons -whatever he proposes, if the House thinks there is any possibility of -a defeat leading to his resignation, and such is evidently his own -opinion. In a Committee on Indian affairs and the intended bill, at -which Bethell was present, on some objection or possible objection -being suggested by one of the members, Palmerston said in his usual -jaunty way, 'Oh, they will fall in love with our bill when they see -it;' when Bethell, in his niminy-piminy manner and simper, said, 'Oh, -my dear Lord!' Granville, who told me, says it was very funny. They -all seem conscious of the diminution of Palmerston's energy and power. -He is always asleep, both in the Cabinet and in the House of Commons, -where he endeavours to conceal it by wearing his hat over his eyes. -Clarendon made me laugh heartily the other day at his account of the -Cabinet, where one half of them seem to be almost always asleep, -the first to be off being Lansdowne, closely followed by Palmerston -and Charles Wood. I remember his giving me a very droll account of -Melbourne's Cabinet, and of the drowsiness which used to reign there, -more particularly with Melbourne himself. - - -_February 11th._--I never remember Parliament meeting with much -greater curiosity and excitement. The situation of the Government is -generally regarded as so precarious, and the revolution in Palmerston's -popularity and therefore his power is so extraordinary, that everybody -is expecting some great events will occur, and the hopes of all who -wish for a change and who expect to profit by it are reviving. The -bill brought in by Palmerston on Tuesday for the purpose of punishing -conspirators and with a view to satisfy the exigency of the French -Government made a great stir. The leave to bring it in was carried by -a large majority, thanks to the Conservatives, but its success was -principally owing to the Emperor's apology arriving just before the -debate began. This pacified most of those who were enraged at the -publications in the 'Moniteur,' and disposed to oppose the measure on -account of the conduct of the French Government. I have no sympathy -with such a feeling, but it is well calculated to go down with the -public, and to afford a plausible pretext to the Ultra-Liberals and -the crotchety politicians. The greatest objection to this bill is that -it will probably be quite useless for its alleged object, and though -perhaps something more stringent might be useful, the Government do not -dare propose anything beyond the present measure. - -Perhaps the most serious reflexion to which this matter gives rise is -the suspicion that the conduct of the Emperor Napoleon betrays either -some strange infirmity in his faculties, or something so unsound and -dangerous in the state of France, as to be pregnant with possible -consequences it is frightful to contemplate. All that he has been -doing, or has allowed to be done of late, is indicative of a change; -for the moderation and prudence, together with firmness and decision, -which have hitherto formed his best claim to the admiration and -approbation of this country seem to have completely deserted him. The -penal laws enacted or to be enacted in France are considered as the -inauguration of a reign of terror, and there is rapidly growing up -the same sort of feeling about the French Empire that there is here -about the Palmerston Government. Nobody pretends to foresee what will -happen, but everyone thinks that the state of France is rendered more -combustible, and that any spark may produce an explosion. Those who -are most attached or most favourable to the Imperial Government are -the most alarmed, and, when they dare speak out, express the greatest -regret and alarm at all that is passing in France. - -[Sidenote: PERILS OF THE GOVERNMENT.] - -To turn to the Government here, their two great rocks ahead are the -India Bill and the Reform Bill, but with regard to these there seems no -knowledge how parties will act, and how leading individuals will vote. -Most people, however, are impressed with the idea that neither measure -will be carried, and that the Government will in all probability not -get through the session. It will be too absurd if Palmerston, after -being the idol of the public, in spite of or in consequence of all his -foolish speeches and his outrageous acts, should find himself deserted -and his power shaken because he made Clanricarde Privy Seal; but there -can be no doubt that this appointment has had more effect than any -other cause in the change of public opinion about him. - - -_February 14th._--Last week saw the debates in the House of Commons -about the Conspiracy Bill, and the first act of the India Bill. The -first is very unpopular, but it will be carried nevertheless. John -Russell has taken it up with extraordinary vehemence and anger. His -opposition to it is furious, on high constitutional grounds, which -appear to me absurd and uncalled for. If I were in Parliament I should -be puzzled how to vote, for there is much to be said against the Bill, -and much against voting against it, particularly against leave to bring -it in. Almost all the Tories voted with Government, and John Russell -carried very few with him, and neither of his own nephews. He is more -than ever exasperated against Palmerston for bringing it in. The -apology tended by the Emperor, which was read to the House, reconciled -a great many to the bill, but I have no notion that it will do any -good, or that the French Government will be satisfied with it. After -such a bill, which will certainly be carried, the British Lion must put -his tail between his legs, and 'Civis Romanus' give up swaggering so -loftily. If Aberdeen had attempted such a measure when Louis Philippe -was King and Guizot minister, what would Palmerston have said, and what -would not have been the indignant outcry throughout the country? The -balance of opinion now seems to be that Government will carry their -India Bill, and the report is that they are willing, if the second -reading is carried, to consent to any alterations that may be pressed -upon them in Committee. Lewis seems to have made a good speech on -Friday, though rather of a didactic character. - - -[Sidenote: A CRITICAL SITUATION.] - -_February 20th._[1]--Unless I were to write down day by day the -events and the _impressions_ of each day I should fail in giving -anything like a picture of the time, and I regret that my indolence -or other occupations have prevented my doing this. I have each day -promised myself I would not neglect it, and then, failing to keep -that promise (to myself), I have found some fresh occurrence sweeping -away the interest, and generally the accurate recollection, of what -the preceding days have produced. The varieties of the aspects of -public affairs have been like the figures in a kaleidoscope, and one -ought to catch each fleeting symmetrical arrangement before it is -changed into some other equally fleeting in order to comprehend the -rapidity and importance of the changes which are going on. Not long -ago (that is, not many weeks) a vague idea began to circulate that -the Government would have difficulty in getting successfully through -this session, and that their power had suffered some diminution. It -was thought that the India Bill and the Reform Bill would be too much -for them, and when a little later the events in France induced them to -bring in the Conspiracy Bill, the excessive unpopularity of this last -measure strengthened the impression of their instability. Everybody -out of the pale of the Government itself admitted that Palmerston was -not the man he was, and the diminution of his popularity was visible -universally. This was attributed to several smaller causes, but the -great one was the appointment of Clanricarde; which beyond all doubt -has been regarded with a disgust and indignation to the last degree -exaggerated and uncalled for. Such was the state of public feeling and -opinion when the Parliamentary campaign opened with the discussions -first of the Conspiracy Bill, and secondly of the Reform Bill. After a -few days, however, a great change seemed to have taken place, though -the country and the Press watched with great jealousy the progress of -the Conspiracy Bill, keeping up a very loud growl of dislike to the -Bill, and resentment against the French Government. In the division -on the question of leave to bring in the bill the majority of the -Conservatives came over to the Government, and they got a majority of -the Conservatives of three to one. A few days after Palmerston brought -in the India Bill, about which for a moment it was thought Baring -with his amendment might run him hard, but after a very poor debate, -in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer made a very good speech, -and the President of the Board of Control made no speech at all, the -Government got a majority of near 150. These two victories, though -the first was obtained by the aid of opponents, raised the spirits of -the Ministerialists, and were generally taken as indicative of more -strength than they had been supposed to have, and as pretty clear -proofs that Palmerston would at all events get unscathed through this -session with not much diminished authority and influence. - -But while they were triumphing in the fancied security which these -divisions seemed to promise them, a storm was gathering, for the -bursting of which, they were far from being prepared, nor did they -estimate its importance. The public feeling had become more and more -exasperated at the Conspiracy Bill, and at the conduct of France. -The first reading of the bill would not have been carried as it was, -perhaps not at all, but for the _apology_, as it was called, of the -Emperor, and the soothing effect of Walewski's despatch carrying -expressions of his master's regret and a sort of half disclaimer of -the military addresses. But this soothing effect was very transitory. -It was remarked that while the 'Moniteur' continued to insert fresh -addresses of an offensive character, the apologetic despatch did not -appear at all, and the original despatch of Walewski (January 20), -which had excited so much indignation here, and which was not denied -to have been the origin of the Conspiracy Bill, lay upon the table -of the House of Commons unanswered by our Government. On this point -a good deal of surprise and anger had been evinced in the Press and -in society, and the discontent against the Government generally, and -Palmerston in particular, was still spreading, when Milner Gibson took -advantage of the prevailing temper, and moved a resolution in the shape -of an amendment to the second reading of the bill, very skilfully -concocted, but which was a direct vote of censure upon the Government -(particularly of course directed against Palmerston and Clarendon) for -not having answered that despatch. - -[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT.] - -Palmerston, I have been assured, when he saw the terms of this -amendment, perceived that it might be dangerous, and that it was -well calculated to get votes; but it is certain that the Government -generally were in no apprehension, and that nobody of any party (I -believe literally nobody) had the least idea that any vote of censure, -which of course involved the existence of the Government, had the -slightest chance of being carried. I met Sir Edward Lytton at the -Athenæum on Friday, just as he was going to the House, and had some -conversation with him. He treated Palmerston's position as impregnable, -and said he would have a very large majority that evening. So confident -were the Government whippers in that they made no exertions, and Hayter -actually allowed some of his people to go away unpaired, telling them -that they were quite safe, and their presence not necessary. I went -to the House of Lords that evening to hear Macaulay, who was to have -spoken but did not speak, and afterwards went home, hearing nothing -more that night. Great was my astonishment when I read in the 'Times' -this morning that Government had been beaten on Milner Gibson's motion -by 19, and a few minutes after Granville came in and said that this -defeat must be conclusive and nothing left for them but to resign. -A Cabinet was held in the afternoon, at which it was decided that -Palmerston should repair to Buckingham Palace with the resignations of -himself and his colleagues. - -Footnote 1: [On February 19 the Government were defeated on the -Conspiracy Bill, in the House of Commons, by a majority of 234 to 215, -Mr. Milner Gibson's amendment having been carried against them. The -majority consisted of 146 Conservatives, 84 Liberals. Mr. Gladstone, -Lord John Russell, Sir James Graham, Mr. Cardwell, and Mr. Sidney -Herbert voted against the Bill. Lord Palmerston immediately resigned.] - - -_February 21st._--Nothing more was known last night, but it was evident -that Derby had been sent for in preference to Lord John, whom I met -at Brooks's in the morning, and who did not expect the Queen to send -for him. He told me Gladstone, he believed, and Graham, he knew, would -not join Derby, and he thought neither Sidney Herbert nor Cardwell -would either. As to the future, there really are _quot homines tot -sententiæ_. Some think Derby cannot form a Government, some that he -will not try. The sanguine Palmerstonians think all other attempts will -fail and Palmerston remain in power, as Lord Grey did in 1831, and some -fancy he will endeavour to propitiate the House of Commons and public -opinion by throwing overboard Clanricarde, to whose appointment the -mischief is in great measure attributed. Such is at this moment the -state of doubt and confusion which generally prevail. - - -_February 23rd._--Nothing is yet known of Derby's progress except -that he tried the Peelites, not one of whom would join. He sent for -Newcastle from Clumber, who came up, saw him, and declined. It is -evident that they mean to act in concert, except probably Graham, who -has espoused John Russell, and who will not separate himself from Lord -John's fortunes. There was a prevailing expectation yesterday that -Derby would abandon his attempt, and that Palmerston would come back, -but Derby seems quite determined to go on. The Palmerstonians certainly -expect their exclusion to be of short duration, and nobody thinks that -any Government Derby can possibly make will last long. - -Never was there a great catastrophe so totally unexpected. Within an -hour of the beginning of the debate no one doubted that the Government -would have a majority, but Milner Gibson's speech was not concluded -before it was evident that his amendment would be carried, and -Palmerston's conduct was very unaccountable. It was clear from the tone -of his speech, which was as bad as possible, feeble and intemperate, -that he was aware of what was going to happen, and yet when the true -state of the case was urged upon him, and he was pressed to adjourn the -debate till Monday, which could easily have been done, he obstinately -refused. If he had done this, there is little doubt that he would have -whipped up a majority by Monday. Certainly no people ever so mismanaged -their affairs. There is no excuse for their having put on the table of -the House of Commons such a despatch as Walewski's, without any reply -being made to it. It required no great sagacity to anticipate that such -a course of proceeding could not fail to throw the House of Commons -into a flame, and exasperate the country, already much excited, and all -the excuses they made only made their case worse, and were generally -inconsistent with each other. George Grey's was the most pitiful, -when he said that after the second reading an answer should be sent. -Then they made shuffling statements: at one time that they had sent -no answer, and that to have answered it as alone it could be answered -must have increased the irritation. Then, that they had given a verbal -answer, and at last it transpired that an answer had been sent in the -shape of a _private_ letter from Clarendon to Cowley. - -[Sidenote: MISMANAGEMENT.] - -There were two courses open to the Government, either of which might -have been very naturally and not improperly taken. Palmerston might -have announced that it was not his intention to produce any of the -correspondence between the two Governments, and asked the House of -Commons to place confidence in him, and allow him to take the steps -he deemed best to satisfy the French Government, and at the same -time vindicate the honour and dignity of this country, and if he had -stated that he thought it would be injurious to the interests of -peace and amity to produce any papers, it is perfectly certain he -would have met with unanimous acquiescence. The only objection I have -heard to this is that the French Government published the despatch -in the 'Moniteur;' but if Palmerston had resolved upon silence here, -he could have informed Cowley of his resolution, and instructed him -to come to a common agreement with Walewski that they should publish -nothing in the 'Moniteur,' and we should keep the correspondence from -Parliament here. Not acting in this way, he ought to have sent an -answer, and who can suppose that such men as Palmerston and Clarendon, -whose lives have been passed in writing despatches, and who are both -so remarkably expert at that work, should be unable to concoct a -reply to Walewski which should be conciliatory in tone and matter, -and at once suffice for the fears and exigencies of France and for -the national pride and honour of England? Clarendon's private letter -is said to have been excellent, and of course it must have been well -adapted for its purposes. What difficulty could there have been, -therefore, in converting the private into a public letter, which if -it had accompanied the French letter would have pacified both the -House of Commons and the country, for the Government ought not to -have forgotten, as it seems they did, that the English and French -Governments were not the only parties in this transaction, but there -were the English Government and the House of Commons and the country, -between whom accounts had to be settled. There are people who fancy -that Palmerston was not sorry to be beaten on Milner Gibson's motion, -thinking it better to go out upon that than upon the motion against -Clanricarde on March 4 (the abolition of the Privy Seal), on which they -think they certainly would have been defeated, and on which they must -have resigned; but I don't think their defeat on the latter was so -certain, and they might have been saved by Clanricarde's resignation -before the debate came on. The conduct of those who brought forward and -those who supported the vote of censure, and that of the Government in -going out upon it, admits of much diversity of opinion. The friends -of the Government, and those who were averse to a change, maintain -that the amendment was inexcusable, and that the House of Commons -had no business to meddle with the functions of the Executive, or to -express any opinion as to the propriety of answering or not a despatch -which ought to have been left to the discretion of the Minister, and -the ex-Ministers say that the vote made it impossible for them to do -anything but resign, and that their opponents must have been fully -aware that this would be the consequence of their victory. - -[Sidenote: DETERMINATION TO RESIGN.] - -Their conduct is inexplicable to me, for I believe they were very sorry -to go out, and yet if they had wished it they might have very well -stayed in. According to ancient practice any vote of censure produced -resignation as a matter of course, no matter what the subject of it, -but it did so because a vote of censure, and indeed any adverse vote on -any important measure, implied that the House of Commons had withdrawn -its confidence from the Government, the fact of which rendered it -impossible for them to carry on the affairs of the country, and obliged -them to resign. But it is impossible to pretend that the late vote -indicated the withdrawal of the confidence of the House of Commons -generally. They had had two immense majorities a few days before, and -they would have had another as large a few days after if they had gone -on with the bill. If I had been able to advise the Queen, I would have -recommended her to refuse Lord Palmerston's resignation, and have -insisted on his testing the question of confidence on the Conspiracy -Bill, or on some question in which the national passions were not -concerned, and he could not have refused to take this course. Even -after she had sent for Derby he gave her the opportunity (though not I -suppose the advice to do so), for he said she had better take another -day for consideration, and then if she decided on wishing him to form a -Government, he would undertake it. - - -_February 26th._--I met George Lewis yesterday, and talked over -with him the whole affair. He thinks that it has all been fearfully -mismanaged, and that the catastrophe might have been avoided in many -different ways: first, by answering the despatch; secondly, by doing -what I have suggested, producing no papers and asking for confidence; -then by the Speaker's declining to allow the amendment to be put, as he -well might have done, and as a _strong_ Speaker would have done. Lord -Eversley advised him to do this, and gave his strong opinion that the -amendment was inadmissible. It is curious that Palmerston's overthrow -should be the work of a Parliament elected expressly to support him, -and immediately caused by the act of a Speaker whom he insisted upon -putting in the chair, contrary to the advice of many others who thought -he would prove inefficient. - -I told Lewis I thought their resignation was not called for, and what I -would have advised the Queen. He said the whole question was well and -most calmly and dispassionately considered, and they were unanimous -as to the necessity of resignation, with the sole exception of Vernon -Smith, and that was without any _arrière pensée_ of returning on an -anticipated failure of Derby; that the Queen had begged Palmerston -not to resign upon this vote, and he had returned to the Cabinet, -and reported what she said, but they were all without exception for -adhering to their resignation. Derby, too, had evidently wished to -afford Palmerston an opportunity of recalling it, for he had begged the -Queen to take twenty-four hours to consider of it; but it is probable -that Her Majesty, having failed to persuade Palmerston in the first -instance, had thought it useless to make any further attempts. - -Lewis gave me such strong reasons for their determination, that -I confess they materially shook my opinion. He said there was no -possibility of mistaking the feeling there was against Palmerston, -which if I had been present and seen what passed in the House that -night, I could not have doubted; that the only way in which they could -have stayed in was by getting somebody to move a vote of confidence, -which was too dangerous an experiment, as in the present state of -the House of Commons it was at least an even chance that such a vote -would not have been carried, and certain that they would have had -all the great guns of all sides thundering against them. He thought -Palmerston's speech had been very ill advised, and had done much harm, -and that it was a mistake not to have adjourned the debate, when it was -very probable that they might have had an opportunity of changing the -fortune of it. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -The Second Derby Administration--Lord Derby's first Speech--Lord -Clanricarde defends himself--The New Ministry--Coincidences--Lord -Derby's favourable Position--Opinion of the Speaker--Lord Derby's -Liberal Declarations--Dinner to Mr. Buckle--Instability of the -Government--Mr. Disraeli's sanguine Views--India--Prospects of the -new Government--A Visit to the Duc d'Aumale--Delicate Relations -with France--Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston--Irritation of -the Whigs--Marshal Pélissier Ambassador in London--The Peelites -and the Whigs--Failure of the India Bill--An Overture from Lord -John Russell--Dissensions of the Whigs--Lord Derby resolves to -remain in Office--Lord John Russell proposes to deal with the -India Bill by Resolutions--Mistake of the Whigs in resigning on -the Conspiracy Bill--Withdrawal of the India Bill--Policy of -the Whigs in Opposition--Lord Cowley on the Relations of France -and England--Strong Opposition to the Government--Lord Derby -on the State of Affairs--Disunion of the Whigs--Lord Canning's -Proclamation--Littlecote House--Vehemence of the Opposition--Lord -Lyndhurst displeased--Debates on the Indian Proclamation--Collapse of -the Debates--Triumph of the Ministry--Disraeli's violent Speech at -Slough--Lord Palmerston's Discomfiture--Prospects of a Fusion--Success -of the Government--Concessions to the Radicals--The Queen's Visit to -Birmingham--Progress of the India Bill--The Jew Bill--The Jew Bill -passed--Disturbed State of India--Baron Brunnow on the Russian War. - - -_London, 27th February_.1858.--All yesterday lists of the new -appointments were put forth from hour to hour, unlike each other, and -proving what changes had been made during the last hours. Nobody was -prepared for Bulwer Lytton having no place, and still less for Lord -Stanley taking office in this Government, which must have been settled -at the eleventh hour. On the whole it presents a more decent-looking -affair than anybody expected, but the general impression is that it -cannot last, and must be overthrown by the mere weight of numbers, -whenever the different sections of the House should unite on any -question whatever. Their staff is not so despicable, but their rank and -file are sadly inadequate if they are attacked in earnest.[1] - -Footnote 1: [The second Administration of the Earl of Derby was -composed as follows:-- - - First Lord of the Treasury Earl of Derby - Lord Chancellor Lord Chelmsford - Lord President Marquis of Salisbury - Lord Privy Seal Earl of Hardwicke - Chancellor of the Exchequer Mr. Disraeli - Home Secretary Mr. Walpole - Foreign Secretary Earl of Malmesbury - Colonial Secretary Lord Stanley - War Secretary Colonel Peel - Board of Control Earl of Ellenborough - Board of Trade Mr. Henley - Duchy of Lancaster Duke of Montrose - Admiralty Sir John Pakington - Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland Earl of Eglinton - Chief Secretary Lord Naas - Woods and Forests Lord John Manners] - - -[Sidenote: LORD DERBY'S ADMINISTRATION.] - -_March 2nd._--Last night Derby made his statement. He was very nervous -and unlike himself, scarcely audible at first, much less fluent than -usual, and he spoke from notes, which I never saw him do before. -It was, however, a very judicious and becoming speech. Granville -and Clarendon both spoke very well, and the whole affair was very -creditable and satisfactory, civil, courteous, and good-humoured on -all sides. Clarendon made a very plausible defence of his own conduct -in not answering Walewski's despatch, which was so good that Hardwicke -crossed the House to compliment him, and said if that speech had been -made in the House of Commons there would have been no division. The -impression left on me is that though it was a pretty good defence, he -would have exercised a sounder discretion if he had sent an answer, and -that there was no difficulty in doing so. Clanricarde has given notice -of what the 'Times' calls favouring the House with some leaves of his -autobiography. He has been advised to take this course by some of his -friends and colleagues, particularly Lord Lansdowne; but in spite of -such respectable authority, I think it an ill-advised step, from which -he is likely to derive little if any benefit. He is going to defend -himself against something intangible, for no accuser will appear, and -there is no charge which he is called upon to rebut. No doubt his -appointment has been the real cause of the downfall of the Government. -It is this which ruined the popularity of Palmerston. It is only fair -to admit that they could not have been expected to anticipate all the -hubbub it made, nor anything like it. - -People are now wondering that Palmerston's fall has made so little -sensation and the event fallen so flat, considering what his popularity -was only a few months ago, but this proves what an unsubstantial -and factitious popularity it was. Derby has done better than his -predecessor in one way, for he has brought forward some new men who -have a good reputation, and may distinguish themselves in Parliament, -and show us that we have something to look to beyond the old worn -out materials of which everybody is tired. The first class of this -Government is not worse than that of the last, and the second class -is a great deal better. There are some rather curious coincidences -noticeable in this smash. The majority by which the Whigs fell was -nineteen. It was the same on the China question last year, and nineteen -turned out Derby in 1853. Derby has been three times called on to form -a Government, and each time on the 21st of February. At the present -moment there appears to be a disposition to give him what is called a -fair trial, but it is difficult to say how long this will last. The -Whigs are in great perplexity. Some talk of Palmerston coming back -again, others want to bring about a reunion between him and Lord John, -and others still talk of setting them both aside and electing a new -leader of the party. - - -_March 3rd._--The discussion, for there was no debate, on Monday has -produced a very favourable effect. Derby's speech is much admired for -its calm and dignified tone, and the matter of it considered judicious -and satisfactory. As an exhibition the whole proceeding is thought -eminently creditable to the country, and such as must strike foreigners -particularly. This is unquestionably true, and it has been a very good -start for Derby. As far as one can judge in so short a time, there is -a growing opinion that he ought to have fair play and no vexatious -opposition, and Granville this morning told me he thought he would get -on very well. Palmerston has begged Cowley not to resign, which is very -honourable and becoming. There are symptoms of a disposition on the -part of the 'Times' to support the new Government and I have little -doubt that they can secure this great advantage if they manage their -affairs with common prudence, and set to work diligently to frame such -measures of improvement and utility as will satisfy public opinion. I -entreated Jonathan Peel to lose no time in dealing with the matter of -the health of the soldiers and the mortality amongst them brought to -light by Sidney Herbert's Committee. This alone, well and quickly done, -would be of prodigious service to the new Government. - - -_March 6th._--I gather from what I hear that Lord Palmerston is -preparing to buckle on his armour, and to wage war against the new -Government with the hope and expectation of forcing himself back into -office speedily, and that the new Opposition mean to attack the new -Government as quickly and as vehemently as they can. John Russell -says they 'ought not to be recklessly or prematurely opposed.' Guizot -it seems, has written to Aberdeen about the 'union of all shades of -Liberals' as a desideratum, to which Lord John says 'whether it be -possible he knows not, but that he is an obstacle to it on our side, -and Palmerston on the other.' - -The Speaker, with whom I had a long talk yesterday, thinks this -Government never can stand, and he says, truly enough that though Derby -and Co. did not _make_ the situation which compelled the resignation of -the last, they _accepted_ it with full knowledge of the consequences of -their vote, and are therefore responsible. He considers that what has -happened and is likely to happen is all to the benefit of the Radicals, -who well know this, and rejoice at it accordingly and he thinks Milner -Gibson framed his amendment with the design of its leading to the -defeat of Palmerston, and the advent of Derby to a power which he never -desired to be of long duration. All this I could not gainsay, and it -is certainly true that this change has only produced a fresh set of -difficulties and dangers, the result of which who can foresee? - -Derby's liberal declaration in his programme last Monday has been taken -up and extended by his followers, but it is very improbable that the -enunciation of such principles and intentions will carry with it the -assent of the old and genuine Tories, many of whom will most likely ere -long declare their adhesion to their old creed, and their abhorrence -of the new-born liberalism of their chief, and Derby may one day find -himself in a lesser degree in something like the position of Peel when -he gave notice of his intention to propose the Repeal of the Corn Laws. -Derby's declaration now affords a practical justification of Peel's -course then, for Peel was never so much opposed to Free Trade as Derby -and all his followers to Reform, and his excuse is based on similar -grounds, namely, the progress and irresistible force of public opinion. - - -[Sidenote: A LITERARY DINNER PARTY.] - -_March 10th._--I dined with Grote yesterday to meet Mr. Buckle, the -literary lion of the day. He is not prepossessing in appearance, but he -talks very well and makes a great display of knowledge and extensive -reading, though without pedantry or dogmatism. There was a small party -of literary men to meet him, and Lady William Russell and I acted the -part of gallery. The guests were Count Platen the Swedish Minister, -the Master of the Rolls, Dr. William Smith, young Bunbury (Sir Henry's -son), and Lowe. It was pleasant enough. - -There is a prevailing and an increasing impression that this Government -will not last long, and I think its days are numbered. The old -Government are evidently impatient to resume their places, and within -the last two or three days there is an evident change in their spirits -and their expectations. Whether it is desirable or not that Derby -should be permitted to go on for some time I know not, but I doubt if -it is possible. John Russell might perhaps prefer keeping Derby in -place for a time, in order to prevent Palmerston's coming back, but I -do not think he will be able to do so if he wishes it, and even those -Liberals who are not very fond of Palmerston seem to be indignant at -a Tory party holding office with an immense majority against them in -the House of Commons. It is certainly a question whether any set of -men have a right under any circumstances to accept office with full -knowledge that there is a majority of at least two to one against -them, and if one set of ministers are bound to resign, not merely on -finding the majority against them, but upon a single adverse vote, _à -fortiori_ must another set be precluded from taking office without -the power of commanding the assent and support of Parliament upon any -question whatever. Sir Francis Baring writes to John Russell, 'that -the _existence_ of the present Ministry is contrary to Parliamentary -Government,' and this seems to be the general sentiment of the Liberal -party, of course loudly insisted on by those who expect to profit by -ousting them. - - -_March 11th._--My mind fluctuates back to a notion that the Government -will be able to maintain themselves for some time. Ellice said -yesterday that he for one would not join in any attempt to oust them -till he saw his way to the formation of a better Government, and thinks -time ought to be afforded for a reunion of the Liberal party. In the -afternoon I called on Disraeli, and found him rather sanguine about -their prospects. He said they should settle, in fact had settled, the -French question 'with flying colours.' He sees no difficulty about -finance, as there can be no quarrels on the score of principles, and -he will only have to provide for the expenses either by some increased -taxation, or if that is opposed, by a loan, and he does not think the -Palmerstonians will venture to refuse the supplies, or that they would -succeed in such an attempt. His Indian Bill he thinks will be a better -and more popular measure, and he knows of nothing else but the chapter -of accidents on which they will have any serious difficulty. - -Afterwards I fell in with Charles Villiers, and talked over the fall -of the Government, which he attributed, as I do, to the enormous and -inconceivable blunders which his friends committed. He is always -sensible, unprejudiced, and the most satisfactory person to talk to I -am acquainted with. John Russell is in great indignation at Disraeli's -speech at his election, and his attributing all sorts of bad motives to -the Whigs in their Reform of 1831, which was certainly very imprudent -to say the least of it, for in his condition it was most desirable for -him to avoid giving offence to any of the influential people, whose -hostility may be very dangerous to him. I had not read his speech when -I saw him, or I should have told him so. - - -_March 12th._--It is remarkable how completely the affairs at home have -superseded the interest belonging to those of India. Nobody seems to -think about what so recently absorbed everyone's thoughts and feelings. -This is, however, in great measure owing to the general belief that -the great question of suppressing the rebellion and re-establishing -our rule is virtually settled, and though we may yet have a great deal -of trouble and even difficulty, all serious danger is at an end, and -that we are as secure of possessing India as of any of our colonies. -The apprehensions I had on the subject, and which I have expressed, -have been very far from realized, and those who took more sanguine and -confident views of the issue of the contest have been justified by the -event. - - -[Sidenote: ATTACKS ON THE GOVERNMENT.] - -_March 17th._--The new Government is looking up. On Monday evening -Bernal Osborne attacked Disraeli in his usual style, and gave him an -opportunity of making a speech in reply, which everybody acknowledges -to have been most able and successful. Bernal was very bad, Palmerston -spoke feebly, professed moderate intentions towards the new Government, -but clearly indicated that he meant to take office again if he could. -His speech was tamely received, and furnished a fresh proof of the -loss of his popularity and influence. Last night again, in a little -skirmish between Disraeli and George Lewis, the former had the best of -it. Clanricarde having had the egregious folly to announce to the House -of Lords his intention to make 'a personal statement,' in which he -was unaccountably supported by such men as George Lewis and Lansdowne -amongst others, found out that everybody thought he was making a great -fool of himself and withdrew it, but his colleagues are annoyed at his -putting himself forward to ask questions of Derby. He sits on the front -Opposition bench in the midst of his late colleagues, who would be glad -to be rid of him, particularly as they know that in the event of their -return to office he would be left out. - - -_March 20th._--I went on Friday with M. de Jarnac to Orleans House to -pay a visit to the Duc d'Aumale and see his interesting collection of -books and pictures. He is very courteous, obliging, and intelligent, -and the Duchess very civil and pleasing. His house was formerly -occupied by his father, Louis Philippe, improved and enlarged by Lord -Kilmorey, who lived there with Miss Hoste, and bought from him by the -Duke, who has filled it full of objects of historical or artistic -interest, especially of memorials of the great Condé. The family -portraits, of which there is a vast collection, are particularly -curious. He has two sons, who bear the fine titles of Prince de Condé -and Duc de Guise, but it is melancholy to contemplate the _avenir_ -of these boys, whose high birth is their misfortune, and to whom no -profession or occupation seems open. They have lost their own country -by no fault of their own, and are so situated that they cannot or -will not get adopted in any other.[1] It is a false position if ever -there was one. The family appear to have been alarmed by the recent -events in France, and the indirect effect which those events might -have upon them, for they have reason to believe that they are exposed -to a constant system of _espionnage_ by the French Government, who -wish very much to implicate them if possible in some of the plots that -they believe to be constantly going on here, and great vigilance on -their part is necessary not to commit themselves in any way to unknown -Frenchmen who approach under pretences of attachment to their family or -to make appeals to their charity. - -The other day I got a note from Lord Derby about a Council, at the end -of which he earnestly begged me if I had any influence with the 'Times' -to get them to abstain from writing any more irritating articles about -France, for that these articles provoked the French to madness, and, as -matters are, that nothing but the utmost care and moderation on both -sides enabled the two Governments to go on in harmony. I accordingly -sent his note to Delane, who promised to attend to it, though it was -hard to leave the French press without replies. It is curious that I -should be found acting a friendly part towards Derby's Government, he -being of all men the one to whom I have felt the greatest political -repugnance; but I am now so free from all political predilections, -and regard constant changes as so objectionable, that I wish this -Government to be fairly tried, especially as it appears to me quite -as good as any other we are likely to have; disposed to work hard and -promote good measures, and to be unable, even if they were disposed, to -do any harm. - -[Sidenote: SETTLEMENT OF THE FRENCH QUARREL.] - -I find a disposition to carp at the settlement of the French quarrel, -though without any good reason. Lord Malmesbury's letter might have -been better composed, and more showy, but the object was to close -the quarrel in a manner that would satisfy the pride and allay the -irritation of this country, without being so exacting towards France -as to pique her into fresh ebullitions offensive to us, and this has -been done, though it cannot be said with truth that they had settled -the dispute 'with flying colours.' The French Government have had the -last word, and exhibited some spleen, which is not very unnatural -considering the part they have had to play, eating humble pie and -retracting almost everything they said. - -The Duke of Bedford is in town, having been urgently pressed to come up -and see what he could do to effect a political reconciliation between -Lord John and Palmerston, which he has certainly not effected, and -probably will fail in effecting. Lord John said some months ago that he -never would take office again but as Premier, but what the Whigs want -is that he should join them, consent to co-operate in ousting Derby, -and then to take office under Palmerston; but if he would not do this -before the present session began, much less would he be inclined to do -so now. He knows very well that they are only trying to make it up with -him, because they feel that they cannot do without him, and as they -still prefer Palmerston, and mean to stick to him, and to come back -with him as their chief, there is very little chance of any negotiation -being brought to a successful issue. The best chance of the Whigs being -reunited is, that the present Government should take sufficient root, -and stay in office long enough to show that nothing but a complete -reconciliation of the Liberals of all shades and opinions can drive -them out, and for this time is required. The notion the late Government -cherished of being able to turn out their opponents in a very brief -space is already gone, and they find that the majority of the House of -Commons will be no party to such an overthrow. - -Footnote 1: [Alas! both these interesting and promising young Princes -were cut off in early life, the Prince de Condé dying in New South -Wales, at the outset of a journey on which he had started under -the most auspicious circumstances. The Duc de Guise, then the sole -surviving child and heir of the Duc d'Aumale, also died soon after the -return of the Royal Family to France in 1871.] - - -_March 21st._--The Duke of Bedford has just been here; he has been -occupied with vain attempts to bring about the reconciliation so much -desired by his political friends, but without success or any hope of -it; he finds the estrangement between Palmerston and Lord John great as -ever, and even between Lord John and Clarendon, the latter complaining -bitterly that Lord John 'went out of his way to insult him,' which -meant that in his speech the other day he spoke civilly of Malmesbury, -saying he had no doubt he would uphold the honour and dignity of the -country. All this shows the excessive soreness and ill-humour of the -outgoing party, and though Clarendon expresses the most unalloyed -satisfaction at being out of office, it proves there is the _amari -aliquid_ to detract from his pleasure at being free; and it is not -unnatural that the great part he has himself had in bringing about the -catastrophe should make him very sore and uneasy, and a blow has been -given to his reputation the effects of which may be hereafter serious. - - -_March 25th._--Marshal Pélissier is going to replace Persigny here as -Ambassador, a strange choice. He is a military ruffian, who knows no -more of diplomacy than he does of astronomy. Persigny goes because -he cannot agree with Walewski; I don't know the details of his -dissatisfaction. His departure is regretted, as he is believed to be -honest and true, and sincerely anxious to promote a good understanding -between the two countries. - -[Sidenote: RECONCILIATION OF STATESMEN.] - -The Duke of Bedford has just been here; he came from Lord Aberdeen, -who tells him the Peelites are all verging towards a union with Lord -John, some more, some less; Graham is devoted to him, Sidney Herbert -and Cardwell perfectly well disposed, the Duke of Newcastle gradually -becoming so, and Gladstone at present the least friendly, but Aberdeen -thinks is getting more friendly, and will eventually join his standard, -and Aberdeen himself is doing all he can to bring about this union. He -is going to speak to the Queen about it, with a view of reconciling -her to Lord John without knowing how necessary it is. The Duke said he -rather doubted the expediency of Aberdeen's speaking to Her Majesty, -but I told him it was better he should, and very necessary to take all -means to remove her feeling against Lord John. I also told him what -had passed between the Queen and Clarendon, and how he had endeavoured -to persuade Her Majesty that it would be impossible for himself to -be Prime Minister, and that if Palmerston failed from any cause, her -only course would be to send for Lord John, and to do so frankly and -graciously. I begged him to let Lord John know this, as it was so -desirable to bring about a reconciliation between them, which this fact -would be calculated to promote. The Duke owned it was very handsome -conduct on the part of Clarendon, as it is indeed on the part of -Aberdeen, after all that Lord John did in breaking up his Government; -but Aberdeen is a gentleman and a patriot, sincerely attached to the -Queen, and to the best interests of the country, and while he has -retired altogether from public life and the turmoil of politics, he is -anxious still to exercise the great moral influence which he possesses -to advance the public interests according to the dictates of his -judgement and his conscience. - - -_Hatchford, March 30th._--On Friday last Disraeli brought on the -Government India Bill, which Ellenborough told some of his friends -would be 'a great success,' and which everybody expected would be an -improvement on Palmerston's. Never was there a greater failure; the -bill was received with general aversion and contempt. The Radicals, -who want to keep the Government in for the present, could not stomach -it, Roebuck pronounced it a sham, and Bright, who detests Palmerston, -said he preferred his bill of the two. It is evidently impossible that -this bill can pass, and everybody sees what a fix it places public -affairs in, and what difficulties and uncertainties present themselves -on all sides. The only people who are pleased are the Palmerstonians. -They think that when this bill has been rejected or withdrawn theirs -will pass, and this will, _ex necessitate_, compel Derby to retire -and open the way to Palmerston's return to office. They are therefore -chuckling over the dilemma, but it may be without its leading to the -realization of their hopes. There are a great many men in the House -of Commons, Peelites or Radicals principally, but also some others, -who cannot endure the notion of Palmerston's coming back, and who -will oppose his bill, after the other has been swept away, merely -to prevent his return. What the Radicals would like is that both -bills should be referred to a Select Committee, and a third bill be -concocted out of the two; but this scheme would not be likely to meet -with general approbation, for it would be in fact a delegation of the -proper functions of government to the House of Commons. It appears not -unlikely that both bills will fail and that no measure at all will pass -this year. The Government people are extremely dejected at the state of -affairs, but it is said they do not mean to resign upon the defeat of -their bill. - -Meanwhile John Russell has made a sort of overture to Granville, i.e. -he sent George Byng to him on Sunday to invite him to say what he -thought would be the most eligible course to adopt in the present state -of affairs, and with reference to the Government bill. This was not -very judicious on his part, and Granville was an odd man to select, -being in a different House of Parliament, and so bound to Palmerston -that he could not avoid communicating to him the overture and his reply -to it. George Byng says Granville appeared a good deal surprised, but -he thought rather pleased. Granville said he could give no immediate -answer, but would write to him, which he did the next day, and told him -George Lewis would go down to Pembroke Lodge to see Lord John. I have -no idea that anything will come of this, for none of the late Cabinet -can or will transfer their allegiance from Palmerston to Lord John, -unless the former consents to it, and abdicates his position of chief -of the Whig party, which he seems to have no thoughts of doing, and it -is impossible to conciliate their rival claims and pretensions. - - -[Sidenote: MR. DISRAELI'S INDIA BILL.] - -_April 2nd._--A letter from the Duke of Bedford this morning says -that Lord John is inclined to throw out the India Bill, as it is too -bad to admit of any improvement, and that he thinks if he does this -Palmerston will support him; but the Duke adds that it is rumoured -that the Government will not go out if their bill is defeated. It is -easy to understand that Palmerston can desire nothing so much as that -Lord John should take the lead in opposing the India Bill, and that he -should support him, because in that case, and the defeat of the bill -by a large majority, which probably would happen, and the Government -going out, he would infallibly be sent for again, and in re-forming -his Government he would no doubt invite Lord John to join it, but this -would only lead to a fresh series of difficulties, and most likely to -a long course of abortive negotiations. How the junction between the -two leaders is to be effected it is difficult to conceive, although -there are several ways in which it might be brought about, if they -were disposed to make mutual concessions. The starting point might -be the complete union of the whole Whig and Liberal party, which all -profess to desire most anxiously, and which the mutual antipathies and -disagreements of the two leaders at present prevent. If Palmerston -would consent to go to the House of Lords as Premier, and to leave Lord -John with a high office (India, for example) as leader in the House of -Commons, something might be done. Lord John might possibly be induced -to cede his claim to the highest place on this condition, but it is not -unlikely that he would require more than that: first, that Clarendon -should not be at the Foreign Office, which Palmerston would no doubt -not agree to; and secondly, certain places and seats in the Cabinet -for the Peelites, who have recently consented to follow his standard -and cast their own lots with his. Then various complications present -themselves connected with these questions. - - -_April 4th._--The Duke of Bedford has written to Lady Derby that her -lord must make up his mind to be beaten on his India Bill, but that -he hopes he will not think it necessary to resign upon it when he is. -Brougham writes from Paris that the feeling against us there has been -greatly exaggerated, that the Emperor _alone_ is friendly to us, but -that though the general sentiment is unfriendly, nobody dreams of going -to war with us, nor indeed with any other Power. - - -_April 8th._--Derby made a striking speech at the Mansion House the -other night, which has been severely ridiculed by the 'Times,' but -which nevertheless contained a good deal of truth. He said that there -were very few questions nowadays in which different Governments _could_ -act differently, and he invited not only every sort of criticism, -but of suggestion, as to the Indian Bills and measures now before -Parliament. The inference deducible from his speech (and in which I -have since been confirmed) is that, happen what may, he does not mean -to resign, and that the Government will not go out, unless they are -positively turned out. They say this unlucky India Bill was the sole -work of Ellenborough, and that the democratic clauses are the result -of an old fancy of his, but nobody can be desirous of admitting the -paternity of such a measure. - - -[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S RESOLUTIONS.] - -_April 16th._--I have been confined to the house for several days, and -unable to mix in the world and hear what is going on, but have seen -enough to know that there is nothing but confusion, perplexity, and -irritation in the political world. During the brief recess everybody -was speculating about what would be done when Parliament met again, -what was to be the fate of the rival India Bills, and how far the -Government would be affected by the result of contests concerning them. -The Government hangers-on affected to be very well satisfied with the -state of affairs, and proclaimed their intention not to go out whatever -might happen with regard to their bills. The Palmerstonians evidently -expected that such storms would arise as the Government would not be -able to weather, and that something would turn up advantageous to them. -John Russell, who must be doing something, said that the Government -bill was so bad that no alterations could make it tolerable, and that -he was disposed to move some Resolutions, which might be the foundation -of a really good measure. He concocted these Resolutions, and wrote -word to the Duke that 'he had written to George Lewis and to Macaulay, -who both approved of his scheme.' Accordingly, as soon as Parliament -met he announced that Resolutions ought to be drawn up, and that he was -ready to draw them up. This produced great excitement. The Government -saw in this move a plank of safety for themselves, and Disraeli said he -was ready to receive Lord John's Resolutions, or to draw up Resolutions -of his own; many people said that if Resolutions were to be drawn up at -all, it ought to be by Government, and not by any independent member, -and it was eventually settled that Disraeli was to do it. Everybody saw -that this, as far as it went, was advantageous to the Government; it -gave them certainly a reprieve, and possibly an opportunity of ridding -themselves of the Indian difficulty altogether for this year, and the -consequence was a burst of indignation and resentment against Lord John -for thus coming to their aid as it was called, and concerting such a -measure (as he was accused of doing) with Disraeli himself. The 'Times' -attacked him with the utmost bitterness, and there is a general clamour -against him on the part of the late Government and their friends. It -is not very easy to divine his true motives in this matter. To judge -by the asperity with which he has spoken of the Government bill, one -should not suppose he could be moved by any auxiliary purpose to them, -and I do not believe there has been any concert, direct or indirect, -between them; but as all parties agree that the Government have derived -advantage from his move, the rage he has excited is not unreasonable, -and the breach between him and the Palmerstonian Whigs is much widened, -and become more difficult to heal. Granville, who I suppose speaks the -sentiments of his colleagues, says that it is evident they could not -return to office with the _same_ Government exactly as before, and -that it is not desirable to turn the Government out at present, even -if they could, and he thinks it would not be wise to attempt to carry -Palmerston's India Bill, in which it is not sure they should succeed. -He thinks there _was_ concert between Lord John and Disraeli, not -direct, but through Horsman, and he says that George Lewis, so far from -approving his Resolutions, strongly protested against them; but it is -not impossible to reconcile two statements which seem at first sight to -be directly opposed to each other. Lord John says he imparted to George -Lewis and Macaulay his _scheme_ (i.e. of drawing up Resolutions), not -the Resolutions themselves, while George Lewis seems to deny approval -of the Resolutions; but this is only a possible solution of the -apparent contradictions. - -I told Granville that all that was now happening only served to confirm -my original opinion, that they were wrong in resigning, and that there -was no occasion for their doing so, and they now saw how difficult -it was, when they had let this Government in, to get them out again, -and he not only had not a word to say in reply, but all he did was -rather indicative of concurrence in my opinion. In the most palmy days -of party government, and when the old traditions with regard to the -relations of Government with the House of Commons were in full force, -it was not considered as an invariable and unavoidable necessity that -a Government when beaten on an important question must go out. I -recollect the Government of the day in 1815 being beaten on the Income -Tax, without therefore resigning, and it is so obvious that the vote on -the French despatch did not imply any general withdrawal of confidence -and support, that I never shall believe they would have resigned as -they did unless they had thought they should gain more strength and -power by doing so without losing their places, and consequently that -they were caught in a trap of their own setting. - - -[Sidenote: MR. DISRAELI'S BUDGET.] - -_April 24th._--The events of the past week have been Disraeli's Budget, -which has been received with favour and excited no opposition in any -quarter, and the withdrawal of the Government India Bill, which was -done by Disraeli, rather unwillingly; but their maxim seems to be -'anything for a quiet life,' and they agree to whatever is proposed or -opposed in any influential quarter. The general notion is that they -are safe for this session, but it is a very inglorious safety. It now -appears as if they would scramble and hobble on until the whole Liberal -party is reunited, and a reconciliation effected between Palmerston and -John Russell, to bring about which it is clear that much exertion is -being made. - -While I was at Newmarket this week I had several letters from the Duke -of Bedford, all bearing upon this matter. He writes on the 16th: 'I -hear that the feeling against John has been very strong and that lies -have been told as usual. It is said that he has been in communication -with Derby indirectly, through Lady Derby, and that he wrote to -Disraeli. If he did, it was only on a matter of ordinary courtesy, -to ask him to postpone the second reading of the India Bill, to give -time for a different course which he intended to suggest and did the -first day the House met. John has been left by circumstances or by -his old colleagues to pursue his own independent course, and ought -not to be found fault with, if he pursued that course, as he did in -this instance, after conferring with the friends I named to you, and -receiving their approval. No doubt his move was very successful to -the Government, and helped them out of an enormous difficulty, but -I can see no harm in that.' There was a great deal more about the -communications between Lord John and George Lewis, which now only -signifies as demonstrating the extreme difficulty of getting at the -truth. It is evident that there is a great desire on the part of the -Whigs to bring about a reunion with Lord John and those who follow -him, in order to get the Government out, for which the rank and file -are getting more and more impatient. Lewis told me last night that -_they_ are holding constant Cabinets, which always ended with the same -resolution, not to do anything, or to make any serious attack; and -they have made up their minds to acquiesce in Derby's going on through -this session; but nothing can exceed the contempt and aversion with -which Lewis speaks of the Government and of all their proceedings, -certainly not without reason, for there is no example of any Government -consenting to hold office on terms so humiliating, and to such a -powerless existence. They dare not originate anything, and they submit -to everything that anybody proposes or suggests, having seemingly no -object but that of currying favour, and avoiding to give offence. The -way in which Disraeli withdrew his India Bill upon a few words spoken -by John Russell is a curious exemplification of their forlorn state. - -Lord Cowley, whom I saw yesterday, is desirous, like everybody else, to -see the end of this feeble rule; but he thinks Palmerston's disposition -is very unbending, and doubts his and Lord John's being brought -together, notwithstanding that Lady Palmerston tells the Duke of -Bedford that Palmerston 'has a great affection for John.' Cowley talked -a great deal about French affairs and the state of things between the -two countries, and he expressed great apprehensions lest Malmesbury -should make too many concessions to the French Government,[1] which, -however, he meant to prevent if he could. He mentioned one or two odd -things. First of all he told me that he had foreseen all the effects -produced by the Walewski letter, and had done all he could to prevent -its being sent, and he was amazed at Clarendon having taken it so -quietly, and that he should have seen no impropriety or danger in it, -but on the contrary thought it would do good. Then with regard to -Walewski's other letter in reply to Malmesbury, which, objectionable -as it was, had been greatly softened from the original draft, had it -been despatched as at first composed by Walewski, he said it would have -raised an inextinguishable flame here. Cowley said that the Emperor's -nerves were shaken to pieces by the _attentat_, and he was greatly -changed. - -Footnote 1: [The publication of Lord Malmesbury's autobiography has -proved that he was not at all disposed to make any undue concessions to -the French Government, and that he acted as long as this Administration -lasted in strict union with Lord Cowley. The Emperor Napoleon -complained that his old friend assumed too stern an attitude towards -France in the course of the events which followed in the next few -months and led to the Italian War.] - - -[Sidenote: DECADENCE OF THE MINISTRY.] - -_April 29th._--Every day the position of the Government gets worse -and worse. The disposition there was to give them a fair opportunity -of carrying on public affairs as well as they could has given way to -disgust and contempt at their blundering and stupidity, and those -who have all along resented their attempt to hold office at all are -becoming more impatient and more anxious to turn them out. There -is a very temperate, but very just, article in the 'Times' to-day, -which contains all that is to be said on the subject, stated without -bitterness or exaggeration. The Whigs, however, seem aware that it -is not expedient to push matters to extremity, and to force their -resignation, until the quarrels of the Liberal party are made up, and -till Palmerston and John Russell are brought together and prepared to -join in taking office, and to effect this object the most strenuous -efforts are making. What the pacificators aim at is, that Palmerston -should go as Premier to the House of Lords, and leave Lord John to -lead the House of Commons. This is the most reasonable compromise, and -one which ought to be satisfactory to both; but even if this leading -condition were agreed to, it is not certain that there might not be -others presenting great obstacles to the union, such as whether Lord -John would agree to join without bringing a certain number of men -with him, and whether Palmerston would consent to exclude so many of -his former Cabinet to make room for them. Graham, Lord John would, I -suppose, certainly insist upon; Gladstone would probably be no party -to any arrangement, and he has recently evinced his extreme antipathy -to Palmerston by a bitter though able review in the 'Quarterly' on -France and the late Ministry, in which he attacks Palmerston with -extraordinary asperity. - -Ever since he resigned Palmerston has been very active in the House of -Commons, and kept himself constantly before the public, evidently with -the object of recovering his former popularity as much as possible, -and he made a very clever and lively speech two nights ago, which his -friends praise up to the skies. - -I met Derby in the Park yesterday, and soon after the Chancellor in -Piccadilly, and had some talk with both of them. They were neither -of them in a very sanguine mood, and apparently well aware of the -precariousness of their position. Derby attributed the state of -affairs, which he owned was very bad, to the caprice and perverseness -of the House of Commons, which he said was unmanageable. I did not, as -I might have done, tell him that he had no right to complain of this -House, and that it was the mismanagement of his own colleagues which -was the cause of the evil. Lyndhurst made an extraordinary speech on -the Jew Bill on Tuesday night. - - -_May 1st._--Ellice flattered himself that he could get up a party -in the House of Commons which would have power enough to stop the -progress of the Indian measure, and to lead to a better measure next -year, as well as to the formation of a Government; and in pursuance -of this scheme it was arranged that Lord Harry Vane should move the -postponement of Indian legislation, and Ellice told me they should be -supported by 150, and many men of note. All this went off in smoke -last night. After a short debate the motion was rejected by an immense -majority, and Ellice could only muster 55 people. - -The hopes of those who are trying to bring Lord John and Palmerston -together are damped by a letter I have received (and shown to George -Byng) from the Duke of Bedford, who says: 'I saw much of Palmerston and -Lady Palmerston last week, but could see no disposition to reunion, -although we came to that point more than once. I suggested to Lady -Palmerston the wish of many that Palmerston should go to the House -of Lords. She said that Palmerston had always entertained a great -dislike to it, and hinted, or more than hinted, that he would place -no confidence in John as leader of the House of Commons.' I went to -hear Professor Owen lecture yesterday. His style of lecturing is very -good, but the subject (vertebrated animals) was too scientific for my -ignorance. - - -_Savernake, May 11th._--I have been out of town all the last week, -at Chester, and came here on Saturday. While I was at Chester the -Duke of Bedford sent me a note he had received from Lord John, which -looked like the beginning of a _rapprochement_ between him and -Palmerston, though it did not amount to a great deal, and may lead -to nothing. I was obliged to return it, and was too much occupied -to copy the contents of it here. I refer so often to this subject, -because it appears to be the one upon which the existence of the -present Government depends, for as soon as the Liberals can come to -an understanding and act in concert, the doom of the Ministry will -be sealed. Without their committing any great faults they seem to be -falling into greater contempt every day. - -[Sidenote: LORD CANNING'S OUDE PROCLAMATION.] - -The only point of attack the Opposition have found has been the affair -of Canning's recent Proclamation.[1] Canning has not been lucky in -his Proclamations, the first having been severely criticised for its -clemency, and the second for its severity. The complaint against the -Government is for having made public their disapproval of it and their -censure of his acts. I think their disapprobation quite right, and -that they were right in conveying it to Canning, but they might have -refused to express any opinion or to publish or half publish any of -the correspondence that passed, though it cannot be doubted that such -refusal would have drawn upon them all sorts of attacks and reproaches, -but it would have been the proper course for them to adopt. It is, -however, certainly premature to express any definite opinion upon an -act of which we are not yet furnished with an explanation. - -I went yesterday to see Littlecote House, Mr. Popham's, a very curious, -interesting old house, and the scene of the Wild Dayrell story and -murder, the tradition of which has been often narrated, but the truth -never ascertained. I saw all the rooms, including the one in which -the murder is supposed to have been committed, but they have been -much altered. There is a fine old hall, hung round with the armour -and buff coats of Colonel Popham's troopers, and it is a remarkable -fact that they are all so small that no man of ordinary size could -wear them, a clear proof that the present generation are much bigger -than our ancestors of two centuries ago. King William III. slept at -Littlecote for two or three nights in 1689 (while King James was at -Salisbury), and he seems to have left behind him a good many papers, -which have ever since been preserved in the house. There is also a -large collection of miscellaneous letters of the time of the Civil War, -more or less curious, which were preserved by a lucky accident. Popham -told me that his father told him there was a mass of papers in an old -box under the roof of the house which had better be destroyed. His son -went up for the purpose, and discovered the contents of the box, saved -the papers, and had them arranged in a book. I urged him to publish -them, and I hope he will. I had only time to look over a few of them; -as autographs alone they are valuable.[2] - -Footnote 1: [The Proclamation of March 3, addressed to the chiefs -and people of Oude, is here referred to. It was strongly opposed and -attacked as a wholesale measure of confiscation, before the motives -and policy of the act were understood; but Lord Canning's object was -to reinstate the talookdars in their possessions by a tenure under the -British Crown, and subsequent events have shown that the resettlement -of the conquered province was accomplished without violence or -injustice.] - -Footnote 2: [Amongst these Littlecote papers was found the -correspondence of Queen Henrietta Maria with Charles I. when she went -to Holland to raise money for carrying on the Civil War. I am not aware -that they have been published.] - - -[Sidenote: THE WHIGS NEGOTIATE.] - -_London, May 13th._--Nothing ever was like the state of confusion -and excitement which has prevailed here during the last fortnight, -while I have been out of town, particularly on the resignation of -Ellenborough, which took everybody by surprise. Before I went away the -impression had become general that this Government neither could nor -ought to be endured much longer, and that their repeated and enormous -blunders made them a nuisance which must be abated. All the Liberals -(except some of the extreme Radicals who wished them to stay on some -time longer), however they differed on other questions, were agreed -on this. Numerous meetings took place, and there was a prodigious -activity of negotiation, communication, and going backwards and -forwards, with a view to some general organisation and combination of -attack on the unfortunate Ministry. The Duke of Bedford was brought up -to see what he could do to bring Lord John and Palmerston together. -Lord John joined heartily in the plan of turning the Government out, -and said that _anything_ was preferable to leaving them any longer -in office. Clarendon, who had been informed of Lord John's peculiar -grudge against him, expressed a wish to have an interview with him, -which the Duke brought about. Lord John called on Clarendon, and -they had a frank communication, so far as Lord John telling him all -that he thought about foreign affairs, and in what he disagreed with -the late Government on various questions; but he did not allude to -Vienna, which is the real gist of his grievance and the source of his -hostile feeling, so that with that reticence it is not strange that -they should have parted much as they met. Then Palmerston expressed a -wish to have a _tête-à-tête_ conversation with Lord John, which the -latter assented to, but Palmerston seems to have changed his mind, and -to have shrunk from it when the opportunity presented itself. Charles -Wood is the man who has been constantly communicating with Lord John in -behalf of the Whig Cabinet, and one day Palmerston came into Charles -Wood's while Lord John was there. It rained, and Palmerston offered -to take Lord John home, which he accepted, but nothing passed on the -way, nor did Palmerston propose to get out and enter the house when he -might have had the conversation he had expressed a wish for, and so it -ended. The plans imagined by mutual friends for effecting a political -reconciliation have vanished into air. Palmerston is resolved not to go -to the House of Lords, and Lord John is equally determined not to take -office under him. Palmerston says he cannot trust Lord John to lead the -House of Commons. Personally, meanwhile, they are ostensibly friends, -and Lord John dines at Cambridge House to-morrow. Charles Wood asked -the Duke of Bedford, supposing the Government resigned, and Palmerston -was again sent for, what he thought Palmerston ought to do, to which he -replied that he ought to accept the task, send to Lord John, and on his -refusal to join (as he probably would), to do the best he could with -the materials he could command. This advice would, I conceive, be very -palateable to Palmerston, and it is what he would naturally do without -any advice. - -I called on Lyndhurst the night I came to town, and found him very -dissatisfied with the Government, both on account of their management -and errors, and because they have treated him with personal neglect; he -had begged Derby and Disraeli to do something for his son-in-law, but -both put him off with excuses, and would do nothing. He is particularly -disgusted with the state of the Jew question, and with the foolish and -obstinate conduct of the Government in the House of Lords about it, on -which he was very eloquent, particularly for their having made a great -whip, and getting up every man they could lay hands on to come and -vote, instead of leaving it to take its chance, and at least making an -open question of it. - - -_May 16th._--The first great battle took place in the House of Lords -the night before last, at which I was present.[1] - -[Sidenote: DEBATES ON THE OUDE PROCLAMATION.] - -It was a very spirited fight, and I never recollect seeing the House -of Lords so crowded both with ladies and lords. Pretty good speaking; -Lord Grey's was about the best speech and the one I most agreed with. -I cannot see the matter of Canning's Proclamation and Ellenborough's -despatch in the light that either side does, and think there is much -to be said both ways. In the Commons the fight began on Friday also, -and the most remarkable speech in it was that of Cairns, the new -Solicitor-General, which was very clever and effective. John Russell -also spoke very well and vigorously, quite in his old style. There is -much difference of opinion as to the amount of majority, though it is -generally expected there will be one against Government, and I now hear -that they have determined positively to dissolve if they are beaten, -though with little or no chance of their bettering themselves by a -dissolution. - -Footnote 1: [On May 14, Mr. Gardwell moved a resolution condemning the -despatch which Lord Ellenborough had written and published, censuring -the Proclamation of the Governor-General of India. A similar Resolution -was moved by Lord Shaftesbury in the House of Lords, where it was -defeated by a majority of nine. The debate in the House of Commons -lasted four nights, and in the interval Lord Ellenborough resigned. Mr. -Cardwell then withdrew his motion, and the attack on the Government -suddenly collapsed.] - - -[Sidenote: MR. CARDWELL WITHDRAWS HIS MOTION.] - -_May 23rd_.--The excitement of Epsom during the whole of last week -was not greater than that which prevailed in London during the great -debates in the House of Commons, the result of which, on Thursday -night, produced such unusual surprise, with so much triumph on one -side and such mortification and disappointment on the other. In my -long experience I do not recollect to have seen so much political -bitterness and violence (except perhaps during the great contests of -the Catholic question and Reform), and certainly there never was a -great Parliamentary battle distinguished by so much uncertainty and so -many vicissitudes, and in which the end corresponded so little with the -beginning and with the general expectation. For a considerable time -not only all the late Cabinet and their supporters, but the whole body -of Whigs, both Palmerstonians and Russellites, had been growing more -and more impatient of the Derby Government, and they were considering -how they could make a final and irresistible attack upon them, and -for the last three weeks there had been nothing but negotiations and -_pourparlers_ to effect a coalition between the rival leaders and their -friends for the purpose of their at least uniting in one great hostile -vote, which should drive the Derbyites to resignation or dissolution, -hoping and expecting that their majority would be so large as to put -the latter out of the question. The occasion seemed to present itself -upon Ellenborough's letter to Canning censuring his Proclamation. A -meeting took place at Cambridge House, when the whole plan was matured, -and though John Russell did not attend it, he agreed to be a party to -the Motion of Censure. Shaftesbury was put forward in the Lords, and -Cardwell was induced to take the initiative in the House of Commons. -Nobody doubted of success, and the only question was (much debated and -betted upon) by how many the Government would be beaten. Meanwhile -Ellenborough resigned, which gave a new aspect to the affair, and the -Government got a small majority in the Lords. It was evident that no -popularity attached to the motion, and many of the Liberals were of -opinion that upon Ellenborough's resignation the affair ought to drop -and the motion be withdrawn. But the die was cast, the Palmerstonians -were quite confident and eager for the fray, and would not hear of -stopping in their career. The debate began, the speaking being all -along better on the Government side, and every day their prospects as -to the division appeared to be mending and public opinion more and -more inclining against the Opposition and the Proclamation, though -still blaming Ellenborough's letter. If the debate had ended on Tuesday -as was expected, Government would probably have been beaten, but Sir -Charles Napier had got Tuesday, and would not give it up, so that the -decision was of necessity adjourned; the delay was all in favour of -the Government, and on Thursday night arrived the Indian despatches -with Canning's explanations and the Outram correspondence, which was -immediately published, and although Palmerston and his friends and -newspapers pretended that they considered these documents favourable -to their cause, the general impression was rather the other way. All -this time the Government people found their cause improving, and -their chances in the division mending, and though their enemies still -pretended to be certain of success, and I was told on Thursday night -that I might safely lay any odds on their having a majority, the best -informed of them in the House of Commons began to see danger, and at -last they confessed only to expect a bare majority, and the Speaker -told somebody it was very likely he should have to give a casting vote. -The Radicals, or those of them who professed to be adherents of the -Whig Cabinet, strongly urged the withdrawal of Cardwell's motion, and -at last on the Thursday seem to have made up their minds that defeat -in some shape was inevitable, and that the best thing left for them to -do was to get rid of the debate in any way they could. Henry Lennox -called on me yesterday morning to tell me what had passed, to this -effect: that on Friday Disraeli had received a letter from Cardwell, -in which he asked if Disraeli would allow him to withdraw his motion, -and subsequently Palmerston desired to confer with him, when he put the -same question to him, to which (according to Henry Lennox's statement) -Disraeli replied, in a very lofty tone, that he would hear of nothing -which could possibly be construed into any admission on their part -of their meriting any part of the censure which the Opposition had -been labouring to cast upon them. The Government had by this time -ascertained that the Opposition had made their minds up to back out of -the motion as best they might, and their retreat was not very cleverly -done, beginning with Cardwell's refusal to withdraw, and ending with -Palmerston's recommendation to him to yield, which was a got up thing. -The scene in the House was most extraordinary, and particularly -mortifying to Palmerston, who saw himself involved in inevitable -defeat, and without the power of rallying again for some time. If -anybody could be excused for the impatience which brought him and his -party into this dilemma, it was Palmerston, who in his seventy fourth -year, and resolved to die in harness if he could, had no time to lose. -This affair has been the battle of Marengo of political warfare. The -Whigs appeared to be victorious, and carrying everything before them up -to the eleventh hour, and then came a sudden turn of affairs, and the -promise of victory was turned into rout and disaster. The campaign is -lost, and for the rest of this session the Government have it all their -own way. The Whigs are in the condition of a defeated army, who require -to be completely reorganized and re-formed before they can take the -field again. The general resentment and mortification are extreme. They -have naturally lost all confidence in their leaders, and they are now -all ready to complain of the tactics of which they entirely approved -till they found that defeat had been the consequence of their adoption. -It is not probable that Palmerston and his late Cabinet will attempt -anything more during this session, and everything is in such a state of -confusion and uncertainty that the best thing they can do is to remain -quiet, merely in a state of watchfulness, and to see what the _volvenda -dies_ may bring about in the course of the next six months, leaving -the Derbyites unmolested during that time. Derby will get Gladstone if -possible to take the India Board, and this will be the best thing that -can happen. His natural course is to be at the head of a Conservative -Government, and he may, if he acts with prudence, be the means of -raising that party to something like dignity and authority, and -emancipating it from its dependence on the discreditable and insincere -support of the Radicals. - - -_June 7th._--At Cleveden, at Ascot, and at Hatchford all the past week, -during which I heard little or nothing about politics. The matter which -made the most stir was Disraeli's impudent and mendacious speech at -Slough, in which he bitterly attacked the last Ministry and glorified -his own. The Whigs were stung to madness, and two or three nights were -occupied in both Houses, principally by Palmerston and Clarendon, in -answering this speech, and demonstrating its falsehood. The proceeding -was not very dignified, and they might just as well have left it alone, -particularly as nobody cared much about what Disraeli said; but there -was so little sympathy for the ex-Ministers, that no indignation was -excited by it, except among themselves and their immediate friends. -There seems little chance now of anything but a desultory warfare -going on in the House of Commons, without any serious attack on -the Government, who seem safe for this session at least. The most -interesting event last week was the virtual settlement of the eternal -Jew Question, which the House of Lords sulkily acquiesced in. It was -very desirable for many reasons to put an end to it. - - -[Sidenote: UNPOPULARITY OF LORD PALMERSTON.] - -_Norman Court, June 16th._--Every day it appears more and more evident -that Palmerston's political career is drawing to a close, and he alone -seems blind to the signs which denote it. Few things are stranger -than the violent reaction which has deprived him of his popularity, -and made him an object of bitter aversion to a considerable part of -the Liberals, not only to such men as Graham and Bright, but even to -many of his former followers and adherents. I cannot say I am sorry -for it, but I do in fairness think that this reaction is overdone and -exaggerated, and the hostility to Palmerston greater than there is any -reason for. I do not wish to see him again at the head of affairs, but -I should be sorry to see a man so distinguished, who has been exalted -so high, and who has many good qualities, end his life, or at least his -political career, under circumstances of mortification and humiliation. -If this happens it will be owing principally to his obstinacy in -persisting in leading a party who have no longer any mind to be led -by him, and the insatiable ambition which cannot brook the notion of -retirement at any time of life. If he was wise, and was not blinded -by vanity and the flattery of his hangers-on, he would take a juster -and clearer view of his position, and supposing him still intent on -playing the political game, he would endeavour to act a part as nearly -like that which Peel acted in his last years as the difference of -circumstances would admit. - -But the determination to have no more to do with Palmerston has not -made the Whigs and Liberals more disposed to throw themselves into -the arms of Lord John, and as yet, so far from any appearance of a -reorganisation of the Liberal party, they seem more disunited and -scattered than ever. Even Lord John and Graham, who seemed to be most -closely allied, are now continually voting different ways; and as to -the other leading men, it is impossible to predict how they will vote -on any subject that comes before Parliament. In this state of confusion -many Liberal-Conservatives are beginning to wish for the consolidation -of the Government, and are inclining to support it, if the Government -itself will give them an opportunity of doing so, by asserting their -own independence as a _Conservative_ Government, and will leave off -truckling to the Radicals, by accepting measures which everyone knows -to be repugnant to their feelings and opinions, and inconsistent -with the principles they have always professed. Men who supported -Palmerston's Government because they considered it to be a Conservative -one, foresee that before long parties must assume the character of -Radical and Conservative, the Whigs being merged in the former, and -that the party of the present Government forms the only force capable -of resisting the Whig and Radical union when it takes place, and that -their best course will be to join the Conservative camp, if the present -Government do not, by unprincipled and inconsistent concessions for the -sake of an easy official existence, render it impossible for them to do -so. I do not know to what extent this feeling prevails, but I believe -it is extending, and Lord St. Germans, who is a very staunch friend to -the late Government, and latterly belonged to them, told me the other -day that Granville had great difficulty in keeping his people together. -Ashburton is very warm and eager in this sense, and though neither of -these men have much weight, I have no doubt they are exponents of the -sentiments of a much larger number. I called on Lyndhurst on Monday -evening, and talked this question over with him, and entreated him to -speak to Derby upon it. We were very well agreed, and he said he would -endeavour to talk to Derby, but he is rather embarrassed, because he -does not know what Derby is going to do about the Jew Bill, there being -some strange signs of an intention on the part of Derby to throw it -over after all, though this would be so extremely foolish, as well -as so false and dishonourable, that I cannot believe it is in his -contemplation. - - -[Sidenote: MINISTERS GAIN GROUND.] - -_June 22nd._--During the week I passed at Norman Court the Government -here were gaining ground. They had two good divisions in the House of -Commons, sufficient to prove that if they cannot command a majority -here, they have at least as much influence and power and are as well -supported as any other leader or party. Then the publication of the -Cagliari papers, and the way in which that question was settled, -was a real triumph to the Foreign Office, and acknowledged to be so -by the whole Press of every shade, and by everybody in Parliament, -not excepting the ex-Ministers themselves. They are undoubtedly -gaining strength, while the chances of another Palmerston Government -become more and more faint and remote. All information coincides in -representing Palmerston's unpopularity as great and general, certainly -the most extraordinary change that ever took place in so short a time. -The Duke of Bedford writes to me from Endsleigh: 'I hear of only one -general feeling against Palmerston in the West. What a change since -this time last year!' - -I had a long talk with Tom Baring at Norman Court about the Government, -their proceedings and their prospects, and we agreed entirely on the -subject. I wanted him to speak to some of his friends the ministers, -and to endeavour to get them to act a bolder and more consistent part -as a Conservative Government, and he urged me to speak to Disraeli, -which I told him I would do, and only refrained from doubting if I -could do any real good with him. The Government are certainly placed -in a difficult position. The Government and party whom they replaced -were determined to thrust them out again as soon as possible, and their -weakness and danger drove them into a quasi-alliance with the Radicals, -or at least into so much deference and so many concessions to Radicals -and Ultra-Liberals, that the Whigs, who were baffled and kept out by -this policy, held them up to bitter scorn and reproach for acting in -this manner, and now, when they agree to any measure with regard to -which concession is reasonable and prudent, they are always assailed -with the same reproaches instead of getting credit for so doing. To be -sure they often contrive to make their concessions in such a way as to -deprive them of all grace and merit. This has been pre-eminently the -case with the Jew Bill. - -[Sidenote: ADMISSION OF THE JEWS TO PARLIAMENT.] - -Among the events of last week one of the most interesting was the -Queen's visit to Birmingham, where she was received by the whole -of that enormous population with an enthusiasm which is said to -have exceeded all that was ever displayed in her former receptions -at Manchester or elsewhere. It is impossible not to regard such -manifestations as both significant and important. They evince a -disposition in those masses of the population in which, if anywhere, -the seeds of Radicalism are supposed to lurk, most favourable to the -Conservative cause, by which I mean not to this or that party, but -to the Monarchy and the Constitution under which we are living and -flourishing, and which we may believe to be still dear to the hearts -of the people of this country. This great fact lends some force to -the notion entertained by many political thinkers, that there is more -danger in conferring political power on the middle classes than in -extending it far beneath them, and in point of fact that there is so -little to be apprehended from the extension of the suffrage, that -universal suffrage itself would be innocuous. Amongst the concessions -of last week was the passing of Locke King's Bill for abolishing a -property qualification, which was done with hardly any opposition. -There can be no doubt that the practice was a mere sham, and that -a property qualification was very often a fiction or a fraud, and -such being the case, that it was useless to keep up the distinction; -but it struck me, though I do not find that it occurred to anybody -else, that the abolition might sooner or later have an indirect -influence upon the question of the suffrage, for it may be urged, not -without plausibility, that if it be held no longer necessary that -a representative should have any property whatever, there is great -inconsistency in requiring that the elector should have a certain -amount of property to entitle him to vote. - - -_June 26th._--The India Bill appears now likely to pass rather rapidly -and in the shape presented by the Government. Everybody is tired to -death of the subject and anxious to have it over, and the general -impatience is increased by alarm at the foul state of the Thames, which -(long discussed in a negligent way, and without much public attention -or care) has suddenly assumed vast proportions, and is become an object -of general interest and apprehension. This makes the House of Commons -eager to finish its business as expeditiously as it can, and members -impatient to betake themselves to a purer and safer atmosphere. The -Government continues to maintain its ascendency there, and last night -Palmerston was beaten by considerable majorities on two amendments he -moved to the India Bill. - -The Chancellor has drawn down great obloquy on himself by a speech -which he made at the Mansion House a night or two ago. Derby's illness -having prevented his going to the dinner (given to the Ministers), -Thesiger had to speak for him, and he made the very worst, most -injudicious, and unbecoming speech which was ever delivered on such -an occasion. No rule is more established than that politics are not -to be introduced at these dinners, and yet his speech was nothing but -a political song of triumph and glorification of his own Government -and colleagues, as somebody said, a counterpart (though less offensive -one) of Disraeli's Slough speech. All their heads are turned, and the -Chancellor's as much or more than any. - -Then there is a grand mess about the Jew question, which is hung up -in a sort of abeyance in consequence of Derby's not being able to -come down to the House of Lords. From the moment that Derby took -upon himself to announce his abandonment of the contest, which he -did not frankly and fully, but sulkily and reluctantly, he seems -to have half repented of what he did, and to have, if not made, -permitted and connived at, all sorts of difficulties and obstacles, -while his subordinates and some of his colleagues have interposed to -prevent or delay the final settlement. It is difficult to believe -that he himself ever cared a straw about the Jew question, or that -his opposition had any motive except that of pleasing the bigoted and -narrow-minded of his party. His good sense saw that the moment was come -when surrender was the best policy if not an absolute necessity, and -having given utterance to this conviction, no doubt to the enormous -disgust of many of his followers, it was his interest to get rid of -the question as quickly as possible, and dismiss what as long as it -remained on the _tapis_ in any shape was a source of disagreement and -ill-humour between him and his party. It is marvellous, therefore, -that so clever a man should have acted so foolish a part as he has -done. Having disgusted his own party by his concession, he is now -disgusting everybody else and all other parties by his hesitation and -pusillanimity in carrying it out, and, with an absence of dignity and -firmness which is utterly unworthy of the high position he holds, he -has permitted his Chancellor and some half-dozen subordinate members -of his Government to do all they can to thwart the settlement of the -question, and prolong the exclusion of the Jews. Instead of taking the -matter into his own hands, and dealing with it according to the plain -suggestions of common sense and sound policy, he has permitted a sort -of little conspiracy to go on, which is exceedingly likely to bring -about a collision between the two Houses, and to raise a flame in the -House of Commons the consequences of which may be more serious to the -Government than any one contemplates. Lyndhurst, whose wise head is -provoked and disgusted to the last degree at all these proceedings, has -bitterly complained of them, and at the way in which they have treated -him, and the bill he drew up for the express purpose of putting an end -to the dilemma. - - -_July 9th._--After all Derby ran true to the Jew Bill, and if he did -it in an awkward way, allowances must be made for him and for his -difficulties with his party, who are full of chagrin at being compelled -to swallow this obnoxious measure. It is on the whole better that the -bulk of them should have voted in conformity with their notorious -opinions, as it made no difference as to the result, and has a better -appearance than if they had whisked round at Derby's bidding. The India -Bill has passed the House of Commons pretty harmoniously, and people -seem to think it has been licked into a very decent shape. - -The most interesting event of the present day is the marriage of Lord -Overstone's daughter to a Major Lindsay,[1] who has got the greatest -heiress who ever existed, that is, supposing she inherits her father's -prodigious wealth, which since old Jones Loyd's death is reckoned to -amount to six or seven millions. - -Footnote 1: [Afterwards Sir Robert Loyd Lindsay, V.C., raised to -the Peerage in 1885 by the title of Lord Wantage. The property of -Lord Overstone, as disposed of by his will, amounted to about three -millions, and would pass in reversion to the Loyd family on the failure -of issue by his daughter.] - - -_July 13th._--After an ineffectual attempt on the part of the -Opposition to get rid of the 'reasons' of the Lords, the Jew Bill has -passed, Granville and Lansdowne protesting against the absurdity of the -conduct of Derby with regard to it. It is remarkable that though Lord -Lansdowne has for some time appeared much _baissé_, his speech was as -good and sensible a speech as he ever made in his life. As to Derby, -as it is impossible that so clever a man as he is could willingly act -so foolish and even ridiculous a part as he has done on this occasion, -I conclude that he felt obliged to do what he has done in order to -avoid quarrelling with his own friends, who without doubt are intensely -disgusted at the bitter pill he has obliged them to swallow, and as -he knows best what he can venture with them and what not, it is more -reasonable to accept the measure on his own terms than to be angry with -him for the way in which he has contrived it. - -[Sidenote: CONTINUED WARFARE IN INDIA.] - -The last accounts from India are far from satisfactory, and the -apprehensions which I long ago felt and expressed, but which I had -begun to think unfounded, seem not unlikely to be realised. It is -clear that the contest is neither over nor drawing to a close. Our -danger consists in the swarms of armed and hostile natives, and in -the climate. The rebels we always beat when we can grapple with them, -but we cannot crush and subdue them. They gather together and assail -our people when a good opportunity presents itself, and when they -are repulsed (as is always the case) their masses are dissolved and -scattered abroad, without any material diminution of their numbers, -and ready to assemble and attack any other vulnerable point, while the -British troops are harassed to death by unceasing pursuits of foes -so much more nimble and able to endure the climate than themselves. -This species of warfare must be disheartening and disgusting, and it -involves a consumption of life requiring more reinforcements than we -can supply. All the accounts we receive concur in the insufficiency of -the European force and the necessity of fresh supplies. One letter I -saw yesterday talks of 40,000 men being requisite. - - -_Petworth, July 31st._--I came here from Goodwood, not having been here -for twenty years, and am rather glad to see once more a place where I -passed so much of my time in my younger days. I think it is the finest -house I have ever seen, and its collection of pictures is unrivalled -for number, beauty, and interest. Parliament is to be up on Monday, and -the Council for the prorogation is to take place to-day at Osborne. - -[Sidenote: CONVERSATION WITH COUNT BRUNNOW.] - -I met Brunnow at Goodwood, who talked over the political events of the -Russian war, and assured me that the part he had played in it had been -much misrepresented, that he had never been misled by Aberdeen, nor -had he ever misled the Emperor Nicholas, but on the contrary had told -him, without any disguise, the real state of affairs, and the almost -certainty that war would ensue, that he was well aware himself, and had -impressed on his master, that although Aberdeen was most anxious to -avoid war, he had no power to do so, and that though he was nominally -Prime Minister, he was destitute of the authority of one. He said the -Emperor was quite sincere in all he had said to Hamilton Seymour, and -if we had had at Petersburg a minister with more tact and judgement, -war would not have taken place. - -He (Brunnow) had urged Aberdeen to send Granville there for the -purpose, who, he thinks, would have done very well, and of whom he has -a high opinion. - - -_London, August 15th._--I returned to town from Petworth last Monday -week, and on Tuesday a fit of gout came on, which has laid me up -ever since, leaving me no energy to do anything, and least of all to -execute the purpose I entertained of sketching the past session of -Parliament, and the curious events which it evolved; the decline and -fall of Palmerston and his Government, the advent of Derby, and the -vicissitudes of his career, deserve a narrative which might, if well -handled by some well-informed writer, be made very interesting: but -I am conscious of my own unfitness and dare not attempt it. It is in -truth time for me to leave off keeping a journal, for by degrees I -have lost the habit of communicating with all the people from whom I -have been in the habit of obtaining political information, and I know -nothing worth recording. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -Lord John Russell and Lord Stanley--Lord Palmerston's -Leadership--Dissensions in the Liberal Party--The Queen and her -Ministers--Lord Stanley at the India Office--The Queen's Letter to -the Prince of Wales--Reform Speeches and Projects--Lord Palmerston's -Confidence--Prosecution of Count Montalembert in France--Lord -Clarendon's Visit to Compiègne--The Emperor's Designs on Italy--The -Emperor and the pope--Approach of War--Lord Palmerston's prudent -Language--Lord Palmerston's Italian Sympathies--The Electric -Telegraph--Opposition in France to the War--The Emperor's -Prevarication--Opening of Parliament--Debates on Foreign Affairs--Lord -Cowley's Mission to Vienna--General Opposition to the War--A -Reform Bill--Mr. Walpole and Mr. Henley resign--Duplicity of the -Emperor--Mr. Disraeli's Reform Bill--The Emperor denies his Warlike -Preparations--The Whigs oppose the Reform Bill--Anxiety to defeat the -Government--Lord Cowley returns from Vienna--War impending--Dishonest -Conduct of both Parties--Lord Cowley's Account of Cavour's Policy--His -Mission to Vienna--A Congress proposed--Indifference to Reform--Debates -on the Reform Bill--Defeat of the Reform Bill--An Emissary from Cavour. - - -[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL AND LORD STANLEY.] - -_Hinchinbrook, September 5th._--At The Grove last week, and on Friday -to Osborne for a Council. At the Grove I met Charles Villiers and the -Duke of Bedford, and had much talk with both of them about affairs -in general, particularly with the Duke about Lord John. He is busily -employed in concocting a Reform Bill, which he had probably better -leave alone. He seems to have shown his project to several people, -and recently to Aberdeen, who wrote him word that he must take care -not to make it too mild, so much so as to be inconsistent with what -he has before proposed. It seems it is very mild, for it embraces no -Schedule A, no disqualification, though a good deal of addition to the -constituency. Lord John has recently struck up a great intimacy with -Lord Stanley, and has had him repeatedly down to Pembroke Lodge. They -take very kindly to each other, and Lord John is evidently anxious to -cultivate him, for he asked the Duke to invite Stanley to go to Woburn, -where Lord John and all his family are gone to stay. He has been -talking a great deal to Stanley on past politics, but not on present, -which would have been rather awkward in their relative positions, but -he has told Stanley a great deal about the political affairs in which -he has been engaged, especially with respect to the great Reform Bill, -its history and incidents, which details no doubt were very interesting -and useful to him, and I am not surprised at Stanley's being much -pleased with Lord John's society and conversation, for Lord John is -very agreeable and full of that sort of political information in which -Stanley takes the greatest delight and interest. Although Lord John -has abstained from making any attempt to establish political relations -between them, it is highly probable that he should look forward to the -possibility of some such relations being hereafter established, for -in the present state of parties a fresh organisation and combination -is almost inevitable, and he may very naturally look forward to a -combination into which they may both enter, and with this view he may -be very glad to cultivate a personal and social intimacy, and the Duke -thinks he has some such view in his mind. - -The Duke told me that he was at Lord Broughton's the other day, when -Broughton said he had been applied to by some of Palmerston's former -followers to make a representation to Palmerston of the present -state of affairs and of the Liberal party, and to suggest to him the -expediency of his abdication of the lead of it, and the impossibility -of that party regaining its ascendency so long as he insisted on -continuing its chief and retaining his pretensions of returning to -office. To this request he sent a refusal. He said he entirely agreed -with the people making it, but that it would have no effect whatever -except that of making a personal quarrel between himself and the -Palmerstons, with whom he had always been on very good terms. I did not -learn the names of these Whig malcontents. Charles Villiers takes a -similar view, but does not think that anything would induce Palmerston -to retire, or that his former colleagues and immediate adherents -would transfer their support to any one else as long as he continues -to claim it from them. He thinks, moreover, and he has very good -means of judging, that his position and that of John Russell and the -impossibility of their reunion will effectually paralyse the Liberal -party and secure the possession of office to the present Government, -and that there is on the whole rather a preference for the continuation -of the present state of things than any desire for a change which would -bring the Whigs back again. He had recently been with George Lewis, and -found him at length rather disposed to come into my view of the matter -of their resignation, and to regret it. It is entirely the opinion -of Charles Villiers himself, and he said there would have been no -difficulty in obtaining from the House of Commons a vote of confidence, -for there was no wish to turn them out, and having administered the -rebuke which the Government so well merited, the majority would have -seized with alacrity an occasion to make it up with them, and to show -that they had no desire to quarrel with them outright. - -The Opposition now found all their hopes on the dissensions which -they expect to arise in the Tory Government and camp, which is a -very uncertain prospect, and as to which they are very likely to -be disappointed. The day I went to Osborne I had some conversation -with Disraeli, who gave me to understand that he was well aware the -Opposition relied on this contingency, but that it was not likely to -happen. He was aware of Lord Stanley's _liaison_ with Lord John, and -it was evident that the former had made no secret of it, and had told -Disraeli that there was (at present) nothing political in it. Lord John -had not said a word about his Reform Bill to Stanley, and Disraeli knew -that he had not. All this looks like union and confidence between them. - -[Sidenote: THE QUEEN AND THE MINISTRY.] - -As far as outward appearances go, the Queen is on very good terms with -them, for she gave audiences to several of them, and long ones. Her -conduct at the time of the breakup was certainly curious and justifies -them in saying that it was by her express desire that Derby undertook -the formation of the Government. If Palmerston and his Cabinet were -actuated by the motives and expectations which I ascribe to them, -Her Majesty certainly did not play into their hands in that game. -When Derby set before her all the difficulties of his situation, and -entreated her again to reflect upon it, a word from her would have -induced him (without having anything to complain of) to throw it back -into Palmerston's hands. But the word she did speak was decisive as to -his going on, and there is no reason to believe that she was playing -a deep game and calculating on his failure. Nor do I believe that she -would herself have liked to see Palmerston made all powerful. She can -hardly have forgotten how inclined he has always been to abuse his -power, and how much she has suffered from his exercise of it, even -when he was to a certain degree under control, and although she seemed -to be quite reconciled to him, and to be anxious for the stability of -his Government, it is difficult to know what her real feelings (or -rather those of the Prince) were, and it is more than probable that her -anxiety for the success of Palmerston's Government was more on account -of the members of it whom she personally likes, and whom she was very -reluctant to lose, than out of partiality for the Premier himself. To -Clarendon she is really attached, and Granville she likes very much; -most of the rest she regarded with indifference. - - -_London, November 4th._--Two months have elapsed during which I have -felt no inclination to note down anything in this book, but now that -the Newmarket meetings are at an end, and I must needs think of -other things, I shall jot down the very few things that have come -across me in the interval. When I was at Hillingdon a few weeks ago, -I was surprised to hear from Charles Mills a glowing panegyric on -Lord Stanley, who has gained golden opinions and great popularity -at the India House.[1] I was prepared to hear of his ability, his -indefatigable industry, and his businesslike qualities; but I was -surprised to hear so much of his courtesy, affability, patience, and -candour, that he is neither dictatorial nor conceited, always ready to -listen to other people's opinions and advice, and never fancying that -he knows better than anybody else. I afterwards told Jonathan Peel what -I had heard, and he confirmed the truth of this report, and said he -was the same in the Cabinet; but he made me comprehend his popularity -with the Council by telling me that he espoused all their views and -interests, and co-operated with them in endeavouring to retain certain -powers which belonged to the extinct Court of Directors, but which -ought, as a consequence of the change, to pass into other hands, -particularly military appointments and matters of military control. -This received confirmation not long ago from the Duke of Cambridge, -whom I met at Cheveley, and who gave me an account of some matter in -which he had received and executed certain orders from the Secretary of -War, and soon after received a very sharp letter from Stanley calling -him to account for having interfered in what, he said, belonged to -the Indian Secretary. The Duke referred him to the War Office, so -that there seems already a conflict of jurisdiction between the two -offices. From all this it is apparent that we shall have fresh Indian -discussions when Parliament meets, and there will be a necessity for -fresh arrangements for the transaction of business. This may seem to be -a very trifling matter, and not worth noticing, but Lord Stanley is so -completely _the man_ of the present day, and in all human probability -is destined to play so important and conspicuous a part in political -life, that the time may come when any details, however minute, of his -early career will be deemed worthy of recollection. - -I hear the Queen has written a letter to the Prince of Wales announcing -to him his emancipation from parental authority and control, and -that it is one of the most admirable letters that ever were penned. -She tells him that he may have thought the rule they adopted for his -education a severe one, but that his welfare was their only object, -and well knowing to what seductions of flattery he would eventually be -exposed, they wished to prepare and strengthen his mind against them, -that he was now to consider himself his own master, and that they -should never intrude any advice upon him, although always ready to give -it him whenever he thought fit to seek it. It was a very long letter, -all in that tone, and it seems to have made a profound impression on -the Prince, and to have touched his feelings to the quick. He brought -it to Gerald Wellesley in floods of tears, and the effect it produced -is a proof of the wisdom which dictated its composition. - -Footnote 1: [Lord Stanley, the present Earl of Derby, had succeeded to -the Presidency of the Board of Control upon the resignation of Lord -Ellenborough, and was the first Secretary of State for India upon the -abolition of the former office.] - - -[Sidenote: LORD DERBY'S REFORM BILL.] - -_November 17th._--The principal topics of interest for the last -fortnight have been Bright's speeches, the visit of Palmerston and -Clarendon to Compiègne, the Portuguese and French quarrel, and the -pamphlet and approaching trial of Montalembert, on all of which there -is plenty to say. Bright's speeches have evidently been a failure, and -if they produce any effect, it will probably be one rather useful to -the Government; but the very failure only proves more strongly the bad -policy of Derby in bringing forward a Reform measure, and how much more -safe he would have been if he had let it alone. There is a considerable -though not universal impression that by some means and through the -operation of the chapter of accidents this Reform Bill will prove fatal -to him. Mr. Elwin, the editor of the 'Quarterly Review,' told the -Duke of Bedford he thought so, and that he had been told by a Cabinet -Minister that there had been such serious differences of opinion -amongst them on this subject that if the session had been prolonged the -Government would probably have gone to pieces at that time, and Lord -John told the Duke that Walpole had intimated to him something of the -same kind. Lord John is expecting, and Palmerston is hoping, that the -Government will fall, and the latter is still confident that his day -will come again, a confidence which no one else seems to partake of. -Clarendon, who is the staunchest of Palmerston's allies and colleagues, -has been endeavouring to dissipate this illusion and to bring him to -take a more accurate view of his own position, but without success. 'He -cannot see why John Russell should not again take office under him,' -and it is in vain that Clarendon assures him that nothing on earth will -induce Lord John to do so. Lord John seems disposed to bide his time, -and evidently cherishes a hope and expectation that the Whig party -will return to their allegiance to him and enable him to form another -Government. He seems to have a liking for Bright, though he does not -agree with all his views of Reform. At this moment my own belief is -that the present Government have the best chance in this race for power -from the mere fact of their being in possession, and from the hopeless -disunion and confusion in which the Whigs and Liberals are plunged. - -Montalembert's paper is admirable, and I agree with almost every part -of it, especially about the Indian debate and Indian policy, and -the causes of Palmerston's extraordinary fall and the loss of his -popularity. His prosecution by the Imperial Government is either an -enormous mistake and political error, or a stroke of policy so deep and -refined as to be beyond my comprehension. Here everybody regards it as -a great imprudence. - - -[Sidenote: PROSECUTION OF COUNT MONTALEMBERT.] - -_December 2nd._--I returned to town yesterday, having been to Badger -Hall, thence to Grimstone, then to Ossington, and yesterday from -Hinchinbrook. If I have written nothing it is not from want of -interesting events worth notice, but because I have known and heard -nothing more than all the world learnt from the newspapers. The chief -topics of interest have been the pamphlet and the trial of Montalembert -and the visit of Palmerston and Clarendon to Compiègne. The first seems -to have excited more interest here than in Paris, where the tyrannical -proceeding was taken very quietly, and little sympathy felt for a -man who wrote so enthusiastically about England, and rebuked his own -countrymen, and particularly his co-religionaries, for their unworthy -conduct and language towards us. There appears to have been a general -feeling of regret or disapproval of the visit to Paris, even on the -part of those who are most friendly to the two Lords. I think it is a -pity they should have gone just at this moment, when the Montalembert -affair and the Portuguese quarrel have made the Emperor Napoleon very -unpopular here; but it does not seem to me to be a matter of much -consequence, or to be worth the indignation which in some quarters it -has elicited. - - -_Hillingdon, December 12th._--I went to The Grove on Wednesday last -and came back on Friday. There I had long talks with Clarendon for -the first time for many a day, when he told me a great deal that was -interesting, just as he used to do formerly, first about his visit to -Compiègne and his conversations with the Emperor. The Emperor told him -that his motive for prosecuting Montalembert was that he was aware that -there was a conspiracy of literary men, enemies of his Government, to -write it down in a very insidious manner, not by any direct attacks, -but, under the pretence of discussing subjects either not political -or not French, to introduce matter most hostile and most mischievous -to him, and that it was necessary to put down such a conspiracy, and -he thought the best course was to proceed at once against a man so -conspicuous as Montalembert, and to make an example of him, by which -others would be deterred. This was his excuse, whatever its value. -It appears to me a very bad one, and I doubt if the fact itself is -true, though Clarendon seemed to think it was. They had a great deal -of conversation about Italy and the anti-Austrian projects attributed -to France, touching which the Emperor's ideas were most strange and -extravagant. He said there had been two questions in which France was -interested: one the regeneration of Poland, the other the regeneration -of Italy; that in the pursuit of the first France naturally became the -ally of Austria against Russia, in the pursuit of the other she became -the ally of Russia and Sardinia against Austria; that the peace with -Russia had put an end to anything being done about the first, and the -second alone became possible. Clarendon then pointed out to him all -the difficulties of involving himself in such a contest as this scheme -supposed, that Austria would sacrifice her last florin and her last -man in defence of her Italian provinces, that to go to war with her -would almost inevitably sooner or later plunge all Europe into war, -and that the object to be gained by it, even by France herself, would -be wholly incommensurate with the cost and the danger that would be -incurred. The Emperor appeared to have no reply to make to Clarendon's -remonstrances, nor did I gather that His Majesty had any _casus belli_ -against Austria, nor even any just cause of complaint to urge against -her, from which I draw the inference not only that his policy is of -a very wild and chimerical character, but that at any moment when he -might see, or think he saw, any advantage in attacking another Power, -no consideration of justice and good faith, still less of moderation -and care for the happiness and peace of the world, would restrain him, -and from such a contingency England would be no more exempt than any -other country.[1] - -Footnote 1: [It is remarkable that this conversation of the Emperor -with Lord Clarendon at Compiègne took place within a month of the -speech to Baron Hübner on New Year's Day, which was the signal of war -between France and Austria, and at a time when the secret alliance -between the Emperor and M. de Cavour had been already concluded. The -Emperor's object was evidently to delude his English guests, and Lord -Clarendon was partially deceived by him, although he clearly perceived -that there was danger of war ahead.] - - -_December 12th._--Another day the Emperor asked Clarendon to come into -his room, when he told him that he wanted his advice, that he was in -a great dilemma and embarrassment in regard to his Roman occupation, -and in a false position, from which he did not know how to extricate -himself. He was dying to recall the French troops and yet unable to -do it. He had always hoped to be able to get the policy laid down -in the Edgar Ney letter carried out, but as soon as the Pope and -his ecclesiastical councillors returned to Rome they refused to do -anything, and whenever he held out any threat of withdrawing his troops -they always said he might do so whenever he pleased, for they knew very -well the reasons which prevented his doing it: the moment the French -troops marched out there would be an uprising in Rome and in the Papal -States. The religious party in France would deeply resent his exposing -the Pope to any such danger, and as soon as the French went away the -Austrians would march in and be masters of the whole country. Clarendon -acknowledged the gravity of the situation and the difficulty, but could -suggest no solution of it. They discussed the possibility of inducing -the Pope to relinquish his temporal sovereignty, and to accept a great -revenue instead, but neither of them seems to have thought this plan -feasible. - - -[Sidenote: NAPOLEON'S SPEECH TO BARON HÜBNER.] - -_January 14th_,1859.--I purposed at the close of the last year to say -a few words about a year which might well be called _annus mirabilis_ -and _annus mæstissimus_ besides, for I do not remember any year marked -by a greater number and variety of remarkable events and occurrences, -and certainly none which has been so fatal to the happiness of so many -of our friends. One calamity has succeeded another with frightful -rapidity, till it is difficult to point to any one who has not -sustained some terrible bereavement in the persons of near and dear -relations or intimate friends. A severe fit of gout which attacked -me on Christmas Day, and has kept hold of me ever since, prevented -my executing my purpose, and now I have forgotten all I intended to -say, and can only take up the present condition of affairs as they -present themselves at the beginning of this year, and this is dark and -unpromising enough. All Europe has been thrown into alarm by the speech -which the Emperor Napoleon made to the Austrian Ambassador Hübner on -New Year's Day, and by the announcement which followed it that Prince -Napoleon was going to Turin to marry the King of Sardinia's daughter. -The language of the King of Sardinia in his speech to his Parliament -shortly afterwards confirmed the general apprehensions. The menacing -manifestations having produced their effect, the Emperor seems to have -thought it adviseable to draw in his horns, and to try and calm the -effervescence he had produced. This, however, was not so easy, and in -spite of certain tranquillising articles which the French Press was -instructed to put forth, the impression that mischief is brewing cannot -be effaced, and though many think that there will be no immediate -outbreak, and the money dealers and speculators comfort themselves with -thinking that want of money will prevent the great military Powers -from going to war, the best informed persons, and those who are most -accustomed to watch the signs of the times, are convinced that the time -is near at hand when the peace of the world will be broken, that the -Emperor is determined upon an aggression on Austria, and that he is -only undecided as to the time when the operation shall be begun. It is -now evident that when our Ex-Ministers were at Compiègne, and when the -Emperor pretended that he wanted to consult Clarendon confidentially, -he only made a half-confidence of his views and his position, and that -he concealed from Clarendon the important fact of the marriage of -Prince Napoleon, which was arranged at the time. - - -_The Grove, January 25th._--I have passed three days here very -agreeably; a large party on Saturday and Sunday, after which Clarendon, -George Lewis, and I, talking over everything interesting at home and -abroad. There has been a good deal of correspondence between Clarendon -and John Russell in a very friendly spirit, quite different from the -terms they have been on till lately, and indicating the possibility -of their coming together again in Opposition and in office. I saw -also some letters of Palmerston's upon foreign affairs, exceedingly -sound and judicious. I am bound to say that all I hear and see of -Palmerston's views, opinions, and conduct is highly creditable to him, -and very different from what I expected. He evinces no impatience to -return to office, and no misconception of his own position. All he -writes on foreign affairs, on France and Austria and Italy, is marked -by great wisdom and moderation. He is taking his proper place as head -of the Liberal and Whig party, prepared to go to Parliament and wait -for the development of the policy and measures of the Government, -before forming any plan of a political campaign. Reading at the same -time the letters of Lord John and those of Palmerston on the same -subject, that of foreign policy, I am struck with the great superiority -of the latter. - - -[Sidenote: LORD PALMERSTON'S VIEW OF THE ITALIAN WAR.] - -_Bretby, January 27th._--I left The Grove yesterday morning, and came -here to-day. At breakfast yesterday Clarendon handed over to me a -letter from Reeve, enclosing one from Guizot upon the aspect of affairs -in Europe and the chances of war and peace; an admirable letter, as all -his are. Reeve said that he had been told that Palmerston was likely -to give utterance to some sentiments very anti-Austrian, and in favour -of Italian nationality, than which nothing could be more mischievous -or more conducive to the objects of Louis Napoleon. This seemed to me -so inconsistent with the spirit of moderation and good sense which I -had remarked in the letters I had already seen of Palmerston's, that -I said I could not think it possible that he was meditating anything -of the sort, and I was greatly surprised when Clarendon replied, and -George Lewis agreed with him, that nothing was more possible, and -that he should not be at all surprised if he expressed sentiments -which were very much those which he had always entertained. Of course -they both deprecated any such language in the strongest manner. When -I got to town I told Reeve what had passed, and he then told me his -authority for what he had written, and that his informant had gathered -it from conversations with Palmerston himself. It was at all events -satisfactory to find that the language of the 'Times' had undergone -no alteration, and that they adhered to the same judicious course and -vigorous argumentation which they have all along adopted. Clarendon -and George Lewis are equally afraid of what John Russell may say, but -they are aware that though he may do considerable mischief, his _dicta_ -are infinitely less important than Palmerston's. Granville arrived -last night from Paris and Rome, and I saw him for a few minutes as -I was starting to come here. I had just time to ascertain that his -views are identical with those of Clarendon and George Lewis, and that -his efforts will be joined to theirs in attempting to persuade both -Palmerston and John Russell to refrain from saying anything which may -serve as an encouragement to the Emperor, and George Lewis said that on -Palmerston's language in the House of Commons the peace of the world -might possibly depend. There seems no reason to doubt that one of the -things which keeps the Emperor's mind in suspense and uncertainty is -his desire to hear what passes in our Parliament, and to ascertain what -amount of sympathy and support the Italian cause and a war against -Austria are likely to find in this country. Palmerston must have -already taken such a measure of the public feeling here as to know -that any appeal to anti-Austrian and pro-Italian sympathies would meet -with no response either in or out of Parliament. The most, therefore, -that he will probably venture to do will be strenuously to recommend -a complete neutrality, and that this country should determine to keep -aloof from any contest that may ensue. This would be playing the -Emperor's game, and might perhaps be more useful to him than any other -course we could take, for it would find pretty general concurrence, -and most likely elicit many expressions of opinions which the Emperor -would be able with some plausibility to construe in the manner most -favourable to his own pretensions and designs. - - -_January 31st._--Dined with Lord Salisbury on Saturday at the Sheriffs' -dinner, when I met all the Cabinet, except Malmesbury, Hardwicke, and -John Manners. Derby told me a curious thing. An experiment was made of -the possible speed by which a telegraphic message could be sent and an -answer got. They fixed on Corfu, made every preparation, and sent _one -word_. The message and return were effected in six seconds. I would not -have believed this on any other authority. - -[Sidenote: UNPOPULARITY OF THE WAR.] - -Granville is just come from Paris, where he spent a week; he saw and -conversed with everybody, beginning with the Emperor and ending with -Thiers. All the Ministers he talked to, Walewski, Fould, and Rouher, -are dead against war, Morny the same, Baroche said to be for it, and -Fleury, who wants to distinguish himself in the field. The Emperor -talked over the whole question and assured him he had not committed -himself to the King of Sardinia, but on the contrary had told him he -would not support him if he committed any imprudence towards Austria. -Granville's impression is that the question is adjourned for the -present, owing to the clear manifestation in France, but much more to -the unanimous tone of the German and English Press. He is, however, -waiting in great anxiety for the debates in our Parliament, and still -hopes for some anti-Austrian expression which may favour his own views. -He has such a contempt for his own nation and for the opinions of -the French people that these last do not weigh much with him, and he -fancies that they may be at any moment changed and run in a warlike -current. Granville thinks our Government have acted properly throughout -these transactions, so far as he can judge. - - -_February 5th._--Parliament opened on Thursday with, as everybody -owned, a very good speech, and the discussions in both Houses were in a -very good tone, and all that could be desired as to foreign policy. It -will be impossible for the Emperor to derive from what passed a single -word from any quarter favourable to his projects. The disappointment -of his expectations in this respect may be very annoying to him, and -possibly induce him still to defer his final resolution, but it is -too much to hope that the language of our Parliament will turn him -altogether from his design. Indeed it has now become equally difficult -for him to advance without danger or to retreat without discredit, and -in his position discredit is in itself fraught with danger. - - -_February 12th._--The Emperor Napoleon's speech, looked for with -so much anxiety here, arrived a few hours after its delivery on -Monday last, and was on the whole regarded as rather pacific than -the contrary, but still so reserved and ambiguous that it might mean -anything or lead to anything or nothing. The general opinion seems -to be that nothing will take place _for the present_. The Government -have begun their campaign so quietly, and with so little disturbance -or threatening of any, that if such calm appearances were not often -fallacious, one should predict their passing smoothly through the -session; but when one thinks of this time last year, of the apparent -strength and security of Palmerston's Government, and of the suddenness -of his fall, it is impossible to rely upon the continuance of this -unclouded sky. - - -_February 19th._--The general complaint is that nothing is done in -Parliament, and that there is a general apathy, under the continuance -of which the Government gets on without hindrance, while their faults -or blunders pass unchecked. The Chancellor incurred a momentary odium -by his attempt at perpetrating a very shameless job, by making his -son-in-law a Judge in Lunacy without having any qualifications for -such an office; but after a little spurt in the House of Commons, the -result of which was the appointment being rescinded, the matter quietly -dropped. Gladstone's extravagant proceedings at Corfu[1] have elicited -something like an attack led on by Lord Grey, but although this subject -will probably be more seriously and warmly discussed after he comes -home, it does not seem likely to lead to much at present, and Derby -will probably parry Grey's attack on Monday next. - -Footnote 1: [Mr. Gladstone had accepted, temporarily, the office of -Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands, under Lord Derby's -Government. His proceedings there excited great surprise in England. -The eventual result of his mission was the surrender of the -Protectorate of the Ionian Islands to the Kingdom of Greece.] - - -[Sidenote: LORD COWLEY'S MISSION TO VIENNA.] - -_February 27th._--Derby prevailed on Grey to defer his Ionian motion -till Gladstone's return, which he said would be in a fortnight at -least. Palmerston had given notice of his intention to call the -attention of the House of Commons to the present state of Europe, and -to ask if the Government could give the country any information on the -subject. The Government tried to persuade him to defer his intention, -but without effect, and he persisted in his course. In the meanwhile -Cowley suddenly arrived in England, sent for by the Government, as it -was said, for the purpose of receiving instructions in respect to the -conferences expected at Paris on the Danubian affairs. On Thursday -morning the world was electrified at reading an article in the 'Times' -stating that Cowley was going on a special mission to Vienna for the -purpose of making matters up, if possible, between France and Austria. -The day before I had been apprised of the fact by Granville, who had -heard it from Clarendon, to whom Cowley had imparted the secret of -his mission. The mission was in fact rather one from the Emperor than -from our Government, who had really done nothing whatever, but were -too happy to allow Cowley to go and try his hand in patching matters -up. He has done it all off his own bat. Seeing how day after day war -appeared to be becoming more imminent, he resolved to see if he could -not do something to arrest the evil; he found the French Ministers -quite agreed with him, and the Emperor in a state of mingled rage, -disappointment, and perplexity, clinging with his characteristic -tenacity to the designs on which his mind has been so long fixed, and -to which he probably stands committed more than we are aware of, by -his own professions, and by his cousin, who no doubt gave Cavour to -understand he might certainly count upon the Emperor's aid. This course -also he is the more reluctant to abandon, as he has certainly persuaded -himself, or has been persuaded by others, that in no other way can he -secure himself from the attempts of Italian conspirators and assassins, -so that it is personal fear which is the real ground of what is called -his policy. On the other hand, he is intensely disgusted and enraged -at finding the whole feeling and opinion of England so decidedly -pronounced against him, and that in no quarter whatever, neither in -Parliament nor the Press, which represents the mind of the whole -country, nor in any public men, can he find the slightest sympathy or -encouragment, or anything but the most indignant disapprobation.[1] The -sentiment of England is if possible still stronger in the same sense -in Germany, and it is universal in France, where it is only prevented -from manifesting itself with as much force and vivacity as in Germany -and here by the fettered and subservient condition of the Press. In -addition to this I am informed that the project of war is not popular -with the army itself; and as it is not morally certain that by plunging -into war the Emperor will be secure from the danger of assassination, -and there is at least as good a chance of war bringing with it perils -of another sort quite as formidable, so his very selfishness makes -him doubt and waver, and inclines him to listen to the remonstrances -which are addressed to him. Upon this uncertain and varying state of -mind Cowley has been endeavouring to work, and he has so far succeeded -as to have been entrusted by the Emperor with a commission to go to -Vienna and negotiate with the Austrian Government a settlement of -their differences, or rather, as there are in fact no differences to -settle, to obtain from the Austrian Government some concessions by -virtue of which he may be enabled to withdraw from his present false -position without discredit, by which means he may give satisfaction to -France and Europe, though at the risk of disappointing Sardinia and -exasperating the Italian Carbonari. - -When Palmerston's discussion came on upon Friday last, it was already -known (through the 'Times') that Cowley was going to Vienna, though -he himself had told nobody of this expedition (except Clarendon), and -he evidently did not mean it should have been proclaimed. On Friday, -Disraeli and Malmesbury said nothing of Cowley's mission, but they both -announced that the Papal territories would be evacuated by the French -and Austrian troops, and the public inferred that this evacuation -was going to take place by a mutual agreement, and everybody asked, -'Why then is Cowley going to Vienna?' but the truth was that the -Pope had requested the two Governments to withdraw their troops, and -one of Cowley's objects is to procure the assent of Austria to that -withdrawal, France having no doubt agreed to it on certain conditions, -of which I do not know the details, but which are committed to the -management of Cowley. Clarendon seemed to think that there was no more -danger _now_ of the pacific purpose of Cowley being obstructed at -Vienna than at Paris, for he said that the Austrians are so proud, and -moreover so greatly incensed at the conduct of France, that it is very -doubtful whether they will be induced to make any concessions at all, -and whether the Emperor of Austria will not prefer to encounter all the -danger of war, prepared as he is, than consent to anything which should -have the appearance of humbling himself before the outrageous pretences -and intolerable insolence of the Emperor of the French. - -[Sidenote: MR. WALPOLE AND MR. HENLEY RESIGN.] - -In the midst of the absorbing interest of this great question, the -Government Reform Bill is coming on. They appear to have thought it -adviseable to bespeak the good word of the 'Times,' and accordingly -they sent Delane a copy of their Bill. This morning the heads of it -appear in the 'Times' with an approving article. Mild as it appears to -be, it is too strong for Walpole and Henley, who have resigned, but why -they did not resign before it is difficult to understand. At Kent House -yesterday afternoon there was a little gathering of Clarendon, Charles -Wood, and George Lewis, when they all agreed that if the Government -measure was such a one as they could possibly support, their proper -policy would be to assist the Government in carrying it. - -Footnote 1: [The war of 1859 is now judged of more favourably than -it was at the time of its inception, and the result obtained--the -independence and unification of Italy--has led men to condone the -tortuous and deceitful policy by which it was arrived at. The object -of M. de Cavour was a noble one, although the means he employed were -unscrupulous. The chief motive of the Emperor Napoleon was the fear -of his old allies the Carbonari. Orsini's attempt on his life had -powerfully affected him. - -To English statesmen of all parties (with one or two exceptions) it -was apparent that the declaration of war by France on Austria was the -destruction of the great compact of 1815, which (whatever may have been -its defects) had given forty-four years of peace to the Continent of -Europe, and which had survived the Revolution of 1848 and the Crimean -contest of 1854. It was the first outbreak of the military power of -the French Empire and it was likely to lead to future wars, as the -result has proved. The defeat of Austria and the dissolution of the -Germanic Confederation in 1866 was the result of the combined action of -Prussia and Italy, north and south of the Alps; and the Franco-German -War of 1870 was the result of the military ascendency Prussia had thus -acquired in Europe. The policy of England was simply based on the -principle that the duration of peace depended on the maintenance of the -existing territorial arrangements of Europe.] - - -_March 1st._--According to all political calculations Cowley's mission -ought to succeed, but I feel no confidence in his success, and rather -believe that the Emperor Napoleon is acting with his usual duplicity -and treachery, and duping Cowley to gain time, which is necessary to -his plans.[1] It is revolting to see that the peace of the world and -so much of the happiness or misery of mankind depend upon the caprice -and will and the selfish objects and motives of a worthless upstart -and adventurer, who is destitute of every principle of honour, good -faith, or humanity, but who is unfortunately invested with an enormous -power for good or evil. And this is the end of fifty years of incessant -movement, of the progress of society, of the activity and development -of the human intellect in the country which is eternally mouthing about -its superior civilisation and its mission to extend the benefits of -that civilisation over the whole world. - -Disraeli brought forward his Reform Bill last night in a well-set -speech, only too elaborate. It was coolly received, except by its most -angry opponents, who lost no time in denouncing it. - -Footnote 1: [This was the fact. It was not known until long afterwards -that positive engagements had been entered into at Plombières between -the Emperor and M. de Cavour in the preceding autumn, including the -marriage of Prince Napoleon to the daughter of the King of Sardinia, -and the cession of Savoy and Nice as a compensation for the conquest of -Northern Italy. Cavour had the Emperor in his power, and threatened, if -he drew back, to publish the correspondence.] - - -[Sidenote: THE GOVERNMENT REFORM BILL.] - -_March 3rd._--It would be difficult to say what the feeling of the -House of Commons really is on the subject of the Government Reform -Bill. The night it came out everybody who spoke spoke against it. The -Ultra-Reformers, from Bright down to John Russell, naturally express -nothing but abhorrence and contempt for such a measure; half-and-half -Reformers, who consider Reform a necessity, and who would be glad -to have the question settled for the present on such easy terms, -do not venture to say much in its favour; and the Whigs generally, -particularly at their head-quarters, Brooks's, discuss with much -variety of opinion whether the second reading ought to be resisted or -not, the prevailing opinion being that the principle of the Bill (which -is the equalisation of town and county franchise) is so inadmissible -that it ought to be rejected, and they come to that conclusion the more -readily because they think its rejection in that stage would put an -end to the Government. On the other hand, Derby brought together two -hundred of his supporters the day after the Bill appeared, and obtained -their assent to it, and an engagement to support it. The resignations -of Henley and Walpole have been prejudicial to the Government. Their -explanations, which were full of half-suppressed bitterness towards -their colleagues, were considered damaging, and to have revealed -trickery on the part of Derby, though they seem to me to have rather -exhibited weakness on the part of the retiring Ministers. But what -they have clearly shown is the extreme penury of the party in point -of intellectual resources, when they can find no man of any weight or -reputation to fill up the vacancies. But if the Government is weak, and -their position very precarious, the state of the Opposition is at least -as deplorable, for there is no union or agreement amongst them, and -Granville acknowledged to me last night that if Derby should fall on -the second reading, and Palmerston be sent for, as it may be expected -he would be, by the Queen, that it is impossible to see how another -Government could be formed. This state of affairs and the magnitude -of the embarrassment will probably at last make some of those who so -obstinately insisted upon their being right in resigning last year -after the Vote of Censure, begin to think that they would have done -better to accept the rebuke and stay in. All that is now occurring -serves to confirm my own opinion upon that point. - -Since Cowley's arrival at Vienna nothing has been heard of his mission, -but there is nothing apparent tending to lead to the conclusion that he -has been able to do any good, and the general impression is that the -Emperor Napoleon is only endeavouring to gain time, and making a tool -of Cowley in hopes of thereby committing this country in some degree -to his ulterior designs, and there are not wanting persons who believe -that it will after all be against this country that his arms will be -turned, and not against Austria. - - -_March 8th._--On Saturday morning the 'Times' published the article in -the 'Moniteur' (evidently the Emperor's composition), in which a formal -denial was given to the imputed warlike intentions of France. The -general impression produced by this manifesto was that the Emperor had -at last been diverted from his purpose by the various manifestations -which he had seen at home as well as abroad, and that he had resolved -to abandon it altogether. Many, however, refused to believe in this -happy result, and thought that he was only trying to throw dust in -the eyes of the world, and endeavouring to gain time. All things -considered, I incline to believe that he has resolved to postpone his -warlike designs _sine die_, though retaining his wish to employ the -vast means on which he has expended so much money, and looking forward -to some pretext which the chapter of accidents may afford him to -execute his purpose. - -Strenuous efforts are making to bring about an understanding and -agreement between the Whig leaders as to opposing the Government Bill, -in which nobody is so active as George Lewis, who being very intimate -with John Russell, and much in his confidence, and at the same time -still on a footing of an adherent of Palmerston, is better qualified -than any one to form a link between the two and to produce a mutual -accord. John Russell has drawn up certain Resolutions which he intends -to move on the second reading. These Resolutions have been shown to -George Grey and to Palmerston, who have agreed to support them, and it -may be presumed that if all the Whig leaders, or even most of them, -take this course, they will be followed by the majority of the rank and -file. The Government and their friends are considerably alarmed at this -hostile demonstration, and the more disappointed because they had been -led to believe that Palmerston intended to support the second reading, -and they knew that many moderate Whigs were inclined to take the same -course. Some may do so still, but if the rival leaders can agree upon -an attack on the Bill, though they may be agreed on nothing else, it is -certainly probable that the Government will be beaten. Then will come -the question of dissolution or resignation. This will probably depend -on the amount and composition of the majority, and it will be a knotty -point for Derby to decide upon. - - -[Sidenote: OPPOSITION TO THE REFORM BILL.] - -_Savernake, March 9th._--I met George Lewis at the Athenæum yesterday, -and had a talk about the state of affairs here. He told me that -the whole Liberal party, he believed, would support John Russell's -Resolutions. There had been considerable doubt at first whether the -second reading of the Bill should be opposed or not, but upon a close -examination of the Bill they found that it was such a dishonest measure -that it could not be allowed to pass, and therefore it was better to -throw it out at once. Palmerston and Lord John are now on very good -terms. Lord John had sent his Resolutions to Palmerston, and Palmerston -had sent him word he would support whatever he proposed. Lewis thinks, -though there is no agreement between them further than this with regard -to the Reform Bill, that if this Government falls, and the Whigs return -to power, means will be found of adjusting the rival pretensions of -the two leaders, and getting them to act together. To effect this, -his reliance is mainly on the Queen, who he thinks may and will exert -her influence and authority for this end. There is, however, a notion -abroad that if John Russell persists in his Resolutions, the Government -will withdraw the first clause, which is tantamount to withdrawing the -Bill itself. Lewis believes in this intention, and that if they do -it they will become so unpopular, and incur so much discredit, that -it will be impossible for them to go on or to attempt a dissolution. -Another notion is that they will withdraw the Bill, and endeavour to go -on without any Bill at all, trusting to the Opposition not daring to -propose a vote of want of confidence, which it is very doubtful if they -could carry. The only thing clear is that they are very anxious to turn -the Government out, and to take their chance of the consequences. Their -success seems not at all unlikely, but when they have accomplished -their object their embarrassments will begin. First there will be Lord -John and Palmerston, then _l'embarras des richesses_ of the numerous -candidates for office, and settling who is to come in and who are to be -thrown overboard. - - -_March 15th._--Cowley arrived from Vienna on Saturday. I have not yet -seen him, but Clarendon told me yesterday that he brings back the most -satisfactory assurances on the part of Austria, who is ready to give -every pledge of her pacific intentions, and to come to any agreement -with France upon the withdrawal of both their forces from the Papal -States, but that she will make no concessions inconsistent with her -rights and her dignity, or which could seem to damp the enthusiasm -now prevailing in Germany in her favour; in fact, that she has no -concessions to make. Within the last few days the symptoms from France -have been more menacing. At Paris the conviction is general that war -is meant, and I am obliged to believe it likewise. The resignation of -Prince Napoleon seems to have been a mere sham, and his intimacy with -the Emperor as close as ever. There is no reason to believe that the -military preparations in France are suspended, and in Piedmont they are -certainly going on actively. - -[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S RESOLUTIONS.] - -The other great topic of interest, viz. the Reform Bill and John -Russell's Resolutions, does not look in a more satisfactory state. -While many sensible people deprecate this move of John Russell's, -and lament that Palmerston should have consented to support it, the -probability seems that it will be carried, but the greatest uncertainty -prevails as to the course which the Government will adopt, and whether -they will try to go on, dropping their Bill altogether, or continue -the fight with its remaining clauses, or whether they will take the -chance of a dissolution. It is now clear enough that Derby made a great -blunder in undertaking to deal with the question of Reform at all, -and that a consistent Conservative course would have been the most -honourable and the wisest, and have afforded him the best chance of -staying in office. By bringing forward a measure to the principle of -which it is well known that he and his whole Government and party are -in their hearts adverse, and then trying to vitiate the principle by -certain contrivances in the details, by which the scruples of his own -party may be obviated, he exposes himself to the charge of producing -a dishonest measure, and this is what the Whigs urge as their ground -for attacking it in front and at once. This is what Lewis said to me, -'We are bound to defeat a measure which is so dishonest that it is -not susceptible of such improvement in Committee as would warrant our -passing it.' The conduct of the Whigs, however, is not a whit more -honest. Their allegation is a mere pretext, and their real motive is -that they think they see their way back to office through an attack -upon the Government Bill; they are indifferent to the consequences, -and all they want is to get the coast clear for themselves, and take -the chance of settling the difficult questions which will arise as -to the formation of a Government and the conditions on which it can -be formed. All this appears to me quite as dishonest as anything the -Government have done or are doing. Palmerston never was a Reformer. He -was opposed as much as he dared and could be even to the great measure -of 1832, which all the world was for. When he brought forward a measure -of his own two or three years ago, he did it without sincerity or -conviction, and merely for a party object, and now he is uniting with -John Russell without any real agreement with him in opinion, and with -full knowledge that if they succeed and climb into office on the ruins -of the Government Bill he will be obliged to propose a measure much -stronger than he believes to be either necessary or safe. Believing -that Palmerston and John Russell were agreed no further than upon the -Resolutions on Monday next, I thought that a difference must arise -between them (in the event of their coming into office) on the Reform -Bill they should produce, but I was told just now that upon this point -they are already nearly if not completely agreed. They are, however, -not yet agreed upon the great question of the Premiership, or which of -them shall go to the House of Lords. The impatience and confidence of -Lord John seems to be unbounded, and in spite of his being the younger -by seven years, his eagerness to be in office again much more intense -than that of Palmerston. Although this is such a miserable Government, -both discreditable and incompetent, and it is a misfortune to have the -country ruled by such men, I cannot desire the success of such selfish -and unpatriotic manoeuvres as those by which the Whigs are endeavouring -to supplant them, and consequently I regard the whole state of affairs -with indescribable disgust and no small apprehension. I believe the -country to be in nearly equal danger from Louis Napoleon abroad and Mr. -Bright at home, and I fear that there is no capacity in the Government -to cope with the one, and no such amount of wisdom and patriotism -amongst the chief men of all parties as is requisite to defeat the -designs of the other. - - -_March 16th._--Cowley called on me yesterday at the Council Office. -He said that he had never believed there would be war, and he did not -expect it now; that all the agitation and turmoil that had been vexing -Europe for the last three months were to be attributed to the conduct -of Cavour and his attempts to drag France into assisting Piedmont -in her aggressive policy, and to misunderstandings which had been -produced by the strange conduct of the French Government, the imprudent -speech of the Emperor to Hübner on January 1st, and the ambiguous -manifestations which had followed it. To comprehend all these things it -was necessary to be acquainted with the whole course of Cavour's policy -and his dealings with France, and to understand the peculiar character -of the Emperor and the motives and impulses by which he is actuated. -When Austria refused to join England and France in the Russian War, -Cavour thought that an opportunity presented itself of which he might -take advantage, and which would lead to a realisation of his views for -the aggrandisement of Piedmont, and he offered to join the alliance -and send an army to the Crimea. This offer (as Cowley thinks very -imprudently and unfortunately) was accepted. He thinks it was unwise, -because the assistance of Piedmont was not required, and could not have -any material effect on the result of the contest, while it was sure to -excite hopes and expectations, and to give rise to demands which would -be afterwards found very inconvenient and embarrassing. Accordingly -Cavour took the earliest opportunity of expressing his hopes that when -peace should return Sardinia and her services would not be overlooked. -General expressions of goodwill were given, but Cowley cannot answer -for what more the Emperor may have said. - -[Sidenote: LORD COWLEY'S VIENNA NEGOTIATION.] - -His account of his mission does not quite correspond with what I had -before heard of it, and is an additional proof of the difficulty of -arriving at truth. He told me that he had written to Malmesbury and -told him he thought it very expedient to send somebody to Vienna to -talk to Buol and the Emperor, and to try and mediate between Austria -and France, to which Malmesbury had replied he had better go himself, -as nobody else would be so likely to effect the object. The consent of -Buol having been previously obtained, he proposed it at Paris, where -his services were gladly accepted. He had already spoken very openly -to the Emperor, and told him very plain truths as to his position and -his conduct, and when he went he told His Majesty without disguise what -his intentions were and his wishes, and what he desired that Austria -should do. The Emperor was very frank, totally disdained any wish to -make war, but said he should like Austria to do certain things, which -amounted to full security for Piedmont and renunciation of any unfair -and unjustifiable predominance in Italy. He found them at Vienna more -angry than alarmed; suspicious, but not unreasonable; their military -condition so good and powerful that, believing France really bent on -attacking them, there was a very general feeling that it was better war -should come at once than have it indefinitely hanging over them, and -at first it seemed unlikely that they would return any conciliatory -assurances which he might carry back to France. At last, however, he -got them to say what he thought was as much as could be expected from -them, and what ought to satisfy the French Government. Since he left -Paris (now three weeks ago or more) he has not had a line from thence, -and he is wholly ignorant of the march of affairs during his absence; -but he hopes and expects to find a pacific disposition, and his object -is to prevail on the Emperor to put an end to the general state of -uncertainty and alarm by announcing to Sardinia that she is in no -danger from Austria, and that therefore no assistance from France will -be necessary, and she may safely desist from her warlike preparations. -This is in fact the only way by which the crisis can be put an end to, -and if the Emperor really has been sincere in his professions and means -to make his acts correspond with them, he will forthwith put forward -some clear and unambiguous declaration, and some definite communication -to Piedmont which will leave no room for doubt or suspicion, and -restore confidence and tranquillity to Europe again. - - -_March 22nd._--Yesterday the 'Times' announced that a Congress had been -agreed upon, which was believed, so the funds rose and there was a -general belief that a solution was at hand, but it turns out not to be -true. The Emperor wishes for one as a means by which he may back out of -his scrape, which Cowley writes is now his object, but it is impossible -to believe that Austria will listen to it, and Clarendon thinks that -she would do wrong to consent to it, and that we should get into a -scrape by being a party to it, as no reliance whatever can be placed on -the good faith or honesty of France, who would deceive us and Austria, -as she has often done before. - -Yesterday the Neapolitan exiles arrived at an hotel in Dover Street -in several hack cabs, decorated with laurels, and preceded by a band -of music. I did not see the men, but saw the empty cabs; there was no -crowd. - -Nothing could be more uninteresting than the first evening of the -debate on John Russell's Resolutions last night. Lord March told me in -the morning that the Government would certainly dissolve as soon as -the Resolutions were carried. Every day makes the folly of Derby more -apparent in bringing in any Reform Bill at all. - - -[Sidenote: DEBATE ON REFORM BILL] - -_March 24th._--When I think of the Reform Bill of 1832, and compare -the state of affairs at that time with that of the present time, -nothing can be more extraordinary. Then the interest was intense, the -whole country in a fever of excitement, the Press rabid, the clamour -for Reform all but universal, party running tremendously high, no -doubt or hesitation about individual wishes and opinions, and each -camp perfectly united in itself, and full of energy and zeal. In -this condition of the public mind and of politics the debates began -and continued. This debate has begun and seems likely to continue, -how differently! There are neither zeal nor union on one side or -the other, everybody is dissatisfied with the state of affairs, and -nobody can see a satisfactory issue from the general embarrassment. -There have been two nights of debate, and as yet all the speaking has -been one way, all on the anti-Reform side. John Russell was flat, and -Stanley, who replied to him, actually read his speech, which, though -it was much complimented by his own friends, seems to have been far -from effective. Horsman made a very good speech the first night, and -Bulwer Lytton spoke with great eloquence and effect on Tuesday, far -better than anybody thought he could speak, and the Solicitor-General -made a magnificent speech, in which he attacked John Russell with -great vigour and complete success. The only tolerable speech on the -Opposition side was Sidney Herbert's. Nobody has the least idea what -course the Government will take of the three open to them, whether they -will resign, dissolve, or go on with the second reading. The inference -from Stanley's speech was that they will dissolve, but Lytton and -Cairns seemed anxious to do away with the impression that speech had -made, and one is led to infer from what they said that the Government -will most likely proceed to the second reading, which would probably -be their wisest and certainly their most popular course. The majority -of those who are going to vote for the Resolutions do so unwillingly, -and would have preferred going into Committee, or to have fought the -battle on the second reading. As it is, if Government do not throw up -their cards, the second reading is in my opinion sure to pass, and not -improbably the Bill itself with great alterations. - -The state of foreign affairs is as uncertain as ever. So incurable is -the distrust of the Emperor Napoleon that the greatest doubts prevail -whether he means peace or war, and whether even this Congress which he -is trying to bring about is not a mere dodge for the purpose of gaining -time, and in order to extract out of it a plausible case for a complete -breach with Austria. - -Gladstone is come back from Italy completely duped by Cavour, who has -persuaded him that Piedmont has no ambition or aggressive objects, and -that Austria alone is guilty of all the trouble in which the world has -been plunged. He told this to Aberdeen, who treated his delusions and -his credulity with the utmost scorn and contempt, but he is said to -have found John Russell more credulous, and ready to accept Gladstone's -convictions. - - -_March 26th._--The debate goes on, to the intense disgust of everybody, -though enlivened by a few clever and telling speeches. But everybody -is disgusted with the whole affair, from which all see that no good -can come, and probably much mischief will ensue. The Government side -continues to have the best of the debate, Horsman, who spoke for them, -and Lytton and Cairns having been very superior to all the speakers on -the other side. On Friday Palmerston spoke, with great vigour, but not -much effect. His speech was very jaunty, but very insincere. When he -said that he cordially supported the Resolutions of his noble friend, -everybody knew that it was not true, that he really disapproved of them -and that he only consented to go with Lord John in order to evince -his willingness to make up their political difference, and to lend -himself to the reunion of all the Whig party; but in his speech he said -enough to show that there is not likely to be an entire or lasting -agreement between them, and that the two Kings of Brentford will not -long continue to smell at the same nosegay. The Opposition have been -all along quite confident of victory on the Resolutions, and it has -been impossible to make sure of the intentions of the Government in -the event of their being beaten, as they have severally held such very -different language on the point. - -But an incident has occurred which is very likely to extricate the -Government from their difficulty, and of which I presume they will -avail themselves. Owen Stanley (brother of Stanley of Alderley) the -other night blurted out, without previous concert with anybody, a -notice of a motion of want of confidence in the event of the second -reading not passing. The Opposition are unanimously disgusted at -this piece of folly and meddling, while the Government are of course -delighted at such a plank of safety being held out to them, and if -they use it dexterously, they may completely defeat Lord John and -Palmerston, and prolong their own tenure of office for some time at -least. - - -[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY] - -_April 1st._--The great debate came to an end last night. The majority -was greater than either side expected, and the Government and their -friends were sanguine to the last that they should win by a few -votes.[1] Although there was a great deal of tedious speaking, it was -on the whole a very able and creditable debate, and there were several -very powerful speeches, but principally on the side of the minority. -Gladstone's was particularly good, and Dizzy's reply, with a very -effective philippic against John Russell, was exceedingly clever, -and delivered with much dignity and in very good taste. Although -the question of Reform was regarded with so much indifference, as -the debate proceeded and party spirit and emulation waxed hot, the -interest and curiosity became intense. They have become still more -intense to-day, and the town is in a state of feverish anxiety to know -what is going to happen, and, as usual on such occasions, there are a -thousand reports, speculations, and guesses afloat. This morning the -prevalent idea was that they would resign, but this evening, and since -Derby's brief notice in the House of Lords, it is rather that they will -dissolve. Certainly the Queen might very well refuse her consent to a -dissolution if proposed to her, and this would of course compel the -Government to resign; but nobody knows whether she wishes Derby to stay -in, or would prefer to take the chance of forming another Ministry. I -have no idea that happen what may she will send for Lord John Russell; -but no doubt she knows all that has recently passed between him and -Palmerston, and about the formation of another Government, and it -is not impossible that she may shrink from being plunged into the -difficulties which would attend the attempts to form a Government in -which they were to divide the power and authority between them. - -Footnote 1: [The numbers were: for the second reading of the Bill -291, for Lord John Russell's Resolutions 330; majority against the -Government 39.] - - -_April 4th._--The report yesterday was that Derby does not mean to -resign or dissolve, or to go on with the present Bill, but perhaps -bring in a fresh one. As we shall hear it all this evening, it is -useless to speculate on the subject. The Opposition are evidently -puzzled what to do. I went to Kent House, where Lewis said the -Government were much mistaken if they imagined they should be left -alone; he did not know what would be done, but certainly they must look -to be attacked in some shape or other. Granville in the evening took -the opposite line, and said the best party game would be to let them -alone. Nothing, however, will ever induce John Russell to keep quiet. - -[Sidenote: M. DE CAVOUR'S POLICY] - -Clarendon came in, and we talked of foreign affairs. He thinks war -inevitable, and that the French are only gaining time to complete their -preparations. I said I thought Cowley had been duped by the Emperor, -but he thought not. Cowley had all along seen all the objections to -the proposed Congress and suspected the _arrière pensée_ of it, but -said it was impossible when proposed to object to it, as the Emperor -would put forward such a refusal as a pretext, and say that it would -have prevented war. Two years ago he had a reliance upon the Emperor -which he had no longer; that he was completely changed now from what -he was, and it was difficult to know what he really meant, and when -he was sincere or the reverse. Clarendon told us he had lately seen -Marliani, an old acquaintance of his, a Spanish Liberal and friend of -Cavour's. Marliani said that the Italian question was ill understood -in England, and he had come over for the express purpose of seeing -Clarendon and talking it over with him, and putting before him a paper -he had written upon it. The conversation was curious. Clarendon told -him he was quite mistaken if he thought the Government or any other -Government could take any part at variance with the existing treaties, -or that the country would allow them to do so, even if inclined. He -then asked him what his friend Cavour meant to do in the dilemma in -which he had got himself and his country, and expressed very strong -opinions on his conduct. Marliani replied that it was not quite just -to censure Cavour with such severity, and without considering his -position, that during his whole life his most ardent desire and fixed -idea was that of purging Italy of the Austrians and aggrandising his -own country, and now when he saw before him the probable realisation of -his fond hopes, that he was backed up and encouraged by the master of -300,000 men in the game he was playing, and taught to rely upon that -aid, could it be wondered at that he should yield to the seduction? -Clarendon asked what would happen if the Emperor proved faithless to -him, as he had done to others, and in what position Cavour would find -himself. Marliani replied that he had no hesitation in telling him what -he thought need not be a secret, at least to him, as he was sure Cavour -would tell Clarendon himself if he saw him, and that Cavour had fully -made up his mind what to do. If the Emperor ended by throwing over the -Italian cause and refused to go to war, Cavour would resign, the King -would abdicate, and the whole correspondence with all the Emperor's -letters (of which they had an immense number) would be published and -circulated over all Europe to show the baseness and perfidy of the -man in whom they had trusted, and to force him to hide his head from -the indignation and contempt of the world. Everything indicates that, -whether from fear of this vindictive explosion or because he thinks -it his policy, he is hastening his preparations, has renewed his -engagements to Cavour, and that he means to go to war as soon as he can. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -The Government determine to dissolve the Parliament--Apathy of the -Country--Hopes and Fears as to the War--The Congress a Trick--Disraeli -on the approaching Elections--War declared--Mr. Greville resigns the -Clerkship of the Council--Result of the Elections--Mistakes of the -Austrian Government--Policy of the Opposition--Reconciliation of Lord -Palmerston and Lord John Russell--The Reconciliation doubtful--Meeting -of the Liberal Party--Resolution of the Meeting--Debate on the -Resolution of Want of Confidence--Defeat of Ministers--Lord Derby -resigns--Lord Granville sent for by the Queen--Lord Granville does not -form a Government--Lord Palmerston sent for--Lord Palmerston's Second -Administration--The Queen confers the Garter on Lord Derby--Successful -Progress of the French in Italy--Causes of Lord Granville's -Failure--Lord John claims the Foreign Office--Lord Clarendon declines -to take Office--Lord Clarendon's Interview with the Queen--Mr. -Cobden declines to take Office--The Armistice of Villafranca--Peace -concluded--The Terms of Peace--Position of the Pope--Disappointment of -Italy--Conference of the Emperors--Alleged Sensitiveness of the Emperor -Napoleon--Details of the War--A Visit to Ireland--Irish National -Education--Dublin--Howth Castle--Waterford--Killarney--Return from -Ireland--Numerous Cabinets--A Dispute with China--Lord Palmerston and -Lord John Russell--Lord Clarendon at Osborne--Spain and Morocco--The -Duc d'Aumale--Perplexity of the Emperor Napoleon--The Emperor Napoleon -and the 'Times.' - - -[Sidenote: DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.] - -_April 7th_, 1859.--The determination of the Government, announced -in both Houses on Monday evening, took the world by surprise. Nobody -thought there would be a dissolution. Derby's speech was very bad, -much below his usual level. The attack on John Russell which formed -a chief part of it was merely a _réchauffé_ of that of Disraeli, but -very inferior to it in every respect. Disraeli in the other House spoke -much better, and with more taste and temper. The Opposition leaders are -evidently much taken aback; the Derbyites assert that they have reason -to expect a gain of forty votes, but nobody believes it. Many think a -much more Radical and an angry Parliament will be returned, but there -is no excitement, and it seems to me more probable that those are right -who think the relative proportions will not be materially altered. The -Whig chiefs are very angry with John Russell for committing himself as -he did on Monday night by his speech and announcement of his own plan -of Reform. Great attempts were made to dissuade him from doing this, -but he would not listen to reason. Palmerston made a speech clearly -indicative of disagreement with Lord John, though with a semblance of -union. The Resolutions on one side and the Dissolution on the other -have both been great faults, of which the mischievous consequences may -be very serious, but which cannot be made manifest till we see the -result of the election. - - -_April 15th._--I have been reading over to George Lewis my account -of what took place about the Reform Bill of 1832, to assist him in -reviewing that period of history, and in so doing it is impossible -not to be struck with the contrast between the public excitement -which prevailed then and the apathy and absence of interest which we -witness now. At every general election there is a great deal of bustle, -activity, party zeal, and contention, but there are not more of these -now than on ordinary occasions, if anything less. Both parties are -confident that they shall gain, and the Derbyites are making great -efforts, and have collected a very large sum of money. Derby has given -20,000_l._ to the fund, but candidates are slack in coming forward -with the prospect of the new Parliament not lasting many months. The -question of peace or war is still in abeyance, but inclines rather -towards war; the public securities oscillate like a barometer, and -people are puzzled and unable to form any opinion. - - -_April 20th._--The long promised statements were made in both Houses -on Monday night, but they told us nothing that was not already known, -and merely expressed hopes that war might still be averted. Disraeli -in the Commons was more sanguine than Malmesbury and Derby in the -Lords. Clarendon and Derby both made excellent speeches, the former -particularly; all he said was sound and true. The most striking thing -in both Houses was the extreme caution and reserve of the speakers on -both sides, and particularly their reticence and forbearance about -France. Not one word of blame of the Emperor of the French; no more -about him, his sayings and doings, than about the Emperor of Russia, -or than if he had had nothing whatever to do with the present state -of things. This was probably politic, but it was lamentable and -disgraceful that we should be obliged, or think ourselves obliged, to -abstain from speaking the truth, for fear of offending this rascally -adventurer, who by the egregious folly and cowardice of the French -nation has been invested with such an awful power of mischief, and whom -neither fear nor shame deters from pursuing his own wicked ends at the -expense of any amount of misery and desolation which he may inflict -upon mankind. One cannot help contrasting the extreme delicacy and -forbearance exhibited towards him with the violence and abuse which -were directed against the Emperor Nicholas in 1854. - -[Sidenote: MR. DISRAELI'S EXPECTATIONS.] - -I met Disraeli yesterday afternoon, when he told me they had got such -satisfactory news from the Continent that he considered the affair as -virtually settled and the danger at an end. God grant it may be so, -but I am far from being satisfied that the danger is over. On the eve -of great resolutions, and as the moment of taking an irrevocable step -draws near, the actors in great events have generally some misgivings, -and pause upon the brink, and so probably will these quasi-belligerents -do now; but I believe the concessions which France expresses herself -willing to make to our entreaties to be a part of her game. Clarendon -or Derby said that if Cowley had been allowed to work out his purpose -of mediation, probably all would have been settled, and that the -proposition of Russia for a Congress had been mischievous, and only -involved the question in fresh doubt and delay. But it appears evident -that this was a French trick, and that Russia proposed the Congress at -the instigation of France, who sought it for the purpose of delay, and -most likely in order to extract from it a plausible cause of quarrel. -Derby in his speech attributed a great deal to the menacing and -disturbing speech of the King of Sardinia in opening his Chambers, but -nobody said a word of Napoleon's _sortie_ to the Austrian Minister on -the 1st January, nor was any allusion made to various important facts -which were well known to many people in both Houses. No reproaches were -cast upon Sardinia, but a good many upon Austria; no comment made upon -the flagrant breach by Sardinia of the treaties existing between her -and Austria, and of the forbearance of the latter in not making that -breach a _casus belli_, as she might well have done. - -I went to a Council on Monday for the prorogation, when I had some -conversation with Disraeli, and asked him what his real belief was as -to their prospects in the election. He said there was so much luck in -these matters that it was difficult to speak positively, but that he -had endeavoured to ascertain the true probabilities of the result, -and his conclusion was that _if they had luck_ they should gain sixty -votes; and what, I asked, if there was no luck on one side or the -other? Then, he said, they should gain forty. I told him the Opposition -calculators did not believe the Government would gain at all, or at -most not above eight or ten, if so many, and asked if he was confident -they should gain from twenty to thirty anyhow. He said from the day -of their taking office they had looked forward to a dissolution, that -their organisation was excellent, they had plenty of candidates and -of money, and he was quite confident they should gain that number and -more; he added that there was in no part of the country the slightest -desire for Reform, and he had altered the address he had first intended -to put forth, in consequence of finding what the prevailing sentiment -was on that question. I suppose they hold this language to justify -their dissolution, for it is difficult to believe they can really -expect such results, or that their opponents, who tell such a different -story, can be so completely mistaken. - - -_April 24th, Newmarket._--Disraeli's information on Tuesday last, when -I met him at Lady Jersey's, might well have warranted me in believing -that no war would take place, but I have never been able to persuade -myself that this calamity would be averted, and it appears that my -apprehensions were well founded, for now the die seems to be really -cast, and at the moment when I am writing it is probably actually -declared and begun. Though Austria is perfectly justified in declining -to wait any longer while France is maturing her preparations, and -cannot justly be blamed for bringing the affair to a crisis, she is -certain to be exposed to every sort of obloquy and misrepresentations -even in this country, and of course much more in France. - - -_April 27th._--On Monday we heard that the Austrians had sent their -ultimatum to Sardinia, and there was a complete panic in the City. -Yesterday we were informed that she had given fourteen days' grace -to Sardinia, and everything was up again. But this morning we were -undeceived, and found this latter report had no foundation. Meanwhile -the clamour against Austria has been senseless and disgraceful; nothing -could be more unworthy than Derby's allusion to her in his speech at -the Mansion House dinner on Monday. It was a claptrap, and meant to -obtain popularity and assist the Ministerial interest at the election. -Nothing has ever disgusted me more than to see the readiness with -which everybody finds fault with Austria, and the care with which they -avoid any notice of France, not, however, that this can or will last. -What sort of relations we shall continue to have with France I cannot -imagine. We have been treated in a manner which puts an end to the -possibility of any amicable feelings between the two countries. We -can never trust the Emperor again, and must take measures for our own -security as best we may; but unhappily the Indian war has so materially -diminished our power and absorbed our resources, and France has so -enormously gained upon us in point of naval strength, that we are not -in a condition to hold the language and play the part that befit the -dignity and the honour of the country. We can revile Austria with -impunity, for we know that we are in no danger of an attack from her, -but, on the contrary, that she has so much need of our good will that -she will endure our taunts and reproaches, and not quarrel with us even -in words. It was a prophetic saying of Mackintosh forty years ago at -Roehampton that it remained to be proved whether the acquisition of our -Indian Empire was in reality a gain to us, and we must hope that the -remark will not be illustrated in our days by seeing England herself -placed in danger by her exertions to retain or reconquer India, whose -value is so problematical and of which nothing is certain but the -immense labour and cost of her retention. - - -[Sidenote: WAR IN ITALY.] - -_May 14th._--Another severe fit of the gout, principally in the right -hand, has prevented my writing a line for the last fortnight, during -which war has broken out, and the general election has been begun -and ended, and, what is most important to myself, I have resigned my -office. Hitherto the war and the election have equally disappointed -the expectations they gave rise to. The Austrians committed a blunder -in plunging into the war, and have not taken the only advantage such -a measure seemed to promise, viz. that of overpowering the Sardinians -before the French could join them, and now nobody can make out what -their tactics are, or when and where the contest will begin in earnest. -Meanwhile _we_ are taking an imposing attitude of armed and prepared -neutrality. Disraeli's anticipated sixty votes have dwindled down to a -gain of twenty, but Malmesbury told Cowley that they should have force -sufficient to maintain their ground, which I see their opponents do not -believe. - - -_May 17th._--The elections are nearly if not quite over, and, as well -as can be collected from the conflicting calculations of the rival -parties, they present a gain of nearly thirty for the Government. -With this they evidently hope and their opponents fear they will be -able to go on at least to the end of the session, and I incline to -think so likewise. Their Government is miserably weak and incapable, -their numbers respectable, but their staff deplorable. It is expected -they will propose to Lord Elgin to take Lytton's place. The general -election has been eminently satisfactory in this, that it has elicited -the completely Conservative spirit of the country. Palmerston, who -predicted that the consequence would be a large increase of Radical -strength, has been altogether mistaken. It may be added (whether this -is a good or an evil) that it has also manifested the indifference of -the country to all parties and to all political ties and connexions. In -the last general election the cry was all for Palmerston, in this there -has been no cry for anybody, neither for Palmerston nor Derby, and less -than all for John Russell or Bright. And yet John Russell is flattering -himself he shall have an opportunity of forming a Government, and talks -of his regret at being obliged to leave out so many of his friends. -It is remarkable that the Catholics have supported the Government, -and that they have done so under orders from Rome. Archbishop Cullen -is there, and has signified to the priests the pleasure of the Pope -that the Derby Government should be supported. Clarendon told me this -yesterday, and that the reason is because they think this Government -more favourably inclined to Austria than any other, especially than -either Palmerston or John Russell would be. The Papal Government have -never forgiven the Whigs for the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and this -accounts for the otherwise strange support given by the Catholics to -those who have always been their bitterest enemies. - -The war still languishes, and nobody can make out what the Austrian -plans are. A great sensation has been made by the retirement of Buol -and the appointment of Rechberg. The first report was that it was a -sacrifice made to appease the resentment of Russia, but Clarendon told -me yesterday he did not believe this, but that it was rather to satisfy -some of the German Powers whom Buol had deeply offended. Nothing could -have exceeded the stupid blundering and misconduct of the Austrian -Government during the last few critical weeks, and their want of tact -towards Prussia and the German Powers. The Archduke Albrecht was sent -to Germany for the purpose of stirring up the German Powers, and -professedly to procure such a demonstration as should be the means of -preventing war, and then, while the Archduke was still at Berlin, they -blurted out their ultimatum (which was a declaration of war) without -letting Prussia know what they were about. The Archduke was obliged -to declare his own ignorance of the intentions of his Government, and -Prussia consequently to announce her disapprobation of the measure -and to signify the same to France, which was just what suited the -Emperor Louis Napoleon. I hear also that his departure from Paris was -accelerated by the necessity of repairing as speedily as possible to -the seat of war, in order to quiet the dissensions and quarrels which -were already raging between the French generals. Not a very promising -beginning of the campaign. This used to be the case formerly in the -great Napoleon's time wherever he was not present. His presence -silenced these quarrels, but it remains to be seen whether this man -will have equal authority over unruly subordinates, who cannot possibly -regard him with the same deference with which the old marshals looked -up to their mighty master. - - -[Sidenote: RESULT OF THE ELECTIONS.] - -_May 24th._--The elections are all over, and the Opposition leaders -are already busy in devising the means of attacking the Government. On -Friday Palmerston went to Pembroke Lodge, and had a long conference -with John Russell. On Sunday there was a gathering there, attended -by Granville, George Lewis, Charles Wood, and probably others. The -question immediately to be decided is whether an Amendment shall or -not be moved to the Address. A very nice point of political strategy. -The Whig leaders are impatient to drive the Government to resignation, -without, as I believe, knowing how they are to form a Government likely -to be durable and strong. As matters stand, the Government appear to -be too strong to be driven out, and not strong enough to count upon -staying in. A greater fix can hardly be seen. - - -_May 26th._--Palmerston and John Russell have now made up all their -differences, and have come to a complete understanding and agreement -on all points, so that the schism may be considered at an end. Upon -Reform, upon foreign policy, upon the mode of opposition, they are -fully agreed, and even upon their respective personal pretensions. -Both are resolved not to quit the House of Commons, and Lord John -himself says that the question of the Primacy must be determined by the -Queen herself, and that whomever she may send for and charge with the -formation of a Government must necessarily be Premier. There is not -much doubt that this will be Palmerston, but what post Lord John would -require for himself I have not heard. It may possibly be the Foreign -Office, which Palmerston could hardly refuse to him, particularly as -they are agreed on foreign policy, and Clarendon is not inclined to -share their opinion. This reconciliation will be very favourable to -Granville's pretensions, and secure to him the lead of the House of -Lords, and not improbably, at some not very distant day, lead to his -being Prime Minister. In this age of political Methuselahs it is an -enormous advantage to be little more than forty years old. This state -of affairs I heard at Brooks's from the Duke of Bedford. It was Lord -John who took the initiative in their approaches to each other. He -wrote to Palmerston, on which Palmerston repaired to Pembroke Lodge, -where they had a long conversation, with the result aforesaid. Soon -afterwards I met Disraeli in the street. He did not appear to me to -be in very high spirits, and talked of the position and chances of -his Government without any expressions of confidence, though without -despondence. He said he hoped that they would move an Amendment to -the Address, as it was better to fight it out at once and bring the -question of strength to a crisis. - - -[Sidenote: LORD PALMERSTON AND LORD JOHN RUSSELL.] - -_May 29th._--It seems not unlikely that the Government may be after all -relieved from the immediate danger of an Amendment by the divisions -amongst the Opposition, or rather between the rival leaders. After -all I was told of the meeting between Palmerston and Lord John, and -the agreement they had come to on all the important points, I was -astonished at hearing on Friday evening that everything was again -thrown into uncertainty because Lord John would not say what he -intended to do. On the important question of who should be Premier he -would make no frank statement. He had, indeed, before said that the -Queen must decide it, and the man she sent for would naturally be at -the head of the Government; but he refused to say whether, supposing -Palmerston to be sent for, he would take office with and under him, -or even whether he would sit in the House of Commons on or behind the -Treasury Bench--in short he would give no clear and positive assurance -of his intentions. This is naturally very disgusting to the Whigs, and -throws everything into doubt and confusion. The Duke of Bedford is to -go down to him and tell him the plain truth, which no one else would -venture to do, pointing out to him the effect of his conduct on the -sentiments of the Liberal party and on his own position, with regard -to which his conduct is indefensible and suicidal. It remains to be -seen whether any effect will be produced on his mind, but in any case -nothing can look more hopeless than it does, or promise worse for the -future. Even though Lord John should consent to act under Palmerston -(and nobody expects that it is Lord John for whom the Queen would -send), there seems little hope of any cordial or lasting union between -them, or of his being satisfied with any position in which he might -consent to place himself, for his mind is evidently in a sour and -jaundiced state. The majority of the Whig and Liberal party who are -come up full of resentment from the elections are certainly desirous -of attacking the Government, but there is a considerable number of -them who are averse to joining in any vote of want of confidence, or -any other move which may turn the Government out without first being -assured that another Government can be formed, and that the union is -sufficiently complete to promise that such new Government would be -strong enough to maintain itself when formed. - - -_June 6th._--As I was at Epsom every day this week, I have heard -nothing of what has been going on, except the fact that there is to -be a great meeting of the Liberals at Willis's Rooms this afternoon, -called by a list of people which includes Palmerston and Lord John and -Milner Gibson, whose signature betokens the assent of the Radicals to -the object of it, which I conclude to be an agreement as to the attack -to be made on the Government to-morrow, and certain explanations as to -the intentions and sentiments of the Whig leaders. I see that there are -many dissentients from the course that is going to be adopted, many who -think this attempt to oust the Government at once neither patriotic -nor politic. Without any very decided opinion, or the means of forming -one, I am rather inclined to think that it would be better to leave -them alone, and to trust to their furnishing good cause for turning -them out, as they probably will do. The Government does not appear to -be obnoxious to any serious reproach and objection, except about their -mismanagement of foreign affairs. But it is very questionable whether -another Government might not give us a policy equally or still more -mischievous. - - -_June 7th._--The meeting of the Opposition yesterday at Willis's Rooms -went off as well as they could expect or desire. The two leaders gave -the required assurances that each would serve under the other, in the -event of either being sent for. There was a general concurrence in the -plan of attacking the Government at once, in which even Bright and -Ellice joined, the former disclaiming any desire for office in his own -person, but claiming it for his friends. The result promised is that -with very few exceptions all the opponents or quasi-opponents of the -Government will unite in supporting the vote of want of confidence, and -they are very confident of success. On the other hand, the Derbyites -do not despair of having a majority, and they comfort themselves with -the certainty that the division must be so close, that the successful -Whigs will be able to form no Government which will have a certain -working majority, and, not impossibly, that the majority itself may be -turned into a minority by the events of the re-elections. This is not -very probable, and it is rather more likely that if Palmerston forms -a Government, he will have the support of a good many of those who -will vote with the Government, as long as they remain in. There were, -however, some rather ominous manifestations made at this meeting. It -seemed to be agreed that the new Government should embrace not only -Whigs and Peelites, but 'advanced Liberals,' _i.e._ the followers of -Bright, and this, besides introducing the seeds of disunion, will -probably frighten away the Liberal Conservatives, who would like to -support Palmerston, inasmuch as a Government so formed would afford -little security for the maintenance of Conservative measures. Then -Palmerston in no ambiguous terms announced his pro-Gallican sympathies, -and the neutrality he declared for in every possible case which he -could contemplate, together with his desire for a cordial union with -France, can mean nothing but that under his rule England should look -quietly on while France crushes Austria, and accomplishes all her -ambitious and revolutionary objects. That this policy will be hateful -to many who will be his colleagues cannot be doubted, but what is -doubtful is whether those who will object to it will have virtue and -firmness enough to decline office rather than be parties to such a -policy. - - -_June 9th._--There is great excitement about this debate and the -probable division, and equal confidence on both sides of a majority. -The Opposition is the favourite, but their friends will not lay any -odds. Everybody says it must be very close, and on either side the -majority will not exceed ten. On the first night Disraeli made a -capital speech, and nobody else on their side would speak at all. -This was a sort of manoeuvre and attempt to bring about a division -that night, for they found out that seventeen of the Opposition had -not taken their seats, which would have secured a majority to the -Government. The Whigs therefore refused to divide, and put up one man -after another to keep the debate open, and eventually obtained an -adjournment. Palmerston's speech was in accordance with his declaration -at Willis's, and with his ancient practice; it was violently -pro-French and anti-Austrian, and it was full of gross falsehoods and -misrepresentations, which he well knew to be such. In his seventy-fifth -year, and playing the last act of his political life, he is just what -he always was. - - -[Sidenote: RESIGNATION OF LORD DERBY.] - -_June 12th._--After a not very remarkable debate, the division -yesterday morning gave a majority of thirteen to the Opposition, -which was more than either side expected.[1] Derby resigned at eleven -o'clock, and the Queen immediately after marked her sense of his -conduct by sending him an extra Garter in an autograph letter. Much -to his own surprise she sent for Granville (and for nobody else) and -charged him with the formation of a Government. What passed between Her -Majesty and him I know not, but he accepted the commission and has been -busy about it ever since. How he is to deal with Palmerston and Lord -John, and to make such a project palatable to them I cannot imagine. -What the Queen has done is a very significant notice to them of her -great reluctance to have either of them at the head of affairs, and it -cannot but be very mortifying to them to be invited to accept office -under a man they have raised from the ranks, and who is young enough to -be son to either, and almost to be grandson of the elder of the two. -Nor will the mortification be less, after they have both so publicly -avowed their expectations that one or other of them must be sent for, -and their having, in what they consider a spirit of self-sacrifice, -consented to serve under each other, but without ever saying or -dreaming that it could be necessary to say they would take office under -any third party. Nobody, indeed, has ever thought of the possibility -of any but one of them being called upon by Her Majesty, and the only -question has been which it would be. - -Footnote 1: [The Amendment to the Address, implying a want of -confidence in Ministers, was moved by the Marquis of Hartington. The -votes on the division were: For the amendment 323, against it 310.] - - -[Sidenote: LORD PALMERSTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION.] - -_June 13th._--Lord Granville told me yesterday evening what had passed, -and that his mission was at an end, and Palmerston engaged in forming a -Government. The account of it all appears in the 'Times' this morning -quite correctly. Granville was rather disappointed, but took it gaily -enough, and I think he must have been aware from the first of the -extreme difficulty of his forming a Government which was to include -these two old rival statesmen. Palmerston had the wisdom to accede at -once to Granville's proposal, probably foreseeing that nothing would -come of Granville's attempt, and that he would have all the credit of -his complaisance and obtain the prize after all. The transaction has -been a very advantageous one for Granville, and will inevitably lead -sooner or later to his gaining the eminence which he has only just -missed now, which would have been full of difficulties and future -embarrassments at the present time, but will be comparatively easy -hereafter. Lord John's conduct will not serve to ingratiate him with -the Queen, nor increase his popularity with the country.[1] - -Footnote 1: [It was the refusal of Lord John Russell to serve under -Lord Granville which rendered the formation of a Cabinet by that -statesman impossible. At the same time Lord John Russell expressed his -willingness to serve under Lord Palmerston on condition of his taking -the department of Foreign Affairs.] - - -_June 26th._--All the time that the formation of the new Government -was going on I was at a cottage near Windsor for the Ascot races, and -consequently I heard nothing of the secret proceedings connected with -the selection of those who come in, and the exclusion of those who -belonged to Palmerston's last Government, nor have I as yet heard what -passed on the subject.[1] The most remarkable of the exclusions is -Clarendon's, who I was sure, when the Foreign Office was seized by John -Russell, would take nothing else; and of the admissions, Gladstone's, -who has never shown any good will towards Palmerston, and voted with -Derby in the last division. This Government in its composition is -curiously, and may prove fatally, like that which Aberdeen formed in -1852, of a very Peelite complexion, and only with a larger proportion -of Radicals, though not enough, it is said, to satisfy their organs, -and Bright is displeased that he has not been more consulted, and -probably at office not having been more pressed upon him. It is still -very doubtful whether Cobden will accept the place offered to him. - -The Tories are full of rancour, and express great confidence that this -Government will not last, and that they shall all be recalled to power -before the end of the year. Derby had a large gathering at Salisbury's -house, when he made them a speech recommending union and moderation, -the first of which recommendations they seem more likely to adopt than -the second. The affair of his Garter was in this wise. On resigning he -wrote to the Queen and besought her to bestow Red Ribands on Malmesbury -and Pakington. She wrote him an answer acceding to his request, and -adding that she could not allow him to retire a second time from -her service without conferring upon him a mark of her sense of his -services, and she therefore desired him to accept the Garter, though -none was vacant. He told me this, and said it was the only way in which -he could have taken it, as he never should have given it to himself, -and I believe if a vacancy had occurred he meant to have given it to -the Duke of Hamilton. - -While we have been settling our Government for good or for evil, -the war has continued to pursue its course of uninterrupted success -of the Allies, and unless something almost miraculous should occur, -the Austrian dominion in Italy may be considered as at an end. The -sentiments of people here are of a very mixed and almost contradictory -character, for they are on the whole anti-Austrian, anti-French, -and though more indulgent than they deserve to the Sardinians, not -favourable to them. The most earnest and general desire is that we -should keep out of the _mêlée_, and any termination of the war would be -hailed with gladness, because we should thereby be relieved from our -apprehensions of being involved in it. We should not be sorry to see -the Austrians driven out of Italy for good and all, though most people -would regret that the Emperor Louis Napoleon should be triumphant, and -that such a course of perfidy, falsehood, and selfish ambition should -be crowned with success. The Austrians deserve their fate, for nothing -can exceed the folly of their conduct, first in rushing into the war, -and thereby playing the whole game of their adversaries, and secondly -in placing in command men evidently incapable, and who have committed -nothing but blunders since the first day of the campaign. - -Footnote 1: [Lord Palmerston's second Administration consisted of the -following members:-- - - First Lord of the Treasury Viscount Palmerston - Lord Chancellor Lord Campbell - Lord President Earl Granville - Lord Privy Seal Duke of Argyll - Chancellor of the Exchequer Mr. Gladstone - Home Secretary Sir George C. Lewis - Foreign Secretary Lord John Russell - Colonial Secretary Duke of Newcastle - War Secretary Mr. Sidney Herbert - Indian Secretary Sir Charles Wood - Duchy of Lancaster Sir George Grey - Postmaster-General Earl of Elgin - Admiralty Duke of Somerset - Board of Trade Mr. Milner Gibson - Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland Earl of Carlisle - Irish Secretary Mr. Cardwell - -This Administration lasted until the death of Lord Palmerston on October -18, 1865.] - - -_June 27th._--Yesterday I went to Kent House, where I found Clarendon -and his sister alone, and we had a long talk, in the course of which he -told me all that had passed (especially with regard to himself) about -the formation of the Government. Although he spoke very good-naturedly -about Granville and his abortive attempt, I saw clearly that he thought -Granville had been in the wrong to undertake it, and that he ought at -once to have told the Queen it was impossible, and have declined it. -Though Palmerston had given a qualified consent to act with him, it -was with evident reluctance, and he had guarded it by saying it must -be subject to his approbation of the way in which the Government was -composed. Lord John's consent was still more qualified, and he annexed -to it a condition which at once put an end to the attempt. This was, as -I had suspected, that he should be leader of the House of Commons. To -this Palmerston refused to agree, and so the whole thing fell to the -ground. Granville, by Clarendon's advice, at once reported his failure -to the Queen, gave her no advice as to whom she should send for, and of -her own accord she sent for Palmerston. - -[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL FOREIGN MINISTER.] - -Previously to this, and I think before the vote, Palmerston and -Clarendon had discussed the probability of Palmerston's forming a -Government, when Palmerston told him he should expect him to return to -the Foreign Office. As soon as Palmerston had been with Her Majesty, -he went off to Pembroke Lodge, and saw Lord John; told him all that -had happened, and that he would of course take any office he pleased. -Lord John said, 'I take the Foreign Office.' Palmerston said he had -contemplated putting Clarendon there again, enumerating his reasons and -Clarendon's claims, but that if he insisted on the Foreign Office as a -right, he must have it. Lord John said, 'I do insist on it,' and so it -was settled. - -I ought to have inserted that when Palmerston and Clarendon talked the -matter over at first, Clarendon begged him not to think of him, and -that if, as was probable, John Russell desired the Foreign Office, he -_must_ give it him, for if he did not, or even made any difficulty, -an immediate breach would be the consequence, and John Russell would -get up a case against Palmerston which would be very embarrassing. -Palmerston at first said he should certainly insist on Clarendon's -not being put aside to please Lord John, but in the end Clarendon -persuaded him not to adhere to that resolution. After all was settled -there was a small gathering at Cambridge House, when Palmerston told -Clarendon that he might have the choice of any other office, but -Clarendon replied that he was not conversant with Colonial, Indian, -or War affairs, and he would not take an office for which there would -be many candidates, while he much preferred being out, and Palmerston -would not have half offices enough to satisfy the demands for them. -Palmerston said he would not take this as his last word, and the next -day the Queen sent for Clarendon, by Palmerston's own desire, to try -and persuade him to take office. He went to Buckingham Palace and had -an audience, or rather interview, of three hours with Her Majesty and -the Prince, in which she treated him with the most touching kindness -and confidence, and exhausted all her powers of persuasion to induce -him to join the Government, but he was firm and would not. She then -said, in the event of a vacancy of the Foreign Office, 'You must -promise me you will take it,' to which he replied, 'Your Majesty knows -I would do anything in the world for your service; but you must allow -me, in any case which may occur, to exercise my own discretion under -the circumstances, and to rest assured that I shall in every case be -actuated solely by a desire to do what is best for your Majesty, and -most conducive to your pleasure and interest.' The Queen talked to -Clarendon of the publication in the 'Times' with much indignation, and -said, 'Whom am I to trust? These were my own very words.' Clarendon, -however, endeavoured to convince her that the article had in fact -(however indecorous it might appear) been eminently serviceable to her, -inasmuch as it negatived any suspicion of intrigue or underhand dealing -in any quarter, and represented her own conduct in a manner to excite -universal approbation. He dilated on this in a way which made great -impression both on the Prince and on her, and ultimately satisfied her -that all had been for the best, thereby acting a very good-natured part -and a very wise one. - - -[Sidenote: MR. COBDEN DECLINES OFFICE.] - -_July 4th._--Cobden has declined to take office, though he was advised -by his friends to accept, and he approves of Milner Gibson and Charles -Villiers having joined the Government. The reasons he gives are that -he has always been a strenuous opponent of Palmerston, and that his -conduct will be liable to reproach in taking office under him, that he -has been the advocate of economy and low establishments, and would find -himself obliged to act very inconsistently, or to oppose his colleagues -in a policy respecting which popular opinion would be against him; but -he expresses great satisfaction with Palmerston, who he says is a much -better fellow than he was aware of, and he means to give the Government -all the support in his power. These reasons do not seem sufficient -for his not joining, which he had better have done. Granville laments -Clarendon's having declined to take office as a Secretary of State, and -that he will not be in the Cabinet to throw into the scale of foreign -policy his political weight. I said I knew nothing of his motives, -but assuming that he did not see foreign affairs in the same light as -Palmerston and John Russell, he would be placed in an awkward position -before long. Granville said this might be true, but he thought before -very long he would be at the Foreign Office again. What he meant by -that I do not know. - - -_July 12th._--On Friday morning the world was electrified by reading -in the 'Times' that an armistice had been agreed upon between the -belligerent Emperors in Italy, and the subsequent announcement that -they were to have a personal meeting yesterday morning, and the -armistice to last for five weeks (till August 15), led to a pretty -general conclusion that peace would be the result.[1] The Stock -Exchange take the same view, for everywhere and in all securities -there has been a great rise. I saw George Lewis on Sunday and asked -him if the Government had any intelligence, when he told me that the -only thing, besides what had appeared in the papers, was that France -had proposed to us to interpose our mediation on the basis of Austria -giving up everything, and Prussia had made the same proposal on the -basis of Austria giving up nothing, both which proposals we had very -naturally declined. - -Footnote 1: [The battle of Solferino was fought on June 24, and an -armistice between the Emperors of France and Austria was signed at -Villafranca on July 7.] - - -[Sidenote: THE ARMISTICE OF VILLAFRANCA.] - -_July 13th._--We had scarcely had time to begin discussing and -speculating on the probable results of the armistice, before the news -of peace being actually concluded burst upon us. As yet we have only -the great fact itself and the skeleton of the arrangement, and we -shall probably be for some time without materials for judging as to -the merits of the Treaty of Peace and its probable consequences, but -the first impressions and the first ideas that present themselves may -be worth recording. There is no denying that the Emperor Napoleon has -played a magnificent part, and whatever we may think of his conduct, -and the springs of his actions, he appears before the world as a very -great character.[1] Though he can lay no claim to the genius and -intellectual powers of the first Napoleon, he is a wiser and a soberer -man, with a command over himself and a power of self-restraint, and -consequently of moderation in pursuit of objects, which the other did -not possess, and therefore while the towering genius of the uncle led -him on through magnificent achievements and stupendous vicissitudes -to his ruin, it appears highly probable that the better regulated -mind and the habitual prudence of the nephew will preserve him from -the commission of similar errors, and render his career somewhat less -splendid, but more durable and infinitely more beneficial to his -country. - -With regard to the present affair, the first thing we must be struck -with is the way in which the King of Sardinia has been treated. -Napoleon, indeed, tosses him a large share of the spoils, but not -only was he not admitted to the Conference which led to peace, but he -does not appear to have been consulted upon it any more than any of -the French generals; the only notice that was taken of the King (so -far as we know) being that he was ordered, upon the conclusion of the -armistice, to desist from the siege of Peschiera. I had heard before -that the Emperor was extremely disgusted with his ally and Cavour, -and at all that the latter had said and done, at the proclamations -and other documents he had put forth, and at the audacious manner -in which that Government had annexed every scrap of territory they -could lay their hands on, and assumed the government of every State -that they could manage to revolutionise, and all without the sanction -and concurrence of the Emperor. Nothing is more likely than that the -Italian War will not be closed without much bickering and heartburning -between the two allies, and that the King and his Cavour will find, in -spite of all they are to obtain, that they will have no bed of roses to -repose upon after their fatigues and labours.[2] - -Then, so far as we can judge of the settlement, it seems one that -is likely to give more offence and disappointment than satisfaction -to the bulk of the Italian people, and to imagine that affairs will -relapse or resolve themselves into a peaceable and quiescent state is -a mere delusion. What passed between the two Emperors we may perhaps -never know, though the effects of their interview may one day become -dangerously apparent; but it is not unreasonable to conjecture that -Napoleon exerted all his arts and blandishments to make a friend of -Francis Joseph, and to persuade him that a cordial alliance with France -would be more advantageous to him than one with England, and he might -with every appearance and much of the reality of truth tell him that -England had done nothing for him; that neither the Government nor the -nation had any sympathies with Austria, whom, so far from assisting, -they had gladly seen defeated in Italy; and that the forbearance of the -Emperor in leaving Austria in possession of any part of Italy would be -unpalateable to Palmerston and John Russell, and generally unpopular. -One cannot but suspect that an alliance was at least projected, if -not formed, between the three great despotic Powers, France, Austria, -and Russia, for the purpose of domineering over Europe, and dealing -with the several States according to their pleasure, or the pleasure -of France, and with the ultimate object of attacking, weakening, and -humbling England. - -[Sidenote: THE CONFERENCE OF THE EMPERORS.] - -Of all the provisions of this Treaty that which regards the sovereignty -of the Pope is the most curious and seems the most difficult to carry -out; it is indicative of the necessity under which the Emperor thinks -he is placed of disarming the hostility and consulting the prejudices -of the Catholic party and the Church in France. Whether the Pope -will accept the temporal office assigned to him may be doubted, but -it can hardly be doubted that his supremacy will not be willingly -accepted and acknowledged by the Italians generally, to whom the -Papal rule is already odious.[3] One cannot but feel glad at the deep -mortification and disappointment which will overtake the Republicans -and Socialists, the Mazzinis, Garibaldis, Kossuths, _et hoc genus -omne_, at a pacification so ruinous to all their hopes and designs. -Clarendon told me he believed the account in the 'Times' of the compact -between the Emperor and Kossuth, and nothing is more likely than that -at the beginning of the contest he employed Kossuth in the way stated, -and gave him all sorts of promises, and when he found he could do -everything _sine tali auxilio_, and that he had a stronger interest in -making friends with Austria, he threw Kossuth over without scruple or -hesitation. This is exactly the course he would be likely to follow.[4] - -Footnote 1: [The conclusion of the peace after the battle of Solferino -was creditable to the Emperor Napoleon, but was no indication of -a great character. His motives were that he had not the means of -undertaking a siege of the great fortresses of the Quadrilateral, -and that if the war had been prolonged it was not improbable that -the forces of the Germanic Confederation, including Prussia, would -have taken the field against France. He therefore acted wisely in -terminating the war, and if the Austrians had withdrawn within the -Quadrilateral and refused to treat, the Emperor Napoleon might have -been placed in great difficulties. As it was, he broke his engagement -to Cavour to liberate Italy from the Alps to the sea, and to Kossuth to -support a Hungarian insurrection. Italy eventually owed the liberation -of Venice, not to France, but to Prussia, as the reward for her -combined action with that Power in the war of 1866. - -Cf. the account of the manner in which the peace was concluded in Lord -Malmesbury's 'Autobiography,' vol. ii p. 200.] - -Footnote 2: [M. de Cavour bitterly resented the prompt conclusion of -peace, and for a time quitted the Ministry of which he was the head.] - -Footnote 3: [It was proposed by the Sovereigns to place the Pope at the -head of an Italian Confederation--a wild scheme, which entirely failed.] - -Footnote 4: [This was so. The details of Kossuth's negotiations with -the Emperor have been published by Kossuth himself in his memoirs.] - - -_July 15th._--The news of the peace took everybody so much by surprise, -that people had no time to arrange their thoughts upon it; but in the -midst of the general satisfaction that the war is over, it is already -apparent that there is an explosion of disappointment and resentment to -come. All the Italian sympathisers here are in despair, Palmerston is -much dissatisfied, and the anti-Austrian Press is indignant. The King -of Sardinia has not openly testified any ill-humour, and has published -an Address to his new Lombard subjects in a joyful style, but it is -impossible he should not deeply feel and resent the contemptuous way in -which he has been treated by his Imperial ally, and the resignation of -Cavour is a clear manifestation of _his_ feelings on the subject. - -When it was announced that an interview was to take place between the -two Emperors, everybody predicted that the elder of the two would have -as much success in diplomacy over his rival as he had already obtained -in arms, but the result does not appear to bear out that expectation, -though we do not yet know what the real motives of the Emperor Napoleon -were in concluding such an extraordinary peace. Granville told me that -at this interview the Austrian Emperor had taken a very high line, and -shown little disposition to concession. He said to Napoleon, 'You have -conquered Lombardy, and I do not contemplate making any attempt to -recover it. I am therefore quite ready to cede it to _you_, and _you_ -will deal with it as you please. I have nothing to say to the King of -Sardinia, and make no concessions to him. With regard to Venetia, and -the country of which I remain in possession, I have nothing to concede -or to offer, _all that_ I mean to retain, but I have no objection to -my Venetian dominions forming part of the Italian Confederation.' They -appear to have had a vast deal of conversation and discussion, for they -are said to have been together for above twelve hours. What they talked -about it would be interesting to know, but which they will neither of -them tell us. The field for speculation is as wide as can well be. How -the settlement of Italy is to be accomplished, how the Italians are -to be contented, and how peace in that country is to be permanently -secured, are questions enough to puzzle the acutest politicians. - -We congratulate ourselves at having kept entirely clear both of the -war and the peace, but no doubt Palmerston is mortified, and I think -England generally will be provoked that changes of such importance -should have been made without any consultation or even communication -with us. - -The friends of the Emperor Napoleon say that they believe his motive -for making peace on any terms he could get to have been principally -that he was so shocked and disgusted at the fearful scenes of pain and -misery that he had to behold after the battle of Solferino in addition -to the other battle-fields, and at the spectacle of thousands of killed -and wounded presented to his eyes, that his nerves could not bear it. -Lady Cowley told me that he was so tenderhearted that he could not bear -the sight of pain, much less being the cause of inflicting it, and she -had seen him quite upset after visiting hospitals at the sufferings -he had witnessed there, which of course are not to be compared with -the horrible scene of a battle-field. It is impossible to say that -this may not be true wholly or in part, it is impossible to account -for human idiosyncrasies; but it is quite certain that the man who -is said to shrink with horror from the sight of suffering does not -scruple to inflict it in quite as bad a form when he does not himself -witness the infliction. He has hundreds and thousands of people torn -from their families, and without form of trial or the commission of any -crime sends them to linger or perish in pestilential climates, when he -fancies it his interest to do so, and for _their_ sufferings he evinces -no pity or any nervous sensations. - - -_August 7th._--I have found it impossible to collect anything to -record in this book for the last month almost. The session is drawing -to a close, having glided on without difficulty for the Government, -and almost without opposition. The Election Committees have made -great havoc in Palmerston's small majority, having unseated no less -than seven Liberal members. I am told, perhaps on no good authority, -that Palmerston, John Russell, and Gladstone are anxious to join in a -Congress to mix themselves up in the settlement of Italian affairs, -but that they cannot have their way, the majority of the Cabinet being -opposed to it, and the House of Commons and the country (as represented -by the Press) being decidedly against any such interference.[1] - -[Sidenote: THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN.] - -I met Edward Mildmay the other day, who gave me some account of his -own personal experiences during the last Italian campaign, when he was -attached to the Austrian Army. He confirmed all previous accounts of -the excellence of that army and the incompetency of its chiefs; that -nothing could have saved the French Army at Magenta if the Austrians -had been tolerably commanded; that Giulai, who had never seen any -service, had been allowed to retain the command by the influence of -General Grünne, whose friend he is, and that the indignation and -disgust of the army at having been thus sacrificed to Court favour and -partiality had been extreme. He told me that at Solferino the Austrian -loss was (within a fraction of) 20,000, the French 19,000, and the -Sardinians 9,000 men; Benedek is the ablest of the Austrian generals, -and if he had had the command probably affairs would have taken a very -different turn. Mildmay has no doubt that peace was much more necessary -to the French than to the Austrians, and he still believes that if the -war had continued the tide of victory would have been rolled back, as -the latter had 90,000 fresh troops coming into line. It is probably -better as it is than if the Austrians had recovered all their losses; -the Emperor Napoleon seems likely to be satisfied with his military -exploits, and to be really intending to revert to his peaceful policy. -He is certainly doing all he can to persuade the world that such is his -intention, and there seems a disposition here to take him at his word. - -Footnote 1: [I think it was at this time that Lord Palmerston and -Lord John Russell proposed to the Cabinet that England should enter -into a Treaty of Alliance with France and Sardinia, but the proposal -was negatived by their colleagues. The feelings of these Ministers, -however, speedily changed when the cession of Savoy and Nice, and the -manner in which it was brought about, were known, and their language -became so hostile that it gave great offence to the Emperor Napoleon. -See Lord Malmesbury, 'Autobiography,' vol. ii. p. 225.] - - -_Viceregal Lodge, Phoenix Park, August 22nd._--I have at last -accomplished the object I have desired for so many years, and find -myself in Ireland. I have seized the first opportunity of being my -own master to come here. I left London the week before last, and went -to Nun Appleton, thence to Grimstone, and on Saturday I came here, -railing through York and Manchester to Holyhead; crossed over on a -beautiful evening, with sea as smooth as glass, but it was too dark -to see the Bay of Dublin. Most hospitably received by Lord Carlisle, -and very comfortably lodged. Passed the day in Dublin yesterday; twice -at church, in the morning at Christ Church, afternoon St. Patrick's, -attracted by the celebrity of the choir and the performance of the -cathedral service, which was finely done, though the best voices (three -brothers Robinson) were absent. I am greatly struck by the fineness of -the town of Dublin, and of the public buildings especially. - - -[Sidenote: EDUCATION IN IRELAND.] - -_Dublin, August 23rd._--On Monday morning the Lord-Lieutenant went to -pay his first visit since his return to the National School and took me -with him. I was much gratified at the sight, and with the appearance -of the children and their intelligence. There was a grand gathering -of Commissioners and others to meet Carlisle, but no Catholics except -Lord Bellew and Dean ----, who alone of all the Catholic ecclesiastics -has had courage and resolution to adhere to the system. Not one -Catholic Bishop now remains on the board. Bishop Denver was the last -to resign, which it is believed he did reluctantly, but it seems that -the rule of their Synod is, that when a majority has decided, those who -are in the minority give in their adhesions, and produce unanimity. -The National System is apparently in the crisis of its fate, and a -desperate struggle is being made by the Popish clergy to destroy it, -while the ultra-Protestants will join them (for different reasons -and with different objects) for the same end. I earnestly hope these -factions will fail. The most encouraging circumstance is found in the -return which was given me of the 'Central Model Schools,' in which the -number of pupils seeking admission is 1,179, an evident proof of the -popularity of the system, and that up to this time the priests have -not been able to deter their flocks from giving their children its -benefits. This return is sufficiently interesting to be copied into -this journal:-- - - - Males Females Infants - - Number of pupils on roll 564 447 375 - Pupils in attendance 436 348 311 - Seeking admission 203 866 110 - -Carlisle was received with great enthusiasm by both pupils and -teachers. After this we went to the Hill of Killinie, whence there is a -grand panoramic view of the Bay of Dublin and the surrounding country, -and then to my old friend Lady Campbell[1] (Pamela Fitz-Gerald), whose -beautiful daughters are as well worth seeing as anything in Ireland. - -Footnote 1: [Lady Campbell was the daughter of Pamela and Lord Edward -Fitz-Gerald.] - - -_Dublin, August 24th._--Yesterday in the morning a review in the -Phoenix Park, after which Bagot took me to Howth Castle, which I was -curious to see, but it is not very remarkable, though very ancient. It -has a modernised appearance, and is a comfortable house, said to be the -oldest _inhabited_ house in Ireland, and one of the towers of fabulous -antiquity. I remarked that the hall door was left open, according to -the traditional obligation. One of the Ladies St. Lawrence told me the -story as follows: An old woman, 'the Granawhile,' came to the castle -and asked for hospitality or alms, and was refused and driven away. She -was the wife of a pirate. On the seaside she found the young heir with -his nurse, whom she seized and carried off. Afterwards she brought the -boy back, and consented to restore him on condition that henceforward -no beggar should be refused admittance, that the hall door should be -kept continually open, and that at dinner a place should be kept and -a plate laid for any stranger who might appear. The beggars are kept -away by not being admitted through the lodge gates; the hall door is -open, but there is another door behind it, and the vacant place has by -degrees fallen into disuse. I know not how old the story is, but there -is enough to show that it had a foundation of some sort, and that it -retains a relic in the customs of the family. On returning to Dublin -I went to see Trinity College, and the beautiful museum erected a few -years ago. Dublin is, for its size, a finer town than London, and I -think they beat us hollow in their public buildings. We have no such -squares as Merrion Square, nor such a street as Sackville Street. - - -[Sidenote: VISIT TO IRELAND.] - -_Bessborough, August 26th._--I came here on Wednesday viâ Kilkenny. -A very nice place, comfortable, and in as good order as any place -in England. People apparently well off, and cottages clean and not -uncomfortable. - - -_August 28th._--Went yesterday to Waterford; pretty good town, but -looking very foreign. They showed me a hill, to which it is said -Cromwell advanced, but found the town too strong to be attacked; hence -Waterford has been called the _Urbs invicta_. I doubt the story, for he -would have stormed Waterford easily enough if he had chosen. Saw the -National School; a very good establishment, boys absent on holidays, -but a very civil intelligent master, a Roman Catholic. The clergy -of neither persuasion will come near the school, except the Dean of -Waterford, who still supports it. Went on to Curraghmore, a vast and -magnificent park, but a mean house. - - -_August 31st._--Went on Tuesday to Woodstock; very pretty place, and in -admirable trim. Weather changing, and I fear I shall see Killarney in -rain and cold. - - -_Viceregal Lodge, September 6th._--Went to Muckrosson Thursday last; -passed three days there in exquisite enjoyment of the beautiful scenery -of Killarney; weather was perfect, and I went over and round all the -lakes; returned here on Monday, and went yesterday to the Curragh. - - -_Jervaulx Abbey, Sunday, September 11th._--Crossed over from Kingstown -to Holyhead on Thursday last; beautiful passage. Passed the last day, -Wednesday, in Dublin with William Fitzgerald seeing the town. He took -me over the old Leinster House, now the Royal Institution, and then -to the Bank to see the old House of Lords; a fine room, exactly as it -was, and what was the House of Commons, now completely altered and not -retaining a vestige of the famous locality where Flood and Grattan -and Plunket once shook the walls with their eloquence. I left Ireland -with regret, for I spent several very happy days there, interested and -amused even more than I expected, and treated with great kindness and -hospitality. Went from Holyhead to Manchester, and on to Worsley to -sleep; came here on Friday. The old Abbey is very picturesque, and very -perfect as a ruin. It reminds me, place and all, of Bolton Abbey. - - -_London, September 26th._--I stayed three days at Jervaulx, then -to Doncaster, Bretby, and to town. All the Ministers in London, -having passed their lives during the last fortnight in the railway -or in Cabinets, which have been very numerous, as well they may, -for they have plenty to occupy them in the Italian, Chinese, and -American questions, all, in their several ways and degrees, extremely -embarrassing. I have not the slightest conception what our Government -are doing about the Italian question, but I suppose trying to keep well -with Napoleon III., and to obtain good terms for the Italian Duchies. -At present it looks as if a Congress would be got together to untie -this complicated knot, but I fear we are not likely to play in it a -part which will be consistent with our principles, or creditable to our -national character, and I wish we could abstain from having anything to -do with it. The incident about the American Boundary is awkward, but I -feel confident it will be amicably settled. - -[Sidenote: DISPUTES WITH CHINA.] - -The Chinese affair is the most serious, and one can see no solution of -it that is not full of objections and embarrassments.[1] In the first -place it looks at present very much as if our case was a bad one. We -had no business to go with an armament and force our way up the river, -and even if we were upon any ground justified in such an extreme -measure, it was to the last degree impolitic and unwise to exercise -such a right. The object for which Bruce was sent to China was to -conclude a peace, and to establish amicable relations with the Chinese -Government, and it might have occurred to him that the employment of -force, even if it was ever so successful, must infallibly defeat his -object. It required no great sagacity to perceive that the arrival at -Pekin of a victorious Ambassador, who had forced his way to the capital -at the head of an imposing force, would not serve to make his reception -a friendly one, or to establish permanent harmonious relations between -the English and the Chinese Governments. As long as there was a -possibility of procuring access to Pekin by peaceful means and by -negotiation, it would have been better to be patient and to wait any -time than to employ force; and besides the political objections that -seem conclusive against the adoption of such a course, it seems highly -probable that no such force as that which we employed on this occasion -could have been pushed on into the heart of the country without -imminent danger of its being cut off and eventually destroyed. The -mere fact of destroying again the Peiho forts would be deemed by the -Chinese as the renewal of the war, and the perpetrator of the outrage -would not have been received in the sacred character of an Ambassador, -but would have been looked on as an invader, and treated accordingly. -This is the first view of the question which presents itself. Then -comes that of vindicating our honour, and retrieving the disaster we -have suffered, which involves the necessity of rushing into war again -and scattering havoc and desolation through the country, massacring -thousands of people who can make no effectual resistance to our power, -and making territorial conquests, which will only embarrass us, and -which we shall have more difficulty in getting rid of than we shall -have in making their acquisition. In short, we are going to be engaged -in a contest in which failure will be disgraceful, and success will be -inconvenient, and to place additional obstacles in the way of that good -understanding which it is so much our interest to establish with China. -Nor are our difficulties diminished by the fact of being connected -with, and therefore more or less dependent on the French, and in a less -degree with the Russians and the Americans in this unfortunate contest. -This local and accidental alliance impairs our freedom of action, and -of necessity introduces delays and complications of all sorts into the -affair. - -Footnote 1: [Mr. Bruce having been detained in his mission to Pekin, -which was of a pacific character, Admiral Hope made an attempt to -force the passage by reducing the forts at the mouth of the Peiho. The -attack failed, with a loss of nearly 400 men killed and wounded in -the storming party and the gunboats. The 'Plover' and 'Lee' gunboats -grounded, and the 'Cormorant' was so damaged by the enemy's fire that -she sank soon afterwards. The whole proceeding was injudicious and -disastrous.] - - -_October 19th._--Nearly a month and nothing to record, besides the -events of the day, of which I know nothing more than the newspapers -report. I only take up my pen now because Clarendon called on me, -and it is worth while to recollect the little he told me during a -very short visit. I had not seen him since his visit to Osborne in -the summer, and he began by giving me an account of it. The Queen -was delighted to have him with her again and to have a good long -confidential talk with him, for it seems she finds less satisfaction -in her intercourse with either Palmerston or Lord John. The relations -of these two are now most intimate and complete, and Palmerston has -obtained an entire influence and authority over Lord John, who only -sees with his eyes and without any contest submits to be entirely -guided and controlled by Palmerston. The _jeu_ of the thing is rather -amusing. Palmerston, who is thoroughly versed in foreign affairs -(while Lord John knows very little about them), in every important -case suggests to Lord John what to do. Lord John brings it before the -Cabinet as his own idea, and then Palmerston supports him, as if the -case was new to him. - -But to return to the Queen and Clarendon. He was unfortunately attacked -by gout and confined to his room. He was sitting there with Lady -Clarendon, when Lady Gainsborough came in and told him that she was -desired by the Queen to beg he would if possible move into the next -room (the Lady-in-waiting's room) and establish himself there; that the -Queen would come in, when all the ladies present were to go away and -leave her _tête-à-tête_ with him. All this was done, and she remained -there an hour and a half, talking over everything, pouring all her -confidences into his ears, and asking for his advice about everything. -He said he had endeavoured to do as much good as he could by smoothing -down her irritation about things she did not like. As an example, he -mentioned that while the Prince was with him a box was brought in with -a despatch from Lord John, which the Prince was to read. He did so with -strong marks of displeasure, and then read it to Clarendon, saying -they could not approve it, and must return it to Lord John. Clarendon -begged him not to do this, that it was not the way to deal with him, -and it would be better to see what it contained that really was good -and proper, and to suggest emendations as to the rest. He persuaded the -Prince to do this, advised him what to say, and in the end Lord John -adopted all the suggestions they had made to him. On another occasion -the Queen had received a very touching letter from the Duchess of Parma -imploring her protection and good offices, which she sent to Lord John -desiring he would write an answer for her to make to it. He sent a very -short, cold answer, which the Queen would not send. She asked Clarendon -to write a suitable one for her, which he did, but insisted that she -should send it to Lord John as her own. She did so, Lord John approved, -and so this matter was settled. - - -[Sidenote: WAR BETWEEN SPAIN AND MOROCCO.] - -_Newmarket, October 21st._--Clarendon told me, and has since written -to me, that Government regard in a very serious light the approaching -war between Spain and Morocco, which they think will have the effect -of putting Gibraltar in peril;[1] that Spain is playing the part of -catspaw to France, who wants to get possession of Morocco, giving -Tangier to Spain, which would give her, and France through her, the -command of both sides the Straits, and as we depend upon Tangier for -supplies to Gibraltar, it would be difficult for us to hold the place -when this scheme is accomplished. He writes to-day: 'No news to-day -except that things look very fishy with Spain and Morocco, and I -suspect we are going to be vigorous, which, though it may be expedient, -may also be productive of much trouble.' - -He was lately at Broadlands, and had much talk with Palmerston, who -was very friendly and confidential, told him everything, and appeared -very anxious to have his opinions and advice. He says that Palmerston's -hatred of Austria amounted to a monomania, and this of course produces -a divergence between the present policy of France and ours. He talked -about America. When Clarendon was lately at Clumber he discussed that -affair with the Duke of Newcastle and offered to write to Buchanan, -with whom it seems he is in correspondence, and say to him what it -is desirable should be said, unofficially; and he suggested that he -should hold out to Buchanan the prospect of a visit from the Prince of -Wales, who it seems is going to Canada some time or other. This the -Duke mentioned at the Cabinet, where the proposal was highly approved, -but when it was broached to the Queen, Her Majesty objected to anything -being said about the Prince of Wales going to the United States, so it -fell to the ground.[2] - -Footnote 1: [On October 22, Spain declared war on Morocco, on the -ground that further territory was required for the protection of her -settlements on the North African coast. Tetuan was captured by the -Spaniards on February 4, 1860, and peace was signed on April 27, the -Emperor of Morocco paying an indemnity of twenty million piastres. -Marshal O'Donnell, who had commanded the expedition, was created Duke -of Tetuan.] - -Footnote 2: [Whatever may have been the objection to the mention of -the Prince of Wales's visit to the United States at this moment, the -project did not fall to the ground, for on July 9 in the following year -(1860) the Prince started on a visit to Canada and the United States, -accompanied by the Duke of Newcastle, where he was entertained by -President Buchanan on October 25.] - - -[Sidenote: EMPEROR NAPOLEON ON ITALY.] - -_London, October 30th._--Clarendon came to town yesterday morning on -his way to Windsor and called here. He told me that we were going to -send a representative to the Congress, and I was not a little surprised -to perceive that he would not be at all disinclined to go there -himself. He did not indeed say so, but unless I am greatly deceived -this is in his mind, though not without feeling the difficulty of -his acting with John Russell. Clarendon says that the preparations -going on in France are on the most enormous scale, and can have no -object but one hostile to this country, and that the feeling against -England is fomented by the Government and extending all over France. -He is persuaded that the fixed purpose of Louis Napoleon is to humble -this country, and deprive her of the great influence and authority -she has hitherto exercised over the affairs of Europe. He is bent -upon getting us to take part in the Congress, and that in order to -persuade us he will pretend to be entirely agreed with us in opinion, -and only wishing to concert the most proper means of carrying out our -common objects, and when he has thus cajoled us into a participation -he will throw us over, and place us under the necessity of agreeing to -what we disapprove, or of putting ourselves _en désaccord_ with all -Europe. He told me that John Russell is supposed on the Continent to -be the implacable enemy of the Catholic religion, and this will be a -great disqualification for his acting at a Congress mainly composed -of Catholic Powers; that this opinion, which is rife in Ireland, is -propagated all over the world, and that the recollections of the Durham -Letter and the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill are still as strong as -ever.[1] - -Footnote 1: [The Congress which it was proposed to hold had reference -to the affairs of Italy, which were extremely perplexing to the -Emperor Napoleon himself. But Lord Clarendon's apprehensions were -certainly unfounded, for it deserves to be remarked that about this -time negotiations were opened between the Emperor and Mr. Cobden -for a commercial treaty, which was intended to strengthen, and did -strengthen, the amiable and pacific relations of France and England.] - - -_November 18th._--- Last week at the Grove to meet the Duc d'Aumale, -who is one of the most enlightened and agreeable Princes I ever met, -very simple and natural, and full of information and knowledge of all -sorts. - -I do not remember to have gathered anything particularly interesting -from Clarendon in our various conversations, except that in the event -of our consenting to join the Congress he would not be unwilling to go -to it, and that he thinks he might be able to effect an arrangement. -This confidence has in great measure been produced by a letter from -Cowley which he showed me, containing an account of his visit to -Biarritz and his communications with the Emperor. He said he had -resolved not to say a word to His Majesty of Italian affairs, thinking -the Emperor would abstain from talking of them to him, but as soon as -they met he began to talk, and went at length into the whole subject. -The upshot was that he found the Emperor in such a state of perplexity -and embarrassment, and so fully conscious of the scrape into which he -had got himself, that he did not know what to do or which way to turn; -his object evidently is to get us to help him out of his difficulty, -and Clarendon thinks that he should be able to draw him into such -measures as we could support if the matter was well managed. - -A day or two ago the Duke of Bedford, whom I have not seen or -communicated with for a long time, called on me. He told me one curious -anecdote, which he had heard from his brother. Persigny called on Lord -John one day, and told him he was come in strict confidence to show him -the letter which the Emperor had written to the King of Sardinia, but -which he must not mention even to his own colleagues, except of course -to Palmerston. Lord John promised he would not, and a day or two after -he read the letter in the 'Times.' He sent for Persigny and asked for -an explanation. Persigny said he could not explain it, but would write -to Walewski. John Russell also wrote to Cowley, who spoke to Walewski -about it. Walewski declared he could not account for it, and that it -must have been sent from Turin, and he would write to that Court to -complain of the indiscretion and would also speak to the Emperor. He -went to the Emperor, told him what had passed, and showed him what he -proposed to write to Turin, when the Emperor said: 'No, don't write -at all, take no notice of the publication. The fact is, I sent the -letter myself to the "Times" Correspondent.' It was Mocquard who took -it to him. A most extraordinary proceeding, and showing the extreme -difficulty of all diplomatic dealing between the two Governments. -The Emperor is by way of being indignant with the 'Times,' and never -fails to pour forth complaints and abuse of the paper to whomever he -converses with. He did so, for instance, to Cobden, to whom he gave -an audience at Paris. But who can tell whether this is not a pretence -and a deceit, and whether he may not all the time have a secret -understanding with the 'Times'? Such a supposition would seem to be -inconsistent with their articles and his conduct, and the comments of -the former upon the latter; but how difficult it is to form any certain -judgement upon a policy so tortuous as his, and upon designs so close -and councils so crooked! - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -Prospects of the Government and of the Opposition--Mr. Disraeli's -commanding Position--Preparation of a Reform Bill--A Congress--Death -of Macaulay--The Affairs of Italy--Policy of the Emperor Napoleon--The -Commercial Treaty with France--M. de Cavour resumes Office--Opening -of Parliament--Negotiation of the Commercial Treaty--The Emperor -a Free Trader--Perplexity of Italian Affairs--Moderation of Lord -Derby--Opposition to the Commercial Treaty--The Reform Bill of -1860--Tory Opposition to Reform--Mr. Gladstone's great Budget -Speech--Opposition to the Treaty and the Budget--Triumph of Mr. -Gladstone--The Italian Correspondence--Democratic Opinions of Mr. -Gladstone--Introduction of the Reform Bill--The Annexation of Savoy -and Nice--Annexation of Tuscany to Piedmont--The Dénouement of the -Plot--Complete Apathy of the Country as to Reform--Lord Derby declines -to interfere--Lord John's adverse Declaration to France--Consequences -of Lord John's Speech against France--Our Position in Europe--Anecdote -of the Crimean War--Designs of the Emperor Napoleon in 1858--Lord -Palmerston's Distrust of Napoleon III.--Lord John's Indifference -to his own Reform Bill--Mr. Gladstone's Ascendency--Designs of the -Emperor and Cavour--Unpopularity of the Reform Bill--Correspondence -of Lord Grey and Lord John Russell--Reaction against Mr. Gladstone's -Measures--Opposition to the Repeal of the Paper Duties--Coolness with -France--Garibaldi's Expedition--Lord Palmerston attacks the Neapolitan -Minister--The Paper Duties Bill rejected by the Lords--The Reform -Bill withdrawn--Lord Palmerston adjusts the Difference between the -two Houses--Mr. Gladstone supported by the Radicals--Mr. Senior's -Conversations in Paris--A Letter from the Speaker--Mr. Cobden's Faith -in the Emperor Napoleon--Conclusion of these Journals. - - -[Sidenote: THE APPROACHING SESSION.] - -_London, December 25th_, 1859.--The Government are getting ready -for the session which is near at hand, Palmerston with his usual -confidence, but Granville, who is not naturally desponding, and who -I dare say represents the feeling of his colleagues, is conscious of -the want of that strength and security which a commanding majority -alone can give, and, without thinking the danger great or imminent, -anticipates the possibility of their being defeated on some vital -question. The Opposition, conscious of their numerical force, but -anything but united, profess the most moderate views and intentions. -Derby professed at Liverpool to have no wish to turn out the Government -or to come into office himself. Disraeli himself told me that he and -all his party desired the Reform question to be settled quietly, and -that if the Government only offered them such a Bill as they could -possibly accept, they should be ready to give them every assistance -in carrying it through. Since this, Walpole has made a formal -communication to Granville (through Henry Lennox) of his and Henley's -disposition to the above mentioned end. We are told, moreover, that a -great number of the Conservative party will not only support a fair -and moderate Reform Bill, but support the Government generally, not -so much, however, from wishing well to the Government as from their -antipathy to Disraeli and their reluctance to see _him_ in power again. -That they will join in carrying through a safe and moderate Reform Bill -is no doubt true, but it is not probable that the division amongst them -and the hostility to Disraeli will last long, or continue a moment -after the appearance of any prospect of the return of the Conservative -party to power. - -Disraeli raised himself immensely last year, more, perhaps, with -his opponents and the House of Commons generally than with his own -party, but it is universally acknowledged that he led the House with -a tact, judgement, and ability of which he was not before thought -capable. While he has thus risen, no rival has sprung up to dispute -his pre-eminence. Walpole and Henley are null, and it is evident that -the party cannot do without Disraeli, and whenever Parliament meets he -will find means of reconciling them to a necessity of which none of -them can be unconscious, and I have no doubt that whenever any good -opportunities for showing fight may occur the whole party will be found -united under Disraeli's orders. - -With regard to the Reform Bill, it is being proposed by a large -committee of the Cabinet, but George Lewis has the chief management -of it. The state of public opinion admits, indeed compels, the utmost -moderation, but hitherto the anticipated difficulty has been the sort -of pledge which John Russell foolishly gave last year with reference to -the franchise, to which it has been supposed he must consider himself -bound. But there is reason to believe that he is not taking any active -part in the concoction of this Bill, probably on account of his being -so absorbed in foreign affairs, and under these circumstances we may -not unreasonably expect that a fair Bill will be produced, and the -question eventually settled. - -[Sidenote: A CONGRESS PROPOSED.] - - -The question of still greater and more pressing interest is that of -the Congress. The nomination of Hudson met with such opposition in -the Cabinet that it was not pressed, and Lord Wodehouse was named -instead. He is a clever man, well informed, speaks French fluently, -and has plenty of courage and _aplomb_; his opinions are liberal, but -not extravagant. Clarendon, who had him down at the Grove, was pleased -and satisfied with him. Granville is much _contrarié_ that Clarendon -himself has not been asked to go, thinking justly that he would have -much more weight than any other man, and would be far more likely -to conduct our affairs in the Congress with credit and success; but -Clarendon now tells me he certainly would not have gone if it had been -proposed to him. My own conviction _was_ that he would have accepted a -proposal, and though for many reasons he would not have liked such a -mission, I think he is somewhat mortified that it was not offered to -him. - -The recent appearance of the pamphlet of '_Le Pape et le Congrès_,'[1] -which has produced such a sensation and so much astonishment, has no -doubt been a great thing for us, and rendered our diplomatic course -much more easy and promising. Clarendon writes to me: 'This last -pamphlet of the Emperor's is important and I am sure authentic, as it -is simply a developement of what I have heard twenty times from his -own lips. It ought of course to have been reserved for the Congress, -but as far as we are concerned it is well timed.' It was a bold, but -a clever stroke of policy to give notice to the whole world of the -sentiments and intentions with which the Emperor enters the Congress, -and it renders a good understanding and joint action between France and -England feasible and perhaps easy, unless Palmerston spoils everything -by some obstinate and extravagant pretensions which he may insist on -his plenipotentiaries bringing forward. But if he should be so ill -advised, I believe that he would meet with an insuperable resistance -in his own Cabinet and at Court, and that Cowley certainly, perhaps -Wodehouse also, would decline being made the instruments of such a -vicious and mischievous policy. - -Footnote 1: [The object of the Congress proposed by the Emperor -Napoleon was to extricate himself from the embarrassments in which he -was placed by the terms of the Peace of Villafranca with reference to -the affairs of Italy. The proposal to establish a Confederation of the -Italian States was found to be impracticable, and the unification of -Italy was a more difficult problem than the conquest and cession to -Piedmont of the Milanese territory. M. de Cavour was the only statesman -who contemplated the entire realisation of this vast scheme, which was -at last accomplished by revolutionary means, without the concurrence of -France. His views were shared and supported by Lord Palmerston, Lord -John Russell, and Mr. Gladstone.] - - -[Sidenote: DEATH OF MACAULAY.] - -_January 2nd, 1860._--The death of Macaulay is the extinction of a -great light, and although every expectation of the completion of his -great work had long ago vanished, the sudden close of his career, -and the certainty that we shall have no more of his History, or at -most only the remaining portion of King William's reign (which it -is understood he had nearly prepared for publication), is a serious -disappointment to the world. His health was so broken that his death -can hardly create any surprise, but there had been no reason lately to -apprehend that the end was so near. I have mentioned the circumstance -of my first meeting him, after which we became rather intimate in a -general way, and he used frequently to invite me to those breakfasts -in the Albany at which he used to collect small miscellaneous parties, -generally including some remarkable people, and at which he loved -to pour forth all those stores of his mind and accumulations of his -memory to which his humbler guests, like myself, used to listen with -delighted admiration, and enjoy as the choicest of intellectual feasts. -I don't think he was ever so entirely agreeable as at his own breakfast -table, though I shall remember as long as I live the pleasant days I -have spent in his society at Bowood, Holland House, and elsewhere. -Nothing was more remarkable in Macaulay than the natural way in which -he talked, never for the sake of display or to manifest his superior -powers and knowledge. On the contrary, he was free from any assumption -of superiority over others, and seemed to be impressed with the notion -that those he conversed with knew as much as himself, and he was always -quite as ready to listen as to talk. 'Don't you remember?' he was in -the habit of saying when he quoted some book or alluded to some fact -to listeners who could not remember, because in nineteen cases out of -twenty they had never known or heard of whatever it was he alluded to. -I do not believe anybody ever left his society with any feeling of -mortification, except that which an involuntary comparison between his -knowledge and their own ignorance could not fail to engender. For some -years past I had seen little or nothing of Macaulay. His own health -compelled him to abstain in great measure from going into the world. -He bought a house at Campden Hill, from which he rarely stirred, and -to which he never invited me, nor did I ever call upon him there. I -have often regretted the total cessation of our intercourse, but what -else could be expected from the difference of our habits, pursuits, -and characters? I have only recently read over again the whole of his -'History of England' with undiminished pleasure and admiration, though -with a confirmed opinion that his style is not the very best, and -that he is not the writer whom I should be most desirous to imitate; -but what appears to me most admirable and most worthy of imitation in -Macaulay is the sound moral constitution of his mind, and his fearless -independence of thought, never sacrificing truth to any prejudice, -interest, or preconceived opinion whatever. Above all he was no -hero worshipper, who felt it incumbent on him to minister to vulgar -prejudices or predilections, to exalt the merits and palliate the -defects of great reputations, and to consider the commission of great -crimes, or the detection of mean and base motives, as atoned for and -neutralised by the possession of shining abilities and the performance -of great actions. Macaulay excited much indignation in some quarters -by the severity with which he criticised the conduct and character of -the Duke of Marlborough, and the Quakers bitterly resented his attacks -upon Penn. He was seldom disposed to admit that he had been mistaken or -misinformed, and I thought he was to blame in clinging so tenaciously -to his severe estimate of Penn's conduct after the vindication of it -which was brought forward, and the production of evidence in Penn's -favour, which might have satisfied him that he had been in error, and -which probably would have done so in any case in which his judgement -had been really unbiassed. I always regretted, not for the sake -of Penn's memory, but for the honour of Macaulay himself, that he -would not admit the value and force of the exculpatory evidence, and -acknowledge, as he very gracefully might, the probability at least -of his having been in error. But the case of the Duke of Marlborough -is very different, and reflects the highest honour on his literary -integrity and independence. Undazzled by the splendour of that great -man's career and the halo of admiration which had long surrounded his -name, he demonstrated to the whole world of what base clay the idol -was made and how he had abused for unworthy ends the choice gifts -which Nature had bestowed upon him. Macaulay no doubt held that in -proportion to the excellence of his natural endowments was his moral -responsibility for the use or abuse of them, and he would not allow -Blenheim and Ramillies to be taken as a set-off against his hypocrisy, -perfidy, and treason. Macaulay's History is the best ethical study -for forming the mind and character of a young man, for it is replete -with maxims of the highest practical value. It holds up in every page -to hatred and scorn all the vices which can stain, and to admiration -and emulation all the virtues which can adorn, a public career. It is -impossible for anyone to study that great work without sentiments of -profound admiration for the lessons it inculcates, and they who become -thoroughly imbued with its spirit, no matter whether they coincide or -not with his opinions, will be strengthened in a profound veneration -for truth and justice, for public and private integrity and honour, and -in a genuine patriotism and desire for the freedom, prosperity, and -glory of their country. - - -[Sidenote: THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY.] - -_January 7th._--In a letter from Clarendon yesterday from the Grove he -says: 'Cowley came over here last night. I had a long talk with him; -he is low and unhappy, and does not see his way out of the labyrinth; -he is not for the Congress meeting _now_, but still does not think we -should abandon the Emperor altogether in his Italian policy. The fact -is, we are in a great difficulty. If we had from the first taken the -wise part of saying that as we had had nothing to do with the war or -the peace, and should therefore not interfere with the arrangements -the Emperor thought proper to make, we should now be on velvet; but -from the moment we knew of the Villafranca arrangement we have been -thwarting the Emperor, and goading him on further than he wished to -go, and encouraging the Italians to persist in their own ideas, till -at last when he does what we want, and is prepared to throw over the -Pope and asks to be backed by us, it is rather awkward to break away -and declare we only wanted the credit of recommending a fine liberal -policy, but that we don't mean to be at any trouble or expense about -it.' All this is undoubtedly true, but it is the old inveterate habit -of Palmerston's policy, united with John Russell's crotchets, which has -brought it to this pass. Palmerston has always been Conservative at -home and Revolutionary abroad, and the gratification of a silly spite -against Austria has always been paramount to any other consideration -and object. While the enemies of the late Government accused them, -very unjustly as the documentary evidence has shown, of having unduly -favoured Austria during the recent conflict, and therefore having been -neutral only in name, it is true that the present Government, _i.e._ -Palmerston and John Russell, have gone out of their way to interfere -in an underhand manner, and have been constantly patting on the back -the insurgent Italians, and, as Clarendon says, urging the Emperor to -go further than he wishes, or than he can do consistently with the -engagement he has entered into. When Cowley was here some months ago, -I remember his telling me that one day when he met Cavour, either at -Compiègne or Paris, I forget which, when it was the question of the -Congress before the war, Cavour said to him, 'So you are going to -have a Congress.' 'Yes,' said Cowley, 'thanks to you and all you have -been doing in Italy.' 'Thanks to _me_!' cried Cavour, 'I like that; -why don't you say thanks to your own Minister at Turin, to Sir James -Hudson, who has done ten times more than ever I did?' - - -_Hatchford, January 12th._--Clarendon writes to me (on the 10th): -Cowley dined here on Saturday and did the same at Pembroke Lodge -on Sunday. He is on very good terms with John Russell, but hardly -understands what he would be at, and for the good reason probably that -Johnny does not know himself. There is a Ministerial crisis going on -at this moment about Italy, the three confederates wanting of course -to do more than the sober-minded majority can agree to. I suppose it -will be decided at the Cabinet to-day, and that some middle course will -be discovered, as I shall not believe, till it is a _fait accompli_, -that Palmerston will allow the Government to break up on a question -which will not carry the country with him. The people dislike Austria -and wish well to the Italians, but they want not to interfere in the -affairs of either, and I doubt if they would give a man or a shilling -to help Palmerston in blotting Austria out of the map of Europe and -giving Sardinia a much larger slice of the map. That twofold object -amounts to monomania now with Palmerston, and I believe he would -sacrifice office to attain it, which is the highest test of his -sincerity. The three confederates are Palmerston, John Russell, and -Gladstone. - - -_London, January 22nd._--For the last three weeks the sayings and -doings of the Emperor Napoleon have occupied all thoughts in every part -of Europe, and he has wellnigh recovered in this country the confidence -and popularity which had been exchanged for distrust, suspicion, and -alarm. It would really look as if the sole or at least the main object -of his policy was to conciliate English opinion and to ingratiate -himself with the present Government; and he certainly has exhibited -great courage and above all a boundless confidence in his own power and -authority in his own country. There was a time when he paid great court -to the Catholic clergy in France, and it was supposed that his motive -in retaining the French troops in Rome (which it was known he very much -disliked) was his apprehension lest their withdrawal should expose the -Pope's person or Government to danger, which the clergy in France would -not readily forgive him for doing. When he made peace with Austria he -still evinced a desire to uphold the dignity and authority of the Pope, -and therefore nobody was the least prepared for the pamphlet of 'The -Pope and the Congress.' It fell like a thunderbolt, striking terror -into the minds of all the Papal supporters and adherents, and filling -with joy all revolted Italy, and with a more sober satisfaction all the -Liberals and ultra-Protestants here. - -[Sidenote: TREATY OF COMMERCE WITH FRANCE.] - -We had hardly recovered from our amazement at this great change in -the foreign policy of France, when we were still more astonished and -pleased by the publication of the Emperor's letter to Fould, in which -he announced his intention to change the whole commercial policy of -France, and to make her a country of Free Trade. In thus confronting -at once the Clerical body and the Protectionist interest in France, -he has certainly acted with enormous boldness and reliance on his own -influence and power, and it will be very interesting to see whether the -success of his policy corresponds with its audacity. The Commercial -Treaty has been in great measure the work of Cobden, who went over to -Paris under the wing of Michel Chevalier and with letters to Cowley, -who introduced him to everybody who could be of use to him in his -endeavours to forward a Free Trade policy. The scheme seems to have -been arranged between the Emperor and Fould without the knowledge or -participation of any of the other Ministers. Cobden had no mission, -but he reported his progress home, and as an acknowledgement of his -exertions he is to be made joint Plenipotentiary with Cowley in signing -the Commercial Treaty. - -The return of Cavour to power looks as if there was a secret -understanding between France and England that the King of Sardinia -should be permitted to consummate the annexation of all the revolted -provinces to his dominions; for this object, which Palmerston has so -much at heart, he would gladly consent to the transference of Savoy -to France, which most people think will take place; but everything is -still and must be for some time in the greatest uncertainty in North -Italy, the only thing _apparently_ certain being that the Dukes will -not recover their Duchies, and still less the Pope his Romagna. - - -_January 24th._--To-day Parliament opens, and everything promises -a prosperous session for the Government. So little spirit is there -in the Opposition, that very few of them are expected to make their -appearance, and Disraeli, under the pretext of a family affliction, -gives no dinner; but the probable cause of this is not the death of -his sister, which happened two months ago, but his own uncertainty as -to whom he should invite, and who would be disposed to own political -allegiance by accepting his invitation. Such is the disorganised state -of that party. - -Clarendon called on me yesterday, and told me various things more or -less interesting about passing events, about Cobden and the Commercial -Treaty. Cobden went over to Paris with letters from Palmerston to -Cowley, begging Cowley would give him all the aid he could in carrying -out his object of persuading the leading people there to adopt Free -Trade principles, saying he went without any mission and as 'a free -lance.' Cowley did what he could for him, and he went about his object -with great zeal, meanwhile putting himself in correspondence with -Gladstone, who eagerly backed him up, but all this time nothing was -said to the Cabinet on the subject. At length one day Walewski sent -for Cowley, and asked him whether he was to understand that Cobden was -an agent of the British Government, and authorised by it to say all he -was saying in various quarters. Cowley denied all knowledge of Cobden's -proceedings, but wrote a despatch to John Russell stating what had -occurred, and at the same time a private letter, saying he did not know -whether he would wish such a despatch to be recorded, and therefore to -number it and place it in the Foreign Office, or put it in the fire as -he thought fit. John Russell accepted the despatch, and at the same -time told him he might endorse whatever Cobden did in the matter of -commercial engagements. - -[Sidenote: THE EMPEROR ON FREE TRADE.] - -Clarendon said that when he was at Paris four years ago for the -Congress, the Emperor one day said to him, 'I know you are a great Free -Trader, and I suppose you mean to take this opportunity of advancing -Free Trade principles here as far as you can.' Clarendon said certainly -such was his intention, when the Emperor said he was happy to be able -to take the initiative with him on this subject, and that he would -tell him that it had just been settled in the Council of State that -a great change in their commercial and prohibitive system should be -proposed to the Chambers, which it was his intention to carry out as -soon as possible. But not long after the Emperor renewed the subject, -and told him he found the opposition so strong to his contemplated -measures and the difficulties so great, that he had been obliged to -abandon them for the present, and as there is no reason to doubt that -the elements of opposition will be found as strong now as they were -then, it is by no means certain that His Majesty will be able now to -do all he wishes and has announced. It has already been stated in the -French papers that something is to be done to meet the objection or -allay the apprehensions of the French Protectionists, and Clarendon -thinks it very doubtful whether the Commercial Treaty, which will -confer advantages on France immediately without any reciprocal ones to -us for eighteen months to come, will be received with much favour here, -especially as the loss to our revenue will require the imposition of -fresh taxes to a considerable amount. - -We discussed the Italian question, and he said the Emperor is in a -constant state of doubt and perplexity, one while inclining to the -Congress, and another to leaving affairs to be settled without one. -Granville told me last night there appears a chance of the Pope's -consenting to enter the Congress with the expectation of being -supported there by a majority of the Powers, and deriving considerable -benefit from such support. The Emperor Napoleon, too, now shows some -signs of drawing closer to Austria again, while Austria is quite -determined never to consent to any of the schemes of revolution and -annexation which France and England are intent upon carrying out. -Apponyi told Clarendon, with tears in his eyes, that they were ruined, -and quite unable to take any active part, but that in the way of -_passive_ resistance they might still do a great deal, and that they -should not only refuse with the greatest perseverance to set their -hands to any paper acknowledging the new state of things, but that they -should solemnly protest against it on every occasion and in every way -in their power. Austria therefore never will consent to the annexation -of Central Italy to Piedmont, and if it takes place in spite of her -remonstrances and in direct violation of the conditions of Villafranca -and Zurich, she will not only _refuse_ her recognition, but proclaim -her intention of biding her time, with a view to avail herself of -future possible contingencies to redress the wrongs of which she may -justly complain. I asked Clarendon if he did not think it possible -a _mezzo termine_ might be effected by which France and Austria -might again be put _d'accord_, France saying, 'I would carry out the -stipulations of Zurich if I could, but you see it is impossible. Still -I will not consent to arrangements obnoxious to you and in direct -violation of them, such as the annexations to Piedmont; let us recur to -the formation of a Central Italian independent State.' Clarendon said -this had been his own idea, and he still thought it was not impossible -that such a compromise should be effected. It is hardly possible to -doubt that if Cavour succeeds in annexing to Piedmont all the Central -Italian States, a very short time will elapse before war will break -out again between Sardinia and Austria, and that Austria will have to -relinquish her Venetian possessions or fight for their retention. - - -_January 27th._--The session opened with great appearance of quiet -and prosperity for the Ministers, which nothing that passed the first -night in either House threatened to disturb. Derby made a very good and -moderate speech. When he left office the Queen entreated him not to use -the power he seemed to have from the nearly balanced state of parties -to upset this Government, urging the great objections there were to -eternal changes, and she repeated the same thing to him when he was at -Windsor on a visit not long ago. Derby expressed his entire concurrence -with her, and he promised to act in conformity with her wishes, and he -has entirely done so. Nothing could be more temperate and harmless than -the few remarks he made on Tuesday night, but leaving himself quite -unfettered on every point. - -[Sidenote: OPPOSITION TO THE COMMERCIAL TREATY.] - -In the meantime there is apparently a strong feeling of doubt and -quasi-hostility getting up against the Commercial Treaty, and it -looks as if the English and French Governments would both have great -difficulties in the matter. Public opinion here remains suspended till -the Treaty is produced, and till we are informed what the immediate -sacrifices may be that we shall have to make for it, and what are the -prospective advantages we obtain in return. The French Protectionists -are more impatient and have begun to pour out their complaints and -indignation without waiting to see the obnoxious Convention. Thiers -is said to be furious. So far from any Commercial Treaty like this -cementing the alliance, and rendering war between the two countries -more difficult, it is much more likely to inflame the popular antipathy -in France, to make the alliance itself odious, and render the chances -of war between the two countries more probable. In maturing his scheme -Louis Napoleon has given it all the appearance of a conspiracy, which -is in accordance with his character and his tastes. The whole thing was -carried on with the most profound secrecy, and the secret was confined -to a very few people, viz. the Emperor himself, Fould, Rouher (Minister -of Commerce), Michel Chevalier, and Cobden. All the documents were -copied by Madame Rouher, and Rouher was so afraid that some guesses -might be made if he was known to be consulting books and returns that -were preserved in the Library of the Council of State, that he never -would look at any of them, and made Chevalier borrow all that he had -occasion to refer to. Now the Emperor springs this Treaty upon his -reluctant Chambers and the indignant Protectionist interest. His manner -of doing the thing, which he thinks is the only way by which it can -be done at all, naturally adds to the resentment the measure excites. -They feel themselves in a manner taken in. The objections here are of -a different kind and on other grounds, but Gladstone kept his design -nearly as close as the Emperor did, never having imparted it to the -Cabinet till the last moment before Parliament met. I do not know how -the Cabinet looked at it, only that they were not unanimous. - -[Sidenote: THE REFORM BILL OF 1860.] - -While, however, it seems at least doubtful how the Government will -fare when they produce this Treaty, it appears certain that they will -get into a scrape with their Reform Bill. I had imagined from all I -heard that the Government were certain to bring forward a measure so -moderate as to insure the support or at least prevent the opposition -of the Conservatives, or certainly of a large proportion of them. -Everything rendered this probable. The assurances conveyed to the -Government by Walpole, the professions of Disraeli, the apathy of the -country, and the total failure of Bright's attempts to get up the -steam, all encouraged them to take this course, and the Duke of Bedford -told me Lord John was not so tied and bound by his declarations last -year that he would not concur in any moderate measure that the Cabinet -might frame. A few days ago, however, I asked Clarendon what the Bill -would be, and he alarmed me by his reply that 'it would be as bad as -possible,' John Russell having insisted upon the franchise being in -accordance with his pledges, and upon his consistency being entirely -preserved. This meant of course a 6_l._ franchise, which everybody -denounces as full of mischief and danger. - -Just now Henry Lennox came to me and told me that all the dissensions -and jealousies of the Conservative party and the Carlton Club had been -suddenly appeased, and that from being split into little sections -and coteries, squabbling among themselves and forming plots to oust -Disraeli, and elevate one man or another in his place, they were -suddenly reunited as one man in opposition to the Bill that they hear -is to be offered to them, and that Disraeli will be higher than ever in -their confidence and support. The Government estimate their majority at -four, leaving out of calculation the Irish Catholics, who will probably -all vote against them on every question, and the Conservatives boast -of having 320 men who will cling together with immoveable constancy -in opposition to the 6_l._ clause. That they will be able to carry it -under these circumstances seems impossible. Lord John is himself to -bring on the Reform Bill. The best thing that could happen (unless they -are warned in time and alter their measure) would be that he should be -beaten on the 6_l._ franchise, go out upon it and the rest stay in; but -whether they would think themselves bound to stand or fall with him -and break up the Government for his sake, I have at present no idea. -The Queen would no doubt do all in her power to induce Palmerston to -let him go, replace him, and carry on the Government without him. His -loss would be a gain in every possible way, and the Government would be -strengthened instead of being weakened by his absence, even though he -should throw himself into the arms of Bright and join him in a Radical -opposition to his former colleagues. - - -_Bath, February 15th._--When I left London a fortnight ago the world -was anxiously expecting Gladstone's speech in which he was to put the -Commercial Treaty and the Budget before the world. His own confidence -and that of most of his colleagues in his success was unbounded, but -many inveighed bitterly against the Treaty, and looked forward with -great alarm and aversion to the Budget. Clarendon shook his head, -Overstone pronounced against the Treaty, the 'Times' thundered against -it, and there is little doubt that it was unpopular, and becoming more -so every day. Then came Gladstone's unlucky illness, which compelled -him to put off his _exposé_, and made it doubtful whether he would not -be physically disabled from doing justice to the subject. His doctor -says he ought to have taken two months' rest instead of two days'. -However, at the end of his two days' delay he came forth, and _consensu -omnium_ achieved one of the greatest triumphs that the House of Commons -ever witnessed. Everybody I have heard from admits that it was a -magnificent display, not to be surpassed in ability of execution, and -that he carried the House of Commons completely with him. I can well -believe it, for when I read the report of it the next day (a report I -take to have given the speech verbatim) it carried me along with it -likewise. For the moment opposition and criticism were silenced, and -nothing was heard but the sound of praise and admiration. In a day or -two, however, men began to disengage their minds from the bewitching -influence of this great oratorical power, to examine calmly the -different parts of the wonderful piece of machinery which Gladstone had -constructed, and to detect and expose the weak points and objectionable -provisions which it contained. I say _it_, for, as the Speaker writes -to me, it must be taken as a whole or rejected as a whole, and he adds -the first will be its fate. - -[Sidenote: MR. GLADSTONE'S BUDGET.] - -Clarendon, who has all along disapproved of the Treaty, wrote to me -that Gladstone's success was complete, and public opinion in his -favour. He says: 'I expect that the London feeling will be reflected -from the country, so that there will be no danger of rejection, though -I think that the more the whole thing is considered, the less popular -it will become. The non-provision for the enormous deficit that will -exist next year will strike people, as well as the fact that the Budget -is made up of expedients for the present year. The non-payment of the -Exchequer bonds is to all intents and purposes a loan; the war tax on -tea and sugar, the windfall of the Spanish payment, the making the -maltsters and hopgrowers pay in advance, &c., are all stopgaps. If -anybody proposes it, I shall not be surprised if an additional 1_d._ -Income Tax in place of the war duties was accepted by Gladstone. He has -a fervent imagination, which furnishes facts and arguments in support -of them; he is an audacious innovator, because he has an insatiable -desire for popularity, and in his notions of government he is a far -more sincere Republican than Bright, for his ungratified personal -vanity makes him wish to subvert the institutions and the classes that -stand in the way of his ambition. The two are converging from different -points to the same end, and if Gladstone remains in office long enough -and is not more opposed by his colleagues than he has been hitherto, -we shall see him propose a graduated Income Tax.' These are only -objections to the Budget, and speculations (curious ones) as to the -character and futurity of Gladstone. - -In another letter he says: 'Gladstone made a fair defence of the -Treaty, though there are things in it which deserve the severest -criticism and will get it, such as tying ourselves down about the -exportation of coal (which is a munition of war), letting in French -silks free while ours are to pay thirty per cent., and establishing a -differential duty of nearly fifty per cent. in favour of light French -wines against the stronger wines of Spain and Portugal, for that will -be the operation of the Treaty.' Since all this was written there has -been a meeting of the Conservative party, and I hear this morning -that Derby has decided to take the field with all his forces with a -Resolution against the condition about the exportation of coal, and -confining himself to that, which will very likely be carried. On the -other hand, the publicans and licensed victuallers appear to be in -arms against that part of the Budget which more immediately interests -them, and are waging a fierce war in the Press by their paper, the -'Morning Advertiser,' so that in spite of his great triumph and all the -admiration his eloquence and skill elicited, it is not all sunshine and -plain sailing with his measures. Delane writes to me that Gladstone -will find it hard work to get his Budget through, that Peel when he -brought forward his Budget had a majority of ninety, all of which he -required to do it, whereas Palmerston cannot command a majority of nine. - - -_London, February 22nd._--I returned to town on Monday. The same -night a battle took place in the House of Commons, in which Gladstone -signally defeated Disraeli, and Government got so good a majority that -it looks like the harbinger of complete success for their Treaty and -their Budget. Everybody agrees that nothing could be more brilliant and -complete than Gladstone's triumph, which did not seem to be matter of -much grief to many of the Conservative party, for I hear that however -they may still act together on a great field-day, the hatred and -distrust of Disraeli is greater than ever in the Conservative ranks, -and Derby himself, when he heard how his colleague had been demolished, -did not seem to care much about it. They say that he betrays in -the House of Commons a sort of consciousness of his inferiority to -Gladstone, and of fear of encountering him in debate. - - -_February 26th._--On Friday night Gladstone had another great triumph. -He made a splendid speech, and obtained a majority of 116, which puts -an end to the contest. He is now _the_ great man of the day, but these -recent proceedings have strikingly displayed the disorganised condition -of the Conservative party and their undisguised dislike of their -leader. A great many of them voted with Government on Friday night, and -more expressed satisfaction at the result being a defeat of Disraeli. -The Treaty and Budget, though many parts of both are obnoxious to -criticism more or less well founded, seem on the whole not unpopular, -and since their first introduction to have undoubtedly gained in -public favour. This fact and the state of the Opposition prove the -impossibility of any change of Government. Gladstone too, as he is -strong, seems disposed to be merciful, and has expressed his intention -of taking fairly into consideration the various objections that may -be brought forward, and to consent to reasonable alterations when -good cases are made out for them. There seems no doubt that his great -measures were not approved of by the majority of the Cabinet, but the -malcontents do not seem to have been disposed to fight much of a battle -against the minority, which included both Palmerston and Lord John. - -It is curious how this great question has thrown into the background -all the questions about Italy and foreign policy, in regard to which -public interest seems to be for the moment suspended, while Italian -affairs are at a dead lock. It would be very inconsistent with the -Emperor's character if he had given up his design of appropriating -Savoy, but he has certainly postponed it, and will probably employ -his versatile imagination in weaving some fresh web by means of which -he may get it into his power. I have been reading the Italian Blue -Book, which is a creditable compilation. John Russell's positions -are not unsound, but he is too controversial in his tone, and though -he treats Austria with a decent consideration, and in no unfriendly -spirit, he might as well have avoided arguing with Count Rechberg upon -points and principles on which it was impossible they should ever -agree. Throughout this compilation the embarrassment and perplexity -of the Emperor Napoleon are conspicuous, and the difficulties into -which he got himself by his vacillations and incompatible objects and -obligations. His desire to adhere to the engagements he contracted at -Villafranca is obvious throughout, and the advice he gave the Pope -seems to have been the best possible, and given in all sincerity.[1] - -Footnote 1: The Emperor told Metternich the other day that he had -made one great mistake, which he had never ceased to regret, that -immediately after Villafranca he ought to have marched 100,000 men -into Tuscany on the plea of embarking them at Leghorn, and continued -to occupy the country till the restoration of the Grand Duke was -accomplished, but that he had never contemplated the invincible -resistance of the whole population.--C. C. G. - - -[Sidenote: MR. GLADSTONE'S RADICALISM.] - -_February 27th._--Gladstone is said to have become subject to much -excitement, and more bitter in controversy in the House of Commons than -was his wont. The severe working of his brain and the wonderful success -he has obtained may account for this, and having had his own way and -triumphed over all opposition in the Cabinet, it is not strange that -he should brook none anywhere else. He has not failed to show a little -of the cloven foot, and to alarm people as to his future designs. -Clarendon, who watches him, and has means of knowing his disposition, -thinks that he is moving towards a Democratic union with Bright, the -effect of which will be increased Income Tax and lowering the estimates -by giving up the defences of the country, to which Sidney Herbert will -never consent, and already these old friends and colleagues appear to -be fast getting into a state of antagonism. Aberdeen told Clarendon -that they would never go on together, and he thought Sidney Herbert -would retire from the Cabinet before the end of the session. This of -course implies that Gladstone's policy is to be in the ascendant, and -that he is to override the Cabinet. - -There has been a dispute about the introduction of the Reform Bill. -Lord John's colleagues wished him to defer bringing it on, till more -progress had been made in the fiscal and commercial measures, and -represented the inconvenience of having the two discussions going on at -the same time, but nothing would induce him to postpone it, and for the -absurd reason that he wanted to bring in this Bill on the _same day_ -on which he had introduced the great Reform Bill in 1831, and to this -fanciful object he insisted on sacrificing all others. - - -_Hatchford, March 7th._--Lord John Russell brought in his Reform Bill -last week without exciting the smallest interest, or even curiosity, -amidst profound indifference in the House and in the country. His -measure was very moderate, and his speech temperate. It produces no -enthusiasm, or satisfaction, or alarm. It will probably pass without -any violent debates, and perhaps with very slight alterations. If the -opponents should succeed in making some, Lord John is not prepared -to adhere obstinately to his measure, but will come to terms. It was -settled that no discussion should take place at the time, and nobody -was inclined for any. It hardly delayed the progress of Gladstone's -measures, so we heard no more complaints of Lord John's pertinacity in -bringing it on upon March 1st. - -[Sidenote: ASCENDENCY OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON.] - -The Treaty, the Budget, and the Reform Bill had thrown foreign affairs -into the background, but the interest in them was suddenly aroused, -and speedily absorbed every other, by the Emperor's speech and M. -Thouvenel's despatches, all so mortifying and provoking to us. Up -to this moment Palmerston had been highly elated, and he and Lord -John had been exulting in the fancied glory of being the Liberators -of Italy, and of having procured the complete success of their own -objects. As Clarendon wrote to me, 'The Emperor must greatly enjoy -the helplessness of Europe, and in feeling that he may do just what -he likes with perfect impunity. Russia is crippled, Austria rotten, -Germany disunited, and England, though growling, occupied in gnawing -the Treaty bone he has tossed to her. All must submit to the laws made -known to them through the "Moniteur."' If it were not so melancholy -to see the miserable figure which England cuts in all this, it would -be amusing to see it happen _regnante_ Palmerston, and after all his -incurable meddling and blustering to see him obliged to eat so much -dirt. He may (though probably he does not) think he has lived too long -to be reserved at the last period of his political career for such -mortification. The Emperor said to somebody, '_L'Europe boudera, mais -ne fera rien_,' and he is quite right. We seem to have arrived at the -last act of the Italian drama, but it is still very uncertain how the -_dénouement_ will be worked out and what the Emperor's final will and -pleasure will be. The Romagna seems to present the greatest difficulty; -all the rest will find a tolerably easy solution. France will take what -she wants of Savoy and give the rest to Switzerland, who upon those -conditions is desirous of annexation, and Piedmont does not seem to -care much about it. In this way the question of Savoy will be settled, -if not by general consent, at least with general acquiescence and -without any opposition. - - -_March 9th._--After all it is not improbable that Palmerston will have -the gratification of seeing Tuscany annexed to Sardinia. Cavour has -taken the line which Clarendon and I agreed that he would very likely -do, and sets France and Austria at defiance. We have seen France and -Sardinia joined in making war upon Austria, and now we have France -and Austria joined in diplomacy against Sardinia. Nothing can be more -curious than to see the unravelling of this web. Next week the Italian -States will severally vote their annexation to Sardinia, or their -separate existence. If, as is almost certain, the former is their -decision, the King will accept their resolution, and Piedmontese troops -will march into Tuscany. Then we shall see what the Emperor Napoleon -will do, and what he will permit Austria to do. - - -_Savernake, March 18th._--The affair of Savoy has been summarily -settled by the will of the Emperor and the connivance of Cavour. The -whole affair now appears to have been a concerted villainy between -these worthies, which as the plot has been developed excites here the -most intense disgust and indignation. The feeling is the stronger -because we have no choice but that of sulky and grumbling acquiescence. -The one redeeming point in the French act of violence _was_ the -apparent respect paid to Treaties and to the claims of Switzerland, -Thouvenel having only the other day said that Faucigny and Chablais -should be ceded at once to Switzerland; and now we hear that nothing -of the kind is to be done, and that France seizes everything.[1] -It is in vain that the Houses of Parliament are advised to cease -barking, as they certainly do not mean to bite, and that the 'Times' -recommends silence and moderation; such enormities as are unblushingly -exhibited to the world excite an indignation which breaks through every -restraint, and people _will not_ hold their peace, happen what may. The -Opposition have turned the current of their wrath upon our Government, -and have proved clearly enough that they had ample and timely notice -of the Emperor's intentions, and that nevertheless they continued to -urge with all their might that policy which was certain to lead to the -annexation of Savoy. That the Emperor and Cavour have been plotting -together seems now quite certain, but we are still ignorant, and may -perhaps ever remain so, of the details of their delusive operations. - -[Sidenote: THE TREATY, THE BUDGET, AND THE BILL.] - -The three great subjects which have occupied public attention all -this year have been the Italian and its branches, Gladstone's Treaty -and Budget, and the Reform Bill. Up to the present time the two first -have absorbed all interest, and the new Reform Bill has been received -with almost complete apathy, nobody appearing to know or care what -its effects would be, and most people misled by an apparent show -of moderation and harmlessness in its details. But in the course -of the last week the 'Times' set to work, in a series of very able -articles, to show the mischievous and dangerous effects that the -proposed franchise will produce, and these warnings, supported by -ample statistical details, have begun to arouse people from their -indifference and to create some apprehensions. I am informed that -John Russell framed his Bill in utter ignorance of these important -details, and, with the mixture of levity and obstinacy which has -always distinguished him, has plunged the country into this dilemma -for the sake of his own selfish and ambitious objects. But what is -incomprehensible is that in such a numerous Cabinet as the present, -and containing many men who certainly once had strong Conservative -opinions, he should not have met with a more strenuous opposition, and -have been forced to alter his most obnoxious propositions, and I think -those who were better informed than Lord John, and saw whither his -plan of Reform was leading them, are more to blame than himself. It is -impossible to meet with any man who approves of this Bill, and who does -not abhor the idea of any Reform whatever. All say that if the members -voted by ballot there would be almost unanimity against it, and yet -such is the disorganised state of the Conservative party, and such the -want of moral courage and independence generally, that this Bill will -most likely pass unaltered. - -The prevailing hope is that the House of Lords will amend it, but Derby -told somebody (I think it was Clarendon) that if those who dreaded the -mischief of the measure in the House of Commons had not the courage and -honesty to oppose it there and correct it, the House of Lords should -not, so far as his influence went, incur the odium of doing the work -which the House of Commons ought itself to do. Lyndhurst told me the -other day that Derby had told Lady Lyndhurst he was so disgusted with -the state of affairs at home and abroad, that he had serious thoughts -of withdrawing from public life, and Clarendon told me that an eminent -Conservative, who had begged not to be quoted, had said that he knew -Derby was violently discontented with Disraeli, and prepared to -dissolve their political connexion. - -Footnote 1: [It is within my own knowledge that M. Thouvenel expressed -at that time the desire of the Emperor to do anything he could _to -help Lord Palmerston_, and accordingly he proposed, unofficially, to -surrender and annex a considerable portion of the Faucigny district, -down to the Fort de l'Ecluse, in the Jura, to the Canton of Geneva, -provided the British Government would assent to the acquisition by -France of the rest of Savoy. Lord Palmerston rejected the proposal, -saying to the person who conveyed it to him, 'We shall shame them out -of it.'--H. R.] - - -_Wells, March 21st._--I came here from Savernake on Monday. On Friday -last in the House of Lords the Commercial Treaty and Budget, but the -latter especially, were powerfully assailed by Grey, Overstone, and -Derby, and very considerably damaged _in argument_, but probably in -nothing else. The Government are as weak in the Lords as the Opposition -are in the Commons, where, however, Disraeli seems to have made a very -good speech against the Reform Bill on Monday night. - - -[Sidenote: LORD JOHN DENOUNCES NAPOLEON.] - -_Torquay, March 28th._--The past week has been remarkable for the -speech in which John Russell denounced in strong language the conduct -of France, declared that we could no longer trust her, and that we -must renew our intimacies with the other Powers. Whether all this was -sincere and meant all it seems to do is yet to be discovered. The week -was near being still more remarkable, for the Reform Bill was within -an ace of falling to the ground by the House being counted out in the -midst of a debate. This would have been very ridiculous, but would -have been hailed with delight by the House of Commons, and without -dissatisfaction by the country. Clarendon writes to me in a strain -of bitter hostility to the Bill and disgust at everything, complains -of the general apathy and the impossibility of rousing any spirit of -opposition to what all abhor. Derby told him that if twenty-five or -even twenty Liberals would _take the lead_ in opposing this Bill, the -whole Conservative party would support them. Clarendon wrote to me -when I was at Bath that the time would probably come when Gladstone -would propose a graduated Income Tax, and lo! it has nearly come, for -Gladstone gave notice the other night to people to be prepared for it. -The Triumvirate of Palmerston, John Russell, and Gladstone, who have -it all their own way, dragging after them the Cabinet, the House of -Commons, and the country, will probably be the ruin of this country. -They are playing into the Emperor Napoleon's hands, who has only to be -patient and bide his time, and he will be able to treat all Europe, -England included, in any way he pleases. Nothing but some speedy change -of Government and of system can avert the impending ruin. - - -_London, April 2nd._--One day last week (as mentioned above), on one -of the numerous discussions of the Savoy question in the House of -Commons, John Russell electrified the House and rather astonished the -country by delivering a very spirited speech, denouncing in strong -terms the conduct of the Emperor Napoleon, and declaring the necessity -of cultivating relations with the other Great Powers for the purpose of -putting an effectual check upon the projects of French aggrandisement -and annexation. I must own that my first impression was that this -speech was made merely to deceive the House and the country, and was -only a part of the collusive system between our Government and the -French, by virtue of which Louis Napoleon has been enabled to work out -all his objects and designs; but though it is impossible to doubt that -John Russell and Palmerston have all along been aware of the Emperor's -intentions with regard to Savoy, and that they have been more intent -upon procuring advantages for Sardinia and provoking Austria than upon -thwarting the projects of France, I am inclined to see Lord John's -speech in another light from what I hear since I came to town. He made -it without any previous consultation with his colleagues, it having -been one of those _impromptus_ which he is so apt to indulge in, and -Palmerston, seeing the way in which it was received in the House and by -the Press, approved of its tone and expressed a full concurrence with -it. Flahault, who went to Paris a few days ago, called on Palmerston -before he went and asked if he wished him to say or do anything there. -Palmerston said he might inform the Government that Lord John's speech -expressed the unanimous opinion of the Cabinet here. In my opinion his -speech was a great imprudence, and will probably involve the necessity -of our eating a great deal of humble pie. We have long ago declared -that though we disapprove very much of the annexation of Savoy, -we should take no steps to prevent it; but Lord John made a great -distinction between the question of Savoy and Nice and that of Faucigny -and Chablais, and though he did not commit himself to any positive -course, he gave it to be inferred that something more would be required -from us, in the way of opposition to the seizure of the latter, than -there was any necessity for our making to that of the former. But the -Emperor makes no such distinctions, and if, as is most probable, he -does not admit our right to draw them, we shall be in an unpleasant -fix, and have to back out of the position we have assumed in a way -neither dignified nor creditable. - -[Sidenote: SCHEMES OF THE EMPEROR.] - -The accounts from Paris are that this speech has made the French -very insolent, and the Emperor more popular than he has been for a -long time, as even his enemies say that they will rally round him -to chastise English impertinence. Then as to forming alliances with -the other Powers, which of course will be taken (as was intended) as -a menace to France, nothing could be more ill-advised than such an -announcement, for the other Great Powers have neither the ability nor -the inclination to join us in any coalition, present or prospective, -against France. Russia and Austria hate us, as well they may, for -we have done them both all the injury in our power, besides heaping -every sort of insult upon them. Austria is totally ruined, hopelessly -bankrupt and torn to pieces with internal disaffection and discontent. -Russia is hampered with her great serf question, and overwhelmed with -financial embarrassments, which she owes in great measure to the -Crimean War, and the unfortunate dissension and estrangement between -her and Austria are attributable to the same cause and to our policy. -Prussia, the only one of the three that is able to make any efforts, -and that has no cause of enmity against us, is always selfish and -timorous, and is more occupied in trying to supplant Austria in Germany -than in taking defensive measures against French ambition; nor is -there in Germany any such strong sentiment of national independence -as might induce the various States to sink their minor jealousies and -partisanships in a general union, to meet any aggression that may -proceed from France. Among the many schemes which the Imperial brain is -supposed to be continually engendering, it is far from impossible that -one may be the reconstruction of the kingdom of Westphalia, or at least -of some Rhenish kingdom with the concurrence of Prussia, by concluding -a bargain of partition with her. He might then replace old Jerome on -the throne, and so get rid of his obnoxious son, of course taking as -much of such acquired territory as he wanted for himself. All this -is mere vague conjectural speculation, but it is _on the cards_, and -it is at least as probable as that we should be able to form another -coalition, like that which overthrew the first Napoleon, strong enough -to cope with the present Napoleon. People are beginning at last to -doubt whether the war we waged against Russia four years ago was really -a wise and politic measure; but the whole country went mad upon that -subject, I never could understand why. Palmerston took it up to make -political capital out of it, and made himself popular by falling in -with the public humour, and making the country believe that he was the -only man really determined to make war on Russia, and able to bring the -war to a successful end. Aberdeen, who was wise enough to see the folly -of quarrelling with Russia and sacrificing all our old alliances to a -new and deceitful one with France, was unable to stem the torrent, and -fell under its violence. His fault was his not resigning office when he -found it impossible to carry out his policy and maintain peace. - -_A propos_ of the Russian War, I heard lately an anecdote for the first -time that surprised me. Everybody knows that we beat up for allies and -even mercenary aid against Russia in every direction, but it is not -known that our Government earnestly pressed the Portuguese Government -to join in the war, and to send a contingent to the Crimea, and that -on the refusal of the latter to do so, the Ministers made the Queen -appeal personally to Lavradio and urge him to persuade his Government -to comply with our wishes; but Lavradio represented to Her Majesty, as -he had done to her Ministers, that Portugal had no quarrel with Russia, -and no interest in joining in the war; on the contrary, Portugal was -under obligations to the Emperor of Russia, and she therefore would -have nothing to do with the contest. This was a most extraordinary -proceeding, and it was contrary to all usage as well as all propriety -to make the Queen interpose in person on such an occasion. - - -[Sidenote: DANGER OF WAR WITH FRANCE.] - -_April 4th._--Clarendon has just been here talking over the state of -affairs, in the course of which he alluded to what had passed in the -autumn of '58 between the Emperor and him, and between His Majesty -and Palmerston. In September he had a long conversation with the -Emperor, in the course of which he asked Clarendon, 'Supposing I find -myself compelled to go to war with Austria, what part would England -take in the contest?' Clarendon replied that it would depend upon -the circumstances of the case and the cause that would be shown for -such a war, and that he must not be misled by the language of the -English Press and the prejudice which no doubt existed in England -against Austria and her system of government, which would not be -sufficient to make us take any part against her. On comparing notes -with Palmerston afterwards, Clarendon found that Louis Napoleon had -put the same question to Palmerston, who had given him the same -answer. When they went to Compiègne in November of the same year, -they both had conversations separately of the same character, and -when they afterwards compared notes and Clarendon asked Palmerston -what impression the Emperor's words had left on his mind, Palmerston -replied he thought either that the Emperor had abandoned the design he -had certainly been meditating to go to war, or he had resolved upon -it, but did not choose to acknowledge his intentions to them, and -this Clarendon said was exactly the same opinion as he had formed. -This, however, was not above six weeks before his famous speech to the -Austrian Ambassador (which was a declaration of war), and therefore -the latter conjecture was the correct one. We talked over Lord John's -speech and his letter in answer to Thouvenel. Clarendon said that this -despatch was entirely written by Palmerston himself, that anybody as -well acquainted with their styles as he was must be quite certain of -this, but that _he_ knew it to be the case. He had a conversation with -Palmerston the other day, who praised Lord John's speech and said it -would do good, and he thought _the question of Savoy was in a very -satisfactory state_. - -Palmerston, he told me, had said more to Flahault[1] than I had been -apprised of. Flahault went to him, and found him just going to the -House of Commons. Flahault asked him to let him get into his carriage, -which he did, and when Flahault asked what he should say to the -Emperor, and Palmerston told him to say that the Emperor had better -read Lord John's speech, and understand that he (Palmerston) agreed in -every word of it, Flahault said, 'Then you mean that you have no longer -any confidence in the Emperor, or place any reliance upon his word.' -Palmerston replied, 'I do mean this. After having been repeatedly -deceived and misled by his professions and assurances, it is impossible -that I can place any further confidence in him.' Then said Flahault, -'There will be war,' to which Palmerston rejoined that he hoped not, -that nobody could be more anxious to avoid war than he was. - -This was very spirited and becoming, and Clarendon said he highly -approved of such a tone. I said that I had all along suspected that -there was a secret understanding and collusion between Palmerston and -the Emperor, and that Palmerston had given His Majesty to understand -that if he would set Italy free, he might do what he pleased with -regard to Savoy, but that what had recently passed seemed to negative -that idea. Clarendon replied he had no doubt Palmerston had very often -said to Persigny what, if repeated by Persigny to the Emperor with some -exaggerations and suppressions, would convey as much to His Majesty, -for Palmerston had a dozen times said to him (Clarendon) that the -liberation and settlement of Italy was of far greater consequence than -the preservation of Savoy to Piedmont. - -Footnote 1: [Count de Flahault was at this time French Ambassador in -London.] - - -_April 8th._--To The Grove on Thursday afternoon, and returned -yesterday. On Good Friday morning George Lewis and I were left alone, -when we talked over the questions of the day, and he quite amazed me -by the way in which he spoke of his principal colleagues. I asked -him if John Russell was not exceedingly mortified at the ill-success -of his Reform Bill and its reception in the House of Commons and in -the country. George Lewis said he did not think he felt this, that -at present his mind was entirely occupied with foreign politics, and -he was rejoicing in the idea of having been largely instrumental to -the liberation of Italy; and as to Reform, that he was satisfied -with having redeemed the pledge he gave to Bright to propose a 6_l._ -franchise, and having done this he did not care about the result, as he -had never pledged himself to carry it. The most strange thing to me is, -that George Lewis seemed not to be alive to the culpable levity of such -conduct, or to the censure to which his own conduct is obnoxious in -consenting to act with such a man, and to be a party to such a measure. - -With regard to Palmerston, he said that Palmerston thought of nothing -but his pro-Sardinian and anti-Austrian schemes, and he was gratified -by seeing everything in that quarter turning out according to his -wishes, that in the Cabinet he took very little part and rarely spoke. -Gladstone George Lewis evidently distrusts, and his financial schemes -and arrangements are as distasteful to him as possible. He is provoked -at Gladstone's being able to bear down all opposition, and carry all -before him by the force of his eloquence and power of words, and what -I have said of his conduct in supporting John Russell is still more -applicable to it in reference to Gladstone and his measures, which he -thinks more dangerous by far than he does Lord John's Reform Bill and -6_l._ clause. I asked him what was to be the end of this Bill, and -he said he did not expect it to pass, that probably the debates on -it would be so spun out and so many delays interposed that either it -would fail in the House of Commons itself, or even if it passed, the -House of Lords would say it came up too late for them to examine and -consider it, and it would be thrown out there. I gathered in the course -of conversation that Palmerston (whose whole antecedents and recorded -opinions forbid the idea of his approving such a measure) would be glad -to see the franchise raised, and that 8_l._ and 15_l._ would in his -view improve the Bill. - - -[Sidenote: MACHINATIONS OF NAPOLEON.] - -_May 6th._--Since I wrote the above, nearly a month ago, I have been -out of the way of hearing anything on public affairs, till a day or -two ago when I called on Clarendon, when he told me some things not -without interest, partly about domestic and partly about foreign -affairs. The latter of course related to the inexhaustible subject -of the Emperor Napoleon's projects and machinations. His Majesty, it -seems, has recently had a conversation with M. de Moustier, French -Minister at Vienna, in the course of which he told him that it was an -absolute necessity to France to carry her frontier to the Rhine. About -the same time Cavour had signified (I forget whether it was to the -same de Moustier or to some other person) that Sardinia must obtain -possession of Venetia. These necessities, it can hardly be doubted, -are expressed and resolved upon by a common accord. Austria has been -already completely crippled by the late war; if threatened in Italy -she will employ all her resources in defence of her Italian territory, -and she will be quite unable, even if she were willing, to join in any -measures of resistance to the attempts of France upon Germany. Prussia -has had the egregious folly to renew her feud with Denmark upon the -affair of Schleswig-Holstein, and is about to provoke a fresh war on -that question. Denmark thus threatened appeals to France for aid, which -France is too happy to afford, as she will thereby in all probability -find a good pretext for interference, and for the furtherance of all -her designs. There seems no doubt that a Treaty of some sort has been -concluded between France and Denmark. In this difficult and menacing -posture of affairs, England will sooner or later have to play a part of -some sort, and it is disquieting enough to reflect upon our diplomacy -being under the charge of John Russell and of Palmerston. - -After lingering on for several weeks with unprecedented tardiness -and delay, and a languid uninteresting discussion--debate it cannot -be called--the second reading of the Reform Bill has at last passed -without opposition. The last nights have been remarkable for the -speeches hostile to the Bill of several Liberal members, and the -increasing proofs of its prodigious unpopularity. Everybody is sick -of the subject, and those who desire that some modified and amended -measure may pass, only do so because they have a horror of seeing -another Bill brought in next year, and they hope that they may now -purge this Bill of its worst and most dangerous defects, and close the -subject for several years to come. Some think that it is impossible -to devise any means by which this Bill can be made anything like -safe and expedient, and would therefore prefer to throw it out and -run all chances for the future. At least one half of the Government, -with Palmerston himself at the head of the dissentients, regard this -Bill with alarm and aversion, and now that the difficulty, if not -impossibility, of passing it is obvious, they are prepared to make -every sort of sacrifice, even of its most vital provisions. Palmerston -told George Lewis so, and that John Russell himself would submit to an -alteration of the franchise to the amount of 15_l._ for the counties -and 8_l._ for the towns. They know that no question of resignation -is involved in this discussion, and that whatever may be the fate of -their Bill, they will still keep their places, which no concession will -endanger, and accordingly they are ready to agree to any compromise -which will secure the Bill's passing through Parliament in any shape or -way; but notwithstanding this pliant disposition, it is very doubtful -whether the Bill can pass. It will not commence its career in Committee -till the first week in June, and it is hardly possible it can reach the -House of Lords before the middle or end of July, and the Lords may very -well decline to enter on its consideration at that late period. - - -[Sidenote: CONFUSION OF PARTIES.] - -_May 9th._--A correspondence appears in the newspapers between Lord -Grey and John Russell, couched in terms of no small bitterness. Such a -correspondence between men of such eminence and of the same political -colour shows up to the world the insincerity with which, for political -motives at the time urgent, they have spoken in their places in -Parliament. It is no new thing that members of the same Cabinet should -often differ, and that vehemently on particular questions, and yet when -these questions come under Parliamentary discussion, that they should -exhibit to the world the semblance of an agreement and concurrence -which is remote from the truth. But though this is well understood to -be of not unfrequent occurrence, and sooner or later the details of -the truth often leak out, it is much to be regretted that men should -exhibit themselves and each other in the way which this correspondence -does, for such exhibitions cannot fail to excite suspicions of the -sincerity, conscientiousness, and truth of public men. When Governments -are entirely of one party colour, either wholly Whig or wholly Tory, -and when they are presided over by some man of supereminent authority, -such differences and consequent difficulties are not likely to happen -often; but as of late years parties have been broken up, and composite -Governments have been formed, combining men of the most opposite -original principles, and imbued with very different and incompatible -opinions on various subjects, it must be continually happening that -candid discussions and disputes in the Cabinet should be followed by -insincere and untruthful declarations and argumentations in public. The -understood practice from time immemorial has been, that a dissentient -from the general opinion of his colleagues upon any _important_ -question must either consent to merge his own opinion in theirs, -or retire from office; and then the conduct of the dissentient was -regulated by his view of the _importance_ of the matter at issue. Of -course if a man were to break off from his colleagues upon every matter -of difference, however small, no Government could possibly go on for -many months or perhaps weeks, but it is impossible in these days not -to be struck with the fact that so many men are indisposed to consider -anything of sufficient importance to resign their offices rather than -sacrifice their enlightened consciences and mature judgements. - - -_May 12th._--Not more than three months ago Gladstone was triumphant -and jubilant; he had taken the House of Commons and the country captive -by his eloquence, and nothing was heard everywhere but songs of praise -and admiration at his marvellous success and prodigious genius. There -never was a greater reaction in a shorter time. Everybody's voice is -now against him, and his famous Treaty and his Budget are pronounced -enormous and dangerous blunders. Those who were most captivated now -seem to be most vexed and ashamed of their former fascination. They are -provoked with themselves for having been so duped, and a feeling of -resentment and bitterness against him has become widely diffused in and -out of the House of Commons, on his own side as well as on the other. -It was the operation of this feeling which caused the narrow majority -on the Paper Duties the other night, when it seems as if a little more -management and activity might have put him in a minority, and it is -the same thing which is now encouraging the House of Lords, urged on -by Derby, to throw out the Resolution when it comes before them. Derby -has announced that he shall exert himself to the utmost to procure the -rejection of the Bill in the House of Lords, and if he perseveres he -will probably obtain a very unwise and perilous success, which he will -before long have to regret. - - -[Sidenote: REPEAL OF THE PAPER DUTIES.] - -_May 17th._--Clarendon dined with Derby about a week ago, when Derby -explained to him all his reasons for persisting in his opposition to -the Paper Duties Bill. Clarendon said he did not talk rashly and in -Rupert vein, but gave a well-considered and well-argued statement -of the grounds on which he purposed to proceed. Clarendon evidently -sympathised with him, but not without much apprehension and doubt as -to the expediency of his course. Derby appears to have taken and to be -taking prodigious pains with his case, and he said that his object was -to have a great financial debate in the Lords on the Treaty and the -Budget. Granville tells me they shall be beaten by a large majority, -and he owns that the debate will be almost all one way. There is -nothing on the Treasury Bench or behind it able to grapple with Derby, -Monteagle, Overstone, and Grey on such a question, though Granville -expects Argyll to get up the question and to speak well on it, and -he expects something from Newcastle and Ripon, but Clarendon told me -(which of course he had from Lewis) the curious fact that Palmerston -himself views with pleasure the prospect of the rejection of the -Bill. A queer state of things indeed when the Prime Minister himself -secretly desires to see the defeat of a measure so precious to his own -Chancellor of the Exchequer. - -Frederick Cadogan came over from Paris the other day, and told -Clarendon that Cowley was in very bad spirits about the aspect of -foreign affairs, that all intimacy and confidence between the Emperor -and him was at an end, and that it was more and more evident that -His Majesty meant to follow his own devices, whatever they might be, -without reference to anybody, or caring for the opposition or the -assent of any other Powers. - -The Garibaldi expedition is supposed to have given great umbrage to -France, but not without some suspicions that secretly she is not sorry -for it, and thinks in its complications she may find matter to turn to -her own account. Everybody believes that Cavour has covertly connived -at it, though he pretends to oppose it. Certainly no resolute attempts -were made to obstruct the expedition by the Sardinian Government, and -none whatever by France, who, if she really cared to stop it, might -easily have done so by sending ships from Toulon for the purpose. - -Talking of Neapolitan affairs, Pahlen told me yesterday an almost -incredible anecdote, but of which he said there was no doubt of the -truth. There is just arrived a new Neapolitan Minister, Count Ludolph, -grandson of the Ludolph who was formerly here. He has replaced the -former Minister, who by his own desire was recently recalled, and he -had begged for his recall because he had been grossly insulted by -Palmerston at the Queen's Drawing Room, his story being that in that -room, in the Queen's presence (who was of course out of hearing), -Palmerston had attacked him on the proceedings of his Government and -the conduct of the King, telling him that a revolution would probably -be the consequence thereof, which would be nothing more than they -deserved, and which would be seen in this country with universal -satisfaction. The man was so flabbergasted by this unexpected and -monstrous _sortie_ that he had not presence of mind to make a suitable -answer, and to _riposter_ with the spirit which the occasion required -of him. I must endeavour to find out if this is true. Palmerston has -always been noted for the vivacity and often acerbity of his language -in despatches, but in oral communications and in speeches he has never -been reproached with intemperance or incivility, but, on the contrary, -has always evinced self-control and gentlemanlike and polite behaviour -and language. - - -_May 28th._--Epsom engaged all my attention last week, and I could -not find time to notice the debate in the Lords on the Paper Duties, -and the extraordinary majority, so much greater than anybody -expected. Lyndhurst undertook to speak on the constitutional part of -the question, and got leave to speak early (between Granville and -Monteagle) that he might go home to celebrate his birthday, which fell -on that day, when he completed his eighty-eighth year. He made a very -good speech, and met with an enthusiastic reception. Lady Palmerston -was in the gallery, openly expressing her wishes that the Bill might -be rejected by a large majority. Her language on this and other -occasions so shocked some of the more zealous Whigs, that the Duke of -Bedford was asked by one or more of them to remonstrate with her on -the way she talked, but she knows very well that Palmerston is of the -same mind, though he cannot avow his real sentiments in the way she -does. Palmerston said to Gladstone, 'Of course you are mortified and -disappointed, but your disappointment is nothing to mine, who had a -horse with whom I hoped to win the Derby, and he went amiss at the last -moment.' The affair has gone off very quietly, the House of Commons -not being the least disposed to quarrel with the Lords about it. Even -John Russell, who had talked very absurdly, held moderate and prudent -language in the House.[1] - -Footnote 1: [A Bill for abolishing the duty on paper was carried in -the House of Commons on March 12 by a majority of 245 to 192. It was -rejected on May 21 by the House of Lords by a majority of 193 to 104. -The dispute was eventually settled by a resolution for removing so much -of the duty on paper as exceeded the Excise duty at home.] - - -[Sidenote: REFORM BILL WITHDRAWN.] - -_June 15th._--At Ascot last week. Palmerston was there, and went up -to town on Thursday (going reluctantly) to assist at the withdrawal -by John Russell of the Reform Bill. There was a Cabinet the preceding -day, at which Palmerston said, 'We must now settle what is to be done -about the Reform Bill.' John Russell said, 'I know what my opinion -is, and if anybody wishes to hear it I am ready to give it.' They all -said they did wish it, when he announced that he thought it ought -to be withdrawn. Everybody agreed except Gladstone, who made a long -speech in favour of going on with it, which nobody replied to, and -there it ended. A discussion took place as to what should be said, and -strong opinions expressed that nothing but moderate language should be -employed, which John Russell agreed to, and he acted up to it by making -a very becoming speech, which would have been faultless if he had not -announced another Reform Bill on the earliest possible occasion. This, -too, he did entirely off his own bat, and without any consultation or -agreement with his colleagues. Fortunately these announcements are -no longer so important or so binding as heretofore, and I think it -probable, unless there is some great change in public opinion (which is -not likely), that when the time draws near Palmerston and a majority of -the Cabinet will not consent to a fresh attempt. - - -_July 8th._--I have been so ill till within the last few days that I -have not had energy enough to do anything. I have known but little, and -that little I could not bring myself to write down here. In fact, it is -high time that I should close these records once for all, which I am -morally and physically incapable of continuing with any probability of -making them interesting. It is not very consistent with this opinion to -fill a page or two with the recent transaction in the House of Commons, -with reference to the duty on paper. Everybody allows that Palmerston -got out of his difficulty with consummate tact and discretion, and -that Gladstone's conduct was inexcusable. The Resolutions concocted -by Palmerston had been fully discussed and agreed to in the Cabinet -(reluctantly of course by Gladstone), and Palmerston's speech was -received with general approbation in the House. It was excellent, fair -and moderate, the argument logically consistent with the Resolutions, -but displeasing to Gladstone and the highflyers because it made a sort -of excuse for the Lords, or rather it set forth the grounds on which -the Lords might think themselves justified in acting as they did, -without having any of the motives and designs which the Gladstones and -Brights attributed to them. All this elicited great applause from the -Opposition side of the House, and their cheers were very offensive -to and grated on the ears of the ultra-Liberals. Everything would -have ended quietly, and the Resolutions would have passed without a -debate, but Gladstone could not stand it, and, urged by spite and -mortification, he must needs get up and make a most violent speech, -really, though not avowedly, in opposition to Palmerston, and with the -object of provoking a long and acrimonious debate. In this he only -partially succeeded, and not for long. The debate lasted one night -more, but nothing could be made of the Amendments. Palmerston kept his -temper and displayed great firmness and resolution. The House was with -him. Bright, partly from being very unwell, and probably partly from -some discretion, made a moderate speech; everybody seemed determined to -bring the matter to an end, and the Resolutions were very triumphantly -carried. Granville told me yesterday morning that it was a toss up -whether Gladstone resigned or not, and that if he did, it would break -up the Liberal party, to which I replied that I was confident he would -not resign, and if he did, it would have no effect on the bulk of the -Liberal party. - - -[Sidenote: RADICAL ELEMENT IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.] - -_July 17th._--I met Charles Villiers at dinner at the Travellers' -last night and had some talk with him, particularly about Gladstone. -He thinks it far better that he should not resign, as he could, and -probably would, be very mischievous out of office. He says people do -not know the House of Commons, and are little aware that there is an -obscure but important element in it of a Radical complexion, and that -there are sixty or seventy people who would constitute themselves -followers of Gladstone, and urge him on to every sort of mischief. -They are already doing all they can to flatter and cajole him, and -once out of office, his great talents and oratorical powers would make -him courted by all parties, even the Tories, who would each and all be -very glad to enlist him in their service. It is impossible to calculate -on the course of a man so variable and impulsive, but at present it -looks as if he had made up his mind to swallow his mortifications -and disappointments and to go on with his present colleagues, though -Charles Villiers says he is very dejected and uneasy in his mind, and -very gloomy in the Cabinet. - -I asked him if he had seen Senior's last Journals, relating his visit -to Paris, which he had not. I told him they were very interesting, and -that all his interlocutors, however varying in opinions upon other -subjects, were agreed as to the certainty of the Emperor's meditating -fresh wars and aggressions, and sooner or later a war with us. He said -he thought it probable that any attempt on Belgium would be deferred -till after King Leopold's death (who is seventy-five years old), at -which time in all probability the annexation would be attempted, and -with very reasonable prospects of being assented to by the Belgians -themselves, an idea which had not struck me, but which I think -exceedingly likely. - - -_Buxton, August 11th._--I came here for my health and to try and -patch myself up a fortnight ago, since which I have heard and learnt -nothing of what is passing in the world but what I read in the -newspapers. The session of Parliament was drawing to a close, and it -was understood that there was to be one more fight in the House of -Commons (on the removal of the Customs duties on paper), and then the -remaining business was to be hurried through as quickly as possible. -The Opposition made strenuous efforts to obtain a majority, and were -sanguine of success. The Speaker wrote me an account of what passed, -and I shall copy out the greatest part of his letter. 'The division of -thirty-three on the Paper Duties was a surprise to all on the spot. As -late as eleven that evening Sir George Grey told us the division seemed -very doubtful. The Irishmen held off indignant at Palmerston's having -mentioned with approval the landing of Garibaldi on the mainland. This -was held to be an insult to the Pope, so More O'Farrell, Monsell, Sir -John Acton, and eight or ten more would not vote at all. It seemed -doubtful to the last. It is a great thing for the Government in many -ways, not the least in having won the battle without the Pope and his -men. It puts the Government in so much better and stronger a position -with that party. The great result is to give some life to half-dead, -broken-down, tempest-tossed Gladstone. When after the division he rose -to propose the second Resolution, he was cheered by the Free-traders as -he had not been cheered since the Budget Speech. Colonel Taylor tells -me they had been led to success by promises from two quarters. First -the paper-makers and the "Times" engaged to bring fifty men to the -post, and only brought five. The Irishmen promised to be twenty-five, -but were only eleven, the others standing off and not voting. I have a -long letter from Cobden, angry about fortifications and Volunteers.' -This morning I received another letter from the Speaker, enclosing -Cobden's, which he has sent me to read. He says, 'It is written in -rather a spirit of exaggeration, but it is the fault of Cobden's mind -to see one object so strongly, that his view cannot embrace another at -the same time.' Cobden's is well written, and contains much that is -true, but he has evidently been so cajoled and flattered at Paris that -he is now completely bamboozled, and so credulous that he takes for -gospel all the Emperor says, and complains bitterly of 'all that is -going on at home' and especially of the tone of Palmerston's and Sidney -Herbert's speeches. 'Believing,' he says, 'that the new French tariff -will realise a complete revolution in the commercial relations of the -two countries, and having taken pains to impress this opinion on the -Government, I am amazed at the course they are taking. The language of -Palmerston and Sidney Herbert, coupled with the fortification scheme -(he says), cuts the ground, on which I urged the Emperor to enter on -the Free Trade policy, from under my feet. Nine tenths of his motives -for making the plunge into that policy now were political rather than -politico-economical; he aimed at conciliating the English people, and -I did not hesitate to assure him that if he entered without reserve -on the Free Trade path, it would be taken as a proof of his pacific -intentions by the British public.' - - -[Sidenote: CONCLUSION OF THESE JOURNALS.] - -_London, November 13th._--At the end of three months since I last wrote -anything in this book, I take my pen in hand to record my determination -to bring this journal (which is no journal at all) to an end. I have -long seen that it is useless to attempt to carry it on, for I am -entirely out of the way of hearing anything of the slightest interest -beyond what is known to all the world. I therefore close this record -without any intention or expectation of renewing it, with a full -consciousness of the smallness of its value or interest, and with great -regret that I did not make better use of the opportunities I have had -of recording something more worth reading. - - - - - INDEX. - - - Aberdeen, Rt. Hon. Earl of, formation of Government, difficulties - attending it, i. 17, 18; - in part owing to Lord J. Russell, 19, 20; - the new Ministry's first appearance, 24; - discontent of Whigs, 25; - list of Cabinet, 29; - meeting of Parliament, 39; - judicious answers of, in the House, 45; - harmony of Government of, 65; - divided Cabinet of, on Russo-Turkish question, 67; - impending war viewed by, 69; - attacks of Tory press on, 70; - explanations of policy of, demanded in Parliament, 71; - confidence of, in Russian Emperor shaken, 73; - chances, hopes, of peace, 75; - proposed Convention considered, 76, 79; - Cabinet of, summoned on Eastern crisis, 91; - agreement as to policy, 94; - wish of, to resign, on failure of peace policy, 96; - Cabinet discussion as to meeting of Parliament, 102; - Protocol agreed on by four Powers, 109; - charged by Lord Derby with imparting State secrets to the 'Times,' - 146; - denial, and defence against Lord Malmesbury, 147; - attacks upon peace policy of, 166; - difference of opinion of, between him and Lord Clarendon, 184; - goes to Windsor to resign, 232 - - Adair, Sir Robert, death of, i. 291 - - Albert, H.R.H. Prince, attacks on, by Tory press, i. 126; - charges against him of taking part in State affairs, 127; - vindication of, in Parliament, 133; - letter of, to King of Prussia, 183; - visit of, to France, 183; - conversation with the French Emperor, 186; - made Prince Consort by patent, ii. 112; - visits Brussels, 117 - - Alliance, the Holy, correspondence concerning, between Emperor of - Russia and Prince Regent, i. 287 - - Alma, battle of the, i. 187 - - Anglesey, the Marquis of, death of, i, 155; - character of, 155-56 - - Anson, General, letters of, hinting discontent in Indian Army, ii. 106; - death of, from cholera, 112 - - Ashburton, Lady, death of; character of, ii. 107 - - Austria, policy of Austrians at Milan, i. 47; - Emperor of, stabbed, 46; - mediation attempted by, 72; - hesitates to side against Russia, 135; - fears to declare war against Russia, 170; - new declaration of neutrality, 187; - declares war against Sardinia, 244; - armistice of Villafranca, peace concluded, 258 - - - Bank, the, of England, empowered to exceed limits of Bank Act of 1844, - ii. 130 - - Baraguay d'Hilliers, mission of, to Constantinople, i. 103; - veto of, against British Fleet entering Black Sea, 119; - recalled by French Government from Constantinople, 160 - - Beauvale and Melbourne, Lord, death of, i. 34; - character and career of, 35, 36; - -- Lady, grief of, on her husband's death, i. 37 - - Bedford, seventh Duke of, disheartened about politics, i. 14; - papers and correspondence of, 48; - his part in political crisis of 1852, 84; - conversation of, on Lord J. Russell's position and circumstances, - 148; - endeavour of, to persuade him to withdraw Reform Bill, 152; - conversation of, on Lord J. Russell's retirement, 294; - attempts reconciliation between Palmerston and Lord John, 180; - confers with Mr. Greville, 181 - - Berry, Miss Mary, death of, i. 10; - character of, 10, 11 - - Bickersteth, Dr., made Bishop of Ripon, ii. 68 - - Bomba, King of Naples, tyranny and insolence of, ii. 59 - - Brigade, the Light, charge of, i. 197 - - Bright, Mr. J., bitter speech of, against Lord J. Russell, i. 162; - letter of, on the war, 194; - speech on the war, 211 - - Brunnow, Baron, severe comment of, on Lord J. Russell as Foreign - Secretary, i. 32; - conversation of, with Lord Clarendon, on Russia, 54; - dreads having to leave this country, 65; - first to arrive at Paris Congress, ii. 17 - - Buckle, Mr., dines with Mr. Grote, ii. 175 - - - Cambridge, H.R.H. Princess Mary of, offer of marriage to, from Prince - Napoleon, i. 133 - - Canada Clergy Reserves Bill, i. 61 - - Canning, Lord, attacks of press on, ii. 127; - defended by Lord Granville at Mansion House, 128; - by Palmerston, 129; - defended by the 'Times,' 142; - proclamation of, to people of Oude, 191 - - Canrobert, Field-Marshal, letters of, on British army, i. 221 - - Cardwell, Mr., motion of, against Lord Ellenborough's Despatch, ii. - 194; - motion withdrawn, 198 - - Cavour, M. de, Italian Minister, policy of, ii. 232; - return of, to office, 284; - share in annexation of Savoy, 296 - - Clanricarde, Marquis of, announces a defence in House of Lords, ii. - 172; - withdraws announcement, 178 - - Clarendon, Rt. Hon. Earl of, his account of Czar's proposals about - Turkey, i. 53; - France, 54; - conversation of, with Brunnow, 54; - opinion of Russian assurances, 65; - fears of, on Eastern question, 67; - difficulties of, between Aberdeen and Palmerston, 100; - his despatch on Turkish relations, 101; - abortive attempts at negotiation, 108; - disagreement with Aberdeen, 108; - disgust of, at Austrian neutrality, 187; - visit to French Emperor, and freedom of press, 251; - conversation with King of Sardinia, 302; - on better feeling between Walewski and Persigny, 307; - united policy of, with Palmerston, 314; - attends Paris Congress, ii. 17; - favourable views of peace, 36; - on atrocities at Naples, 63; - on the Palmerston Government of 1855, 47; - dictatorial policy towards Brazil, 70; - conversation of, with the Queen, on Palmerston, 111; - pressed to take office by the Queen, 256; - on Mr. Gladstone's Budget, 290; - on French commercial treaty, 291 - - Cobden, Richard, motion of, on the China question carried, ii. 91; - defeat of, with Manchester men, at general election, 101; - declines office under Palmerston, 257; - commercial treaty with France, 285; - opposition to treaty, 287; - his belief in French Emperor, and in Free Trade policy, 314 - - Cockburn, Sir Alexander, made Lord Chief Justice Common Pleas, ii. 65; - anecdote of, 66 - - Codrington, General Sir William, appointed to command British forces in - Crimea, i. 292 - - Commons, House of: Disraeli's amendment on the Villiers resolutions, i. - 9; - Palmerston's motion carried, 12; - debate, Disraeli's Budget, 13-15; - Disraeli's attack on Aberdeen Government, 41; - Jew and Maynooth questions carried, 44; - Government defeats on detached questions, 58; - debate on Gladstone's Budget, 59; - Income Tax majority, 61; - Lord J. Russell on Irish Church, 66; - damage to Government thereby, 68; - debate, India Bill, 68; - discussion of Turkish question, 80; - session closed by Palmerston's speech, 80; - vindication of Prince Albert by Lord J. Russell, 132; - Reform Bill introduced by Lord J. Russell, 139; - debate on Blue Books, 139; - bitterness of the Opposition on the war, 150; - debate on Mr. Gladstone's financial speech, 159; - Mr. J. Baring's motion defeated, 161; - Russell's Oaths Bill defeated, 161; - encounter between Disraeli and Lord J. Russell, 162; - Church Rates Bill and University Bill, admission of Dissenters, - debate on, 166; - an appointment cancelled, 171; - session wound up, 172; - defence of Government war policy by Mr. S. Herbert, 208; - Foreign Enlistment Bill carried, 209; - motion of Mr. Roebuck to enquire into conduct of war, 229; - the motion carried, 231; - Palmerston's first speech as Prime Minister, 242; - war debate, 259; - indiscreet revelations of Lord J. Russell, 269; - debate on the Address (Peace), ii. 13; - debate on opening of British Museum on Sunday, 19; - Disraeli's attack on Government, 22; - Appellate Jurisdiction Bill defeated, 50; - debate on supposed treaty between France and Austria, 85; - dispute between Disraeli and Palmerston, 85, 86; - Cobden's motion on China question carried against the Government, - 92; - dissolution of Parliament, 96; - attack of Disraeli, at outbreak in India, 116; - debate on the Divorce Bill, 118; - debate on the Conspiracy Bill, 160; - Bill defeated, 162; - resignation of Lord Palmerston, 162; - Disraeli attacked by B. Osborne, 177; - debate on India Bill, 182; - debate on Disraeli's Budget, 187; - debate on India, 191; - debate on Lord Ellenborough's Despatch, 195; - collapse of debate, 198; - India Bill passed, 205; - debate on Disraeli's Reform Bill, 226; - debate on Lord John's Reform Resolutions, 234; - debate, Resolutions carried, Bill defeated, 237; - debate on want of confidence, 251; - Government defeated, 252; - debate on Gladstone's Budget, 290; - majority for Budget, 292; - debate on Russell's Reform Bill, 298; - debate on Paper Duties Bill, carried, 311, 314 - - Condé, Prince de, death of, ii. 178 - - Conservative party, tone of, against Lord Aberdeen, i. 17; - violence of Tories towards Gladstone, 22; - suicidal conduct of, 61 - - Conspiracy Bill, the, 161; - defeated, ii. 162 - - Corruption, electoral, during Aberdeen Government, i. 64 - - Council, Privy, at Windsor, i. 107; - Privy Council, licenses issued by, for export of stores to neutral - ports, 153; - meeting to consider question of trade with Russia, 193; - meeting of, to appoint Day of Humiliation, 122 - - Cowley, Lord, Ambassador at Paris, conversation of, with French - Emperor, i. 105; - correspondence of Clarendon with, on Louis Napoleon's letter to the - Czar, 137; - anecdote of, with Walewski, 311; - views of Paris Congress, ii. 24, 25; - enlightens French Emperor on Russian intrigue, 62; - coldness of Emperor to, at Paris, 69; - mission to Vienna, 223 - - Crimea, landing in, of British forces, i. 187 - - Crimean war, new light on causes of, i. 55; - anecdote connected with, ii. 202 - - Croker, Rt. Hon. J. W., death of, ii. 120 - - - D'Aumale, Duc, at the Grove, ii. 273 - - Delane, Mr. John, editor of 'Times,' letter to, from Lord Aberdeen, i. - 74; - conversation of, with Lord Aberdeen, 111; - with Mr. Greville, 202; - urges the building of wooden houses for the troops, 202 - - Delhi, capture of, ii. 130 - - Denison, Rt. Hon. Sir E., elected Speaker, ii. 106 - - Derby, Rt. Hon. the Earl of, resignation of, i. 15; - Liberal negotiations thereon, 15, 16; - speech of, on Canada Clergy Reserves Bill, 61; - scene in House, 61; - sent for by the Queen, fails in forming a Government, 234; - attacks the Government on China question, ii. 91; - readiness of, to join with Gladstone, 95; - sent for by the Queen, 165; - forms a Ministry, 172; - Liberal programme of, 175; - helped by Mr. Greville, 179; - resolves to remain in office, 184; - on defeat of Reform Bill, to dissolve, 240; - speech of, 240; - speech of, at Mansion House, 244; - defeat of, and resignation, 251; - opposition of, to the Paper Duties Bill, 308 - - Devonshire, the Duke of, death of, ii. 154 - - Disraeli, Rt. Hon. Benjamin, Budget of, public opinion on, i. 14; - on his own Budget, comments of, and on the Irish brigade, 32; - bitter attack of, on the Government, Charles Wood, and Graham, 41; - effect of, on his own party, 42; - agrees to attack and vilify Peel, 44; - tries to force debate on Eastern question, 73; - attacks Lord J. Russell, 162; - his motion on Ward debate defeated, 259; - reviews the session, ii. 51; - triumph over Palmerston on Paris treaty, 85; - waning influence in the country, 94; - speech on outbreak in India, 116; - political chat with Mr. Greville, 143; - suggests a fusion of parties, 155; - becomes Chancellor of the Exchequer, 172; - sanguine views of, 176; - attacked by Bernal Osborne, 177; - proposes his Budget, 187; - violent speech at Slough, 198; - his Reform Bill, 226; - opposition to, 228; - continued opposition to, by Liberals, 229; - Reform Bill thrown out, 237 - - Drouyn de Lhuys, French Ambassador in London, i. 254; - cause of his visit, 255; - his resignation, 261; - - - Ellesmere, Lord, death of, and character, ii. 88, 91 - - England, unpopularity of, abroad, how caused, i. 46; - rancour of Northern Powers against, 49; - friendly tone of French Emperor towards, 49; - home difficulties, India, Eastern question, 51; - English and French fleets sail for Dardanelles, 69; - hopes of peace, 78, 79; - dangers at Constantinople, two ships of each fleet go up - Dardanelles, 85, 90; - British and French fleets enter Black Sea, 111; - proposals of negotiation with Russia and Turkey, 124; - Blue Books on Eastern question well received by public, 135; - popularity of war, 136; - war declared, 149; - union of English and French policy as to Spain, 172; - attack of allied forces on the Redan repulsed, 263; - peace concluded, ii. 39; - England's balance-sheet after war, 72; - accused by France of harbouring assassins, 157 - - Evans, General, proposes to embark troops after Inkerman, ii. 37 - - - Flahault, Count de, French Ambassador at London, conversation of, with - Palmerston, ii. 303 - - Fould, M. Achille, invited to Windsor, ii. 110; - letter of French Emperor to, 283 - - Free trade, letter of French Emperor on, with France, ii. 283 - - - Garibaldi expedition, ii. 309 - - Gibson, Mr. Milner, motion of, carried against Conspiracy Bill, ii. 162 - - Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., famous Budget of, i. 59; - popularity consequent on, 59, 60; - attempt to extort money from, 62; - failing prestige as a financier, 150; - failure of his Exchequer Bill, 157; - his great speech on Budget, 159; - speech against Lord J. Russell, 232; - joins Lord Palmerston's Government, 238; - reported leader of Opposition, ii. 68; - strong feeling against, on the China debate, 94; - speech of, the question, 95; - his article in 'Quarterly,' 190; - appointed Lord High Commissioner of Ionian Islands, 222; - speech of, on his Budget, 290; - second speech, and majority, 292; - reaction against his Budget, 308 - - Graham, Rt. Hon. Sir James, on Eastern question, opinion of, i. 88; - indiscreet speech of, at dinner to Admiral C. Napier, 145 - - Granville, Rt. Hon. Earl of, conversation of, with Lord J. Russell on - Reform Bill, i. 143; - superseded by Lord John as President of Council, 163; - conversation of, with Mr. Greville on Russian answer to Proposals, - ii. 5; - at coronation of Czar at Moscow, 54; - on its cost, 55; - sent for by the Queen, 252; - unable to form a Government, 252 - - Greville, Charles C., Mr., opinion of, on Wellington's funeral, i. 7; - attends no Council during nine months of Lord Derby's Ministry, 28; - goes to Windsor, 28; - visits Bowood, discusses Reform, 30; - comments of, on Disraeli's oratory, 42; - remarkable prediction of, as to France, 47; - conversation of, with Disraeli, 60; - visits Ascot, 68; - conversations with Clarendon on war, 75; - with Graham on Eastern question, 88; - with Clarendon, 89; - his conviction on party strife, 94; - his view of Palmerston's position, 94; - remarks on the Queen's sagacity, 101; - opinion of, on Lord J. Russell's Reform Bill, 104; - conversation of, with Graham on Palmerston, 106; - conference of, with Duke of Bedford, on Palmerston, 110; - on his resignation, 112; - share of, in conciliatory overtures to Palmerston, 113, 114, 115; - letter of, to the 'Times' on Palmerston, 114; - strong letter of, to Graham, 119; - final judgment of, on Palmerston's resignation, 120; - _id._, 121, 122; - visit to Bowood, 122; - conversation of, on Russian designs, 123; - on alterations in Reform Bill, 124; - comments of, on virulence of Tory press, 128; - letters of, to 'Morning Herald' and 'Times,' vindicating Prince - Albert, 130; - praises Clarendon, as compared with Palmerston, 135; - on Stratford's despatches, 136; - his opinion of Emperor Napoleon's conduct, 138; - on Lord J. Russell's discontent, 148; - and straitened circumstances, 148; - strongly disapproves of war, 149; - on the weakness of the Government, 153; - ridicules notion of Fast Day, 153; - on the weakness of Government, 158; - and break-down of parties, 158; - on rashness of Gladstone, 159; - conversation of, with Lord Cowley, on French Emperor and the Court, - 160; - his article in 'Edinburgh Review,' 160; - on change of Government plans, 163; - on Lord J. Russell's want of delicacy and consideration, 164; - on Lord John's deplorable position, 167; - on the character of Aberdeen's Government, 173; - _continued_, 174-75; - effect of quarrel with Russia, 177; - and of Palmerston's resignation, 178; - on difficulties of the campaign, 182; - on military commanders in Crimea, 183; - on Ministerial disagreements, 185; - on Prince Albert's visit to France, 185; - on victory of Alma, 188; - on the Royal invitations, 189; - on the Crimean expedition, 189; - visit of, to Newmarket, and resolve to give up race-horses, 191; - on the defence of Sebastopol, 195; - and issue of war, 196; - nomination of Sheriffs, 198; - on gallantry of English forces, 200; - criticises accounts of Inkerman, 201; - on Lord Raglan as a general, 204; - the sufferings of the army, 204; - opinion of, on Bright's letter, 207; - his review of the year (1854), 211, 212; - conference of, with Lord Cowley and Clarendon on French alliance, - 212, 213; - on Austria, 214; - on Lord J. Russell's position, 218; - on Russian diplomacy, 219; - on deplorable state of the army, 224; - on chances of peace, 227; - negotiations, 228; - condemns Lord J. Russell's resignation, 230; - on his real motives, 233; - comments of, on Palmerston's Government, 239; - on Austrian policy, 226; - on Palmerston's reception in House, 245; - on the weakness of Palmerston and his Government, 248; - literary occupations of, 254; - on visit of French Emperor, his reception, 257; - visit of, to Paris, 261; - visits Thiers, and dines at the Tuileries, 265; - conversation with Emperor, 265; - picture of Versailles, 268; - of St. Cloud, 270; - severe comment of, on Lord J. Russell's revelations in the House, - 272; - Lord John's conduct explained by, 288; - at Newmarket, adieu to the turf, 291; - on Lord Stanley, 293; - talk with Disraeli, intimate, 294; - on further peace negotiations, converses with Mr. C. Villiers and - Sir G. Lewis, 299, 300; - on Palmerston's arrogance towards Russia, 306; - on the poet Rogers, 307; - converses with Sir. G. C. Lewis on the folly of the war, 309; - discusses peace proposals to Russia, 310; - on the faint hopes of peace, i. 3; - confers with Sir G. C. Lewis, 3, 4; - favourable views of Russian policy, 5; - confers with Lord Granville, 6; - hopes of peace, 7; - Russia's acceptance of terms explained by, 8, 9; - talk of, with Disraeli, on _his_ prospects, 11; - on life peerages, 15; - on Peace Congress at Paris, 17; - on Sabbatarianism, 19; - on Kars and Nicolaieff--with Sir G. Lewis--20; - on blunders of Government, 22; - visits Paris, 23; - his view of the negotiations, 24, 25; - with Madame de Lieven, 26; - at Tuileries, and Emperor's speech, 27; - dines with Walewski, 27; - confers with Lord Cowley on Austrian policy, 28-29; - on bitterness in French society, 29; - confers with M. Thiers on necessity of peace, 31; - on terms of peace with Russia, 33; - confers with Graham--gloomy views--40, 41; - discussion of E. Ellice's plan for new arrangement of Government, - 43; - opinion of, on his own Journal, 44; - on Sunday bands, 46; - conversation with Thackeray on American enlistment question, 48; - on Madame Ristori, 49; - on O'Donnell and Espartero in Spain, 53; - on fatal delay after battle of Alma, 53; - on our interference at Naples, 56; - growing intimacy between France and Russia, 57; - on English Democracy, _à la_ Guizot, 57; - on French intrigue with Russia, 58-59; - pressure on King Bomba, 60; - converse with Lord Clarendon on Russian intrigue, 61; - _id._, on the Bolgrad question, 62; - _id._, on Neapolitan atrocities, 63; - on Cockburn's appointment, Lord Chief Justice, 65; - on the proposed Conference at Paris (a farce), 67; - on Low Church Bishops, 68; - on state of England after war, 72; - on the Neufchâtel dispute, 74; - goes to hear Spurgeon preach, 83; - on Palmerston and Disraeli, 85; - on our relations with France, 86; - on Lord J. Russell's and Mr. Gladstone's opposition in the House, - 92, 93; - on the pending dissolution, 94; - antagonism of, towards Palmerston, 99; - on the defeat of Bright, Cobden, and Co., 105; - breakfasts with M. Fould at Lord Granville's, 110; - on alarming condition of India, 113; - and perils of mutiny, 115; - on the life peerages, 121; - attends Council at Balmoral, 122; - conversation with Lord Clarendon, on progress of mutiny, 124; - on the Queen's attention to public business, 126; - urges Lord Palmerston and Granville to defend Lord Canning, 128; - on difficulties of the Government, and Lord J. Russell's position, - 134; - letter of, to Duke of Bedford urging Lord John to be patient, 135; - on the East India Company and the Government, 136; - on style of Queen's speech, 137; - on health of Lord Palmerston, 140; - fears as to Lucknow, 143; - on Crown jewels of Hanover, 148; - on slave labour in French colonies, 150; - enormous difficulties of Indian policy, 151; - conversation with Clarendon on French feeling against England, 158; - on drowsiness of Ministers, 160; - review of Palmerston crisis, 162; - shows how the catastrophe might have been avoided, 169; - political coincidences, 173; - on the Derby Ministry, 175; - meets the Duke d'Aumale, 178; - on relations with France, 179; - on Marshal Pelissier, 181; - on Whigs and Peelites, 181; - possibility of union, 184; - on the proposed resolutions for India Bill, 185; - with Lord Cowley on relations of France and England, 188; - with Lord Derby on state of parties, 190; - visits Littlecote House, 192; - on the Ellenborough debate, 196-97; - on Palmerston's discomfiture, 199; - at Norman Court, 201; - confers with Brunnow on the Russian War, 206; - on Lord John and Stanley, 209; - on the Queen's letter to the Prince of Wales, 213; - confers with Clarendon on Compiègne visit, 215; - on Napoleon's designs, 216; - on electric telegraph (1859), 220; - on general opposition to Austrian war, 224; - Lord Cowley's mission, 225; - on Cavour's policy, 232-33; - on Marliani, 239; - on fears of war, 242; - on treachery of French Emperor, 244; - resigns clerkship of Council, 245; - doubts as to Lord John's intentions, 249; - on peace after Solferino, 259; - visits Ireland, 264; - on Irish National Education, 265; - return to London, 268; - on quarrel with China, 269; - on Clarendon's interview with the Queen, 270; - on French Emperor and the 'Times,' 274; - on Disraeli's commanding position, 276; - on Italian affairs and French Emperor, 281-82; - negotiation of French Commercial Treaty, 285; - on Tory opposition to Reform, 288; - on French Emperor's mistake after Villafranca, 293; - on Gladstone's democratic opinions, 294; - on French Emperor's designs, 303, 305; - on Senior's Journals, 313; - visits Buxton, 313; - close of his Journal, 315 - - Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir George, statement of, in the House, on a cancelled - appointment, i. 171 - - Guards, the, return of, from Crimea, ii. 50 - - Guise, Duke of, death of, ii. 178 - - - Handel Concerts, the, at Crystal Palace, ii. 109 - - Hardinge, Rt. Hon. Lord, struck with paralysis, ii. 50 - - Havelock, General Sir H., heroism, peril of, at Lucknow, ii. 132; - death of, 151 - - Hayward, Mr., dinner at his house, political, i. 6 - - 'Herald, Morning,' the, virulence of, against Prince Albert, i. 129, - 130 - - - Income tax, the, carried, i. 61 - - India, East, Company, charter of, expiring, Bill for future government - of, passed (1853), i. 51; - opposed by 'Times,' 52; - difficulty of the question, 52; - petition of, to Parliament, ii. 159-60; - failure of Bill on, 182; - the Bill withdrawn, 187; - India Bill passed, in Commons, 205 - - Inkerman, battle of, i. 199 - - - Jervis, Rt. Hon. Sir J., Chief Justice, Common Pleas, death of (1856), - ii. 65 - - Jewish question, the, Lord Stanley's Liberal vote thereon, i. 44; - Disraeli's silence on, 44; - Oaths Bill defeated, 161; - acquiesced in by the Lords, ii. 199; - Bill passed, 205 - - - Labouchere, Rt. Hon. H., takes office under Palmerston as Colonial - Secretary, i. 295 - - Lancashire, distress in, ii. 139 - - Lansdowne, Rt. Hon. Marquis of, unwillingness to accept Premiership, - i. 2; - letter of, to Mr. C. Greville on Palmerston's resignation, 114; - position of, at crisis, 115; - Dukedom refused by, ii. 120 - - Leopold, King of Belgians, his _démêlés_ with French Emperor, i. 102 - - 'Leviathan,' afterwards 'Great Eastern,' the, attempted launch of, - ii. 128 - - Lewis, Sir G. Cornewall, joins the Palmerston Government as Chancellor - of the Exchequer, i. 247; - character of, ii. 84; - conversation of, on Gladstone's finance, 304 - - Liberal party, divisions among, i. 1; - hostility of Radicals, 3; - negotiations of, on Lord Derby's resignation, 15, 16; - resentment of, against Lord J. Russell, 167; - meeting of, at Willis's Rooms, ii. 249 - - Liddell _v._ Westerton, case of, ii. 88; - judgment reversed by Privy Council, 99 - - Lieven, Madame de, on the Russian war, ii. 25; - death of, 76; - character of, 76-83 - - Littlecote House, ii. 192 - - Lords, House of, debate on Protection, and Lord Derby's abandonment of - it, i. 7; - Lord Derby's speech on the Duke of Wellington, 9; - speech of Lord Derby on Aberdeen Government, 18; - Aberdeen's statement as Prime Minister, 25, 27; - Lord Derby's repudiation of Disraeli's Budget tactics, 33; - Aberdeen questioned by Lord Derby, ridiculous scene in House, 39; - Duke of Argyll against Lord Ellenborough, 46; - debate on Clergy Reserves, 46; - debate on Canada Clergy Bill, majority for Government, 61; - scene in House described by Mr. Greville, 61; - debate on Legacy Duties, 65; - division on Succession Duties Bill, 77; - Lord Derby's remark on, 77; - Lord Clarendon's speech on Peace or War, 78; - slashing speech of Lord Derby, 132; - Prince Albert vindicated, 133; - Lord Aberdeen's declaration in favour of peace, 137; - Clarendon's speech in defence of Ministers, 140; - debate on alleged secret correspondence with Russia, 146; - debate on the war, Lord Lyndhurst's speech, 166; - Government majority on University Bill, 169; - attack on Government policy by Lord Derby, 208; - debate on Foreign Enlistment Bill, 208; - Duke of Newcastle's defence, 234; - Limited Liability Bill forced through the House, 280; - the Queen's Speech criticised by Lord Derby, ii. 13; - attack on Baron Parke's life peerage, 13; - debate on life peerages, 15; - _id._, 21; - debate on Maritime Law, 47; - debate on China question, 91; - attack of Lord Ellenborough on Government at outbreak in India, 116; - debate on the Divorce Bill, 118; - Lord Derby's speech as Prime Minister, 172; - Lord Lyndhurst's speech on Jews Bill, 190; - debate on Lord Ellenborough, 196; - debate on Jewish question, Bill passed, 205; - Lord Chancellor's appointment of Lunacy Commissioner rescinded, 222; - speech of Lord Derby, 287; - debate on Gladstone's Budget and treaty, 298; - debate on Paper Duties Bill, 311 - - Lucknow, capture of, and relief, ii. 130; - bad news from, 142 - - Ludolph, Count, Neapolitan Minister, attack of Palmerston on, ii. 309 - - Lyndhurst, Rt. Hon. Lord, speech of, on the war, i. 166; - speech of, on the Jews Bill, ii. 190 - - - Macaulay, Rt. Hon. T. B., on Judges' Exclusion Bill, speech of, i. 66; - new volumes of History of England, 305; - broken health, _id._; - retires from Parliament, ii. 11; - made a peer, 120; - death of, 278 - - McNeill, Sir John, report of, on suffering of troops, ii. 16 - - Marliani, an emissary from Cavour, ii. 239 - - Meerut, breaking out of Indian Mutiny at (May, 1857), ii. 112 - - Molesworth, Rt. Hon. Sir W., death of, i. 292 - - Monsell, Mr., Roman Catholic, difficulties in swearing him in as a - Privy Councillor, i. 255 - - Montalembert, M., prosecution of, by Imperial Government, ii. 214 - - 'Morning Post,' the, violent article against Prussia, ii. 1 - - Moustier, M. de, conversation of, with French Emperor, ii. 305 - - Mutiny, the Indian, progress of, ii. 121; - day of humiliation for, 122; - reinforcements for India, 124; - exaggerated accounts of cruelties, &c., 136; - defeat of Windham, 150 - - - Napier, Admiral Sir Chas., dinner to, on his appointment to command - Baltic fleet, i. 145; - unpopularity of, on account of inactivity, 187 - - Napoleon III., Emperor of the French, comment on, by M. de Flahault, - i. 31; - story of his marriage told by Lord Clarendon, 37, 38; - details of, by Lord Cowley, 39; - opinion of H. M. the Queen, 40, 41; - friendly disposition of, towards England, 49; - increasing unpopularity of, in France, 67; - professed desire of, for peaceful solution, 85; - letter of, to Duchess of Hamilton, 86; - supposed intrigue of, with Russia, 86; - assurances of his adherence to English policy, 90; - libellous publications against (Belgium), 102; - sends Baraguay d'Hilliers to Constantinople, 103; - reluctant to go to war, 131; - said to have instigated newspaper attacks on Prince Albert, 134; - autograph letter of, to Emperor Nicolas, 137; - invited by Prince Albert to Windsor, 184; - conversation of, with the Prince, 186; - visit of, to London, 256; - declaration of strong adherence to England, 313; - speech of, to Imperial Guard, against Prussia, ii. 2; - yields to Russian influence at Paris Congress, 23; - birth of Prince Imperial, 34; - visit of, with Empress, to Osborne, 118; - attempted assassination of, 152; - threatened invasion of England, 158; - effect of Orsini attempt on, 161; - speech of, to Baron Hübner, 217; - prevarication, 220; - supposed tenderness of, 262; - letter of, to King of Sardinia, 273; - Congress proposed by, 277; - pamphlet of, on the Pope and the Congress, 283; - secret planning of Commercial Treaty, 288; - annexation of Savoy and Nice by, 296; - distrusted by Palmerston, 303 - - Nesselrode, letter to, from Lord Clarendon, i. 77; - pacific Note of, to Buol, 100; - anecdote of, 194; - Esterhazy's Note to, on Austrian proposal of peace, ii. 1 - - Newcastle, the Duke of, his ministerial capacity, i. 218, 219, 228; - defends himself in House against Lord J. Russell, 234 - - 'Newport,' the, case of, before Judicial Committee, ii. 145 - - Normanby, Rt. Hon. Marquis of, his 'Year of Revolution' taken up by - Lord Brougham, ii. 146; - book refuted, 147 - - - Olmutz, conference at, i. 92 - - Orloff, Count, mission of, to Vienna, i. 131; - his view of the war, at Paris, ii. 24 - - - Palmer, murderer of Cook, convicted, ii. 46 - - Palmerston, Rt. Hon. Viscount, popularity of, in the House of Commons, - i. 3; - position in the country, 15; - foreign opinion of, 15; - after Disraeli's Budget declines offer of the Admiralty, 21; - agrees to join the Government, Home Office, 23; - speech at Tiverton, 28; - hatred of Russia, 55; - more vigorous policy urged by, 74; - eager for war, 75; - friendly relations of, with Clarendon, 78; - attack of, on Cobden, 80; - courted by Tories, 82; - goes to Balmoral, 87; - views of, on declaration of war by Turkey, 93; - lauded by Radicals and Tories, 94; - anecdote of, told by the Queen, 106; - letter of, to Russell, denouncing reform, 107; - threatens to secede from Government, 110; - resigns on the Reform scheme, 111; - effects of resignation, 112; - conciliatory overtures to, 114; - withdraws resignation, 118; - urges the marriage of Prince Napoleon to Princess Mary of Cambridge, - 133; - opposes Lord J. Russell's Reform Bill, 141; - amidst divisions of Cabinet offers to resign, 152; - more in favour at Court, 220; - sent for by the Queen, forms a Government, 238; - list of his Ministry, 224; - his prospects, 240; - speech in House, 242; - difficulties of, in forming Government, 249; - and mistakes, 250; - bluster in the 'Morning Post,' 303; - stringent terms proposed by, against Russia, 304; - defends Sunday bands, ii. 46; - his failing strength, 85; - speech at Mansion House, 98; - popularity of, 99; - Tiverton address, 100; - his success in the House, 109; - his proposed Bill for dissolution of East India Company, 144; - his decreasing energy, 160; - resignation of, 162; - catastrophe unexpected, 166; - amendments on India Bill defeated, 202; - visits Compiègne with Lord Clarendon, 215; - forms second Administration, 253; - distrusts Napoleon, 303; - attack of, on Neapolitan Minister, 309 - - Palmerston, Lady, interview with, on resignation of her husband, i. 115 - - Parliament, meeting of (1854): - reception of the Queen, i. 286; - defence of Prince Albert by Lord J. Russell, i. 138; - specially summoned in December 1854, 202; - meeting of, after peace, ii. 11; - close of session, 51; - dissolved, 96; - meeting of, 106; - opening of, 139; - session opens, 287 - - Peelites, attitude of, on Queen's Speech, i. 6; - eagerness for office, 25; - refuse to join Lord Palmerston's Government, 237; - refuse to join Lord Derby, ii. 165 - - Peel, Sir Robert, lecture of, on the Czar's coronation, ii. 74 - - Peerage, the Wensleydale, debate on, ii. 14 - - Pelissier, Marshal, Ambassador at London, ii. 181 - - Portsmouth, grand naval review at, i. 80 - - Princess Royal, the marriage of, ii. 156 - - Protection, abandonment of, by Lord Derby, i. 7; - his speech thereon, 7 - - Prussia, King of, private letter of, to Emperor Nicolas, towards peace, - ii. 7; - quarrel of, with Switzerland, as to sovereign rights, 73 - - - Quarterly Review, the, article in, by Mr. Gladstone, ii. 190; - editor of, on Tory Reform Bill, 213 - - - Radical party, the, approve of Lord J. Russell's Reform Bill, and his - course, i. 143; - hatred of, against Lord Aberdeen, 169 - - Raglan, Lord, commander of forces at the Alma, i. 187; - Balaklava, 191; - anecdotes concerning, 192; - despatch of, on battle of Inkerman, 199; - annoyance of the Court at his failure, 223; - his death in Crimea, 267; - defence of, by Sir E. Lyons, ii. 38 - - Reeve, Henry, Mr., return of, from Constantinople, i. 103 - - Reform, Royal Commission on, i. 30 - - Roebuck, Mr. A., his motion for enquiry into Government conduct of war, - i. 231; - report of Sebastopol Committee, 259 - - Rogers, Mr. Samuel, the poet, death of, i. 307 - - Russell, Rt. Hon. Lord John, willing to serve under Lord Lansdowne, i. - 4; - answer of, to letter from Cobden, 4; - resolution to oppose Ballot, 5; - literary pursuits of, Moore and Fox's papers, 6; - leaves Foreign Office, 43; - Anti-Catholic speech of, 68; - resignation of Irish members thereon, 68; - position of, at Eastern crisis, 83; - desires to be Prime Minister, 96, 97; - obstacles in the way of, 98; - conference on question of resigning, 98; - scheme for Reform Bill, 104; - speech in defence of the Prince, 133; - introduces his Reform Bill, 138; - insists on his Reform Bill, 141; - difficulties in the way of, 142; - postpones the Bill, 143; - attacked by Disraeli on Reform question, 143-44; - withdraws his Reform Bill, 152; - attack on, by Disraeli, 162; - opposes abolition of Church Rates, 166; - convenes a meeting of his supporters, 170; - his views on the Ministry, 217; - his visit to Paris, 222; - resignation of, 229; - speech thereupon, 231; - speech against, by Mr. Gladstone, 232; - sent for by the Queen, fails to form a Government, 237; - goes to Vienna as Plenipotentiary, 241; - joins Palmerston's Government as Colonial Secretary, 246; - indiscreet revelations of Vienna Conference, 269; - resignation, 271; - estranged from his friends, 283, 285; - elected for London, ii. 101; - friendly tone towards Government, 140; - opposes Conspiracy Bill, 162; - makes overtures to Lord Granville, 182; - attacked by the 'Times' on India Bill, 186; - insists on taking Foreign Office under Palmerston, 256; - French opinion of, 272; - introduces his Reform Bill, 294; - speech of, against French alliance, 298; - effect of his speech on the French, 301; - correspondence with Lord Grey, 307; - withdrawal of his Reform Bill, 311 - - Russia, Emperor Nicolas of, impending war with, i. 64; - indignation against, 64; - difficulties of, in Eastern crisis, 70; - English and French fleets sail for Dardanelles, i. 69, 70; - hopes of peace with, 75; - war declared against, by Turkey, i. 93; - aims at forming Holy Alliance between himself, Austria, and Prussia, - 99; - defeated by Manteuffel, 100; - autograph letter of, to the Queen, 105; - Turkish fleet destroyed by, 111; - enormous preparations of, for war, 125; - asks for explanations from England, 130; - secret correspondence with, published, 149; - increased indignation of public against, 149; - war declared against, 149; - pretended acceptance of the 'Four Points,' 222; - death of, 248; - Emperor Alexander II. refuses terms of Vienna, 258; - fall of Sebastopol, 285; - ultimatum to, sent by Palmerston, 306; - accepts proposals of peace, ii. 7; - coronation of Czar at Moscow, 54 - - Rutland, Duke of, death of, ii. 76 - - - St. Arnaud, Marshal, reluctance of, to engage in battle of Alma, i. 188 - - Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel, King of, visit to Windsor with M. de Cavour, - i. 301; - his demands on the Allies, 302 - - Seebach, M. de, Saxon Minister in Paris, action of, as mediator, i. 313 - - Seymour, Sir Hamilton, delivery of Convention to Nesselrode, by, i. 77 - - Solferino, battle of, ii. 258 - - Stafford, Augustus, strictures of committee on, i. 62; - damaging to Lord Derby's Government, 63, 64; - his mission to Constantinople in aid of the wounded, 206, 207 - - Stanley, Lord, declines Lord Palmerston's offer of the Colonial - Secretaryship, i. 292; - succeeds Lord Ellenborough at the Board of Control, then takes - Secretaryship of State for India, ii. 211 - - Stratford, Lord, his policy at Constantinople, i. 80; - suspected by Lord Clarendon, 83; - hostility of Emperor of Russia against him, 88; - influence of, disputed by Baraguay d'Hilliers, 106; - his despatches praised, 136; - regarded as cause of war, 140; - clamour against, for neglect of General Williams, ii. 10 - - Sugden, Sir Edward, note upon, i. 19 - - - Tchernaya, battle of (1855), i. 283 - - Thouvenel, M., despatches of, _in re_ Savoy, ii. 296 - - 'Times,' the, opposes the India Bill, i. 52; - versatility of, on Eastern crisis, 174; - letter in, defending Prince Albert, 130; - on Lord J. Russell's position, 167; - on French reinforcements, 202; - attacks of, on Lord Raglan, 219; - 'runs amuck' against aristocratic element in society, 243; - hostility of, towards Palmerston Government, ii. 157; - letter of French Emperor to King of Sardinia published in, 274; - opposes French Commercial Treaty, 289; - on Lord John's Reform Bill, 297 - - - Victoria, H. M. the Queen's Speech, difficulties in composing, - dissensions, i. 6; - the Royal Family home life, 56-57; - goes to Ireland, 82; - comment of, on Lord Palmerston, 101; - reply of, to autograph letter from Emperor Nicolas, 105; - annoyance of, at attacks on the Prince, 131; - speech of, on opening of Parliament, sends for Lord Derby, 233; - for Palmerston, 238; - visit of, to Paris, 281; - pleased with the Emperor, 283; - friendship of, for the Orleans family, 286; - visit of, to Birmingham, ii. 202; - letter of, to the Prince of Wales, 213 - - - Wales, H.R.H. the Prince of, visit to Canada, ii. 272 - - Walewski, Count, presides at Congress, Paris, ii. 25 - - Wellington, Duke of, lying in state of, funeral of, i. 7; - Disraeli's pompous panegyric on, 9 - - Windham, General Charles, his gallant conduct at the Redan, i. 288; - letter from, _id._, 288; - his defeat at Cawnpore, ii. 50 - - Wortley, Rt. Hon. J. Stuart, appointed Solicitor-General, ii. 65 - - - THE END. - - - _Spottiswoode & Co. Printers, New-street Square, London._ - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Greville Memoirs (Third Part) -Volume II (of II), by Charles Cavendish Fulke Greville - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREVILLE MEMOIRS, VOLUME II *** - -***** This file should be named 40681-8.txt or 40681-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/0/6/8/40681/ - -Produced by Paul Murray, Val Wooff and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, -set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to -copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to -protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project -Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you -charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you -do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the -rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose -such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and -research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do -practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is -subject to the trademark license, especially commercial -redistribution. - - - -*** START: FULL LICENSE *** - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at - www.gutenberg.org/license. - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy -all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. -If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the -terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or -entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" -or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the -collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from -copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative -works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg -are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project -Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by -freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of -this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with -the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by -keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project -Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning -the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United -States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate -access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently -whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, -copied or distributed: - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived -from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is -posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied -and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees -or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work -with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the -work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 -through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the -Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or -1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional -terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked -to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the -permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), -you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a -copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon -request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other -form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided -that - -- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is - owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he - has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the - Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments - must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you - prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax - returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and - sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the - address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to - the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." - -- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or - destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium - and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of - Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any - money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days - of receipt of the work. - -- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set -forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from -both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael -Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the -Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm -collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain -"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or -corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual -property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a -computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by -your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. -To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 -and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent -permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. -Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809 -North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email -contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the -Foundation's web site and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To -SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any -particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. -To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. -unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily -keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |