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diff --git a/40680-8.txt b/40680-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 90d5d5b..0000000 --- a/40680-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11791 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Greville Memoirs (Third Part) Volume I -(of II), by Charles Cavendish Fulke Greville - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Greville Memoirs (Third Part) Volume I (of II) - A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1852 to 1860 - -Author: Charles Cavendish Fulke Greville - -Editor: Henry Reeve - -Release Date: October 9, 2013 [EBook #40680] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREVILLE MEMOIRS, VOLUME I *** - - - - -Produced by Louise Davies, Val Wooff and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -book was produced from scanned images of public domain -material from the Google Print project.) - - - - - - - - - -TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES - -The Third Part of The Greville Memoirs contains two volumes, of which -this is the first. The second volume is available from Project Gutenberg -at http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40681 - -All spellings are as they appeared in the original text save for those -that were obviously printer's errors. - -All phrases that are in languages other than English have been -italicised for consistency. The oe ligature is replaced by the separate -letters oe. - -There are two styles of footnotes used in this work. Footnotes enclosed -in square brackets [ ] are by the editor. Footnotes not enclosed in -square brackets are by the author. - -1 [This note is by the editor.] - -2 This note is by the author. - - - - - THE - GREVILLE MEMOIRS - - (THIRD PART) - - VOL. I. - - - PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - LONDON - - - - - _THE GREVILLE MEMOIRS_ - (_THIRD PART_) - - - - - A JOURNAL OF THE REIGN - OF - QUEEN VICTORIA - FROM 1852 TO 1860 - - - BY THE LATE - CHARLES C. F. GREVILLE, ESQ. - CLERK OF THE COUNCIL - - IN TWO VOLUMES--VOL. I. - - - LONDON - LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. - 1887 - - _All rights reserved_ - - - - - PREFACE - OF THE EDITOR - TO THE THIRD PART OF THIS JOURNAL. - -It appears to be unnecessary and inexpedient to delay the publication of -the last portion of these papers, which contain some record of the -events occurring between the year 1852 and the close of the year 1860, a -period already remote from the present time, and relating almost -exclusively to men of the last generation. I have little to add to the -notices prefixed by me to the two preceding portions of this work, but I -am grateful for the length of days which has enabled me to complete the -task confided to me by Mr. Greville three and twenty years ago, and to -leave behind me a record of that delightful company to which I was bound -by the closest ties of intimacy and friendship. On looking back upon the -first half of the present century, I believe that we were too -unconscious of the exceptional privileges we enjoyed, and that we did -not sufficiently appreciate the remarkable gifts of the statesmen, the -orators, the historians, the poets, and the wits who shed an -incomparable lustre on the politics, the literature, and the social -intercourse of those years. Of these personages some traces are to be -found in the preceding volumes and in these pages. - -Nor am I less grateful for the reception this publication has met with -from the world, which has far surpassed the modest expectations of the -author, and has at last conveyed to the reader a just estimate of the -integrity and ability with which these Journals were written. They bear -evident marks of the changes which are wrought in a man's character and -judgements by the experience of life and the course of years; and they -fall naturally into the three periods or divisions of Mr. Greville's -life which I was led from other causes to adopt. In the first part he -appears as a man of fashion and of pleasure, plunged, as was not -inconsistent with his age and his social position, in the dissipation -and the amusements of the day; but he was beginning to get tired of -them. In the second part he enters with all the energy of which he was -capable, though shackled by his official position, upon the great -political struggles of the time--the earnest advocate of peace, of -moderation, of justice, and of liberal principles--regarding with a -discriminating eye and with some severity of judgement the actions of -men swayed by motives of ambition and vanity, from which he was himself -free. This was the most active period of his life. But years advanced, -and with age the infirmities from which he had always suffered withdrew -him more and more from society, and deprived him of many of those -sources of intelligence which had been so freely opened to him. Hence it -is possible that the volumes now published contain less of novelty and -original information than the preceding portions of the work. But on the -other hand, the events recorded in them are of a more momentous -character--the re-establishment of the French Empire, the Imperial -Court, the Crimean War, the Indian Mutiny, and the Italian War, are more -interesting than the rise or fall of a Ministry; and it is curious to -note precisely the effect produced at the time on the mind of a -contemporary observer. No one was more conscious of the incompleteness -of these Journals, and of a certain roughness, due to the impromptu -character of a manuscript hastily written down, and rarely corrected, -than the author of them. He was more disposed to underrate their merit, -as appears from his concluding remarks, than to exaggerate their -importance. But the public have judged of them more favourably; and if -he entertained a hope that he might contribute some pages to the record -of his times and the literature of his country, that hope was not -altogether vain. - - HENRY REEVE. - - _January 1887_. - - - - - CONTENTS - OF - THE FIRST VOLUME. - - -CHAPTER I. - -Divisions of the Liberal Party--Lord Lansdowne as Head of a Liberal -Government--Hostility of the Radicals--National Defences--Lord John -Russell's Literary Pursuits--The Queen's Speech--The -Peelites--Protection abandoned--Duke of Wellington's Funeral--Mr. -Villiers' Motion--Disraeli's Panegyric on Wellington--Death of Miss -Berry--The Division on the Resolution--Disraeli's Budget--Lord -Palmerston's Position--The Division on the Budget--Lord Derby -resigns--Liberal Negotiations--Formation of Lord Aberdeen's -Government--Lord St. Leonards--Tone of the Conservatives--Lord -Clanricarde and the Irish Brigade--Violence of the Tories--Lord -Palmerston agrees to join the Government--The Aberdeen Cabinet--First -Appearance of the New Ministry--Irritation of the Whigs _page 1_ - - -CHAPTER II. - -A Royal Commission on Reform--M. de Flahault on the Emperor -Napoleon--Lord John's Blunder--Disraeli's Negotiation with the Irish -Members--Lord Beauvale's Death--Lady Beauvale's Grief--Napoleon III. and -Mdlle. de Montijo--Parliament meets--The Emperor's Marriage--Disraeli's -Attack on Sir C. Wood--Dislike of Mr. Disraeli--Lord John Russell leaves -the Foreign Office--Lord Stanley's Liberal Votes--Disraeli's Opinion of -his Colleagues--The Government in Smooth Water--England unpopular -abroad--Massimo d'Azeglio--The Austrians in Italy--The Bishop of -Lincoln--The Duke of Bedford's Papers--Lord Palmerston leads the -House--Social Amenities--Rancour of Northern Powers against -England--Friendly Resolution of the Emperor Napoleon III.--Difficulties -at Home--The India Bill--The Eastern Question--The Czar's -Proposals--Russian Assurances--The Royal Family _page 30_ - - -CHAPTER III. - -Weakness of the Government--Gladstone's Budget--A Conversation with -Disraeli--Suicidal Conduct of the Tories--Their Irritation--A Charge -against Mr. Gladstone defeated--The Stafford Committee--Harmony of the -Government--Electoral Corruption--Impending War--Success of the -Government--Macaulay's Speech on the Judges' Exclusion Bill--Erroneous -Predictions from Paris--Unsettled Policy as to the War--Lord John's -Anti-Catholic Speech--The English and French Fleets sail for the -Dardanelles--Conduct of Austria--Russia means War--Attacks by the -Opposition--Explanations desired--Attempted Mediation--Lord Aberdeen's -Confidence shaken--Divisions of Opinion--Terms of Accommodation--Lord -Palmerston's Views--Prospect of Peace--Division in the Lords on the -Succession Duties Bill--Friendly Relations of Lord Palmerston and Lord -Clarendon--Fears of War--Hopes of Peace--Lord Palmerston and Mr. -Cobden--Rejection of the Vienna Note--Lord Palmerston courted by the -Tories--Lord John Russell's Position--The Duke of Bedford's part in the -last Crisis--Dangers at Constantinople--Lord Stratford's -Influence--Suspected Intrigue of France and Russia--Lord Palmerston goes -to Balmoral--Sir James Graham's View--Lord Stratford's -Conduct--Importance of the Vienna Note--A Cabinet summoned _page 58_ - - -CHAPTER IV. - -The Conference at Olmütz--The Turks declare War--Lord Palmerston's -Views--Lord Palmerston lauded by the Radicals and the Tories--Failure of -the Pacific Policy--Lord Aberdeen desires to resign--Lord John to be -Prime Minister--Obstacles to Lord John's Pretensions--Danger of breaking -up the Government--Lord John's Wilfulness and Unpopularity--Alliance of -the Northern Powers defeated by Manteuffel--Conflict of the two -Policies--Meeting of Parliament discussed--French Refugees in -Belgium--General Baraquay d'Hilliers sent to Constantinople--Mr. Reeve -returns from the East--Lord John's Reform Bill--The Emperor of Russia -writes to the Queen--Sir James Graham's Views on Reform, &c.--Opponents -of the Reform Scheme--Abortive Attempts at Negotiation--The Four Powers -agree to a Protocol--Lord Palmerston threatens to secede--Lord -Palmerston resigns on the Reform Scheme--Lord Palmerston opposed to -Reform--Effects of Lord Palmerston's Resignation--Conciliatory -Overtures--Lord Lansdowne's Position--Lord Aberdeen's Account--Lady -Palmerston makes up the Dispute--Lord Palmerston withdraws his -Resignation--Baraquay d'Hilliers refuses to enter the Black Sea--War -resolved on--Review of the transaction _page 92_ - - -CHAPTER V. - -Lord Palmerston's Return--The Czar's Designs--Uncertain Prospects--A -Dinner of Lawyers--Preparations for War--The Reform Scheme -modified--Russian Preparations for War--Entry of the Black -Sea--Intrigues of France with Russia--Attacks on Prince -Albert--Virulence of the Press--Attitude of Russia--Reluctance on both -sides to engage in War--Prince Albert's Participation in Affairs of -State--Opening of Parliament--Vindication of Prince Albert--Offer of -Marriage of Prince Napoleon to Princess Mary of Cambridge--Publication -of the Queen's Speech--The Hesitation of Austria--Justification of the -War--The Blue Books--Popularity of the War--Last Efforts for Peace--The -Emperor Napoleon's Letter--Lord John's Reform Bill--Difficulties -arising--The Greeks--Objections to the Reform Bill--Postponement of the -Reform Bill _page 121_ - - -CHAPTER VI. - -Dinner to Sir Charles Napier--A Ministerial Indiscretion--Doubts as to -the Reform Bill--Discontent of Lord John Russell--The Secret -Correspondence with Russia--War declared--Weakness of the -Government--Mr. Greville disapproves the War--Divisions in the -Cabinet--Withdrawal of the Reform Bill--Blunder of the Government--The -Fast Day--Licences to trade in War--Death of the Marquis of -Anglesey--Mr. Gladstone's Financial Failures--Dissolution of -Parties--Mr. Gladstone's Budget--Lord Cowley's Opinion of the Emperor's -Position--The House of Commons supports the War--Disraeli attacks Lord -John Russell--A Change of Plans--Lord John Russell's -Mismanagement--Attacks on Lord Aberdeen--Popularity of the -War--Government Majority in the Lords--Attitude of the German Powers--A -meeting of the Liberal Party--An Appointment cancelled--Expedition to -the Crimea--English and French Policy united in Spain--Close of the -Session--The Character of Lord Aberdeen's Government--Effect of the -Quarrel with Russia--Lord Palmerston's Resignation--Waywardness of the -House of Commons _page 145_ - - -CHAPTER VII. - -Difficulties of the Campaign--Prince Albert and the King of Prussia--The -Prince goes to France--Military Commanders--Critical Relations of the -Ministers--The Crimea--The Emperor Napoleon and Prince Albert--Austria -and the Allies--The Landing in the Crimea--The Battle of the Alma--Royal -Invitations--The Crimean Expedition--Lord John's Hostility to his -Colleagues--False Report from Sebastopol--The Crimean -Campaign--Anecdotes of Lord Raglan--The Russian Defence--Trade with the -Enemy--Anecdote of Nesselrode--John Bright's Opinion of the War--Defence -of Sebastopol--The Balaklava Charge--The Judges at the Nomination of -Sheriffs--Lord John takes more moderate Views--The Battle of -Inkerman--Impolicy of the War--Inkerman--Spirit of the Nation--Military -Enthusiasm--Parliament summoned--Want of Foresight--Accounts of the -Battle--Lord Raglan as a General--Sufferings of the Army--Agreement with -Austria--Opponents of the War--Meeting of Parliament--The Government -attacked--The Foreign Enlistment Bill--Foreign Enlistment Bill -passed--Mr. Bright's Speech on the War--Review of the Year _page 182_ - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -Lord John's Views on the Ministry--Gloomy Prospects--Attacks on Lord -Raglan--Russian and Prussian Diplomacy--Lord Palmerston more in -favour--French View of the British Army--Russian Negotiations--Lord John -Russell in Paris--Conference at Vienna--Lord Raglan unmoved--Terms -proposed to Russia--Failure of the Duke of Newcastle--Hesitation of -Austria and France--Deplorable State of the Armies--Chances of -Peace--Meeting of Parliament--Further Negotiations--Lord John Russell -resigns--Ministers stay in--The Debate on Roebuck's Motion--Resignation -of Lord Aberdeen--Lord John Russell's real Motives--Lord Derby sent -for--and fails--Wise Decision of the Queen--Ministerial -Negotiations--Lord Palmerston sent for--The Peelites refuse to -join--Lord Palmerston forms a Government--Lord Palmerston's -Prospects--Lord John Russell sent to Vienna--Lord Palmerston in the -House of Commons--General Alarm--Difficulties of Lord Palmerston--The -Peelites secede--Lord John accepts the Colonial Office--Sir George Lewis -Chancellor of the Exchequer--Death of the Emperor Nicholas of -Russia--Lord Palmerston supposed to be a weak Debater--Weakness of the -Government--Fresh Arrangements--The Budget--The Press _page 217_ - - -CHAPTER IX. - -The Vienna Conference--Literary Occupations--A Roman Catholic Privy -Councillor--Negotiations at Vienna--The Emperor Napoleon in London--The -Emperor's brilliant Reception--Russia refuses the Terms offered--The -Sebastopol Committee--Debate on the War--Visit to Paris--Resignation of -M. Drouyn de Lhuys--The Emperor's Journey to the Crimea--The Repulse at -the Redan--Visit to Thiers--A Dinner at the Tuileries--Conversation with -the Emperor--M. Guizot on the War--Death of Lord Raglan--A Dinner at -Princess Lieven's--The Palace of Versailles--Revelations of Lord John -Russell's Mission--Dinner with the Emperor at Villeneuve l'Étang--Lord -John Russell's Conduct at Vienna--Excitement in London--Lord John's -Resignation--Lord John's Conduct explained--'Whom shall we -Hang?'--Prorogation of Parliament _page 253_ - - -CHAPTER X. - -The Queen's Visit to France--Sir George C. Lewis on the -War--Inefficiency of Lord Panmure--The Queen and the Emperor--Lord John -Russell's Estrangement from his Friends--The Fall of Sebastopol--The -Queen on the Orleans Confiscation--The Prince Regent's Letter on the -Holy Alliance--Ferment in Italy--The Failure at the Redan--Lord John's -Defence--General Windham--Lord John Russell's Retirement--Death of Sir -Robert Adair--Adieu to the Turf--Progress of the War--Colonial Office -proposed to Lord Stanley--Lord John Russell's Position--Relations with -Mr. Disraeli--Mr. Labouchere Colonial Secretary--Negotiations for -Peace--The Terms proposed to Russia--The King of Sardinia and M. de -Cavour at Windsor--The Demands of the King of Sardinia--Lord Palmerston -presses for War--Lord Macaulay's History of England--An Ultimatum to -Russia--Death of the Poet Rogers--French Ministers--The Emperor's -Diplomacy--Sir George C. Lewis's Aversion to the War--Quarrels of -Walewski and Persigny--Austria presents the Terms to Russia--Baron -Seebach mediates--The Emperor's Difficulties and Doubts _page 281_ - - - - - A JOURNAL - OF THE - REIGN OF QUEEN VICTORIA - FROM 1852 TO 1860. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - - Divisions of the Liberal Party--Lord Lansdowne as Head of a Liberal - Government--Hostility of the Radicals--National Defences--Lord John - Russell's Literary Pursuits--The Queen's Speech--The - Peelites--Protection abandoned--Duke of Wellington's Funeral--Mr. - Villiers' Motion--Disraeli's Panegyric on Wellington--Death of Miss - Berry--The Division on the Resolution--Disraeli's Budget--Lord - Palmerston's Position--The Division on the Budget--Lord Derby - resigns--Liberal Negotiations--Formation of Lord Aberdeen's - Government--Lord St. Leonard's--Tone of the Conservatives--Lord - Clanricarde and the Irish Brigade--Violence of the Tories--Lord - Palmerston agrees to join the Government--The Aberdeen - Cabinet--First Appearance of the New Ministry--Irritation of the - Whigs. - - -_October 22nd, 1852_.--As usual a long interval, for since the Duke's -death I have had nothing to write about. The distribution of his offices -and honours has not given satisfaction. The appointment of Fitzroy -Somerset would have been more popular than that of Hardinge to the -command of the army, especially with the army; but I have no doubt the -Court insisted on having Hardinge, who is a great favourite there. - - MINISTERIAL COMBINATIONS. - -Matters in politics remain much as they were. There has been a constant -interchange of letters between Lord John Russell and his leading -friends and adherents, and conversations and correspondence between -these and Palmerston, the result of the whole being a hopeless state of -discord and disagreement in the Liberal party, so complete that there -appears no possibility of all the scattered elements of opposition being -combined into harmonious action, the consequence of which can hardly -fail to be the continuance in office of the present Government. The -state of things may be thus summed up: Lord John Russell declares he -will take no office but that of Premier, considering any other a -degradation; but he says he does not want office, and if a Liberal -Government can be formed under anybody else he will give it his best -support. He resents greatly the expressed sentiments of those who would -put him by and choose another Prime Minister, and this resentment his -belongings foster as much as they can. Palmerston professes _personal_ -regard for Lord John, but declares he will never again serve _under_ -him, though he would _with_ him, and his great object has been to induce -Lord Lansdowne to consent to put himself at the head of a Government (if -this falls) under whom he would be willing to serve, and he would -consent to Lord John's leading the House of Commons as heretofore. This -he communicated to the Duke of Bedford in conversation at Brocket, and -he afterwards wrote a detailed account of that conversation to Lansdowne -himself, which was an invitation to him to act the part he wished to -allot to him. Lord Lansdowne wrote him an answer in which he positively -declined to put himself at the head of a Government, stating various -reasons why he could not, and his conviction that John Russell was the -only man who could be at the head of one hereafter. With regard to other -opinions, Graham is heart and soul with Lord John, and decidedly in -favour of his supremacy. The Whig party are divided, some still adhering -to him; others, resenting his conduct in the past Session and -distrusting his prudence, are anxious for another chief, but without -having much considered how another is to be found, nor the consequences -of deposing him. The Radicals are in an unsettled and undecided state, -neither entirely favourable nor entirely hostile to Lord John; the -Peelites are pretty unanimously against him, and not overmuch disposed -to join with the Whig party, being still more or less deluded with the -hope and belief that they may form a Government themselves. Graham has -always maintained (and, as I thought, with great probability) that it -would end in Palmerston's joining Derby, and at this moment such an -arrangement seems exceedingly likely to happen. There were two or three -articles not long ago in the 'Morning Post' (his own paper), which -tended that way. I have just been for two days to Broadlands, where I -had a good deal of talk with him and with Lady Palmerston, and I came -away with the conviction that it would end in his joining this -Government. He admitted it to be a possible contingency, but said he -could not come in _alone_, and only in the event of a remodelling of the -Cabinet and a sweep of many of the incapables now in it. Sidney Herbert, -who was there, told me he had talked to him in the same tone, and spoke -of eight seats being vacated in the Cabinet, and as if he expected that -nobody should _certainly_ remain there but Derby, Disraeli, and the -Chancellor. It is evident from this that it depends on Derby himself to -have him, and if he frames measures and announces principles such as -would enable Palmerston with credit and consistency to join him, and if -he will throw over a sufficient number of his present crew, he may so -strengthen his Government as to make it secure for some time. It may, -however, be a matter of considerable difficulty to turn out a great many -colleagues, and not less so for Palmerston to find people to bring in -with him; for though he is very popular, and can excite any amount of -cheering in the House of Commons, he has no political adherents -whatever, and if Derby was to place seats in the Cabinet at his disposal -he has nobody to put into them, unless he could prevail on Gladstone and -Herbert to go with him, which does not seem probable.[1] - -[Footnote 1: A list of the members of Lord Derby's Administration will -be found in the third volume of the Second Part of this Journal, p. -451.] - - -_November 3rd._--Since writing the above, circumstances have occurred -which may have an important influence on future political events. John -Russell, whether moved by his own reflexions or the advice or opinions -of others I know not, has entirely changed his mind and become more -reasonable, moderate, and pliable than he has hitherto shown himself. He -has announced that if it should hereafter be found practicable to form a -Liberal Government under Lord Lansdowne, he will not object to serve -under him, only reserving to himself to judge of the expediency of -attempting such an arrangement, as well as of the Government that may be -formed. The letter in which he announced this to Lord Lansdowne was -certainly very creditable to him, and evinced great magnanimity. He -desired that it might be made known to Palmerston, which was done by -Lord Lansdowne, and Palmerston replied with great satisfaction, saying, -'for the first time he now saw daylight in public affairs.' Lord -Lansdowne was himself gratified at Lord John's conduct to him, but he -said that it would expose him to fresh importunities on the part of -Palmerston, and he seems by no means more disposed than he was before to -take the burden on himself, while he is conscious that it will be more -difficult for him to refuse. He has been suffering very much, and is -certainly physically unequal to the task, and _le cas échéant_ he will -no doubt try to make his escape; but, from what I hear of him, I do not -think he will be inexorable if it is made clear to him that there is no -other way of forming a Liberal Government, and especially if Lord John -himself urges him to undertake it. - -The other important matter is a correspondence, or rather a letter from -Cobden to a friend of his, in which he expresses himself in very hostile -terms towards John Russell and Graham likewise, abuses the Whig -Government, and announces his determination to fight for Radical -measures, and especially the Ballot. This letter was sent to Lord -Yarborough, by him to the Duke of Bedford, and by the Duke to Lord John. -He wrote a reply, or, more properly, a comment on it, which was intended -to be, and I conclude was, sent to Cobden; a very good letter, I am -told, in which he vindicated his own Government, and declared his -unalterable resolution to oppose the Ballot, which he said was with him -a question of principle, on which he never would give way. The result of -all this is a complete separation between Lord John and Cobden, and -therefore between the Whigs and the Radicals. What the ultimate -consequences of this may be it is difficult to foresee, but the -immediate one will probably be the continuation of Derby in office. Lord -John is going to have a parliamentary dinner before the meeting, which -many of his friends think he had better have left alone. He wrote to -Graham and invited him to it. Graham declined, and said he should not -come up to the meeting. To this Lord John responded that he might do as -he pleased about dining, but he assured him that his absence at the -opening of the Session would give great umbrage to the party and be -injurious to himself. Graham replied that he would come up, but he has -expressed to some of his correspondents his disapproval of the dinner. -Charles Villiers agrees with him about it, and so do I, but the Johnians -are very indignant with Graham, and consider his conduct very base, -though I do not exactly see why. - - NATIONAL DEFENCES. - -The question of national defence occupies everybody's mind, but it seems -very doubtful if any important measures will be taken. The Chancellor -told Senior that the Government were quite satisfied with Louis -Napoleon's pacific assurances, and saw no danger. It is not clear that -John Russell partakes of the general alarm, and whether he will be -disposed (as many wish that he should) to convey to Lord Derby an -intimation that he will support any measure he may propose for the -defence of the country, nor is it certain that Derby would feel any -reliance on such assurances after what passed when he came into office. -On that occasion Derby called on Lord John (who had just advised the -Queen to send for him) and said on leaving him, 'I suppose you are not -going to attack me and turn me out again,' which Lord John assured him -he had no thoughts of, and directly after he convoked his Chesham Place -meeting, which was certainly not very consistent with his previous -conduct, nor with his engagement to Derby. - - -_London, November 11th_, 1852.--I passed two days at The Grove with -John Russell the end of last and beginning of this week, when he was in -excellent health and spirits, and in a very reasonable composed state of -mind. There were Wilson, Panizzi, George Lewis, and the Duke of Bedford; -very little talk about politics, except in a general way. Lord John has -been engaged in literary pursuits, as the executor of Moore and the -depositary of Fox's papers, and he is about to bring out two volumes of -Moore and one of Fox, but in neither is there to be much of his own -composition; he has merely arranged the materials in each. - -There has been great curiosity about the Queen's Speech, and a hundred -reports of difficulties in composing it, and of dissensions in the -Cabinet with regard to the manner in which the great question should be -dealt with. As I know nothing certain on the subject, I will spare -myself the trouble of putting down the rumours, which may turn out to be -groundless or misrepresented. A great fuss has been made about keeping -the Speech secret. They refused to communicate it to the newspapers, and -strict orders were given at the Treasury to allow nobody whatever to see -it. Derby, however, wrote to Lord John that as he had always sent it to -him, he should do the same, and accordingly Lord John received it, and -read it at his dinner, but those present were bound on honour not to -communicate the contents of it. Lord John and his friends have been all -along determined, if possible, to avoid proposing an amendment. - -There was a Peelite gathering at a dinner at Hayward's the day before -yesterday, at which Gladstone, Sidney Herbert, Newcastle, Francis -Charteris, Sir John Young, and others were present; and Hayward told me -they were all united, resolved to act together, and likewise averse to -an amendment if possible; but from the manner in which they have dealt -with Free Trade, it is very doubtful whether Cobden at least, if not -Gladstone, will not insist on moving an amendment. A very few hours -will decide this point.[1] - -[Footnote 1: The new Parliament was opened by the Queen in person on -November 11.] - - -_November 12th._--The question of Protection or Free Trade, virtually -settled long ago, was formally settled last night, Derby having -announced in terms the most clear and unequivocal his final and complete -abandonment of Protection, and his determination to adhere to, and -honestly to administer, the present system. His speech was received in -silence on both sides. There has not yet been time to ascertain the -effect of this announcement on the various parties and individuals -interested by it. - - - DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S FUNERAL. - -_November 16th._--I went yesterday to the lying in state of the Duke of -Wellington; it was fine and well done, but too gaudy and theatrical, -though this is unavoidable. Afterwards to St. Paul's to see it lit up. -The effect was very good, but it was like a great rout; all London was -there strolling and staring about in the midst of a thousand workmen -going on with their business all the same, and all the fine ladies -scrambling over vast masses of timber, or ducking to avoid the great -beams that were constantly sweeping along. These public funerals are -very disgusting _meâ sententiâ_. On Saturday several people were killed -and wounded at Chelsea; yesterday everything was orderly and well -conducted, and I heard of no accidents. - -Charles Villiers' motion, after much consultation and debate, whether it -should be brought on or not, is settled in the affirmative, and was -concocted by the Peelites at a meeting at Aberdeen's, Graham present. -Nothing could be more moderate, so moderate that it appeared next to -impossible the Government could oppose it. Yesterday morning there was a -Ministerialist meeting in Downing Street, when Derby harangued his -followers. - - -_November 21st._--I saw the Duke's funeral from Devonshire House. Rather -a fine sight, and all well done, except the car, which was tawdry, -cumbrous, and vulgar. It was contrived by a German artist attached to -the School of Design, and under Prince Albert's direction--no proof of -his good taste. The whole ceremony within St. Paul's and without went -off admirably, and without mistakes, mishaps, or accidents; but as all -the newspapers overflow with the details I may very well omit them here. - -Now that this great ceremony is over, we have leisure to turn our -thoughts to political matters. I have already said that Villiers -proposed a mild resolution which was drawn up by Graham at Aberdeen's -house, and agreed to by the Peelites.[1] Then came Derby's meeting, -where he informed his followers that he must reserve to himself entire -liberty of dealing with Villiers' resolution as he thought best, but if -he contested it, and was beaten, he should not resign. He then requested -that if anyone had any objection to make, or remarks to offer, on his -proposed course, they would make them then and there, and not find fault -afterwards. They all cheered, and nobody said a word; in fact they were -all consenting to his abandonment of Protection, many not at all liking -it, but none recalcitrant. After this meeting there was a -reconsideration of Villiers' resolution. Cobden and his friends -complained that it was too milk and water, and required that it should -be made stronger. After much discussion Villiers consented to alter it, -and it was eventually put on the table of the House in its present more -stringent form. Lord John Russell was against the alteration, and -Gladstone and the Peelites still more so; but Charles Villiers thought -he could not do otherwise than defer to Cobden, after having prevailed -on the latter to consent to no amendment being moved on the Address. -There is good reason to believe that the Government would have swallowed -the first resolution, but they could not make up their minds to take the -second; and accordingly Disraeli announced an amendment in the shape of -another resolution, and the battle will be fought on the two, Dizzy's -just as strongly affirming the principle of Free Trade as the other, but -it omits the declaration that the measure of '46 was 'wise and _just_.' -At this moment nobody has the least idea what the division will be, nor -how many of the most conspicuous men will vote, nor what the Government -will do if they are beaten. Moderate men on the Liberal side regret that -the original resolution was changed, deprecate the pitched battle, and -above all dread that the Government may resign if they are beaten, which -would cause the greatest confusion, nothing being ready for forming a -government on the Liberal side, and the Government would go out with the -advantage of saying that they were prepared with all sorts of good -measures which the factious conduct of their opponents would not let -them produce. Things have not been well managed, and I expect the result -of all these proceedings will be damaging to the Liberal interest, and -rather advantageous to Lord Derby. - - DISRAELI'S ORATION ON WELLINGTON. - -An incident occurred the other night in the House of Commons, which -exposed Disraeli to much ridicule and severe criticism. He pronounced a -pompous funeral oration on the Duke of Wellington, and the next day the -'Globe' showed that half of it was taken word for word from a panegyric -of Thiers on Marshal Gouvion de St. Cyr. Disraeli has been unmercifully -pelted ever since, and well deserves it for such a piece of folly and -bad taste. His excuse is, that he was struck by the passage, wrote it -down, and, when he referred to it recently, forgot what it was, and -thought it was his own composition. But this poor apology does not save -him. Derby spoke very well on the same subject a few nights after in the -House of Lords, complimenting the authorities, the people, and foreign -nations, particularly France. It is creditable to Louis Napoleon to have -ordered Walewski to attend the funeral.[2] - - - DEATH OF MISS BERRY. - -On Saturday night, about twelve o'clock, Miss Mary Berry died after a -few weeks' illness, without suffering, and in possession of her -faculties, the machine worn out, for she was in her 90th year.[3] As she -was born nearly a century ago, and was the contemporary of my -grandfathers and grandmothers, she was already a very old woman when I -first became acquainted with her, and it was not till a later period, -about twenty years ago, that I began to live in an intimacy with her -which continued uninterrupted to the last. My knowledge of her early -life is necessarily only traditional. She must have been exceedingly -goodlooking, for I can remember her with a fine commanding figure and a -very handsome face, full of expression and intelligence. It is well -known that she was the object of Horace Walpole's octogenarian -attachment, and it has been generally believed that he was anxious to -marry her for the sake of bestowing upon her a title and a jointure, -which advantages her disinterested and independent spirit would not -allow her to accept. She continued nevertheless to make the charm and -consolation of his latter days, and at his death she became his literary -executrix, in which capacity she edited Madame du Deffand's letters. She -always preserved a great veneration for the memory of Lord Orford, and -has often talked to me about him. I gathered from what she said that she -never was herself quite sure whether he wished to marry her, but -inclined to believe that she might have been his wife had she chosen it. -She seems to have been very early initiated into the best and most -refined society, was a constant inmate of Devonshire House and an -intimate friend of the Duchess, a friendship which descended to her -children, all of whom treated Miss Berry to the last with unceasing -marks of attention, respect, and affection. She had been very carefully -educated, and was full of literary tastes and general information, so -that her conversation was always spirited, agreeable, and instructive; -her published works, without exhibiting a high order of genius, have -considerable merit, and her 'Social Life in England and France' and 'The -Life of Rachel, Lady Russell,' will always be read with pleasure, and -are entitled to a permanent place in English literature; but her -greatest merit was her amiable and benevolent disposition, which secured -to her a very large circle of attached friends, who were drawn to her as -much by affectionate regard as by the attraction of her vigorous -understanding and the vivacity and variety of her conversational powers. -For a great many years the Misses Berry were amongst the social -celebrities of London, and their house was the continual resort of the -most distinguished people of both sexes in politics, literature, and -fashion. She ranked amongst her friends and associates all the most -remarkable literary men of the day, and there certainly was no house at -which so many persons of such various qualities and attainments, but all -more or less distinguished, could be found assembled. She continued her -usual course of life, and to gather her friends about her, till within a -few weeks of her death, and at last she sank by gradual exhaustion, -without pain or suffering, and with the happy consciousness of the -affectionate solicitude and care of the friends who had cheered and -comforted the last declining years of her existence. To those friends -her loss is irreparable, and besides the private and individual -bereavement it is impossible not to be affected by the melancholy -consideration that her death has deprived the world of the sole survivor -of a once brilliant generation, who in her person was a link between the -present age and one fertile in great intellectual powers, to which our -memories turn with never failing curiosity and interest. - -[Footnote 1: On November 23, Mr. Charles Villiers moved Resolutions in -the House of Commons, declaring the adherence of Parliament to the -principles of Free Trade and approving the Repeal of the Corn Laws. Mr. -Disraeli moved an amendment, not directly adverse. But this amendment -was withdrawn in favour of one more skilfully drawn by Lord Palmerston. -On this occasion Lord Palmerston rendered an essential service to Lord -Derby's Government.] - -[Footnote 2: Count Walewski, then French Ambassador in London, -expressed some reluctance to attend the funeral of the conqueror of -Napoleon I., upon which Baron Brunnow said to him, 'If this ceremony -were intended to bring the Duke to life again, I can conceive your -reluctance to appear at it; but as it is only to bury him, I don't see -you have anything to complain of.'] - -[Footnote 3: Miss Mary Berry was born at Kirkbridge, in Yorkshire, on -March 16, 1763; her sister Agnes, who was her inseparable companion for -eighty-eight years, fourteen months later. Her father, Robert Berry, was -the nephew of a Scotch merchant named Ferguson, who purchased the estate -of Raith, in Fifeshire. William Berry, the brother of Robert, and uncle -of these ladies, succeeded to this property, and took the name of -Ferguson. The Miss Berrys first made the acquaintance of Horace Walpole -in 1788, when he was seventy years of age, and they became the objects -of his devoted attachment and regard. See 'National Biography,' vol. iv. -p. 397.] - - -_December 4th._--Last week the House of Commons was occupied with the -'Resolutions,' the whole history of which was given by Graham, and -which need not be repeated here.[1] The divisions were pretty much what -were expected, and the only interesting consideration is the effect -produced, and the influence of the debate on the state of parties. -Palmerston is highly glorified by his small clique, and rather smiled on -by the Tories, but he has given great offence to both Whigs and -Radicals, and removed himself further than ever from a coalition with -John Russell and the Liberal party. Lord John himself, who made a very -good speech, rather gained reputation by his behaviour throughout the -transaction, and is on better terms both with Cobden, Bright, and his -own party, than he has been for some time past. Disraeli made a very -imprudent speech, which disgusted many of his own adherents, and exposed -him to vigorous attacks and a tremendous castigation on the part of his -opponents, by Bernal Osborne in the coarser, and Sidney Herbert in more -polished style. The Protectionists generally cut a very poor figure, and -had nothing to say for themselves. 'If people wish for _humiliation_,' -said Sidney Herbert, 'let them look at the benches opposite.' But all -the dirt they had to eat, and all the mortification they had to endure, -did not prevent the Derbyites from presenting a compact determined -phalanx of about three hundred men, all resolved to support the -Government, and to vote through thick and thin, without reference to -their past or present opinions. The Ministerial papers and satellites -toss their caps up and proclaim a great victory, but it is difficult to -discover in what the victory consists. It certainly shows that they are -strong and devoted if not united. - -After the division there was a good deal of speculation rife as to -Palmerston's joining the Government, which his friends insist he will -not do. I am disposed to think he will. Since that we have had -Beresford's affair in the House of Commons, and Clanricarde's folly in -the Lords. - -Cockburn produced a strong _primâ facie_ case against Beresford, and the -committee has been appointed on his case, and proceeds to business on -Monday.[2] Clanricarde chose _de son chef_ to propose a resolution like -that of the Commons, which Derby refused to take and offered another in -its place, which Clanricarde has accepted. He gave Derby the opportunity -he wanted of setting himself right with his own party, who, albeit -resolved to support him, are smarting severely under his complete -abandonment of Protection, and the necessity to which they are reduced -of swallowing the nauseous Free Trade pill. He will make the dose more -palateable by soothing their wounded pride. Clanricarde went to Lord -Lansdowne and told him what he proposed to do. Lansdowne objected, but -Clanricarde said he did it individually and would take all the -responsibility on himself, on which Lansdowne very unwisely ceased to -object. His purpose is to take no responsibility on himself. - -[Footnote 1: After three nights' debate, the Resolutions moved by Mr. -Villiers were negatived by 256 to 236, and the motion adroitly -substituted for them by Lord Palmerston in favour of 'unrestricted -competition' was carried by 468 against 53, being accepted by the -Government.] - -[Footnote 2: This related to proceedings with reference to the recent -election at Derby.] - - - MR. DISRAELI'S BUDGET. - -_December 6th._--Ever since the termination of the 'Resolutions' debate -the world has been in a state of intense curiosity to hear the Budget, -so long announced, and of which such magnificent things were predicted. -The secret was so well kept that nobody knew anything about it, and not -one of the hundred guesses and conjectures turned out to be correct. At -length on Friday night Disraeli produced his measure in a House crowded -to suffocation with members and strangers. He spoke for five and a half -hours, much too diffusely, spinning out what he might have said in half -the time. The Budget has been on the whole tolerably well received, and -may, I think, be considered successful, though it is open to criticism, -and parts of it will be fiercely attacked, and he will very likely be -obliged to change some parts of it. But though favourably received on -the whole, it by no means answers to the extravagant expectations that -were raised, or proves so entirely satisfactory to all parties and all -interests as Disraeli rather imprudently gave out that it would be. The -people who regard it with the least favour are those who will be -obliged to give it the most unqualified support, the ex-Protectionists, -for the relief or compensation to the landed interest is very far from -commensurate with their expectations. It is certainly of a Free Trade -character altogether, which does not make it the more palateable to -them. He threw over the West Indians, and (Pakington, their advocate, -sitting beside him) declared they had no claim to any relief beyond that -which he tendered them, viz. the power of refining sugar in bond--a drop -of water to one dying of thirst. I think it will go down, and make the -Government safe. This I have all along thought they would be, and every -day seems to confirm this opinion. They have got from three hundred to -three hundred and fifteen men in the House of Commons who, though -dissatisfied and disappointed, are nevertheless determined to swallow -everything and support them through thick and thin, and they have to -encounter an opposition, the scattered fractions of which are scarcely -more numerous, but which is in a state of the greatest confusion and -disunion, and without any prospect of concord amongst them. - -The Duke of Bedford came to me yesterday, and told me he had never been -so disheartened about politics in his life, or so hopeless of any good -result for his party, in which he saw nothing but disagreement and all -sorts of pretensions and jealousies incompatible with any common cause, -and Aberdeen, whom I met at dinner yesterday, is of much the same -opinion. The principal object of interest and curiosity seems now to be -whether Palmerston will join them or not. On this the most opposite -opinions and reports prevail. Just now it is said that he has resolved -not. At all events, if he does, he will have to go alone, for he can -take nobody with him, as it certainly is his object to do. But it does -not appear now as if there was the least chance of Gladstone or Sidney -Herbert joining him. The Duke of Bedford told me that both Derby and -Palmerston were in better odour at Windsor than they were, and that the -Queen and Prince approve of Pam's move about the Resolutions, and think -he did good service. Aberdeen also thinks that though the Whigs and -Radicals are angry with Lord Palmerston, and that his proceeding was -unwarrantable, he stands in a better position in the country, and has -gained credit and influence by what he did. Abroad, where nobody -understands our affairs, he is supposed to have played a very great -part, and to have given indubitable proof of great political power. - - -_December 9th._--Within these few days the Budget, which was not ill -received at first, has excited a strong opposition, and to-morrow there -is to be a pitched battle and grand trial of strength between the -Government and Opposition upon it, and there is much difference of -opinion as to the result. The Government have put forth that they mean -to resign if beaten upon it. Derby and Disraeli were both remarkably -well received at the Lord Mayor's dinner the night before last, and this -is an additional proof that, in spite of all their disreputable conduct, -they are not unpopular, and I believe, if the country were polled, they -would as soon have these people for Ministers as any others. Nobody -knows what part Palmerston is going to take. - - - DEFEAT ON THE BUDGET. - -_December 18th._--The last few days have been entirely occupied by the -interest of the Budget debate and speculations as to the result. We -received the account of the division at Panshanger yesterday morning, -not without astonishment; for although the opinion had latterly been -gaining ground that the Government would be beaten, nobody expected such -a majority against them.[1] Up to the last they were confident of -winning. The debate was all against them, and only exhibited their -weakness in the House of Commons. It was closed by two very fine -speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone, very different in their style, but -not unequal in their merits. - -[Footnote 1: The division on the Budget took place on December 16 after -five nights' debate, the numbers being--for the Government, 286; -against, 305; adverse majority, 19.] - - -_Panshanger, December 19th._--I went to town yesterday morning to hear -what was going on. Lord Derby returned from Osborne in the middle of the -day, and the Queen had sent for Lords Lansdowne and Aberdeen. She had -been gracious to Derby, and pressed him to stay on, if it were only for -a short time. I saw Talbot, and from the few words he let drop I -gathered that they have already resolved to keep together, and to enter -on a course of bitter and determined opposition. Not that he said this, -of course, but he intimated that he had no idea of any new Government -that might be formed being able to go on even for a short time, and that -they would very speedily be let in again. The language of the Carlton -corresponds with this, and I have no doubt they will be as virulent and -as mischievous as they can. It remains to be seen, if a good Government -is formed, whether some will not be more moderate, and disposed to give -the new Cabinet a fair trial. - -Clarendon writes me word that the meeting at Woburn between John -Russell, Aberdeen, Newcastle, and himself has been altogether -satisfactory, everybody ready to give and take, and anxious to promote -the common cause, without any selfish views or prejudices. Newcastle is -particularly reasonable, disclaiming any hostility to John Russell, and -only objecting to his being at present the nominal head of the -Government, because there is rightly or wrongly a prejudice against him, -which would prevent some Liberals and some Peelites joining the -Government if he was placed in that position; but he contemplates his -ultimately resuming that post, and he (Newcastle) is ready to do -anything in office or out. There is no disposition to take in Cobden and -Bright, but they would not object to Molesworth. - -I went over to Brocket just now, and found the Palmerstons there. He is -not pleased at the turn matters have taken, would have liked the -Government to go on at all events some time longer, and is disgusted at -the thought of Aberdeen being at the head of the next Ministry. This is -likewise obnoxious to the Whigs at Brooks's, and there will be no small -difficulty in bringing them to consent to it, if Lansdowne refuses. -Beauvale said if Palmerston had not been laid up, and prevented going to -the House of Commons, he thinks this catastrophe would not have -happened, for Palmerston meant to have done in a friendly way what -Charles Wood did in an unfriendly one, and advised Disraeli to postpone -and remake his Budget, and this advice so tendered he thinks Dizzy would -have taken, and then the issue would have been changed and deferred till -after the recess. But I don't believe this fine scheme would have taken -effect, or that Dizzy would or could have adopted such a course. -Beauvale says he is pretty sure Palmerston will not take office under -Aberdeen's Premiership; on the other hand, Aberdeen has no objection to -him, and will invite Palmerston, if the task devolves upon him. Ellice -fancies Lansdowne will decline, and that Aberdeen will fail, and that it -will end in Derby coming back, reinforced by Palmerston and some -Peelites. The difficulties are certainly enormous, but by some means or -other I think a Government will be formed. The exclusions will be very -painful, and must be enormous. Lord Derby met Granville and others at -the station on Friday, and he said he calculated the new Cabinet could -not consist of less than thirty-two men, and many then left out. It will -be a fine time to test the amount of patriotism and unselfishness that -can be found in the political world. - - - THE COALITION MINISTRY. - -_London, December 21st._--I came to town yesterday morning, and heard -that the day before (Sunday) a very hostile feeling towards Aberdeen had -been prevailing at Brooks's, but no doubt was entertained that the -Government would be formed. In the afternoon Clarendon came to me on his -way to the House of Lords, and told me all that had passed up to that -time. On receiving the Queen's summons, a meeting took place between -Lansdowne and Aberdeen at Lansdowne House, at which each did his best to -persuade the other to accept the commission to form a Government. -Lansdowne pleaded absolute physical inability, and his friends seem to -be quite satisfied that he really could not undertake it. Accordingly -Aberdeen gave way, and departed for Osborne on a reiterated summons, -and, after telling the Queen all that had passed between Lansdowne and -himself, undertook the task. Nothing could be more cordial all this time -than the relations between himself and John Russell; but as soon as it -became known that Aberdeen was to form the new Government, certain -friends of John Russell set to work to persuade him that it would be -derogatory to his character to have any concern in it, and entreated him -to refuse his concurrence. These were David Dundas and Romilly, and -there may have been others. This advice was probably the more readily -listened to, because it corresponded with his original view of the -matter and his own natural disposition, and it produced so much effect -that yesterday morning he went to Lansdowne and told him that he had -resolved to have nothing to do with the new Government. Lansdowne was -thunderstruck, and employed every argument he could think of to change -this resolution. It so happened that he had written to Macaulay and -asked him to call on him to talk matters over, and Macaulay was -announced while Lord John was still there. Lansdowne told him the -subject of their discussion, and the case was put before Macaulay with -all its pros and cons for his opinion. He heard all Lansdowne and Lord -John had to say, and then delivered his opinion in a very eloquent -speech, strongly recommending Lord John to go on with Aberdeen, and -saying that, at such a crisis as this, the refusal of his aid, which was -indispensable for the success of the attempt, would be little short of -treason. Lord John went away evidently shaken, but without pronouncing -any final decision. Clarendon then called at Lansdowne House, and heard -these particulars, and Lansdowne entreated him to go and see Lord John -and try his influence over him. Clarendon had the day before given him -his opinion in writing to the same effect as Macaulay. He went, saw him, -and repeated all he had before written. Lord John took it very well, -and, when he left him, said, 'I suppose it will be as you wish,' and -when I saw Clarendon he seemed reassured, and tolerably confident that -this great peril of the whole concern being thus shipwrecked _in limine_ -had passed away. After the House of Lords where I heard Derby's strange -and inexcusable speech, we again discussed the matter, when he said Lord -John had raised another difficulty, for he said he would not take the -Foreign Office, alleging, not without truth, that it was impossible for -him or any man to perform the duties of so laborious an office and lead -the House of Commons. Lord John also signified to Clarendon that he -should insist on _his_ being in the Cabinet, which Clarendon entreated -him not to require. Newcastle, who was there, suggested that Lord John -might take the Foreign Office for a time, and if he found the two duties -incompatible, he might give it up, and Clarendon seemed to think this -might be done, and at all events he means to persuade Lord John (as no -doubt he will) to make up his mind to take it, for his not doing so -would certainly be very inconvenient. Should Lord John prove obstinate -in this respect, I have no doubt Clarendon will himself be put there. - - LORD ST. LEONARD'S. - -We talked about the Great Seal, and Senior had been with Lord Lansdowne, -who appears to incline very much to getting Lord St. Leonard's[1] to -stay if he will, but Senior thinks he will not; certainly not, unless -with the concurrence of his present colleagues, which it is doubtful if -Derby in his present frame of mind would give. The Chancellor was at -Derby's meeting in the morning, which looks like a resolution to go out -with them. It will be a good thing if he will remain, but it will do -good to the new Government to invite him, whether he accepts or refuses. -We talked of Brougham, but Clarendon, though anxious to have Brougham in -as President of the Council, thinks he would not do for the woolsack, -and that it will be better to have Cranworth if Lord St. Leonard's will -not stay. There is a great difficulty in respect to the retiring -pension. There can only be four, and Sugden's will make up the number, -so that a fresh Chancellor could have none except at the death of one -of the others. The worst part of the foregoing story is, that Lord John -will not join cordially and heartily, and it is impossible to say, -during the difficult adjustment of details, what objections he may not -raise and what embarrassments he may not cause. - -There was a meeting at Lord Derby's yesterday morning, at which he told -his friends he would continue to lead them, and he recommended a -moderation, in which he probably was not sincere, and which they will -not care to observe. Lord Delawarr got up and thanked him. Nothing can -be more rabid than the party and the ex-ministers, and they are -evidently bent on vengeance and a furious opposition. I fell in with -Lord Drumlanrig and Ousely Higgins yesterday morning, one a moderate -Derbyite (always Free Trader), the other an Irish Brigadier. Drumlanrig -told me he knew of several adherents of Derby who were resolved to give -the new Government fair play, and would not rush into opposition, and -Ousely Higgins said he thought the Irish would be all right, especially -if, as the report ran, Granville was sent to Ireland; but there is no -counting on the Irish Brigade, whose object it is to embarrass every -Government. If they could be friendly to any, it would, however, be one -composed of Aberdeen, Graham, and Gladstone, the opponents of the -Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. - -[Footnote 1: Sir Edward Burtenshaw Sugden was one of the most eminent -equity lawyers of the day, distinguished as an advocate in the Court of -Chancery and by his important legal writings. He was twice Lord -Chancellor of Ireland under the two Administrations of Sir Robert Peel, -and he received the Great Seal of England on the formation of Lord -Derby's Administration in 1852, with a peerage under the title of Baron -St. Leonards. But he owed his celebrity and his promotion to his -eminence as a lawyer, far more than to his activity as a politician.] - - - THE DUKE OF BEDFORD CONSULTED. - -_December 22nd._--On going to The Grove yesterday afternoon, I found a -letter Clarendon had received from Lansdowne in bad spirits enough. He -had seen Aberdeen, who had received no answer from John Russell, and -Aberdeen was prepared, if he did not get his acceptance the next -morning, to give the thing up. Lansdowne was greatly alarmed and far -from confident Lord John would agree, at all events, that he would not -take the Foreign Office, in which case Lansdowne said he (Clarendon) -must take it. Nothing could look worse. This morning Clarendon received -a letter from Aberdeen announcing that Lord John had agreed to lead the -House of Commons, either without an office or with a nominal one, and -asking Clarendon to take the Foreign Office. We came up to town -together, he meaning to accept unless he can prevail on Lord John to -take it, if it be only for a time, and he is gone to see what he can do -with him. He told me last night that when he was at Woburn last week, -the Duke informed him that he had had a confidential communication from -Stockmar, asking for his advice, whom the Queen should send for if the -Government was beaten and if Derby resigned. He had just received this -letter, and had not answered it, and consulted Clarendon what he should -say. Clarendon advised him to recommend Lansdowne and Aberdeen, and he -wrote to that effect. The very morning after the division, just as they -were going hunting, the hounds meeting at the Torr, a Queen's messenger -arrived with another letter, requesting he would communicate more fully -his sentiments at the present crisis. The messenger was ordered to keep -himself secret, and not to let his mission transpire. The Duke, under -Clarendon's advice, wrote a long letter back, setting forth in detail -all that had, not long ago, passed about Palmerston and Lansdowne, and -his notions of the difficulties and exigencies of the present time. He -said that it was evident Lord John could not make a Government, and that -he was himself conscious of it. - - -_December 23rd._--It appears that on Tuesday (21st) Aberdeen went to -Palmerston, who received him very civilly, even cordially, talked of old -times, and reminded him that they had been acquainted for sixty years -(since they were at Harrow together), and had lived together in the -course of their political lives more than most men. Aberdeen offered him -the Admiralty, saying he considered it in existing circumstances the -most important office, and the one in which he could render the greatest -service to the country, but if he for any reason objected to that -office, he begged him to say what other office he would have. Palmerston -replied that he had no hostile feeling towards him, but they had for so -many years been in strong opposition to each other, that the public -would never understand his taking office in Aberdeen's Government, and -he was too old to expose himself to such misconceptions. And so they -parted, on ostensibly very friendly terms, which will probably not -prevent Palmerston's joining Derby and going into furious opposition. In -the course of the day yesterday both Clarendon and Lansdowne called on -Palmerston, and he expressed great satisfaction at Clarendon's -appointment to the Foreign Office. - -In the afternoon I called on Lady Clanricarde, who gave me to understand -that Clanricarde was likely to become a personage of considerable -influence and power (and therefore worth having), inasmuch as the Irish -Band had made overtures to him, and signified their desire to act under -his guidance. She said this was not the first overture he had received -of the kind from the same quarter; that for various reasons he had -declined the others, but she thought at the present time he might very -well listen to it; that they were very anxious to be led by a gentleman, -and a man of consideration and station in the world. All this, to which -I attach very little credit, was no doubt said to me in order to be -repeated, and that it might impress on Aberdeen and his friends and -colleagues the importance of securing Clanricarde's services and -co-operation; and I am the more confirmed in this by receiving a note -from the Marchioness in the evening, begging I would not repeat what she -had told me. - -There was nothing new yesterday in the purlieus of Whiggism, but I think -somewhat more of acquiescence, and a disposition to regard this -combination as inevitable. The Derbyites quite frenzied, and prepared to -go any lengths. Lonsdale told me the party were delighted with Derby's -intemperate speech in the House of Lords, which seems to have been -rehearsed at his own meeting the same morning; and the other day twenty -ruffians of the Carlton Club gave a dinner there to Beresford, to -celebrate what they consider his acquittal! After dinner, when they got -drunk, they went upstairs, and finding Gladstone alone in the -drawing-room, some of them proposed to throw him out of the window. This -they did not quite dare to do, but contented themselves with giving some -insulting message or order to the waiter, and then went away. - - - LORD PALMERSTON ACCEPTS OFFICE. - -_Hatchford, Friday, 24th._--The great event of yesterday was -Palmerston's accession to the Government. Lord Lansdowne had called on -him the day before, and had, I suspect, little difficulty in persuading -him to change his determination and join the new Cabinet. He said he -would place himself in Lord Lansdowne's hands, and yesterday morning I -heard as a secret, though it was speedily published, that he had agreed -to take the Home Office. The next thing was Lord John's consent to take -the Foreign Office. This he was persuaded to do by Clarendon, who -engaged to help him in the work, and relieve him by taking it himself -the moment Lord John should find himself unequal to it, and on these -conditions he consented. It was settled that Gladstone should be -Chancellor of the Exchequer, but Delane went to Aberdeen last night for -the purpose of getting him to change this arrangement on the ground of -the difficulty there would be about the Income Tax. - -The important part of forming the Cabinet is now done, and nothing -remains but the allotment of the places. It will be wonderfully strong -in point of ability, and in this respect exhibit a marked contrast with -the last; but its very excellence in this respect may prove a source of -weakness, and eventually of disunion. The late Cabinet had two paramount -chiefs, and all the rest nonentities, and the nominal head was also a -real and predominant head. In the present Cabinet are five or six -first-rate men of equal or nearly equal pretensions, none of them likely -to acknowledge the superiority or defer to the opinions of any other, -and every one of these five or six considering himself abler and more -important than their Premier. They are all at present on very good terms -and perfectly satisfied with each other; but this satisfaction does not -extend beyond the Cabinet itself; murmurings and grumblings are already -very loud. The Whigs have never looked with much benignity on this -coalition, and they are now furious at the unequal and, as they think, -unfair distribution of places. These complaints are not without reason, -nor will it make matters better that John Russell has had no -communication with his old friends and adherents, nor made any -struggle, as it is believed, to provide for them, although his adhesion -is so indispensable that he might have made any terms and conditions he -chose. Then the Radicals, to judge from their press, are exceedingly -sulky and suspicious, and more likely to oppose than to support the new -Government. The Irish also seem disposed to assume a menacing and half -hostile attitude, and, having contributed to overthrow the last -Government, are very likely (according to the policy chalked out for -them after the election) to take an early opportunity of aiding the -Derbyites to turn out this. Thus hampered with difficulties and beset -with dangers, it is impossible to feel easy about their prospects. If, -however, they set to work vigorously to frame good measures and remove -practical and crying evils, they may excite a feeling in their favour in -the country, and may attract support enough from different quarters in -the House of Commons to go on, but I much fear that it will at best be a -perturbed and doubtful existence. Such seems the necessary condition of -every Government nowadays, and unfortunately there is a considerable -party which rejoices in such a state of things, and only desires to -aggravate the mischief, because they think its continuance and the -instability of every Government will be most conducive to the ends and -objects which they aim at. - - -_London, December 28th._--The remonstrances against Gladstone's being -Chancellor of the Exchequer were unavailing, but he says he is not tied -up by anything he said about the Income Tax. This will nevertheless be a -great difficulty, for Graham and Wood, though not perhaps so much -committed as Gladstone, are both against the alteration, which the -public voice undoubtedly demands. Last night the new Ministers took -their places on the Treasury bench, and the Tories moved over to the -opposite side. Aberdeen made his statement, which was fair enough and -not ill received, but it was ill delivered, and he omitted to say all he -might and ought to have said about Lord Lansdowne, nor did he say enough -about John Russell. He said, on the other hand, more than enough about -foreign policy, and gave Derby a good opportunity of attacking that part -of his speech. Derby was more moderate and temperate than on the first -night, and made a pretty good speech. He was wrong in dilating so much -on what had passed in the House of Commons, and he made very little of -the case of combination; he was severe on Graham and his speech at his -election at Carlisle, and Graham heard it all. Nobody else said a word. - - IRRITATION OF THE WHIGS. - -The Government is now complete, except some of the minor appointments -and the Household. It has not been a smooth and easy business by any -means, and there is anything but contentment, cordiality, and zeal in -the confederated party. The Whigs are excessively dissatisfied with the -share of places allotted to them, and complain that every Peelite -without exception has been provided for, while half the Whigs are -excluded. Though they exaggerate the case, there is a good deal of -justice in their complaints, and they have a right to murmur against -Aberdeen for not doing more for them, and John Russell for not insisting -on a larger share of patronage for his friends.[1] Clarendon told me -last night that the Peelites have behaved very ill, and have grasped at -everything, and he mentioned some very flagrant cases, in which, after -the distribution had been settled between Aberdeen and John Russell, -Newcastle and Sidney Herbert, for they appear to have been the most -active in the matter, persuaded Aberdeen to alter it and bestow or offer -offices intended for Whigs to Peelites and in some instances to -Derbyites who had been Peelites. Clarendon has been all along very -anxious to get Brougham into the Cabinet as President of the Council, -and he proposed it both to Lord John and Aberdeen, and the latter -acquiesced, and Clarendon thought it was going to be arranged that -Granville should be President of the Board of Trade, and Brougham -President of Council; but Newcastle and Sidney Herbert not only upset -this plan, but proposed that Ellenborough should be President of -Council, and then, when he was objected to, Harrowby. They also wanted -that Jersey should remain Master of the Horse, Jonathan Peel go again to -the Ordnance, and Chandos continue a Lord of the Treasury. With what -object they wished for these appointments I have not an idea, but the -very notion of them is an insult to the Whigs, and will be resented -accordingly. - -Lord Lansdowne seems to have taken little or no part in all this. He -hooked Palmerston, and, having rendered this great service, he probably -thought he had done enough. The Whigs at Brooks's are very angry, and -Bessborough told me that he thought his party so ill used, that he had -implored Lord John to withdraw even now rather than be a party to such -injustice. Lord John seems to have been very supine, and while the -Peelites were all activity, and intent on getting all they could, he let -matters take their course, and abstained from exercising the influence -in behalf of his own followers which his position and the -indispensability of his co-operation enabled him to do. This puts them -out of humour with him as much as with Aberdeen and his friends. - -We had a great reunion here (at Lord Granville's) last night, with half -the Cabinet at dinner or in the evening. I told Graham what the feelings -of the Whigs were. He said they had a very large and important share, -the Chancellors of England and of Ireland, etc., and he defended some of -the appointments and consequent exclusions on special grounds. They have -made Monsell, an Irish Catholic convert, Clerk of the Ordnance, together -with some other Irish Catholic appointments, and he said that these were -necessary in order to reconquer in Ireland what had been lost by the -Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and that it was of more consequence to -conciliate that large part of the Empire than to provide for the Ansons -and the Pagets; and on the same ground he justified the appointment of -St. Germans instead of Lord Carlisle as Lord Lieutenant. All this may be -very true, but the Whigs to be left out to make room for these -substitutes will not be convinced or pacified by the political -expediency which Graham sets forth, nor will such appointments be at all -popular here. If, however, they really should be the means of rallying -the Irish Brigade to the support of the Government, it may be patronage -well bestowed. But this makes it a disagreeable start, and may be -hereafter productive of serious consequences. Nothing can be more -shortsighted, as well as unfair, than the conduct of the Peelites in -trying to thrust their own people instead of Whigs into the offices, for -they can only hope to keep their places at all by the zealous support of -the whole Whig force, themselves bringing next to nothing in point of -numbers, and to encounter such a numerous and compact Opposition will -require the zealous co-operation of all who wish well to the Liberal -cause, and who are against Derby. Newcastle talked to me last night -about Aberdeen's speech, acknowledged its deficiencies, and said he had -told Aberdeen what he thought of it. Aberdeen acknowledged it all, said -he was so unaccustomed to make such statements, that he had forgotten or -overlooked it, and wished he could have spoken it again to repair the -omission. They all seem _at present_ very harmonious in their -intercourse. - - THE CLAIMS OF THE PEELITES. - -After dinner last night John Russell and Charles Wood went off to meet -Aberdeen, for the purpose, I believe, of settling some of the -arrangements not yet fixed. Clarendon told me that Charles Wood had been -of use in stimulating John Russell to interfere and prevent some of the -proposed changes which the Peelites wished Aberdeen to make in the list -as originally settled between him and Lord John, and it is very well -that he did. It is impossible not to see that Lord John himself, though -now willing to co-operate and do his best, has never been hearty in the -cause, nor entirely satisfied with his own position; and this has -probably made him more lukewarm, and deterred him from taking a more -active and decided part in the formation of the Government. We are just -going down to Windsor, the old Government to give up seals, wands, etc., -the new to be sworn in. They go by different railways, that they may -not meet. It is singular that I have never attended a Council during the -nine months Lord Derby was in office, not once; consequently there are -several of his Cabinet whom I do not know by sight--Pakington, Walpole, -and Henley. With my friends I resume my functions. - -[Footnote 1: It was, however, Lord John who prevented Mr. Cardwell, the -President of the Board of Trade, from having a seat in the Cabinet, on -the ground that there were already too many Peelites in it.] - - -_December 29th._--I went down to the Council yesterday at Windsor with -the _ins_, and we saw nothing of the _outs_, who went by another train -and railway. Palmerston was there, looking very ill indeed. They all -seem on very cordial terms. Graham told me he had had a very friendly -conversation with Palmerston, and was greatly rejoiced at being again -united to his old colleague. He acknowledged that it was a great mistake -in Aberdeen to have offered the Mastership of the Horse to Lord Jersey. -Aberdeen has now proposed the Lord Steward's place to Carlisle, which he -will probably not take, and possibly be offended at the offer. I suppose -Aberdeen has been subjected to pressure from various quarters, but might -have made a better selection and distribution than he has done. - - - LORD ABERDEEN'S ADMINISTRATION. - -_January 5th_, 1853.--The elections are all going on well, except -Gladstone's, who appears in great jeopardy. Nothing could exceed the -disgraceful conduct of his opponents, lying, tricking, and shuffling, as -might be expected from such a party. The best thing that could happen -for Gladstone would be to be beaten, if it were not for the triumph it -would be to the blackguards who have got up the contest; for the -representation of Oxford is always an embarrassment to a statesman, and -Peel's losing his election there in 1829 was the most fortunate event -possible for him. The only speech of the new Ministers calling for -special notice is Palmerston's at Tiverton, which appears to me to -conceal an _arrière-pensée_. He spoke in civil, even complimentary, -terms of the Derby Government, so much so, that if any break-up or -break-down should occur in this, and Lord Derby return to office, there -appears no reason why Palmerston should not form a fresh coalition with -him; and it looks very much as if he was keeping this contingency in -view, and putting himself in such an attitude as should enable him with -some plausibility to join the camp of such a restoration. - -The Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen's Administration consisted of the following -Ministers:-- - - Earl of Aberdeen First Lord of the Treasury - Lord Cranworth Lord Chancellor - Earl Granville Lord President of the Council - The Duke of Argyll Lord Privy Seal - Mr. Gladstone Chancellor of the Exchequer - Viscount Palmerston Home Secretary of State - The Duke of Newcastle Secretary for Colonies and War - Lord John Russell (and later - the Earl of Clarendon) Foreign Secretary - Sir James Graham First Lord of the Admiralty - Mr. Sidney Herbert Secretary at War - Sir Charles Wood President of the Indian Board - Sir William Molesworth First Commissioner of Works - The Marquis of Lansdowne without office. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - - A Royal Commission on Reform--M. de Flahault on the Emperor - Napoleon--Lord John's Blunder--Disraeli's Negotiation with the - Irish Members--Lord Beauvale's Death--Lady Beauvale's - Grief--Napoleon III. and Mdlle. de Montijo--Parliament meets--The - Emperor's Marriage--Disraeli's Attack on Sir C. Wood--Dislike of - Mr. Disraeli--Lord John Russell leaves the Foreign Office--Lord - Stanley's Liberal Votes--Disraeli's Opinion of his Colleagues--The - Government in Smooth Water--England unpopular abroad--Massimo - d'Azeglio--The Austrians in Italy--The Bishop of Lincoln--The Duke - of Bedford's Papers--Lord Palmerston leads the House--Social - Amenities--Rancour of Northern Powers against England--Friendly - Resolution of the Emperor Napoleon III.--Difficulties at Home--The - India Bill--The Eastern Question--The Czar's Proposals--Russian - Assurances--The Royal Family. - - -_Bowood, January 12th,_ 1853.--I came here on Monday to meet the -Cannings, Harcourt,[1] and Lady Waldegrave, the Bessboroughs, -Elphinstone, Senior, and the family. Senior talked to me about the -Government and Reform, and the danger of their splitting on the latter -question and propounded a scheme he has for obviating this danger. He -wants to have a Royal Commission to enquire into the practice of bribery -at elections and the means of preventing it, or, if possible, to have an -enquiry of a more extensive and comprehensive character into the state -of the representation and the working of the Reform Bill. We talked it -over, and I told him I thought this would not be a bad expedient. He had -already spoken to Lord Lansdowne about it, who seemed not averse to the -idea, and promised to talk to Lord John Russell on the subject. Senior, -when he went away, begged me to talk to Lord Lansdowne also, which I -attempted to do, but without success, for he seemed quite indisposed to -enter upon it. - -[Footnote 1: George Granville Harcourt, Esq., M.P., eldest son of the -Archbishop of York, and third husband of Frances, Countess of -Waldegrave.] - - - LORD JOHN'S ARRANGEMENT DISAPPROVED. - -_Beaudesert, January 19th._--To town on Saturday and here on Monday, -with the Flahaults, Bessboroughs, Ansons, my brothers and the family. -Lord Anglesey and M. de Flahault talk over their campaigns, and compare -notes on the events of Sir John Moore's retreat and other military -operations, in which they have served in opposing armies. Flahault was -aide-de-camp to Marshal Berthier till the middle of the Russian -campaign, when he became aide-de-camp to Napoleon, whom he never quitted -again till the end of his career. His accounts of what he has seen and -known are curious and interesting. He says that one of the Emperor's -greatest mistakes and the causes of his misfortunes was his habit of -ordering everything, down to the minutest arrangement, himself, and -leaving so little to the discretion and responsibility of his generals -and others that they became mere machines, and were incapable of acting, -or afraid to act, on their own judgements. On several occasions great -calamities were the consequence of this unfortunate habit of Napoleon's. - - -_London, January 24th._--The Duke of Bedford called here this morning. I -had not seen him for an age; he was just come from Windsor with a budget -of matter, which as usual he was in such a hurry that he had not time to -tell me. I got a part of it, however. I began by asking him how he had -left them all at Windsor, to which he replied that the state of things -was not very satisfactory. The Queen disapproved Lord John's arrangement -for giving up the seals of the Foreign Office on a given day (the 15th -February) which had not been previously explained to her Majesty, as it -ought to have been. She said that she should make no objection if any -good reason could be assigned for what was proposed, either of a public -or a private nature, any reason connected with his health or with the -transaction of business, but she thought, and she is right, that fixing -beforehand a particular day, without any special necessity occurring, is -very unreasonable and absurd. Then they are all very angry with Lord -John for an exceeding piece of folly of his, in announcing to the -Foreign Ministers, the day he received them, that he was only to be at -the Foreign Office for a few weeks. This, as the Duke said, was a most -unwise and improper communication, particularly as it was made without -any concert with Aberdeen, and without his knowledge, and, in fact, -blurted out with the same sort of levity that was apparent in the Durham -letter and the Reform announcement, with both of which he has been so -bitterly reproached, and which have proved so inconvenient that it might -have been thought he would not fall again into similar scrapes. The -Foreign Ministers themselves were exceedingly astonished, and not a -little annoyed. Brunnow said it was a complete mockery, and they all -felt that it was unsatisfactory to be put in relation with a Foreign -Secretary who was only to be there for a few weeks. - -The Queen is delighted to have got rid of the late Ministers. She felt, -as everybody else does, that their Government was disgraced by its -shuffling and prevarication, and she said that Harcourt's pamphlet -(which was all true) was sufficient to show what they were.[1] As she is -very honourable and true herself, it was natural she should disapprove -their conduct. - - DISRAELI AND THE IRISH BRIGADE. - -Yesterday Delane called on me, and gave me an account of a curious -conversation he had had with Disraeli. Disraeli asked him to call on -him, which he did, when they talked over recent events and the fall of -the late Government, very frankly, it would seem, on Disraeli's part. He -acknowledged that he had been bitterly mortified. When Delane asked him, -'now it was all over,' what made him produce such a Budget, he said, if -he had not been thwarted and disappointed, he should have carried it by -the aid of the Irish Brigade whom he had _engaged_ for that purpose. -Just before the debate, one of them came to him and said, if he would -agree to refer Sharman Crawford's Tenant Right Bill to the Select -Committee with the Government Bill, they would all vote with him. He -thought this too good a bargain to miss, and he closed with his friend -on those terms, told Walpole what he had arranged, desired him to carry -out the bargain, and the thing was done. No sooner was the announcement -made than Lord Naas and Sir Joseph Napier[2] (who had never been -informed) came in a great fury to Disraeli and Walpole, complained of -the way they had been treated, and threatened to resign. With great -difficulty he pacified or rather silenced them, and he was in hopes the -storm had blown over, but the next day he found Naas and Napier had gone -to Lord Derby with their complaints, and he now found the latter full of -wrath and indignation likewise; for Lord Roden, who had heard something -of this compromise (i.e. of the Tenant Right Bill being referred to -Committee), announced his intention of asking Lord Derby a question in -the House of Lords. Added to this, as soon as the news reached Dublin, -Lord Eglinton and Blackburne testified the same resentment as Naas and -Napier had done, and threatened to resign likewise. All this produced a -prodigious flare up. Disraeli represented that it was his business to -make the Budget succeed by such means as he could, that the votes of the -Brigade would decide it either way, and that he had made a very good -bargain, as he had pledged himself to nothing more, and never had any -intention of giving any _suite_ to what had been done, so that it could -not signify. He did not succeed in appeasing Lord Derby, who, a night or -two after in the Lords, repudiated all participation in what had been -done, and attacked the Irishmen very bitterly. Disraeli heard this -speech, and saw at once that it would be fatal to the Budget and to -them, as it proved, for the whole Brigade voted in a body against the -Government, and gave a majority to the other side. He seemed in pretty -good spirits as to the future, though without for the present any -definite purpose. He thinks the bulk of the party will keep together. -Delane asked him what he would have done with such a Budget if he had -carried it. - -He said they should have remodelled their Government, Palmerston and -Gladstone would have joined them (_Gladstone_ after the debate and their -duel!); during the intervening two or three months the Budget would have -been discussed in the country, what was liked retained, what was -unpopular altered, and in the end they should have produced a very good -Budget which the country would have taken gladly. He never seems to have -given a thought to any consideration of political morality, honesty, or -truth, in all that he said. The moral of the whole is, that let what -will happen it will be very difficult to bring Lord Derby and Disraeli -together again. They must regard each other with real, if not avowed, -distrust and dislike. Disraeli said that Derby's position in life and -his fortune were so different from his, that their several courses must -be influenced accordingly. It is easy to conceive how Lord Derby, -embarked (no matter how or why) in such a contest, should strain every -nerve to succeed and fight it out; but the thing once broken up, he -would not be very likely to place himself again in such a situation, and -to encounter the endless difficulties, dangers, and mortifications -attendant upon the lead of such a party, and above all the necessity of -trusting entirely to such a colleague as Disraeli in the House of -Commons without one other man of a grain of capacity besides. As it is, -he will probably betake himself to the enjoyment of his pleasures and -pursuits, till he is recalled to political life by some fresh excitement -and interest that time and circumstances may throw in his way; but let -what will happen, I doubt his encountering again the troubles and -trammels of office.[3] - -[Footnote 1: Mr. William Harcourt published a pamphlet at this time on -'The Morality of Public Men,' in which he censured with great severity -the conduct of the late Ministers.] - -[Footnote 2: Lord Naas was Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Sir Joseph -Napier Attorney-General for Ireland, in Lord Derby's Administration of -1852. Lord Eglinton was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and the Right Hon. -Francis Blackburne Irish Lord Chancellor.] - -[Footnote 3: A singularly unfortunate prediction! The alliance of Lord -Derby and Mr. Disraeli remained unbroken, and continued long enough to -enable them (after a second failure) to bring the Conservative party -back to power.] - - - DEATH OF LORD BEAUVALE. - -_January 30th._--Yesterday morning Frederic Lamb, Lord Beauvale and -Melbourne, with whom both titles cease, died at Brocket after a short -but severe attack of influenza, fever, and gout. He was in his -seventy-first year. Lady Palmerston thus becomes a rich heiress. He was -not so remarkable a man in character as his brother William, less -peculiar and eccentric, more like other people, with much less of -literary acquirement, less caustic humour and pungent wit, but he had a -vigorous understanding, great quickness, a good deal of general -information, he was likewise well versed in business and public affairs, -and a very sensible and intelligent converser and correspondent. He took -a deep and lively interest in politics to the last moment of his life, -was insatiably curious about all that was going on, and was much -confided in and consulted by many people of very different parties and -opinions. He never was in Parliament, but engaged all his life in a -diplomatic career, for which he was very well fitted, having been -extremely handsome in his youth, and always very clever, agreeable, and -adroit. He consequently ran it with great success, and was in high -estimation at Vienna, where his brother-in-law, Palmerston, sent him as -Ambassador. He was always much addicted to gallantry, and had endless -liaisons with women, most of whom continued to be his friends long after -they had ceased to be his mistresses, much to the credit of all parties. -After having led a very free and dissolute life, he had the good fortune -at sixty years old, and with a broken and enfeebled constitution, to -settle (as it is called), by marrying a charming girl of twenty, the -daughter of the Prussian Minister at Vienna, Count Maltzahn. This Adine, -who was content to unite her May to his December, was to him a perfect -angel, devoting her youthful energies to sustain and cheer his -valetudinarian existence with a cheerful unselfishness, which he repaid -by a grateful and tender affection, having an air at once marital and -paternal. She never cared to go anywhere, gave up all commerce with the -world and all its amusements and pleasures, contenting herself with such -society as it suited him to gather about them, his old friends and some -new ones, to whom she did the honours with infinite grace and -cordiality, and who all regarded her with great admiration and respect. -In such social intercourse, in political gossip, and in her untiring -attentions, his last years glided away, not without enjoyment. He and -his brother William had always been on very intimate terms, and William -highly prized his advice and opinions; but as Frederic was at heart a -Tory, and had a horror of Radicalism in every shape, he was not seldom -disgusted with the conduct of the Whig Government, and used sorely to -perplex and mortify William by his free and severe strictures on him and -his colleagues. He nominally belonged to the Liberal party, but in -reality he was strongly Conservative, and he always dreaded the progress -of democracy, though less disturbed than he would otherwise have been by -reflecting that no material alteration could possibly overtake him. His -most intimate friends abroad were the Metternichs and Madame de Lieven, -and his notions of foreign policy were extremely congenial to theirs. -Here, his connexions all lying with people of the Liberal side, he had -nothing to do with the Tories, for most of whom he entertained great -contempt. Brougham, Ellice, and myself were the men he was most intimate -with. He was very fond of his sister, but never much liked Palmerston, -and was bitterly opposed to his policy when he was at the Foreign -Office, which was a very sore subject between himself and them, and for -a long time, and on many occasions, embittered or interrupted their -intercourse; but as he was naturally affectionate, had a very good -temper, and loved an easy life, such clouds were always soon dispersed, -and no permanent estrangement ever took place. He was largely endowed -with social merits and virtues, without having or affecting any claim to -those of a higher or moral character. I have no doubt he was much more -amiable as an old man than he ever had been when he was a young one; and -though the death of one so retired from the world can make little or no -sensation in it, except as being the last of a remarkable family, he -will be sincerely regretted, and his loss will be sensibly felt by the -few who enjoyed the intimacy of his declining years. - - - LADY BEAUVALE. - -_February 8th._--Yesterday I went to see the unhappy Lady Beauvale, and, -apart from the sorrow of witnessing so much bodily and mental suffering, -it is really a singular and extraordinary case. Here is a woman -thirty-two years old, and therefore in the prime of life, who has lost a -husband of seventy-one deprived of the use of his limbs, and whom she -had nursed for ten years, the period of their union, with the probable -or possible fatal termination of his frequent attacks of gout constantly -before her eyes, and she is not merely plunged in great grief at the -loss she has sustained, but in a blank and hopeless despair, which in -its moral and physical effects seriously menaces her own existence. She -is calm, reasonable and docile, talks of him and his illness without any -excitement, and is ready to do everything that her friends advise; but -she is earnestly desirous to die, considers her sole business on earth -as finished, and talks as if the prolongation of her own life could only -be an unmitigated evil and intolerable burden, and that no ray of hope -was left for her of any possibility of happiness or even peace and ease -for the future. She is in fact brokenhearted, and that for a man old -enough to be her grandfather and a martyr to disease and infirmity; but -to her he was everything; she had consecrated her life to the -preservation of his, and she kept his vital flame alive with the -unwearied watching of a Vestal priestess. She had made him an object and -an idol round which all the feelings and even passion of an affectionate -heart had entwined themselves, till at last she had merged her very -existence in his, and only lived in, with, and for him. She saw and felt -that he enjoyed life, and she made it her object to promote and prolong -this enjoyment. 'Why,' she says, 'could I not save him now, as I saved -him heretofore?' and not having been able to do so, she regards her own -life as utterly useless and unnecessary, and only hopes to be relieved -of it that she may (as she believes and expects) be enabled to join him -in some other world.[1] - - -[Footnote 1: She lived, however, and married Lord Forester, _en -secondes noces_, in 1856.] - - -_February 9th._--Yesterday Clarendon told me a curious thing about the -Emperor Napoleon and his marriage, which came in a roundabout way, but -which no doubt is true. Madame de Montijo's most intimate friend is the -Marchioness of Santa Cruz, and to her she wrote an account of what had -passed about her daughter's marriage and the Emperor's proposal to her. -When he offered her marriage, she expressed her sense of the greatness -of the position to which he proposed to raise her. He replied, 'It is -only fair that I should set before you the whole truth, and let you know -that if the position is very high, it is also perhaps very dangerous and -insecure.' He then represented to her in detail all the dangers with -which he was environed, his unpopularity with the higher classes, the -_malveillance_ of the Great Powers, the possibility of his being any day -assassinated at her side, his popularity indeed with the masses, but the -fleeting character of their favour, but above all the existence of a -good deal of disaffection and hostility in the army, the most serious -thing of all. If this latter danger, he said, were to become more -formidable, he knew very well how to avert it by a war; and though his -earnest desire was to maintain peace, if no other means of -self-preservation should remain, he should not shrink from that, which -would at once rally the whole army to one common feeling. All this he -told her with entire frankness, and without concealing the perils of his -position, or his sense of them, and it is one of the most creditable -traits I have ever heard of him. It was, of course, calculated to engage -and attach any woman of high spirit and generosity, and it seems to have -had that effect upon her. It is, however, curious in many ways; it -reveals a sense of danger that is not apparently suspected, and his -consciousness of it; and it shows how, in spite of a sincere wish to -maintain peace, he may be driven to make war as a means of -self-preservation, and therefore how entirely necessary it is that we -should be on our guard, and not relax our defensive preparations. I was -sure from the conversations I had with M. de Flahault at Beaudesert, -that he feels the Emperor's situation to be one of insecurity and -hazard. He said that it remained to be seen whether it was possible that -a Government could be maintained permanently in France on the principle -of the total suppression of civil and political liberty, which had the -support of the masses, but which was abhorred and opposed by all the -elevated and educated classes. The limbs of the body politic are with -the Emperor, and the head against him. - - -_February 11th._--Parliament met again last night. Lord Derby threw off -in the Lords by asking Lord Aberdeen what the Government meant to do, -which Aberdeen awkwardly and foolishly enough declined to give any -answer to. The scene was rather ridiculous, and not creditable, I think, -to Aberdeen. He is unfortunately a very bad speaker at all times, and, -what is worse in a Prime Minister, has no readiness whatever. Lord -Lansdowne would have made a very pretty and dexterous flourish, and -answered the question. Lord John did announce in the House of Commons -what the Government mean to do and not to do, but they say he did it -ill, and it was very flat, not a _brilliant_ throw-off at all. - - - MARRIAGE OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON III. - -_February 16th._--Yesterday Cowley arrived from Paris. He called on me, -and gave me an account of the state of things there and some curious -details about the Emperor's marriage and his abortive matrimonial -projects. He confirms the account of Louis Napoleon's position set forth -in Madame de Montijo's letter. The effect of his marriage has been very -damaging everywhere, and the French people were not at all pleased at -his calling himself a 'parvenu,' which mortified their vanity, inasmuch -as they did not like to appear as having thrown themselves at the feet -of a parvenu. For some time before the marriage was declared, Cowley, -from what he saw and the information he received, began to suspect it -would take place, and reported it to John Russell. Just about this time -Walewski went to Paris, and when Cowley saw him he told him so. Walewski -expressed the greatest surprise as well as mortification, and imparted -to Cowley that a negotiation had been and still was going on for the -Emperor's marriage with the Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe, the Queen's -niece, at that time and still with the Queen in England. This was begun -by Lord Malmesbury, and the Emperor had regularly proposed to her -through her father. A very civil answer had been sent by the Prince, in -which he said that he would not dispose of his daughter's hand without -her consent, and that he had referred the proposal to her, and she -should decide for herself. The Queen had behaved very well, and had -abstained from giving any advice or expressing any opinion on the -subject. They were then expecting the young Princess's decision. This -being the case, Cowley advised Walewski to exert his influence to stop -the demonstrations that were going on between the Emperor and Mlle. di -Montijo, which might seriously interfere with this plan. The next day -Walewski told Cowley that he had seen the Emperor, who took him by both -hands, and said, 'Mon cher, je suis pris,' and then told him he had -resolved to marry Mlle. de Montijo. However, on Walewski representing -the state of the other affair, he agreed to wait for the Princess -Adelaide's answer, but said, if it was unfavourable, he would conclude -the other affair, but if the Princess accepted him he would marry her. -The day following the answer came: very civil, but declining on the -ground of her youth and inexperience, and not feeling equal to such a -position. The same day the Emperor proposed to the Empress. Cowley says -he is evidently much changed since his marriage, and that he is -conscious of his unpopularity and the additional insecurity in which it -has involved his position. - - -_February 19th._--Lord Cowley told me something more about the marriage. -He saw the Queen on Thursday (17th), who told him all about it. The -first step was taken by Morny, who wrote to Malmesbury, and requested -him to propose it, stating that the Emperor's principal object in it was -to 'resserrer les liens entre les deux pays.' Malmesbury accordingly -wrote to the Queen on the subject. She was annoyed, justly considering -that the proposal, with the reason given, placed her in a very awkward -situation, and that it ought not to have been mentioned to her at all. -The result was what has been already stated, but with this difference, -that the Queen set her face against the match, although the girl, if -left to herself, would have accepted the offer. However, nobody knows -this, and they are very anxious these details should not transpire. The -two accounts I have given of this transaction seem to me to afford a -good illustration of the uncertainty of the best authenticated -historical statements. Nothing could appear more to be relied on than -the accuracy of Cowley's first account to me, and if I had not seen him -again, or if he had not imparted to me his conversation with the Queen, -that account would have stood uncorrected, and an inaccurate version of -the story would have been preserved, and might hereafter have been made -public, and, unless corrected by some other contemporaneous narrative, -would probably have been taken as true. The matter in itself is not very -important, but such errors unquestionably are liable to occur in matters -of greater moment, and actually do occur, fully justifying the -apocryphal character which has been ascribed to almost every historical -work.[1] - -The Queen seems to be intensely curious about the Court of France and -all details connected with it, and on the other hand Louis Napoleon has -been equally curious about the etiquette observed in the English Court, -and desirous of assimilating his to ours, which in great measure he -appears to have done. - - DISRAELI'S ATTACK ON SIR CHARLES WOOD. - -Last night there was the first field day in the House of Commons, -Disraeli having made an elaborate and bitter attack on the Government, -but especially on Charles Wood and Graham, under the pretence of asking -questions respecting our foreign relations, and more particularly with -France.[2] His speech was very long, in most parts very tiresome, but -with a good deal of ability, and a liberal infusion of that sarcastic -vituperation which is his great forte, and which always amuses the House -of Commons more or less. It was, however, a speech of devilish -malignity, quite reckless and shamelessly profligate; for the whole -scope of it was, if possible, to envenom any bad feeling that may -possibly exist between France and England, and, by the most exaggerated -representations of the offence given by two of the Ministers to the -French Government and nation, to exasperate the latter, and to make it a -point of honour with them to resent it, even to the extent of a quarrel -with us. Happily its factious violence was so great as to disgust even -the people on his own side, and the French Government is too really -desirous of peace and harmony to pay any attention to the rant of a -disappointed adventurer, whose motives and object are quite transparent. - -[Footnote 1: Further details with reference to the marriage of the -Emperor will be found in Lord Malmesbury's _Memoirs_, vol. i. pp. 374 -and 378, which confirm Mr. Greville's narrative.] - -[Footnote 2: Sir Charles Wood, President of the Board of Control, made -a speech to his constituents at Halifax on February 3, in which he -commented in severe language on the despotic character of the Imperial -Government of France. The speech was thought to be unbecoming in the -mouth of a Cabinet minister, and Sir Charles apologised for it. But Mr. -Disraeli made it the subject of a fierce attack in the House of -Commons.] - - -_February 20th._--Disraeli's speech on Friday night was evidently a -political blunder, which has injured him in the general opinion, and -disgusted his own party. It is asserted that he communicated his -intention to his followers, who disapproved of it, but he nevertheless -persisted. The speech itself was too long; it was dull and full of -useless truisms in the first part, but clever and brilliant in the last; -and his personalities were very smart and well aimed; but there was not -a particle of truth and sincerity in it; it was a mere vituperation and -factious display, calculated to do mischief if it produced any effect at -all, and quite unbecoming a man who had just been a Minister of the -Crown and leader of the House of Commons, and who ought to have been -animated by higher motives and more patriotic views. This was what the -more sensible men of the party felt, and Tom Baring, the most sensible -and respectable of the Derbyites, and the man of the greatest weight -amongst them, told me himself that he was so much disgusted that he was -on the point of getting up to disavow him, and it is much to be -regretted, as I told him, that such a rebuke was not administered from -such a quarter. It does not look as if the connexion between Disraeli -and the party could go on long. Their dread and distrust of him and his -contempt of them render it difficult if not impossible. Pakington is -already talked of as their leader, and some think Disraeli wants to -shake them off and trade on his own bottom, trusting to his great -abilities to make his way to political power with somebody and on some -principles, about neither of which he would be very nice. Tom Baring -said to me last night, 'Can't you make room for him in this Coalition -Government?' I said, 'Why, will you give him to us?' 'Oh, yes,' he said, -'you shall have him with pleasure.' - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL LEAVES THE FOREIGN OFFICE. - -Lord John Russell has taken leave of the Foreign Office, and has had an -interview with the Queen and Prince, satisfactory to both. She has been -all along considerably annoyed at the arrangement made about his taking -the Foreign Office only to quit it, and his leading the House of Commons -without any office, which she fancies is unconstitutional, and the -arrangement was announced in the newspapers without any proper -communication to her. The consequence has been some little soreness on -both sides, but this has now been all removed by explanations and -amicable communication. The Queen attacked him on the constitutional -ground, but here _elle l'a pris par son fort_, and he easily bowled over -this objection.[1] Then she expressed her fear lest it should be drawn -into a precedent, which might be inconvenient in other cases, to which -he replied that he thought there was little fear of anybody wishing to -follow the precedent of a man taking upon himself a vast amount of -labour without any pay at all. Then she said that a man independent of -office might consider himself independent of the Crown also, and -postpone its interests to popular requirements; which he answered by -saying that he did not think any Minister, as it was, thought very much -of the Crown as contradistinguished from the people, and that he was not -less likely to take such a part as she apprehended by holding an office -of 5,000_l._ a year, from which a vote of the House of Commons could at -any moment expel him. - -[Footnote 1: The objection taken by Her Majesty was to Lord John -Russell's proposal that he should retain his seat in the Cabinet and the -leadership of the House of Commons without holding any special office in -the Government. But in fact, as a Privy Councillor of the Crown, a -Minister, with or without office, is under precisely the same -obligations to the Sovereign and to Parliament. He appears to have -satisfied them both, and to be satisfied himself, which is still more -important.] - - -_February 25th._--The Jew question and the Maynooth question have been -got over in the House of Commons without much debate, but by small -majorities. The most remarkable incident was young Stanley[1] voting -with the majority in both questions, and speaking on Maynooth, and well. -As he is pretty sure to act a conspicuous part, it is good to see him -taking a wise and liberal line. Disraeli voted for the Jews, but did not -speak, which was very base of him. Last night I met Tomline at dinner, -who is a friend of his, and told me a great deal about him. He has a -good opinion of him, that is, that he has a good disposition, but his -personal position perverts him in great measure. He says he dislikes and -despises Derby, thinks him a good 'Saxon' speaker and nothing more, has -a great contempt for his party, particularly for Pakington, whom they -seem to think of setting up as leader in his place. The man in the House -of Commons whom he most fears as an opponent is Gladstone. He has the -highest opinion of his ability, and he respects Graham as a statesman. -Tomline told me that his system of attacking the late Sir Robert Peel -was settled after this manner. When the great schism took place, three -of the seceders went to Disraeli (Miles, Tyrrel, and a third whom I have -forgotten), and proposed to him to attack and vilify Peel regularly, but -with discretion; not to fatigue and disgust the House, to make a speech -against him about once a fortnight or so, and promised if he would that -a constant and regular attendance of a certain number of men should be -there to cheer and support him, remarking that nobody was ever efficient -in the House of Commons without this support certain.[2] He desired -twenty minutes to consider of this offer, and finally accepted it. We -have seen the result, a curious beginning of an important political -career. Now they dread and hate him, for they know in his heart he has -no sympathy with them, and that he has no truth or sincerity in his -conduct or speeches, and would throw them over if he thought it his -interest. - -[Footnote 1: The present Earl of Derby, who succeeded his father as -fifteenth Earl in 1869. He entered public life as Under Secretary of -State for Foreign Affairs in 1852.] - -[Footnote 2: This anecdote is related on the authority of Mr. Tomline -as stated in the text. It was mentioned in the lifetime of Lord -Beaconsfield, and in justice to him it must be said that he altogether -denied the truth of the story.] - - - WHIG MALCONTENTS. - -_March 1st._--The Government seem upon the whole to be going on -prosperously. They have at present no difficulty in the House of -Commons, where there is no disposition to oppose their measures, and an -appearance of moderation generally, which promises an easy Session. John -Russell has spoken well, and seems to have recovered a great share of -the popularity he had lost. Aberdeen has done very well in the House of -Lords, his answers to various 'questions' having been discreet, -temperate, and judicious; in short, up to this time the horizon is -tolerably clear. On the other hand the divisions have presented meagre -majorities, and the Government have no _power_ in the House of Commons, -and live on the goodwill or forbearance of the several fractions of -which it is composed. John Russell is in his heart not satisfied with -his present position, and not animated with any spirit of zeal or -cordiality, though he is sure to act honestly and fairly the part he has -undertaken. There is still a good deal of lurking discontent and -resentment on the part of those who were left out, and of the Whig party -generally, who are only half reconciled to following the banner of a -Peelite premier; of the malcontents the principal are Carlisle and -Clanricarde, who are both in different ways very sore; Normanby is -dissatisfied, Labouchere, Seymour, and George Grey not pleased, but -except Clanricarde none have shown any disposition to withhold their -support from the Government, or even to carp at them. Aberdeen seems to -have no notion of being anything but a _real_ Prime Minister. He means -to exercise a large influence in the management of foreign affairs, -which he considers to be the peculiar, if not exclusive, province of -himself and Clarendon. Palmerston does not interfere with them at all, -but he must do so, if any important questions arise for the Cabinet to -decide, and then it is very likely some dissension will be the -consequence. There are four ex-Secretaries for foreign affairs in this -Cabinet, all of whom will naturally take part in any discussion of -moment. Argyll began rather unluckily, running his head indiscreetly -against Ellenborough on an Indian petition. He is burning with -impatience to distinguish himself, and broke out too soon, and out of -season; but he was not unconscious of his error, and it will probably be -of use to him to have met with a little check at his outset, and teach -him to be more discreet. He spoke again last night, and very well, on -the Clergy reserves, when there was a brilliant passage of arms in the -Lords, in which Lord Derby and the Bishops of Exeter and Oxford -distinguished themselves. - -News came by telegraph last night that the dispute between Turkey and -Austria is settled, which will relieve us from a great difficulty. If it -had gone on, we should have had a difficult part to play, and unluckily -the good understanding that was reviving between us and Vienna has all -been upset by the late attempt on the Emperor's life,[1] which has -thrown the Austrians into a ferment, and renewed all their bitter -resentment against us for harbouring Kossuth and Mazzini, to whom they -attribute both the _émeute_ at Milan and the assassination at Vienna -severally. They are no doubt right about Mazzini and wrong about -Kossuth, but fortunately for us the first is not in England and has been -abroad for some time, and it will probably be impossible to bring any -evidence against Kossuth to connect him with the Hungarian assassin. But -these troubles and attempts, the origin of which is attributed to men -residing here, and, though neglected by the Government, more or less -objects of popular favour and sympathy, render all relations of amity -impossible between our Government and theirs, and the disunion is -aggravated by our absurd meddling with such cases as the Madiai and -Murray at Florence and at Rome, which are no concern of ours, and which -our Government does in compliance with Protestant bigotry. What makes -our conduct the more absurd is that we do more harm than good to the -objects of our interest, for no Government can, with any regard to its -own dignity and independence, yield to our dictation and impertinent -interference. The Grand Duke of Tuscany said that the Madiai would have -been let out of prison long ago but for our interference. John Russell's -published letter on this subject, which was very palateable to the -public, was as objectionable as possible, and quite as insolent and -presumptuous as any Palmerston used to write. - - AUSTRIAN OPPRESSION IN ITALY. - -Last night the Marquis Massimo d'Azeglio came here. He was Prime -Minister in Piedmont till replaced by Count Cavour, and is come to join -his nephew, who is Minister here. He is a tall, thin, dignified looking -man, with very pleasing manners. He gave us a shocking account of the -conduct of the Austrians at Milan in consequence of the recent outbreak. -Their tyranny and cruelty have been more like the deeds in the middle -ages than those in our own time; wantonly putting people to death -without trial or even the slightest semblance of guilt, plundering and -confiscating, and in every respect acting in a manner equally barbarous -and impolitic. They have thrown away a good opportunity of improving -their own moral status in Italy, and completely played the game of their -enemies by increasing the national hatred against them tenfold. If ever -France finds it her interest to go to war,[2] Italy will be her mark, -for she will now find the whole population in her favour, and would be -joined by Sardinia, who would be too happy to revenge her former -reverses with French aid; nor would it be possible for this country to -support Austria in a war to secure that Italian dominion which she has -so monstrously abused. - -[Footnote 1: The Emperor of Austria was stabbed in the neck on February -18, by Joseph Libeny, on the ramparts of Vienna, fortunately without -serious consequences. The assassin had not the remotest connexion with -anyone in this country.] - -[Footnote 2: Remarkable prediction, verified in 1859.] - - -_March 3rd._--Lord Aberdeen has gained great credit by making Mr. -Jackson, Rector of St. James's, Bishop of Lincoln. He is a man without -political patronage or connexion, and with no recommendation but his -extraordinary merit both as a parish priest and a preacher. Such an -appointment is creditable, wise, and popular, and will strengthen the -Government by conciliating the moderate and sincere friends of the -Church. - -The Duke of Bedford writes to me about his papers and voluminous -correspondence, which he has been thinking of overhauling and arranging, -but he shrinks from such a laborious task. He says: 'With respect to my -political correspondence, it has been unusually interesting and -remarkable. I came so early into public life, have been so mixed up with -everything, have known the political chief of my own party so -intimately, and of the Tory party also to a limited extent, that there -is no great affair of my own time I have not been well acquainted with.' -This is very true, and his correspondence, whenever it sees the light, -will be more interesting, and contribute more historical information, -than that of any other man who has been engaged in public life. The -papers of Peel and of the Duke of Wellington may be more important, but -I doubt their's being more interesting, because the Duke of Bedford's -will be of a more miscellaneous and comprehensive character; and though -his abilities are not of a very high order, his judgement is sound, his -mind is unprejudiced and candid, and he is a sincere worshipper of -truth. - -For the last few days John Russell has been kept away from the House of -Commons by the death of the Dowager Duchess of Bedford, when Palmerston -has been acting as leader, taking that post as naturally and undoubtedly -belonging to him, and his right to it being entirely acquiesced in by -his colleagues of both camps. They say that he has given great -satisfaction to the House, where he is regarded with the same favour and -inclination as heretofore, and _personally_ much more acceptable than -Lord John. Cobden dined with John Russell the other day, and, what is -more remarkable, Bessborough told me he met Roden at dinner the other -day at the Castle at Dublin, St. Germans and he on very goodhumoured -terms. These are striking examples of the compatibility of the strongest -political difference with social amenities. Cobden, however, is not in -regular opposition to the Government, but in great measure a supporter. - - - ALLIANCE OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. - -_March 10th._--I met M. de Flahault last night, just returned from -Paris. He said that he found there a rancour and violence against us -amongst the Austrians, and Russians and Prussians no less, quite -inconceivable. He talked to them all and represented to them the -absurdity of their suppositions and exigencies, but without the -slightest effect; he found the Emperor, however, in a very different -frame of mind, understanding perfectly the position of the English -Government, and completely determined to maintain his alliance with us, -and not to yield to the tempting cajolery of the Continental Powers, who -want him to make common cause with them against us. Such is their -madness and their passion, and such the necessity, real or fancied, in -which they are placed by the revolutionary fire which is still -smouldering everywhere, and their own detestable misgovernment (at least -that of Austria, which the others abet), that they are ready to -cooperate with France in coercing and weakening us, and to sacrifice all -the great and traditional policy of Europe, in order to wage war against -the stronghold and only asylum of constitutional principles and -government. - -Flahault said that the Emperor has had an opportunity of placing himself -in the first year of his reign in a situation which was the great object -of his uncle's life, and which he never could attain. He might have been -at the head of a European league against us, for these powers have -signified to him their willingness to follow him in such a crusade, the -Emperor of Russia and he being on the best terms, and a cordial -interchange of letters having taken place between them. But Napoleon has -had the wisdom and the magnanimity to resist the bait, to decline these -overtures, and to resolve on adherence to England. Flahault said that he -had had an audience, at which he frankly and freely told the Emperor his -own opinion, not being without apprehension that it would be -unpalateable to him, and not coincident with his own views. While he was -talking to him, he saw him smile, which he interpreted into a sentiment -that he (Flahault) was too _English_ for him in his language and -opinions, and he said so. The Emperor said, 'I smiled because you so -exactly expressed my own opinions,' and then he told him that he took -exactly the same view of what his true policy was that Flahault himself -did. Flahault suggested to him that, in spite of the civilities shown -him by the Northern Powers, they did not, and never would, consider him -as one of themselves, and they only wanted to make him the instrument of -their policy or their vengeance; and he reminded him that while England -had at once recognised him, they were not only in no hurry to do so, but -if England had not recognised him as she did, he would not have been -recognised by any one of those Powers to this day, all which he -acknowledged to be true. - - HOSTILITY OF AUSTRIA. - -The prevailing feeling against England which Flahault found at Paris has -been proved on innumerable occasions. Clarendon is well aware of it, and -does his best, but with very little success, to bring the foreign -Ministers and others to reason. Madame de Lieven writes to me in this -strain, and even liberal and intelligent foreigners like Alfred Potocki, -who has been accused of being a rebel in Austria, writes that we ought -to expel the refugees. At Vienna the people are persuaded that there is -some indirect and undefinable participation on the part of the British -Government in the insurrectionary and homicidal acts of Milan and -Vienna, and they have got a story that the assassin Libeny had a letter -of Palmerston's in his shoe. Unreasonable as all this is, we ought to -make great allowance for their excited feelings, for they have a case -against us of a cumulative character. It goes back a long way, and -embraces many objects and details, and is principally attributable to -Palmerston, partly to his doings, and perhaps more to his sayings. They -cannot forget that he has long been the implacable enemy of Austria, -that he advised her renunciation of her Italian dominions, and that he -and his agents have always sympathised with, and sometimes aided and -abetted most of the revolutionary movements that have taken place. Then -there was the Haynau affair, and the lukewarmness and indifference -which the Government of that day, and Palmerston particularly, exhibited -about it; then the reception of Kossuth, the public meetings and his -speeches, together with the speeches at them of Cobden and others of -which no notice was ever taken, and finally the transaction about -Palmerston's receiving Kossuth and his famous answer to the addresses -presented to him from Finsbury and Islington. All these things satisfy -the foreign Governments that we are not only politically but nationally -their enemies, and that we harbour their rebellious subjects out of -hatred to them, and that we regard with sympathy and a secret -satisfaction the plots which they concoct in safety here and go forth to -execute abroad. And when they are told that our laws afford these people -an asylum, which no Government has the power to deny them, and that -Parliament and public opinion will not consent to arm the Government -with the powers of restraint or coercion they do not possess, they only -explode the more loudly in denunciations against that free and -constitutional system which is not only a perpetual reproach, but, as -they think, a source of continual danger to their own. So much for -foreign affairs. - -At home, while the political sky is still serene enough, there are some -rocks ahead, and I think the Government in peril from more than one -cause. First and foremost there is the Indian question. There is -something ominous in the conjunction between a Coalition Government and -an India Bill, and if they don't take care, they will get into a -scrape.[1] The Opposition is broken and disorganised, and at present -there is no disposition on the part of the extreme Liberals to join in -any strong measures against the Government; but this is a question on -which all the scattered fractions might be made easily to combine, and -there are already symptoms of a possible combination _ad hoc_ in the -Indian Committee of the House of Commons. Lowe is very much -dissatisfied with Charles Wood, and with the intentions of Government, -and even talks of resigning; and the 'Times' is going into furious -opposition on the Indian question, and is already attacking the -Government for their supposed intentions. This, therefore, is assuming a -serious aspect. There is besides the Budget and the difficulty of the -Income Tax, and these two questions are enough to put them in great -perplexity. - -[Footnote 1: The Charter of the East India Company being about to -expire, Sir Charles Wood, the President of the Board of Control, -introduced in an elaborate speech a Bill for the future government of -India by the Company, which changed the constitution and limited the -patronage of the Court of Directors. The Bill was finally passed on July -28.] - - -_March 19th._--The question of Indian government and the renewal of the -Charter is every day increasing in importance and attracting more and -more of public attention. It is a matter of great difficulty for the -Government to deal with. They are threatened by enemies, and pressed by -friends and half friends, who want them to postpone any measure for -another year or two years. They, on the contrary, stand pledged, and -think they ought to propose something this year. It presents a field on -which the various fractions of hostility and semi-hostility to the -Government may meet and combine, and perhaps place them in great -difficulty. The Committees are going on taking evidence with the -knowledge that the Government will probably not wait for their several -reports before proceeding to legislation. Granville has got the -management of the Government measures in the House of Lords, and is -working very hard at Indian affairs. Yesterday I met at dinner at -Ellice's two able men just arrived from India for the purpose of giving -evidence, a Mr. Halliday and a Mr. Marchmont. They are for maintaining -the present system, but with many reforms and alterations; they spoke -highly of Lord Dalhousie as a man of business. - - - CONVERSATION OF THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS. - -_March 24th._--As I never see Clarendon now, who is entirely absorbed in -the duties of his office, he engaged me to go and dine with him alone -yesterday, that we might have a talk about all that is going on, and he -told me a great deal of one sort or another. I learnt the state of our -relations with France and Russia in reference to the Turkish business, -and he gave me to read a very curious and interesting despatch -(addressed to John Russell) from Seymour, giving an account of a long -conversation he had had with the Emperor Nicholas about Turkey and her -prospects and condition, and his own intentions and opinions, which were -amicable towards us, and very wise and moderate in themselves, -contemplating the dissolution of the Turkish Empire, disclaiming in the -strongest terms any design of occupying Constantinople--more than that, -declaring that he would not do it--but supposing the event to happen, -not thinking the solution of the problem so difficult as it is generally -regarded. He threw out that he should have no objection, if a partition -was ever to take place, that we should appropriate Egypt and Candia to -ourselves. He seems to have talked very frankly, and he said one curious -thing, which was that Russia was not without a revolutionary substratum, -which was only less apparent and less menacing than in other parts -because he possessed greater means of repression, but nevertheless that -the seeds were there. It is lucky Dundas is a prudent man, and refused -to carry his fleet up to the vicinity of the Dardanelles at Rose's -invitation, or mischief might have ensued. As it is, we disapprove of -Rose's proceedings and have approved Dundas's, at the same time ordering -him not to move without express orders from home, and moreover Clarendon -refused to give Stratford Canning any discretionary authority to send -for the fleet (though it was afterwards given), which he had asked to be -entrusted with. Clarendon is much dissatisfied with the conduct of the -French Government, who were in a great hurry to send off their fleet, -and they sent orders to sail on the mere report of what Rose had done, -and without waiting to learn the result of his application to the -Admiral; and they did this, although they knew the despatches were on -the road, and that a very few hours would put them in possession of the -actual state of the case. Moreover, Cowley moved heaven and earth to -induce Drouyn de Lhuys to withdraw the order to sail, but without -effect. They persisted in it, after they knew we were not going to stir, -and Cowley could not see the Emperor, who he says was evidently avoiding -any communication with him. Still very friendly language continues to -pass between us, and our Government are inclined to attribute this -unwise proceeding to the vanity of the French, their passion for doing -something, and above all the inexperience and want of _savoir faire_ in -high matters of diplomacy of the Emperor and his ministers. There is not -one amongst them who is fit to handle such delicate and important -questions, the Emperor, who governs everything by his own will, less -than any; and Drouyn de Lhuys, who has been for many years engaged more -or less in the Foreign Office, is a very poor and inefficient minister. - - THE EASTERN QUESTION. - -Clarendon told me he had seen Brunnow, and after recapitulating to him -all the various causes for alarm, resting on facts or on rumours, -especially with regard to Russia and her intentions, he said that our -Government had received the word of honour of the Emperor that he had no -sinister or hostile intentions, and disclaimed those that had been -imputed to him, and that on his word they relied with such implicit -confidence that he had not the slightest fear of disquietude. Brunnow -was exceedingly pleased, and said that was the way to treat the Emperor, -who would be excessively gratified, nothing being dearer to him than the -confidence and good opinion of this country, and he said he would send -off a courier the next day, and Clarendon should dictate his despatch. -The instructions given to Menschikoff have been enormously exaggerated, -the most serious and offensive parts that have been stated (the -nomination of the Greek Patriarch, &c.) being totally false.[1] I asked -what they were, and he said nothing but a string of conditions about -shrines and other ecclesiastical trifles. Walewski seems to have done -well here, condemning the conduct of his own Government, and not -concealing from them his own opinion, and entirely going along with us. -It was on Saturday night that the courier arrived with Rose's and -Dundas's despatches, and a few of the Cabinet met on Sunday at the -Admiralty to talk the matter over. Clarendon sent for John Russell from -Richmond, and he thought it advisable to summon Palmerston to this -conciliabule, to keep him in good humour, which it had the effect of -doing. There were himself, Palmerston, John Russell, Aberdeen, and -Graham. He had written to Lord John on Saturday night, and sent him the -despatches; he got an answer from him, full of very wild talk of strong -measures to be taken, and a fleet sent to the Baltic to make peremptory -demands on the Emperor of Russia. This, however, he took no notice of, -and did not say one word to Aberdeen about it, quietly letting it drop, -and accordingly he heard no more about it, nobody, he said, but me, -knowing what Lord John had proposed. I asked him what were Palmerston's -views. He replied that he did not say much, and acquiesced in his and -Aberdeen's prudent and reserved intentions, but he could see, from a few -words that casually escaped him, that he would have been ready to join -in more stringent and violent measures if they had been proposed. His -hatred of Russia is not extinguished, but as it was, there was no -expressed difference of opinion, and a general agreement. He said he had -had a prejudice against Gladstone, but he now liked him very much, and -Granville had already told me the same thing. - -Aberdeen likes his post and enjoys the consciousness of having done very -well in it. He is extremely liberal, but of a wise and well-reasoned -liberality. As it has turned out, he is far fitter for the post he -occupies than Lansdowne would have been, both morally and physically. - -The Queen is devoted to this Government, and expressed to Aberdeen the -liveliest apprehension lest they should get themselves into some scrape -with the India Bill, and entreated he would run no risks in it. -Aberdeen, in announcing this one day to the Cabinet, said that the best -thing for them to do was to bring forward a measure of so liberal and -popular a character as to make any serious opposition impossible. -Clarendon agreed in this, and I told him that this had long been my own -idea, and that what they ought to do was to throw open the civil and -military appointments to competition, and to grant appointments after -examination to qualified candidates, just as degrees are given at the -universities. We passed the whole evening together, talking over all -matters of interest, and he told me everything he knew himself. - -[Footnote 1: Whilst these pacific assurances were given in London, -Prince Menschikoff arrived in Constantinople on March 2, and commenced -that arrogant and aggressive policy which led in the course of the year -to hostilities between Russia and the Porte. It has, however, only -recently transpired, by the publication of Lord Malmesbury's _Memoirs_ -(vol. i. p. 402), that when the Emperor Nicholas came to England in -1844, he, Sir Robert Peel, then Prime Minister, the Duke of Wellington, -and Lord Aberdeen, then Foreign Secretary, drew up and signed a -Memorandum, the spirit and scope of which was to support Russia in her -legitimate protection of the Greek religion and the holy shrines, and to -do so without consulting France. To obtain this agreement was doubtless -the object of the Emperor's journey. It bore his own personal signature. -The existence of this Memorandum was a profound secret known only to the -Queen and to those Ministers who held in succession the seals of the -Foreign Department, each of whom transmitted it privately to his -successor. Lord Malmesbury received the document from Lord Granville, -and on leaving office in 1853 handed it to Lord John Russell. This fact, -hitherto unknown, throws an entirely new light on the causes of the -Crimean War. The Emperor of Russia naturally relied on the support of -the very ministers who had signed the agreement and were again in power, -whilst Lord Aberdeen was conscious of having entered into an engagement -wholly at variance with the course of policy into which he was -reluctantly driven.--H. R.] - - -_April 4th._--I went to Althorp last week, and returned for a Council on -Friday. After it Graham and I stayed behind, when he talked about the -Government and their prospects, which he thought pretty good; they were -going on in great harmony, and the greater, he thought, because they had -originally had such diversities of opinion. This led to a disposition to -mutual concession, and feelings of delicacy towards each other. The -Queen is extremely attached to Aberdeen, more than to any minister she -had ever had. Lord John's position anomalous and unsatisfactory, and -always a question whether he would not become disgusted and back out. -Graham said that Clarendon was doing admirably--better than he had -anticipated. - - THE ROYAL CHILDREN. - -Lady Lyttelton, whom I met at Althorp, told me a great deal about the -Queen and her children; nothing particularly interesting. She said the -Queen was very fond of them, but severe in her manner, and a strict -disciplinarian in her family. She described the Prince of Wales to be -extremely shy and timid, with very good principles, and particularly an -exact observer of truth; the Princess Royal is remarkably intelligent. I -wrote this because it will hereafter be curious to see how the boy grows -up, and what sort of performance follows this promise, though I shall -not live to see it. She spoke in very high terms of the Queen herself, -of the Prince, and of the simplicity and happiness of her private and -domestic life. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - - Weakness of the Government--Gladstone's Budget--A Conversation with - Disraeli--Suicidal Conduct of the Tories--Their Irritation--A - Charge against Mr. Gladstone defeated--The Stafford - Committee--Harmony of the Government--Electoral - Corruption--Impending War--Success of the Government--Macaulay's - Speech on the Judges' Exclusion Bill--Erroneous Predictions from - Paris--Unsettled Policy as to the War--Lord John's Anti-Catholic - Speech--The English and French Fleets sail for the - Dardanelles--Conduct of Austria--Russia means War--Attacks by the - Opposition--Explanations desired--Attempted Mediation--Lord - Aberdeen's Confidence shaken--Divisions of Opinion--Terms of - Accommodation--Lord Palmerston's Views--Prospect of Peace--Division - in the Lords on the Succession Duties Bill--Friendly Relations of - Lord Palmerston and Lord Clarendon--Fears of War--Hopes of - Peace--Lord Palmerston and Mr. Cobden--Rejection of the Vienna - Note--Lord Palmerston courted by the Tories--Lord John Russell's - Position--The Duke of Bedford's Part in the last Crisis--Dangers at - Constantinople--Lord Stratford's Influence--Suspected Intrigue of - France with Russia--Lord Palmerston goes to Balmoral--Sir James - Graham's View--Lord Stratford's Conduct--Importance of the Vienna - Note--A Cabinet summoned. - - -_London, April 21st_, 1853.--I have had such a bad fit of gout in my -hand, that I have been unable for some time past to write at all, though -there has been plenty to write about. The Government has been sustaining -defeats in the House of Commons on detached questions of taxation, much -to their annoyance and embarrassment, and which were more serious from -the inference to be drawn from them than for their intrinsic importance. -They were caused by the meddling and absurd crotchets of some of their -friends, and the malignity and unprincipled conduct of their enemies: -the first bringing forward motions for reduction of certain items, -merely to gratify clients or constituents, and the Tories joining with -the Radicals in voting for things which they opposed when they were -themselves in office, reckless of consistency or of consequences. But -the whole affair was unpleasant, as it displayed strikingly how little -authority the Government has over the House of Commons, and the -difficulty, if not impossibility, of carrying on the service of the -country. - - MR. GLADSTONE'S BUDGET. - -These little battles were, however, of little moment compared with the -great event of Gladstone's Budget, which came off on Monday night. He -had kept his secret so well, that nobody had the least idea what it was -to be, only it oozed out that the Income Tax was not to be -differentiated. He spoke for five hours, and by universal consent it was -one of the grandest displays and most able financial statement that ever -was heard in the House of Commons; a great scheme, boldly, skilfully, -and honestly devised, disdaining popular clamour and pressure from -without, and the execution of it absolute perfection. Even those who do -not admire the Budget, or who are injured by it, admit the merit of the -performance. It has raised Gladstone to a great political elevation, -and, what is of far greater consequence than the measure itself, has -given the country assurance of a _man_ equal to great political -necessities, and fit to lead parties and direct governments. - - -_April 22nd._--I met Gladstone last night, and had the pleasure of -congratulating him and his wife, which I did with great sincerity, for -his success is a public benefit. They have been overwhelmed with -compliments and congratulations. Prince Albert and the Queen both wrote -to him, and John Russell, who is spitefully reported to have been -jealous, has, on the contrary, shown the warmest interest and -satisfaction in his success. The only one of his colleagues who may have -been mortified is Charles Wood, who must have compared Gladstone's -triumph with his own failures. From all one can see at present, it -promises certain success, though many parts of the Budget are cavilled -at. It will be difficult, if not impossible, to find any common ground -on which Radicals or Irish can join the Derbyites to overthrow it, and -the sanguine expectations which the latter have been entertaining for -some time, of putting the Government into some inextricable fix, have -given way to perplexity and despondency; and they evidently do not know -what to do, nor how to give effect to their rancour and spite. Lord -Derby had a great meeting not many days ago, at which he recommended -union, and cheered them on in opposition, of course for form's sake, -talking of _moderation_ and _principles_, neither of which he cares a -fig for. Mischief and confusion, vengeance against the coalition, and -taking the chance of what may happen next, are all that he and Disraeli -are bent upon. I met the latter worthy in the street just before the -Budget, a day or two previous. He asked me what I thought of the state -of affairs, and I told him I thought it very unpleasant, and it seemed -next to impossible to carry on the Government at all, everybody running -riot in the House of Commons, and following his own fancies and -crotchets; nor did I see how it could be otherwise in the present state -of parties and the country; that since Peel's administration, which was -a strong Government, there had been and apparently there could be none. -The present Government was not strong, and they were perpetually -defeated, on minor points indeed, but in a way that showed they had no -power to work through Parliament. I said of course they would dissolve -if this continued, but that Gladstone's Budget might make a difference -one way or the other. Disraeli scouted the idea of a dissolution, by -which, he said, they would certainly gain nothing. Why, he asked, did -not the Peelites join us again, as they might have done, and got as good -terms as they have now, and then there would have been a strong -Government again? As I don't want to quarrel with anybody, I restrained -what it was on my lips to say--'You could not possibly expect them to -join you'--but I did tell him that, even if the present Government could -not maintain itself, of all impossible things the most impossible was -the restoration of his Government _tale quale_, to which he made no -reply. To be sure, the Protectionist seceders from Peel have now drunk -the cup of mortification, disgrace, and disaster to the very dregs. They -are a factious and (as I hope) impotent Opposition, under the -unprincipled guidance of men, who, clever and plausible though they be, -are totally destitute of wisdom, sincerity, and truth. They have not -only lost all the Protection for the maintenance of which they made such -struggles and sacrifices, but they have likewise brought upon themselves -the still heavier blow to the landed interest which is going to be -inflicted in the shape of the legacy duty. Had they possessed more -foresight, and been less violent and unreasonable, this would not have -happened to them; for if Peel's original Government had held together, -and they had been content to accept his guidance, no Budget would have -contained this measure. Schemes might have been devised to lighten their -burdens, or to increase the compensations they really have obtained in -other ways; but, be this as it may, they would certainly have been saved -from this direct impost, which I doubt if Peel himself ever -contemplated, but which he would certainly have spared them if they had -not deserted him, nor would his successors have departed from his policy -in this respect. But from first to last their conduct has been suicidal -in every respect. - - - SUICIDAL CONDUCT OF THE TORIES. - -_May 3rd._--The Government is going on very flourishingly. A capital -division in the House of Lords on the Canada Clergy Reserves Bill,[1] on -which occasion there was a scene between Derby and Clarendon, in which -both were, to my mind, in the wrong. The whole affair appears in all the -newspapers, but what does not appear is the rather absurd termination of -it, when, after much excitement and strong language interchanged, the -belligerents ended by drinking each other's healths in water across the -table. The victory in the Lords has been followed up by one still more -important in the House of Commons on the Income Tax, which was carried -by 71, a great many of the Opposition voting with Government, much to -the disgust of their friends. These divisions have filled the Derbyites -with rage and despair, and nothing can exceed their depression and their -abuse of the Budget and its authors. What vexes and provokes them so -much is the ascendency and triumph of the Peelites. They could endure -it in the Whigs, but their hatred of the name and party of Peel is -inextinguishable. - -[Footnote 1: This was a Bill abolishing the title of the Protestant -Clergy to certain portions of waste lands in the Colony.] - - -_May 15th._--At Newmarket last week, during which the Budget was making -its way very successfully through the House of Commons, where Gladstone -has it all his own way. The Speaker told me he was doing his business -there admirably well. While I was at Newmarket came out the strange -story of Gladstone and the attempt to extort money from him before the -police magistrate.[1] It created for the moment great surprise, -curiosity, and interest, but has almost entirely passed away already, -not having been taken up politically, and there being a general -disposition to believe his story and to give him credit for having had -no improper motive or purpose. Nevertheless it is a very strange affair, -and has not yet been satisfactorily explained. It is creditable in these -days of political rancour and bitterness that no malignant attempt has -been made to vilify him by his opponents or by the hostile part of the -press. On the contrary, the editor of the 'Morning Herald' wrote him a -very handsome letter in his own name and in that of the proprietor, -assuring him of their confidence in his purity and innocence, and that -nothing would induce them to put anything offensive to him in the paper, -and they had purposely inserted the police report in an obscure part of -the paper. It is very fortunate for Gladstone that he was not -intimidated and tempted to give the man money, but had the courage to -face the world's suspicions and meet the charge in so public a manner. - -[Footnote 1: An attempt had been made to extort money from Mr. -Gladstone on a spurious charge, which he met by instantly giving the -delinquent into custody and meeting the case at a police office.] - - THE STAFFORD COMMITTEE. - -The Stafford Committee has at length closed its proceedings, after -exposures of the most disgraceful kind, which are enormously damaging -not only to Augustus Stafford himself but to Lord Derby and his -Government. The Duke of Northumberland comes clear out of it as to -corruption, but cuts a wretched and ridiculous figure, having failed to -perform the duties or to exercise the authority of a First Lord while he -was at the Admiralty. Disraeli's evidence was nothing but an attempt to -shirk the question and involve it in a confusion of characteristic -verbiage which only excited ridicule. This affair has done great harm to -them as a party, and served to make them more odious and contemptible -than they were before.[1] They are now irretrievably defeated, and -though they may give much trouble and throw difficulties and -obstructions in the way of the Government, it is all they can do. Every -day adds to the strength and consistency of the Government, both from -their gaining favour and acquiring influence in the country, and from -the ruin in which the Tory party is involved, and the total -impossibility of their rallying again so as to form another Government. -This latter consideration has already produced the adhesion of some -moderate and sensible men who take a dispassionate view of affairs and -who wish for a strong and efficient Government, and it will produce -still greater effects of the same kind. - -[Footnote 1: Charges of misconduct in the department of the Admiralty -were brought against Mr. Augustus Stafford, who had held office under -the late Government. They were investigated by a Select Committee of the -House of Commons.] - - -_May 22nd._--I met in a train a day or two ago Graham and the Speaker, -not having seen Graham for a long time. Since my friends have been in -office I have hardly ever set eyes on them or had any communication with -them. Graham seemed in excellent spirits about their political state and -prospects, all owing to Gladstone and the complete success of his -Budget. The long and numerous Cabinets, which were attributed by the -'Times' to disunion, were occupied in minute consideration of the -Budget, which was there fully discussed, and Gladstone spoke in the -Cabinet one day for three hours, rehearsing his speech in the House of -Commons, though not quite at such length. Graham again said Clarendon -was doing admirably. Palmerston he thinks much changed and more feeble, -his energy much less, and his best days gone by. He thinks Lord John's -position without office an unfortunate one, and regrets he did not stay -at the Foreign Office or take another; he thinks his influence impaired -by having none. He talked of a future Head, as Aberdeen is always ready -to retire at any moment, but it is very difficult to find anyone to -succeed him. I suggested Gladstone. He shook his head and said it would -not do; and he was for John Russell, but owned there were difficulties -there too. He considered Derby and the Tories irretrievably ruined, -their characters so damaged by Stafford's Committee and other things; he -spoke of the grand mistakes Derby had made. Gladstone's object certainly -was for a long time to be at the head of the Conservative party in the -House of Commons, and to join with Derby, who might in fact have had all -the Peelites if he would have chosen to ally himself with them instead -of with Disraeli; thus the latter had been the cause of the ruin of the -party. Graham thought that Derby had committed himself to Disraeli in -George Bentinck's lifetime in some way that prevented his shaking him -off, as it would have been his interest to do. The Peelites would have -united with Derby, but would have nothing to do with Disraeli. Bad as -the cases were that had come forth at the election committees, that of -Liverpool was worse than any of them, and would create a great scandal. -Forbes Mackenzie could not face it, and would probably retire; but it is -doubtful if this would prevent an enquiry and exposure, and when -boundless corruption appeared at such a place as Liverpool, with its -numerous constituency, it was a blow to the representative system -itself, and showed the futility of attempts to destroy bribery and -improper influence. - - - APPROACHING RUPTURE OF RUSSIA AND TURKEY. - -_May 30th._--Great alarm the last two or three days at an approaching -rupture between Russia and Turkey, as, if it takes place, nobody can -pretend to say what the consequences may be. Vast indignation of course -against the Emperor of Russia, who certainly appears to have departed -from the moderate professions which he made to Seymour a short time ago, -and the assurances that were given to us and France. But Clarendon, whom -I saw yesterday, is rather disposed to give him credit for more moderate -and pacific intentions than his conduct seems to warrant. He says that -he is persuaded the Emperor has no idea of the view that is taken of his -proceedings here, and that he thinks he is requiring no more than he is -entitled to; and it is only the other day that Nesselrode congratulated -Seymour on the prospect of everything being satisfactorily settled, -having no doubt of the Turks accepting the last proposals made to them, -a copy of which Nesselrode showed him. Still, though matters look very -black, Clarendon is not without hopes of war being averted and some -means found of patching up the affair, the Emperor having promised that -he will in no case resort to _ulterior measures_ without giving us -notice of his intention. The difficulty for him now is to recede with -honour, as it would be to advance without danger. He has once before -receded after to a certain degree committing himself, and he may not -choose to do so a second time. Then he is naturally provoked with the -French, who are in fact the real cause of this by their intrigues and -extortions about the holy places; and we suspect that he is, besides -this, provoked at the Montenegrin affair having been settled by Austria -without his having a finger in that pie. All these considerations -combined make great confusion and difficulty. Brunnow is in mortal -agony, dreading above all things the possibility of his having to leave -this country. - -The Government continues to go on very well; the Opposition got up a -debate on the legacy duties in the House of Lords the other night, which -only served to prove how entirely Derby's influence has declined even -there. They had thought themselves sure of beating the Government, but -not only were they defeated, but accident alone (people shut out and -absent) prevented their being defeated by a considerable majority. The -Cabinet is going on in the greatest harmony, and the men who were -strangers up to the time of its formation have taken to each other -prodigiously. Aberdeen unfortunately wants the qualities which made Lord -Lansdowne so good a leader, and is rather deficient in tact and temper -in the House of Lords as he used to be formerly, when he attacked Lord -Grey's Government and Palmerston's administration of foreign affairs -always with too much asperity; but in spite of these defects he has not -done ill even there, and in the Cabinet he is both liked and respected, -being honest, straightforward, and firm, very fair, candid, and -unassuming. Granville tells me that of the whole Cabinet he thinks -Aberdeen has the most pluck, Gladstone a great deal, and Graham the one -who has the least. He speaks very well of Molesworth, sensible, -courageous, and conciliatory, but quite independent and plain spoken in -his opinions. - - -_June 1st._--John Russell made an imprudent speech the night before last -on the Irish Church, giving great offence to the Irish and the -Catholics. He could not help, as leader of the Government, opposing a -proposition having for its object the destruction of the Irish Church, -but he might have done it with more tact and discretion, and not in a -way to elicit the cheers of the Tories. The Tail will pay him off for -this whenever they can. _Quantum mutatus ab illo_, who broke up a -Government for the sake of an appropriation clause. - -Last night Macaulay reappeared in the House of Commons, and in a speech -of extraordinary power and eloquence threw out the Judges' Exclusion -Bill.[1] It was the first time he had spoken, and though his physical -strength is impaired he showed that his mental powers are undiminished. - - UNPOPULARITY OF THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT. - -Senior called on me a day or two ago, just returned from Paris, where he -has been living and conversing with all the notabilities (principally of -the Liberal party), and he tells me there is but one opinion amongst -them, that this Empire cannot last, and they only differ as to the time -it may last. Most of them think it will be short. Thiers gives it only a -year, Duchâtel alone thinks it will go on for some years. The -unpopularity of Louis Napoleon increases and his discredit likewise, -and as soon as the unpopularity shall extend to the army, it will be all -over with him. The Opposition which has sprung up, which has increased -rapidly and will increase still more in the Corps Législatif, is deemed -to be very important and significant, and they think it will be -impossible for him to go on with such a body so constituted and -disposed, and he will have to decide upon suffering the embarrassment it -will cause him, or having recourse to a _coup d'état_, a measure which -would be hazardous. There are no fresh adhesions to the Court beyond the -half dozen men of rank or name who have already joined it, and who are -hated and despised for having done so. While such is the opinion of the -people of mark at Paris, they are nevertheless sensible of the danger -which would accompany a counter revolution, and of the uncertainty of -what might follow, what influences might prevail, and what form of -government be adopted; but they seem generally to think that while in -the first instance there would be a succession of provisional -arrangements and fleeting transitory governments, it would end in the -restoration of the monarchy under Henri V., but that this would not take -place by the acceptance and triumph of any divine hereditary right, but -must be adopted by the nation and ratified by a national vote. - -[Footnote 1: A Bill was before Parliament which would have excluded the -Master of the Rolls from the House of Commons, he being the only Judge -who could sit there. The Judge of the Admiralty Court had already been -excluded. Macaulay opposed the Bill with such force and eloquence that -he changed the opinion of the House, and defeated the measure. An -unusual occurrence.] - - -_June 5th._--I saw Clarendon on Friday morning for a few minutes; he -takes a very gloomy view of the Russo-Turkish question, and is greatly -disgusted at having been deceived by the Emperor; he says he is harassed -to death with the whole affair, and with the multiplicity of business he -has besides; he has a difficult task to perform, taking a middle -position in the Cabinet between the opposite opinions of those who are -for more stringent measures and those who, like himself, are for -patience and moderation. Palmerston, in whom his ancient Russian -antipathies are revived, is for vigour, and as in former times 'leading -John Russell by the nose,' Clarendon and Aberdeen for moderation; but he -is beset by different opinions and written suggestions and proposals, -and all this worries him exceedingly. I asked him how the Court was, -and he said very reasonable, their opinions being influenced of course -by Aberdeen. - -He talked with great disgust of John Russell's speech on the Irish -Church, how unfair it was as well as unwise, and how reckless of the -damage it caused to the Government, and the embarrassing and awkward -situation in which he thereby placed many of their supporters. These are -the general sentiments with regard to that speech, which was neither -more nor less than speaking the Durham letter over again, and, -considering what that famous letter cost him, he might have been -expected to steer clear of such a scrape. But he is more than ever the -creature of impulse and of temper, and he seems to have lost a great -deal of his tact and discretion, and certainly he is no longer fit to be -either head of a Government or leader of the House of Commons, and -perhaps the latter position in such a Government as this suits him still -less than the former would. When I came to town yesterday morning I -found that several of the Irish Roman Catholic members of the -Government, occupying subordinate offices (Messrs. Keogh, Monsell, and -Sadleir), had resigned in consequence of Lord John Russell's speech, but -an hour afterwards I learnt that they had been induced to remain by an -assurance from Lord Aberdeen that Lord John did not express the -sentiments of the Government on this subject. - -Charles Wood brought on the India Bill on Friday night in a speech of -unexampled prolixity and dulness. There is not yet time to ascertain how -the plan is likely to be received, but I suspect it will meet with a -great deal of opposition, although, as it is more favourable to the -existing interests than was expected, it will very likely pass, as, if -Leadenhall Street was to go further, it would certainly fare worse. - - -_St. Leonards, June 7th._--I am here for Ascot, a lovely place and -divine weather. The affair with the Irish has ended as harmlessly as -anything so awkward could do. Mr. G. H. Moore asked some rather -impertinent questions in the House of Commons on Monday, which Lord -John answered in an easy, nonchalant, jesting manner. The House laughed, -nobody said anything, and there it ended, but the Brigade will probably -seek opportunities of showing their teeth and of revenging themselves on -Lord John. It has been rather mortifying for him, but he has taken it -very quietly, and Aberdeen's letter to Monsell was shown to him and -received his assent. The French are behaving very well about the Eastern -question, and I begin to think that it will in the end blow over, as -diplomacy will probably hit upon some expedient for enabling the Emperor -of Russia to do what his real interests evidently point out. - - - THE ALLIED FLEETS AT THE DARDANELLES. - -_June 13th._--I came back from Ascot on Friday, having met Clarendon on -Thursday on the course, who gave me an account of the state of affairs. -On Saturday I met Walewski at dinner, and had much talk with him, and -yesterday I saw Clarendon again. The great event has been the sailing of -our fleet from Malta to join the French fleet at the mouth of the -Dardanelles, to the unspeakable satisfaction of the French Government, -who desire nothing so much as to exhibit to all Europe an _entente -cordiale_ with us; and Walewski said to me that, however the affair -might end, this great advantage they had at all events obtained.[1] The -Emperor of Russia will be deeply mortified when he hears of this -junction; for besides that it will effectually bar the approach of his -fleet to Constantinople, if he ever contemplated it, there is nothing he -dislikes and dreads so much as the intimate union of France and England. -His Majesty is now so greatly excited that nothing can stop him, and he -told Seymour the other day that he would spend his last rouble and his -last soldier rather than give way. Still he professes that he aims at no -more than a temporary occupation of the Principalities, and renounces -all purpose of conquest. The Russian army will therefore certainly march -in, and it will be the business of the other Governments to restrain -the Turks and prevent a collision, which Walewski thinks they can -certainly do. - -Austria holds the same language that we do, but will not act. Clarendon -sent for Count Colloredo on Saturday (who never hears from Buol), and -set before him in detail all the dangers with which Austria is menaced -by the possibility of war breaking out in the East, and above all by -that of France being brought into the field in hostility with Austria. -In such a case the French would be quite unscrupulous, and excite all -the revolutionary spirit, which, though now repressed, is thickly -scattered over every part of the Austrian Empire, from Milan to Hungary. -Colloredo acknowledged the truth of the representation, and promised to -report textually to Buol what Clarendon said. - -All now depends on the Emperor Nicholas himself. If he adheres to his -determination not to advance beyond the Principalities, time will be -afforded for negotiations, and some expedient may be found for enabling -him to recede without discredit, and without danger to his own -_prestige_ at home. The French and English feel alike on this point, and -are conscious that the Emperor has gone too far to recede. He is pushed -on by an ardent and fanatical party in Russia, and is not entirely his -own master. Both Governments are therefore willing to make allowance for -the exigencies of his position, and to assist him to the uttermost of -their power in getting honourably out of the scrape into which he has -plunged himself and all Europe. - -[Footnote 1: Orders were sent to Admiral Dundas on June 2 to sail for -the Dardanelles, and the fleet proceeded to Besika Bay, together with -the French fleet.] - - - DIVIDED OPINIONS IN THE CABINET. - -_June 22nd._--The Opposition papers (especially the 'Morning Herald' and -the 'Press,' Disraeli's new journal) have been making the most violent -attacks on Aberdeen and Clarendon, calling for their impeachment on the -ground of their conduct in this Eastern quarrel, particularly charging -them with having been cognisant of and approved of Menschikoff's -demands, which have occasioned all the hubbub. At last it was thought -necessary to make a statement in reply, which was done by the 'Times' on -Thursday last. The article was a good one, but contained an inaccuracy, -about which Brunnow wrote a long but friendly letter of complaint to -Clarendon. The day after this, another article was inserted to set the -matter right, with which Brunnow was quite satisfied; but the -explanations of the 'Times' failed to stem the torrent of abuse, and the -Tory papers only repeated their misrepresentations with greater -impudence and malignity than before. It was thought necessary a stop -should be put to this, and it was proposed to Clarendon to let -discussions come on in both Houses, moved by Layard in the Commons, and -Clanricarde in the Lords, which would afford an opportunity for the only -effectual contradiction, Ministerial statements in Parliament. Last -night I met him at the Palace, when we talked the matter over. He is -still of opinion that it is essential to delay the explanations and put -off all discussion till the matter is decided one way or another. He -thinks so in reference to the case itself, leaving out of consideration -the convenience of the Government; he thinks that any discussion in the -House of Commons will elicit a disposition for peace _à tout prix_, -which would seriously embarrass affairs, and only confirm Russia in the -course she is pursuing. I do not think so, but his opinions are founded -on what he hears Cobden has said, and on the _animus_ of the peace -party. He told me again what a task his is in the Cabinet, standing -between and mediating between Aberdeen and Palmerston, whose ancient and -habitual ideas of foreign policy are brought by this business into -antagonism, and he says the difficulty is made greater by Aberdeen's -unfortunate manner, who cannot avoid some of that sneering tone in -discussion which so seriously affects his popularity in the House of -Lords. He is therefore obliged to take a great deal upon himself, in -order to prevent any collision between Palmerston and Aberdeen. It -appears that Palmerston proposed on Saturday last that the entrance of -the Russians into the Principalities should be considered a _casus -belli_, in which, however, he was overruled and gave way. The Cabinet -did not come to a vote upon it, but the general sentiment went with -Aberdeen and Clarendon, and against Palmerston. He seems to have given -way with a good grace, and hitherto nothing has occurred of a -disagreeable character; on the contrary, both Clarendon and Granville -tell me Palmerston has behaved very well. Clarendon thinks (and in this -I concur) that the country would never forgive the Government for going -to war, unless they could show that it was absolutely necessary and that -they had exhausted every means of bringing about a pacific solution of -the question, and nobody here would care one straw about the Russian -occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia. - -That all means have not been exhausted is clear from this fact. The -Austrians, who are more interested than anybody, have moved heaven and -earth to effect a settlement, and the Emperor of Russia has himself -asked for their '_bons offices_' for that end. They have entreated the -Turks on the one hand to strike out some _mezzo termine_ compatible with -their dignity and with their previous refusals of Menschikoff's terms, -promising that they will urge its acceptance on the Emperor with all -their force, and on the other hand they have implored the Emperor to -delay the occupation of the Principalities, so that by temporising, -mediation, and a joint action and a judicious employment of diplomatic -resources and astuteness, it is still possible some mode may be hit upon -of terminating the quarrel. - - -_July 9th._--For the last fortnight or three weeks little has occurred -which is worth noting. The Eastern Question drags on, as it is likely to -do. Aberdeen, who ten days ago spoke very confidently of its being -settled, now takes a more desponding view, and the confidence he has -hitherto reposed in the Emperor of Russia is greatly shaken. Clarendon -has long thought the prospect very gloomy, but they are still -endeavouring to bring about an accommodation. The question resolves -itself into this: what are the real wishes and views of the Emperor? If -his present conduct is the execution of a long prepared purpose, and he -thinks the time favourable for the destruction of Turkey, no efforts -will be availing, and he will listen to no proposals that we can -possibly make. If, on the contrary, he is conscious that he has got into -a dilemma, and he wishes to extricate himself from it by any means not -dishonourable to himself, and such as would not degrade him in the eyes -of his own subjects, then, no doubt, diplomatic astuteness will sooner -or later hit upon some expedient by which the quarrel may be adjusted. -Which of these alternatives is the true one, time alone can show. -Meanwhile the expense to which the Turks are put in the wretched state -of their finances will prove ruinous to them, and, end how it may, the -fall of the Turkish dominion has been accelerated by what has already -taken place. There has been a great deal of discussion about bringing on -debates on the Eastern Question in both Houses, but all the leading men -of all parties have deprecated discussion, and it was finally determined -last night that none should take place. Disraeli alone, who cares for -nothing but making mischief, tried to bring it on, but in the House of -Lords Derby took a different and more becoming course, and recommended -Clanricarde to give it up. Disraeli urged Layard to persevere. Granville -told me yesterday that while he lamented that Aberdeen was not a more -judicious and conciliating leader in the House of Lords, and was so -inferior in this respect to Lord Lansdowne, he liked him very much, -thought he was a very good Prime Minister, and, above all, anything but -deficient in political courage, in which respect he was by no means -inferior to Palmerston himself. - - THE INDIA BILL CARRIED. - -The Government have been going on well enough on the whole. Their -immense majority on the India Bill was matter of general surprise, and -showed the wretched tactics of Disraeli, as well as his small influence -over his party, for he could not get one hundred of the Tories to go -with him. A few small holes have been made in Gladstone's Budget, but -nothing of consequence. Tom Baring, however, told me he thought -Gladstone had made some great mistakes, and that Graham would have been -a better Chancellor of the Exchequer; but this I much doubt. Popularity -is very necessary to a Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Graham would -never have been so persuasive with the House as Gladstone. - - - WARLIKE VIEWS OF LORD PALMERSTON. - -_July 12th._--The 'Times' newspaper, always famous for its versatility -and inconsistency, has lately produced articles on the Eastern Question -on the same day of the most opposite characters, one warlike and firm, -the next vehemently pacific by some other hand. This is of small -importance, but it is indicative of the difference which exists in the -Cabinet on the subject, and the explanation of the inconsistency of the -'Times' is to be found in the double influence which acts on the paper. -All along Palmerston has been urging a vigorous policy, and wished to -employ more peremptory language and stronger measures towards Russia, -while Aberdeen has been very reluctant to do as much as we have done, -and would have been well content to advise Turkey to accept the last -ultimatum of Russia, and so terminate what he considers a senseless and -mischievous quarrel. Clarendon has had to steer between these two -extremes, and while moderating the ardour of Palmerston, to stimulate -Aberdeen, and persuade him to adopt a course congenial to public opinion -in this country, which, however inclined to peace and abhorrent of war, -is not at all disposed to connive at the aggrandisement of Russia, or to -submit to the insolent dictation of the Emperor. The majority of the -Cabinet have supported Clarendon, and approximate more nearly to the -pacific policy of Aberdeen than to the stringent measures of Palmerston. -When the two articles appeared in the 'Times,' to which I particularly -allude, Clarendon approved of the first, and found great fault with the -other, while Aberdeen wrote to Delane and expressed his strong -approbation of the second, and his conviction that the public would -sooner or later take the views therein set forth. Clarendon tells me -that he has no doubt Aberdeen has on many occasions held language in -various quarters that was not prudent under the circumstances, and was -calculated to give erroneous impressions as to the intentions of the -Government, and he thinks that the Emperor himself has been misled by -what he may have heard both of the disposition and sentiments of the -Prime Minister, and of the determination of the House of Commons and -the country at large to abstain from war in every case except one in -which our own honour and interests were _directly_ concerned. - -I had a long talk with Clarendon on Sunday, when he told me that the -chances of peace were a little better than they had been, inasmuch as -there seemed to be a disposition at St. Petersburg to treat, and the -Austrian Government was now in earnest bringing to bear all their -influence on the Emperor to accept reasonable terms of accommodation. -Colloredo brought him the copy of a despatch to St. Petersburg, which he -said was excellent, very frank and free in its tone. Austria seems more -fully sensible of the danger to herself of any war, which would -inevitably let loose the revolutionary element all over the world. -Clarendon has drawn up the project of a Convention which embraces all -the _professed_ objects of the Emperor, and which the Turks may agree -to; he sent it to Paris, whence Drouyn de Lhuys has returned it, with -the full concurrence and assent of the French Government, and it went to -Petersburg yesterday. The reception of this proposal will determine the -question of peace or war. - - -_July 14th._--G-- said to me this morning that Palmerston is beginning -to stir up matters afresh. I saw him yesterday morning at Holland House -in close confabulation with Walewski, with whom I have no doubt he -interchanged warlike sentiments, and complained of the lukewarmness of -Aberdeen and Clarendon. It is evident that he is _at work_, and -probably, according to his ancient custom, in some underhand way in the -press. His flatterers tell him that a majority of the House of Commons -would support _him_ and a warlike policy, and though he may wish to -believe this, and perhaps does, he will hardly go the length of trying -to break up this Cabinet, with the desperate hope of making another -Government himself, based on the policy of going to war. Certain -newspapers are always asserting that the Cabinet is divided and in -dissension, and at the same time accusing it of timidity and weakness, -urging strong measures, and asserting that, if we had employed such long -ago, Russia would have been frightened, and never have proceeded to -such lengths. But the Government are resolved, and wisely, to avoid war -as long as they can, and if driven on to it, to be able to show the -country that they had exhausted all means of preserving peace. - - -_July 18th._--At last there appears a probability of this Turkish -question being amicably settled. On Saturday I was told that despatches -were just come from Sir Hamilton Seymour of a more favourable character, -and representing the Imperial Government as much more disposed to treat, -with a real disposition to bring the negotiations to a successful issue. -My informant added that Palmerston predicted that none of the projects -and proposals which have emanated from the different Courts would be -accepted at Petersburg, which he thought they all would. Yesterday I saw -Clarendon, and found matters even in a still more promising state. After -the Cabinet Walewski went to him, and communicated to him very important -news (of a later date than Seymour's letters) from St. Petersburg, which -to my mind is decisive of the question of peace. It appears that both -France and Austria have been concocting notes and projects of a pacific -tendency to be offered to the Emperor. There have been several of these, -some framed at Constantinople, others at Paris. A short time ago the -French Government prepared one, which it submitted to ours; Clarendon -thought it would not answer, and told them so. They asked whether he had -any objection to their sending it off to St. Petersburg and Vienna and -making the experiment. He replied, none whatever, and though he did not -think it would succeed, he should rejoice if it did, as, provided the -affair could be settled, it did not matter how. In the meantime he drew -up his own project of a Convention, which went to Paris, and received -the cordial approbation of the Emperor; and this document is now on its -way to Petersburg. In the meantime the French project was sent there, -Castelbajac took it to Nesselrode, who read it very attentively, and -said that he liked it very much, but that he could give no positive -answer till he had submitted it to the Emperor. The same afternoon he -saw the French minister again, and told him that he had laid the project -before the Emperor Nicholas, and that His Majesty was not only -satisfied, but grateful for it, 'non seulement satisfait, mais -reconnaissant,' and that the only reason he did not at once close with -it was that his ally, the Emperor of Austria, had also submitted a -proposal, and he did not like to take another from another Court -exclusively without previous communication with him. Clarendon thinks -that his proposal will be still more agreeable to the Emperor than the -French one, and that he will probably end in taking it; nor will there -be any difficulty in this, because our's is so fully concurred in by -France as to be in fact her's as much as our's. - - - SUCCESSION DUTIES BILL. - -_July 31st._--Having been at Goodwood the last week, I have not troubled -myself with politics, either home or foreign, nor have any events -occurred to excite interest. The most important matter here has been the -division in the House of Lords on Monday last on the Succession Duties -Bill, on which the Opposition were signally defeated. For a long time -the Government were very doubtful of obtaining a majority, but their -whippers-in were more sanguine at last. Great exertions were made on -both sides, the Derbyites whipped up all the men they could lay their -hands on, and the Government fetched their ministers from Paris and -Brussels, and the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The majority was greater -than either side expected, and Derby and his crew were exceedingly -disconcerted, and Derby himself much out of humour. When Bessborough -went over to him after the division, and said 'Lord Aberdeen wants to -know if you will object to the Bill being read a third time on Thursday -next,' he pettishly replied, 'The Bill may go to the devil for all I -care; I shall take no further trouble about it.' - - -_August 1st._--I saw Clarendon as usual yesterday (Sunday), when he read -to me a letter from Sir Hamilton Seymour, giving an account of his -delivering to Nesselrode the Convention which Clarendon sent over, as -well as reading to him Clarendon's private letter, which was a stinging -one, but very good. Nesselrode said of all the projects he liked that -the best, and if it was tendered to them _from Vienna_, he thought it -might do as the basis of an arrangement, but he could give no positive -answer till he had submitted it to the Emperor. At the Cabinet on -Saturday Clarendon read Seymour's letter, when his colleagues begged -they might see the private letter of his which was alluded to, and he -produced and read that likewise. It was generally approved of, but the -next day Palmerston wrote a note to Clarendon, in which he expressed the -warmest approbation of his note, and added that he had only refrained -from saying all he thought of it at the Cabinet lest _his_ approval -might make others think it was too strong. He added that he rejoiced -that the management of our foreign affairs was in such able hands, and -that, in fact, he (Clarendon) could do and say what Palmerston himself -could not have done. It was a very handsome letter, very satisfactory -both to Clarendon personally and as showing that there is no -disagreement on the Eastern Question in the Cabinet, or at least between -Palmerston and Clarendon, which is the essential point. Their union and -friendship are remarkable when we recollect their past antagonism and -Palmerston's jealousy of Clarendon, and the persuasion of both himself -and Lady Palmerston that Clarendon was always waiting to trip up his -heels and get his place. All these jealousies and suspicions were, -however, dissipated when Clarendon refused the Foreign Office last year, -since which time they have been the best of friends, and Palmerston was -quite satisfied at his having the Foreign Office. With regard to the -chances of a pacific settlement, the assurances from St. Petersburg are -all very favourable, but the acts of the Russian generals in the -Principalities are quite inconsistent with them, and between these -conflicting manifestations Clarendon is in no small doubt and -apprehension as to the result. - - - NEGOTIATIONS WITH RUSSIA AND TURKEY. - -_London, August 8th._--Ever since last Monday, when Clarendon made a -speech in the House of Lords on which a bad interpretation was put in -reference to the question of peace or war, there has been a sort of -panic, and the public mind, which refused at first to admit the -possibility of war, suddenly rushed to the opposite conclusion, and -everybody became persuaded that war was inevitable. The consequence was -a great fall in the funds, and the depreciation of every sort of -security. So matters remained till the end of the week. On Saturday -afternoon I met Walewski, who told me he had that day received a letter -from Castelbajac (the French Ambassador at St. Petersburg), informing -him that the Emperor had signified his willingness to accept the -proposal which was then expected from Vienna, and last night fresh news -came that the proposal had arrived, and he had said he would take it, if -the Turks would send an ambassador with it, exactly as it had been -submitted to him. This I heard late last night, and Granville considered -it conclusive of an immediate settlement. But this morning I went to -Clarendon and found him not so sure, and not regarding the pacific -solution as so indubitable; there still remain some important matters of -detail to be settled, though certainly the affair wears a much more -favourable aspect, and there is every reason to hope it will all end -well. But while this proposal was concocted at Vienna, the Cabinet here -(last Saturday week) made some small verbal alterations in it, so that -ultimately it will not be presented for the Emperor's formal acceptance -word for word the same, and if he wants a pretext to back out of his -present engagement, he can therein find one, as he only agreed to take -it if it was word for word the same. Then it has not yet been submitted -to the Turks, and it is by no means sure they may not make difficulties, -or that Stratford Canning may not raise obstacles instead of using all -his influence to procure their agreement, so that Clarendon does not -consider that we are _out of the wood_, though he expects on the whole -that it will end well. If it does it will be the triumph of diplomacy, -and a signal proof of the wisdom of moderation and patience. Granville -says it will be principally owing to Aberdeen, who has been very staunch -and bold in defying public clamour, abuse, and taunts, and in resisting -the wishes and advice of Palmerston, who would have adopted a more -stringent and uncompromising course. - - -_August 9th._--At Court yesterday Aberdeen was quite confident of the -settlement of the Eastern affair, and Brunnow, who was there with the -Duchess of Leuchtenberg to see the Queen, very smiling. Clanricarde -interrupted Clarendon in the House of Lords, and made a violent speech. -Clarendon answered very well, without committing himself. The Government -are in high spirits at the prospect of winding up this prosperous -Session with the settlement of the Eastern Question: nothing else is -wanting to their success. - - -_August 11th._--I saw Clarendon yesterday. Nothing new, but he said he -fully expected Stratford Canning would play some trick at -Constantinople, and throw obstacles in the way of settlement. This seems -to me hardly possible, unless he behaves foolishly as well as -dishonestly, and it can hardly be believed that his temper and Russian -antipathies will betray him into such extravagant conduct. It is, -however, impossible to consider the affair as '_settled_.' - -Yesterday all the world went to the great naval review at Portsmouth, -except myself. It appears to have been a fine but tedious sight, for -Granville set off at 5.30 A.M., and only got back at one in the morning. - - -_August 27th._--Since the 11th I have been absent from town, at -Grimstone for York races, then at Hatchford, and since that gouty. While -at York the Session closed with _éclat_ by a speech of Palmerston's in -his most flashy and successful style. John Russell gave a night at last -for the discussion of the Turkish question, and made a sort of -explanation, which was tame, meagre, and unsatisfactory. After some -speeches expressive of disappointment and disapprobation, Cobden made an -oration in favour of peace at any price, and this drew up Palmerston, -who fell upon him with great vigour and success. The discussion would -have ended languidly and ill for the Government but for this brilliant -improvisation, which carried the House entirely with it. It was not, -however, if analysed and calmly considered, of much use to the -Government as to their foreign policy, for it was only an answer to -Cobden, and Palmerston did not say one word in defence of the policy -which has been adopted, nor identify himself with it, as he might as -well have done. Though there was nothing in it positively indicative of -dissent and dissatisfaction, any one might not unfairly draw the -inference that, if Palmerston had had his own way, he would have taken a -more stringent and less patient course. However, nothing has been made -of this, and on the whole his speech did good, because it closed the -discussion handsomely, and left the impression of Palmerston's having -cast his lot for good and all with his present colleagues, as is really -the case. - - TURKISH DIFFICULTIES. - -The Session ended with a very flourishing and prosperous speech from the -Throne, and nothing was wanting to the complete success of the -Government but the settlement of the Turkish question, which, however, -seems destined to be delayed some time longer; for the Turks have -refused to accept the Vienna note, except with some modifications, -though these are said to be so immaterial that we hope the Emperor will -not object to them. But all this is vexatious, because it reopens the -whole question, causes delay and uncertainty, and keeps the world in -suspense and apprehension. Granville told me that what had occurred -showed how much more sagacious Aberdeen had been as to this affair than -Palmerston, the former having always maintained that there would be no -difficulty with the Emperor, but if any arose it would be from the -Turks; whereas Palmerston was always sure the Turks would make none, but -that the Emperor would refuse all arrangements. - - -_August 28th._--It seems the Turks, after a delay of ten days from -receiving the proposition, sent it back to Vienna, asking for some not -important alterations; but immediately afterwards they required a -stipulation for the evacuation of the Principalities, and guarantees -that they should not be occupied again. It is very improbable that the -Emperor will listen to such conditions. Nesselrode has all along told -Seymour that they (the Russians) mean in fulfilment of their pledges to -evacuate the Principalities, as soon as they have got the required -satisfaction, but that it must not be made _a condition_, and entreated -him to abstain from any demand which might give an air of compulsion to -the act, much in the same way as we have told Nesselrode he must not -attempt to make any stipulation about the withdrawal of our fleet. -Clarendon thinks that the Emperor is certain to reject the Turkish -terms, and that the Turks are very capable of declaring war thereupon; -for in their last communication they said that they were prepared for -'toutes les éventualités,' and he suspects that Stratford has not _bonâ -fide_ striven to induce them to accept the proffered terms. Their -rejection is the more unreasonable because the proposal is a hash-up of -Menschikoff's original Note, and that which the Turks proposed in lieu -of it, but in which the Turkish element preponderates, so that not only -are their honour and dignity consulted, but in refusing they recede from -their own original proposal. - -The Queen is gone to Ireland, and Lord Granville with her, who is -afterwards to attend her to Balmoral. This is new, because hitherto she -has always had with her either the Premier or a Secretary of State. -Granville is to be relieved when circumstances admit, but at present -there is no other arrangement feasible. Aberdeen and Clarendon are both -kept in town till the question is settled. Newcastle got leave to go to -Clumber for his boys' holidays, and Her Majesty does not desire to have -the Home Secretary. - -But Charles Villiers told me last night that Lord Palmerston's influence -and popularity in the House of Commons are greater than ever, and if -this Government should be broken up by internal dissension, he would -have no difficulty in forming another, and gathering round him a party -to support him. This is what the Tories are anxiously looking to, -desiring no better than to serve under him, and flattering themselves -that in his heart he personally dislikes his colleagues, and in -political matters agrees with themselves. They pay him every sort of -court, never attack him, and not only defer to him on all occasions, but -make all the difference they can between him and the rest of the -Government; nor does he discourage or reject these civilities, though he -does not invite them, or say or do anything inconsistent with his -present position, but he probably thinks the disposition towards him of -that large political party enhances his value to his own friends and -increases his power, besides affording to him a good alternative in case -anything should happen to break up the present Government or separate -him from it. - - -_September 2nd._--For the last week the settlement of this tedious -Turkish question has appeared more remote than ever, and Clarendon was -almost in despair when I saw him a few days ago, and the more so because -he suspected that Lord Stratford was at the bottom of the difficulties -raised by the Divan. However, according to the last accounts it would -seem that Stratford was not to blame, and had done what he could to get -the Turks to comply with the terms of the Conference. At this moment the -affair wears rather a better aspect, and my own belief is that it will -be settled. It is a great bore that it drags on in this way, creating -alarm and uncertainty, shaking the funds, and affecting commerce. - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S POSITION. - -The Duke of Bedford, of whom I have seen nothing for a long time, called -on me a few days ago, and talked over the present state of affairs, and -the position of Lord John Russell. He said Lord John was now quite -satisfied with it, and rejoiced at his own comparative freedom, and his -immunity from the constant attacks of which he used to be the object; -and he is now conscious that, by the part he has acted in waiving his -own pretensions, he has not only not degraded himself, but has greatly -raised himself in public estimation and acquired much credit and -popularity, besides rendering the country a great service. He is very -well with his colleagues, and gratified at the deference shown him, and -the consideration he enjoys in the House of Commons. There, however, I -know from other sources, all the popularity is engrossed by Palmerston -and by Gladstone, and Lord John has foolishly suffered Palmerston to -take his place as leader very often, because he chose to stay away at -Richmond, and not come near the House. - -The Duke took this opportunity of telling me what is now a very old -story, but which he said he thought he had never told me before, and I -am not sure whether he did or not. It was what happened to him at the -time of the formation of this Government last year, of which he was -evidently very proud. Just before the Derby Government broke down, and -before that reunion at Woburn of which so much was said, the Prince gave -him to understand that they should look to him for advice if anything -occurred, which they were every day expecting. The Duke was at Woburn, -and one morning when the hounds met there and half the county was at -breakfast in the great hall, word was brought him that a messenger had -come from Osborne with a letter for him. He found it was a letter from -the Prince, in which he informed him that this was despatched by a safe -and trustworthy hand, and nobody was to know of its being sent; that the -Derby Government was at an end, and the Queen and Prince were anxious -for his opinion on the state of affairs, the dispositions of public men, -and what course they had better take. The Duke had recently been in -personal communication with all the leaders, with Aberdeen and Lord -John, Newcastle, Clarendon, Lansdowne, Palmerston, and others, and he -was therefore apprised of all their sentiments and in a condition to -give very full information to the Court. He sat himself down and with -the greatest rapidity (his horse at the door to go hunting) wrote four -or five sheets of paper containing the amplest details of the sentiments -and views of these different statesmen, and ended by advising that the -Queen should send for Lords Lansdowne and Aberdeen--as she did. Lord -John had already told him he did not wish to be sent for. After this of -course he could not resent the advice the Duke gave; and happily Lord -John was firm in resisting the advice of some of those about him, and -acted on the dictates of his own conscientious judgement and the sound -advice of his friends. - - - OPPOSITION OF LORD STRATFORD. - -_September 3rd._--I dined last night _tête-à-tête_ with Clarendon and -heard all the details of the state of the Turkish question, and read the -interesting correspondence of Cowley, with his accounts of his -conversations with the Emperor, and many other things. Clarendon is -very uneasy because he thinks the Emperor Nicholas' pride will not let -him accept the Note as modified by _the Turks_, though he would have -accepted the same Note if it had been presented originally by the -Conference. This is one danger. The next is one at Constantinople, where -there is a strong bigoted violent party for war, disposed to dethrone -the Sultan and replace him by his brother. This brother (of whom I never -heard before) is a man of more energy than the Sultan, and is connected -with the fanatical party. The Sultan himself is enervated by early -debauchery and continual drunkenness, and therefore in great danger -should he by any unpopular measures provoke an outbreak from the violent -faction. Clarendon thinks that Stratford has encouraged the resistance -of the Divan to the proposals of the Conference, and that he might have -persuaded the Turks to accept the terms if he had chosen to do so and -set about it in a proper manner; but Clarendon says that he has lived -there so long, and is animated with such a personal hatred of the -Emperor, that he is full of the Turkish spirit; and this and his temper -together have made him take a part directly contrary to the wishes and -instructions of his Government. He thinks he wishes to be recalled that -he may make a grievance of it, and come home to do all the mischief he -can. Westmorland wrote word the other day that Stratford's language was -very hostile to his Government and the Ministers of all the other Powers -at Constantinople, thought he had actually resigned, and reported the -fact to Vienna. - -The most important question now pending is what to do with the fleets. -They cannot remain much longer in Besika Bay, and must either retire to -Vourla or enter the Dardanelles. The Emperor Napoleon wishes they should -enter the Dardanelles, but only a little way, and not go on to -Constantinople; and Clarendon takes the same view, proposing a _mezzo -termine_. The Emperor professes an earnest desire for a peaceful -solution, and the strongest determination to act in concert with England -to the end, and his views seem very sensible and proper. But, -notwithstanding this disposition, in which he probably is sincere, -there is reason to believe that he is all the time keeping up a sort of -secret and underhand communication with Russia, and the evidence of this -is rather curious. It appears that he has recently written a letter to -the Duchess of Hamilton, in which he says that he believes the Russians -will not evacuate the Principalities, and that he does not care if they -stay there. This letter the Duchess showed to Brunnow, and he imparted -it to Aberdeen, who told Clarendon, but none of the other Ministers know -anything of it. Clarendon wrote word of this to Cowley, and told him to -make what use of it he thought fit. In the first instance he said -something to Drouyn de Lhuys of the Emperor's entertaining views -different from our's, which Drouyn repeated to the Emperor, who spoke to -Cowley about it, and protested that he had no separate or different -objects, when Cowley, without mentioning names, told him what he had -heard of his having written. The Emperor made an evasive answer to this, -but gave many assurances of his determination to act with us heartily -and sincerely. This incident seems to have made a great impression both -on Cowley and Clarendon, particularly as both know something more. -Cowley says he knows that the Emperor has a private correspondence with -Castelbajac, of which Drouyn de Lhuys is ignorant, and Seymour writes to -Clarendon that he has observed for some time past a great lukewarmness -on the part of the French Minister in pressing the Russian Government, -and an evident leaning to them. As the Duchess of Hamilton has no -intimacy with Brunnow, it appears very extraordinary that she should -communicate to him a letter of the Emperor's, and such a letter, which -would be a great indiscretion unless he had secretly desired her to do -so; and all these circumstances taken together look very like a little -intrigue between the Emperor and the Russian Court, which would also be -very consistent with his secret, false, and clandestine mode of -conducting his affairs. It is probable enough that he may wish to keep -on good terms with Russia and at the same time maintain his intimate -connexion with England. That he is bent on avoiding war there can be no -doubt, and for very good reasons, for France is threatened with a -scarcity, and he is above all things bent on keeping the people supplied -with food at low prices; and for this object the French Government is -straining every nerve and prepared to make any amount of pecuniary -sacrifice; but the necessity for this, which absorbs all their means, -renders it at the same time particularly desirable to maintain peace in -Europe. - - DISPOSAL OF THE FLEET. - -There never was a case so involved in difficulties and complications of -different sorts, all the particulars of which I heard last night; but -the affair is so tangled, that it is impossible to weave it into an -intelligible and consistent narrative, and I can only jot down -fragments, which may hereafter serve to explain circumstances connected -with the _dénouement_, whenever it takes place. John Russell and -Palmerston are both come to town, so that a little Cabinet will discuss -this matter. Palmerston is extremely reasonable, does not take the part -of the Turks, but on the contrary blames them severely for making -difficulties he thinks absurd and useless, but is still for not letting -them be crushed. He is on the best terms with Clarendon, and goes along -with him very cordially in his policy on this question. Both Palmerston -and Lord John seem to agree with Clarendon on the question of the -disposal of the fleet better than Aberdeen, who is always for trusting -the Emperor, maintaining peace, and would be quite contented to send the -fleet to Vourla or Tenedos, and would see with regret the more energetic -course of entering the Dardanelles. However, there is no chance of any -material difference on this score, and I have no doubt, if the question -is not settled before the end of the month, the fleets will anchor -within the Straits and there remain. - -I was glad to find that the Queen has consented to let Palmerston take -his turn at Balmoral, and Aberdeen has informed him that he is to go -there. It was done by Aberdeen speaking to the Prince at Osborne, who -said he thought there would be no difficulty. The Queen acquiesced with -the good sense she generally shows on such occasions, being always open -to reason, and ready to consent to whatever can be proved to her to be -right or expedient. - - - LORD STRATFORD'S GOOD FAITH. - -_September 4th._--I went to Winchester yesterday, and fell in with -Graham in the train, so we went together and had a great deal of talk, -mostly on the Eastern Question. He thinks the Emperor of Russia will not -accept the Turkish alterations, and he is very hot against Stratford, to -whom he attributes all the difficulties. He has heard that Stratford has -held language hostile to the Government, and he is inclined to think not -only that he has acted treacherously towards his employers, but that -proofs of his treachery might be obtained, and he is all for getting the -evidence if possible, and acting upon it at once, by recalling him; he -thinks the proofs might be obtained through the Turkish Ministers, and -if they can be, he would not stop to enquire who might be displeased, or -what the effect might be, but do it at once. He acknowledges, however, -that it would not do to act on surmises or reports, and that nothing but -clear proofs of Stratford's misconduct, such as will satisfy Parliament, -would render such a step justifiable or safe. With regard to the fleets, -he says there is no reason why they should not remain in Besika Bay, and -it is a mistake to suppose they could not, and he is very decidedly -against their entering the Dardanelles in any case, because it would be -contrary to treaty and afford the Emperor of Russia a just _casus -belli_; and he maintains that his having (contrary to treaties and -international rights) occupied the Principalities affords no reason why -we should infringe them in another direction. When this question comes -to be discussed, his voice will evidently be for not entering the -Dardanelles, though he acknowledges that we cannot retreat while the -Russians remain where they are. He talked a great deal about Palmerston, -of whom he has some distrust, and fancied he has been in communication -with Stratford, and that he would concur with him in his proceedings, -and he expressed great satisfaction when I told him that Palmerston and -Clarendon were on the most cordial and confidential terms, and that the -former entirely disapproved of the conduct of the Turks (which is that -of Stratford) in regard to the Note. He thinks Palmerston looks to being -Prime Minister, if anything happened to Aberdeen, but that neither he -nor John Russell could hold the office, as neither would consent to the -elevation of the other. On the whole, he inclines to the opinion that -Palmerston has made up his mind to go on with this Government and his -present colleagues, that he means to act fairly and honestly with and by -them, and has no _arrière pensée_ towards the Tories, though he is not -sorry to have them always looking to him, and paying him, as they do, -excessive court. It ensures him great support and an easy life in the -House of Commons, where, however, he says Palmerston has done very -little this year, and he does not seem much impressed with the idea of -his having gained very considerably there, or obtained a better position -than he had before. - - -_September 8th._--I saw Clarendon on Sunday. There is nothing new, but -he said he would lay two to one the Emperor does not accept the modified -Note; it will be a contest between his pride and his interest, for his -army is in such a state of disease and distress that he is in no -condition to make war; on the other hand, he cannot without extreme -humiliation accept the Turkish Note. What will happen, if he refuses, -nobody can possibly divine. The four Ministers met to discuss the -matter, and were very harmonious; Palmerston not at all for violent -measures, and Clarendon said he himself was the most warlike of the -four. I told him of my journey with Graham and all that he had said. He -replied that he knew Graham was very violent against Stratford, but that -it would be impossible to make out any case against him, as he certainly -had read to the Turkish Minister all his (Clarendon's) despatches and -instructions, and he gave the most positive assurances, which it would -be difficult to gainsay, that he had done everything in his power to -induce the Turkish Government to give way to the advice of the -Conference, and whatever his secret wishes and opinions might be, there -was no official evidence to be had that he had failed in doing his duty -fairly by his own Government; therefore it would be out of the question -to recall him. - - -_September 20th._--At Doncaster all last week; I found Clarendon -yesterday very much alarmed at the prospect in the East. He thinks it -will be impossible to restrain the Turkish war party; he told me that -the Conference at Vienna had imparted their Note to the Turkish -Ambassador there, and both he and his dragoman had expressed their -entire approbation of it. They had considered this to afford a strong -presumption that it would not be unpalateable at Constantinople, but it -was not sent there because this would have occasioned so much delay, and -it was desirable to get the Russians out of the Principalities as -speedily as possible. The Russian generals had actually received orders -to prepare for the evacuation, which the Emperor would have commanded -the instant he heard that the Turks were willing to send the Vienna -Note. The Emperor Napoleon has again given the strongest assurances of -his determination in no case whatever to separate his policy from ours, -his resolution to adhere to the English alliance, and to maintain peace -_à tout prix_, which he frankly owns to be indispensably necessary to -the interests of his country. The Austrians are already beginning to -hang back from taking any decided part in opposition to Russia, and -while still ready to join in making every exertion to maintain peace, -they are evidently determined if war breaks out to take no part against -Russia, and this disposition is sure to be improved by the interview -which is about to take place between the Emperors of Russia and Austria. - - - PROSPECTS OF WAR. - -_September 26th._--I have been at Hatchford all last week. I saw -Clarendon on Thursday before I went there, and heard that two ships of -each fleet were gone up the Dardanelles,[1] and that the rest would -probably soon follow, as the French were now urging that measure. He was -then going to Aberdeen to propose calling the Cabinet together, the -state of affairs becoming more critical every hour, and apparently no -chance of averting war. The prospect was not the brighter from the -probability of a good deal of difference of opinion when they do meet. -He showed me a letter from Palmerston, in which he spoke very coolly of -such a contingency as war with Russia and Austria, and with his usual -confidence and flippancy of the great blows that might be inflicted on -both Powers, particularly alluding to the possible expulsion of the -Austrians from Italy, an object of which he has probably never lost -sight. Meanwhile the violence and scurrility of the press here exceeds -all belief. Day after day the Radical and Tory papers, animated by very -different sentiments and motives, pour forth the most virulent abuse of -the Emperor of Russia, of Austria, and of this Government, especially of -Aberdeen. - -[Footnote 1: The British vessels were steamers, the 'Retribution' and -another. There was at that time only one line-of-battle ship in each -fleet having steam power; all the other vessels of the line were sailing -ships.] - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - - The Conference at Olmütz--The Turks declare War--Lord Palmerston's - Views--Lord Palmerston lauded by the Radicals and the - Tories--Failure of the Pacific Policy--Lord Aberdeen desires to - resign--Lord John to be Prime Minister--Obstacles to Lord John's - Pretensions--Danger of breaking up the Government--Lord John's - Wilfulness and Unpopularity--Alliance of the Northern Powers - defeated by Manteuffel--Conflict of the two Policies--Meeting of - Parliament discussed--French Refugees in Belgium--General Baraguay - d'Hilliers sent to Constantinople--Mr. Reeve returns from the - East--Lord John's Reform Bill--The Emperor of Russia writes to the - Queen--Sir James Graham's Views on Reform, &c.--Opponents of the - Reform Scheme--Abortive Attempts at Negotiation--The Four Powers - agree to a Protocol--Lord Palmerston threatens to secede--Lord - Palmerston resigns on the Reform Scheme--Lord Palmerston opposed to - Reform--Effects of Lord Palmerston's Resignation--Conciliatory - Overtures--Lord Lansdowne's Position--Lord Aberdeen's Account--Lady - Palmerston makes up the Dispute--Lord Palmerston withdraws his - Resignation--Baraguay d'Hilliers refuses to enter the Black - Sea--War resolved on--Review of the Transaction. - - -_October 4th._--I went to The Grove on Saturday, and spent great part of -the afternoon on Sunday reading the Eastern Question despatches, printed -in a Blue Book to be laid by-and-by before Parliament. On Sunday came -Westmorland's account of his interviews with the Emperor of Russia and -Nesselrode at Olmütz, which sounded very satisfactory, for the Emperor -was very gracious and pacific, and Nesselrode in his name disclaimed in -the most positive terms any intention of aggrandising himself at the -expense of Turkey or of claiming any protectorate, or asserting any -claims inconsistent with the sovereignty and independence of the Sultan, -and moreover signified his willingness to make a declaration to that -effect in such form and manner as might be hereafter agreed upon. All -this was very well, and served to confirm the notion that, if some -sensible men, really desirous of settling the question, could be -brought together, the accomplishment would not be difficult; but the -distance which separates the negotiating parties from each other, and -the necessity of circulating every proposition through so many remote -capitals, and the consequent loss of time, have rendered all conferences -and pacific projects unavailing. - - TURKISH DECLARATION OF WAR. - -Yesterday morning a messenger arrived, bringing the telegraphic despatch -from Vienna, which announced the determination of the Turks to go to -war, and that a grand Council was to be assembled to decide on the -declaration, news which precluded all hope of adjustment;[1] and -yesterday afternoon the further account of the decision of the Council -was received. Such of the Ministers as are in town met in the afternoon, -and it was decided that all the rest should be summoned, and a Cabinet -held on Friday next. - -It will be no easy matter to determine what part we shall take, and how -far we shall mix ourselves up in the quarrel as belligerents. It will be -very fortunate if the Cabinet should be unanimous on this question. -Palmerston has hitherto acted very frankly and cordially with Clarendon, -but the old instincts are still strong in him, and they are all likely -to urge him to recommend strong measures and an active interference. -Granville told me last night he thought Palmerston was not at all -displeased at the decision of the Turks, and as he still clings to the -idea that Turkey is powerful and full of energy, and he is quite -indifferent to the danger to which Austria may be exposed, and would -rejoice at her being plunged in fresh difficulties and threatened with -fresh rebellions and revolutions, he will rather rejoice than not at the -breaking out of hostilities. He will not dare to avow his real -propensities, but he will cloak them under other pretences and pretexts, -and give effect to them as much as he can. He has been speechifying in -Scotland, where, though he spoke very handsomely of Clarendon, he did -not say one word in defence of Aberdeen, or anything calculated to put -an end to the notion and repeated assertions that he and Aberdeen had -been at variance on the Eastern Question. I find Aberdeen feels this -omission very much, and it would certainly have been more generous, as -well as more just, if he had taken the opportunity of correcting the -popular error as to Aberdeen, after having been reaping a great harvest -of popularity at his expense. - -Palmerston's position is curious. He is certainly very popular, and -there is a high idea of his diplomatic skill and vigour. He is lauded to -the skies by all the Radicals who are the admirers of Kossuth and -Mazzini, who want to renew the scenes and attempts of 1848, and who -fancy that, if Palmerston were at the head of the Government, he would -play into their hands. On the other hand, he is equally an object of the -flattery and praise of the Tories, who cannot get over their being -succeeded by a Peelite Prime Minister, and they cling to the belief that -there can be no real cordiality, and must be complete difference of -opinion, between Aberdeen and Palmerston, and they look forward to the -prospect of their disunion to break up this odious Government, and a -return to office with Palmerston at their head. These are the political -chimeras with which their brains are filled, and which make them take -(for very different reasons) the same part as the Radicals on the -Eastern Question. My own conviction is that both parties reckon without -their host. Palmerston is sixty-nine years old, and it is too late for -him to look out for fresh political combinations and other connexions, -nor would any object of ambition repay him for the dissolution of all -his personal and social ties. He will, therefore, go on as he does now, -accepting such popularity as is offered him as a means of enhancing his -own importance in this Cabinet; and, in the event of any accident -happening to it, of making his own pretensions available. - - -[Footnote 1: The declaration of the Turkish Council or Divan, held on -October 3, was to the effect that, if the Principalities were not -evacuated in fifteen days, a state of war would ensue. To this the -Emperor of Russia responded on October 18 by a formal declaration of -war. War being declared, the Straits were opened, and, at the request of -the Sultan, the allied fleets entered the Dardanelles on October 22.] - - -_October 6th._--Delane was sent for by Lord Aberdeen the night before -last, when they had a long conversation on the state of affairs, and -Aberdeen told him that he was resolved to be no party to a war with -Russia on such grounds as the present, and he was prepared to resign -rather than incur such responsibility. This was the marrow of what he -said, and very important, because not unlikely to lead to some -difference in the Cabinet, and possibly to its dissolution. - - - FAILURE OF THE PACIFIC POLICY. - -_October 7th._--Clanricarde called here yesterday morning; he is very -strong against the Government and their policy, and maintains that if we -had joined France and sent the fleet up when she did, the Emperor of -Russia would then have receded, as his obstinacy was entirely caused by -his conviction that France and England would never remain united, and -that nothing would induce the latter to make war on Russia. He said this -idea had been confirmed by the language of Aberdeen, who had continually -spoken of his determination to avoid war to Brunnow and others, and in -his letters to Madame de Lieven--_la paix à tout prix_. Clanricarde, -however, himself said he would not declare war against Russia, and we -might defend Turkey without going that length. I went and told Clarendon -all he had said (in greater detail), and he owned that it was more than -probable that Aberdeen had held some such language as was attributed to -him; indeed, he had more than once had occasion to remonstrate with him -upon it. Clarendon was very uneasy at the prospect of the discussion -about to take place, and contemplates as extremely probable the -breaking-up of the Government on the question of war. Palmerston has -been very reserved, but always on the same friendly terms with his -colleagues, and Clarendon in particular; but Lady Palmerston as usual -talks _à qui veut l'entendre_ of the misconduct of the whole affair, and -affirms that, if Palmerston had had the management of it, all would have -been settled long ago. As matters have turned out, it is impossible not -to regret that we were perhaps too moderate and patient at first; for as -the course we have adopted has not been successful, it seems unfortunate -we did not try another, which might have been more so. But this is -judging _après coup_, and nothing is so easy as to affirm that, if -something had been done, which was not done, success would have -attended it. - - -_October 8th._--The Cabinet went off very well yesterday, no serious -difference of opinion about anything, and a good concurrence both as to -what had been done and what ought to be done hereafter. Lord Aberdeen is -well pleased. - - -_Newmarket, October 12th._--This morning I met the Duke of Bedford on -the heath, who told me he wanted very much to speak to me about certain -communications he had received which made him extremely uneasy, and full -of apprehension of coming difficulties, threatening the very existence -of the Government. It seems that a short time ago Lord Aberdeen imparted -to John Russell his wish to resign, and to place the Government in his -hands. He said that he had only taken his present post because his doing -so was indispensable to the formation of the Government, and had always -contemplated Lord John's eventually succeeding him, and he thought the -time was now come when he might very properly do so. He did not -anticipate any insurmountable opposition in any quarter, and he should -himself speak to Gladstone about it, who was the most important person -to be consulted, and he was in fact only prevented doing so, as he had -intended, by not being able to go to Scotland, where he had expected to -meet Gladstone. Whether Aberdeen had spoken to Gladstone since his -return to London, the Duke of Bedford did not know. No steps appear to -have been taken with regard to Palmerston, nor does it appear that any -progress was made in accomplishing this change. The Queen had been -apprised of Aberdeen's intentions. Such was the state of things when a -short time ago the Duke received a letter from Lord John, in which he -said that matters could not go on as they were, and that there must be -some changes; and that very soon he could no longer act without being -primarily responsible for the policy of the Government--in other words, -without resuming his post of Prime Minister. This is all the Duke knows, -as Lord John entered into no explanations or details, and he is in total -ignorance of the grounds of his brusque determination, and of what can -have occurred to produce it. He sees, however, all the difficulties and -embarrassments that in consequence of it are looming in the distance, -and how very possible it is that the Government may be broken up. All -this we very fully discussed, but without either of us being able to -guess what it all means, or what the result will be of Lord John's -putting his intentions into execution. - - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PRETENSIONS. - -_October 16th._--I came to town yesterday morning, and in the afternoon -went to the Foreign Office, and saw Clarendon, to whom I imparted what -the Duke of Bedford had told me. He said he knew it all, Aberdeen having -told him what had passed between John Russell and himself; but having -made Clarendon give his word of honour that he would not say a word of -it to anybody, so he said, 'I would not mention it even to you, to whom -I tell everything.' He then, however, went into the whole question, and -told me what had passed, which did not exactly agree with the Duke's -story. According to Clarendon, Lord John went to Lord Aberdeen before -Parliament was up, and told him he could not consent to go on in his -present position, to which Aberdeen replied, 'Very well, you only meet -my own wishes, and you know I always told you that I should be at any -time ready to resign my place to you.' - -Nothing more seems to have taken place at that time, nor till lately, -when Lord John went again to Aberdeen, and repeated his determination -not to go on; but this time the communication does not seem to have been -received by Aberdeen with the same ready acquiescence in the proposed -change, and some plain speaking took place between them. I infer, but as -Clarendon did not expressly say so I put it dubiously, that Aberdeen had -spoken to Gladstone and ascertained that he would by no means agree to -the substitution of John Russell, and should go with Aberdeen if he -retired. At all events, while Aberdeen told him that he was prepared, if -he wished it, to broach the matter to his colleagues, he intimated to -him that it was evident he wanted to turn him out, and put himself in -his place, but that he (Aberdeen) could not agree to retire at this -moment, and before Parliament met, and that Lord John had better well -consider the step he was about to take, as it would in all probability -break up the Government, and asked him if he was prepared to encounter -the odium of doing so, more especially as he must remember that he had -only consented to form this Government on Lord John's own assurance to -him that he was himself unable to form one. He asked him if he was -secure of Palmerston's concurrence in the change he proposed, and he -replied that he did not expect to find any difficulty in that quarter. -This was the substance of what passed between them, Aberdeen being -evidently a good deal nettled, and thinking Lord John is behaving very -ill. This is Clarendon's opinion also, and he thinks, if Lord John -persists, the Government will be inevitably broken up, for a -considerable part of the Cabinet will certainly not consent to have Lord -John again placed at the head of the Government. Clarendon does not -believe a word of Palmerston's being a party to it, and he knows that -both Gladstone and Newcastle would resign. Graham he is not sure of, but -inclines to think he would retire with Aberdeen, especially if Aberdeen -has any compulsion or ill-usage to complain of. For the moment, however, -this storm has blown over, as Lord John has signified to Aberdeen that -he does not mean to press the matter again for the present. The Queen, -when it was mentioned to her, was anything but approving of or -consenting to the change. - - THEIR MISCHIEVOUS EFFECTS. - -In all this matter there is little doubt that Lord John has been -instigated by his connexions, and they none of them, Lord John himself -included, have sense enough to see that the course he is adopting is -quite suicidal, and would be not less fatal to his own reputation and -popularity than to the Government he belongs to. He failed as Prime -Minister, and no credit attended his Administration, and no regret his -fall. The popularity he lost, he in good measure regained by his conduct -on the formation of this Government, when he waived his own pretensions, -and for the public good consented, after having held the first place, to -accept the second; but the world does not know how reluctantly and -grudgingly he did this, and how sorely his pride and vanity suffered on -that occasion. The position he occupied of leader of the House of -Commons without an office was anomalous, and many thought it -objectionable, but he himself insisted on it, and it proved successful. -The House of Commons not only accepted it, but were pleased to see a man -so eminent eschewing office with its functions and emoluments, and -gratuitously devoting himself to the service and the business of -Parliament. He became popular again in the House, and would have been -more so if he had not chosen to quit the Treasury Bench early every -afternoon, and go down to Richmond, leaving Palmerston to do his work, -and ingratiate himself with the House. Aberdeen reminded Lord John that -this position, which he now found intolerable, was one he had chosen to -make for himself; that he had not only declared he could not form a -Government, but that every office had been at his disposal, and he had -been invited to take the greatest offices, or, if he preferred it, any -smaller one, but that he had insisted on holding none. Aberdeen is quite -right not to resign now, or before Parliament meets, where he must -appear as Minister to defend his own policy. - -I expect that Lord John will not renew his demands for some time, if at -all; but if he does, this is what will probably take place. The -Government will be broken up, Lord John will try to form one and will -fail, and the Government will again be constituted minus Lord John. -Nobody would, I think, go out with him. This is supposing (which I think -certain) that Palmerston would not make common cause with him, but -prefer to remain with the rest. There would then remain the great -difficulty of the lead of the House of Commons and the part Palmerston -would play; but, dangerous as it would be, it would probably be found -necessary to trust him with the lead, most distasteful though it would -be both to Aberdeen and to the Queen. - - -_October 18th._--The Emperor of Russia moved heaven and earth to bring -about a new Holy Alliance between himself, Austria, and Prussia, in -which he would have succeeded if it had not been for the wisdom and -firmness of Manteuffel,[1] who was proof against all his seductions. -Austria consented, but only on condition that Prussia did likewise. The -King of Prussia would have given way with his characteristic weakness, -but Manteuffel would not hear of it, and contrived to keep his master -straight. In an interview of two hours between the Emperor and -Manteuffel _tête-à-tête_, the Emperor employed all the means he could -think of to prevail on the Prussian Minister, but all in vain; he -refused positively to allow Prussia to depart from her neutrality. This -had the effect of keeping Austria neutral also, and that of making the -Emperor more inclined to peace; but the Turkish declaration of war and -peremptory summons to him to quit the Principalities leave him no -alternative but that of taking up the gauntlet thus thrown down. - -[Footnote 1: Count Manteuffel was the Prussian Minister for Foreign -Affairs, and the leading member of the Prussian Cabinet. He was accused -of sacrificing Prussian interests to those of Austria at the Conference -of Olmütz; but in fact he succeeded in defeating what would have been a -very formidable confederacy of the German Powers with Russia.] - - - OBJECTIONS OF LORD PALMERSTON. - -_November 2nd._--All last week at Newmarket, during which nothing of -moment occurred but the renewed attempts at negotiation, and the consent -of the Turks to defer the commencement of hostilities. I saw Clarendon -the day before yesterday, who told me how matters stood, and showed me a -despatch just received from Vienna with a copy of a very moderate and -pacific Note from Nesselrode to Buol, showing that there is every -disposition at St. Petersburg to patch matters up. Clarendon told me -that he was heartily sick of the whole question, in which the double -trouble and difficulty were cast upon him of reconciling the Russians -and the Turks and of preserving agreement in the Cabinet, where Aberdeen -was always opposing measures of hostility towards Russia, and Palmerston -for pushing them forward. He said he steered between the two, and that -he and John Russell were more nearly agreed than any of the others; he -told me at the same time a characteristic trait of Palmerston. The Turks -having determined to plunge into war against the advice of their -protectors, especially against our's, and it having been made known to -us that the Sultan and his Ministers were not disinclined to be guided -by us, but that they were themselves overruled and driven to this -extreme course by the Grand Council, it became necessary in Clarendon's -opinion to notify to the Turkish Government that, since they had thought -fit to take their own independent course, we should reserve to ourselves -the right of acting according to our own discretion, and not consider -ourselves bound to be dragged into a war at the heels of the Grand -Council, which is an assembly of ruffians and fanatics, by whom it would -be utterly inconsistent with the dignity of our Crown that our policy -should be governed and influenced. It seems too that this is a point on -which the Queen feels very strongly, and is exceedingly anxious that the -honour and dignity of the Crown should not be compromised. Accordingly -Clarendon drew up a despatch to this effect, to which the Cabinet -acceded, and Palmerston also, though with some reluctance. However, he -not only saw the proposed despatch, but he made some alteration in it -with his own hand, thereby of course subscribing to it. Just after this -Clarendon went to Windsor, and submitted the despatch to the Queen and -the Prince; they objected to it that it was not strong enough in their -sense, but Clarendon prevailed upon them to waive their objections, and, -as it had been agreed to in the Cabinet, to let it go. But before it was -gone Clarendon received a letter from Palmerston, strongly objecting to -the despatch altogether, and desiring Clarendon to inform Lord Aberdeen -that he would be no party to such a communication. This was extremely -embarrassing. Clarendon spoke to Aberdeen, and afterwards (at Aberdeen's -suggestion) informed the Queen what had occurred. Her Majesty said, 'I -advise you not to attach much importance to this communication. I know -Lord Palmerston from much experience, and it is probably only an attempt -to bully, which, if you take no notice of it, you will hear no more of.' -The result justified the Queen's sagacity, for Clarendon sent off the -despatch, and at the same time wrote word to Palmerston that he had done -so, giving him sundry reasons why he could not do otherwise, to which -he received in reply a very good-humoured letter, merely saying that, as -it was gone, it was useless to say any more about it, and probably it -would do no harm. - -There has been talk abroad and discussion in the Cabinet about the -meeting of Parliament. Lord John and Lord Aberdeen both wished -Parliament to meet, the first because he is always hankering after the -House of Commons, the latter because he wished Parliament to decide on -the question of peace or war, so that in the one alternative his hands -might be strengthened, or in the other he might have a pretext for -resigning. But both Clarendon and Palmerston were much against it, and -now that there is a fresh prospect of peace, it is rendered more -unnecessary and undesirable. - -King Leopold is here, still uneasy (though less than he was) upon the -subject of his _démêlés_ with the Emperor of the French. The cause of -them is the libellous publications of the French refugees in Belgium. -They compose the most outrageous attacks of a personal nature on him and -the Empress, which they have printed in Belgium, and get these papers -smuggled into France, and disseminated amongst the lower classes, and -particularly the troops. This naturally gives the Emperor great offence, -and Leopold would afford him redress if he could; but the Constitution -was made by journalists, and the unrestrained liberty of the press is so -interwoven with the Constitution, that the Legislature itself has no -power to deal with the case, nor any power short of a Constituent -Assembly. All this Leopold has submitted to his powerful neighbour, and -their relations seem to be more amicable; for very civil letters have -passed between the two monarchs, through the Prince de Chimay, whom -Leopold sent to compliment the Emperor when he went lately to Lille. - - - LORD STRATFORD'S INFLUENCE. - -_November 10th._--All attempts at settling the Eastern Question by -_Notes_ have been rudely interrupted by the actual commencement of -hostilities. Meanwhile the Notes sped their way, but at Vienna it was -deemed no longer possible to settle it in this manner, but that there -must now be a regular treaty of peace, the terms of which the Allies -might prescribe, and there is now a question of having a Congress or -Conference here, to carry on the affair. It is, however, difficult to -make out what the French are at, and, with all our intimacy, we must -keep on our guard against all contingencies on the part of our Imperial -neighbour. Nobody knows what is his real motive for sending Baraguay -d'Hilliers to Constantinople. Francis Baring, when I told him of this -appointment, said it could be only for the purpose of quarrelling, for -he was the most violent of men, and was certain to quarrel with -whomsoever he had to deal. If this be so, his quarrelling with Lord -Stratford is inevitable, and it is by no means improbable that Louis -Napoleon is tired of playing second fiddle to us, and sends this General -there for the express purpose of counteracting our superior influence, -and, by the tender of military counsel and aid, to substitute his own -for ours. - -Reeve is just returned from the East, having spent some time at -Constantinople, and he came home by Vienna. Lord Stratford treated him -with great kindness and hospitality, and talked to him very openly. He -says that Stratford exercised a great but not unlimited influence and -control over the Turkish Government, and of course is very jealous of -the influence he possesses; for example, he boasted to Reeve that he had -carried a great point, and had procured the appointment of the candidate -he favoured as Greek Patriarch, an interference which, if it had been -made by the Emperor of Russia, whose concern it is much more than our's, -would have excited in us great indignation. Such an exercise of -influence and in such a matter, of which the Russians are well aware, is -calculated to exasperate them, and it is not unnatural that the Emperor -should feel that, if any foreign influence is to prevail in Turkey, he -has a better right than any other Power to establish his own. Reeve has -a very poor opinion of the power, resources, and political condition of -Turkey, and does not doubt the military success of the Russians. He says -that the corruption is enormous--everybody bribes or is bribed. The -Greek Patriarch whom Stratford got appointed had to pay large sums to -Redschid Pasha and his son. The whole State is rotten to the core. - - - EFFECTS OF DEMOCRATIC REFORM. - -_November 12th._--This morning John Russell breaks ground on the Reform -plan, by referring his scheme to a Committee of the Cabinet, which is to -meet at his house, consisting, besides himself, of Granville, Newcastle, -Graham, Charles Wood, and Palmerston. I am afraid he will propose a -lower franchise, probably 5_l._, in spite of many warnings and the signs -of the times, which are very grave and alarming--nothing but strikes and -deep-rooted discontent on the part of the working classes. I am in -correspondence with Ellesmere on the subject, and have sent his letters -to John Russell, who does not appear disposed to admit the force of his -reasoning against lowering the franchise. This Committee will probably -be on the whole favourable to a democratic measure, Lord John from old -prejudices and obstinacy, Graham from timidity, Newcastle because he has -espoused Liberal principles; Granville will be inclined to go with Lord -John, and Palmerston alone is likely to stand out against a democratic -scheme, unless Charles Wood should go with him, of whose opinions on the -question of Reform I know nothing. Aberdeen is himself a Reformer, but I -hear he is resolved not to consent to a 5_l._ franchise. I confess to -great misgivings about this project in the present state of the country, -and dread the further progress of democratic power. The success of the -great Reform Bill and the experiences of twenty years without any of the -apprehensions of the anti-Reformers having been realised, are now in my -opinion sources of danger, as they create an opinion that progress, as -it is called, is not only necessary, but perfectly safe. It consoles me -for growing old that I shall not live to see the confusion in which this -well-ordered State is likely to be involved, the period of peril and -suffering it will have to go through, and the reaction, which will -restore order and tranquillity at the expense of that temperate and -rational freedom, which we alone of all the nations of the earth are in -possession of. I see no reason why, if we choose recklessly, and without -any cause, to cast away the good we enjoy, we should be exempted from -paying the penalty which our folly and wickedness would so richly -deserve. The above question in all its ramifications is infinitely more -important than the Russian and Turkish quarrel, but there is no saying -how the former may be indirectly and consequentially affected through -the latter by means of the political differences which may arise out of -it. Everything now looks black in the political horizon, and the war -which has begun between the principals can hardly fail to extend itself -sooner or later to the collateral parties. - - -_November 15th._--Yesterday morning having met Clarendon on the railway, -he from Windsor, I from Hillingdon, I got into the carriage and went -home with him. He told me all he had to tell, of what he had to go -through with the conflicting proposals of Palmerston and Aberdeen in the -Cabinet: the latter as averse as ever to any strong measures, and always -full of consideration for the Emperor; the former anxious for war, and -with the same confidence and rashness which were so conspicuous in him -during the Syrian question, insisting that nothing will be so easy as to -defeat Russia, and he now goes the length of urging that none of the old -treaties between her and the Porte should be renewed. All this -_jactance_, however, does not go much beyond words, for he evinces no -disposition to separate from his colleagues or to insist on any course -which the majority of the Cabinet object to. - -The Emperor of Russia has taken the unusual step of writing an autograph -letter to the Queen. Brunnow, who was rather puzzled, took the letter to -Aberdeen, and asked what he was to do with it. Aberdeen told him to take -it to Clarendon, who sent it to the Queen. She sent it to him to read, -and he suggested certain heads of an answer, but did not communicate the -letter, nor the fact of its having been received, to any one but -Aberdeen. The Queen wrote an answer in French, and he says a very good -one. - -Cowley has sent him an account of a conversation he lately had with the -Emperor Napoleon, in which he said that the condition of France and the -rise in the price of provisions, so deeply affecting the working -classes, made him more than ever bent upon preserving peace, and he -proposed that the Powers should be invited to concur with England and -France in drawing up a scheme of pacification and arrangement, which -should be tendered to the belligerents, and whichever should refuse to -accept it should be treated as an enemy. Clarendon said that there were -many objections to this plan, but he seemed to believe in the sincerity -of the Emperor's desire for peace, in spite of the opposite presumption -afforded by Baraguay d'Hilliers' mission, and its accompaniment of -French officers. He attributes that mission to the wounded vanity of -France, and the determination of the Government to send some man who -shall dispute the influence of Stratford, and assert that of France. The -character of Stratford had been fully explained to Baraguay d'Hilliers, -and he went, ostensibly at least, with instructions and an intention to -act with him in harmony, but this the character of the two ambassadors -will probably render quite impossible. - -The Queen told Clarendon an anecdote of Palmerston, showing how -exclusively absorbed he is with _foreign_ politics. Her Majesty has been -much interested in and alarmed at the strikes and troubles in the North, -and asked Palmerston for details about them, when she found he knew -nothing at all. One morning, after previous enquiries, she said to him, -'Pray, Lord Palmerston, have you any news?' To which he replied, 'No, -Madam, I have heard nothing; but it seems certain the _Turks have -crossed the Danube_.' - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REFORM BILL. - -In the afternoon I called on Graham at the Admiralty, and had a long -talk with him about the Government and its prospects, and the -disposition and intentions of John Russell and of Palmerston. He is, -contrary to custom, very cheerful and sanguine on these points; he was -apprised of all that Lord John has said and done, but except on one -occasion, just about the time of the prorogation, has had no -communication with Lord John himself on the subject. He is now satisfied -that Lord John has abandoned his designs, and has made up his mind to go -on as he is, and he infers this from his frank and friendly conduct -about the Reform Bill, which he has not kept to himself, but submitted -to a Committee for the purpose of bringing it before all his colleagues -in a very good spirit, and quite willing to have Palmerston on this -Committee, from whom the greatest opposition was to be expected. Graham -said their first meeting had gone off very pleasantly, and Palmerston -had urged much less objection than he had expected; he thinks therefore -that his own reflexions and his knowledge of the difficulties which -would oppose themselves to his purpose have determined Lord John to -acquiesce in his present position, nor is he afraid of Palmerston -separating himself from this Cabinet, thinking that at his age he will -not speculate so deeply for the chance of greater power and a higher -place, to be purchased at the certain sacrifice of all his social -relations and personal connexions, and he therefore expects Palmerston -will conform to the general sentiments and decisions of his colleagues, -both as to foreign policy and to Reform. Graham said he approved -entirely of Lord John's scheme, and thought his proposed measure good -and safe. - - -_November 27th._--Council at Windsor on Friday 25th. The Queen was -afflicted by the Queen of Portugal's death, though they never saw each -other but once when they were children. I heard the particulars of the -Reform Bill, which (if there is to be one at all) seems as little -mischievous as can be. It seems to have encountered little or no -opposition in the Cabinet, and Lord John considers it as having been -accepted and settled there. Lord Lansdowne has not pronounced himself -positively; but though, no doubt, he dislikes it exceedingly, they think -he will not retire upon it, and up to the present time he has indicated -no such intention. Graham, who is always frightened, told me on Friday -he was very uneasy lest Lansdowne should decline to be a party to it. - -Palmerston has written a letter to Lord John, strong in the beginning, -denouncing the measure as unnecessary and unwise, and complaining of his -having originally committed his colleagues to it, by declaring his own -opinion without any previous consultation and concert with them. Then, -after criticising the Bill (ably, as I am told), he ends by announcing -that he shall consent to it. He sent copies of this letter to Aberdeen -and to Lansdowne. - -I brought Clarendon from the station to Downing Street, when he told me -that he had begun some fresh attempts at renewing negotiations. The -proposal of the Emperor Napoleon to force terms on the two parties would -not do, but he had sent a proposal of some sort (I could not exactly -make out what), which, contrary to his expectation, Buol had agreed to; -but he did not seem very sanguine about any result from this beginning. -He said nothing could exceed the difficulties of the case, nor the -embarrassments of his own position. The Turks are now indisposed to -agree to anything, or to make any concessions whatever, and of course -the Emperor of Russia neither will nor can make peace and withdraw, -without some plausible satisfaction. Then at home the difficulty is just -as great between Palmerston, who is all for going ahead, and wants -nothing less than war with Russia, and Aberdeen, who is in the other -extreme--objecting to everything, and proposing nothing. John Russell is -very reasonable, and agrees almost entirely with Clarendon; but whenever -he thinks he is going to be outbid by Palmerston, is disposed to urge -some violent measures also. He said he had a regular scene with Aberdeen -the other day. After this Note (or whatever it was) had been discussed -and agreed to in the Cabinet, and all settled, Aberdeen came into his -room, and began finding fault with it, and raising all sorts of -objections, when Clarendon, out of all patience, broke out: 'Really, -this is too bad. You come now, after it has all been settled in the -Cabinet where you let it pass, and make all sorts of objections. And -this is the way you do about everything; you object to all that is -proposed, and you never suggest anything yourself. What is it you want? -Will you say what you would have done?' He declares he said all this -with the greatest vivacity, being really exasperated. Aberdeen had -nothing to say, and knocked under. The truth seems to be that the -attacks upon him in the newspapers (though they don't know it) are -pretty well justified, and very little exaggerated; nor is the idea of -Palmerston's real inclination much mistaken. They have by accident very -nearly hit upon the truth. Aberdeen, it seems, objects particularly to -have any Conference _here_, and if there is to be anything of the kind, -it seems likely to take place at Vienna, where, however, somebody would -be sent to assist, if not to supersede, Westmorland. - - - PROTOCOL OF THE FOUR POWERS. - -_December 10th._--The Protocol just signed at Vienna brings the four -Powers together again, and Austria not only signed it with alacrity, but -Buol told Westmorland, if the Emperor of Russia was found unmanageable, -'Nous irons avec vous jusqu'au bout.' The Turks are now desired to say -on what terms they will make peace, and I expect they will reply that -they will not make peace at all till the Principalities are evacuated. -It seems very doubtful whether this fresh opening will lead to any -result between two Powers so impracticable as the belligerents. - -The Duke of Bedford has been endeavouring to persuade Lord John to -reconsider the franchise in his Reform Bill, and Lord John tells him not -to be afraid of its going too low, and that there is more chance of its -appearing too niggardly. Aberdeen said it was not yet settled. -Meanwhile, the Bill is drawn and privately printed. Lord John considers -it to have been accepted by the Cabinet, and that he is sure of the -acquiescence of the two principal dissentients--Lansdowne and -Palmerston. The former went out of town, only saying that he hoped the -landed interest would have its due share of influence. Palmerston's -letter I have already mentioned; but the other day Lady Palmerston held -forth to the Duke against the Bill, and said that it was not settled at -all, but was still under the consideration of the Cabinet; from which he -infers that Palmerston is still making or prepared to make objections -and difficulties. Between Reform and the Eastern Question, I think this -Government would infallibly be broken up but from the impossibility of -another being formed. I am still persuaded Palmerston will not try a new -combination, and break with all his old friends and associates for the -purpose of putting himself at the head of some fresh but unformed -combination. Great as his ambition is, he will not sacrifice so much to -it, and risk so much as this would oblige him to do. - - -_December 12th._--I begin to think that I am after all mistaken as to -Palmerston's intentions, and that his ambition will drive him to -sacrifice everything and risk everything, in spite of his age and of all -the difficulties he will have to encounter. I have said what passed -between the Duke of Bedford and Lady Palmerston about Reform. This -morning the Duke of Bedford came here, and told me he had called on -Clarendon on Saturday, when he said to Clarendon that he was very uneasy -about Palmerston, and thought he was meditating something, though he did -not know exactly what he was at. Clarendon interrupted him--'Certainly, -he is meditating breaking up the Government; in fact, he told me so.' At -this moment it was announced that two or three foreign Ministers were -waiting to see him, when he abruptly broke off the conference, and they -parted. I said, 'Depend upon it, what Clarendon alluded to was not the -Reform Bill, but the Eastern Question; and it is on that that Palmerston -is making a stir.' The Duke said he thought so too; indeed, he was sure -of it, because Clarendon did not trouble himself about Reform, and he -had already told him more than once what excessive trouble and annoyance -he had had between the widely opposite views and opinions of Aberdeen -and Palmerston, and that he had only been able to go on at all from the -agreement between Lord John and himself. However, Lord John is to see -Aberdeen this morning, and his brother afterwards; and before the day is -over we shall learn something more of this disagreeable matter. My -belief is that the differences between Aberdeen and Palmerston have -arrived at a height which threatens a break up, and that, with reference -to this occurring, Palmerston is also going back on the Reform question; -that if he does separate from the Government, he may reserve to himself -to work _both_ questions. But I refrain from further speculations, as in -a few hours they will be resolved into certainty of some sort. - - - LORD PALMERSTON'S RESIGNATION. - -_Panshanger, December 14th._--It turned out that Palmerston had _struck_ -on account of Reform, and not (ostensibly, at least) about foreign -affairs. John Russell was indignant, and inveighed to his brother -against Palmerston in terms of great bitterness, saying he was -absolutely faithless, and no reliance to be placed on him. Of this fact -these pages contain repeated proofs, but I own I am amazed at his making -this flare up on the question of Reform. But his whole conduct is -inexplicable, and there is no making out what he is at. The news of the -Turkish disaster in the Black Sea is believed, but Government will do -nothing about it till they receive authentic intelligence and detailed -accounts of the occurrence.[1] So Clarendon told Reeve on Monday, but he -is disposed to take a decisive part if it all turns out to be true; and -yesterday Delane had a long conversation with Aberdeen, who owned that -if the Russians (as they suppose) attacked a convoy of transports at -anchor, it is a very strong case, and he thought war much more probable -than it was a few days ago, and he did not speak as if he was determined -in no case to declare it. This does not surprise me, in spite of his -previous tone; for he has gone so far that he may be compelled in common -consistency to go farther. - -[Footnote 1: The Russian fleet in the Black Sea attacked and destroyed -the Turkish squadron in the harbour of Sinope on November 30. This -decisive event, which was at variance with the previous declarations of -the Emperor of Russia, compelled the British and French Governments to -order their fleets to enter the Black Sea and occupy it. The Russian -fleet withdrew within the harbours of Sebastopol.] - - -_London, December 17th._--Yesterday morning the news of Palmerston's -resignation was made public. It took everybody by surprise, few having -been aware that he objected to the Reform measure in contemplation. I -received the intelligence at Panshanger, and as soon as I got to town -went to Clarendon to hear all about it. He had been quite prepared for -it, Palmerston having told him that he could not take this Bill. -Clarendon says Palmerston behaved perfectly well, and in a very -straightforward way from first to last. When he was invited to join the -Government, he told Aberdeen and Lansdowne that he was afraid the -Reform Bill would bring about another separation between them. When the -time arrived for discussing the Bill, and John Russell proposed to him -to be on the Committee, he said that he accepted, because, although he -saw no necessity for any Reform Bill, and he entirely disapproved of -John Russell's having committed himself to such a measure, he would not -(as matters stood) absolutely object to any measure whatever, but would -join the Committee, discuss it, state all his objections, and endeavour -to procure such alterations in it as might enable him to accept it. -Finding himself unable to do this with the Committee, he still waited -till the measure had been brought before the whole Cabinet; and when he -found that his objections were unavailing, and that the majority of his -colleagues were resolved to take Lord John's scheme, nothing was left -for him but to retire. He said he might have consented to a smaller -measure of disfranchisement, and the appropriation of the disposable -seats to the counties, but to the enlarged _town_ representation, and -especially to the proposed franchise, he could not agree; and moreover -he said he was not prepared, _at his time of life_, to encounter endless -debates in the House of Commons on such a measure. The first time, -Clarendon said, he had ever heard him acknowledge that he had _a time of -life_. Clarendon showed me a very friendly letter Palmerston had written -to him, expressing regret at leaving them, and saying he (Clarendon) had -a very difficult task before him, and, 'as the Irishman said, I wish yer -Honner well through it.' He has never hinted even at any dissatisfaction -as to foreign affairs as forming a part of his grounds for resigning. - -Clarendon said he thought it would ere long be the means of breaking up -the Government, and I thought so too; but, on reflecting more -deliberately upon the matter, I am disposed to take a different view of -the political probability, and of the part which Palmerston will play. -As I have been so constantly opposed to him, and have both entertained -and expressed so bad an opinion of him on a great many occasions, I feel -the more both bound and inclined to do justice to his conduct upon this -one, in which, so far as I am informed, he really has been -irreproachable. The first thing which seems to have suggested itself to -everybody is that he has resigned with the intention of putting himself -at the head of the opponents of Reform, of joining the Derbyite party, -and ultimately coming into office with Derby, or forming, if possible, a -Government of his own. I doubt all this, and judge of his future conduct -by his past. If he had been actuated by selfish and separate objects of -ambition, and really contemplated transferring himself from the Whig to -the Tory party, or setting up an independent standard, instead of -breaking with this Cabinet on the question of Reform, he would certainly -have done so upon the Turkish war, as he easily could. He would then -have gone out amidst shouts of applause; he would have put the -Government into an immense difficulty, and he would have reserved to -himself to take whatever course he thought fit about Reform. He has -acted much more honestly, but less cunningly for his own interest, -supposing that he has the views and projects that are attributed to him. -Lord Lansdowne is placed in great embarrassment, for he agrees entirely -with Palmerston; and if he acts consistently on his own convictions, he -will retire too--that is, cease to form a part of the Cabinet. Clarendon -expects he will do so. - - - MOTIVES OF LORD PALMERSTON'S RESIGNATION. - -_Hatchford, December 21st._--On Monday when I came to town from -Goodwood, where I went on Sunday, I found a letter from Lady Palmerston, -very friendly indeed. She said her son William had told her what I had -said to him about Palmerston and his resignation, which had gratified -her. She then went on to explain why he had resigned, and why at this -moment instead of waiting longer; she said he would have accepted a -Reform Bill, but wanted Lord John's to be altered, had proposed -alterations, and written to Aberdeen to urge them, and upon Aberdeen's -reply that his suggestions could not be taken, he had no alternative but -to resign, and he had thought it fairer to the Government to do so at -once, and give them time to make their arrangements, than to put it off -till the last moment, when Parliament was on the point of meeting. I -confess I think he was right in so doing, and I was greatly provoked -with the 'Times' for attacking him, twitting and sneering at him, and -finding fault with him for his desertion; so provoked that I wrote a -letter to the 'Times,' which appeared on Tuesday, with my opinion -thereupon. - -On Tuesday morning I was surprised at receiving a letter from Lord -Lansdowne, entreating I would tell him what was said, and what was the -state of public opinion about Palmerston's resignation, giving me to -understand that he was as yet undecided what course he should adopt, and -should not decide at all events till he had seen the Queen next Friday; -he also said that he had been greatly surprised at this happening '_so -soon_, whatever might have been the case later, having occurred -(marvellous to say) before there had been any decision taken by the -Government as such on the whole matter, or any ground for me at least to -think that issue would be joined upon it without that apparently -essential preliminary.' I wrote to him in reply all I had heard of the -reports and notions floating about, and said I hoped his determination -would eventually be not to withdraw, and I sent him Lady Palmerston's -letter to me, which I said seemed to me somewhat at variance with his -statement, in as much as Palmerston evidently considered that the matter -was settled. I don't understand, however, why he wrote to Aberdeen, if -the question was still before the Cabinet, and not yet definitively -settled. Assuming Lord Lansdowne's statement to have been correct, -Palmerston ought to have disputed the matter in the Cabinet, and if -overruled there, he might have resigned, and not till then. - -Delane went to Aberdeen, and asked him for his version of the affair, -when he said at once he had no hesitation in saying that the Eastern -Question was the cause and the sole cause of Palmerston's resignation; -that he had all along been opposing what was done, and might have -resigned upon it any time for months past, and that but for that -question he would have swallowed the Reform Bill. Delane observed, if -this was true, Palmerston had acted a very highminded and disinterested -part. It has been imprudent of the Government papers to insist so -strenuously that Palmerston resigned solely on account of Reform, and -that there was no difference on foreign policy, because this elicited a -violent article in the 'Morning Post,' insisting in turn that the -Eastern Question was the real cause of his retirement, and everybody -will believe that this was inserted or dictated by himself. It is -strange to find myself the advocate and apologist of Palmerston, when -the preceding pages are brimful of censure of his acts and bad opinion -of his character; but, whatever prejudices I may have or have had -against him, they never shall prevent my saying what I believe to be -true, and doing him ample justice, when I think that he is acting -honourably, fairly, and conscientiously. This letter of Lord Lansdowne's -has a little shaken my convictions, but still I am struck with the fact -of his having refrained from resigning on the Eastern Question, when by -so doing he might have damaged the Government immensely, and obtained -for himself increased popularity and considerable power if these were -his objects. - - - LADY PALMERSTON'S STATEMENT. - -_London, December 22nd._--I went to town this morning, called on Lady -Palmerston, found her in good spirits and humour, and vastly pleased at -all the testimonies of approbation and admiration he has received. She -exclaimed with exultation, 'He is always in the right in everything he -does,' a position I could not confirm, and which I did not care to -dispute. We then talked of the present crisis, when to my no small -amazement she said that she saw no reason now why it should not be made -up, and he should not remain, that he left the Government with regret, -liked his office, and had no wish to quit his colleagues, but could not -consent to such a measure as Lord John had proposed. She then -recapitulated what she wrote to me, and complained of Aberdeen's having -replied to Palmerston's note in such a style of peremptory refusal; if -he had only expressed regret at the difference, and proposed a fresh -reference to the Cabinet, it might have been avoided. Still, she thought -if they were disposed to be reasonable it was possible to repair the -breach. Palmerston had never had any answer to his letter of -resignation, no notice had been taken of it, nor had the Queen's -acceptance of his resignation ever been conveyed to him. She talked with -bitterness of the articles in the 'Times,' and of his resignation having -been so hastily published, and said he had all along been very much -dissatisfied with the conduct of the Eastern Question, and convinced -that, if his advice had been taken at first, we should not be in our -present dilemma and embarrassing position, and he had only consented to -stay in the Government, when overruled in his suggestions, because he -thought he could nevertheless effect some good by remaining, and tender -essential aid to Clarendon. I expressed the strongest desire that the -matter might be patched up, and entreated her to try and bring it about. -Palmerston was gone out, so I did not see him. - -I then went to the Office, and directly wrote to Graham, who was at the -Cabinet, begging him to see me, and telling him I had reason to believe -Palmerston was not disinclined to stay. Meanwhile Bessborough called on -me, and told me all the reports from Marylebone and other parts of the -metropolis, as well as the country; all represented Palmerston's -popularity to be immense, great enthusiasm about the Eastern Question, -and profound indifference about Reform; and he said there was a report -that Palmerston was not unlikely to stay in, and that it was of the -greatest importance that he should. He also said that Hayter declared -there was no chance whatever of their carrying the Reform Bill in the -House of Commons, especially if Palmerston headed the opposition to it. - -He was hardly gone when Graham came to me. I told him all that had -passed between Lady Palmerston and me, and entreated him to see if -something could not be done. He said he himself should be too happy to -bring it about if possible, and he had no personal ground of complaint, -but he did not know how Lord John might be disposed, particularly as -Palmerston in one of his letters had spoken in very uncourteous terms of -him and Aberdeen. He said it was wonderful how Palmerston, quite unlike -most men, was often intemperate with his pen, while he was always very -guarded in his language. In reply to some of the things Lady Palmerston -had said, he told me that the difficulty was that Palmerston's -objections went to the _principle_ of the measure, and though the -details might still be open to discussion, it was impossible they could -concede the principles of the measure without dishonour, and this was -not to be thought of. That with regard to fresh reference to the -Cabinet, Palmerston had stated all his objections to the Cabinet, when -they had been considered and overruled, therefore another reference to -the _Cabinet_ would have been useless. He asked me if Palmerston was -prepared to give up his objections. I said I presumed not, but he must -understand that I did not know what he was prepared to concede or -require, only what I had repeated, that he was not disinclined still to -remain if the matter admitted of adjustment. He said the office was -still open, and that the Cabinet then going on was not about filling it -up, but entirely on the Eastern Question. After a good deal of talk we -parted, he promising to see what could be done to bring about a -compromise and reconciliation. - - A RECONCILIATION. - -I then wrote to Lord Lansdowne telling him what had passed, and -suggested that, as he is to see the Queen tomorrow, he should invoke her -assistance to settle this affair, and so the matter stands. I am -satisfied that at this moment Palmerston would prefer staying where he -is to anything else, present or prospective, and he does not wish to -embark in fresh combinations; but it is impossible to say what he may -not do under fresh circumstances, and if he is exposed to all the -attractions of excessive flattery and the means of obtaining great -power. If this Government should be overthrown, I see no other man who -could form one. Derby is in such a deplorable state of health that I do -not think he could possibly undertake it, and though Palmerston's -difficulties would be great, they would not be insurmountable, and the -very necessity of having a Government, and the impossibility of any -other man forming one, would give him great facilities, and draw a great -many people from various parties to enlist under him. It is, therefore, -of immense importance that there should be a compromise now, for I am -strongly of opinion that if there is not the Government will not be able -to go on. What I fear is that, if a negotiation should be begun, the -parties will not come to terms, and neither be disposed to make -sufficient concessions. Lady Palmerston hinted at Aberdeen's going out, -which she said he had always professed his readiness to do, but I gave -her to understand that if he did, Lord John would insist on taking his -place, which would not, I apprehend, be more palateable to Palmerston -than the present arrangement. - - -_December 24th._--I went to town this morning to hear what was going on. -I found Granville who told me there was a negotiation on foot, conducted -by Newcastle, who had been to Palmerston yesterday and discussed the -matter. Palmerston was to give his answer at twelve to-day; Granville -did not think any concessions about Reform were to be made to him, and -nothing more than an agreement that the whole question should be -reconsidered. He was to write a letter, saying there had been 'a -misunderstanding,' said he was evidently dying to remain, full of -interest in foreign politics, and could not bear to be out the way of -knowing and having a concern in all that is going on, and probably by no -means insensible to the difficulties of another position, that of being -the leader of an Opposition, and still more to the having to form and -carry on a Government should that Opposition be successful. All this I -think exceedingly probable. I then went to Clarendon, where I learnt -that Palmerston had given his answer, and that he meant to stay. He had -written a letter, not exactly such a one as they could have wished, but -which must do; and though it was not yet formally settled, it had gone -so far that it could not fail now. Both Clarendon and Granville told me -John Russell had behaved admirably, which I was glad to hear. Granville -thinks Palmerston has no _rancune_ against Aberdeen, but a good deal -against John Russell. Granville said I had made a bad selection in -writing to Graham on Thursday about Palmerston's staying in, as of all -the Cabinet he was the man most against him, and most opposed to his -return; but Clarendon said for that very reason he was very glad I had -addressed myself to Graham, and that I had since written him a strong -letter, as I did yesterday, setting forth as forcibly as I could the -expediency of a reconciliation and the danger of Palmerston's separating -himself from them, and the infallible consequences thereof. - - BARAGUAY DECLINES TO ENTER THE BLACK SEA. - -Walewski has been making a great flare up about the article in the -'Times,' stating that Dundas wanted to pursue the Russian fleet after -Sinope, and that Baraguay d'Hilliers put his veto on the operation. -Clarendon assured him the statement was inserted without his privity, -and he had nothing to do with it. Walewski then asked him to authorise a -formal contradiction in the 'Globe,' or to let it be officially -contradicted in the 'Moniteur.' Clarendon declined the first, and -advised against the latter course. I offered to speak to Delane about -contradicting it in the 'Times,' which I afterwards did. He said the -fact was true, and he had received it from various quarters, and it was -useless to contradict it; but there was no reason the 'Moniteur' should -not do so if they liked, so I sent him to Clarendon to talk it over and -settle what was to be done to smooth the ruffled plumage of the French. - -On Thursday at the Cabinet the resolution was taken which amounts to -war. The French sent a proposal that the fleets should go into the Black -Sea, repel any Russian aggression, and force any Russian ships of war -they met with to go back to Sebastopol, using force in case of -resistance. We assented to this proposal, and orders were sent -accordingly. This must produce hostilities of some sort, and renders war -inevitable. It is curious that this stringent measure should have been -adopted during Palmerston's absence, and that he had no hand in it. It -will no doubt render the reconciliation more agreeable to him. This -incident of his resignation and return, which has made such a hubbub not -only here but all over Europe for several days, is certainly -extraordinary, and will hardly be intelligible, especially as it will -hereafter appear that he has withdrawn his resignation with hardly any, -or perhaps no, conditions. On looking dispassionately at it, it seems to -me Palmerston and Aberdeen have both been somewhat to blame. Lord -Lansdowne left town ten days or a fortnight ago, with a distinct -understanding, as he affirms, that the question of the Reform Bill was -not to be definitively settled till after Christmas, and though he was -aware of Palmerston's objections, he had no idea he would take any -decisive step till then. A few days after he was gone to Bowood, -Palmerston wrote to Aberdeen, a most unnecessary and ill-judged act. -Aberdeen--instead of referring in his answer to the above-named -understanding, and giving no other answer, replies that he has consulted -John Russell and Granville, who think that nothing can be proposed that -will remove his objections, and that he agrees with them, on which -Palmerston sends in his resignation in a letter described to be brief -and peremptory in its tone. All these letters were wrong, and none of -them ought to have been written. I see they (his colleagues or some of -them) think Palmerston never had really any intention of quitting his -post, but _more suo_ tried to bully a little, not without hopes that he -might frighten them into some concessions on the Reform Bill, and -meaning, if he failed, to knock under, as he has so often done upon -other occasions. I am much inclined to suspect there is a great deal of -truth in this hypothesis, being struck by Lady Palmerston's mildness and -abstinence from violence and abuse, and the evident anxiety of both of -them for a reconciliation, and again by the very easy terms on which he -has been induced to stay. There has been no exaction or dictation on his -part, but, so far as appears at present, something very like a -surrender. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - - Lord Palmerston's Return--The Czar's Designs--Uncertain - Prospects--A Dinner of Lawyers--Preparations for War--The Reform - Scheme modified--Russian Preparations for War--Entry of the Black - Sea--Intrigues of France with Russia--Attacks on Prince - Albert--Virulence of the Press--Attitude of Russia--Reluctance on - both sides to engage in War--Prince Albert's Participation in - Affairs of State--Opening of Parliament--Vindication of Prince - Albert--Offer of Marriage of Prince Napoleon to Princess Mary of - Cambridge--Publication of the Queen's Speech--The Hesitation of - Austria--Justification of the War--The Blue Books--Popularity of - the War--Last Efforts for Peace--The Emperor Napoleon's - Letter--Lord John's Reform Bill--Difficulties arising--The - Greeks--Objections to the Reform Bill--Postponement of the Reform - Bill. - - - LORD PALMERSTON RESUMES OFFICE. - -_Bowood, December 26th._--I came here to-day through town, where I saw -_en passant_ Granville and Clarendon; received a letter this morning -from Graham, telling me everything was arranged and Palmerston would -stay, which of course I knew long before. Clarendon thought Newcastle -had managed it exceedingly well, inasmuch as by this mixture of -conciliation and firmness he had got Palmerston to write and withdraw -his resignation, without any conditions; indeed, Clarendon considers -that Palmerston has virtually acceded to all the provisions of Lord -John's Bill to which he had objected. Whether his actions correspond -with this idea we shall see hereafter. The letter he has written they -say is 'artful and cunning,' but Aberdeen does not appear dissatisfied -with it; and as it is a considerable concession in him to write any -letter at all, they are right not to quarrel about the expressions. On -the whole, I am now of opinion that Palmerston will be damaged by this -proceeding. Nothing could justify his resignation at such a crisis but a -case of urgent necessity, and if he really was urged to it by such a -necessity, he clearly could not be justified in recalling his -resignation five or six days afterwards, finding himself exactly in the -same situation as he was in before it. It seems to me that he is -certainly on the horns of this dilemma, that he was either wrong in -resigning or wrong in returning. I told Lord Lansdowne so, but he did -not say much in reply; and I find the language of this place is all -favourable to Lord Palmerston, which I presume to be from their -sympathising in his objections to Reform; and they throw most of the -blame on Aberdeen for writing to him the letter he did, in which no -doubt he erred. However, they are all very glad it is made up, and -justly think that the less that is said about it hereafter the better. I -think now that some steps had been taken towards a reconciliation even -before the Thursday when Lady Palmerston spoke to me, and the Queen knew -on Thursday that the reconciliation was highly probable; for she wrote -to Lord Lansdowne that evening, and told him he need not come to Windsor -on Friday, which letter he received just as he was going to set off. The -Tories and the Radicals are equally puzzled, perplexed, and disgusted, -and do not know what to say. They accordingly solace themselves with -such inventions and falsehoods as it suits their several purposes to -circulate. - -Clarendon received a letter from Cowley while I was with him, in which -he said he sent him a paper tending to show that the Emperor of Russia -was bent upon the destruction of Turkey, and prepared to run every risk, -and encounter any enemy, in the pursuit of that object. This is, I -think, very likely; and what is equally likely that, _per damna per -coedes_, and with much danger and damage to himself, he will -accomplish the ruin of the Turk. But all speculation must be vague and -fallacious as to the results of such a war as is now beginning. - - -_January 3rd_, 1854.--I returned from Bowood on Saturday, having had -no conversation whatever on politics with Lord Lansdowne--and of course -I sought none. News came there that the Turks had accepted the proposal -of the Allied Powers to enter into a negotiation, and we are now -waiting to see what the Emperor of Russia will be disposed to do; but -almost everybody thinks he will refuse to treat, and certainly he will -never admit, as the preliminary condition of negotiation, that no former -treaties shall be revived. The Cabinet meets to-day for the purpose, I -conclude, of resuming the consideration of the Reform Bill. The only -thing Lord Lansdowne did say to me was, that he had had several -conversations with John Russell when he was at Bowood, and that he -thought he had made an impression on him; he evidently expected that -Lord John would make concessions in his Bill which might satisfy, or -partly so, him and Palmerston. - - - PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. - -_January 5th._--I dined on Tuesday with the Chancellor, Lord Cranworth: -an array of lawyers, the Chancellor of Ireland (a coarse, vulgar-looking -man, with twitchings in his face), Lord Campbell, Alderson, Coleridge, -and the Solicitor-General (Bethell); besides these Aberdeen, Graham, and -one or two more men. - -I sat next to Graham and had much talk. He said the Cabinet that morning -had gone off easily, and he thought matters would proceed quietly now. -Palmerston is quite at his ease and just as if nothing had happened, -which was exactly like him. Graham thinks the Emperor of Russia is -determined on war, and will not consent to negotiate; he said he had -been as anxious as any man to maintain peace, but if we were driven to -go to war, he was for waging it with the utmost vigour, and inflicting -as much injury as we could on Russia, and that we might strike very -severe blows. It was commonly supposed Sebastopol was unassailable by -sea, but he was not satisfied of that, as they are not in possession of -sufficient information to be at all sure about it, but that he did not -know what a powerful fleet with the aid of steam could not accomplish. -He was inclined to believe that such a fleet might force the entrance to -the place and destroy the Russian fleets, but that it would probably -cost many ships to effect such an operation. In discussing the -probability of Russia and Turkey being brought to terms we agreed that -the conditions accepted by the Turks should prove a sufficient basis. -When I asked him whether this would not satisfy even Palmerston, and -whether he would not be desirous of peace if it could be so brought -about, he said he thought not, that Palmerston's politics were always -personal, and that nothing would satisfy him now but to _humiliate_ the -Emperor. - -Yesterday afternoon I saw Clarendon at the Foreign Office. He said the -Cabinet went off smoothly enough, and Palmerston did not appear -dissatisfied; confirmed what Graham said of his easy manner--no -awkwardness or reserve. Aberdeen had written to him in answer to his -letter recalling his resignation, saying he wondered he should have -thought the matter of the Reform Bill _final_; and John Russell, when it -was all over, called on him. The alterations in the Reform Bill were -principally these: to extend somewhat the disfranchisement and to give -more of the seats to the counties (which was what both Lord Lansdowne -and Palmerston wished), and to reduce the county franchise from 20 to -10, taking Locke King's plan, the town franchise to be 6_l._, with three -years' rating, as originally proposed. This is intended to admit the -working classes; as Clarendon said, the _principle_ of the last Reform -Bill having been to _exclude_ them, and this to _admit_ them. It seems -now that Lansdowne and Palmerston will not dissent from this plan, -though they do not like it. The various propositions were put to the -vote _seriatim_ in the Cabinet and carried _nem. diss._, so that, -instead of everything having been conceded to Palmerston (as the lying -newspapers proclaimed), nothing has been; and he has, on the contrary, -knocked under. - -Clarendon showed me the Note submitted to the Turkish Government with -the proposals as the basis of negotiations, to which we have not yet -received a formal answer; but from a confused telegraphic message they -think the Turks have accepted them. These terms will then have to go to -St. Petersburg. But meanwhile the notification to the Emperor of the -orders to our fleets was to reach St. Petersburg this day, and Clarendon -thinks it exceedingly likely this will produce an immediate declaration -of war on his part. His warlike preparations are enormous, and it is -said that the Church has granted him a loan of four and a half millions -to defray them. I told Clarendon what Graham had said to me of -Palmerston's disposition. He said he did not know, but it was not -unlikely, and quite true about personal motives always influencing his -conduct; and that he had always pleased himself with the reflexion that -the downfall of Louis Philippe might be traced to the Montpensier -marriage, which had really been the remote cause of it. Graham had told -me that Stratford was now really anxious for peace, for he began to see -the possibility of war bringing about the substitution of French -influences at Constantinople in place of Russian, and of the two he -infinitely preferred the latter. Clarendon confirmed this. - - - THE ATTACK ON SINOPE. - -_January 6th._--All going on very amicably in the Cabinet, and Pam and -Johnny the best friends possible, cutting their jokes on each other, and -Palmerston producing all his old objections to the Reform Bill just as -if it was discussed for the first time. From what has been settled in -regard to the fleets at Constantinople I think we are running an -enormous risk of some great catastrophe.[1] It appears that Admiral -Hamelin declared it was impossible to enter the Black Sea with safety, -and Baraguay d'Hilliers agreed with him. Dundas was of the same opinion, -but said he was ready to go if ordered. Stratford was not convinced of -the danger as Baraguay d'Hilliers was. Before the opinion of the French -Admiral could reach Paris orders were sent out for the fleets to enter, -and though some discretion is left to the Admirals, the orders are so -precise that it is extremely probable they will obey them in spite of -the danger, great as it is; for the Black Sea is so dark they can take -no observations, and so deep it cannot be sounded, perpetual fogs (which -make the darkness), and no harbour where the fleets can take refuge. If -the fleets should meet with any serious disaster, the indignation and -clamour here would be prodigious, and the most violent accusations would -be levelled at the Government. It would be said that they would not let -the fleets go during the summer and safe seasons, when they could have -done anything they pleased; but, having allowed the Sinope affair to -take place, and failed to bring about peace, they now send the fleets -when they can do no good and prevent no mischief, and only expose them -to damage or destruction. - -[Footnote 1: On November 30 the Russian fleet from Sebastopol attacked -the Turkish squadron in the harbour of Sinope and destroyed it. It was -this violent action on the part of Russia that at once decided the -British and French Governments to occupy the Black Sea with their -fleets. The Russian ships withdrew within the harbour of Sebastopol, -which they never left again. I believe that Admiral Dundas and Admiral -Lyons proposed to enter the Black Sea at once and intercept the Russian -vessels before they could reach Sebastopol, but this proposal was -overruled by the French officers, who were disinclined to act until they -received peremptory orders from the Emperor.] - - -_Broadlands, January 8th._--I came here on Friday; nobody is here but -the Flahaults and Azeglio; I walked with Palmerston yesterday and talked -of the Turkish question. He thinks the Emperor will not declare war on -receiving news of the orders to the fleets, but send some temporising -answer. He said that if these orders had been sent four months ago, the -whole thing would have been settled, which may or not be true; he is -very confident of the success of our naval operations, and of the damage -we may do to Russia; he has never alluded to Reform or anything -connected with it, and is in very good humour. - - - NEWSPAPER ATTACKS ON PRINCE ALBERT. - -_January 15th._--I have never yet noticed the extraordinary run there -has been for some weeks past against the Court, more particularly the -Prince, which is now exciting general attention, and has undoubtedly -produced a considerable effect throughout the country. It began a few -weeks ago in the press, particularly in the 'Daily News' and the -'Morning Advertiser,' but chiefly in the latter, and was immediately -taken up by the Tory papers, the 'Morning Herald' and the 'Standard,' -and for some time past they have poured forth article after article, and -letter after letter, full of the bitterest abuse and all sorts of lies. -The 'Morning Advertiser' has sometimes had five or six articles on the -same day all attacking and maligning Prince Albert. Many of these are -very vague, but the charges against him are principally to this effect, -that he has been in the habit of meddling improperly in public affairs, -and has used his influence to promote objects of his own and the -interests of his own family at the expense of the interests of this -country; that he is German and not English in his sentiments and -principles; that he corresponds with foreign princes and with British -Ministers abroad without the knowledge of the Government, and that he -thwarts the foreign policy of the Ministers when it does not coincide -with his own ideas and purposes. He is particularly accused of having -exerted his influence over this Government to prevent their taking the -course which they ought to have done with regard to Turkey, and of -having a strong bias towards Austria and Russia and against France. Then -it is said that he is always present when the Queen receives her -Ministers, which is unconstitutional, and that all the papers pass -through his hands or under his eyes. He is accused of interfering with -all the departments of government, more particularly with the Horse -Guards, and specifically with the recent transactions and disagreements -in that office, which led to the retirement of General Brown, the -Adjutant-General. Then he and the Queen are accused of having got up an -intrigue with foreign Powers, Austria particularly, for getting -Palmerston out of office last year; that she first hampered him in the -Foreign Office, by insisting on seeing his despatches before he sent -them off, and then that she compelled John Russell to dismiss him on the -ground of disrespectful conduct to herself, when the real reason was -condescension to the wishes of Austria, with which Power the Prince had -intimately connected himself. Charges of this sort, mixed up with -smaller collateral ones, have been repeated day after day with the -utmost virulence and insolence by both the Radical and the Tory -journals. For some time they made very little impression, and the Queen -and Prince were not at all disturbed by them; but the long continuance -of these savage libels, and the effect which their continual refutation -has evidently produced throughout the country, have turned their -indifference into extreme annoyance. I must say I never remember -anything more atrocious or unjust. Delane went to Aberdeen and told him -that immense mischief had been done, and that he ought to know that the -effect produced was very great and general, and offered (if it was -thought desirable) to take up the cudgels in defence of the Court. -Aberdeen consulted the Prince, and they were of opinion that it was -better not to put forth any defence, or rebut such charges in the press, -but to wait till Parliament meets, and take an opportunity to repel the -charges there. One of the papers announced that a Liberal member of -Parliament intended to bring the matter forward when Parliament meets, -but I do not expect he will make his appearance. At present nobody talks -of anything else, and those who come up from distant parts of the -country say that the subject is the universal topic of discussion in -country towns and on railways. It was currently reported in the Midland -and Northern counties, and actually stated in a Scotch paper, that -Prince Albert had been committed to the Tower, and there were people -found credulous and foolish enough to believe it. It only shows how much -malignity there is amongst the masses, which a profligate and impudent -mendacity can stir up, when a plausible occasion is found for doing so, -and how 'the mean are gratified by insults on the high.' It was only the -other day that the Prince was extraordinarily popular, and received -wherever he went with the strongest demonstration of public favour, and -now it would not be safe for him to present himself anywhere in public, -and very serious apprehensions are felt lest the Queen and he should be -insulted as they go to open Parliament a fortnight hence. In my long -experience I never remember anything like the virulence and profligacy -of the press for the last six months, and I rejoice that Parliament is -going to meet and fair discussion begin, for nothing else can in the -slightest degree check it, and this, it may be hoped, will. - - - VACILLATION OF THE FRENCH. - -_January 16th._--The attacks on the Prince go on with redoubled -violence, and the most absurd lies are put forth and readily believed. -It is very difficult to know what to do, but the best thing will be a -discussion in the House of Commons, if possible in both Houses. It is -now said that Sir Robert Peel is going to raise one. Clarendon told me -yesterday that he should not be surprised if the Emperor of Russia were -to recall Brunnow and not Kisseleff, as he is more particularly incensed -against England, knowing very well that we have acted consistently and -in a straightforward direction throughout, while the French have been -continually vacillating, and have kept up a sort of coquetry with him; -for example, Castelbajac congratulated the Emperor on the Sinope affair, -and said he did so as a Minister, a soldier, and a Christian. A pretty -Government to depend on, and which our stupid and ignorant press is -lauding to the skies for its admirable and chivalrous conduct as -compared to ours. - - -_January 21st._--For some days past the Tory papers have relaxed their -violence against the Court, while the Radical ones, especially the -'Morning Advertiser,' have redoubled their attacks, and not a day passes -without some furious article, and very often five or six articles and -letters, all in the same strain. It is not to be denied or concealed -that these abominable libels have been greedily swallowed all over the -country and a strong impression produced. The press has been infamous, -and I have little doubt that there is plenty of libellous matter to be -found in some of the articles, if it should be deemed advisable for the -Attorney-General to take it up. There can be little doubt that the Tory -leaders got alarmed and annoyed at the lengths to which their papers -were proceeding, and have taken measures to stop them. The Radical -papers nothing can stop, because they find their account in the libels; -the sale of the 'Advertiser' is enormously increased since it has begun -this course, and, finding perfect immunity, it increases every day in -audacity and virulence. One of the grounds of attack (in the 'Morning -Herald' and 'Standard' principally) has been the illegality of the -Prince being a Privy Councillor. In reply to this I wrote a letter (in -my own name) showing what the law and practice are, but incautiously -said the argument had been advanced by a member of the _Carlton Club_, -whereas it was in fact a member of the _Conservative_, and I had -imagined the two Clubs were the same. This mistake drew down on me -various letters, attacking and abusing me, and for several days the -'Morning Herald' has been full of coarse and stupid invectives against -me, supplied by correspondents, who, from the details in their letters, -must be persons with whom I live in great social intimacy. They are, -however, of a very harmless description, and too dull to be effective. - - -_January 25th._--I wrote a letter in the 'Times' (signed Juvenal), -showing up the lies of the 'Morning Advertiser,' and how utterly -unworthy of credit such a paper is. I find Palmerston and Aberdeen have -come to an understanding as to what shall be said in the way of -explanation, which is a good thing. It is not to be much, and they will -tell the same story. One faint ray of hope for peace has dawned. The -Emperor on receiving our Note has not recalled Brunnow, but ordered him -to ask for explanations, and he is only to withdraw if the answer is of -a certain tenor. Clarendon told him he could not give him an answer at -the moment, and Seymour had said in the P.S. to his last despatch, 'For -God's sake don't give Brunnow any answer for three days.' It is clearly -one of two things--the Emperor meditates making peace, or he wants to -gain time. The fact is, _he has got the answer_, for our instructions to -the Admirals (which were communicated to him) explain our intentions. In -a few days more we must receive his reply to the pacific overture. - - - COUNT ORLOFF'S MISSION TO VIENNA. - -_January 29th._--Brunnow has not received his answer, but is to have it -on Tuesday, when I imagine he will announce his departure. Kisseleff has -not had his either, and there is some disagreement as to the answers -between us and the French Government. Clarendon has sent to Paris the -answer he proposes to give, but the French wish not to give Kisseleff -any answer at all, nor even to tell him what it is, but to send their -answer through their Ambassador at Petersburg, to which Clarendon -strenuously objects. This is only for the purpose of delay, the Emperor -Napoleon being so reluctant to go to war, and anxious to put off the -evil day as long as he can. It is not wonderful, for the accounts of the -distress in France, the stagnation of trade, and the financial -embarrassments, and the consequent alarm that prevails as well as -suffering, make it very natural that the Government should shrink from -plunging into a war the duration of which is doubtful, but the expense -certain. Colloredo told me the other day that he thought Orloff's -mission to Vienna afforded a good prospect of peace, because he was sure -Orloff would not have accepted the mission unless he had really expected -to bring it to a successful issue, but Clarendon told me last night that -Orloff is only empowered to propose the same conditions which the -Emperor originally insisted on, and that his real object is to detach -Austria and Prussia from the alliance, by any means he can and by -offering them any terms they please. - -The attacks on the Prince are subsiding, except from the 'Morning -Advertiser,' which goes doggedly on in spite of its lies being exposed. -John Russell told me the other day that soon after the Queen's marriage -she asked Melbourne whether the Prince ought to see all the papers and -know everything. Melbourne consulted him about it, and he thinks that he -consulted the Cabinet, but is not quite sure of this. However, Melbourne -and Lord John (and the whole Cabinet if he did consult them) agreed that -it was quite proper she should show him and tell him everything, and -that was the beginning of his being mixed up in public affairs. Why he -did not then begin to be present at her interviews with her Ministers I -do not know, but that practice began when Peel came in, and Lord John -said he found it established when he came back, and he saw no objection -to it. He told me last night that the Queen had talked to him about the -present clamour, which of course annoyed her, and she said, if she had -had the Prince to talk to and employ in explaining matters at the time -of the Bedchamber quarrel with Peel, that affair would not have -happened. Lord John said he thought she must have been advised by -somebody to act as she did, to which she replied with great candour and -naïveté, 'No, it was entirely my own foolishness.' This is the first -time I have heard of her acknowledging that it was 'foolishness,' and is -an avowal creditable to her sense. Lord John said, when Lord Spencer was -consulted on the matter he replied, 'It is a bad ground for a _Whig_ -Government to stand on, but as gentlemen you can't do otherwise.' - - -_February 1st._--Parliament met yesterday, a greater crowd than usual to -see the procession. The Queen and Prince were very well received, as -well as usual, if not better; but all the _enthusiasm_ was bestowed on -the Turkish Minister, the mob showing their sympathy in his cause by -vociferous cheering the whole way. The night went off capitally for the -Government in both Houses. In the Lords Derby made a slashing speech, -but very imprudent, and played into Aberdeen's hands, who availed -himself thereof very well, and made a very good answer, which is better -to read than it was to hear. Derby afforded him a good opportunity of -vindicating the Prince, which he did very effectively, and then Derby -followed him and joined in the vindication, but he clumsily allowed -Aberdeen to take the initiative. Clarendon answered Clanricarde, who was -hostile, but not very bitter; the former showed how much he suffers from -want of practice and facility. I thought he would have failed in the -middle, but he recovered himself and went on. Derby was put into a great -rage by Aberdeen's speech, and could not resist attacking _me_ (whom he -saw behind the Throne). He attacked my letter (signed C.), in which I -had pitched into the Tories for their attacks on the Prince. I saw his -people turn round and look towards me, but I did not care a fig, and was -rather pleased to see how what I wrote had galled them, and struck home. -In the Commons the Government was still more triumphant. The Opposition -were disorganised and feeble; all who spoke on that side took different -views, and very little was said. John Russell made a very good speech, -and took the bull by the horns about the Prince, entered at once on the -subject, and delivered an energetic vindication of and eulogium on him -in his best style. It was excellent, and between his speech and -Aberdeen's and all those who chimed in, that abomination may be -considered to be destroyed altogether, and we shall probably hear no -more of it. - - OFFER OF MARRIAGE TO PRINCESS MARY. - -This evening ---- told me a secret that surprised me much. I asked him -casually if he knew for what purpose Prince Napoleon was gone to -Brussels, when he told me that he was gone to try and get King Leopold -to use his influence here to bring about his marriage with the Princess -Mary, the Duke of Cambridge's sister; that for a long time past -Palmerston had been strongly urging this match with the Queen, and had -written heaps of letters to press it, having been in constant -communication about it with Walewski and the Emperor himself. They had -made such a point of it that the Queen had thought herself obliged to -consult the Princess Mary herself about it, who would not listen to it. -The negotiator did not make the proposal more palateable, and he did not -recommend himself the more, by suggesting that such a match was very -preferable to any little German prince. It is incredible that he should -have mixed himself in an affair that he could hardly fail to know must -be very disagreeable to the Queen, besides that the Princess is not -likely to sacrifice her country and her position for such a speculation, -so hazardous and uncertain at best, and involving immediate obligations -and necessities at which her pride could not fail to revolt. - - -_February 2nd._--The above story, put together with some other things, -leads to strange conjectures about Palmerston, which seem to justify the -suspicions and convictions of the Court and others about him. I have -before alluded to his intimate connexion with Walewski, and the -notorious favour with which he is regarded by the Emperor, who considers -him as his great _appui_ here. - -Before proceeding I must, however, refer to another matter, which seems -to have no connexion with it. There is always great anxiety on the part -of the press to get the Queen's Speech, so as to give a sketch of it the -morning of the day when it is made, and those who do not get it are -very jealous of those who do. There has been great bother about it on -some former occasions, once particularly, because one of the Derbyites -gave it to their paper, the 'Morning Herald,' it having been -communicated in strict confidence, and according to recent custom, to -the leaders of the party. The other day Aberdeen refused to give it even -to the 'Times,' and of course to any other paper, and he begged -Palmerston not to send it to the 'Morning Post,' which is notoriously -his paper. Nevertheless, the Speech appeared in the 'Times,' and what -seemed more extraordinary, in the 'Morning Advertiser,' the paper which -has been the fiercest opponent of the Government, and the most -persevering and virulent of the assailants of the Prince. How these -papers got the Speech nobody knows, but as there were four dinners, at -which at least a hundred men must have been present, it is easy to -imagine that some one of these may have communicated it. Delane has -friends in all parties, and he told me that he had no less than three -offers of it, and therefore he had no difficulty. But how did the -'Morning Advertiser' come by it? It is politically opposed to both the -Ministry and the Derbyites; but it must have got the Speech from some -person of one or the other party, with whom it has some community of -interest or object. The run upon the Prince was carried on equally by -the 'Morning Herald' and the 'Morning Advertiser' till within ten days -of the meeting of Parliament, when the former was stopped; the latter -never ceased. I have heard it surmised more than once that these attacks -proceeded from Paris, and were paid for by the Emperor Louis Napoleon, -but I never could believe it. The other day I met M. Alexandre Thomas at -dinner at Marble Hill, and we came to town together. He told me he had -no doubt the abuse of the Prince was the work of the Emperor, and paid -for by him. It did not make much impression on me at the moment; but -now, putting all these things together, I cannot help partaking in the -opinion that the whole thing has been got up, managed, and paid for by -Louis Napoleon, Walewski, and another person here. Brunnow received his -answer yesterday, with many civilities and regrets, _de part et -d'autre_. Orloff as we hear has failed in his mission to cajole the -Austrian Government, but _non constat_ that Austria will act a firm part -against Russia. If she would only announce her intention to do so, the -matter would probably be settled; for Russia would, as we believe, -certainly come to terms, if she was sure of Austria acting against her, -so that, in fact, Austria holds the decision in her own hands, and the -greatest service she can do to Russia herself would be to compel her to -surrender, as she may still do with an appearance of credit and dignity. - - - PUBLICATION OF OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE. - -_February 9th._--Nobody now thinks of anything but of the coming war and -its vigorous prosecution. The national blood is up, and those who most -earnestly deprecated war are all for hitting as hard as we can now that -it is forced upon us. The publication of the Blue Books has relieved the -Government from a vast amount of prejudice and suspicion. The public -judgement of their management of the Eastern Question is generally very -favourable, and impartial people applaud their persevering efforts to -avert war, and are satisfied that everything was done that the national -honour or dignity required. I have read through the thick volumes, and -am satisfied that there is on the whole no case to be made against the -Government, though there are some things that might perhaps have been -better done; but what is there of any sort, or at any time, of which as -much may not be said when we have been made wiser by experience and -events? These Books are very creditable in the great ability they -display. As Lord Ellenborough said in the House of Lords, the case had -been most ably conducted, both by Government and its agents. Clarendon's -despatches are exceedingly good, and in one respect greatly superior to -Palmerston's when he was at the Foreign Office: they are very measured -and dignified, and he never descends to the scolding, and the taunts, -and sarcasms in which the other delighted. Palmerston always wrote as if -his object was to gain a victory in a war of words, and have the best of -an argument; Clarendon, on the contrary, keeps steadily in view a great -political object, and never says a word but with a view to attain it. -Stratford's despatches are very able, and very well written, but they -leave the impression (which we know to be the truth), that he has said -and done a great deal more than we are informed of; that he is the real -cause of this war, and that he might have prevented it, if he had chosen -to do so, I have no doubt whatever. His letters have evidently been -studiously composed with reference to the Blue Book, and that he may -appear in a popular light. I find he has been all the time in -correspondence with Palmerston, who, we may be sure, has incited him to -fan the flame, and encourage the Turks to push matters to extremities. I -should like to know what Palmerston would have said, when he was at the -Foreign Office, if one of his colleagues had corresponded with any one -of his Ministers abroad, in a sense differing from that in which he -himself instructed him. The wonderful thing is the impunity which he -continues to enjoy, and how, daring and unscrupulous as he is, and -determined to have his own way, he constantly escapes detection and -exposure. The good case which the Government has put forward, and the -approach of war, have apparently extinguished or suspended all -opposition, and the Session, which everybody expected to be so stormy -and dangerous, bids fair to be as easy as possible. Great difference of -opinion exists as to the wisdom of committing our Baltic fleet to -Charles Napier. It was, however, decided at the Cabinet yesterday that -he should have it,[1] and we have got a very powerful squadron ready. -The war is certainly very popular, but I don't think its popularity will -last long when we begin to pay for it, unless we are encouraged and -compensated for our sacrifices by some very flattering successes. - -[Footnote 1: There was a question of appointing Lord Dundonald, a far -abler man; but he was seventy-nine, and besides he made it a condition -that he should be allowed to destroy Cronstadt by some chemical process -of his own invention.] - - -_February 15th._--Several days ago there was a short discussion in the -House of Lords, in which the Government did not cut a good figure. -Aberdeen made a declaration in favour of peace, saying 'war was not -inevitable,' which produced an explosion against him, and it was so -imprudent _in him_, and so calculated to mislead, that Clarendon -insisted on his rising again and saying that no negotiations were going -on, threatening to do so himself if Aberdeen did not. He complied, but -the whole thing produced a bad effect, although there are no -negotiations to which we are a party. Austria is making a new attempt -with the Emperor, to which she was encouraged by Orloff before he went. -We are satisfied with the conduct of Austria, but though she has -rejected the Russian overtures, she will not engage to join us against -Russia in certain contingencies. If she would do this, it would most -probably settle the affair, and make the Emperor agree to reasonable -terms. - - LETTER OF NAPOLEON TO NICHOLAS. - -This morning appears in all the newspapers the autograph letter of the -Emperor Napoleon to the Emperor Nicholas, which has been so much talked -of. If the Emperor of Russia at once closes with it, he will place us in -a great dilemma, but it may produce peace. On Sunday Clarendon told me -all about this letter. The Emperor took it into his head to write it, -and sent a copy here for the approval of our Government. Clarendon made -many objections, particularly to the suggestion of a simultaneous -withdrawal of the Russian troops and the Allied fleets, and to the -separate negotiation of Turkey, two points we had all along laid great -stress upon. Walewski returned the letter with the objections raised by -us, and soon after informed Clarendon that the letter had been altered -according to our suggestions, and the objectionable parts omitted; but -he did not bring him the amended letter. Clarendon wrote to Cowley, and -said what had passed, and that he was glad the alterations had been -made, but was surprised the letter, as altered, had not been shown to -him. Cowley told Drouyn de Lhuys, who said they had sent the letter to -Walewski, and he could not think why Clarendon had not seen it, and he -wrote to Walewski desiring him to take it to Clarendon. He did so, when, -much to his annoyance as well as surprise, he found that they had only -made a few verbal alterations, and left the really objectionable parts -nearly the same as before. This may put us in a very awkward position. -If the Emperor Nicholas agrees, we must either agree also to what we -entirely disapprove, or disavow the French, and perhaps separate from -them; and it will be very embarrassing if the Government are asked in -Parliament whether they were a party to this letter and its proposals. -Clarendon told me this was only one of many instances in which the -conduct of the French had been very _louche_ and insincere. He thinks -this more attributable to Drouyn than to his master, and Walewski has -behaved with great loyalty and straightforwardness; but hardly a week -has passed that he has not had to complain of something done by the -French Government in a separate or clandestine manner, or of some -proposal which they ought not to make, and this makes one of the -difficulties of the position of which nobody is aware--a fine prospect -to be married to such a people on a great question; but what can be -expected from the Government of such a Sovereign and such Ministers? It -confirms my long settled opinion, that we are always in extreme danger -of being thrown over by them. With regard to the whole question (and -omitting these details) the Emperor Napoleon has behaved well enough to -us; for he has adhered steadily to the joint policy, though it is his -interest to maintain peace, and public opinion in France runs as -strongly that way as here it runs in the opposite direction. - -The day before yesterday John Russell introduced his Reform Bill, having -resisted the most urgent representations and entreaties to postpone it. -His speech was very tame, and nothing could be more cold than its -reception. The few remarks that were made were almost all against it, or -particular parts of it, and it has excited no enthusiasm in any quarter. -The prevailing impression is that it will not pass if it is persisted -in. If any Reform Bill were to be proposed at all, this does not seem to -be a very bad measure, and some points in it are good; but nobody wanted -any measure, and the few Radicals who do, do not care for the -particular measures Lord John proposes, and ask for other things which -he will not hear of, so that he offends and alarms the Conservatives -without conciliating the Liberals, and he disgusts and provokes his own -adherents by his refusal to defer his Bill. Palmerston and his clique -are sure to abuse it, and to employ all the underhand means they can to -stir up opposition to it. - - - INSURRECTION OF THE GREEKS. - -_February 20th._--John Russell answered the questions put in the House -of Commons about the Emperor Napoleon's letter very dexterously, telling -the truth, but in a way not offensive to the Emperor. He also made an -excellent speech on the debate on the Blue Books, brought on by Layard -in a bitter speech very personal against Clarendon. The House of Commons -as well as the country are so excessively warlike that they are ready to -give any number of men and any amount of money, and seem only afraid the -Government may not ask enough. I expect we shall have had quite enough -of it before we have done with this question, and that our successes and -the effect produced on Russia will not be commensurate with the -prevailing ardour and expectation here. The most serious of all -difficulties seems to be rapidly coming, the insurrection of the Greek -population; and this is a matter which has already caused a good deal of -difference of opinion and debate in the Cabinet, one half wanting to -assist in putting down the Greeks, the other half opposing this scheme. -The danger of attacking the Greeks is, that we should thereby throw them -at once into the arms of Russia, whereas the true policy is to persuade -them if possible to be quiet, and induce them to look up to us for -protection and future support. It is an element in the question of great -importance, and very difficult to deal with. It is disgusting to hear -everybody and to see all writers vying with each other in laudation of -Stratford Canning, who has been the principal cause of the war. They all -think that, if he had been sincere in his desire for peace, and for an -accommodation with Russia, he might have accomplished it, but on the -contrary he was bent on bringing on war. He said as much to Lord Bath, -who was at Constantinople. Lord Bath told him he had witnessed the -fleets sailing into the Black Sea, when he replied, 'You have brought -some good news, for that is _war_. The Emperor of Russia chose to make -it a personal quarrel with me, and now I am revenged.' This Lord Bath -wrote to Lady Ashburton, who told Clarendon. I asked John Russell -yesterday why he sent Stratford back to Constantinople. He said when he -sent him the quarrel was between France and Russia, and only about the -Holy Places; they knew nothing there of Menschikoff's demands, and -nobody was so qualified as Stratford to assist in settling the original -affairs. - - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REFORM BILL. - -_February 25th._--Last night Clarendon made a capital speech in the -House of Lords, far superior to any he ever made before, and the best -that has yet been made in defence of the Ministerial policy. He has got -on wonderfully since the Session began, each of his speeches being much -better than the preceding one, till at last he has made one of very -great merit and power, as all admit. It was spirited, dignified and -discreet. I began to fear he would never get over the misfortune of his -want of early practice, and never excel as a speaker; but this speech -was so good, that I now hope he will, having acquired confidence and -facility, speak up to the level of his ability. The rage for this war -gets every day more vehement, and nobody seems to fear anything, but -that we may not spend money and men enough in waging it. The few sober -people who have courage enough to hint at its being impolitic and -uncalled for are almost hooted down, and their warnings and scruples are -treated with indignation and contempt. It does now appear as if Austria -had made up her mind to act with us, and that we may depend upon her. -The French made known to the Austrian Government some time ago that, in -the alternative of her taking a hostile part, she must expect to be -attacked in Italy, and Clarendon early in the business pointed out to -Colloredo all the serious consequences his Government had to apprehend -in all parts of her dominions if she abetted Russia. With a war so -popular, and supported cordially by Parliament, and a flourishing -revenue and trade, Government would look round on a cloudless horizon, -if it were not for the Reform Bill, which is a matter replete with -uncertainty, difficulty, and danger. Nobody has an idea whether it will -be carried in the House of Commons; almost all the friends of Government -want Lord John to withdraw it, and the Cabinet is divided on the -subject, Lord John, Graham, and Aberdeen being strongly in favour of -pressing it on at all hazards, Palmerston violently against. He has now -reproduced all his own objections and arguments against the Bill itself, -as well as against forcing it on now, quite justified in the latter, but -unjustifiable in the former course. Having once knocked under, and come -back to office, consenting to swallow it, however reluctantly, it is too -late to cavil at the Bill itself; but he may consistently and properly -unite his voice with the voices of all prudent and moderate men, and -strenuously resist its being persevered in at this moment against a -feeling and opinion which are all but universal. On the whole, I rather -expect (but with much doubt) that Lord John will yield to the general -sentiment, and consent to postpone it. - - -_February 27th._--We are on the very verge of a Ministerial crisis. John -Russell will listen to no reason about his Reform Bill, he insists on -going on with it, and will have it that his honour and character demand -that he should, and he says, 'When the honour of public men is -preserved, the country is safe.' Clarendon dined here yesterday, and -told me he thought Lord John would break up the Government. It is, in -fact, a political duel between Lord John and Palmerston. ---- thinks, -and probably he is right, that at the last moment Palmerston will give -way, but in the meantime he himself and all his followers and admirers -are moving Heaven and earth to defeat the measure, and to set up -opposition to it--none more active than Hayter, Secretary to the -Treasury, whose borough is one of those to be disfranchised. Everybody -thinks Sir Edward Denny's motion will be carried, and if it is that Lord -John will retire. If it were not for the difficulty about leading the -House of Commons, this would not signify. I do not see how any -arrangement is possible but that Palmerston should take the lead, but I -do not know if this will not lead to other resignations. Clarendon is -indignant at the state of things brought about by Lord John's obstinacy. -He told me that Graham supported Lord John vehemently, but that Aberdeen -took no strong part, and had behaved very well. Having accepted Lord -John's Reform measure, and pledged himself to it, he was ready still to -abide by that pledge. There never was such a _mess_ as it all is. -Clarendon is now very hot on this war, which he fancies is to produce -great and uncontemplated effects. He says for very many years past -Russia has been the great incubus on European improvement, and the real -cause of half the calamities that have afflicted the world, and he -thinks a great opportunity now presents itself of extinguishing her -pernicious influence, and by liberating other countries from it, the -march of improvement and better government will of necessity be -developed and accelerated, and in this way civilisation itself may be -the gainer by this contest. The Emperor Napoleon has earnestly pressed -that our contingent should be put under the command of the French -Marshal, to which we have altogether objected, and he has acquiesced, -though reluctantly. We have agreed on a sort of _mezzo termine_, viz. -that, in the event of a battle in which both forces are engaged, they -should be under one Commander-in-Chief, who must be the Frenchman. -Clarendon lamented that he had got no better Minister at Vienna than -Westmorland just now, who though well meaning is nearly useless, as -Colloredo is here, who will take nothing on himself. He says Castelbajac -at St. Petersburg has really not represented the French Government at -all, nor acted in any way in conjunction with Seymour, but been all -along a base courtier of the Emperor Nicholas. Clarendon has again and -again remonstrated through Cowley with Drouyn de Lhuys on this -inconsistency, and Drouyn has always replied that he is quite aware of -it, and has been at least as much annoyed at it as we could be, but that -the Emperor would never allow him to be recalled. I asked Clarendon -whether, now that war really was inevitable, Aberdeen was more -reconciled to it, and he said not at all; he yielded to the necessity, -but very sulkily, and in the discussions relating to it in the Cabinet -he took no part, and evinced a total indifference, or rather disgust. -However, he expressed great admiration of Clarendon's speech, which he -said was the best he ever heard. Lord John has sent to his brother to -come to town, telling him a crisis is at hand. Granville, who is all -with Lord John, personally and politically a Reformer, and highly -approving of this Bill, is going to him to-day to see if he can prevail -on him to give way to the general opinion, and at all events to put him -in possession of what is said and thought on the subject. - - - THE REFORM BILL POSTPONED. - -_March 6th._--After a great struggle John Russell was persuaded to put -off his Reform Bill, but only till the end of April, so that in a few -weeks the same embarrassment will begin again. The satisfaction at its -being deferred at all is great and general, and everybody thinks that -some expedient will be devised for putting it off again, when the time -comes, and so that we shall be rid of it for this year. All the Cabinet -was for putting it off, except Graham and Aberdeen. The former has -devoted himself to Lord John, and goes heart and soul with him. Why -Aberdeen took that view I cannot imagine, unless he wished to bring -about a crisis, and to make his escape by favour of it. My own opinion -at present is, that on April 27 Lord John will insist on bringing it on, -and abide the consequences. The tenour of his speech and still more that -of Aberdeen, the same night, lead me to that conclusion. The Radicals -with old Hume at the head of them, approved of the course Lord John -took, but expressly with the understanding that he really meant and -would bring it on at the period to which it was postponed; and as he is -sure to be incessantly urged on by his _entourage_ to be firm when the -time comes, and he will be very reluctant to encounter the indignation -and reproaches of his reforming friends and adherents, the chances seem -to me to be in favour of the battle taking place. I think his speech on -putting it off was not at all good, nor what he ought to have said. He -laid himself open to an attack from Disraeli, which was very just, and -he could not answer it. It was quite absurd to ground the postponement -on the war and its exigencies, and it was moreover not the real and true -reason. He put it off because he was importuned by everybody to do so, -because Hayter proved to him that he would infallibly be defeated, and -because there was no other way of preventing a break-up of the -Government. He might have anticipated Disraeli's philippic by reverting -to what he had before said, repeating his own conviction that the war -afforded no reason for not going on with the Bill; but that he found so -many of his own friends and such a general concurrence of feeling in the -House of Commons on the other side, added to great indifference in the -country, that he had thought it right to defer to those opinions, and -give up his own to them. Such a defence of his conduct as this would -have been more effective and more consistent with the truth, but it -would have involved something like an acknowledgement of error, from -which it is probable that his pride and obstinacy revolted, so he made -what I think was a very bad speech. If he does bring it on again in -April, I expect he will be defeated, and then retire. In any case his -retirement will lead to Palmerston's elevation, as leader of the House -of Commons if Lord John goes alone, as Prime Minister if Graham and -Aberdeen go with him, and there seems no alternative, unless Lansdowne -can be induced to replace Aberdeen, which some think not impossible, -though it would only be for a short time. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - - Dinner to Sir Charles Napier--A Ministerial Indiscretion--Doubts as - to the Reform Bill--Discontent of Lord John Russell--The Secret - Correspondence with Russia--War declared--Weakness of the - Government--Mr. Greville disapproves the War--Divisions in the - Cabinet--Withdrawal of the Reform Bill--Blunder of the - Government--The Fast Day--Licences to trade in War--Death of the - Marquis of Anglesey--Mr. Gladstone's Financial - Failures--Dissolution of Parties--Mr. Gladstone's Budget--Lord - Cowley's Opinion of the Emperor's Position--The House of Commons - supports the War--Disraeli attacks Lord John Russell--A Change of - Plans--Lord John Russell's Mismanagement--Attacks on Lord - Aberdeen--Popularity of the War--Government Majority in the - Lords--Attitude of the German Powers--A Meeting of the Liberal - Party--An Appointment cancelled--Expedition to the Crimea--English - and French Policy united in Spain--Close of the Session--The - Character of Lord Aberdeen's Government--Effect of the Quarrel with - Russia--Lord Palmerston's Resignation--Waywardness of the House of - Commons. - - - DINNER TO SIR CHARLES NAPIER. - -_London, March 13th_, 1854.--The only event of recent occurrence was -the dinner given last week to Sir Charles Napier at the Reform Club, -with Lord Palmerston in the chair. Everybody disapproves of the whole -proceeding, which is thought to have been unwise and in bad taste. The -only Ministers there besides Palmerston were Graham and Molesworth, and -the former made an excessively foolish, indiscreet speech, which has -been generally censured, and to-night he is to be called to account for -it in the House of Commons. It is marvellous that a man of mature age, -who has been nearly forty years in public life, should be so rash and -ill-judged in his speeches.[1] There seems now to be a better chance of -John Russell's again putting off his Reform Bill next month. There are -not two opinions, except among the extreme Radicals, of the expediency -of his doing so, and his best friends (including his brother) greatly -regret that he did not put it off _sine die_ instead of to another fixed -day. - -[Footnote 1: At this dinner at the Reform Club, Sir James Graham made -an intemperate speech in which he said: 'My gallant friend (Napier) says -that when he goes into the Baltic he will declare war. I, as First Lord -of the Admiralty, give my free consent to do so. I hope the war may be -short, and that it may be sharp.' Sir Charles Napier's subsequent -performances in the Baltic did not at all correspond to this heroic -language, and did not add to his former reputation.] - - -_March 20th._--There has been a little episode, not very important, but -which being entirely personal caused some noise in the world. About a -week ago, or perhaps more, appeared the Petersburg 'Gazette' with a sort -of manifesto, complaining bitterly of the conduct of the British -Government, which was said to be the more inexcusable as a confidential -correspondence had taken place between the two Governments, and we had -been all along informed of their views and intentions. The 'Times' -published this (as did all the other papers), and with it a peremptory -denial of its truth, stating that John Russell, then Foreign Secretary, -had sent an indignant refusal to the proposals made to us. Derby took -this up in the House of Lords, complaining of State secrets having been -imparted to the 'Times,' and insinuating his belief that Aberdeen had -communicated them. Aberdeen denied the imputation with some resentment, -and said that a flagrant breach of confidence had been certainly -committed, and he had reason to believe that the culprit was a man -formerly in the Foreign Office as clerk, though now out of it, who had -been appointed by Lord Malmesbury. On this Malmesbury flared up, and -desired to know his name, which Aberdeen said he did not know. On a -subsequent night Malmesbury again took the matter up, and challenged -Aberdeen to give the name and produce his proof. Aberdeen said he had -received the information in a way which left no doubt on his mind of its -truth, and he was willing to leave the matter to the gentleman himself, -and if he denied it, he would acknowledge that he was mistaken and had -been misinformed. By this time everybody was aware that a young man of -the name of Astley was the accused party. He wrote a letter to -Malmesbury denying the charge, but his letter was not very distinct. -However, Malmesbury read it in the House, and called on Aberdeen to -retract the charge, which he immediately and completely did, and there -the matter ended; but though the man is thus acquitted, and the -Opposition papers abuse Aberdeen (who in fact was very imprudent to -mention it), there seems no doubt that he really did babble about this -matter, though it is very certain it was not from him the 'Times' got -its information.[1] The story told is this: Astley talked of the -correspondence to some person in a railway carriage. That person told it -to Lady Ashburton, who repeated it to Clarendon. When thus talked of, it -might easily get to the 'Times;' and the only wonder is, it did not get -into many other papers besides. - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REFORM BILL. - -Lord John Russell continues in a very perplexed and uncertain state -about his Reform Bill, and hesitates whether to bring it on or not next -month. On one hand he is urged to do so by his little knot of domestic -adherents, by Graham vehemently, and to a certain degree by Aberdeen; on -the other he is entreated and argued with by all the rest of his -colleagues, by his brother, by Hayter, and by an immense majority of his -political friends and supporters. Still he hesitates. He has got a -notion, and others tell him so, that his character is concerned in -bringing it on, and that he is bound to risk everything to maintain it. -Graham is quite inconceivable; always rash at one moment and cowardly at -another, he is now, and on this question, in his rashest mood, and he -has persuaded himself, and tries to persuade Lord John, that if he -perseveres and is beaten (which he cannot disguise from himself is -probable, if not certain) he will only have to go out in order to return -in triumph as Prime Minister. If a dissolution is proposed, and the -Cabinet consent to it, he fancies a new Parliament will give him -everything; if the Cabinet will not dissolve, Lord John, Graham and -Aberdeen would retire, the Government be broken up, and Lord John would -have Parliament and the country with him in forming another. All this I -believe to be pure delusion. By persisting in his course he may, and -probably would, break up the Government, but he would destroy himself, -he would never be forgiven by his party or by the country at large for -breaking up the Government at such a moment as this, and all his visions -of success and power would soon be dispersed. Whatever else might -happen, he would be excluded from office, probably for ever. His -discontent with his present position the more inclines him to take this -hazardous step, because he wants a change of some sort. - -The Duke of Bedford came to me the other day to tell me Lord John was -determined no longer to go on as he now is, and it seems that he is -moved principally by pecuniary considerations.[2] He is poor and has a -large family. While he is in office he is obliged to incur expenses by -giving dinners and parties, and this additional expense is defrayed by -the Duke, but in a very unsatisfactory way. Lord John sends him a sort -of estimate or account of his extra expenses, and the Duke pays the -money. It is not surprising that Lord John dislikes such assistance as -this, and though he never complains, he is probably mortified and -provoked that his brother does not once for all give him a sum of money -or a large annuity. Everybody else is amazed that he does not do this; -but though he is much attached to Lord John, admires and is proud of -him, his love of money is so great that he cannot bring himself, even -for his brother, to do a generous thing on a great scale. His colossal -fortune, which goes on increasing every day, and for which he has no -use, might well be employed in making his brother easy, and in buying -golden opinions for himself; but the passion of avarice and the pleasure -of accumulation outweigh all such considerations, and he falls in -readily with Lord John's notion of taking an office for the sake of its -emoluments. The present idea is to have this matter settled before -Easter, to turn out Mr. Strutt from the Duchy of Lancaster, and put -Lord John in the place, with an increased salary during his occupation -of it. Nothing, however, is settled about it yet. - -The publication of the secret correspondence with Russia has excited -great interest, and does great credit to the Government, but it -increases the public indignation against the Emperor, because it exposes -the extreme duplicity of his conduct; and as he must have been aware -that such would be the inevitable result of publicity, it is difficult -to conceive what induced him to provoke it, unless Walewski's conjecture -is the true one. He thinks that the Emperor thought it would make bad -blood between us and France, fancying that we had not imparted the -correspondence to the French Government, in which he was mistaken, as we -had done so. - -[Footnote 1: The indiscretion, such as it was, appears to have been -that of Lord Aberdeen himself, and Lord Malmesbury quoted with a good -deal of wit and _à propos_, in the House of Lords, Sancho Panza's -saying, 'that a cask may leak at the top as well as at the bottom.'] - -[Footnote 2: Lord John at this time had a seat in the Cabinet and led -the House of Commons without any office in the Ministry and without any -salary.] - - - WAR IS DECLARED. - -_March 29th._--The die is cast, and war was declared yesterday. We are -already beginning to taste the fruits of it. Every species of security -has rapidly gone down, and everybody's property in stocks, shares, &c., -is depreciated already from twenty to thirty per cent. I predict -confidently that, before many months are over, people will be as -heartily sick of it as they are now hot upon it. Nobody knows where our -fleets and armies are going, nor what they mean to attempt, and we are -profoundly ignorant of the resources and power of Russia to wage war -against us. As the time for action approaches, Austria and Prussia grow -more reluctant to engage in it. The latter has proclaimed her -neutrality, and unless some events should make a change in her policy, I -do not believe the former will ever be induced to _act_ with us and -against Russia. The Government here are in a very weak unsatisfactory -state. They are supported in carrying on war, but in every other respect -they are treated with great indifference, and appear to have very little -authority or influence either in Parliament or in the country. Nobody -seems to have risen in estimation, except perhaps Clarendon, who has -done his work well and got credit for it. Palmerston and Graham have -positively disgraced themselves by their dinner to Napier, and the -foolish speeches they made both there and in the House of Commons -afterwards. I do not know what Palmerston's popularity might turn out to -be if it should be tested by some change which brought him forward, but -he certainly has greatly lost ground this year by his whole conduct from -his resignation down to this time. Gladstone, the great card of the -pack, has forfeited by the failure of his financial schemes a good deal -of the credit he had obtained. John Russell has offended everybody by -his obstinacy about his ill-timed Reform Bill, so that the Government -does not stand very high, and is only strong in the weakness of all -other parties. They are constantly beaten on small matters in the House -of Commons, which produces a bad effect. Up to this moment nobody knows -what John Russell means to do about the Reform Bill; if he puts it off -again, he ought to do so to-morrow, when the discussion will take place -about the declaration of war. - - -_April 2nd._--The debates in both Houses were marked by great bitterness -on the part of the Opposition, by Derby in one House, and by Disraeli -and Layard in the other. The war fever is still sufficiently raging to -make it impossible for any man who denounces the war itself to obtain a -patient hearing. Nobody ventures to cry out against it but Bright in the -House of Commons, and Grey in the House of Lords, but already I see -symptoms of disquietude and alarm. Some of those who were most warlike -begin to look grave, and to be more alive to the risks, difficulties, -and probably dangers of such a contest. I cannot read the remonstrances -and warnings of Bright without going very much along with him; and the -more I reflect on the nature of the contest, its object, and the degree -to which we are committed in it, the more uneasy I feel about it, and -the more lively my apprehensions are of our finding ourselves in a very -serious dilemma, and being involved in great embarrassments of various -sorts. Amongst other misfortunes, one is the discredit into which -Gladstone has fallen as a financier. Notwithstanding his extraordinary -capacity, most people who are conversant with the subject of finance -think he has greatly mismanaged his affairs, and suffered his notions or -crotchets to get the better of his prudence, and consequently that he -has prepared for himself as Chancellor of the Exchequer very great -difficulties. His Budget last year was so popular, and his wonderful -readiness and skill in dealing with everything relating to finance -excited so much admiration, that his reputation was prodigious, and he -was not only the strength of the Government, but was marked out as the -future Prime Minister whenever changes took place. All this _prestige_ -is very much diminished; and although his failures are in great measure -attributable to accidents over which he had no control, many who are not -unfriendly to him think he has been rash, obstinate, and injudicious, -and no longer feel the same confidence in him which they did a short -time ago. - - - DIVISIONS IN THE CABINET. - -_April 3rd._--The Duke of Bedford has just been here, as uneasy about -the state of affairs and as disgusted and alarmed at the war as I am. He -does not know what Lord John will do about the Reform Bill, but fears -rather than hopes as to his intentions. Aberdeen had desired that there -should be a Cabinet before Easter, and that Lord John should _then_ -determine what he would do, but Palmerston requested that the final -decision should only be made on the 26th, the day before that on which -it is to come on. What his object is, they do not know. The Duke in -talking to Lord John suggested the certainty of his breaking up the -Government by bringing on his measure, and the enormous evil this would -be, to which Lord John replied that if he knew what the internal state -of the Government was, he would perhaps not think the evil of the -dissolution so great. The fact is, that when the Opposition, as is their -wont, taunt the Government with their internal disagreement and want of -cordiality and union, they are much more right than they themselves are -aware of. The Duke told me that the Queen told him the other day that -she had herself written to Lord John urging him to give up bringing on -his Bill. Not long ago the Queen was in favour of proceeding with it, -but circumstances were very different at that time. - - -_April 15th._--This has been a week of excitement. It had been settled -that on Monday last John Russell should announce his intention with -regard to the Reform Bill. His uncertainty still prevailed, and he got -into such a state of mind about it that it made him ill. He could not -sleep, and was in a terrible state of vexation and perplexity. Aberdeen -then proposed to him to give up the Bill, but to obtain from the Cabinet -a unanimous consent to his pledging them to go on with it hereafter at -some indefinite time. On Saturday there was a Cabinet, at which he made -this proposal, but Palmerston and Lansdowne both refused their consent, -and Lansdowne was in conversation with his friends very vehement about -it. Graham appears to have been reasonable at this Cabinet, and ready to -adopt the course proposed to Lord John. It was eventually settled that -he should announce the abandonment of the Bill, and make the best -statement he could, not pledging the _whole_ Cabinet as he had intended; -but before this he urged them to accept his resignation, which they -refused, and then Palmerston begged he might resign, which they refused -equally. So matters stood on Saturday night, and everybody believed it -was settled. On Sunday Lord John's doubts and fears returned, his mind -became unsettled again, and he was inclined to withdraw from his -agreement and to go on. To the surprise of the whole House of Commons, -when Monday came, Lord John only said he would make his statement the -next day. Everybody saw something was wrong, and the curiosity and -excitement were very great. All Monday and Tuesday mornings were passed -in conferences and going backwards and forwards, the Duke of Bedford -being called in to work upon Lord John. He did his best, and at last on -Tuesday morning he and others finally persuaded Lord John to adhere to -what had been determined and withdraw his Bill. This he did in a very -good speech, full of an emotion and manifestation of sensibility which -succeeded completely with the House, and he was greeted with prodigious -cheering and compliments and congratulations on all sides. Nothing could -in fact go off better, or in a way more gratifying to him, and the -Government appears to have been strengthened by the operation. His -emotion was sincere, because he is no actor, but it was in my opinion -totally uncalled for; and as there is but a step between the sublime and -the ridiculous, it might just as well have appeared ridiculous; but -fortunately for him his audience were disposed to take it _au grand -sérieux_. Even his brother, partial as he is to him, takes the same view -of this that I do, and has written to me that as Lord John has often -been abused when he did not deserve it, so he has now been overpraised. - - - A FAST DAY. - -_April 24th._--When this Government was formed, its principal merit was -supposed to be its great administrative capacity, and the wonderful way -in which the business of the country was to be done. It has turned out -just the reverse of what was expected, for they commit one blunder after -another, and nothing can be more loose, careless, and ignorant than the -way in which their business is conducted. All sorts of mistakes and -embarrassments are continually occurring in the House of Commons, and I -have had occasion to see ample proofs of what I say, in all that has -been done and is doing about licences and trade permissions, consequent -on the recent declarations and Orders in Council.[1] Now another matter -has occurred, discreditable from the carelessness which has been -evinced. When it was thought necessary to order a fast day for the war, -the Queen set her face against it. She thought it very absurd (as it is) -and objected _in toto_. Aberdeen with some difficulty overcame her -objections, setting forth that it had been done by George III., and that -the religious part of the community would make a clamour if it were not -done. So she gave way, but still insisted it should not be a 'fast,' so -they settled it should be a day of 'humiliation.' The Archbishop of -Canterbury fully concurred, and the proclamation was issued accordingly. -But the other day the merchants took alarm, and represented that, as the -word 'fast' was omitted, the case would not come within the provisions -of Masterman's Bill, and that bills of exchange, &c., would be payable -on the day itself, and not the day before as provided by that Act, and -that all sorts of confusion would arise. The Bank of England took the -Solicitor General's opinion, who thought that such would be the law. A -great difficulty arose, for time pressed. The Chancellor thought the -case would stand, and was for taking the chance, but the Cabinet on -Saturday decided that it would be safer to correct the error even thus -late. Aberdeen went to the Queen and told her, and this afternoon there -is to be a Council to turn the 'day of humiliation' into a 'fast day,' -in order that 'merchants' bills may be presented on one day instead of -another, and that banking operations may not be deranged. The ridicule -this throws on the religious part of the question is obvious, and the -effect it ought to have is to discontinue these preposterous -observances, which all sensible people regard as a mockery and a -delusion. But all this ought to have been provided for, and the law -officers ought to have foreseen the consequences and advised -accordingly. In Peel's time this never would have happened; but with a -nominal Premier, a Home Secretary who will give himself no trouble about -the details of his office, and an Attorney General who does nothing, -knows nothing of law, and won't attend to anything, it is no wonder that -such things and many others occur. - -To return to the question of trading licences. When we went to war, the -Government, I believe very wisely, resolved to relax belligerent rights -and give all possible latitude to trade, with no more restrictions and -reservations than were essentially necessary for carrying on the war. -But this resolution involved a revolution of the old system and the -necessity of completely constructing a new one, and as they long ago -knew war was inevitable, they ought to have well considered all this, -and framed their regulations before they issued their orders. But not a -bit of this was done, and the consequence was a state of unparalleled -confusion and embarrassment, applications from all sides, and hosts of -petitions for leave to export goods of different descriptions. The -Government at last set to work to deal with these cases, but in a very -irregular, unbusinesslike way. Some two or three of them met in -Committee at the Council Office, and with the help of Cardwell, -President of the Board of Trade but not in the Cabinet, and Dr. -Lushington, who has nothing to do with the Government, they have -contrived to scramble through the business; but the _laches_ and -indifference of those who ought to be most concerned, and the loose way -of proceeding, have been very striking. Some would not come at all, some -came for a short time, different people attended on different days, so -that different opinions prevailed, and no regular system was -established. The other day, on Cardwell's saying these questions would -be taken up as soon as Parliament met and Government called to account, -I suggested to ---- that, such being the case, he ought to get Lord John -Russell to attend the Committee. He said he would ask him, 'but John -Russell could not bear details; he doubted if he would come, and, if he -did, would be of no use, as he would be sure to go to sleep;' and this -is the way business of the greatest importance is transacted. - -[Footnote 1: On the outbreak of the war a Committee of Council was -summoned to consider and frame divers Orders with reference to the -prohibition of the export of military and naval stores, the detention of -Russian ships, and questions of trade in Russian produce. Dr. -Lushington, the judge of the Admiralty, was a member of this Committee, -besides several Cabinet Ministers. The French Government proposed to -revert to the old system of licences to trade with the enemy; but this -proposal was not agreed to by Great Britain. The Russian trade was left -open, except when stopped by blockade. Licences were issued by the Privy -Council for the export of military and naval stores to neutral ports.] - - - DEATH OF THE MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY. - -_May 3rd._--The death of Lord Anglesey, which took place a few days ago, -has removed one of the last and the most conspicuous of the comrades of -the Duke of Wellington, who all seem to be following their commander -very rapidly. I have lived with Lord Anglesey for so many years in such -intimacy, and have received from him such constant kindness, that I -cannot pass over his death without a brief notice. - -A more gallant spirit, a finer gentleman, and a more honourable and -kindhearted man never existed. His abilities were not of a very high -order, but he had a good fair understanding, excellent intentions, and a -character remarkably straightforward and sincere. In his youth he was -notoriously vain and arrogant, as most of his family were, but as he -advanced in age, his faults and foibles were diminished or softened, and -his virtues and amiable disposition manifested themselves the more. He -distinguished himself greatly in the command of the cavalry in Sir John -Moore's retreat, but was not employed in the Duke's army during the -subsequent years of the Peninsular war. In the Waterloo campaign he -again commanded the cavalry, not, as was supposed, entirely to the -Duke's satisfaction, who would have preferred Lord Combermere in that -post. He lost a leg at the battle of Waterloo; for this wound Lord -Anglesey was entitled to a very large pension, of which he never would -take a shilling. He was a great friend of George IV., and exposed -himself to unpopularity by taking the King's part in the Queen's trial; -but their friendship came to an end when Lord Anglesey connected himself -with the Whig party, and when he went to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant he -deeply offended the King by his open advocacy of the Roman Catholic -cause in 1829. The Duke of Wellington, then Minister and about to give -up the Catholic question, quarrelled with Lord Anglesey and recalled -him. For some years past they had not been on very friendly terms. Lord -Anglesey was jealous of the Duke, and used to affect to disparage his -capacity both as a general and a statesman, and this political -difference completed their mutual estrangement. These hostile feelings -did not, however, last long; Lord Anglesey had a generous disposition, -and was too fair and true to do permanent injustice to the Duke. I do -not know how the reconciliation between them was brought about, but -their temporary alienation was succeeded by a firm and lasting -friendship, and the most enthusiastic admiration and attachment -entertained by Lord Anglesey towards the Duke. For many years before the -death of the latter, the two old warriors were the most intimate friends -and constant companions, and every vestige of their former differences -and antipathies was effaced and had given way to warm sentiments of -mutual regard. When the regiment of Guards became vacant, King William -sent for Lord Anglesey and announced to him that he was to have it; he -of course expressed his acknowledgements; but early the next morning he -went to the King and said to him that he felt it his duty to represent -to him that there was a man worthier than himself to have the regiment, -that Lord Ludlow had lost his arm at their head, and that he could not -bear to accept that to which Lord Ludlow was so justly entitled. This -remonstrance, so unselfish and honourable, was accepted, and the -regiment was conferred on Lord Ludlow.[1] - -[Footnote 1: George James, 3rd Earl of Ludlow in the peerage of -Ireland, and created a baron of the United Kingdom in 1831, was born -December 12, 1758, and died April 16, 1842, when the titles became -extinct. He served with distinction in the army, and was colonel of the -38th regiment of foot.] - - - A FINANCIAL FAILURE. - -_May 7th._--The failure of Gladstone's Exchequer Bill scheme has been -very injurious to the Government, and particularly to him. The -prodigious applause and admiration with which he was greeted last year -have given way to distrust and apprehension of him as a finance -minister, and the repeated failures of his different schemes have in a -very short time materially damaged his reputation, and destroyed the -prestige of his great abilities. All practical men in the City severely -blame him for having exposed himself to the risk of failure, and -reproach him with the folly of trying to make too good a bargain, and by -so doing exposing himself to the defeat he has sustained. The -consequences will not probably be serious, but the Government is -weakened by it, and the diminution of public confidence in Gladstone is -a public misfortune. - -Next in importance to the financial difficulty is the Oxford Bill, with -which Government have got into a mess, and they are struggling through -the measure with doubtful and small majorities, having been beaten on an -important point, and now quite uncertain if they shall be able to carry -it. I fell in with Graham yesterday, and spoke to him about these -things, when he replied that Gladstone's failure was very unfortunate, -but he had no doubt he would make a great speech in his own defence on -Monday night. With regard to Oxford, he said it was quite true that they -could not depend on carrying the clauses of their bill, but that was -because in the present state of the House 'they could not carry a -turnpike bill,' they were absolutely without power, and 'it was a state -of things that could not go on.'[1] Last night I had a talk with Charles -Wood on the same subject, and he said that the truth was, a revolution -had silently been effected. Parties were at an end, and the House of -Commons was no longer divided into and governed by them; and that the -predicament in which this Government is placed would be the same with -every other, and business could no longer be conducted in Parliament in -the way it used to be. All this is in my opinion quite true, and what -has long struck me. Whether the extreme elasticity of our institutions, -and the power of adaptation to circumstances which seems to pervade -them, will enable us to find remedies and resources, and that the -apparent derangement will right itself, remains to be seen. But it is a -condition of affairs full of uncertainty, therefore of danger, and which -makes me very uneasy whenever I think of it. It is evident that this -Government is now backed by no great party, and that it has very few -independent adherents on whom it can count. It scrambles on with casual -support, and its continuing at all to exist is principally owing to the -extreme difficulty of forming any other, and the certainty that no other -that could be formed would be stronger or more secure, either more -popular or more powerful. - -[Footnote 1: Lord John Russell introduced a bill to make further -provision for the good government of the University of Oxford and the -colleges therein, which passed both Houses, with some amendments, in the -course of the session.] - - - MR. GLADSTONE'S BUDGET. - -_May 7th._--It is scarcely a year ago that I was writing enthusiastic -panegyrics on Gladstone, and describing him as the great ornament and -support of the Government, and as the future Prime Minister. This was -after the prodigious success of his first Budget and his able speeches, -but a few months seem to have overturned all his power and authority. I -hear nothing but complaints of his rashness and passion for experiments; -and on all sides, from men, for example, like Tom Baring and Robarts, -one a Tory, the other a Whig, that the City and the moneyed men have -lost all confidence in him. To-morrow night he is to make his financial -statement, and intense curiosity prevails to see how he will provide the -ways and means for carrying on the war. Everybody expects that he will -make an able speech; but brilliant speeches do not produce very great -effect, and more anxiety is felt for the measures he will propose than -for the dexterity and ingenuity he may display in proposing them. -Parliament is ready to vote without grumbling any money that is asked -for, and as yet public opinion has not begun to waver and complain; but -we are only yet at the very beginning of this horrible mess, and people -are still looking with eager interest to the successes they anticipate, -and have not yet begun to feel the cost. - - -_May 10th._--Gladstone made a great speech on Monday night. He spoke for -nearly four hours, occupying the first half of the time in an elaborate -and not unsuccessful defence of his former measures. His speech, which -was certainly very able, was well received, and the Budget pronounced an -honourable and creditable one. If he had chosen to sacrifice his -conscientious convictions to popularity, he might have gained a great -amount of the latter by proposing a loan, and no more taxes than would -be necessary for the interest of it. I do not yet know whether his -defence of his abortive schemes has satisfied the monetary critics. It -was certainly very plausible, and will probably be sufficient for the -uninformed and the half-informed, who cannot detect any fallacies which -may lurk within it. He attacked some of his opponents with great -severity, particularly Disraeli and Monteagle, but I doubt if this was -prudent. He flung about his sarcasms upon smaller fry, and this -certainly was not discreet. I think his speech has been of service to -his financial character, and done a good deal towards the restoration of -his credit. - - -_May 12th._--Cowley called on me yesterday, when we talked over the war -with all its etceteras. He said the Emperor had been most reluctant to -go into it, but was now firmly resolved to pursue it vigorously, and -not to desist till he had obtained fair terms of peace; above all things -he is bent on going on with us in unbroken amity. Cowley thinks his -political position as secure as any position can be in France, and -certainly the country seems satisfied with his rule. His social position -is unimproved and rather worse; his marriage was a fatal measure; he -would have done far better if he could have married the Hohenlohe girl, -who was dying to be Empress, and Cowley thinks the Queen was wrong to -prevent the match. In that case the Court might have been very -different. In the beginning, after his marriage, he attempted to purify -it as well as he could, and to get rid of all the disreputable women -about it; but by degrees they have all come back again, and now they are -more _encanaillées_ than ever. - -The French Government have given a strong proof of their goodwill to us -by recalling Baraguay d'Hilliers from Constantinople, and not sending -another ambassador, as they find none can possibly live on good terms -with Stratford. Cowley says the war might have been prevented, he -thinks, and particularly if Stratford had not been there. The Emperor -would have made greater concessions if Stratford had not been at -Constantinople, and another ambassador would have striven to preserve -peace instead of being, as he was, bent on producing a war. - -Edward Mills tells me Gladstone's recent speech has immensely raised -him, and that he stands very high in the City, his defence of his -measures very able, and produced a great effect; he said he lately met -Walpole, who told him he had the highest admiration of Gladstone, and -thought he had more power than ever Peel had even at his highest tide. - - - DEFEATS OF THE GOVERNMENT. - -_May 28th._--I have been so much occupied with the very dissimilar -occupations of preparations for Epsom races in the shape of trials, -betting, &c., and the finishing and correction of an article in the -'Edinburgh Review' on King Joseph's Memoirs, that I have had no leisure -to think of politics, or to record what has been going on in the -political world, nor in truth has much material been furnished either by -domestic or foreign transactions. The last fortnight in Parliament has -been going on much in the way in which the present Government always -goes on, and Gladstone, whom I met at dinner the other day, repeated to -me very much what Graham had said some time before, about their utter -inability to carry their measures in the House of Commons. There is, -however, one important exception to this rule, and that is one of vital -importance. On everything which relates to the war, and on all questions -of supply, they can do whatever they please, and have no difficulty, and -encounter no opposition. Tom Baring's motion on Monday last exhibited a -striking proof of this; he introduced it by an able speech, and he -mustered all the support that could be got, and yet he was defeated by -above 100. I met Disraeli in the street the next day, when he said, -'Your Government is very strong.' I said, the war which was supposed to -be their weakness turns out to be their strength. They can carry -everything which appertains to that, and nothing else. And so it is; no -sooner do they get a great majority on some important question than they -find themselves in a minority, perhaps more than one, on something else. -John Russell got beaten on his Oaths Bill the other night, a victory -which was hailed with uproarious delight by the Opposition, though -leading to nothing, and only mortifying to John Russell personally. -These defeats, however, do not fail to be morally injurious to the -Government, and to shake their credit. It was an ill advised measure, -which drew down upon itself those who are against the Jews and those who -are against the Catholics. Palmerston has been showing ill humour in the -House of Commons, and has ceased to be so very popular as he used to be -there. They have great difficulty in getting on with the University -Bill, and Gladstone told me the other night he was very doubtful if they -should be able to bring it to a successful end. All the Tories and High -Churchmen are against it of course, and the Dissenters regard it with no -favour because it does not do for them what they desire; so it is left -to the support of the friends of Government and those who sincerely -desire a good measure of reform for those bodies. - - -_June 5th._--I was at Epsom all last week. In the beginning of it or the -week before there was a great passage of arms in the House of Commons -between John Russell and Disraeli, not a very creditable exhibition, but -which excited greater interest than more important matters. Though -Disraeli began the attack, Lord John threw the first stone of offence, -which he had better have let alone. In reply to this Disraeli broke out -with inconceivable violence and made the most furious assault upon John -that he could, saying everything most offensive and provoking. Lord John -made a rejoinder, and was followed by Bright, whose speech was very -hostile and spiteful, and much more calculated to annoy Lord John than -that of Disraeli, though much less vituperative. Disraeli seems inclined -to have recourse to his old tactics against Peel, and to endeavour to -treat John Russell, and Gladstone when he can, in the same way, hoping -probably to re-ingratiate himself with his own side by giving them some -of those invectives and sarcasms against their opponents which are so -congenial to their tastes. This course will not raise him either in the -House or in the country, and he will not find in Lord John a man either -so sensitive or so vulnerable as Peel, and he can make out nothing -against a man who refuses place, patronage, and emolument, and gives his -gratuitous services at a great personal sacrifice because he thinks it -his public duty to do so. There is nothing new in the condition of the -Government; they are very firmly seated in their places, the House of -Commons supporting them by large majorities in all their great measures -and those which involve a question of confidence; but having no -dependable majority on miscellaneous questions, nor even knowing whether -they can carry any measure or not, it is idle to twit them with being a -Government on sufferance and Lord John with not 'leading' the House of -Commons. A revolution has taken place in the conditions of the political -existence of governments in general and their relations with Parliament, -and there is at present no likelihood that any government that can be -formed will find itself in different circumstances, or that the old -practice by which a government could command the House of Commons on -almost everything will ever be restored. Whether the new system be -better or worse than the old may be doubtful, but governments must make -up their minds to conform to it for the present at least. In the course -of the next few days the division of the Colonial from the War -Department will take place. There seems little doubt that Newcastle will -elect to take the War Department, and Clarendon told me yesterday he -thought he would be the best man for it, warmly praising his energy, -industry, and ability, and his popular and conciliatory qualities. Their -great object is to prevail on Lord John to take the Colonial Office, -which I expect he will eventually do, but not without much reluctance -and hesitation. Granville tells me he is in a dissatisfied state of -mind, in which he will probably long remain, especially as his -_entourage_ will always do their best to foment his discontent. - - - THE PRESIDENCY OF THE COUNCIL. - -_June 11th._--Yesterday and the day before the world was made acquainted -with the recent arrangements and appointments, which have been received -with considerable disapprobation.[1] Nobody can understand what it all -means, and why John Russell, if he was to take office, was to insist on -so strange an arrangement, and such a departure from the invariable -practice of putting a peer in the office of President of the Council. -Nothing can be more ungracious than the air of the whole proceeding: he -turns out Granville to make room for himself, and turns out Strutt to -make room for Granville. It seems that they wanted him to be Colonial -Secretary, but this he would not hear of on the score of his health, and -as it is now admitted as an axiom that the leader in the House of -Commons has enough to do, and cannot efficiently discharge the duties of -a laborious department, it was reasonable enough that Lord John should -decline the Colonies; but there seems no sufficient reason for his not -taking the Duchy of Lancaster, for the more completely the office is a -sinecure, the more consistent his taking it would appear. However, he -would be President of the Council or nothing. I have been amazed at his -indelicacy and want of consideration towards Granville, who deserved -better treatment at his hands. Granville has always been his steady and -stout adherent, defending his Reform Bill, holding himself his especial -follower in the Coalition Cabinet, and ready to support him or go out -with him if necessary. It was therefore particularly odious to insist on -foisting himself into Granville's place, and inflicting on him the -mortification of going downstairs. Granville behaved very well about it, -with great good humour, only anxious to do whatever was best for the -general interest, and putting aside every personal consideration and -feeling; and his conduct is the more meritorious, because he dislikes -the arrangement of all things. Aberdeen behaved very kindly to him, and -told him, if he objected to the change, he would not consent to it, and, -cost what it might, would tell John Russell he could not and should not -have the place. Granville proposed to go out, at least for a time, but -Aberdeen said he could not spare him, and nothing could be more -flattering than all he expressed of his usefulness in the House of -Lords, and of the value of his services. Personally, therefore, he loses -nothing; for though he preferred the Council Office to the Duchy, his -conduct has raised him in everybody's estimation, and he will play a -part even more prominent than he did before. - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S POSITION. - -One reason why Lord John should not have come to the Council Office was -the embarrassment he will be sure to find himself in about questions of -education, his reputation and his antecedents, as well as his political -connexions, making him peculiarly unfit to be at the head of the -Education Department; and I am inclined to agree with Vernon Smith, who -said to me the other day that it would infallibly end in Lord John's -bringing in next year an impracticable Education Bill and withdrawing -it. George Grey's coming into office will be of use to the Government. -Newcastle's being War Minister is sure to be attacked, and all the -Palmerstonians are indignant that Palmerston is not in that place, which -never was offered him, nor was he consulted about the arrangement. I -think there is still a considerable opinion that he would make a good -War Minister, though everybody is aware he makes a very bad Home one, -and the _prestige_ about him and his popularity are greatly worn out. -They have been obliged to go back to the reign of Henry VIII. to find a -precedent for a commoner being President of the Council, when they say -there was one, but I don't know who he was. - -[Footnote 1: Lord John Russell insisted on taking the office of Lord -President of the Council, which has always been held by a peer, and to -effect this change Earl Granville was removed from the higher office of -Lord President to that of Chancellor of the Duchy. The Right Honourable -Edward Strutt, who had been Chancellor of the Duchy with a seat in the -Cabinet, was dismissed from office, but he was subsequently raised to -the peerage with the title of Lord Belper. This transaction reflected no -credit on the author of it, who consulted nothing but his own dignity -and convenience.] - - -_June 21st._--At St. Leonards last week for Ascot races, where I got -wet, and have been ever since confined with the gout. The 'Times,' -though by way of supporting the Government, went on violently attacking -John Russell about the recent changes. Lord John was very well received -in the City at his election, and at the opening of the Crystal Palace he -was more cheered than anybody. This morning the Duke of Bedford came -here and told me he had had a good deal of conversation with his brother -about this business, to which he (the Duke) had been a stranger while it -was going on. Lord John said that when the Government was formed he had -proposed to Aberdeen that he should be President of the Council, but -Aberdeen had objected on the score of its being so unusual, therefore he -was only going back to his original design. He had an invincible -repugnance to taking the Duchy of Lancaster or any inferior office. Both -when the Government was formed and now, he would have much preferred to -have kept aloof, and to have led in the House of Commons that section of -the Whig party which would have followed him, but he found this -impossible, and as the Government could not have been formed without -him, and could not now go on without him, he was obliged to sacrifice -his own inclination. I said I could not conceive why he could not go on -as he was till the end of the session, and then settle it, that his -pushing out Granville had a very ungracious appearance, and he would -have done much better to take the sinecure office of the Duchy, it being -quite absurd to suppose that he could be degraded by holding any office, -no matter what. The Duke owned it would have been better to wait till -Parliament was up before anything was done, and he regarded the question -of the particular office much as I do. - -There was a discussion in the House of Lords on Monday night on the war, -when Lyndhurst made a grand speech, wonderful at his age--82; he spoke -for an hour and a quarter with as much force and clearness as at any -time of his life: it was greatly admired. Clarendon spoke well and -strongly, and elicited expressions of satisfaction from Derby, after -whom Aberdeen rose, and imprudently spoke in the sense of desiring -peace, a speech which has been laid hold of, and drawn down upon him a -renewal of the violent abuse with which he has been all along assailed. -I see nothing in his speech to justify the clamour, but it was very ill -judged in him with his antecedents to say what he did, which malignity -could so easily lay hold of. - - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL VOTES WITH THE TORIES. - -_June 25th._--There never was such a state of things as that which now -exists between the Government, the Party, and the House of Commons. John -Russell made such a hash of it last week, and put himself and his -Government in such a position, that nothing but the war, and the -impossibility which everybody feels there is of making any change of -Government in the midst of it, prevents the immediate downfall of this -Administration. Last week John Russell opposed the motion for the -abolition of Church rates in a flaming High Tory and Church speech. The -motion was rejected by a slender majority, but his speech gave great -offence to the Liberal party and his own friends. Immediately afterwards -came on the motion in the University Bill for admitting Dissenters to -the University. This John Russell opposed again, although in his speech -he declared he was in favour of the admission of Dissenters, but he -objected to the motion on various grounds. The result was that he went -into the lobby with Disraeli and the whole body of the Tories, while the -whole of the Liberal party and all his own friends and supporters went -against him and defeated him by a majority of 91. He took with him six -or seven of his colleagues, and two or three of the underlings. -Molesworth, Bernal Osborne, and some more stayed away, and some others -voted in the majority. In the majority were found Christopher and a few -Tories besides, who, however, only voted with the object and hope of -damaging the bill itself and procuring its rejection in the House of -Lords. Never was man placed in so deplorable and humiliating a position -as John Russell, and nothing can exceed his folly and mismanagement in -getting himself into such a scrape. The indignation and resentment of -the Liberals are boundless, and I think he has completely put an -extinguisher on himself as a statesman and as the leader of a party; -they never will forgive him or feel any confidence in him again. There -was a capital article on him and his proceedings in the 'Times' -yesterday, which was not acrimonious, like some others on him, and was -perfectly just and true. - -The victorious Liberals managed their affairs very ill. Instead of -resting satisfied with a victory which must have been decisive (for -after all the House of Commons had affirmed the principle of admitting -the Dissenters by so large a majority, neither the House of Lords nor -the University would have ventured to oppose it), they imprudently -pressed on another division[1] in which they were beaten, though by a -small majority, and this of course does away with a good deal of the -effect of the first division. Between the recent changes which were -universally distasteful, and his extraordinary maladroitness in these -questions, Lord John is fallen prodigiously in public favour and -opinion, and while he is, or has been till very recently, dreaming of -again being Prime Minister, it is evident that he is totally unfit to be -the leader of the Government in the House of Commons even in a -subordinate post. He communicates with nobody, he has no confidence in -or sympathy with any one, he does not impart his intentions or his -wishes to his own political followers, and does not ask to be informed -of theirs, but he buries himself at Richmond and only comes forth to say -and do everything that is most imprudent and unpopular. - -The House of Commons is in a state of complete anarchy, and nobody has -any hold on it; matters, bad enough through John Russell, are made worse -by Aberdeen, whose speech the other night has made a great, but I think -unnecessary clamour; and Layard, who is his bitter enemy, took it up in -the House of Commons, and has given notice of a motion on it which is -equivalent to a vote of censure. Almost at the same moment Aberdeen, -with questionable prudence and dignity, gave notice in the Lords that on -Monday he should explain the speech he made the other night. Layard's -design can hardly be matured, because they never can permit a speech -made in one House of Parliament to be made the subject of a motion and -debate in the other. It is, however, incontestable that clamour and -misrepresentation have succeeded in raising a vast prejudice against -Aberdeen, and that he is exceedingly unpopular. - -The people are wild about this war, and besides the general confidence -that we are to obtain very signal success in our naval and military -operations, there is a violent desire to force the Emperor to make a -very humiliating peace, and a strong conviction that he will very soon -be compelled to do so. This belief is the cause of the great rise which -has been taking place in the public securities, and all sorts of stories -are rife of the terror and dislike of the war which prevail in Russia, -and of the agitation and melancholy in which the Emperor is said to be -plunged. But the authentic accounts from St. Petersburg tell a very -different tale. They say, and our Consul just arrived from St. -Petersburg confirms the statement, that the Emperor is calm and -resolute, that his popularity is very great, and the Russians of all -classes enthusiastic in his cause, and that they are prepared to a man -to sacrifice their properties and their lives in a vigorous prosecution -of the war. - -Footnote 1: It seems it was Mr. Walpole who insisted on the second -division, which he did for the express purpose of neutralising the -effect of the first, hoping to get a majority, which he did, and it was -rather dexterously done. - - - UNPOPULARITY OF LORD ABERDEEN. - -_July 9th._--It is remarkable that the Government are unquestionably -stronger in the House of Lords than in the House of Commons, as has been -clearly proved by the result of the Oxford University Bill. Derby -endeavoured to alter it, and was completely defeated. There were several -divisions, in all of which the Government obtained large majorities, and -at last Derby said it was evidently useless to propose any alterations, -as the Government could do what they pleased in that House. The session -is drawing to a close; that is, though it will last a month longer, all -important business is over. The Government will end it much in the same -condition as they were in at the beginning of it, only that their -weakness and want of popularity have been manifested in a thousand ways -during the session. Aberdeen's explanatory speech and the publication of -his despatch of 1829 have given rather a turn to the current against -him; for though his violent opponents still snarl at him and abuse him, -the impartial people begin to think he is not so bad as he has been -represented, and the excessive absurdity of the charges with which he -has been assailed begins to strike people. There is still, however, a -strong prejudice against him, particularly amongst the extreme Liberals, -and I saw a long letter from Sir Benjamin Hall to the Duke of Bedford -setting forth the discontent of the Liberal party and vehemently urging -that the Government should be immediately modified, Aberdeen retire, and -Lord John Russell again be Minister, with Palmerston as War -Minister--perfectly absurd and impracticable, but showing what the -notions are of the ultra-Radicals. The Tories, agreeing in nothing else, -concur with the Radicals in hating Aberdeen because he represents the -Peel party, and is Minister as the successor of Sir Robert Peel, for -whose memory their hatred is as intense as it was for his person when he -was alive. The war goes on without any immediate results, and without, -as far as can be seen, a probability of the attainment of any signal or -important successes. The foolish public here, always extravagant and -impatient, clamour for attacks upon Sebastopol and Cronstadt, and are -very indignant that these places are not taken, without knowing anything -of the feasibility of such operations. We now begin to believe that -Austria is going to side actively with us, but we do not feel certain of -it, nor shall we till she actually enters on the campaign. - - -_July 19th._--Within a few days everything is changed. In respect to -Austria, the intrigues of Russia with Prussia, and the determination of -the King to do everything that he can or that he dares to assist his -imperial brother-in-law, have had the effect of paralysing the Austrian -movements, and suspending the operation of her Treaty with Turkey. She -cannot venture to declare war against Russia and to march her army into -the Principalities while there is a large Russian force on the borders -of Galicia, and the Prussians are in such an ambiguous attitude and -disposition, that she can not only not depend upon Prussia to execute -their defensive Treaty by protecting her dominions in the event of their -being attacked by Russia, but she cannot depend upon not being taken in -flank by Prussia as the ally of Russia. Clarendon told me on Sunday that -it was impossible to make out what Austria was about, or what she really -means to do. There is no doubt about Prussia, and he still inclines to -believe that Austria's disposition to act with us is unchanged, but that -she is compelled to act a cautious and dilatory part by her uncertainty -as to Prussia. - -On Monday John Russell convoked his supporters and quasi-supporters to a -gathering in Downing Street, when he harangued them on the state of -affairs and the difficulties of the Government, intimating the necessity -of being better supported if the Government was to go on at all. There -are differences of opinion as to the way in which the meeting went off, -and whether it was on the whole satisfactory. The principal speakers -were Bright, Vernon Smith, and Horsman, the two latter bitter enough -against the Government. Bright, rather hostile, spoke well and alluded -to Aberdeen in a friendly spirit, as did Hume. The meeting gradually -melted away, so that Lord John had no opportunity of making a reply, -which was a pity, as he might have answered the objectors. The best -proof, however, that on the whole it was successful, was afforded by the -fact that there was neither debate nor division on the War Secretary's -estimate moved for by Lord John that night. All went off with the -greatest ease. I am in hopes therefore that the Government is somewhat -in better plight than it was. - - - AN APPOINTMENT CANCELLED. - -_August 4th._--I have been out of town for the greater part of the time -since the 19th ultimo, at Goodwood, nearly ten days. Nothing very -important has occurred in politics. As the session has drawn towards a -close, the Government have, on the whole, done rather better in -Parliament, that is, the Opposition have been quite incapable of -striking any blows or doing them any injury. The points that were -expected to be made against them entirely failed, and, with the -exception of one personal matter, they have had no difficulties or -annoyances to vex them. This matter was the case of----, the -_dénouement_ of which took place two days ago; after being Gladstone's -private secretary for two years, this gentleman was appointed by -Newcastle, just before he gave up the Colonies, to be Governor of South -Australia. The appointment was criticised, but about ten days ago it was -called in question in the House of Commons, and at the same time rumours -were rife that he had been gambling in the funds and had lost money; he -denied, and authorised his friends to deny the imputation, but some of -the Carlton runners got scent of his transactions and followed it up -with such perseverance that he became alarmed and thought himself -obliged to prevent the shame and odium of detection by confessing the -fact. The consequence was that the appointment was cancelled, and the -whole matter explained and discussed on Thursday night in the House of -Commons, when George Grey made a long statement. The discussion upon it -was very creditable to the House, for there was no personal animosity -and no coarseness or inhumanity displayed, but, on the contrary, -forbearance and good nature towards the individual. Any expectation of -being able to wound Gladstone through him has quite failed. He is a -clever fellow enough and well educated, but he has been very imprudent, -and contrived at once to lose his place of private secretary, his -government, his seat in Parliament, his character, and his money. - -At last it does now appear as if Austria was going to join us completely -against Russia, and the invasion of the Crimea is about to take place in -complete ignorance of the means of resistance and defence possessed by -Russia, and whether it will be a nearly impossible or comparatively easy -enterprise. - -Clarendon, when I saw him last Sunday, expressed great alarm at the -state of affairs in Spain, from the weakness of Espartero, the -difficulty of any cordial union between the military chiefs, so long -rivals, and above all from the republican element which is so rife in -Spain, and which may produce effects extending far beyond that country. -He said that the French Government were acting in complete harmony and -concert with us; the Emperor is much alarmed at the state of Spain, but -resolved to go with us in the policy of non-interference, and to take no -part but such as we should take also. If he adheres to this wise course, -it will cement the alliance between the countries, and bind us to him -more than anything that could happen, and it will form a great and happy -contrast to the policy of Louis Philippe and the conduct of Palmerston -and Guizot. - - - PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. - -_August 14th._--The session closed on Saturday, and, all things -considered, the Government wound it up tolerably well. Clanricarde, true -to the last to his spiteful opposition, gave Clarendon an opportunity of -making a parting speech on foreign affairs, of which he acquitted -himself very successfully, and placed himself and the Government in a -very good position as respects our diplomacy and the conduct of the war. -But though all immediate danger is removed from the Government, and, -unless they fall to pieces during the recess by any internal -dissensions, they will probably go on unscathed, the state of affairs is -very unsatisfactory, and pregnant with future troubles and difficulties. -The Government in its relations with the House of Commons throughout the -past session has been extraordinary, and I believe unprecedented. From -the Revolution to the time of the Reform Bill, that is during 150 -years, the system of Parliamentary government had been consolidating -itself and was practically established; the Sovereign nominally, the -House of Commons really, appointed the ministers of the Crown, and it -was settled as an axiom that when the Government was unable to carry its -measures, and was subjected to defeats in the House of Commons, its -resignation was indispensable--not indeed that any and every defeat was -necessarily fatal, because governments have often been beaten on very -important questions without being ruined or materially weakened, but it -was supposed that repeated defeats and Government measures repeatedly -rejected implied the withdrawal of the confidence and support of -Parliament so clearly that in the aggregate such defeats were equivalent -to an absolute vote of want of confidence, which is in itself a sentence -of political death. In former times the Crown was a power, and the House -of Commons was a power, generally blended and acting harmoniously -together, but sometimes resolving themselves into their separate -elements, and acting independently, perhaps antagonistically, towards -each other. In modern times, and more entirely in our own, this separate -and independent action ceased, the Crown became identified with the -majority of the House of Commons, and no minister, when he could no -longer command that majority so as to be certain of carrying out all, or -nearly all, his measures of government and legislation, could continue -to be minister, and was obliged as a matter of course to surrender -office to those who were in possession of, or could count upon, that -command. The ministers were taken from the ranks of the Parliamentary -majority, and when once appointed it was considered indispensable and -certain that the same majority would place confidence in them, accept at -their hands all the measures they should concert and propose, and -support them against all hostile attacks, the spirit of party and -combination suppressing all individual prejudices, crotchets, fancies, -and partial or local influences. The Government and the party were bound -by a sort of mutual allegiance to each other, and supposed to be, and -usually were, animated by the same spirit and a communion of opinion -and interest. Such were the general relations and such the normal state -of things, liable to occasional variations and disturbances, bringing -about various political changes according to circumstances. But the -system was complete, and practically it worked well, and conduced to the -prosperity and progress of the country. - - REVIEW OF PARTIES. - -When the great measure of Reform in Parliament was introduced in 1831, -apart from all question of party struggles there was the still greater -question considered by many reflecting people, whether the new -Parliamentary and electoral system would be found compatible with the -old practice of government by means of party and steady Parliamentary -majorities. The Duke of Wellington in particular expressed his -apprehension that it would not, and he put the question which has so -often been quoted and referred to, 'How is the King's Government to be -carried on?' He did not, so far as I remember, develope his thoughts at -the time, and argue the matter in detail, but it is very evident that -what he anticipated was some such state of things as that at which we -now appear to have arrived. For a long time his apprehensions appeared -to be groundless, and certainly they were not realised by the course of -events. In consequence of political circumstances which I shall not stop -to specify and explain, notwithstanding all the changes which were -effected, the governments contrived to go on without any insuperable -difficulties, and without any striking difference from the way in which -governments had been previously conducted. The popularity of the Reform -Bill Administration supported them for a few years, and the Tory -reaction, together with the great abilities of Sir Robert Peel, -supported the Conservative Government for a few years more. Matters went -on better or worse, as might be, till the great Conservative schism in -1846, which completely broke up that party, and produced a final -separation between the able few and the numerous mediocrity of the -party. Ever since that time the House of Commons has been in a state of -disorganisation and confusion: the great party ties had been severed. -After the repeal of the Corn Laws and the establishment of Free Trade it -was difficult to find any great party principles which could be -converted into bonds of union, and every day it became obviously more -and more difficult to form any government that could hope to be strong -or permanent. John Russell succeeded on the fall of Peel, but the -Peelites warmly resented the conduct of the Whigs in Peel's last -struggle, and, though they hated Derby and his crew much more, never -gave Lord John's Government a cordial support. - -Next came the quarrel between Palmerston and Lord John and the fall of -the Whig Government. Many people, and Graham especially, were of opinion -that a Derby Government _for a time_ was an inevitable but indispensable -evil, and after one abortive attempt at length a Derby Government was -formed. From the beginning nobody thought it could last; the wretched -composition of it, its false position, and the mixture of inconsistency -and insincerity which characterised it, deprived it of all respect, -authority, and influence, and it was the more weak because divided and -dissatisfied within, and because all the more honest and truthful of the -party were disgusted and ashamed of the part they were playing. Thus -feeble and powerless, despised by the public and detested by the Court, -the first moment that the different parties and sections of parties -combined to overthrow them, their destruction was inevitable, and after -enjoying office for one year they fell. - -It was easier to turn them out than to find a good and strong government -to replace them. It was obvious that neither the Whigs nor the Peelites -could form a government, still less Palmerston or the Radicals, and it -became a matter of absolute necessity to attempt a coalition, which, -whatever objections there might be to coalitions, would at least have -the advantage of filling the several offices with able men. - -When the Queen had a short time before, in anticipation of the event, -consulted the Duke of Bedford as to whom she should send for when Derby -resigned, he had advised her to send for Lord Lansdowne and Lord -Aberdeen, being himself conscious that Lord John could not again form a -government, at least not at that time. She did send for them, and each -of them very sincerely and earnestly endeavoured to persuade the other -to accept the post of Prime Minister, and the task of forming a -Government. Lansdowne was ill at the time, and while it is very doubtful -whether anything would have induced him to come forward, his attack of -gout was enough to ensure his peremptory refusal, and nothing remained -but that Aberdeen should make the attempt. The task was difficult and -unpleasant, for it was impossible not to make many people discontented -and mortified, inasmuch as places could not be found for all who had -previously been in office, or who aspired to it, and it was no easy -matter to decide who should be taken in, and who left out. Aberdeen -resolved to make the coalition very comprehensive, and as much as -possible to form a government which should represent the Opposition -which had turned Derby out, but he put almost all the Peelite leaders -into good offices, and the exclusions were principally on the Whig side. -For a long time it was very doubtful whether John Russell would enter -the Government at all, but Aberdeen was so well aware that he could not -do without him that he announced his determination to throw up the -Government unless Lord John consented to join. After much hesitation, -and a struggle between his family and some malcontent hangers on who -wished him to keep aloof, on one side, and the wisest of his political -friends and colleagues who urged that it was his duty to come forward on -the other, Lord John consented to lead the House of Commons, but without -an office. He proposed indeed to take the Presidency of the Council, to -which Aberdeen objected, but gave him the choice of every other office. -He said that if he could not be President of the Council he would be -nothing at all, and so it was settled. Next came the negotiation about -Palmerston, who first refused, and afterwards, at the pressing -solicitation of Lansdowne, agreed to join. Molesworth came in to -represent the Radicals; Monsell and Keogh (not in the Cabinet) -represented the Irish, and so the Coalition Government was completed. - - THE COALITION GOVERNMENT. - -Very strongly composed, it never, however, was so strong as it looked. -The Ministers, Aberdeen, John Russell, Palmerston, having consented to -act together, were too sensible, too gentlemanlike and well-bred, not to -live in outward good fellowship with each other, but their respective -and relative antecedents could not be forgotten. There could be no real -cordiality between Palmerston and Aberdeen, or between Palmerston and -John Russell, and both the latter all along felt uncomfortable and -dissatisfied with their respective positions. Lord John fancied he was -degraded, and his flatterers endeavoured to persuade him he was so, by -joining a government of which he was not the head, and by serving under -Aberdeen. Palmerston could not forget the long and bitter hostility -which had been carried on between himself and Aberdeen upon foreign -policy, and still less his having been turned out of the Foreign Office -by John Russell. The Whigs were dissatisfied that the Peelites, who had -no party to bring to the support of the Government, should have so large -a share of the offices, and above all the great bulk of the Whig party -could not endure that a Peelite should be at the head of the Government, -and of all the Peelites they most particularly disliked Aberdeen, so -that they yielded a reluctant allegiance, and gave a grudging and -capricious support to the coalition. - -Nevertheless, the first session of Parliament was pretty well got -through, principally owing to Gladstone's successful Budget, the great -ability he displayed in the House of Commons, and the efficient way in -which the public business was done, while the numerous measures of -improvement which were accomplished raised the reputation of the -Government, and gave them security if not strength. The session of 1853 -closed in quiet, prosperity, and sunshine, but during the recess clouds -began to gather round the Government; they were beset with internal and -external difficulties. John Russell became more and more discontented, -and at last he announced to Aberdeen that he was resolved not to meet -Parliament again in his present position, and intimated his intention to -be once more Prime Minister or to quit the concern. In the meantime the -Turco-Russian quarrel had begun, the hostile correspondence with Russia -was in full activity, the public mind in a high state of excitement, -the press bellowed for war and poured forth incessant volleys of abuse -against the Government, but more particularly against Aberdeen, who was -singled out as the object of attack, and the persevering attempts to -render him unpopular produced a certain amount of effect. The Cabinet -became divided as to the mode of carrying on the dispute and the -negotiations, some being for what were called vigorous measures, that -is, for threats and demonstrations of force which could only lead to -immediate war, while others were for exhausting every attempt to bring -about an accommodation and preserve peace. Something was known or -suspected of these divisions, they were published and commented on with -enormous exaggerations and the most unscrupulous violations of truth, -and the Tory and Radical newspapers vied with each other in the violence -of their denunciations of Aberdeen, and, in a less degree, of Clarendon. - -When this fury was at its height, the world was startled and astounded -by the news of Palmerston's resignation. It is needless to state here -the history of that affair, which I have already recorded in ample -detail. It was in vain that the 'Times' proclaimed that it was the -Reform Bill and not the Eastern Question which was the cause of it. The -statement was scouted with the utmost scorn, and the public incredulity -was confirmed when the 'Morning Post,' which was notoriously devoted to -Palmerston, asserted the direct contrary. Everybody imagined that the -Government would go to pieces, that when Parliament met there would be -prodigious revelations, and that the Eastern Question with its supposed -mismanagement would prove fatal to the Coalition Cabinet. The Derbyites -were in raptures, and already counted on Palmerston as their own. Great -as had been the public surprise and the exultation of the Carlton Club -at Palmerston's resignation, greater still was that surprise and the -mortification and disappointment of the Carlton, when a few days -afterwards it was announced that Palmerston had changed his mind and was -not going to resign. Nobody could comprehend what it all meant, and -ample scope was afforded to every sort of conjecture, and to all the -statements and inventions that anybody chose to circulate. But as about -the same time the Eastern affair progressed a step or two, and some -energetic measures were adopted, the most plausible explanation was, -that Palmerston had resigned because enough was not done, that the -Government had been frightened into doing what he had before advised, -and that, on their adopting his suggestion, he had consented to remain. -In process of time the truth began to ooze out, but it never was -completely known till Parliament met, and even then many people -continued to believe that though the Reform Bill was the pretext, the -Eastern Question was the real cause of Palmerston's conduct. - - THE BLUE BOOKS. - -These threatening clouds cleared away. Aberdeen told Lord John nothing -should induce him to resign after all the attacks that had been made on -him, and he would meet Parliament and defend himself. Lord John gave up -his demands, and consented to go on leading the House of Commons. -Palmerston agreed to swallow the Reform Bill, and at length Parliament -met. Everybody was ravenous for the Blue Books, which as soon as -possible were produced. Their production was eminently serviceable to -the Government, and though some criticisms were made, and there were -some desultory attacks in both Houses, and the press continued to be as -scurrilous and abusive as ever, the general impression was extremely -favourable. Clarendon's despatches were highly approved of, and all fair -and candid observers, including many who had found fault with the -Government before, declared that they were perfectly satisfied that our -policy had been wise and proper, and the whole of the negotiations very -creditable to all who had been concerned in carrying them on. So little -did the event correspond with the general expectation, that the Eastern -Question, which had been considered to be the weak part of the -Government, turned out to be its greatest strength; and the war which -eventually broke out has been the principal cause of their being able to -maintain themselves in power. It is now the fashion to say that if it -were not for the war, they would have been turned out long ago. It is -certainly true that their power in the House of Commons has been limited -to all that concerns the war, in respect to which they have had no -difficulty to contend with. The estimates have been granted without a -semblance of opposition, and they have received hearty and unanimous -support in every measure and every demand requisite for carrying on the -war, nor, though exposed to some adverse criticism, have they been -seriously assailed with regard to their diplomacy or their warlike -preparations. - -But while this, which is the most essential, has also been their -strongest point, on everything else, without exception, they have been -almost powerless, and the House of Commons has run riot with an -independence and waywardness and a caprice of which it would be -impossible to find an example. The Government has had no majority on -which it could depend, and it has never brought forward any measure -which it could count upon carrying through. Obliged to withdraw many -measures altogether, and to submit to the alteration of others till they -became totally different from what they originally proposed, their -defeats have been innumerable, and nobody seems to have the smallest -scruple in putting them in a minority upon any occasion; at the same -time it was very evident that the House of Commons was determined that -they should continue in office, for whenever any vital question arose, -or any vote which could be construed into a question of confidence, and -therefore involved the existence of the Government, they were always -sure of a majority, and the Derbyite opposition, while they were able to -worry and insult them by partial defeats and by exposing their general -weakness, found themselves miserably baffled whenever they attempted -anything which had a tendency to place the Government in serious -embarrassment. The whole conduct of the Session, and the relations of -the Government with the House of Commons, presented something certainly -very different from what had ever been seen before in the memory of the -oldest statesman, implied a total dissolution of party ties and -obligations, and exhibited the Queen's Government and the House of -Commons as resolved into their separate elements, and acting towards -each other in independent and often antagonistic capacities. Disraeli -was always reproaching the Government with holding office on what he -termed the unconstitutional principle of not being supported by a -majority of the House of Commons, and of living from hand to mouth; but -though this was a plausible topic, he knew very well that no other -government could be formed which could exist otherwise, and that the -House of Commons, while it buffeted the Government about _au gré de ses -caprices_, was quite determined to keep it alive, and not to allow any -other to be substituted for it. At present it is difficult to see how -this state of things is to be altered, and time alone can show whether -great parties will again be formed, and governments be enabled to go on -as in times past, powerful in a consistent and continual Parliamentary -support, or whether a great change must be submitted to, and governments -be content to drag on a precarious existence, taking what they can get -from the House of Commons, and endeavouring to strengthen themselves by -enlisting public opinion on their side. - - PRECARIOUS TENURE OF THE MINISTRY. - -With regard to the prospects of this Government, much depends on the -progress of the war; for though they have done their part and are not -responsible for failure or success, they are sure to be strengthened by -success or weakened by failure. But much depends also upon what passes -in the Cabinet. John Russell, whose mind is in a state of chronic -discontent which was suspended for a time, is again becoming uneasy and -restless, and will soon begin making fresh difficulties. Then his Reform -Bill, which he gave up so reluctantly, is still in his thoughts, and he -will most likely insist upon bringing it forward again, a proposition -which is sure to produce dissension in the Cabinet. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - - Difficulties of the Campaign--Prince Albert and the King of - Prussia--The Prince goes to France--Military Commanders--Critical - Relations of the Ministers--The Crimea--The Emperor Napoleon and - Prince Albert--Austria and the Allies--The Landing in the - Crimea--The Battle of the Alma--Royal Invitations--The Crimean - Expedition--Lord John's Hostility to his Colleagues--False Report - from Sebastopol--The Crimean Campaign--Anecdotes of Lord - Raglan--The Russian Defence--Trade with the Enemy--Anecdote of - Nesselrode--John Bright's Opinion of the War--Defence of - Sebastopol--The Balaklava Charge--The Judges at the Nomination of - Sheriffs--Lord John takes more moderate Views--The Battle of - Inkerman--Impolicy of the War--Inkerman--Spirit of the - Nation--Military Enthusiasm--Parliament summoned--Want of - Foresight--Accounts of the Battle--Lord Raglan as a - General--Sufferings of the Army--Agreement with Austria--Opponents - of the War--Meeting of Parliament--The Government attacked--The - Foreign Enlistment Bill--Foreign Enlistment Bill passed--Mr. - Bright's Speech on the War--Review of the Year. - - -_August 29th_, 1854.--I have been out of town since the above was -written; at Grimston for York races, where Lord Derby was in high force -and spirits, carrying everything before him at the races, and not a word -was ever uttered on politics. There is no news, but dreadful accounts of -the health of both armies and of the prevalence of cholera both abroad -and at home. The French particularly, who have lost the most, are said -to be completely demoralised and disheartened, and to abhor the war -which they always disliked from the beginning. My present impression is -that we shall come to grief in this contest; not that we shall be beaten -in the field by the Russians, but that between the unhealthy climate, -the inaccessibility of the country, and the distance of our resources, -Russia will be able to keep us at bay, and baffle our attempts to reduce -her to submission. - - - PRINCE ALBERT AND THE KING OF PRUSSIA. - -_September 4th._--At The Grove for a couple of days, where I had much -talk with Clarendon, and he showed me a great many papers about -different matters: a very good letter written by Prince Albert to the -King of Prussia, who had written to him a hypocritical letter, asking -where the English and French fleets were going to winter, and whether he -might depend on them in case he was attacked by Russia in the Baltic, -which Clarendon said was a mere artifice to obtain knowledge of our -plans, that he might impart them to the Emperor Nicholas, as he well -knew he was in no danger of being attacked by Russia. The Prince wrote -an excellent answer, giving him no information, and entering into the -whole question of Prussian policy without reserve. He starts to-day to -Boulogne, invited by a letter from the Emperor himself, beginning 'Mon -cher frère,' replied to very well and civilly by Prince Albert who -began, 'Sire et mon cher frère.' Clarendon said Aberdeen was as hot as -any one upon the Crimean expedition. - -They are not at all satisfied with Lord Raglan, whom they think -oldfashioned and pedantic, and not suited to the purpose of carrying on -active operations. They wanted him to make use of the Turkish light -cavalry, Bashi-Bazouks, who under good management might be made very -serviceable, but he would have nothing to say to them; and still more -they are disgusted with his discouragement of the Indian officers who -have repaired to the army, and who are, in fact, the most efficient men -there are. They look on General Brown as the best man there, and have -great expectations of Cathcart. It is very curious that neither the -Government nor the commanders have the slightest information as to the -Russian force in the Crimea or the strength of Sebastopol. Some -prisoners they took affirmed that there were 150,000 men in the -peninsula, but nobody believes that, except Dundas who gives credit to -it. They are impatient for the termination of Dundas's period of -service, which will be in December, when Lyons will command the fleet. - - -_September 11th._--I went to The Grove on Friday, but was brought up on -Saturday by gout, and detained in London ever since. We had much talk -about a variety of things. The Prince is exceedingly well satisfied -with his visit to the Emperor. The invitation to Windsor appears to have -been publicly given in an after dinner speech. Clarendon said a great -deal about the Government, its prospects and its difficulties, and of -the conduct and dispositions of different men in it, that the Peelites -had all behaved admirably, and he has a very high opinion of Newcastle, -who is able, laborious, and fair. He does not see so much of Aberdeen as -he did last year while the question of peace or war was still pending. -He and Aberdeen do not very well agree, and therefore Aberdeen does not -come to the Foreign Office as he used to do. I asked him in what they -differed, and what it was Aberdeen now wanted or expected. He said that -Aberdeen was quite of opinion that a vigorous prosecution of the war -afforded the best chance of restoring peace, and that he was as eager as -anybody for the expedition of Sebastopol, but he was out of humour with -the whole thing, took no interest in anything that was done, and instead -of looking into all the departments and animating each as a Prime -Minister should do, he kept aloof and did nothing, and constantly raised -objections to various matters of detail. In the Cabinet he takes hardly -any part, and when differences of opinion arise he makes no effort to -reconcile them, as it is his business to do. In short, though a very -good and honourable man, he is eminently unfitted for his post, and in -fact he feels this himself, has no wish to retain it, but the contrary, -and only does so because he knows the whole machine would fall to pieces -if he were to resign. John Russell Clarendon thinks a necessity as -leader of the House of Commons, but he is disgusted with his perpetual -discontent and the bad influence exercised over him by his confidants, -and he thinks he has not acted a generous part towards Aberdeen in -suffering him to be attacked and vilified as he has been by his (John's) -followers and adherents, who endeavour to make a distinction between him -and Aberdeen, which is equally unconstitutional on principle and false -in fact. The same thing applies to Palmerston, and they have neither of -them stood forward as they ought to have done in Aberdeen's defence, -and claimed a joint responsibility with him in every act of the -Government. We talked over what could possibly be done if Aberdeen did -retire, and I suggested that he (Clarendon) might take his place, and -that the rest would be more willing to accept him for the head of the -Government than any other man. He expressed the greatest disinclination -to this idea, to which he never could consent, but owned his present -office was extremely agreeable to him and deeply interesting. -Nevertheless, I do not think, if the case occurred and the place was -offered to him _consensu omnium_, that his scruples would be -insurmountable. - -So certain are they of taking Sebastopol that they have already begun to -discuss what they shall do with it when they have got it. Palmerston -wrote Clarendon a long letter setting forth the various alternatives, -and expressing his own opinion that the Crimea should be restored to the -Turks. Clarendon is dead against this, and so, he told me, is Stratford. -At Boulogne the Emperor and Newcastle agreed that the best course will -be to occupy the Crimea and garrison Sebastopol with a large force of -English and French, and hold it _en dépôt_ till they can settle -something definitive; and Clarendon leans to this arrangement, which -will at least be a gain of time. - - - VISIT OF PRINCE ALBERT TO FRANCE. - -_London, September 19th._--At The Grove again last week, where as usual -I heard a great deal of miscellaneous matters from Clarendon and read a -great many despatches from different people. I asked him what the Prince -had told him of his visit to Boulogne, and what his opinion was of the -Emperor. He said the Prince had talked to him a great deal about it all -at Osborne, and this is the substance of what he said as far as I -recollect it: The Prince was very well satisfied with his reception; the -Emperor took him in his carriage _tête à tête_ to the great review, so -that they conversed together long and without interruption or witnesses. -The Emperor seems to have talked to the Prince with more _abandon_ and -unreserve than is usual to him. The Prince was exceedingly struck with -his extreme apathy and languor (which corresponds with what Thiers told -me of him) and with his ignorance of a variety of matters which it -peculiarly behoved him to know. He asked the Prince a great many -questions about the English Constitution and its working, relating to -which the Prince gave him ample and detailed explanation, and Clarendon -said that all that he repeated as being said to the Emperor was as good, -sound, and correct as it possibly could be. The Emperor said that he -felt all the difficulties of his own position, and enlarged upon them -with great freedom, particularly adverting, as one of them, to the -absence of any aristocracy in France. The Prince, in reply to this, -seems to have given him very judicious advice; for he told him that any -attempt to _create_ an aristocracy in France resembling that of England -must be a failure, the conditions and antecedents of the two countries -being so totally dissimilar; that he might confer titles and -distinctions to any amount, and so surround himself with adherents whom -he had obliged, but that he had better confine himself to that and not -attempt to do more. When they parted, the Emperor said he hoped it would -not be the last time he should have the pleasure of seeing His Royal -Highness, to which the Prince replied that he hoped not, and that he was -charged by the Queen to express her hope that he would pay her a visit -at Windsor, and give her an opportunity of making the Empress's -acquaintance, to which the Emperor responded 'he should be very glad to -see the Queen at Paris.' This _insouciant_ reception of an invitation -which a few months before he would have jumped at is very unaccountable, -but it meant something, for it was evidently a _mot d'ordre_, because -when the Prince took leave of Marshal Vaillant, he said he hoped he -would accompany the Emperor to Windsor, where, though they could show no -such military spectacle as the Emperor had shown him, they would do what -they could, to which Vaillant replied, 'We hope to see Her Majesty the -Queen and Your Royal Highness at Paris.' There seems no disposition at -present to give him the Garter which is supposed to be the object of his -ambition, and which Walewski is always suggesting. - -Clarendon is extremely disgusted at the conduct of Austria and her -declaration of neutrality, and he said that the complaints of the doings -of the Austrians in the Principalities were not without foundation. -Drouyn de Lhuys spoke very openly to Hübner on the subject, and pitched -into the Austrian Government without stint or reserve, and Cowley sent a -despatch in which all he said was detailed, with the addition that it -was Drouyn de Lhuys' intention to embody it in a formal despatch to -Bourqueney to be communicated to the Austrian Government. - - - LANDING IN THE CRIMEA. - -_September 22nd._--The army has landed in the Crimea without opposition. -It is difficult to conceive that the Russians should have been so -utterly wanting in spirit, and so afraid to risk anything, as to let the -landing take place without an attempt either by land or sea to obstruct -it. They have a great fleet lying idle at Sebastopol, and though, if it -had come out, its defeat and perhaps destruction would have been -certain, it would have been better to perish thus, _vitam in vulnere -ponens_, and inflicting damage on its enemy as it certainly might have -done, than to remain ingloriously in harbour and wait to be taken or -destroyed, as it infallibly will be when the town itself shall fall. -Great indignation is expressed at the prospect of Napier's returning -from the Baltic without making any attempt on Cronstadt, or to perform -any exploit beyond the Bomarsund affair. He is detested by his officers, -and they one and all complain that he has been so little adventurous, -and maintain that more might have been done. The justness and -correctness of this, time will show. - - -_October 2nd._--At The Grove on Saturday, where I generally pick up some -scraps of information from Clarendon on one subject or another. On -Saturday came the news that Sebastopol had been taken, which we did not -believe a word of, but after dinner the same evening we got the -telegraphic account of the victory gained on the 20th on the heights -above the Alma, and yesterday Raglan's telegraphic despatch was -published. It is nervous work for those who have relations and friends -in the army to hear of a 'desperate battle' and severe loss, and to -have to wait so many days for the details and casualties. The affair -does not seem, so far as we can conjecture, to have been very decisive, -when only two guns and a few prisoners were taken. If it had depended on -St. Arnaud, the expedition would have put back even after it had sailed; -while actually at sea, St. Arnaud, who stated himself to be ill and -unable to move, summoned a council of war on board the 'Ville de Paris.' -The weather was so rough that it was determined that it would not be -safe for Raglan to go, as with his one arm he could not get on board; so -Dundas went, and General Brown, and some other officers deputed by -Raglan to represent himself, together with the French Admiral. A -discussion took place which lasted several hours. St. Arnaud strongly -urged that the expedition should be put off till the spring, and he -objected to all that was proposed as to the place of landing--in short, -threw every obstacle he could in the way of the whole thing. Dundas and -all the English officers vehemently protested against any delay and -change of plan, and represented the intolerable shame and disgrace of -putting back after having actually embarked, and their opposition to the -French general's proposal was so vehement that he ended by giving way, -rose from his sick bed, and consented to go on. He declared that he only -agreed to the place proposed for landing in consequence of the urgent -representations of his allies, and this he wrote home to his own -Government. He is a very incapable, unfit man, and Clarendon told me -that his own army recognised the great superiority of Raglan to him, and -that the French were all delighted with the latter. - - THE INVITATION TO WINDSOR. - -It seems that there was some misunderstanding as to the invitation given -by the Prince to the Emperor at Boulogne, and the latter gives a very -different account of what passed from that given by the Prince. The -Emperor says that when he took leave of the Prince, he said, 'I have not -been able to give you such a reception as I could have wished, but you -see I am only occupying an hotel; if you will come to Paris, where I -should be delighted to receive the Queen, I could give her and yourself -a more fitting reception;' and then, he says, the Prince invited him to -Windsor, which he only seems to have taken as a civility unavoidable -under the circumstances. It is impossible to say which account is the -true one, but I rather believe that of the Emperor to be correct. -Clarendon wrote this to the Queen, whose answer I saw; she said the -intention was to make the invitation something between a cordial -invitation and a mere civility, which the Emperor might avail himself of -or not, according to his convenience. However, Her Majesty says she -thinks the matter stands very well as it is, and she desires it may be -notified to the Emperor that the most convenient time for his visit, if -he comes, will be the middle of November. - -The Duke of Cambridge and Prince Napoleon have both been strongly -opposed to the Crimean expedition; the latter, they say, does nothing -but cry, and is probably a poor creature and a poltroon. I am surprised -the Duke should be so backward; however, I hope to hear he has done his -duty in the field. The clamour against Dundas in the fleet is -prodigious, and the desire for his recall universal, but he will stay -out his time now, which will be up in December. It is the same thing -against Napier in the Baltic; he will come away as soon as the ice sets -in, and next year Lyons will be sent in his place, as the war will then -be principally carried on in the north. - -I think a storm will before long threaten the Government from the -quarter of John Russell, who has been for some time at Minto. He wrote -to Clarendon the other day, and alluded to the necessity of having an -autumn session, to which Clarendon replied that he was not so fond of -Parliament as Lord John was, and deprecated very much any such measure. -To this Lord John sent as odious and cantankerous an answer as I ever -read, and one singularly illustrative of his character. He said that he -was not fonder of Parliament than other people, and his own position in -the House of Commons had not been such as to make him the more so, and -that it had been rendered more disagreeable by the fact of the two -morning papers which professed to support the Government being always -personally hostile to him; but, he went on, if we were fortunate enough -to obtain a complete success in the Crimea, he did not see why he should -not be at liberty to retire from this, which he thought the very worst -government he had ever known. Of course, if there was any failure, he -must remain to bear his share of the responsibility of it. Clarendon was -immensely disgusted, but wrote back a very temperate answer. He said -that it was equally difficult to go on with him and without him, for the -Whigs, though often very angry with him, would follow him and would not -follow anybody else. He thinks, however, that he is in a state of mind -to create all sorts of embarrassments, and particularly that he will -propose to bring forward his Reform Bill again, the consequences of -which nobody can foresee. He says Palmerston has behaved much better, -for though he might complain, having been disappointed in certain -objects he had (such as being War Minister), he has made no -difficulties, and been very friendly. Clarendon confirmed what I had -heard, that Aberdeen is in a state of great dejection and annoyance at -the constant and virulent attacks on him in the press; his mind is -dejected by the illness of his son, whom he never expects to see again, -and this renders him sensitive and fretful, and he is weak enough to -read all that is written against him instead of treating it with -indifference and avoiding to look at the papers whose columns are day -after day full of outrageous and random abuse. - - -_October 8th._--The whole of last week the newspapers without exception -(but the 'Morning Chronicle' particularly), with the 'Times' at their -head, proclaimed the fall of Sebastopol in flaming and triumphant -articles and with colossal type, together with divers victories and all -sorts of details, all which were trumpeted over the town and circulated -through the country. I never believed one word of it, and entreated -Delane to be less positive and more cautious, but he would not hear of -it, and the whole world swallowed the news and believed it. Very soon -came the truth, and it was shown that the reports were all false. -Anybody who was not run away with by an exaggerated enthusiasm might -have seen the probability that reports resting on no good authority -would probably turn out untrue, but the press took them all for gospel, -and every fool follows the press. When the bubble burst, the rage and -fury of the deluded and deluding journals knew no bounds, and the -'Times' was especially sulky and spiteful. In consequence of a trifling -error in a telegraphic despatch they fell on the Foreign Office and its -clerks with the coarsest abuse, much to the disgust of Clarendon. - - -_October 20th._--At Newmarket all last week; very successful on paper, -but won very little money. I am every day more confirmed in my -resolution to get rid of my racehorses, but shall do it gradually and as -opportunities occur, and then confine myself to breeding. The two -objects I now have in view are this, and to get out of my office. I want -to be independent, and be able to go where and do what I like for the -short remainder of my life. I am aware that 'man never is, but always to -be blest,' and therefore when I have shaken off racing and office I may -possibly regret both; but my mind is bent on the experiment, and I fancy -I can amuse myself with locomotion, fresh scenes, and dabbling in -literature _selon mes petits moyens_. Of politics I am heartily sick, -and can take but little interest in either governments or the -individuals who compose them; with the exception of Clarendon I am on -intimate and confidential terms with no one. - - BATTLE OF THE ALMA. - -Ever since the news came of the battle of the Alma, the country has been -in a fever of excitement, and the newspapers have teemed with letters -and descriptions of the events that occurred. Raglan has gained great -credit, and his march on Balaklava is considered a very able and -judicious operation. Although they do not utter a word of complaint, and -are by way of being fully satisfied with our allies the French, the -truth is that the English think they did very little for the success of -the day, and Burghersh told some one that their not pressing on was the -cause (and not the want of cavalry) why the Russian guns were not taken. -The French, nevertheless, have been well disposed to take the credit of -the victory to themselves. - -Burghersh tells two characteristic anecdotes of Raglan. He was extremely -put out at the acclamations of the soldiers when he appeared amongst -them after the battle, and said to his staff as he rode along the line, -in a melancholy tone, 'I was sure this would happen.' He is a very -modest man, and it is not in his nature any more than it was in that of -the Duke of Wellington to make himself popular with the soldiers in the -way Napoleon used to do, and who was consequently adored by them. The -other story is that there were two French officers attached to -headquarters, very good fellows, and that the staff were constantly -embarrassed by the inveterate habit Raglan had of calling the enemy 'the -French.' He could not forget his old Peninsular habits. - -In this war the Russians have hitherto exhibited a great inferiority in -their conduct to that which they displayed in their campaigns from 1807 -to 1812, when they fought the battles of Eylau and Borodino against -Napoleon. The position of Alma must have been much stronger than that of -Borodino, and yet how much more stoutly the latter was defended than the -former. Then their having allowed the allies to land without molestation -is inconceivable, and there is no doubt that they might have attacked -Raglan with great effect as he emerged from the wood on his march to -Balaklava, but all these opportunities they entirely neglected. I -expect, however, that they will make a vigorous defence at Sebastopol, -and that the place will not be taken without a bloody struggle and great -loss of life. - - RUSSIAN TRADE. - -Within the last few days a very important question has arisen, the -decision of which is a very difficult matter. It has been found that the -commerce of Russia has not been materially diminished, as their great -staples (hemp, &c.) have passed regularly through the Prussian ports, -being brought there by land, and it is now desired to devise some means -of putting an end to this exportation. Clarendon has written to Reeve -about it, and Granville has obtained returns of the amount of hemp and -linseed imported from Russia in past years and in the present, from -which it appears that though there is a diminution it is not a very -considerable one. The effect produced is only the inevitable consequence -of the policy that was adopted deliberately and after great -consideration at the beginning of the war; and how that policy is to be -adhered to, and the consequences complained of prevented, is the problem -to be solved. A blockade of the Prussian ports in the Baltic has been -suggested--a measure, as it seems to me, very questionable in point of -right and political morality, and certain to be attended by the most -momentous consequences. Such a measure may not be without precedent, or -something resembling precedent; but no Power with anything like -self-respect or pride could tamely submit to such an outrage and such an -insult, and as it would certainly afford a _casus belli_, Prussia could -hardly, without abandoning all claim to be considered a great Power, -abstain from declaring war _instanter_; and, whatever may be the -sentiments of the Prussian nation and of the Germans generally with -regard to Russia, it is by no means unlikely that such an arbitrary and -imperious proceeding would enlist the sympathies and the passions of all -Germans without exception in opposition to us, and to France if she -became a party to it. - - -_Newmarket._--Granville told me on Saturday morning that he was much -alarmed at the disposition evinced by John Russell, and he expects an -explosion sooner or later. - - -_London, October 30th._--I returned last night and found a meeting of -the Committee of Council settled for to-day, to consider the question of -stopping Russian trade. Wilson has drawn up a paper in which he -discusses the various modes of accomplishing this object, and recommends -that the Queen should forbid all trade with Russia, and prohibit the -importation of Russian produce, and require certificates of origin for -tallow, hemp, &c. John Russell writes word that he cannot attend the -meeting, but is ready, though reluctant, to vote for Wilson's proposal. -Granville and Cardwell are both dead against it, after a discussion at -the Council Office at which the majority were against the proposal. - - -_November 4th._--At The Grove from Wednesday to Saturday; the Walewskis, -Lavradios, Granvilles, Azeglio, and Panizzi were there, a pleasant party -enough. Walewski told me a curious thing which he said he knew to be -true. We were talking of Nesselrode, and I asked if he knew what his -present position was with his Emperor. He said he had been out of -favour, but latterly had resumed all his influence and was very well at -Court; that although in the beginning of the quarrel he had done his -best to moderate the Emperor and to preserve peace, it was nevertheless -true that he was perhaps the immediate cause of the war, which had -turned upon the acceptance or refusal of the Turkish modifications of -the Vienna Note; that when they arrived the Emperor was inclined to -accept them, and that Nesselrode dissuaded him from doing so, advising -him to adhere to the unaltered Note, not to listen to the modifications, -and insisting that, if he did so, the allies would compel the Turks to -waive their demands and to accept the Note in its original shape. -Walewski also said that the Emperor was exceedingly incensed when the -fatal circular, which made the Vienna Note an impossibility, was -published. He said it was never intended for publication, and he found -great fault with the document itself, insisted on knowing by whom it had -been composed, and ordered the author to be brought before him. The man -(whose name I forget) was not to be found, and events which pressed on -drove it out of His Majesty's mind. - -In the 'Times' of yesterday appeared a very able letter of Bright's with -his view of the war, and the faults committed by our Government in -respect to it, which letter as nearly as possible expresses my own -opinion on the subject. I have never agreed with those who fancy that by -mere bluster we might have averted the war, but I think by more firmness -towards not only Russia but towards Turkey, and still more towards the -press and the public excitement here, together with a judicious -employment of the resources of diplomacy, we might have prevented it. -However, we are in for it, and I not only see no chance of getting soon -out of it, but I do not feel the same confidence that everybody else -does, that we are certain to carry it to a successful end. - - - SEBASTOPOL BESIEGED. - -_London, November 13th._--At Worsley all last week; nothing was thought -of but the war, its events and vicissitudes. The tardiness of -intelligence and the perplexity and agitation caused by vague reports -and telegraphic messages drive everybody mad; from excessive confidence, -the public, always nose-led by the newspapers, is fallen into a state of -alarm and discouragement. There is no end to the mischief which the -newspapers and their correspondents have done, are doing, and no doubt -will continue to do. There does not seem at this moment more reason to -doubt that we shall take Sebastopol than there ever was, but the -obstinate defence of the Russians indicates that its capture will not be -effected without a tremendous struggle and great sacrifice of life. On -the other hand, the Russians, instead of despairing of being able to -hold the place, are full of confidence that they will be able to -protract their defence, till our losses, and still more the weather, -will compel us to raise the siege, and then they expect to compel us to -abandon the Crimea altogether, and to make our re-embarkation a -dangerous and disastrous operation. It is to be hoped that such a -calamitous result is not in store for us, but there is no disguising -from ourselves that we have got a much tougher and more difficult job on -our hands than we ever contemplated, and that our success is by no means -such a certainty as we have all along flattered ourselves that it would -be; for supposing we succeed in entering the place by storm, our work -will then be not nearly done. Sebastopol is not invested, and when the -Russian garrison finds itself no longer able to hold the place, there is -nothing to prevent its evacuating it on the other side and effecting a -junction with the main Russian army. We shall then have to reduce the -forts on the northern side, to put the place in a state of defence, and -commence a fresh campaign against Menschikoff in the centre of the -Crimea. All this presents an endless succession of difficulties, -demanding large supplies and resources of all sorts which it will be no -easy matter to afford. We are now talking of sending every soldier we -possess to the scene of action, and expending our military resources to -the last drop, leaving everything else at home and abroad to take care -of itself, a course which nothing but an extreme necessity can justify, -while at the same time it cannot be denied that having gone so far we -cannot stop halfway, and having committed so large a part of our gallant -army in this unequal contest, we are bound to make the greatest -exertions and sacrifices to prevent their being overwhelmed by any -serious disaster. But this very necessity only affords fresh ground for -condemning the rashness with which we plunged into such a war and -exposed ourselves to such enormous dangers, and incurred such large -sacrifices for so inadequate an object. - -It is not very easy to ascertain what the feeling is in Russia about the -war, but there is reason to believe that the nobles are getting very -sick of it, and are very discontented with the Emperor, not so much for -having engaged in it as for the manner in which it has been carried on. -At St. Petersburg there prevails an intense hostility to us, and great -wrath against Austria, and instead of yielding, or any thought of it, -the notion is that they mean to redouble their efforts next year, and -bring into the field far greater forces than they have yet done. I -perceive that the question of the disposal of the Crimea (when we get -it) is still undecided. Some fancy that we ought to hold it, as a great -advantage to have the power of offering it back to Russia when the -question of peace arises. I am more inclined to the other view, of -destroying the place, and if possible the harbour, and, after carrying -off or destroying all the ships, to abandon the peninsula and leave the -Russians to reoccupy it if they please. This would be very consistent -with the object with which the war was professedly undertaken, and the -Crimea, without Sebastopol and without a fleet, would be no longer -formidable to Turkey for many a year to come; but no doubt there would -be difficulty in this as in any arrangement, and much difference of -opinion, not unlikely to produce dissension, amongst our allies and -ourselves. There is good reason to believe that our late naval attack on -the forts was a blunder, and that it did no good whatever. If Lyons had -been in command, he probably would have declined to make it, and he -could have ventured to exercise his own discretion, which Dundas could -not. Then it was very badly arranged, and this was the fault of the -French Admiral, who at the last moment insisted on altering the plan of -attack, and (contrary to the advice of all his officers) Dundas gave way -to him. In this, however, it is not fair to blame the English Admiral, -who may have acted wisely; for his position was delicate and difficult, -and he had to consider the alliance of the countries and the harmonious -action of the two fleets, as well as the particular operation. - - - BALAKLAVA. - -_November 14th._--Yesterday morning we received telegraphic news of -another battle, from which we may expect a long list of killed and -wounded. The affair of the 25th, in which our light cavalry was cut to -pieces, seems to have been the result of mismanagement in some quarter, -and the blame must attach either to Lucan, Cardigan, Captain Nolan who -was killed, or to Raglan himself. Perhaps nobody is really to blame, -but, if any one be, my own impression is that it is Raglan. He _wrote_ -the order, and it was his business to make it so clear that it could not -be mistaken, and to give it conditionally, or with such discretionary -powers as should prevent its being vigorously enforced under -circumstances which he could not foresee, or of which he might have no -cognisance. - -It is evidently the plan of the Russians to wear out the allied armies -by incessant attacks and a prolonged defence, sacrificing enormous -numbers of men which they can afford, but considering that they gain on -the whole by the disproportionate, but still considerable, losses they -inflict upon us. It is quite on the cards, if they can keep up the -spirit of their men, who show great bravery though they cannot stand -against our's, that they may _cunctando restituere rem_, and compel us -at last to raise the siege, and at St. Petersburg they are very -confident of this result. Here, though people are no longer so confident -and elated as they were, no human being doubts of our ultimately taking -the town. - -Yesterday we had rather an amusing scene in the Court of Exchequer at -the nomination of sheriffs, which does not often supply anything lively. -The Head of Caius College, Cambridge, and this year Vice-Chancellor, -was on the list, and Judge Alderson vehemently protested against his -remaining there. A long discussion ensued, in which almost everybody -took part, whether his name should be kept on or not, and if he should -be struck off the roll. At last Alderson moved he should be struck off, -to which somebody moved as an amendment (a course I suggested) that he -should be omitted, but not struck off. It was to be put to the vote, -when I asked if Alderson himself could vote, whether it was not a -meeting of the Privy Council, at which the judges _attended_ to give in -names for sheriffs, and that Privy Councillors only could vote as to the -choice of them. Alderson vehemently denied this view, and asserted that -it was no meeting of the Privy Council, the proof of which was that the -Chancellor of the Exchequer took precedence of the Lord President, and -that the puisne judges had a right to vote. They then desired to see the -Act of Richard II., which the Chancellor examined and read out, and -afterwards he gave it as his opinion that the judges could vote, and -this opinion was acquiesced in by the rest. Ultimately they all agreed, -Alderson included, to accept the course I had proposed, and the Doctor's -name was omitted from the list, but not struck off the roll. - - -_November 15th._--The Duke of Bedford tells me that Lord John is in a -better frame of mind than was apprehended not long ago, by no means -satisfied with his own situation, and complaining of much that -appertains to the Government, but conscious that his position cannot be -altered at present, and not at all disposed by any captious conduct to -break up or endanger the Government itself. With regard to Reform he is -extremely reasonable, feeling the difficulty of his own antecedents in -regard to the question; he is ready to conform himself to the -necessities of the case, and does not think of urging anything -unreasonable and impracticable. He is naturally enough very anxious that -the Government should manage their affairs in Parliament better this -year than last, and not expose themselves to so many defeats and the -mortification of having their measures rejected or spoilt, and his -notion seems to be that they should introduce and announce fewer -measures, only such as are urgent and generally desired, and such as -they may reasonably expect to carry, and, having taken that course, to -stand or fall by them; this is the wisest and most becoming course, and -I hope it will be adhered to and succeed. Its success depends very much -on Lord John's own conduct, and the way in which he treats the Whig and -Liberal party. I hear nothing of the intentions and expectations of the -Opposition, but Lyndhurst tells me he considers them extinct as a party -and in no condition to get into power. He spoke very disparagingly of -Disraeli, and said his want of character was fatal to him, and weighed -down all his cleverness. - - - BATTLE OF INKERMAN. - -_November 16th._--A telegraphic despatch arrived from Raglan with -account of the battle of the 5th,[1] from which we learn only that we -were entirely successful in repulsing the Russian attack, but that our -loss was very great. Another long interval of suspense to be succeeded -by woe and mourning; but besides the private misery we have to witness, -the aggregate of the news fills me with the most dismal forebodings. -Raglan says the Russian force was even greater than at Alma, and vastly -superior to his own. Menschikoff says that he is assembling all his -forces, and preparing to take the offensive, that their numbers are very -superior, and he confidently announces that he shall wear us out, and -that our army _cannot escape him_. I do not see how the siege is to be -continued by an army itself besieged by a superior force and placed -between two fires. The reinforcements cannot possibly arrive in time, -and even if they were all there now, they would not be sufficient to -redress the balance. I dread some great disaster which would be besides -a great disgrace. Whether every exertion possible has been made here to -reinforce Raglan, or whether anything more could have been done, I -cannot pretend to say; but if matters turn out ill there will be a fine -clamour, and principally from those rash and impatient idiots who were -so full of misplaced confidence, and who insisted on precipitating our -armies on the Crimea, and on any and every part of the Russian -territory, without knowing anything of the adequacy of our means for -such a contest. To overrate the strength and power of the allies, and to -underrate that of Russia on her own territory, has been the fault and -folly of the English public, and if they find themselves deceived in -their calculations and disappointed in their expectations, their rage -and fury will know no bounds, and be lavished on everybody but -themselves. In the height of arrogance few exceptions were found to -those who imagined it would be quite easy to crumple up Russia, and -reduce her to accept such terms as we might choose to impose upon her. -All the examples which history furnishes were disregarded, and a general -belief prevailed that Russia would be unable to oppose any effectual or -prolonged resistance to our forces combined. When the successes of the -Turks at the beginning of the war became known, this confidence not -unnaturally became confirmed, and boundless was the contempt with which -the Russians were treated; and the bare idea of granting peace to the -Emperor except on the most ruinous and humiliating terms was scouted. We -now see what sort of a fight the Russians can make; and though the -superhuman valour and conduct of our troops still inspire confidence and -forbid despair, it is evident that we have rashly embarked in a contest -which from the nature of it must be an unequal one, and that we are -placed in a position of enormous difficulty and danger. - -[Footnote 1: The battle of Inkerman was fought on November 5.] - - -_November 23rd._--Last week at Savernake and at The Grange; came back on -Tuesday; and yesterday morning arrived the despatches with an account of -the furious battle of Inkerman, in which, according to Raglan's account, -8,000 English and 6,000 French resisted the attack of 60,000 Russians, -and eventually defeated and drove them back with enormous loss, our own -loss being very great. The accounts of Raglan and Canrobert do not quite -agree as to the numbers engaged, but, admitting that there may be some -exaggeration in the estimate of the numbers of the Russians and of their -loss, it still remains one of the most wonderful feats of arms that was -ever displayed; and, gallantly as our troops have always behaved, it -may be doubted if they ever evinced such constancy and heroism as on -this occasion--certainly never greater. My brother lost his youngest and -favourite son in this battle--a boy of 18, who had only landed in the -Crimea a few weeks before, and who was in a great battle for the first -and last time. This is only one of innumerable instances of the same -kind, and half England is in mourning. It is dreadful to see the misery -and grief in which so many are already plunged, and the universal terror -and agitation which beset all who have relations engaged in the war. But -the nation is not only as warlike as ever, but if possible more full of -ardour and enthusiasm, and thinking of nothing but the most lavish -expenditure of men and money to carry on the war; the blood that has -been shed appears only to animate the people, and to urge them to fresh -exertions. This is so far natural that I, hating the war, feel as -strongly as anybody that, now we are in it, and our soldiers placed in -great jeopardy and peril, it is indispensable to make every possible -exertion to relieve them; and I am therefore anxious for ample -reinforcements being sent out to them, that they may not be crushed by -overwhelming force. - - MILITARY CRITICISMS. - -In reading the various and innumerable narratives of the battle, and the -comments of the 'correspondents,' it is impossible to avoid coming to -some conclusions which may nevertheless be erroneous; and I have always -thought that people who are totally ignorant of military matters, and -who are living at ease at home, should not venture to criticise -operations of which they can be no judges, and the conduct of men who -cannot explain that conduct, and who are nobly doing their duty -according to their own judgement, which is more likely to be right than -any opinions we can form. With this admission of fallibility, it still -strikes me that there was a lack of military genius and foresight in the -recent operations. It is asserted that our position was open and -undefended, that General Evans had recommended that precautions should -be taken and defences thrown up, all of which was neglected, and nothing -done, and hence the sad slaughter which took place. This was Raglan's -fault, if any fault there really was. It is admitted that no tactical -skill was or could be displayed, and the battle was won by sheer courage -and firmness. Then Cathcart seems to have made a false and very rash -move which cost his own life and 500 men besides. These are melancholy -reflexions, and the facts prove that we have no Wellingtons in our army -now. - - -_November 26th._--Government have determined to call Parliament together -on the 12th of December, though it stands prorogued to the 14th. This is -done under the authority of an Act, 37th George III. ch. 120. In the -present state of affairs they are quite right, and it is better for them -to have fair Parliamentary discussion than clamour and the diatribes of -the press out of doors. The 'Times,' as usual, has been thundering away -about reinforcements, and urging the despatch of troops that do not -exist and cannot be created in a moment. I had a great battle with -Delane the other day about it, and asked why he did not appeal to the -French Government, who have boundless military resources, instead of to -our's who have none at all, and accordingly yesterday there was a very -strong article entirely about French reinforcements. - - ADMINISTRATIVE BLUNDERS. - -In the course of our talk he did, I must confess, make some strong -charges against the Government, and particularly Newcastle. He -complained that after the expedition was sent to the Crimea they -remained idle, and made no attempt to form an army of reserve or to send -continual reinforcements to supply the casualties which everybody knew -must occur, and this is true. Again, when he returned from the East[1] -he went to Newcastle and urged him to make an immediate provision of -wooden houses against the winter, which would in all probability be -required, and he suggested that this should be done at Constantinople, -where, all the houses being built of wood and the carpenters very -skilful, it might easily be done at a comparatively small expense, and -whence the conveyance was expeditious and cheap. His advice was not -taken; nothing was done, and now that the winter is come, and the -troops are already exposed to dreadful suffering and privation, the work -is begun here, where it will cost four times as much and, when done, -will require an enormous time to convey the houses to the Crimea, -besides taking up the space that is urgently required for other -purposes. I was obliged to confess that this was inexcusable negligence -and blundering, and I repeated what had passed to Granville last night, -who could make no defence, and only said that Newcastle, with many -merits, had the fault of wishing to do everything himself, and therefore -much was not done at all; and that the fact was, nobody ever imagined we -should be reduced to such straits, and there was a universal belief that -all would have been over in the Crimea before this, and that such things -would not be required. I am afraid Newcastle, who is totally ignorant of -military affairs of every sort, is not equal to his post, and hence the -various deficiencies; nor is Sidney Herbert much better--very well both -of them in ordinary times, but without the ability or the resource -necessary to deal with such an emergency as the present. - -I saw a letter yesterday from Charles Windham, a Q.-M.-General on poor -Cathcart's staff, with an account of the battle, and he says that if, -directly after the march on Balaklava, Sebastopol had been assaulted, it -must have been taken. This corresponds with the reports of Russian -deserters, who declare that there were only 2,000 men in the place after -the battle of Alma. There is always so much difference of opinion and -fault finding in such affairs that it is not easy to come to a sound -conclusion thereupon. - -[Footnote 1: Mr. Delane had gone to the theatre of war in the autumn, -and was there with Mr. Kinglake, the brilliant historian of the Crimean -War.] - - -_November 29th._--My surviving nephew arrived from the Crimea yesterday -morning. He gave me an account of the battle, and denies that General -Cathcart ever refused, or was ever offered, the aid of General Bosquet, -as has been stated. He says that Cathcart was not in command, and it was -not therefore to him that the offer would have been made, and that -Cathcart did not go into action till he was sent for by General -Pennefather, when he got his Division out, and went on the field. He was -killed quite early, about twenty minutes after he reached the field of -battle. My nephew confirms what has been said about the -non-fortification of the position, which seems to have been an enormous -blunder, against which most of the Generals of Division remonstrated. He -says Cathcart was opposed to the expedition to the Crimea, not thinking -they were strong enough, and he strongly advised, and in opposition to -Raglan, that the place should be attacked immediately after the battle -of Alma, while the Russians were still panic struck, and before they had -time to fortify the town on the south side. He says he left the army in -good health and spirits, but not expecting to take Sebastopol this year. -Their sufferings had not been very great, though it was a hard -life--plenty to eat, but mostly salt meat. He thinks, though the French -behaved very gallantly and their arrival saved the army, that they might -have done more than they did; and a body of them that came late on the -field actually never stirred and did nothing whatever. - -In the evening I met Clarendon at the Travellers', and had a long talk -with him about all sorts of things. He has been much disturbed at the -'Times,' especially as to two things--its violent abuse of Austria and -its insertion of a letter from the Crimea, reflecting severely on Prince -Napoleon. With regard to Austria it is peculiarly annoying, because we -are now on the point of concluding a tripartite Treaty which is actually -on its way to Vienna, and in a day or two it will be decided whether she -signs it or not; and nothing is more calculated to make her hang back -than such articles in the 'Times.' Then as to Prince Napoleon, it has -annoyed the Emperor and all his family beyond expression, and to such a -degree that Drouyn de Lhuys has written an official letter to Walewski -about it--a very proper and reasonable letter, but still expressing -their vexation, and entreating that such attacks may, if possible, be -prevented for the future. - -We talked over Lord Raglan and his capacity for command, and we both -agreed that he had given no proofs of his fitness for so mighty a task. -Clarendon said he was struck with the badness of his private letters, -as he had been from the beginning by those from Varna, showing that he -had evidently not a spark of imagination and no originality. We both -agreed that it would never do to hint a doubt about his merits or -capacity, and at all events that he is probably equal to anybody likely -to be opposed to him. His personal bravery is conspicuous, and he -exposes himself more than he ought. It is said that one of his -aides-de-camp remonstrated with him and received a severe rebuff, Raglan -telling him to mind his own business, and if he did not like the fire to -go to the rear. Clarendon says there is no chance of taking Sebastopol -this year, nor of taking it at all till we have an army strong enough to -drive the Russians out of the Crimea. For this, 150,000 men would be -required to make it a certainty; but with this force, no Russian army, -however numerous, could resist the allies, and then the place would -fall. This is a distant prospect. I expressed my wonder at the Russians -being able to obtain supplies, and he said they got them from the Don -and from Kertch. - - - SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY. - -_December 5th._--I was at Middleton on Saturday and returned yesterday. -There I saw a letter from Stafford, who is at Constantinople tending the -sick and wounded, writing for and reading to them, and doing all the -good he can--a very wise and benevolent way of re-establishing his -reputation and making his misdeeds at the Admiralty forgotten.[1] He -says he had heard so much of the sufferings and privations of the -soldiers, and of the bad state of the hospitals, that he resolved to go -there and judge for himself of the truth of all that had been written -and asserted on the subject; that he did so, and found the very worst -accounts exceeded by the reality, and that nothing could be more -frightful and appalling than it all was. It had greatly improved, but -still was bad enough. The accounts published in the 'Times,' therefore, -turn out to be true, and all the aid that private charity could supply -was no more than was needed. I believe there has been no lack of zeal -and humanity here, but a great deal of ignorance and inexperience, and, -above all, culpable negligence on the part of Lord Stratford, who had -_carte blanche_ from the Government as to expense, and who, after having -done his best to plunge us into this war, might at least have given his -time and attention to provide relief for the victims of it; but it seems -that from some fit of ill-temper he has chosen to do nothing, and -evinced nothing but indifference to the war itself and all its incidents -ever since it broke out. This I am assured is the case. His wife has -been very active and humane, and done all she could to assist Miss -Nightingale in her mission of benevolence and charity. But to return to -Stafford's letter. He says that while nothing could exceed the heroism -of our soldiers, the incapacity of their chiefs was equally conspicuous, -and that the troops had no confidence in their leaders; he adds, it is -essential to give them a good general if the war goes on. This, and much -more that I have heard, confirms the previous impression on my mind that -Raglan is destitute of military genius or skill, and quite unequal to -the command of a great army. It does not appear, however, that the enemy -are better off than we are in this respect, and we do not know that in -England a better general would now be found. The man, Stafford says, in -whom the army seem to have the greatest confidence is Sir Colin -Campbell. All this is very serious, and does not tend to inspire a great -expectation of glorious results. From what Clarendon said to me it is -evident that _he_ does not think much of Raglan, but it would never do -to express any doubt of his ability or of his measures in public. Delane -told me yesterday that he had received letters without end in this -sense, and that he entertained the same doubts that I did, but should -take care not to give utterance to them in the 'Times.' This reserve is -the more necessary and even just because, after all, the opinions may -not be well founded; and, as it is impossible to change the command, it -is very desirable not to weaken the authority and self-confidence of -the General by casting doubts upon his conduct of the war. - -[Footnote 1: Mr. Augustus Stafford had been Secretary to the Admiralty -under Lord Derby's first Administration, where he was supposed not to -have done well; but when the accounts arrived of the sufferings and -privations of the army in the dreadful winter of 1854-5, Mr. Stafford -was one of the first persons to go out and endeavour to relieve the -deplorable condition of the troops.] - - -_December 11th._--For the last week the Austrian Treaty has occupied -everybody's thoughts, though, as the exact terms of it are not yet -known, people do not very well know what to expect from it. The great -question that lies behind it is, whether Prussia will follow in the wake -of Austria, and the rest of Germany with her. If all Germany joins the -Allies it seems absolutely impossible that Russia should offer any -effectual resistance to such a combination of forces; and it will then -be to be seen what impression can be made on an Empire which, with many -political deficiencies, nature has made so strong for defensive -purposes, and, if the contest continues, whether the opinions and object -of the Allies will not diverge and ultimately break up the alliance. - - MR. BRIGHT ON THE WAR. - -Bright has published his letter in a penny form (or somebody has done it -for him) with _pièces justificatives_ extracted from the Blue Books and -from other sources, and in my opinion he makes out a capital and -unanswerable case. He does not, indeed, prove, nor attempt to prove, -that the Emperor of Russia is in the right absolutely, but he makes out -that he is in the right as against England and France, and he shows up -the conduct of the Western Powers very successfully. But in the present -temper of the country, and while the war fever is still raging with -undiminished violence, all appeals to truth and reason will be totally -unavailing. Those who entertain such opinions either wholly or in part -do not dare to avow them, and all are hurried along in the vortex. I do -not dare to avow them myself; and even for holding my tongue, and -because I do not join in the senseless clamour which everywhere -resounds, I am called 'a Russian.' The progress of the contest has -changed the nature of public opinion, for now its principal motive is -the deep interest taken in the success of our arms and the safety of the -band of heroes who have been fighting in the Crimea. This is, of course, -right and patriotic, and a feeling which must be common to those who -have been against, and those who have been for the war. - - -_Panshanger, December 14th._--The debates on Tuesday night were on the -whole satisfactory, and not bad for the Government. Derby made a -slashing, effective philippic on the text of 'Too late,' asserting that -the fault of the Government had been that they had done everything too -late. Newcastle answered him, but was dull and feeble, totally unequal -to meet Derby in debate. His case was not bad, but he could not handle -it with effect. Government did better in the Commons, where Sidney -Herbert made a capital speech, and produced a very good case in a very -complete and satisfactory manner. He proved that reinforcements had been -sent out month after month, and that they had never folded their hands -and stood still as Derby charged them with having done. All the rage for -the war which is apparent in the country was manifested in both Houses. -According to present appearances, there will be very little done on the -part of the Opposition against the Government during this short session. - - -_December 17th._--These smooth appearances were deceitful, for the -Government met with an unexpected and violent opposition to their -Foreign Enlistment Bill, and only carried the second reading by a -majority of 12. Ellenborough, puffed up with conceit and soured by -disappointment and the nullity of his position, commenced a furious -attack on this bill in an able speech replete with bitterness and -sarcasm. Derby, too happy to join in any mischief, brought the support -of his party, and a debate ensued, in which, as usual, the speaking of -Ellenborough and Derby gave them the advantage, but the Government got a -majority enough for their purpose. The bill itself is very unpopular, -nobody can tell why, except that all sorts of misrepresentations were -made about it the first night, and people have not yet been undeceived. -I doubt if it was worth while to bring in such a bill, but it is certain -if they had not done so, and immediately, they would have been furiously -reproached by those who oppose them now, and above all accused of being -'too late.' The imprudent speech which John Russell made about Austria -the first night elicited a violent attack on him in the 'Times,' which -is sure to have put him in very bad humour. The speech and the attack -were equally unjustifiable and mischievous. I have no idea why he said -what he did, unless it was for the sake of appearing to fall in with the -vulgar prejudice against Austria. - - - THE FOREIGN ENLISTMENT BILL. - -_December 18th._--The dislike of the Foreign Enlistment Bill is very -general, but nobody can give any reason for their opposition to it.[1] -It is, however, so great that it is not certain that it can be carried -through the House of Commons, and so little is the Government cared for -that I doubt many being found who will incur the resentment of their -constituents or give an unpopular vote to save them. If they should be -beaten, I think they must go out. John Russell is in a bad disposition -of mind, as may be gathered from his _entourage_, who are in rabid -opposition. Lord John, however, will probably do what he can to make -this measure go down, as I find he is himself the author of it; but I -much doubt if he would care for the Government being broken up, and he -is not unlikely to regard such a catastrophe as the event best -calculated to restore him to the post he so much covets. It is certainly -possible that Derby, conscious he could not make a Government himself, -would offer to support the Whig section of this Cabinet with all the -Peelites eliminated from it, and that an attempt might be made to form a -Government with Lord John, Palmerston, and perhaps Ellenborough. -However, all this is vague speculation, and not worth following out. - -[Footnote 1: The object of the Foreign Enlistment Bill was to enable -the Government to enlist 15,000 foreigners in the British army to be -drilled in this country. It was denounced and opposed especially in the -House of Lords as a dangerous and unconstitutional measure, but it -eventually passed, and a considerable number of Germans were enlisted -under it.] - - -_December 20th._--Government got a majority of 39, better than was -expected. Lord John threatened to resign if he was beaten. The debate -will not do them much good when it is read, nor serve to render their -measure more popular. Everybody thinks the whole affair has been grossly -mismanaged, and that, instead of making a mystery of their intentions, -they ought to have thrown out such intimations of them as would have -elicited public opinion; but the truth is, not one of them had the least -suspicion that the measure would meet with any resistance or even -objection, nor would there have been any if Ellenborough had not started -the hare, and then Derby and his party joyfully availed themselves of -the opportunity to do mischief, and joined in the cry. When the bill was -announced, Derby never dreamt of opposing it. The arguments against the -measure seem to me very plausible, except the constitutional one, which -is all stuff, and in which none of those who urge it are sincere; on the -other hand, the former precedents do not apply in this case. The best -argument for it is, that Raglan wants trained men as soon as possible, -and complains that they send nothing but boys, who are of little use at -first, and who die in great numbers under the hardships and privations -the climate and the operations inflict on them. Not only were the -Government totally unconscious of the opposition they should encounter, -but, when they found the steam was getting up, they neglected to enter -into such explanations and make out such a case as might, if well done, -have extinguished dissension in the beginning. All this displays a want -of prudence and foresight, for in a matter of such importance it is not -enough to say that they did not expect any fault to be found with their -proposal, and they ought to have employed some means to see what was -likely to be thought of it before they committed themselves to it. They -ought to have ascertained how it was to be carried into effect, and if -they could count upon its success, and to be able to give Parliament -some assurance of it, instead of saying they had taken no initiative -steps out of affected deference to constitutional scruples, and knew not -how they were to get the men they are asking for. It seems the general -opinion of their own friends that they have mismanaged their case, and -plunged into a difficulty they might have avoided. - - LORD RAGLAN'S DEFICIENCIES. - -The best way of avoiding it would have been to raise a regiment or two -without applying to Parliament at all, mustered and arrayed them at -Malta or at Heligoland, or wherever they pleased out of England, and -sent them off as an experiment to the Crimea. Then, if they had done -good service, and Raglan had expressed his satisfaction and asked for -more, they might have raised any number and landed them here without -cavil or objection; but to have adopted this course they must have seen -the necessity of feeling their way, which not one of them did. The great -complaint now is the want of organisation and good arrangement in the -Crimea and generally at and about the seat of war, the confusion that -has taken place in forwarding and distributing supplies, and the want of -all expedients for facilitating the service in its various branches. -There is much truth in all this, but the responsibility for it rests -upon Raglan, who, if he had been of a prompt and energetic character, -would have looked to these things, seen what was wanting, and have taken -care to provide everything and set the necessary machinery in motion. He -had _carte blanche_ from the Government as to money and everything else, -and, if he had concerted what was necessary with Stratford, and insisted -on his exerting himself, I believe none of the complaints would have -been made, and none of the deficiencies have been found. This is what -the Duke of Wellington would have done, and his despatches are full of -proofs that it is what he was always doing. - - -_December 24th._--The third reading of the Enlistment Bill carried by -38, after a very fine speech from Bright, consisting of a part of his -letter with its illustrations. In my opinion this speech was -unanswerable, and no attempt was made to answer it. He was very severe -on both Lord John and Palmerston. It is impossible that such reasoning -as Bright's should not make _some_ impression in the country; but I do -not think any reasoning however powerful, or any display of facts -however striking, can stem the torrent of public opinion, which still -clamours for war and is so burning with hatred against Russia that no -peace could be deemed satisfactory, or, even tolerable, that did not -humble Russia to the dust and strip her of some considerable territory. -Yesterday the 'Times' ventured on an article against Raglan as the -cause of the disorder and confusion and consequent privations which -prevail in the army. Delane wrote to me about it, and said he was aware -he should be bitterly reviled for speaking these truths. I agree -entirely with what he said, and see no reason why the saddle should not -be put upon the right horse. - - -_The Grove, December 31st_, 1854.--The last day of one of the most -melancholy and disastrous years I ever recollect. Almost everybody is in -mourning, and grief and despair overspread the land. At the beginning of -the year we sent forth an army amidst a tumult of joyous and triumphant -anticipation, and everybody full of confidence and boasting and -expecting to force the Emperor Nicholas in the shortest possible time -humbly to sue for peace, and the only question was, what terms we should -vouchsafe to grant him, and how much of his dominions we should leave -him in possession of. Such presumptuous boasting and confidence have -been signally humbled, and the end of this year sees us deploring the -deaths of friends and relations without number, and our army perishing -before the walls of Sebastopol, which we are unable to take, and, after -bloody victories and prodigies of valour, the Russian power hardly as -yet diminished or impaired. All last week I was at Hatchford with Lord -Grey, when we did nothing but talk over the war, its management and -mismanagement, Raglan, etc. Grey's criticisms are clever and not unfair, -far from favourable to the Government, but detesting Derby, of whom he -has the worst opinion, formed from a very ancient date and upon long -experience of his character and conduct. Grey's idea is that there has -been much mismanagement here and still greater on the spot, and that -Raglan is quite incompetent and, as far as we can see, nobody else any -better. The opinion about Raglan appears to be rapidly gaining ground, -and the Ministers have arrived at the same conclusion. - - THE FRENCH ALLIANCE. - -I came here yesterday to meet Cowley, come over for a few days from -Paris, and to have a talk with him and Clarendon. Cowley says that the -alliance between the two countries is very hollow, and in fact there is -nobody in France really friendly to us except the Emperor, Persigny, -and perhaps Drouyn de Lhuys. The Emperor is bent on pursuing the war -with vigour, and is sensible of the importance to himself of the French -flag being triumphant. I asked him what they thought of our armies and -our generals; he said from the Emperor downwards they had the highest -admiration for the wonderful bravery of the troops, but the greatest -contempt for the military skill of the commanders, and for all our -arrangements and _savoir faire_. He told us the following anecdote as a -proof of the blundering way in which our affairs are conducted. -Newcastle wrote to him lately to beg he would ask the French Government -to give us a model of certain carts their army used in the Crimea, the -like of which our people there had applied to him for. The French -Minister replied that he could give drawings, but had no model; but at -the same time he advised us not to think of having similar ones, as -these carts are so ill adapted for the purpose that they had discarded -them, and had ordered others and better ones to be made, which were now -in course of construction _at Malta_. So that we propose to get these -machines without finding out whether they are suitable or not, while the -French supply themselves with the proper article _in our own territory_. - -I find from Clarendon that he is not only fully alive to Raglan's -inefficiency, but has all along suspected it, and now the Government -seem to have the same conviction; still they can take no step in the -matter, for he has done nothing and omitted nothing so flagrantly as to -call for or justify his recall, and if they were to recall him they do -not know where to look for a better man to replace him. The war has -hitherto failed to elicit any remarkable abilities or special aptitude -for war, except in one instance, that of Captain Butler, the defender of -Silistria, a young man of remarkable promise who, if he had lived, would -probably have done great things and have risen to distinction. - -Canrobert writes to his Government that he hopes soon to attempt the -assault, but the Emperor and M. Vaillant by no means approve of it, and -have sent him orders not actually prohibiting it, but enjoining caution -in such a manner as will most probably effectually deter him from doing -anything. They all think that the capture of the place could only be -achieved (if at all) at a great cost of life, and that the captors could -not hold it for many hours, as they would be pounded from the Northern -forts which entirely command the place. - -We discussed Austria and what she will do when the Russian answer comes -to the last communication of the Conference at Vienna, and what she can -do. Even if she recalls her ambassador from St. Petersburg and declares -war, Cowley thinks she will never cross bayonets with the Russians or -fire a shot unless attacked; and he believes, on what appear good -grounds, that if any fighting takes place between the Austrians and the -Russians, the former will get beaten, and that the Russian army is much -the best of the two. This is the reverse of the general notion, but it -seems that the Austrian officers themselves are of that opinion. It is -no wonder, therefore, that they have no mind to go to war and to -encounter this danger to accommodate us, whom they still cordially hate -on many accounts, but especially for the Haynau affair, which still -rankles in their hearts and in which they think their uniform was -insulted. _À propos_ of this, Clarendon told me that the Queen was -talking to him very lately about this affair, and told him that she had -entreated Palmerston at the time to write some expression of regret to -the Austrian Government, but that nothing would induce him to do it, and -he never did. - - NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE. - -I asked Clarendon what was Palmerston's present tone about the war. He -said he was very uneasy about the army and its condition, but just as -confident as ever as to the final result of the war, and as lofty in his -ideas of the terms of peace we should exact from Russia. He is all for -restoring the Crimea to Turkey, and, what is more, he has persuaded the -Emperor Napoleon to embrace that opinion. As usual, he never sees any -difficulty in anything he wishes to do. I told Cowley and Clarendon what -Grey said--viz. that he agreed entirely with Bright's letter, and that -the war might have been avoided by either of the two courses--to have -told the Emperor of Russia in the beginning we would make war on him if -he persisted, and compelled to understand that we really meant it, or to -have forced the Turks to accept the Vienna Note; and, in either case, -war would have been avoided, but that, the Cabinet itself being divided, -everything was done in a spirit of compromise, and a middle course -adopted which led to all the mischief. Cowley answered the first -alternative and Clarendon the second. Cowley said that one of the great -difficulties of the British Government was to secure concert with the -French, and to explain their own conduct without hurting the -susceptibility of their allies or divulging what passed between the two -Governments. The French were perpetually blowing hot and cold, with a -false air of vigour superior to our's at one moment, and at another -wanting to do what our Ministers would have been torn to pieces for -consenting to. For instance, in spite of us they would send their fleet -to the Dardanelles to support the Turks, and afterwards they proposed to -send the two fleets to Constantinople to compel the Sultan to sign the -Vienna Note. Cowley told me this war in its present shape and with these -vast armaments had gone on insensibly and from small beginnings, nobody -could well tell how. In the first instance, the Emperor told Cowley he -had no intention of sending any land forces to the East, and when we -proposed to him to despatch there a small corps of 5,000 English and -10,000 French he positively declined. Soon after Sir John Burgoyne was -sent to examine and report on the state of the country, and he gave an -opinion that it would be desirable to send such a force to occupy a -fortified position at Gallipoli in case of the Russians making a sudden -attack with their fleet on Constantinople, in which case our fleets -might be in some danger. Cowley took him to the Emperor, to whom he told -his story. The Emperor said he thought his reasons good, and this was a -definite and tangible object, and he would send the troops. When Raglan -was offered the command of the forces we were to send out, he said he -would not go with less than 20,000 men; and when we agreed to send this -force, the French said if we sent 20,000 they must send 40,000, and so -the expedition began, and it has since swelled to its present -magnitude--our's in consequence of the clamour here and pressure from -without, and their's to keep pace with our's in relative proportions. -With regard to the Vienna Note, Clarendon said Stratford never would -have let the Turks sign it, and if they had recalled him the Cabinet -here would have been broken up, Palmerston would have gone out, -Stratford would have come home frantic and have proclaimed to the whole -country that the Turks had been sacrificed and betrayed, and the uproar -would have been so great that it would have been impossible to carry out -the intention. I think the first answer is more weighty than the last, -and that the popular clamour and Palmerston's secession ought to have -been encountered at whatever hazard rather than persist in the fatal -course which could hardly fail to lead, and did eventually lead, us into -this deplorable war. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - - Lord John's Views on the Ministry--Gloomy Prospects--Attacks on - Lord Raglan--Russian and Prussian Diplomacy--Lord Palmerston more - in favour--French View of the British Army--Russian - Negotiations--Lord John Russell in Paris--Conference at - Vienna--Lord Raglan unmoved--Terms proposed to Russia--Failure of - the Duke of Newcastle--Hesitation of Austria and France--Deplorable - State of the Armies--Chances of Peace--Meeting of - Parliament--Further Negotiations--Lord John Russell - resigns--Ministers stay in--The Debate on Roebuck's - Motion--Resignation of Lord Aberdeen--Lord John Russell's real - Motives--Lord Derby sent for--and fails--Wise Decision of the - Queen--Ministerial Negotiations--Lord Palmerston sent for--The - Peelites refuse to join--Lord Palmerston forms a Government--Lord - Palmerston's Prospects--Lord John Russell sent to Vienna--Lord - Palmerston in the House of Commons--General Alarm--Difficulties of - Lord Palmerston--The Peelites secede--Lord John accepts the - Colonial Office--Sir George Lewis Chancellor of the - Exchequer--Death of the Emperor Nicholas of Russia--Lord Palmerston - supposed to be a weak Debater--Weakness of the Government--Fresh - Arrangements--The Budget--The Press. - - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S POSITION. - -_January 2nd,_ 1855.--I received yesterday a letter from the Duke of -Bedford relating to the views and position of Lord John Russell. He had -talked over his position with the Duke, disclaimed any wish to be again -Prime Minister, but desired Lord Lansdowne should be in the post; that -he liked personally both Aberdeen and Newcastle but thought them unfit -for the emergency. He had proposed that Palmerston should be War -Minister but was overruled, and now (the Duke asks) what is he to do if -a vote of censure on the management of the war is proposed in the House -of Commons, thinking as he does that it has been mismanaged? He would -willingly break up this Government, which he really thinks a very bad -one (what he wrote to Clarendon being his deliberate opinion), if he -could see a chance of a better being substituted, and if he thought -Derby could carry on the war more efficiently, which he does not. This -letter is a complete reply to the objection Clarendon urged against -Palmerston's being War Minister, for if Lord John himself wished it, -nobody else could well object. He ought to have insisted on it, and, if -he had, it must have been done. - -Nothing can wear a gloomier aspect than affairs do at home and -abroad--the Government weak, unpopular, dispirited, and divided, the -army in the Crimea in a deplorable state, and the prospects of the war -far from brilliant, no confidence in the commanding officers there, and -no likelihood of finding more competent ones, everybody agreeing that -till we have 150,000 men in the Crimea we cannot count on taking -Sebastopol, and the difficulty of ever assembling such a force appearing -very great. So far as I can collect, the violent articles which the -'Times' emits day after day have excited general resentment and disgust. -They overdo everything and, while they are eternally changing their -course, the one they follow for the moment they follow with an -outrageous violence which shocks everybody. But as those who complain -most of the 'Times' still go on reading it, the paper only gets more -rampant and insolent, for as long as its circulation is undiminished it -does not care what anybody thinks or says of it. - - -_January 4th._--I wrote the Duke an answer with my opinion on Lord -John's position and obligations, which has elicited another from him -this morning. He says that it was a few weeks ago that John made a -formal proposal to Aberdeen that Palmerston should replace Newcastle at -the War Department. Aberdeen desired time to consider, and then refused. -Subsequently the matter was renewed, when Palmerston himself objected, -and then it necessarily ended. The Duke thinks that Lord John will not -now stir it again, and will make up his mind to go on, and to defend his -Government in the House of Commons. He consulted Sir George Grey, Lord -Lansdowne, and Panmure, and they all advised him not to resign. It is -strange that while this is imparted to me 'very confidentially,' and I -had heard nothing of it before, it is currently reported, and stated -positively in the 'Morning Herald,' that Lord John and others, -mentioned by name, have insisted on Newcastle's being turned out. That -some part of what has occurred has got out is clear, and I incline to -think that some of his satellites have set to work, and that, by way of -assisting Lord John's object, they have given notice of what was going -on to some of the Derbyites. There is a mysterious allusion to some -impending event in the 'Press' on Saturday last, which looks very like -this. - - CENSURES OF LORD RAGLAN. - -The 'Times' goes on against Raglan with greater vehemence every day, and -will not be restrained by any remonstrances. Evans has put himself in -communication with Delane (though certainly having no hand in these -attacks) and has sent him an account of his having addressed a letter to -Canrobert many days before the battle of Inkerman for the purpose of -getting him to assist in taking precautionary measures to resist the -attack he was persuaded the Russians would make, and Canrobert's answer, -in which he says that his means are curtailed by the necessity of -providing for the defence of Balaklava, and of extending his line and -making dispositions 'dans l'intérêt de la situation commune,' but that -he has ordered Bosquet to move nearer to Evans' division, and to be in -readiness if anything should happen. There was a passage omitted in the -printed letter of Evans to Raglan in which he alludes to the neglect of -the precautionary measures he had recommended. - -Gortschakoff has declared the Emperor of Russia will accept the first, -second, and fourth articles of the four points, and will consider of the -third. This may mean that he really wishes to make peace, or only be -done for the sake of Austria, and to give her a pretext for not -declaring against him. Clarendon is satisfied with Usedom, but not at -all with his proposals. He says the King of Prussia has sent him to try -and make a treaty with France and England entirely out of jealousy and -mortification at Austria having made one, but he does not propose one -similar to the Austrian Treaty, only a _defensive_ one. Clarendon says -the King in his heart hates Russia and winces under the influence he -submits to, that he is indignant at the insults which have been heaped -on him by his Imperial brother-in-law, and the contumely with which he -has been treated, but, being physically and politically a coward, he has -not energy to shake off the yoke he has suffered to be imposed on him. - - -_Aldenham, January 6th._--I came here to-day. I saw Cowley yesterday, -who has been to Windsor, and tells me that he finds by conversations he -has had with Stockmar that the Queen is much softened towards Palmerston -and no longer regards him with the extreme aversion she did. On the -other hand, she is very angry with John Russell, and this is, of course, -from knowing what he has been doing, and resentment at his embarrassing -and probably breaking up the Government. This relaxation in her feelings -towards Palmerston is very important at this moment, and presents the -chance of an alternative which, if this Government falls, may save her -from Derby and his crew, whom she cordially detests. I hear Newcastle is -very low, as well he may be, for no man was ever placed in so painful a -position, and it is one from which it is impossible for him to extricate -himself. When the Government goes to pieces, as I am persuaded it will, -the Queen is very likely to send for Palmerston, and he and -Ellenborough, as War Minister, might make a Government that would -probably stand during the war, and which in present circumstances the -House of Commons and the country could not but support. My notion is -that Lord John would not take any office, but would support Palmerston, -and advise all his friends and followers to do so. I know no reason why -Ellenborough should not act with anybody, and many of the present -Government might stay in, and certain changes be made which would let in -more Whigs, and so conciliate that party, while the Conservatives would -abstain from supporting any Government which did not contain Aberdeen -and Newcastle. Gladstone might be a difficulty; Clarendon would be none, -for he and Palmerston have pulled very well together, and I have no -doubt Palmerston would be very happy to keep him. This opens a new -prospect, and one very preferable to having Derby and his friends in -office again. - - CANROBERT'S OPINION OF BRITISH ARMY. - -I asked Cowley about Canrobert's confidential letters to his Government -on the state of our army of which I had heard. He said it was very true, -and he had seen several of these letters, in which Canrobert said that -nothing could exceed his admiration of the British soldiers, but he was -convinced the army would disappear altogether, for their organisation -and management were deplorable; and he entreated his Government, if they -possibly could, to interpose in the interest of the common cause to -procure some amelioration of the organisation, without which nothing -could save the army from destruction. The Emperor, Cowley said, never -mentioned our troops or commanders to him except in terms of respect and -with expressions of his admiration, but he knew that to others he spoke -in a very different tone, and said that our army was commanded by an old -woman. - - -_January 12th._--I returned to town last night. The Emperor of Russia's -acceptance of the four points, as interpreted by us, of course excites -hopes of peace, but I think few people are sanguine as to the result. It -is suspected to be only a dodge to paralyse the action of Austria, but -unless there was some secret concert with Austria, which is not likely, -I cannot see what Russia is to gain by accepting conditions which she -does not really mean to abide by. Such conduct could only deceive the -Allies for a short time, and, as there is no question of any suspension -of military operations, nothing would be gained in that respect, while -as soon as some decisive test of the Emperor's sincerity was applied, -his real meaning must be made manifest, and then not only would the -_acharnement_ of the Western Powers be increased, but it would be quite -impossible for Austria not to join the Coalition, and to act verily and -indeed against Russia. These reasons would induce me to put faith in the -Russian announcement; on the other hand, it is barely credible that the -Emperor should consent to the sacrifice of Sebastopol in the present -state of the campaign, and with the almost certainty that we cannot take -it for many months to come, if at all. - -John Russell is gone to Paris, not for any political object, but merely -to see one of his wife's sisters; but his journey there and -conversations with the Emperor may not be without some consequences. I -hear almost daily from the Duke of Bedford on the subject of John's -conduct, the conduct of the war, and the state of the Government. For -the present he appears to desist from doing anything to make an -explosion. The curious thing is that the public, and particularly the -Derbyite, newspapers should be so well informed as they are of what is -going on. Though the immediate danger of a break up seems to be over, I -still think the _animus_ Lord John exhibits, the manifold difficulties -of the Government, and their undoubted though unjust unpopularity, will -before long break them to pieces. - - -_January 14th._--I met Clarendon last night and had a talk about affairs -at home and abroad. John Russell at Paris is satisfied with his -conversation with the Emperor, who agreed that we could make no peace -but one which would be glorious for us. Clarendon does not believe the -Emperor of Russia really means to sacrifice Sebastopol, and thinks when -he sent his acceptance of the four points he was not apprised of what -had passed in the Conference, which was merely verbal. Gortschakoff, in -a passion, said, 'I suppose you mean to limit our naval force, or to -dismantle Sebastopol, or both;' to which they replied, 'Yes'; but -nothing was put in writing to this effect. This makes a great -difference, but I do not despair. There is a great question about a -negotiator, and the Queen and Prince want Clarendon himself to go. He -refused point blank; he does not like to leave it to Westmorland alone. -I suggested Canning, but he thought Canning had not had experience -enough, and that it ought to be a Cabinet Minister, and asked, 'Why not -Palmerston?' I objected the difficulty of relying on him, his hatred of -Austria, and the terror he would inspire; and I said Granville might do, -but that I saw no reason why he should not go himself if he had reason -to think it was likely to succeed, though I would not go merely to -return _re infectâ_. We then talked of Lord John and of Newcastle. He -said that Newcastle is exceedingly slow, and has a slow mind, but that -there is no case whatever for turning him out, and he cannot be blamed -for the failures in matters of detail, and as for the great measures the -responsibility belongs alike to all. Lord John never is and never will -be satisfied without being again Prime Minister, which is impossible. I -said the Duke of Bedford assured me that his brother did not _now_ want -to be Prime Minister. 'What does he want then?--to retire altogether?' -'Yes,' said Clarendon, 'that is his intense selfishness; utterly -regardless of the public interests, or of what may happen, he wants to -relieve _himself_ from the responsibility of a situation which is not so -good as he desires, and to run away from his post at a moment of danger -and difficulty. If we had some great success--if Sebastopol were taken, -for example--we should hear no more of his retirement.' As matters are, -however, Clarendon thinks very ill of them abroad and at home. This -disposition of Lord John's keeps the Government in constant hot water, -and no confidence can be placed in Raglan, while it is impossible to -find anybody who would, as far as we can judge, do any better. - - LORD RAGLAN'S COMPOSURE. - -The Court are exceedingly annoyed and alarmed at Raglan's failure; the -Prince showed Clarendon (or told him of) a letter from Colonel Steele, -who said that he had no idea how great a mind Raglan really had, but -that he now saw it, for in the midst of distresses and difficulties of -every kind in which the army was involved he was perfectly serene and -undisturbed, and his health excellent! Steele meant this as a panegyric, -and did not see that it really conveyed a severe reproach. The -conviction of his incapacity for so great a command gains ground every -day; he has failed in those qualities where everybody expected he would -have succeeded best, even those who thought nothing of his military -genius. But, having learnt what he knows of war under the Duke, he might -at least have known how _he_ carried on war, and have imitated his -attention to minute details and a general supervision of the different -services, seeing that all was in order and the merely mechanical parts -properly attended to on which so much of the efficiency as well as of -the comfort of the army depended.[1] - -[Footnote 1: It may be proper to remark that a different and far more -favourable view of Lord Raglan's capacity as a General will be found -_infra_ at the beginning of Chapter XII. of this Journal, upon the -evidence of Sir Edmund Lyons, who was entirely in the confidence of the -Commander-in-Chief.] - - -_January 19th._--We are still uncertain as to the real intentions of the -Emperor of Russia, and whether he means to accept the terms offered by -the Allies; but my own impression is that he will not accept them _in -our sense_, and that he never will consent to the sacrifice of -Sebastopol till we have taken the place and destroyed the -fortifications, thereby rendering its dismantling a _fait accompli_. -There is certainly nothing in the present state of our affairs which -warrants our lofty pretensions, and the proposal of terms so humiliating -to the Emperor. The only possible grounds that can be imagined for his -acceptance are, his own knowledge of the state of his own country and of -the resources he can command for carrying on the war, and a -dispassionate and farsighted calculation of the disposition and of the -resources of his opponents. It is not impossible that he may foresee -that he must eventually succumb in a contest so unequal and in which the -number of his enemies increases every day. He may deem it better to make -certain sacrifices now, with the view of being able before long to -retrieve his losses, than to expose himself to the chance and great -probability of being obliged to make much greater sacrifices hereafter, -and such as it will be more difficult for him to repair. The Duke of -Bedford tells me that Aberdeen and Clarendon are both hopeless of peace, -and that Lord John and Palmerston do not consider it so absolutely -hopeless; Aberdeen says the negotiations will not last half an hour. - - ILL CONDUCT OF THE WAR. - -The accounts from the army are as bad as possible; one-third of it is in -the hospitals, and the quays of Balaklava are loaded with enormous -stores of every kind, which it was impossible to transport to the camp. -Very intelligent people therefore entertain the greatest apprehension of -some catastrophe occurring whenever the severity of the winter, which -has hitherto been comparatively mild, sets in. The best security is in -the equally distressed state of the Russians, and in fact nothing but -this can account for their having left us alone so long. - -The Duke of Bedford and I talked over the state of affairs here, and the -political possibilities in the event of this Government falling to -pieces or being compelled to resign. We both desire any arrangement -rather than another Derby Government, and we agree in thinking that on -the whole the best would be for Lord Lansdowne to undertake the -formation of a Government, if he can be persuaded to do so, which does -not appear wholly impossible. This would satisfy Lord John, who would -then remain in his present office, half a dozen of the present Cabinet -would go out, some Whigs might replace them, and the thing would -undoubtedly go on for a time. It is impossible for Newcastle to continue -to conduct the war, with the universal clamour there is against him and -the opinion of his own colleagues (at least of such of them as I know -the opinions of) that he is unfit for the post. He has two very great -faults which are sufficient to disqualify him: he is exceedingly slow, -and he knows nothing of the qualifications of other men, or how to -provide himself with competent assistants; nor has he any decision or -foresight. He chose for his under-secretaries two wholly incompetent men -who have been of no use to him in managing and expediting the various -details of the service, and he has a rage for doing everything himself, -by which means nothing is done, or done so tardily as to be of no use. -Then all the subordinate Boards are miserably administered, and the -various useless, inefficient, or worn out officers have been suffered to -remain at their posts, to the enormous detriment of the service. The -genius of Lord Chatham or the energy and will of the Duke of Wellington -would have failed with such a general staff here, and with such a -Commander-in-Chief as Hardinge, and with the _fainéantise_ of Raglan. - - -_January 20th._--It is only by degrees one can unravel the truth in -political affairs. John Russell told me last night that Austria has -never given in her adhesion to our condition of making the destruction -of Sebastopol a _sine quâ non_ of peace. She joins us in insisting on -the '_faire cesser la prépotence_,' but the means of accomplishing this -remain to be discussed. This is very different from what I had imagined, -and makes it anything but certain that she will join her forces to -our's, if the negotiations fail in consequence of our demands. We are -now endeavouring to bring the Court of Vienna into an agreement with us -as to the conditions to be required, and it is no easy matter to get the -Cabinet to agree upon the wording of the communications we make to her. -This arises from the necessity of looking to the effect of what will -appear in the Blue Books. Blue Books, Parliamentary discussions, and the -Press tie up the hands of a Government, fetter its discretion and -deliberate policy, and render diplomatic transactions (especially with -Governments whose hands are more free) excessively difficult. Granville -told me yesterday morning that the course of Russia had been more -straightforward than that of England and France, and this morning he -reminded me of having said so, and added that we were in a great -diplomatic mess, France always finessing and playing a game of her own; -and I infer from what he said that, having got all she can out of us, -she is now coquetting with Austria, and disposed to defer to her wishes -and objects, and to be less _exigeante_ towards Russia. This is only of -a piece with what Clarendon has often said to me about France and her -way of dealing with us; however, if France will only insist on making -peace on plausible terms, and with the semblance of its being an -honourable and consistent peace, we cannot do otherwise than acquiesce -in her determination, and if we only follow the lead she takes the -public here must needs be satisfied. This is Granville's own idea, as it -is mine, and God grant that affairs may take this turn, and so we may -get out of the tremendous scrape we are in, the escape from which will -be cheaply purchased by the fall of the Government--a consequence that -is almost certain if it does not happen before anything can be done. - -Day after day the accounts from the Crimea represent a more deplorable -state of things, entirely confirmative of Canrobert's statements to his -own Government, and it is difficult to read them and not apprehend some -fatal catastrophe. We know nothing of the state of the Russians either -within or without Sebastopol, and this ignorance is not one of the least -remarkable circumstances in this war, but we must conclude either that -their condition is as bad as our's, and that they are unable to attack -us, or that their policy is to let the winter do its work, and that they -do not think it necessary for them to fight sanguinary battles with very -doubtful results when disease is ravaging the allied army and producing -effects as advantageous for them as the most complete victories could -do, as surely, only more gradually. - - - ABORTIVE NEGOTIATIONS. - -_January 22nd._--Every day one looks with anxiety to see and to hear -whether the chances of peace look well or ill, and at present they look -very ill. Clarendon seems to set his face against it--that is, he -considers it hopeless; and it is not promising that the negotiations -should be under the management of one who has no hopes of bringing them -to a successful issue, and whose despair of it evidently arises from his -determination to exact conditions that there is no chance of obtaining. -I hear, too, this morning, that the instructions to Bourqueney are to be -as _exigeant_ as possible--not very wise pretensions anyhow, but they -rather indicate the tone adopted by England than the real intentions of -France, for it is one thing to make great demands and another to persist -in them. It is, however, idle to speculate on the progress of a -negotiation which must be so largely influenced by the operations and -events of the war. Parliament meets tomorrow, and I think a very short -time will elapse before the fate of the Government is decided by some -vote about the conduct of the war. I think the Government themselves -desire it, and, conscious of the state of public opinion and of the -deplorable state of affairs, and most of them thinking there has been -great and fatal mismanagement, they wish the question to be decided, -would not be sorry to be driven out by an adverse vote, and consider -that it would be a better and more respectable way of ending than by -those internal dissensions, which, like a cancer, are continually -undermining them. John Russell sees nothing but difficulties in the -formation of another Government of a Whig complexion including a large -portion of the present Ministers, and says that he does not think Lord -Lansdowne _would_, or that he or Palmerston _could_ accomplish it. He -means now to stand by his colleagues, to accept his share of -responsibility, and defend what has been done. - - -_January 23rd._--Parliament meets to-day, and probably no time will be -lost in attacking the Government, but it is impossible yet to know -whether they will be harassed by a continual succession of skirmishes -and bitter comments on details, or whether some grand and decisive -assault will be made. The general impression is that the War Department -cannot remain in Newcastle's hands, and if he cannot be got rid of -without the whole Ministry going to pieces it must so end. I think this -is pretty much the opinion of the Ministers themselves; and though I -believe they all, or most of them, personally like him, they seem, so -far as I can see, to be agreed that he is unequal to his post. - -With regard to peace, the prospect looks anything but bright. The -negotiations will not begin till we receive positive information as to -the meaning of the Emperor of Russia in accepting the four points. Some -weeks ago Clarendon wrote a despatch to Westmorland, in which he stated -explicitly the meaning we attached to the four points, but this has -never been put officially before the Emperor, that we know of. Buol -acquiesced, as I understood, in our explanation, but John Russell -distinctly told me that Austria had never signified her concurrence in -making the demolition of Sebastopol a _sine quâ non_ condition. Now, -however, some fresh communication has been made by Austria to Russia, -and we will not begin the negotiation until Austria shall have signified -to us that the Emperor's acceptance is such as will warrant us in -negotiating. I am not sufficiently acquainted with all the details to -form a conclusive opinion, but, as far as I can see, we have been -hanging off from being perfectly explicit, and have never yet come to a -complete understanding with Austria, much less with Russia, and I am -afraid of our Ministers committing themselves in Parliament by some -declarations and professions of intentions which may make peace -impossible and break up the negotiations at once, for as to Russia -consenting to dismantle Sebastopol, I look upon it as impossible, and -absurd to expect it. I earnestly hope that Bourqueney may be instructed -to come to an understanding with Austria, and that, if we insist on -terms impossible to obtain, our two Allies may compel us to give way, or -leave us to fight the battle alone. The only thing quite certain is that -we are in a state of the utmost doubt, danger, and perplexity at home -and abroad, all of which is owing to our own egregious folly and -unskilfulness, and the universal madness which has pervaded the nation. - - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL RESIGNS OFFICE. - -_January 24th._--The Government is at an end, or at least it probably -will be before the end of the day. The Duke of Bedford has just been to -me to tell me that last night, after returning from the House of -Commons, Lord John wrote a letter to Aberdeen to resign his office, and -he will not attend the Cabinet to-day. Nobody knows it but Aberdeen -himself, and I am not permitted to tell Granville even, but it will be -announced to the Cabinet this morning. The immediate cause of Lord -John's resignation is Roebuck's motion, of which he gave notice last -night, for a Committee to inquire into the conduct of the war; it is -intended as a hostile motion, and would have been turned into a vote of -censure and want of confidence. Besides this, it seems Hayter had told -Lord John that the aspect of the House was bad, and members of the -Government party disinclined to attend. Accordingly, he said he could -not and would not face the motion; Graham and Sidney Herbert might -defend the conduct of the war, but _he_ could not. Heaven only knows -what will occur. Lord John took no time to consider, but sent his -resignation at once, the moment he returned from the House. I told the -Duke that I thought he had made himself obnoxious to very just reproach, -running away from such a motion, and explaining (as he must do) that he -could not defend the conduct of the war. He will naturally be asked how -long he has been dissatisfied with its management, and why he did not -retire long ago. The Duke said he was aware of this, but he endeavoured -to make out that the case bore some analogy to that of Lord Althorp in -1834, when he resigned in consequence of a motion of O'Connell's. But -this was altogether different. Nothing can, in my opinion, justify Lord -John, and his conduct will, if I am not mistaken, be generally -condemned, and deprive him of the little consideration and influence he -had left. It has been vacillating, ungenerous, and cowardly, for after -all, in spite of errors and mistakes, the conduct of the war admits of a -defence, at least as to many parts of it, and it would have been far -better to stand up manfully and abide the result of the battle in -Parliament, than to shirk the fight and leave his colleagues to deal -with the difficulty as best they may, trying to escape from the -consequences of a responsibility which nothing he can say or do can -enable him to shake off. - - - MR. ROEBUCK'S COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY. - -_January 26th._--Yesterday morning the Cabinet met, and after some -discussion they resolved unanimously not to resign, but to encounter -Roebuck's motion. Aberdeen went down to Windsor, and there is another -Cabinet this morning. I saw John Russell in the afternoon, and told him -in very plain terms what I thought of his conduct, and how deeply I -regretted that he had not gone on with his colleagues and met this -attack with them. He looked astonished and put out, but said, 'I could -not. It was impossible for me to oppose a motion which I think ought to -be carried.' I argued the point with him, and in the middle of our talk -the Duke of Bedford came in. I asked him if he did not think the -remaining Ministers were right in the course they have taken, and he -said he did. I then said, 'I have been telling John how much I regret -that he did not do the same,' when John repeated what he had said -before, and then went away. After he was gone the Duke said, 'I am very -glad you said what you did to John.' The town was in a great state of -excitement yesterday, and everybody speculating on what is to happen, -and all making lists of a new Government according to their -expectations or wishes; most people place Palmerston at the head. In the -House of Lords Derby asked me what it all meant. Clarendon came up while -we were talking, and gave Derby to understand that he would probably -have to take office again, expressing his own eagerness to quit it. I -now hear that Lord John has been leading the Cabinet a weary life for -many months past, eternally making difficulties, and keeping them in a -constant state of hot water, determined to upset them, and only doubting -as to what was a fit opportunity, and at last taking the worst that -could be well chosen for his own honour and character. He is not, -however, without countenance and support from some of his adherents, or -from those who were so impatient for the destruction of this Government -that they are satisfied with its being accomplished, no matter how or by -whom or under what circumstances; and as he has been long accustomed - - to sit attentive to his own applause - -from a little circle in Chesham Place, so he will now be told by the -same set that he has acted a very fine and praiseworthy part, although -such will not be the verdict of history, nor is it, as far as I can see, -of the best and wisest of his own contemporaries. Nobody entertains a -doubt of Roebuck's motion being carried by a large majority against the -Government. - - -_January 30th._--For the last three days I have been so ill with gout -that I could not do anything, or follow the course of events. John -Russell made a cunning and rather clever speech in explanation of his -resignation, George Grey a good one and strong against Lord John. -Opinions fluctuated about the division, some, but the minority, fancying -Government would have a majority because the proposed Committee is so -excessively difficult and in all ways objectionable; but when it became -known that the Derbyites meant to vote in a body for the motion, no one -doubted the result, and it became only a question of numbers.[1] Lord -John seems to have felt no regret at what he has done, and at exciting -the resentment and incurring the blame of all his colleagues; and he -goes so little into society, and is so constantly patted on the back at -home, that the censure of the world produces no effect on him. They tell -me he is in high spirits, and appears only to be glad at having at last -found the opportunity he has so long desired of destroying the -Government. Everybody appears astonished at the largeness of the -majority. Gladstone made a very fine speech, and powerful, crushing -against Lord John, and he stated what Lord John had never mentioned in -his narrative, that he had been expressly asked in December whether he -still wished the change to be made which he had urged in November, and -he had replied that he did not, that he had given it up. This -_suppressio veri_ is shocking, and one of the very worst things he ever -did. - -Aberdeen went down to Windsor this morning to resign. It is thought that -the Queen will send for Lansdowne, and ask him if he can make a -Government, or will try, and, if he declines, that he will advise her to -send for Palmerston; if Palmerston fails, then she can do nothing but -take Derby. It seems likely now that we shall have either a Whig or a -Derbyite Government, and that the Peelites will be left out altogether. -The difficulties are enormous, and though everybody says that at such a -crisis and with the necessity of attending to the war, and the war only, -no personal prejudices or antipathies should prevent anybody from taking -office if their services can be of use, men will not be governed by -motives of such pure patriotism; and, whoever may make the Government, I -expect there will be many exclusions and many refusals to join. Some say -that, if Derby comes in, and with the same or nearly the same men as -before, he ought to be kicked out at once, but I do not think so, and, -much as I should abhor another such Government, I think in present -circumstances it must be allowed the fairest play, and be supported -unless and until it commits some flagrant errors. - -[Footnote 1: Mr. Roebuck's Motion for a Committee of Enquiry was -carried on the 29th of January by a majority of 157 in a House of 453 -members present.] - - -_January 31st._--The division was curious: some seventy or eighty -Whigs, ordinary supporters of Government, voted against them, and all -the Tories, except about six or seven who voted against the motion; -Cobden and Bright stayed away. John Russell's explanation, had he spoken -the truth, would have run in these terms: 'I joined the Government with -great reluctance, and only at the earnest entreaty of my friends, -particularly Lord Lansdowne. From the first I was disgusted at my -position, and I resolved, unless Lord Aberdeen made way for me, and I -again became Prime Minister, that I would break up the Government. I -made various attempts to bring about such a change, and at last, after -worrying everybody to death for many months, I accomplished my object, -having taken what seemed a plausible pretext for doing it.' - - - THE GOVERNMENT BROKEN UP. - -_February 1st._--Contrary to general expectation, the Queen did not send -either for Lansdowne or Palmerston, but at once for Derby. He went -directly to Palmerston, who declined to join him. He is trying to form a -Government, and I see the Whigs are chuckling over the probability of -his failing and being obliged to give it up, when they evidently flatter -themselves that it will fall again into the hands of John Russell. -Rather than this should occur, I would prefer that Derby should succeed, -and, if he can get no foreign aid, that he should reconstitute the -wretched Government he had before. My disgust at the conduct of my Whig -friends is intense. Although they were to the last degree indignant at -the conduct of John Russell, they have, ever since the interregnum -began, been dancing attendance on him, evincing every disposition to -overlook the enormity of his conduct and to reform the party with a view -of carrying him again to the head of affairs and making another pure -Whig Government. I confess I thought that nobody could refuse to serve -at the present crisis, and, if the Queen sent for Derby, Palmerston, if -invited, could not help joining, and taking the War Department; but I -was wrong. I see in no quarter, as far as I have been able to observe -and judge, any disposition to discard prejudices, antipathies, and -personal feelings and interests, and to make every consideration yield -to the obligations which the present emergency imposes. However, the -game is not half played out yet. Meanwhile we are exhibiting a pretty -spectacle to Europe, and I don't think our example will tempt other -nations to adopt the institutions of which we are so proud; for they may -well think that liberty of the Press and Parliamentary government, -however desirable they may be when regulated by moderation and good -sense, would be dearly purchased at the expense of the anarchy and -confusion which they are now producing here. - - - LORD DERBY SENT FOR. - -_February 2nd._--The Queen herself decided to send at once to Derby, and -the result proves how wise her decision was, for she is relieved from -the annoyance of having him, and he is placed in such a position that he -cannot embarrass her new Government when it is formed. Derby went to -Palmerston, invited him to join and to bring Gladstone and Sidney -Herbert with him. On their declining he gave it up, and Her Majesty then -sent for Lord Lansdowne. - -Last night the Duke of Newcastle defended himself in the House of Lords -against John Russell, and replied to his statements in the House of -Commons, and did it very successfully, carrying the House with him. The -whole affair, as it is gradually evolved, places John Russell in a -disgraceful and odious light, and ought to demolish him as a public man, -for he has shown himself to be actuated by motives of pique, personal -ambition, and mortified vanity, and to have been insincere, vacillating, -uncandid, and untruthful. The Duke's statement was crushing, and appears -to me not to admit of a rejoinder. It ought to cover him and his -wretched clique with confusion; but they will probably attempt to brazen -it out, and doggedly to insist that John was justified in all he did. -The discussion last night was very characteristic of Derby. If ever -there was an occasion in which seriousness and gravity seemed to be -required of a man in his position, it would seem to be that of last -night; but his speech was nothing but jeering at the late Cabinet and -chaffing Newcastle; it was really indecent, but very smart and funny, if -it had not been so unbefitting the occasion. - - -_February 4th._--No one can remember such a state as the town has been -in for the last two days. No Government, difficulties apparently -insurmountable, such confusion, such excitement, such curiosity, -everybody moving about craving for news, and rumour with her hundred -tongues scattering every variety of statement and conjecture. At last -the crisis seems to be drawing to a conclusion. The Queen has behaved -with admirable sense of her constitutional obligations. When Aberdeen -took down his resignation, she told him she had made up her mind what to -do, that she had looked at the list of the division, and found that the -majority which had turned out her Government was composed principally of -Lord Derby's adherents, and she should therefore send for him. Aberdeen -said a few words rather discouraging her; but she said, though Lord -Palmerston was evidently the popular man, she thought, according to -constitutional practice, Lord Derby was the man she ought to send for. -It has been seen how Derby failed; then she sent for Lord Lansdowne, -whom she desired to consult different people and see what their opinions -and inclinations were, and report them to her. This was on Friday. He -did so and made his report, after which, on the same principle which had -decided her to send for Derby, she resolved to send for John Russell, -his followers having been the next strongest element of the victorious -majority. Accordingly, on Friday night or early yesterday morning, she -placed the formation of a Government in his hands. He accepted it, and -began by applying to Palmerston, offering him any office he chose to -take. Palmerston did not refuse, but his acquiescence seems to have been -of a hesitating and reluctant kind, and nothing was definitely settled -between them. Gladstone and Sidney Herbert, and afterwards Graham, -decidedly refused; Clarendon desired to have some hours to consider of -it. However, the result of his applications was so unfavourable that -last night he considered his attempt virtually at an end, though he had -not actually given it up this morning, and some further communication -was taking place between him and Clarendon, which was to be decisive. As -soon as this is over, the Queen will play her last card, and have -recourse to _the man of the people!_--to Palmerston, whom they are -crying out for, and who, they fondly imagine, is to get us out of all -our difficulties. From all I hear, I think he will make a Government, -because he really wishes and is determined to do it, and many of the -most important who would not join John Russell will join him. In the -course of to-day I imagine it will all be settled. The impression made -by Newcastle's speech against Lord John has been prodigious, far greater -and more general than I imagined, and it is confidently affirmed that, -if he had taken office and stood again for the City, he would have been -beaten. He still shows fight against Newcastle, and intended to have -answered him and vindicated himself in the House of Commons yesterday, -if he had not been detained so long by the Queen that the hour was up -when he got there. He means to return to the charge to-morrow. In the -course of all these transactions he urged Lansdowne himself to take the -Government, and offered to continue at the Council Office and lead the -House of Commons, or to take no office at all, and give him independent -support in the House of Commons, or to go to the House of Lords and give -him his best assistance there; but Lord Lansdowne declined all these -offers. - - -_February 5th._--I have often had occasion to remark on the difficulty -of avoiding making false or erroneous statements in affairs like those I -am treating of, for the reports which we hear from different people -generally vary considerably, and sometimes the same thing repeated by -the same person varies also; not that there is any intention to -misrepresent or mislead, but circumstances apparently trifling are -narrated differently according as the narrator has been impressed by, or -remembers them, and thus errors creep in and accumulate, and at last it -becomes difficult to reconcile statements that have become conflicting -by degrees. However, I can only jot down what I hear, and reconcile the -accounts afterwards as well as I can. Yesterday afternoon I saw -Clarendon, who confirmed his refusal to join Lord John, but with some -slight difference as to the details. He said he had spoken very openly -to him, but so gravely and quietly that he could not take offence, and -he did not. It was not till he received Clarendon's final refusal that -he wrote to the Queen and threw up his commission. - - LORD PALMERSTON TAKES OFFICE. - -Her Majesty had seen Palmerston the day before, and told him if Lord -John failed she should send for him, and accordingly she did so -yesterday evening. Palmerston had told Lord John, as soon as he received -the commission he should go to him. At present he has only invited -Clarendon and Charles Wood (Whigs) to join him. Clarendon of course is -ready, but Charles Wood demurs, and insists that unless Lord John will -take office in the Government he cannot join, and that the whole thing -will be a failure. Lord John is very averse to take office, and the more -averse because he must then go to the House of Lords, for of course he -cannot remain in the Commons, not leading it. The Duke of Bedford has -been here in a grand quandary, seeing all sorts of difficulties, and in -fact they spring up on every side. He agrees with Lord John, but was -shaken by the arguments of Wood, which are backed up by George Grey and -Panmure. I argued vehemently against Wood's view, and strongly advised -Lord John's not taking office, and I convinced the Duke, who is gone -back to Lord John to talk it all over with him again. On the other hand, -the Peelites want the Government to be restored, with Aberdeen again at -the head of it, and it is very questionable whether they will join at -all, and, if they do, not without much difficulty and negotiation, which -will at least consume valuable time. In short, at this moment the -formation of a Palmerston Government, which was to be so easy, is a -matter of enormous difficulty. The Queen wrote a civil and even kind -answer to Lord John's note giving the task up. - - -_February 6th._--Great disappointment and dismay yesterday, the Peelites -having refused to form part of Palmerston's Government. Graham, -Gladstone, and Sidney Herbert all declined unless Aberdeen formed a part -of it. Sidney Herbert was very willing to join, but would not separate -himself from Gladstone, who was deaf to all entreaties and -remonstrances. It is believed that Graham is the one who has persuaded -Gladstone to take this course. Aberdeen is anxious, or pretends to be -so, that they should join, and Newcastle certainly is. What Gladstone -says is, that unless Aberdeen is in the Cabinet he can have no security -that his (Aberdeen's) principles will be acted on, and that he may not -be called upon to be a party to measures, relating either to war or -peace, of which he disapproves. However, I have only heard second hand -what he says in conversation with others. It has been in vain -represented to him that there will be an explosion of indignation -against them all in the country for refusing their aid at such a crisis, -and their conduct will never be forgiven. All this, he says, he is aware -of, but his objections stand on too high ground to be shaken. Palmerston -means not to be baffled, and, failing the Peelites, to turn to the Whigs -and make the best Government he can. His popularity, which is really -extraordinary, will carry him through all difficulties for the present. -It was supposed that his popularity had been on the wane, but it is -evident that, though he no longer stands so high as he did in the House -of Commons, and those who know him can easily see he is not the man he -was, in the country there is just the same fancy for him and sanguine -opinion of him as ever. John Russell made a rejoinder to Newcastle in -the House of Commons last night--a plausible speech enough, and it -served to set his friends and the Brooks's Whigs crowing again, and -saying he had made out a complete case; but I do not see that it made -his case a bit better than before. All who are at all behind the scenes -are aware of the fallacies and deceptions in which his statements -abound, and that they are of a nature that may not be exposed. - - - THE PALMERSTON ADMINISTRATION. - -_February 7th._--Yesterday Aberdeen and Newcastle, particularly the -latter, renewed their endeavours to prevail on Gladstone to give up his -scruples and to join the Government, and at last they succeeded, and in -the evening Palmerston was able to announce that he had accomplished his -task and the Government was formed. John Russell, on his side, pressed -all his Whig friends to unite with Palmerston, and by these means the -difficulties were gradually overcome. Lord Lansdowne would not take the -Council Office, but agreed to be the organ of the Government in the -House of Lords, though he seems afraid this should be thought to have -committed him to more trouble and responsibility than he is inclined to -take, and it is only a sort of quasi-leadership that he will own to. I -find the Queen did propose to him to form a Government, and under -certain conditions he was not unwilling to undertake it, but of course -he much prefers the present arrangement. It is admitted on all hands -that both Aberdeen and Newcastle have behaved very well, and done all in -their power to facilitate Palmerston's arrangements. It is, however, -much to be regretted that these Peelites have acted in concert and _as a -party_, and I see from the fact a vast deal of embarrassment and -opposition to the Government in prospect. Already the Derbyites are -sulky and angry to the greatest degree, and the Whigs not a little -indignant that so much anxiety has been shown to get Gladstone and his -friends, and such a high price paid for them; and the fact of their -forming so large and important a part of the Government will secure the -fierce hostility of the Derbyites, and make the support of the Whigs -very lukewarm. The latter, too, will be influenced by John Russell, who, -in spite of his present professions of amity and promises of support, is -sure to be very soon a _frondeur_, and then in open and direct -opposition. He told Clarendon 'he meant to give his best support to the -Government.' Clarendon said, 'You do; well, at what do you think I value -your support?' 'What?' he asked. 'Not one sixpence.' '_At first_ -Palmerston will meet with no opposition to signify; if he does, he has -only to dissolve, and the country will give him a majority. But -opposition will gather about him soon enough; extravagant expectations -are raised of the good he is to do and the great acts he is to perform, -all which will only lead to disappointment and mortification. If the -luck which for many years accompanied him should do so still, and some -unexpected success crown his administration, he may thus gain a great -position; but it is idle to depend on the chapter of accidents and, -according to all human probability, he is destined to carry on a -disastrous war or to make a peace (the wisest thing he can do) which -will be humiliating, because so wholly incommensurate with our -extravagant expectations and ridiculous pretensions. However, if any man -can make such a peace it is Palmerston, and it is much better that -Aberdeen should have no concern with the Government, for it would be -much more difficult if he was in the Cabinet, and supposed to have any -hand in it.[1] - -[Footnote 1: The Administration formed by Lord Palmerston was composed -as follows:-- - - First Lord of the Treasury Viscount Palmerston - Lord Chancellor Lord Cranworth - Lord President Earl Granville - Lord Privy Seal Duke of Argyll - Home Secretary Sir George Grey - Foreign Secretary Earl of Clarendon - Colonial Secretary Right Hon. Sidney Herbert (and, on - his resignation, Lord John - Russell) - Secretary at War Lord Panmure - Chancellor of the Exchequer Mr. Gladstone (and, on his - resignation, Sir G. Cornewal - Lewis) - Board of Control Sir Charles Wood - First Lord of the Admiralty Sir James Graham (and, on his - resignation, Sir Charles Wood, - who was replaced at the Board of - Control by Mr. Vernon Smith) - Board of Trade Right Hon. E. Cardwell (and, on - his resignation, Lord Stanley of - Alderley) - Postmaster General Viscount Canning - Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Earl of Carlisle - Woods and Forests Sir Benjamin Hall.] - - -_February 8th._--Now that all is settled there is a momentary lull, and -people are considering what sort of an arrangement it is, and how it is -likely to succeed. Many of those who know better what Palmerston really -is than the ignorant mob who shout at his heels, and who have humbugged -themselves with the delusion that he is another Chatham, entertain grave -apprehensions that the thing will prove a failure, and that Palmerston's -real capacity will be exposed and his _prestige_ destroyed. Some wish -for a dissolution while his popularity is still undiminished, fancying -it will give him a sure majority and will protect him against any -change of opinion; but, unless the Derbyites give him an opportunity by -some vexatious opposition, he can hardly dissolve, and if he did, though -he would gain by it for a time, any change of opinion that might take -place would be found no less in the House of Commons than in the -country. - - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S MISSION TO VIENNA. - -_February 13th._--The political wheel turns rapidly round, and strange -events occur, none more remarkable than John Russell's career during the -last month, and the unexpected positions in which he successively -appears. A few weeks ago breaking up his own Government, deeply -offending colleagues and friends, and making himself generally odious, -then trying to form a Government and finding nobody willing to act with -him; he appeared to be in the most painful position of isolation, and -everybody expected that his anomalous and unsatisfactory state would -render him mischievous, and soon conduct him into a troublesome -opposition to the Government. Very differently have matters turned out. -He began by evincing a good and friendly spirit, and scarcely is the -Government formed, when Clarendon proposes to him to go to Vienna as -Plenipotentiary to treat for peace, and John at once accepts the offer, -and yesterday morning his mission was publicly announced. It was a happy -stroke of Clarendon's in all ways, and it was wise in Lord John to -accept it, for it has all the appearance of a patriotic and unselfish -act, will cause his recent misdeeds to be forgotten, and replace him in -the high situation from which he was fallen. It is a very good thing for -him to be thus withdrawn from Parliament for a time. There he is always -in danger of saying and doing something foolish or rash, and it will -leave his followers in a condition to attach themselves to the -Government without abandoning their allegiance to him, which will -relieve all parties from embarrassment.[1] - -[Footnote 1: The Conference of the Great Powers which was to open at -Vienna, to which Lord John Russell was sent as British Plenipotentiary, -had been convoked for the purpose of negotiating on the basis of the -four points which contained the demands of the belligerent Allies and -had been accepted as a basis of negotiation by the Emperor of Russia. -These points were as follows:-- - -1. That Russia should abandon all control over Moldavia, Wallachia, and -Servia. - -2. That Russia should relinquish her claims to control the mouths of the -Danube. - -3. That all Treaties calculated to give Russia a preponderance in the -Black Sea should be abrogated. - -4. That Russia should renounce the claim she made to an exclusive right -to protect the Christians in the Ottoman Dominions. - -It was on the third of these points that the principal difficulty of the -negotiation arose, and that the Conference failed to conclude a -peace.] - - -_February 17th._--Palmerston presented himself to the House of Commons -last night for the first time as Minister, and not apparently with a -very brilliant prospect of success. He made a tolerable speech, giving a -rather meagre account of the formation of his Government, with the usual -promises of vigour. The great point he had to handle was the disposal of -Roebuck's Committee, which he is determined, if he can, to get rid of. -The success of this, his first great operation, seems very doubtful. One -man after another got up and declared he should vote for its going on. -Roebuck insists on it; and Disraeli announced his determined opposition -to any attempt to quash it. If Palmerston fights the battle and is -beaten, he must try what a dissolution will do for him; and I think the -success of it would be very doubtful, for, in spite of all the clamour -that was raised by his name, and his apparently vast popularity in the -country, it looks as if it was of a very shadowy, unsubstantial kind, -and would very likely be found wanting at a general election. The temper -of the House seems to be anything but good, and unless we are very soon -cheered and encouraged by much better accounts from the Crimea, this -Government will not fare much better than the last. The 'Times' is going -into furious opposition, and Palmerston will soon find the whole press -against him except his own paper, the 'Morning Post,' and the 'Morning -Chronicle,' neither of which have any circulation or any influence in -the country. The whole conduct of the 'Times' is a source of great -vexation to me, for I am to the last degree shocked and disgusted at its -conduct and the enormous mischief that it is endeavouring to do; and I -have for many years had intimate personal relations with its editor, -which I do not well know how to let drop, and I am at the same time not -satisfied that their unbroken maintenance is consistent with the -feelings I entertain, and which ought to be entertained, towards the -paper. - - - ROEBUCK'S COMMITTEE ACCEPTED. - -_February 19th._--The Government have determined to knock under about -Roebuck's Committee, and they would have done much better to have done -so at first. What they are now doing will not strengthen them or avert -future attacks; but the state of the House of Commons is such that -nothing but some very unexpected turn can enable them to go on long. -Palmerston has no authority there, the House is in complete confusion -and disorganisation, and, except the Derbyites, who are still numerous -and act together in opposition, in hopes of getting into power, nobody -owns any allegiance or even any party ties, or seems to care for any -person or any thing. There seems a general feeling of distrust and -dissatisfaction, and, except the scattered Radicals and Revolutionists, -who wish to upset everything, nobody seems to know what he would be at, -or what object he wishes to attain. For the first time in my life I am -really and seriously alarmed at the aspect of affairs, and think we are -approaching a period of real difficulty and danger. The press, with the -'Times' at its head, is striving to throw everything into confusion, and -running a muck against the aristocratic element of society and of the -Constitution. The intolerable nonsense and the abominable falsehoods it -flings out day after day are none the less dangerous because they are -nonsense and falsehoods, and, backed up as they are by all the regular -Radical press, they diffuse through the country a mass of inflammatory -matter, the effect of which may be more serious and arrive more quickly -than anybody imagines. Nothing short of some loud explosion will make -the mass of people believe that any serious danger can threaten a -Constitution like our's, which has passed through so many trials and -given so many proofs of strength and cohesion. But we have never seen -such symptoms as are now visible, such a thorough confusion and -political chaos, or the public mind so completely disturbed and -dissatisfied and so puzzled how to arrive at any just conclusions as to -the past, the present, or the future. People are furious at the untoward -events in the Crimea, and cannot make out the real causes thereof, nor -who is to blame, and they are provoked that they cannot find victims to -wreak their resentment on. The dismissal of Aberdeen and Newcastle seems -an inadequate expiation, and they want more vengeance yet, hence the cry -for Roebuck's absurd Committee. Then, after clamouring for Palmerston -from a vague idea of his vigour, and that he would do some wonderful -things, which was founded on nothing but the recollection of his former -bullying despatches and blustering speeches, they are beginning to -suspect him; and the whole press, as well as the malignants in the House -of Commons, tell them that they have gained very little, if anything, by -the change, and they are told that it is not this or that Minister who -can restore our affairs, but a change in the whole system of government, -and the substitution of plebeians and new men for the leaders of parties -and members of aristocratic families, of whom all Governments have been -for the most part composed. What effect these revolutionary doctrines -may have on the opinions of the people at large remains to be seen; but -it is evident that the 'Times,' their great propagator, thinks them -popular and generally acceptable, or they would not have plunged into -that course. - -I sat next to Charles Wood at dinner yesterday and had much talk with -him on the state of affairs, and found that he takes just the same view -that I do, and for the first time he is alarmed also, and so, he told -me, is Sir George Grey. He talked much about Raglan, and said that the -Government had been placed in the most unfair position possible, it -being impossible to throw the blame of anything that had occurred on -him, or even to tell the truth, which was that, so far from his making -any exertions to repair the evils so loudly complained of, and sending -away inefficient men, he never admitted there were any evils at all, or -that any of his people were inefficient, or anything but perfect; and he -said that Raglan had never asked for anything the want of which had not -been anticipated by the Government here, and in no instance was anything -required by him which had not been supplied a month or more before the -requisition came. Palmerston, too, said to me that nothing could exceed -the helplessness of the military authorities there; that they seemed -unable to devise anything for their own assistance, and they exhibited -the most striking contrast to the navy, who, on all emergencies, set to -work and managed to find resources of all sorts to supply their -necessities or extricate themselves from danger. - - - THE PEELITES RESIGN. - -_February 20th._--Nothing certainly could be more mortifying than the -reception Palmerston met from the House of Commons on the first night -when he presented himself as Minister, nothing more ungracious or more -disheartening. His entreaty to _postpone_ the Committee was received -with a sort of scorn and manifestation of hostility and distrust. His -position was at once rendered to the last degree painful and difficult. -He cannot avert the Committee, he cannot submit to it without deep -humiliation; many of his colleagues are supposed to shrink from the -disgrace of such a submission and to prefer any alternative to it. -Already there is a general impression that this Government cannot last -long; nobody thinks they would gain anything by a dissolution, the -result of one would be uncertain; but the probability seems to be that -the Conservatives would gain and the Radicals likewise, while the Whigs -would lose, and Peelites and Moderates would be scattered to the winds. -We should most likely see a Parliament still more ungovernable than -this, unless a widespread alarm in the country should rally the whole -Conservative and anti-revolutionary element to Derby and his party, -which would bring them all into office for a time. Palmerston spoke much -better last night than the first night, and with a good deal of spirit -and force; but he has a very uphill game to play, and must already be -aware how fleeting his popularity was, and on what weak foundations it -was built. - - -_February 23rd._--Graham, Gladstone, and Sidney Herbert have resigned, -greatly to the disgust and indignation of their colleagues, to the -surprise of the world at large, and the uproarious delight of the Whigs -and Brooks's Club, to whom the Peelites have always been odious. These -stupid Whigs were very sorry Palmerston did not leave them out when he -formed his Government, and take whomever he could get instead of them; -and they are entirely indifferent to the consideration that the greater -part of the brains of the Cabinet is gone out with these three, that it -is exceedingly difficult to fill their places, and that we exhibit a sad -spectacle to all Europe, with our Ministerial dissensions and -difficulties and the apparent impossibility of forming anything like a -stable Government. The first thing done was to send off for John Russell -at Paris, and ask him if he would come back and join the Government. -Cardwell was offered the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, which he -refused. It is much to be regretted that these Peelites do not now -dissolve themselves as _a party_ and make up their minds to act -independently and according to their several opinions and circumstances. -Aberdeen much disapproves of the exodus of the three, and was very -anxious Cardwell should accept; but he does not choose to separate -himself from the rest. - - -_February 24th._--Never was I more surprised than when I heard that John -Russell had accepted the Colonial Office and joins the Government, still -continuing in the House of Commons, and of course acting under -Palmerston. When we think of all he has been doing for the last two -years, his discontent at being in a subordinate capacity though still -leader of the House of Commons, and the various pranks he has played in -consequence thereof, it is inconceivable that he should consent not only -to take office under Palmerston, but to serve under him in the House of -Commons. But it is impossible not to give him credit for patriotic -motives in making such a sacrifice of personal pride and vanity. What -his conduct may be if the Government lasts long enough to allow him to -come home and take his place in it, may be considered doubtful. Last -night the retiring Ministers gave their explanations--Graham in a very -good speech; Gladstone was too diffuse, and Sidney Herbert feeble, but -coming after Graham they had nothing new to say. There is much to be -said for and much against their conduct. If they had accepted office -under Palmerston with the condition that he should try and get rid of -the Committee and that they should retire in case he failed, there would -have been nothing to say, because without doubt they ought not to hold -high offices while a Committee of the House of Commons is sitting in -judgement on their conduct; but the whole course of proceeding is so -anomalous, and the exigencies of the time are so great and peculiar, -that on the whole I think they ought to have stayed in. Palmerston -speaks almost every night, and his speeches do not read amiss; but -everybody says they are feeble and flat, and nothing at present -indicates anything like stability or a long existence to the present -Government. The tone of the House of Commons last night was on the whole -rather pacific than not. Bright made an admirable speech, the peroration -of which was very eloquent. - - - SIR GEORGE LEWIS CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. - -_February 25th._--This morning George Lewis came to me very early and -told me Palmerston had proposed to him to be Chancellor of the -Exchequer; he set forth very fairly all the reasons for and against -accepting. We discussed the whole subject, and I asked him whether he -felt sufficient confidence in himself to undertake an office of such -vast importance, whether he had sufficiently turned his attention to -financial matters and had mastered the principles and details of -finance. He said he thought he was sufficiently versed therein to -undertake it, having given much attention to taxation and its -principles, and to political economy generally, though he did not know -much about the Funds, but supposed sufficient knowledge about them was -easily attainable. Finally I advised him to accept, and he said he -should make up his mind to do so. So the Admiralty, Colonial Office, and -Exchequer are settled. There is much difficulty and much discussion and -difference of opinion about some of the other places. They are very -wisely going to take in Laing, but very unwisely will not give a place -to Lowe, who, if left out, will contrive to do them some damage. -Granville has moved Heaven and earth to get Lowe an office, but -Palmerston and others set their faces against him. Lansdowne has most -unreasonably and unwisely insisted on Vernon Smith being taken in, and -it is at present intended to make him President of the Board of Control. -He is very unpopular and totally useless, and just the man they ought -not to take in; while Lowe is just the man they ought, to meet the -prevailing sentiment about old connexions and new men. - - - DEATH OF THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS. - -_March 2nd._--News just arrived that the Emperor of Russia is dead. John -Russell had telegraphed from Berlin that he was given over. This great -and unexpected event must have the most important consequences whether -for peace or for war. A disputed succession is not impossible, as it has -long been reported that the Grand Duke Constantine was disposed to -contest the succession with the Cesarewitch, but this will probably turn -out to be a fable. It is supposed that the new Emperor has been all -along inclined to peace, and that he was in disgrace with his father on -that account. If this be true, it renders it still more probable that he -will be anxious to put an end to this destructive and dangerous war, and -the Allied Powers may be less exacting with him than they were disposed -to be with the late Emperor. On the other hand, should the war unhappily -continue, the death of Nicholas is likely to damp the ardour of the -Russians and to relax their exertions, so that we can hardly fail to -profit by it. Clarendon is gone over to Boulogne to confer with the -Emperor Napoleon. - -There seems something like a lull here for the moment, and less of -excitement and violence than there was. Palmerston has not been in -office a fortnight, and already he is enormously _baissé_; his speeches -night after night are miserable. The truth is, he never had any power as -a debater, and he is out of his element as leader in the House of -Commons, where he has to answer everybody, to speak on every subject, -and to be continually debating more or less. He has made a few great -speeches, prepared, and on his own subject of foreign affairs, and every -now and then a smart chaffing retort which excited the hilarity of the -House, and that has been all he could do. Then he seems supine and -undecided; he does not fill up the vacant places or seemingly endeavour -to do so, and he does not put good men in the places he does fill up, -all of which does him harm in general estimation. Clarendon has told -Lady Palmerston very frankly that he will soon ruin himself in public -opinion if he goes on in this way. Few things are more extraordinary -than the notion that was abroad of Palmerston's fitness and efficacy. -Never was there a greater delusion, and never one that is so rapidly -being dissipated. - - -_March 10th._--It is remarkable that, though seven days have elapsed -since the news of the death of the Emperor of Russia reached us, and -that we heard of it by electric telegraph the very day it happened, we -are still without authentic and detailed information of what has since -occurred at St. Petersburg; and of the manifesto of the new Emperor, -which is looked for with so much curiosity, we have only a partial -extract or imperfect summary, so that we have still no means of judging -whether the chances of peace are improved by the accession of Alexander -II. - -Palmerston's Government does not seem to take root or gain much -strength; every day seems to prove the more clearly that he is unfit for -the task he has taken on himself. He inspires neither respect nor -confidence, and is totally unable to manage the House of Commons; his -speeches are feeble and bad, and he is not always prudent and -conciliatory, but, on the contrary, pettish and almost offensive. He -finds great difficulty in filling the vacant offices, and he evinces -much want of tact and good management in his endeavours to do so, -offering and retracting his offers in a very loose way. For example, he -offered Sir Robert Peel the Clerkship of the Ordnance, which he -accepted; and then he found Monsell did not mean to resign it, so he had -to withdraw the offer. Then he told him he should be Colonial -Under-Secretary if John Russell would consent. John Russell would not -consent, and then he offered him a seat at the Admiralty. Sir Robert in -some dudgeon demurred, and Palmerston, inferring from his ill humour -that he would not take this place, offered it to Henry Brand, who -accepted, desired his writ might be moved for, and went to the railway -station to go down to the place he represented. Just as he was starting, -a messenger arrived with a letter from Palmerston saying Sir Robert Peel -had taken the Admiralty, so he could not have it, and the gentleman had -to return home without any office at all. This is a sad way of doing -business, and will not make him more popular. Grenville Berkeley -(whipper-in) told me he thought Palmerston was doing rather better -latterly and that there was a better disposition in the House of -Commons; but Jonathan Peel, who is a shrewd, dispassionate observer, and -tolerably impartial, though with no good will to the present Government, -told me a different story. He says the Government is as weak as -possible, Palmerston wretched, and the House of Commons ill disposed and -unruly, and he thinks it absolutely impossible that this concern can -last many weeks. The Derbyites are quite confident of forcing their way -to office, and quite determined to do so; but it is their game to damage -the present Government as much as possible, and they will do everything -in opposition but what may recoil upon themselves after they have got -into office, and no other consideration will restrain them. I regard -with the utmost dislike the prospect of their return, because I think -their conduct so monstrously unprincipled. I hear Gladstone is very much -out of humour, and expect soon to see him and his small band in overt -opposition to the Government. Many fancy that it will end in his joining -Derby, but so do not I. I am not sure that he would be indisposed if a -proper occasion presented itself, but I do not believe any consideration -or any circumstances whatever would induce the Derbyites to admit him -again into their party. Their indignation--that is, of a great many of -them--was unbounded at Derby having offered him office the other day, -and at the great meeting at Eglinton's such manifestations of resentment -were made on that account as to make it nearly impossible (for in these -days nothing is quite impossible) for any future attempt at -reconciliation and reunion to be made. - - -_March 11th._--A fresh shuffling of the cards is being arranged by which -Frederick Peel is to go to the Treasury, _vice_ Wilson, Vice President -of the Board of Trade; Sir Robert to the War Department, _vice_ his -brother; and Henry Brand to the Admiralty. Palmerston seemed to consider -all the blunders he made about these offices rather a good joke than a -mischievous _gaucherie_. 'Ha, ha!' he said, 'a Comedy of Errors.' George -Lewis told me this morning he thinks the temper of the House of Commons -more favourable, and, if he can succeed in producing a palateable -Budget, that they may get on; he told me the revenue was extremely -flourishing and the country very rich, but the expenses are enormous. He -means to meet them by a loan, but the question is of what amount, and -how much of the additional expense shall be provided by it. He will want -ninety millions to cover the whole. - - LORD CLARENDON AND THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. - -Clarendon was much pleased with his visit to the Emperor, who talked to -him very frankly and unreservedly about everything. They lit their -cigars and sat and talked with the greatest ease. He said the Emperor -spoke to him about the English press, and all he said was sensible and -true; that he was aware that a free press was a necessity in England, -and as indispensable as the Constitution itself, and that he had -hitherto believed that the editors of the principal newspapers had the -good of their country at heart, and always acted from conscientious -motives; but that he could no longer entertain that opinion. The press -during the past months, and the 'Times' particularly, had done an -incalculable amount of mischief to England and to the alliance between -us. The effect produced by their language in Germany was most injurious, -and of service only to Russia. When the English papers talked of their -own country in the way they did, of its degradation and disgrace, its -maladministration, the ruin of its military power, and the loss of all -that makes a nation great and powerful, though he (the Emperor) knew -what all this meant, and how much or how little of truth there was in -such exaggerated statements, yet in France they were generally believed, -and it became very difficult for him to reconcile the nation to an -alliance for which he was reproached with making sacrifices and shaping -his policy in accordance with our's, when it was evident from our own -showing that our alliance was not worth having, and our impotence was so -exposed that, whenever peace should put an end to the necessity of the -alliance, we should be entirely at their mercy; and while such was the -feeling in France, in Germany it was still stronger, and there the -'Times' had succeeded in creating a universal conviction that we are in -the lowest condition of weakness and inefficiency: at all of which he -expressed the greatest regret. I was surprised to hear Clarendon say -that he did not believe the resources of Russia to carry on the contest -to be in any sensible degree exhausted, that her commerce had not -suffered at all, and as to her finances she could go on for a good while -with her paper money and the gold which, in a certain quantity, she drew -from the Ural Mountains.[1] - -[Footnote 1: In justice to the conductors of the 'Times' it must be -said that although the language of the paper was violent and extremely -annoying to the Government and its Allies, yet it was by the power and -enterprise of the press that the deplorable state of the army was -brought to the knowledge of the public and even of Ministers themselves; -and it was by the 'Times' that the first steps were taken to supply the -deficiencies of the Administration. The fund raised by voluntary -contributions for this purpose amounted to 25,000_l._ and competent -persons were sent out to apply it to the most pressing wants of the -army.] - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - - The Vienna Conference--Literary Occupations--A Roman Catholic Privy - Councillor--Negotiations at Vienna--The Emperor Napoleon in - London--The Emperor's brilliant Reception--Russia refuses the Terms - offered--The Sebastopol Committee--Debate on the War--Visit to - Paris--Resignation of M. Drouyn de Lhuys--The Emperor's Journey to - the Crimea--The Repulse at the Redan--Visit to Thiers--A Dinner at - the Tuileries--Conversation with the Emperor--M. Guizot on the - War--Death of Lord Raglan--A Dinner at Princess Lieven's--The - Palace of Versailles--Revelations of Lord John Russell's - Mission--Dinner with the Emperor at Villeneuve l'Étang--Lord John - Russell's Conduct at Vienna--Excitement in London--Lord John's - Resignation--Lord John's Conduct explained--'Whom shall we - Hang?'--Prorogation of Parliament. - - -_March 31st_, 1855.--Three weeks have passed away and I have had -nothing to say; nor indeed have I anything now of the least importance, -and can only glance at the general aspect of affairs. The Government, on -the whole, seems in a somewhat better condition. They say Palmerston -speaks better than he did, and his good humour and civility please. At -last the offices, except the Under-Secretaryship to the Colonies, are -filled up. Lord Elgin and Lord Seymour successively refused the Duchy of -Lancaster, and after going a begging for many weeks Lord Harrowby has -taken it. Laing and Wilson, and I think somebody else, declined the Vice -Presidency of the Board of Trade, and they have got Bouverie. - -Within these few days the hopes of peace have waxed faint. The fatal -third point is an insurmountable obstacle, and it seems likely that we -shall be condemned to fight it out more fiercely than ever, and without -Austria, who, as I all along expected, will not join us in forcing hard -conditions on Russia. It remains to be seen whether we or Austria are -in fault, assuming the rupture of the negotiations to be inevitable. If -Austria recedes from what she had already agreed to, she is; if we -require anything more, we are. Drouyn de Lhuys has been here for -twenty-four hours, and goes on to Vienna directly to bring things to a -conclusion one way or another. Clarendon is pleased with him. The -Emperor is to be here in three weeks. - -Having no public events nor any secret information to record, I must put -down my own private concerns, uninteresting as they are. I am busy on -the task of editing a volume of Moore's correspondence left to me by -John Russell, and finishing the second article upon King Joseph's -Memoirs.[1] These small literary occupations interest and amuse me, and, -being quite out of the way of politics, and seeing nobody, except -Clarendon at rare intervals, who can or will tell me anything, it is -well I can amuse myself with them; and now that I am growing old (for I -shall be sixty-one the day after to-morrow) it is my aim to cultivate -these pleasures more and more, and make them my refuge against the -infirmities which beset me, and the loss of youth. My great fear is lest -my eyesight should fail, and I earnestly hope I may die before such a -calamity should befall me. - -The war goes languidly on, and I hear Raglan and Canrobert are -squabbling instead of acting, and that it seems to be more the fault of -Canrobert; but the melancholy truth is that there are two incompetent -generals in command, who have no skill or enterprise, and are letting -the opportunity for attacking the enemy slip away. A divided command and -two independent armies are in themselves an immense drawback, but when -they begin to disagree it becomes fatal. We have now an enormous force -there, and yet they seem incapable of doing anything and of striking any -great and serious blow. - -[Footnote 1: Mr. Greville wrote the review of the Memoirs of King -Joseph Bonaparte which appeared in two successive articles of the -_Edinburgh Review_.] - - - THE CATHOLIC OATH. - -_April 1st._--I went to a Council yesterday and got into a difficulty. -Without any previous notice, Mr. Monsell, a Roman Catholic, came to be -made a Privy Councillor. I had never sworn a Roman Catholic and did not -know what to do, so I proposed to Monsell to put it off till another -day, and meanwhile I would ascertain how he was to be sworn. The -difficulty was told to the Queen, and the Prince set about finding what -was to be done. He looked out the 10th George IV. (Emancipation Act), -and, just as we were summoned into the Queen's presence, Granville -brought the volume, put it into my hands, and told me I must administer -to Monsell the oath set forth there, in lieu of the oaths of abjuration -and supremacy. I was sure it was a mistake; but there was no time to -remonstrate, and I was compelled to bring him in and administer the -oath. As soon as I got back to my office and looked into the matter I -found it was all wrong, and that he had not, in fact, been sworn at all. -What he ought to have done was to take this oath in one of the Law -Courts, and then to have the Privy Councillor's oath administered to -him, and so I sent him word. - -Afterwards I met Sidney Herbert, and he told me what he believed to be -the cause of Drouyn de Lhuys' coming here, and the actual state of -affairs at Vienna. We have proposed the reduction of the fleet; the -Russians refuse. The Emperor Napoleon would like, if possible, to obtain -some great success in the Crimea, and is not indisposed to continue the -war if he can see a reasonable hope of such an achievement; but when he -despairs of this his mind inclines to the other alternative, to make -peace (which would be popular in France), and he does not care very much -about the terms and is not averse to waive the condition as to the -fleet. But our Government want to insist on it, or go on with the war, -and Sidney Herbert believes they have succeeded in talking over Drouyn -de Lhuys and persuading him to join us in this determination, and to -carry it off to Vienna. However, he is very likely to be talked over -again there, and it remains to be seen whether the Emperor, if he really -wishes for peace, will not join with Austria in opposing us, and -accepting some other conditions. I always fancied that we had come to a -regular unmistakeable agreement with Austria what we should ask of -Russia, and that she had bound herself to join in the war if the terms -agreed in were refused, but, according to Sidney Herbert, this has never -been done. Clarendon did, indeed, _at last_ state distinctly to Austria -the terms on which France and England meant to insist, and Austria -expressed her concurrence in them as a matter of opinion, and her desire -to obtain them, consenting also to unite her efforts to theirs in -attempting to obtain them; but she never consented to go to war if they -were not conceded, therefore we have no reason to complain of her if the -negotiations break off on these grounds, and she refuses to depart from -her neutrality. She has all along said, she wished with all her heart we -could succeed in taking Sebastopol, but as we had not succeeded, and -apparently could not, it was impossible to press very stringent terms on -Russia; and she has never held out any expectation to us of joining in -the war against Russia, unless Russia refuses such reasonable and not -humiliating terms of peace as she herself thinks indispensable for the -objects to the attainment of which she has all along been a party. The -best chance of peace now is that the Emperor Napoleon may think he is -not likely to do any great things in the Crimea and that peace is his -best policy, and he is the real arbiter of peace and war. If he prefers -following in the wake of England, and to defer to our war policy, peace -will ascend to Heaven, and the odious war will be resumed with more fury -than ever, and no one can guess how long it will last, nor what will be -the end of it. - - - THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON AT WINDSOR. - -_April 17th._--Yesterday I went out 'with all the gazing town' to see -not the least curious of the many curious events I have lived to -witness, the entry of the Emperor and Empress of the French into London. -The day was magnificent, the crowd prodigious, the reception not very -clamorous, but cordial and respectful. A fine sight for them to see such -vast multitudes, so orderly and so prosperous, and without a single -soldier except their own escort. The Queen received them with the utmost -cordiality, and omitted none of the usual forms practised between -Sovereigns. She met the Imperial pair at the entrance to the Castle, -embraced the Emperor and then the Empress when she was presented to -her. - - -_April 20th._--The visit of the Emperor has been one continued ovation, -and the success of it complete. None of the Sovereigns who have been -here before have ever been received with such magnificence by the Court -or by such curiosity and delight by the people. Wherever and whenever -they have appeared, they have been greeted by enormous multitudes and -prodigious acclamations. The Queen is exceedingly pleased with both of -them; she thinks the Empress very natural, graceful, and attractive, and -the Emperor frank, cordial, and true. He has done his best to please -her, talked to her a great deal, amused her, and has completely -succeeded. Everybody is struck with his mean and diminutive figure and -vulgar appearance, but his manners are good and not undignified. He -talked a very long time to Lord Derby on Tuesday at Windsor and to Lord -Aberdeen on Wednesday. This last was very proper, because he had a great -prejudice against Aberdeen, and fancied he was his enemy, which Aberdeen -knew. When he was invested with the Garter, he took all sorts of -oaths--old feudal oaths--of fidelity and knightly service to the Queen, -and he then made her a short speech to the following effect:--'I have -sworn to be faithful to Your Majesty and to serve you to the best of my -ability, and my whole future life shall be spent in proving the -sincerity with which I have thus sworn, and my resolution to devote -myself to your service.' The fineness of the weather brought out the -whole population of London, as usual kept in excellent order by a few -policemen, and in perfect good humour. It was a beautiful sight last -night when the Royal and Imperial party went to the Opera in state; the -streets lit by gas and the houses illuminated and light as day, -particularly opposite the Travellers' Club, where I was. I am glad the -success of the visit has been so great, and the contentment of all the -parties concerned so complete, but it is well that all will be over -tomorrow, for such excitement and enthusiasm could not last much longer, -and the inconvenience of being beset by crowds, and the streets -obstructed, is getting tiresome. - -I saw Cowley for a moment yesterday. He told me the Russians refused any -conditions which imposed loss of territory or limitation of naval -forces, and they declined to offer any counter project, though they are -ready to discuss anything we propose. He therefore considers the -continuance of the war unavoidable, and does not believe Austria will -join in it, though Drouyn de Lhuys still writes his own expectation that -she will. He said they had never said or done anything which bound them -to join, and that their diplomacy had been much more adroit and -successful than our's, but that this was principally the fault of the -French, who never would consent to take a peremptory course so as to -compel them to be explicit. The consequence of this is, that it will be -impossible to produce the diplomatic correspondence, and its retention -will put Parliament and the press in a fury, and expose the Government -to attacks which they will find it very difficult to repel or to -silence. They cannot give the reason why, and their enemies and -detractors will believe, or at least insist, that they do not dare -disclose their own share in the transaction. I asked Clarendon how it -was that the French Government in their last paper in the 'Moniteur' -said so positively that they had secured the cooperation of Austria if -the last conditions were refused by Russia; he replied that he supposed -they said so in order to make it the ground of an accusation against -Austria when the Conference broke up and she refuses to declare war. -Clarendon thinks we shall get the better of Russia, but that it will be -by blockading her ports and ruining her commerce, and not by military -operations, and that this may take two or three years or more, but is -certain in the end.[1] - -[Footnote 1: The failure or suspension of the negotiations for peace at -Vienna was formally announced to Parliament on May 21, and the protocols -of the Conference laid upon the table.] - - - THE SEBASTOPOL COMMITTEE. - -_May 24th._--The Sebastopol Committee is finished, and the result proves -that it is a very good thing to have had it, for no ill consequences -have come of it, and the evidence has benefited instead of injuring both -the Government and those who were most bitterly abused, especially -Hardinge and Newcastle, about the latter of whom there has been a -considerable reaction of opinion. In Parliament nothing has taken place -of much consequence. Ellenborough gave battle in the Lords and was -signally defeated. Layard had announced a hostile motion in the House of -Commons, which he has since given up to Disraeli, who brings forward a -regular want of confidence motion tonight, which will decide the fate of -the Government. Sir Francis Baring has moved an amendment which the -Peelites will not vote for, because it pledges the House to support the -war, they having now become furiously pacific; as if they were not -unpopular enough already, they are now doing all they can to mar their -own efficacy by giving their enemies a plausible case for attacking and -abusing them, and by breasting the tide of warlike zeal and passion, -which, though very absurd and very mischievous, is too strong and too -general to be openly and directly resisted at present. It is quite fit -and becoming to reason with it, and to endeavour to bring the public to -a more reasonable frame of mind, but great tact, caution, and good -management are required in doing this. It is very difficult to make out -what Gladstone and his friends (for it would be ridiculous to call them -a party) are at, and what they expect or desire in reference to their -political future. Palmerston is said to have done better in the House of -Commons lately than he did at first, but it is curious to see how -completely his popularity has evaporated. All the foolish people whose -pet he was, and who clamoured for him with the notion that he was to do -every sort of impossible thing, now that they find he can do no more -than other men, and that there never was any real difference between him -and his colleagues, are furious with him because they so deceived -themselves, and want to break the idol they set up. - - -_May 30th._--The division last Friday night gave Government a larger -majority than anybody expected,[1] and if it did not give them -permanent strength it averted immediate danger. Gladstone made a fine -speech, but gave great offence to all who are not for peace, and exposed -himself to much unpopularity. The discussion is only suspended till -Parliament meets again, when the amendments will be debated, and there -will no more divisions; but in the meantime the news which has arrived -of the successes in the Crimea, and the fair prospect there appears of -still greater advantages, must serve to silence the advocates of peace -and encourage those who are all for war, and to render a contest popular -which is likely to be crowned with brilliant results, and, as many -imagine, to give us the means of dictating peace on our own terms. I -believe in the prospect of success, but not that it will reduce the -Russians to make peace on our terms, particularly as the conditions will -infallibly be harder than before. But I do marvel that they did not make -peace at Vienna on the terms which were there offered them, when they -must have known that all the chances of war were against them. The -Emperor of Russia might have taken warning from the history and fate of -Napoleon, who constantly refused the terms he could have obtained, and -continually insisted on something more than his enemies would give him, -and by this obstinacy lost his crown. The most interesting incident -which occurred last week was the scene at the end of the debate between -Graham and John Russell, who had a fight of considerable asperity; and -according to all appearances the Peelites and the Whigs are completely -two. When Graham was reconciled to Lord John two or three years ago, he -vowed that nothing should separate them again, but 'quam parum stabiles -sunt hominum amicitiæ,' and now they appear to be as antagonistic as -ever. But, to be sure, Graham could not contemplate or foresee all the -tricks which Lord John played during the whole time he was a member of -Aberdeen's Government. - -Notwithstanding the success of Government in the House of Commons and of -the armies in the Crimea, things are in a very unsatisfactory and -uncomfortable state here, and nobody knows what will happen. There is no -confidence in any party or any men, and everybody has a vague -apprehension of coming but undefined evil and danger. The world seems -out of joint. - -[Footnote 1: Mr. Disraeli's Motion condemning the Government for their -misconduct of the war was rejected by 319 to 219. Lord John Russell -made a warlike speech in the course of this debate.] - - - A VISIT TO PARIS. - -_Paris, June 17th._--Having resolved to go to Vichy for my health, here -I am on the road; I crossed over yesterday morning, a very disagreeable -but short passage from Folkestone, good journey by rail, and got here at -nine o'clock, being lodged very hospitably at the Embassy. French -carriages on the railway are much better than ours, particularly the -second class; the country between Boulogne and Paris looks well and -thriving. I had some talk with Cowley last night before we went to bed, -when he gave me an account of the circumstances of Drouyn de Lhuys' -resignation.[1] He also descanted on the difficulties of the Government -here and of the maintenance of the alliance, which he attributes up to -this time entirely to the good faith and fairness of the Emperor -himself, and his determination that nothing shall interrupt the good -understanding between the two countries, on which he is above all things -bent. The Emperor says it is a great misfortune that there are no men of -capacity or character whose services he can command, nor in fact any -men, if he could command their services, in whom the public would be -disposed to place confidence. Cowley had no very good opinion of Drouyn -de Lhuys, and said no reliance could be placed in him; but in some -respects he is a loss, because he has a certain capacity and clean -hands, he is enormously rich, and guiltless of any peculation or -jobbery. When Drouyn announced that he meant to go to Vienna, Lord -Cowley urged him to go to England first and come to an understanding -with the Cabinet there as to the terms which should be proposed at the -Conference. He consented and went, and Cowley urged Clarendon to have -the agreement put down in writing that there might be no mistake about -it. This was done, and Drouyn went to Vienna. When he took upon himself -to make the proposition he did, it was in direct opposition to his -agreement with us, but he thought he should bring the Emperor to concur -with him and to sanction it. The Emperor seemed at first disposed to do -so, and when he saw Cowley intimated as much to him. Cowley submitted -that it was quite contrary to the understanding with us, and objected on -every ground to the proposal. The Emperor said he really got quite -confused in the intricacies and details of this affair, but he would see -Drouyn again and speak to him upon it. Cowley requested (a very strange -request as he owned) that he might be present at the interview. The -Emperor seemed somewhat surprised, but acquiesced. When Cowley came he -found Drouyn had been there an hour, and that Marshal Vaillant was also -present. They went over the ground again and Drouyn said what he had to -say, when Cowley merely said he would not go into the general question -and would only ask whether M. Drouyn's proposal was in conformity with -what had been settled in London, and he appealed to Marshal Vaillant -whether the termination of the war on such terms would be advisable. It -was impossible to maintain that the terms were consistent with the joint -agreement, and Vaillant declared that if the French army was brought -away, and a peace made on conditions which would appear to tarnish the -honour of their arms, he would not answer for the consequences. This put -an end to the discussion. Drouyn de Lhuys retired, and as soon as he got -home sent his resignation to the Emperor, who wrote him back a very -goodhumoured answer advising him to recall it, and expressing a wish -that he would come and talk the matter over with him, when he had no -doubt they should come to a satisfactory understanding. Drouyn -persisted, and then the Emperor accepted his resignation and sent for -Walewski. I asked Cowley how Walewski was likely to do, and he said -wretchedly, and that he was not of a calibre to fill such a post. - - THE EMPEROR'S JOURNEY TO THE CRIMEA. - -He told me all about the intended journey of the Emperor to the Crimea -and why it was given up. The Emperor was bent on it, while all the -Ministers deprecated it and did all they could to prevent it. They -suggested that, if any misfortune occurred while he was there, he could -not quit the army; if any success, he would infallibly stay to pursue -it, so that his speedy return could not be counted on. This failed to -move him. The intention was that Jérome should be, not Regent, but Chief -of the Council of Ministers, and they advised Jérome only to consent to -take this office on condition that he was invested with the same -despotic power as the Emperor himself. This His Majesty would not -consent to, as the Ministers foresaw, and this was the reason why the -expedition was given up. - -[Footnote 1: At the Conference at Vienna M. Drouyn de Lhuys departed -from the conditions of peace agreed to between the French and British -Governments, and was disposed to accept the more favourable terms which -were supported by Austria. This led to his disavowal and resignation on -his return to Paris. It turned out that Lord John Russell, the British -envoy to the Conference, had taken a similar course.] - - -_Paris, June 23rd._--I came here to pass through to Vichy, and -accordingly on Tuesday last to Vichy I went. I arrived there in the -evening, found a detestable apartment without a fireplace; the weather -was intolerable, it never ceased raining, and the cold was intense. -Finding that it was useless to take the waters or baths in such weather, -and being disgusted with the whole thing, I resolved to return to Paris, -which I did on Friday, and here I am comfortably established in the -Embassy again. - -On my arrival I was greeted with the painful intelligence of the repulse -sustained by the French and English on the 18th in the attack on the -Mamelon and Redan batteries, and of the great losses which both armies -had suffered. This failure has cast a great gloom over Paris and London, -and the disappointment is greater because we had become so accustomed to -success that everybody regarded failure in anything as impossible. -Cowley told me that the Emperor was excessively annoyed, and the more -because they entirely disapprove of Pélissier's proceedings. Without -tying him down or attempting from hence to direct the operations of the -campaign, they had given Pélissier the strongest recommendations to -abstain from assaults which they had reason to believe would not be -decisive and would cost a vast number of lives, and they were very -anxious the operations against the Russians in the field should be -pressed instead. There had been some half angry communications between -the Government and Pélissier, who had talked of resigning the command. -The opinions of the Government had been principally formed from those of -General Niel, who had constantly reported his conviction to the above -mentioned effect, and had earnestly deprecated these assaults. Then -there is reason to apprehend that such unsuccessful attempts may produce -bad blood and mutual accusations between the allied forces. Already -Pélissier and Raglan have begun to cast the blame of the failure on each -other, though apparently the difference has not yet swelled to any -serious amount. I have always thought that it would have been better to -have no divided command, but to place an English corps under a French -commander-in-chief, and a French squadron under an English admiral. This -was what the Emperor proposed, and he wrote a letter himself on the -subject, which Cowley promised to show me. We have had much conversation -about the Emperor, his character and his capacity, and I am puzzled how -to understand and to do justice to the latter. Being such as he is -represented to be, and having the defects he has, it is difficult to -comprehend his having accomplished the great things he has, and raised -himself to such a situation and such a height of personal power. - - -_June 24th._--Last night I went to Thiers', where I found Mignet, Roger -du Nord, and others of his adherents, none of whom I recollected, nor -they me. This morning I called on Achille Fould, who told me the Emperor -knew I was here and would like me to be presented to him, and it was -settled that this should be done. I am nothing loth, for I have a -curiosity to see this remarkable man and to converse with him. Madame de -Lieven told me this morning that not long before the Revolution of '48 -Jérome Bonaparte had entreated her to exert her influence to get him -made a peer. - - - A DINNER AT THE TUILERIES. - -_June 26th._--Yesterday morning arrived an invitation to dine at the -Tuileries the same evening. I went there, was ushered into a room with -eight or ten men in it, none of whom I knew except Count Bacciochi, -whom I had met at Fould's the day before--three in uniform, the rest in -plain clothes. A man, whom I suppose to be the _aide de camp de -service_, came forward to receive me and invited me to sit down. -Presently the same or another man came and said 'Milord' (they all -milorded me), _'vous vous mettrez à table, s'il vous plaît, à côté de -l'Empereur à sa droite._' I was then taken into the next room, which -adjoins the cabinet of the Emperor. In a few minutes His Majesty made -his appearance; he immediately came up to me, bowed very civilly, and -asked me the usual questions of when I came to Paris, etc. In a minute -dinner was announced and we went in. As we walked in he said to me, -'L'Impératrice sera bien fâchée de ne vous avoir pas vu.' At dinner, -which did not last above twenty-five minutes, he talked (a sort of -dropping conversation) on different subjects, and I found him so easy to -get on with that I ventured to start topics myself. After dinner we -returned to the room we had left, and after coffee, seeing me staring -about at the portraits, he said all his family were there, and he told -me who they all were and the history of these portraits, which, he said, -had made the tour of the world. - -After this he asked me to sit down, which I did at a round table by his -side, and M. Visconti on the other side of me, and then we had a -conversation which lasted at least an hour and a half on every -imaginable subject. It was impossible not to be struck with his -simplicity, his being so natural and totally without any air or -assumption of greatness, though not undignified, but perfectly _comme il -faut_, with excellent manners, and easy, pleasant, fluent conversation. -I was struck with his air of truth and frankness, and though of course I -could not expect in my position and at this first interview with him -that he should be particularly expansive, yet he gave me the idea of -being not only not reserved but as if, when intimate, he would have a -great deal of _abandon_. It was difficult to bring away all the subjects -he discussed, and I do not know that he said anything wonderfully -striking, but he made a very favourable impression on me, and made me -wish to know more of him, which I am never likely to do. - -He talked of the war and its conduct, of the faults committed, and of -the characters and talents of the generals engaged, comparing them, much -to their disadvantage, with the generals of the Empire. I asked him -which were the best, and he said all the African generals were much of -the same calibre: Changarnier, Lamoricière, St. Arnaud, Canrobert, -Pélissier--very little difference between them. The war they waged in -Africa was of a peculiar character, and did not render them more capable -of conducting great strategical operations in Europe. He talked of -Thiers and Odilon Barrot, and described scenes with the latter in -Council when Barrot was his Minister; of the 'Times' and its influence; -of Spain; in short, of a vast variety of subjects; of the Exhibition -here, and with some appearance of disappointment that the people will -not go to it. His simplicity and absence of all _faste_ were remarkable; -thus, I asked him what he thought of the Hango affair, when he said it -was not so bad as had been reported. 'I have had an account of it from -Admiral Penaud to-day; should you like to see it?' I said 'Yes,' when he -got up, went into his cabinet, and came back with the letter in his -hand; and a little while after, when we were talking of the siege of -Sebastopol, he asked if I had ever seen a very good engineer's map of -the whole thing; and when I said I had not, he said, 'Then I will show -you one;' and he again went into his cabinet and brought it out. After -this long palaver he took leave of me, shaking hands with much apparent -cordiality. - - -_June 27th._--Bosquet has written to the Emperor that these assaults on -the Russian works are only a useless waste of time. Marshal Vaillant has -told Cowley that they agree in this, but they must either recall their -general or let him go on in his own way, and if they interfere, the -blame of any disaster will inevitably fall on them, no matter what might -be the cause. I dined with Flahaut yesterday; in the morning rode round -all the boulevards, a grand promenade by which Paris is well seen; and I -met Guizot at Madame de Lieven's, who talked of the war and asked how -it was ever to end. 'People go to war,' he said, 'to make conquests or -to make peace; you profess not to intend the first, how do you propose -to effect the second? By reducing Russia to accept your terms--can you -do so? will she yield? If not, what then?--you may wound her, but you -can't strike her in a vital part; and the more barbarous she is, the -more she will consent to suffer and the less she will be disposed to -yield.' He gave me an account (in short) of the bother about the Academy -and the Emperor's interference. They do not mean to give way, but they -think he will; if he does not, he will have to dissolve them. - - - DEATH OF LORD RAGLAN. - -_Paris, July 5th._--One of my attacks of gout came on this day week and -disabled me from going anywhere, doing anything, and still more from -writing anything. In the meanwhile we received the news of Lord Raglan's -death.[1] Though they do not care about it here, there has been a very -decent display of sympathy and regret, and the Emperor wrote to Cowley -with his own hand a very proper letter. There is good reason to believe -that the fatal termination of Lord Raglan's illness was in some (perhaps -in great) measure produced by vexation and disappointment at the failure -of the 18th, and annoyance at the many embarrassments of his position. -It is certain that for a considerable time great disunion and poignant -differences existed between him and the French generals. Canrobert wrote -home a very unhandsome letter, in which he gave as one of his reasons -for resigning the impossibility of going on with Raglan. I believe -Raglan complained of Canrobert with much better reason. On the 18th -Pélissier changed the plan of attack that had been agreed on between -them; and, besides all the mistakes that occurred in the French -operations, there seems to have been a want of continual and active -concert between the two commanders-in-chief during the operations. -Raglan proposed a general attack on the town when the assaults failed, -which Pélissier refused to agree to. There is a fair probability this -would have succeeded, as an English force did get into a part of the -town, stayed there some time, and got away unobserved. There is now a -bad feeling, a disposition to recrimination, between the two armies -which may have very bad effects, and it is awful to think our army is -under an untried man of whom nothing is known, and who is not likely to -have more weight with, and receive more consideration from, the French -generals than his predecessor. However desirable unity of command may -be, in the present temper of the troops and after all that has occurred -it would be impossible. General Torrens, who is here, speaks in high -terms of Raglan, especially of his magnanimity in bearing all the blame -which has been thrown upon him and never saying one word in his own -vindication, which might have entirely exonerated him but have done some -injury to the cause. Torrens thinks that in all or almost all in which -he has appeared most obnoxious to censure he could have triumphantly -excused himself, and have proved that the causes were attributable to -others and not to himself. His must have been a painful as it was an -ungrateful service, and it was a melancholy and untimely end. - -[Footnote 1: Lord Raglan died in the Crimea on June 28.] - - -_Paris, July 6th._--I went yesterday to the Exhibition in the morning; -then to Notre Dame and the Luxembourg Gardens and drove about Paris; -dined _en trio_ with Madame de Lieven and Guizot, when there was of -course nothing but political talk. Guizot thinks there has been not only -a series of diplomatic blunders, but a wonderful want of _invention_, -not to strike out some means of adjusting this quarrel, in which I agree -with him. This morning Labouchere and I went to Versailles. Fould had -given me a letter to the Director of the Museum there, M. Soulié, whom -we found very intelligent, well informed, and obliging. We told him our -object was to avoid the _giro regolare_ of the endless rooms fitted up -with bad pictures by Louis Philippe, and to see the apartments full of -historical associations from the time of Louis XIV. down to the -Revolution. We were completely gratified, and he took us over everything -we wished to see, being admirably qualified as a cicerone by his -familiarity with the localities and the history belonging to them. We -saw all the apartments in which Louis XIV. lived, and what remains of -those of Madame de Maintenon. The Palace has been so tumbled about at -different times, and such alterations made in it, that it is not always -easy to ascertain correctly where the rooms of certain personages were, -but our guide proved to our complete satisfaction that certain rooms he -showed us were those which really did belong to Madame de Maintenon. We -saw too in minute detail the apartments of Louis XVI. and Marie -Antoinette, and the passages through which she fled to escape from the -irruption of the mob on the 5th of October. The whole thing was as -interesting as possible. - - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S RETURN. - -_Paris, July 9th._--I meant to have left Paris last night, but, an -invitation arriving to dine with the Emperor at St. Cloud today, I put -off going till tomorrow. I went yesterday to Versailles to see the -_grandes eaux_ and was disappointed, and dined there with the -Ashburtons. This morning telegraphic news came of a Russian sortie last -night; no details of course. Yesterday we were thrown into consternation -by the intelligence from London of the revelations of John Russell in -the House of Commons and the discussion thereupon. Le Marchant wrote to -Labouchere and told him the effect was as bad as possible, and the whole -case very deplorable. My own opinion is that nobody could have acted -more indiscreetly and unjustifiably than John Russell has done, and he -has sacrificed his character and authority in a way which he will find -it difficult to get over. But I am disposed to agree with him that the -terms proposed by Austria, if they could have been brought to maturity -and carried out, were quite sufficient to make peace upon, and that the -negotiations ought to have continued in order to endeavour to bring -about this result. The effect of this public announcement to the whole -world, that the English Minister at the Congress as well as the French -one was willing to accept the terms proposed by Austria, will not fail -to make a great sensation, and produce a considerable effect both in -Germany and in France. In England it is doubtful whether it will have -any other result than to damage John Russell himself, and increase the -vulgar prejudice against public men. My own idea is that it will render -the war still more unpopular in France, and the English alliance -likewise, because it will encourage the prevailing notion that the war -is carried on for English interests and in deference to the wishes of -England. Though John Russell declared that the resolution of the Emperor -to part with Drouyn de Lhuys and reject the Austrian proposal had been -made before the intention of the English Cabinet was known, this will -not be believed, or at all events everybody will be convinced that he -knew what the sentiments of England were, and that he really acted in -conformity with them, as was beyond all doubt the case. - - - A DINNER AT VILLENEUVE L'ÉTANG. - -_July 10th._--I dined at Villeneuve l'Étang. We went to the Palace of -St. Cloud in Cowley's carriage, where we found an equerry and one of the -Emperor's carriages, which took us to Villeneuve. A small house, pretty -and comfortable enough, and a small party, all English--Duke and Duchess -of Hamilton, Lord Hertford, Lord and Lady Ashburton, General Torrens and -his _aide de camp_, Cowley and myself, the Duc de Bassano, Comte de -Montebello, the _aide de camp de service_, and M. Valabrègue, _écuyer_, -that was the whole party. The Emperor sat between the two ladies, taking -the Duchess in to dinner. It lasted about three quarters of an hour, and -as soon as it was over His Majesty took us all out to walk about the -place, see the dairy and a beautiful Bretonne cow he ordered to be -brought out, and then to scull on the lake, or _étang_, which gives its -name to the place. There were a number of little boats for one person to -scull and one to sit, and one larger for two each; the Emperor got into -one with the Duchess, and all the rest of the people as they liked, and -we passed about half an hour on the water. On landing, ices, etc., were -brought, and the carriages came to the door at nine o'clock, a _char à -banc_ with four _percherons_ and postillions exactly like the old French -postboy, and several other open carriages and pair. The two ladies got -into the centre of the _char à banc_, Cowley, Hertford, and I were -invited to get up before, and the Emperor himself got up behind with -somebody else, I did not see who. We then set off and drove for some -time through the woods and drives of Villeneuve and St. Cloud, and at -last, at about ten o'clock, we were set down at the Palace. There we all -alighted, and, after walking about a little, the Emperor showing us the -part which Marie Antoinette had built and telling some anecdotes -connected with Louis XVIII. and Louis Philippe, and the Château, he -shook hands with all of us very cordially and dismissed us. His Majesty -got into the _char à banc_ and returned to Villeneuve, and we drove back -to Paris. When we were walking about the court of the Château (it was -quite dark) the sentinel challenged us--'Qui va là?' when the Emperor -called out in a loud voice, 'L'Empereur.' - -Of course, in this company there was nothing but general conversation, -and I had no opportunity of having any with His Majesty; but he was -extremely civil, offering me his cigars, which I declined, and -expressing anxiety that I should not catch cold. He made the same -impression on me as before as to his extreme simplicity and the easiness -of his intercourse; but I was struck with his appearance being so very -_mesquin_, more than I thought at first. - -Lady Ashburton told me she had received a letter from Ellice, telling -her that the affair in the House of Commons had produced the most -serious effect, and that it would probably end in the retirement of John -Russell, and eventually to a change of Government. He had got a story, -which I utterly disbelieve, that Milner Gibson had been instigated by -John Russell himself to give him this opportunity of saying what he did, -which was certainly more than he need have said.[1] Lord John seems for -some time past to have been bereft of his senses, and to commit nothing -but blunders one after another. What has been passing in his mind, and -what his real objects are or have been, it would puzzle anybody to say. -If he had personal views and wanted to regain the station and power -which he had lost, never did any man take such false steps and pursue so -erroneous a course to obtain his ends. He had in some measure retrieved -the character and consideration which he forfeited by his conduct at the -beginning of this year; but I do not see how he is ever to get over -this, nor how his followers can any longer have any confidence in him, -and I do not believe the country at large ever will. As to his opinion -on the terms of peace, I agree with it, and think it would have been -wiser to close with Buol's proposal, and to continue to negotiate; but -this makes no difference as to his conduct in the affair, for which -there is no excuse. He never ought to have committed himself at Vienna; -his instructions were clear and precise and quite inconsistent with -Buol's proposition. He might have engaged to bring it before his -Government, but should, especially as he was a Cabinet Minister, have -abstained from expressing any opinion of his own upon it. He appears at -Vienna to have been easily talked over, and to have been exceedingly -wanting in diplomatic finesse and penetration; but all I have picked up -here in conversation proves to me that there have been errors -innumerable and the greatest mistakes in the conduct of these affairs -throughout, and the exigencies of the alliance and the necessity of -concerting everything to the most minute particular with both Cabinets -have produced results not less unfortunate in diplomacy than in war. The -affair before Sebastopol the night before last turns out to have been of -no importance, only a demonstration against the English lines. - -[Footnote 1: On July 6, Lord John Russell declared in the House of -Commons, in answer to a question put by Mr. Milner Gibson, that he was -personally convinced that the terms proposed at Vienna by the Austrian -Government gave a fair prospect of the termination of hostilities, but -that on his return to England the Government declined to accept them. M. -Drouyn de Lhuys, the French envoy, had also been in favour of these -terms. This declaration appeared to be wholly inconsistent with the -warlike speech which Lord John had made, on his return, on May 24. Sir -E. B. Lytton then gave notice of a motion condemning the conduct of the -Ministers charged with negotiating at Vienna; but Lord John Russell -anticipated the inevitable vote of censure by resigning office, and he -was succeeded in the Colonial Department by Sir William Molesworth. This -transaction was held to reflect deep discredit on Lord John Russell's -conduct, and justifies the severe language applied to him in the text, -but this was somewhat mitigated by Mr. Greville in a subsequent -passage.] - - - LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S EXPLANATION. - -_London, July 13th._--I left Paris on Tuesday night at 7.30, got to -Calais at three; low water and steamer three miles out at sea; went out -in a boat in a torrent of rain which had lasted the whole journey and -all day. Train was just gone when we got to Dover, but we arrived in -town about eleven. I found a precious state of affairs, all confusion -and consternation, Bulwer having given notice of a motion of want of -confidence on account of John Russell, whose affair has brought himself -and the Government to the very brink and almost to the certainty of -ruin. There is as much excitement against Palmerston's Government, all -on account of Lord John, as there was a few months ago against Aberdeen. -I found Brooks's in a state of insurrection, and even the -Attorney-General (Cockburn) told me that the Liberal party were resolved -to go no further with John Russell, and that nothing but his resignation -could save the Government, even if that could; that they might be -reconciled to him hereafter, but as long as the war lasted they -repudiated him. Meanwhile he has not resigned. There was a long Cabinet -the day before yesterday in which they discussed the state of affairs, -and what measures could be taken. Lord John offered to resign, but they -would not hear of it, and came to a resolution to stand or fall -together. I saw Clarendon yesterday, who was fully aware of the -imminence of the danger and of the probability of their being out on -Monday; he said Lord John's whole conduct was inconceivable, and he knew -not to what to attribute his strange speech, in which he had made for -himself a much worse case than the circumstances really warrant and -given to the world impressions which are not correct; for in point of -fact he did not urge Buol's proposal upon the Cabinet, but when he laid -it before them and found it not acceptable, he at once yielded to all -the arguments against it, and instead of making any attempt to get peace -made on those terms, he joined with all his colleagues in their -conviction of the necessity of carrying on the war vigorously; and this -conviction induced him to make the warlike speech with which he is now -reproached as being inconsistent with the opinions he was entertaining -(as it is said) at the time he made it. Yesterday he attempted to make -something of an explanation, but he only floundered further into the -mire, and was laughed at. Everybody thinks he made his case worse -rather than better, but he really seems to have lost his head. His whole -conduct at Vienna and here has exhibited nothing but a series of -blunders and faults, and he has so contrived it, that no explanations he -can possibly make will extenuate them, or place him in a tolerable light -in the eyes of the public. In the morning yesterday I had occasion to -call on Disraeli about some business, when he talked over the state of -affairs very freely and gave me to understand that he intended and -expected to turn out the Government and to come in with his party, but -he owned that their materials for forming a tolerable Government were -very scanty, that he would not attempt their old Government over again, -but, except Lytton Bulwer, of whom he spoke in terms of high praise, he -knew not where to find any fresh men worth anything. - - -_Bath, July 19th._--I came here on Saturday night. In the course of -Friday morning I met Drumlanrig, who told me the subordinate place men -had caused John Russell to be informed that if he did not resign they -should, and vote for Bulwer's motion on Monday. This produced his -resignation, but under circumstances as mortifying as possibly could be, -and which must have made him deeply regret that he did not resign at -first, although he is not to be blamed for having yielded to the wishes -of his colleagues, and I am satisfied he did so from the best motives. -It was no sooner known that he had resigned than the excitement began to -subside, and everybody thought that Bulwer would withdraw his motion, -and at all events nobody doubted that it would come to nothing. The -motion was withdrawn but the debate took place, and such a debate!--it -was impossible to read it without indignation and disgust. Bulwer's -speech was a tissue of foul abuse with the grossest and most wilful -misrepresentations and endeavours to draw inferences he knew to be false -and fallacious, with the hope and purpose of damaging the characters of -the Ministers. In these times, when the great evil is the bad opinion -which the public has been led to entertain of public men, Bulwer -endeavours, for a mere party purpose, to aggravate that hostile feeling -and to make the world believe that, in a great party and a Cabinet -composed of men whose characters have never been impugned, there is -neither truth, sincerity, nor good faith, and by producing such an -impression to bring the aristocracy into greater disrepute. Disraeli, of -course, spoke in the same tone, Palmerston was very bad, and his speech -was quite unbecoming his position. John Russell's defence was not -calculated to relieve him from the weight of obloquy and unpopularity he -had brought on himself, and the whole thing was unsatisfactory, except -that it denoted the end of the contest and the disappointment of the -Opposition, whose hopes had been so highly raised. - - APOLOGY FOR LORD JOHN. - -After much consideration of John Russell's conduct, I think it is not -obnoxious to the severe censure with which it has been visited, and -though he has committed errors, they are venial ones and admit of a fair -explanation. Had not Buol's publication revealed to the world what had -passed between them confidentially, nothing of it would have been known, -and he would have been left to the enjoyment of the popularity he had -gained by his anti-Russian speech. The statement about him in Buol's -Circular naturally led to questions, and then it was necessary to tell -everything and lay bare the arcana of Cabinets and Conferences; and when -he endeavoured to explain his own conduct it became, amidst all the -complexities of the case itself, its endless variety of details and -confusion of dates, next to impossible to unravel it satisfactorily, and -quite impossible to protect himself from the imputations which an -unscrupulous and malignant assailant could easily contrive to bring -against him; and in this great difficulty he displayed no tact and -ingenuity in extricating himself from the dilemma in which he was -placed; on the contrary, he went blundering on, exposing himself to many -charges, all plausible and some true, of inconsistency, inaccuracy, and -insincerity, and he made in his speeches a case against himself which -left very little for his enemies to do. It might be strange in any other -man, but is perhaps only consistent in him, that he is now more -indignant with the friends who refused to follow and support him on -this occasion than either ashamed or angry with himself for having -blundered into such a scrape. He writes, meanwhile, to his brother, who -has sent me his letter, in these terms:--'I have endeavoured to stand by -and support Palmerston, too much so, I fear, for my own credit, but had -I resigned on my return from Vienna, I should have been abused as -wishing to trip him up and get his place: in short, the situation was -one of those where only errors were possible. I have acted according to -my own conscience; let that suffice.' False reasoning and wounded pride -are both apparent in this letter, but he is quite right when he says -that 'only errors had become possible.' There is no course he could have -taken that would not have exposed him to bitter attacks and reproaches, -and these unavoidable errors were not confined to himself. - - LORD JOHN'S CONDUCT AT VIENNA. - -The first thing that strikes me is that the Cabinet ought to have -accepted his resignation when he first tendered it; but there were no -doubt difficulties and objections to that course, and their reluctance -to let him throw himself overboard was not unnatural and was generous. -The defence which his conduct really admits of may be (to state it very -briefly) thus set forth. I put it loosely, and as it strikes me, taking -a general view of the case; to make it more accurate and complete, the -dates and the documents should be before me, which they are not. He went -to Paris with instructions precisely corresponding with what was -verbally arranged in London between Drouyn de Lhuys and the Cabinet, and -they were conjointly to propose the conditions which the two Governments -had agreed to require from Russia; but still they were not the bearers -of an Ultimatum, they did not go to give law to Russia, or as judges to -pronounce sentence upon her. They went to confer and to negotiate, to -endeavour to obtain the precise terms which would be entirely -satisfactory to their two Governments, and failing in this to see what -they could obtain. If they were instructed to insist on the limitation, -just as they proposed it at the Conference, and to accept nothing else, -nothing either short of it or varying from it, then the very idea of a -Conference and a negotiation was a mockery and a delusion. It was a -mockery to invite the Russian plenipotentiary to make proposals, and the -conduct of the Allies was disingenuous and deceitful. Certainly Austria -never contemplated, still less would she have been a party to, such a -course of proceeding; and her notion was, and, of course, that of Russia -also, that there should be a _bonâ fide_ negotiation, and an attempt to -bring about an understanding by the only way in which an understanding -ever can be brought about--mutual concessions. We proposed the -limitation scheme, and Austria backed us up in it cordially, sincerely, -and forcibly, at least to all appearance. Russia rejected it on the -ground of its incompatibility with her honour and dignity. Then Russia -made proposals, which the Allies, Austria included, rejected as -insufficient. John Russell and Drouyn de Lhuys appear to have fought -vigorously in the spirit of their instructions, but when they found -there was no chance of the Russians consenting to the limitation, they -both became anxious to try some other plan, by which peace might -possibly be obtained, and they each suggested something. At last, when -the Conference was virtually at an end, as a last hope and chance Buol -produced his scheme. John Russell had already committed himself to an -approval of the principle of it, by the plan he had himself suggested, -and, when he found that both his French and Turkish colleagues were -willing to accept it, it is not surprising that he should have told Buol -privately and confidentially that he acquiesced in it, and would urge it -on his Government. As it has turned out, this was a great indiscretion -for which he has been severely punished. As he had every reason to -believe that Buol's plan would not be acceptable to his own Government, -what he ought to have done was to give notice to Clarendon that such a -proposal had been made, and to beg it might be considered before any -final resolution was taken, and to tell Buol that he had done so; to -promise that he would submit to the Cabinet all the arguments that had -been used in its favour, but to abstain from any expression of his own -opinion, and shelter himself from the necessity of giving any by the -tenour of his own instructions. When he found the French Minister for -Foreign Affairs consenting, he might very well suppose that the French -Government would not reject the proposal, and that he should not be -justified in putting a peremptory veto on what France was disposed to -accept as sufficient. Besides, although he has never put forward such an -argument in any of his speeches, he may have thought, as I do, that -'counterpoise' and 'limitation' were the same thing in principle, and -the only difference between them one of mode and degree. Buol's -counterpoise involved limitation, our limitation was to establish a -counterpoise; therefore, even in the spirit of the instructions and -arguments of the French and English Governments, their plan of -limitation having failed, Buol's plan of counterpoise was entitled to -consideration,[1] and the only question ought to have been whether it -would have been effectual for the purpose common to all, and whether it -would be an honourable mode of terminating the war. - -John Russell's fault was committing himself to Buol as approving his -plan before he knew how it would be viewed at home; but I see neither -impossibility nor inconsistency in his having regarded it favourably at -Vienna, and being biassed by all the arguments in its favour which there -beset him on all sides, and when he returned to England and found the -opinions of all his colleagues adverse to it, and heard their reasons -for being so, that he should have been convinced by them, have -subscribed to the general decision, and joined cordially with them in -the vigorous prosecution of the war. Having come finally to this -conclusion, his warlike speech was not unnatural, and he made it -probably very much to prove to his own colleagues that he was in earnest -with them. There was no necessity for his proclaiming what had passed at -Vienna, as nothing had happened in consequence, and the question was not -what impression had been made on his mind there in the course of the -negotiations, but what was the opinion and what the resolution at which -he finally arrived when all was over. But he has repeatedly in the -course of his career contrived to do a vast deal of mischief by a very -few words, and so it was in this instance. When he was driven to -_confess_ that he had endorsed Buol's proposal, and said that he was -still of the same opinion, his opponents were able with every appearance -of truth to say that he had intended to conceal what he had done at -Vienna, and to deceive the country, both as to his past conduct and his -present opinions; and as it was obvious from his own avowal that he -still was of the same opinion as at Vienna, his war speech was -hypocritical and insincere, and he was unfit to be in a Cabinet pledged -to carry on the war earnestly and vigorously. Against such an attack it -was very difficult to make a good defence, and I doubt whether the most -lucid and circumstantial statement and the most natural explanation of -his own motives and sentiments at different periods of the transaction -would have received a patient hearing and dispassionate consideration. -The House of Commons and the public were in that frame of mind that will -not listen, and cannot be fair and just, and he became, and could hardly -avoid becoming, the victim of his own want of caution and prudent -reserve and the excessive complication of the circumstances and details -of the case. - -[Footnote 1: The proposal submitted to the Conference by Count Buol was -that each of the Powers should have the right to maintain a limited -naval power in the Black Sea. The whole discussion turned upon -suppression of the naval supremacy of Russia in the Black Sea and the -manner in which it was to be effected.] - - - COMMAND OF THE ARMY. - -_London, July 28th._--I returned from Bath yesterday; went to Newmarket -in the evening and returned this morning. There is nothing new at home -and abroad; to all outward appearance the siege standing still, but they -say it is going on in a safe and judicious manner calculated to bring -about success. General Simpson wants to resign, but no man fit to -succeed him can be found.[1] I have read the pamphlet 'Whom shall we -Hang?' and think it makes a very good case for the late Government, -especially Newcastle, but it is so long that few people will read it; -and though it may convince and satisfy some one here and there, it will -not suffice to stem the torrent which is so swollen by ignorance and -malice. At Brooks's this afternoon I met Fitzroy, who said a great deal -to me about the condition of the Government, of the state and -disposition of the House of Commons, and Palmerston's management there, -and his conduct as a leader. - -[Footnote 1: Upon the death of Lord Raglan General Simpson, an officer -of whom little was known, succeeded, as senior in rank, to the command -of the army. He retained the command but a short time, General -Codrington having been appointed by the Government to succeed him.] - - -_London, August 14th._--Since my last date I have been to Goodwood, and -since then here, having had nothing to note beyond what has appeared in -all the newspapers. Parliament was prorogued yesterday, after a session -of average duration, but marked by a great many incidents of a -disagreeable character, and exhibiting a downward tendency as regards -the future tranquillity and prosperity of the country. The last few days -were marked by an angry contest provoked by Lord Grey in the Lords, not -altogether without cause: the Limited Liability Bill came up so late -that, according to the Standing Order, it could not be considered. -Government moved the suspension of the Order, which was carried, but -there was no time to discuss properly the provisions of the bill, and it -was hurried through the House by force, probably in an incomplete form. -Grey was very angry, and fought it tooth and nail, declaring his -opposition to a Government which had, he insisted, behaved so ill. Mr. -Monsell was made a Privy Councillor, the oath having been altered to -meet his scruples, in spite of all the remonstrances I could offer -against such an unworthy compliance as this appears to me. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - - The Queen's Visit to France--Sir George C. Lewis on the - War--Inefficiency of Lord Panmure--The Queen and the Emperor--Lord - John Russell's Estrangement from his Friends--The Fall of - Sebastopol--The Queen on the Orleans Confiscation--The Prince - Regent's Letter on the Holy Alliance--Ferment in Italy--The Failure - at the Redan--Lord John's Defence--General Windham--Lord John - Russell's Retirement--Death of Sir Robert Adair--Adieu to the - Turf--Progress of the War--Colonial Office proposed to Lord - Stanley--Lord John Russell's Position--Relations with Mr. - Disraeli--Mr. Labouchere Colonial Secretary--Negotiations for - Peace--The Terms proposed to Russia--The King of Sardinia and M. de - Cavour at Windsor--The Demands of the King of Sardinia--Lord - Palmerston presses for War--Lord Macaulay's History of England--An - Ultimatum to Russia--Death of the Poet Rogers--French - Ministers--The Emperor's Diplomacy--Sir George C. Lewis's Aversion - to the War--Quarrels of Walewski and Persigny--Austria presents the - Terms to Russia--Baron Seebach mediates--The Emperor's Difficulties - and Doubts. - - -_London, August 21st._--The Queen as usual has had magnificent weather -for her Paris visit, and all has gone well there except that unluckily -she arrived after her time at Boulogne and still more at Paris, -consequently the Emperor was kept waiting at Boulogne, and the whole -population of Paris, which turned out and waited for hours under a -broiling sun, was disappointed, for they arrived when it was growing -dark. However, in spite of this, the scene appears to have been very -fine and animated. Clarendon, who is not apt to be enthusiastic, writes -so to Palmerston, and tells him that Marshal Magnan said he had known -Paris for fifty years, and had never seen such a scene as this, nor even -when Napoleon returned from Austerlitz. - -George Lewis called on me yesterday. I have hardly seen him during the -session, and, having advised him to take his present office, I was glad -to be able to congratulate him on his success. He was very natural -about it, and owned that he had every reason to be satisfied with his -reception both by the House of Commons and the City. I found that his -sentiments about war and peace were identical with my own. He had been -all along against the war, and thought it ought to have been prevented, -and might have been in the outset, and that peace ought to have been -made the other day; but, as he was in no way responsible for the war, he -had nothing to do but to submit to the _fait accompli_ and to do his -best to raise the necessary supplies in the most advantageous manner. It -is evident that, if there could have been a potential peace party in the -Cabinet, he would have been one of them, but as it is he kept his real -sentiments to himself and subscribed to the decision of the majority. We -talked of the session and its incidents. He said history recorded -nothing like the profusion with which the present House of Commons was -inclined to spend money. It was impossible to ask for too much; their -only fear seemed to be lest the war should not be conducted with -sufficient vigour, and to accomplish this they were ready to vote any -amount of money. Lewis thinks the rage for war as violent as ever, and -the zeal of the country not at all diminished, he sees no symptoms of -it. The wealth and resources which the crisis has developed are most -curious; thus, he reduced the interest on Exchequer Bills not long -ago--an operation he believes never before attempted in time of war. War -has had little or no effect on trade, which is steady and flourishing; -but he thinks, unless some great successes infuse fresh animation into -the public mind, that before long they will begin to tire of the -contest, and to reflect that it is being carried on at an enormous cost -for no rational object whatever, and merely from motives of pride and -vanity and a false notion of honour. Charles Villiers thinks -differently, and that there is already a manifest change of opinion, and -that opposition to the war has already begun. I wish I could see some -symptoms of it, but, though there may be some, I think they are slight. -Lewis thinks John Russell has completely done for himself by his last -speech. He was recovering from the effects of his first; there was a -reaction in his favour; his friends were anxious to be reconciled to him -and to renew their support and confidence, when he played into the hands -of his enemies and made his own position worse than it was before. - -Lewis told me that he was much struck with the mediocrity of Panmure, -who was one of the dullest men he ever knew, and that he was by far the -least able man in the Cabinet, and as bad as possible as Minister of -War--prejudiced, slow, and _routinier_. It is evident that Newcastle was -a much abler man, and if he had happened to have come after Panmure, he -would have been as much belauded as he has been abused. - - - BATTLE OF THE TCHERNAYA. - -_September 5th._--A complete stagnation in every way; no news whatever -since the battle of the Tchernaya,[1] and nobody has the least idea, -Ministers included, of the state and progress of the war. I asked -Granville, who is just come from Paris, if he knew anything, and he said -he did not, and that the Emperor, whom he had seen a day or two ago, -complained of being equally in the dark. His Majesty, Granville said, -was very low about the war, and complained that none of the expeditions -and diversions had been undertaken which might have advanced the cause -more rapidly. Pélissier seems to be very much _déconsidéré_ and thought -worth very little as a general. - -I saw Clarendon one day last week for a short time, but had no -opportunity of hearing the details of his sojourn at Paris. He said the -Queen was delighted with everything and especially with the Emperor -himself, who, with perfect knowledge of women, had taken the surest way -to ingratiate himself with her. This it seems he began when he was in -England, and followed it up at Paris. After his visit the Queen talked -it all over with Clarendon, and said, 'It is very odd; but the Emperor -knows everything I have done and where I have been ever since I was -twelve years old; he even recollects how I was dressed, and a thousand -little details it is extraordinary he should be acquainted with.' She -has never before been on such a social footing with anybody, and he has -approached her with the familiarity of their equal positions, and with -all the experience and knowledge of womankind he has acquired during his -long life, passed in the world and in mixing with every sort of society. -She seemed to have played her part throughout with great propriety and -success. Old Jérome did not choose to make his appearance till just at -the last moment, because he insisted on being treated as a king, and -having the title of _Majesté_ given him--a pretension Clarendon would -not hear of her yielding to. - -[Footnote 1: The battle of the Tchernaya was fought on the 16th August, -when General Liprandi attacked the French and Sardinian armies in their -lines, with a large force, but was repulsed with great loss.] - - -_September 7th._--I had a long visit from the Duke of Bedford this -morning, who came to talk to me about his brother John, his position and -prospects. He has seen John and heard from him in great detail all his -case, and he has likewise seen Clarendon and heard his and the -Government's case. He tells me that he has never in his life suffered -more pain than at hearing these cases and witnessing the bitter feelings -which exist and the charges which are mutually made, especially between -Clarendon and Lord John. The latter thinks he has been very ill-used by -most of his former colleagues, but especially by Clarendon, whose -conduct he thinks both unjust and ungrateful. Clarendon wrote to him -while he was at Vienna in such a tone and language that Lord John had -determined to resign his embassy and return home, and had actually -written a letter to Clarendon for the purpose, but he gave up doing so -partly because he felt that it would make a prodigious noise all over -Europe and partly because, having consulted his brother-in-law, George -Elliot, he prudently advised him against such a step; but he felt -deeply, and resented what he thought bad conduct towards himself. I read -to the Duke all that I had written about John in the preceding pages, -against which he had nothing to say. He asked his brother how he came to -speak so ill _for himself_ in the House of Commons, and he replied that -he was embarrassed by the impossibility of saying everything that he -knew, especially the fact, which I have mentioned, of the way in which -the Emperor Napoleon determined to throw over Drouyn de Lhuys and to -reject the Vienna proposals. This was told to John by Baudin; and one of -the things he complains of is that the Cabinet never was informed of -what had passed, and its members were allowed to suppose, like the -public, that the Emperor's rejection had been spontaneous, instead of -having been suggested and urged upon him by us. John bitterly feels his -own position, his estrangement from his old friends, and, above all, the -unkindness and ingratitude he thinks they have been guilty of towards -him. He is now intent upon his own vindication, and is preparing to -compose it with a view of giving it to the world, though he does not -know, and it is difficult to determine, in what shape. He seems less -dissatisfied with his old enemy Palmerston than with any of the others, -and says he thinks Palmerston is the best man there is at present to be -Prime Minister. After Clarendon he most reproaches Charles Wood. - - - THE FALL OF SEBASTOPOL. - -_September 17th._--Went to The Grove with Clarendon last Saturday -sennight; on Monday to Doncaster, where I had no time to write anything -but bets in my betting-book, all of which I lost. On the Saturday we -heard from General Simpson by telegraph that the assault was to take -place that day. We were kept in suspense all Sunday, but on Monday -morning read in the 'Times' that the Malakoff was taken, but we had no -idea then that the city with all its vast defences would fall -immediately after, but I heard it the same night at the Huntingdon -station.[1] - -I heard a great deal from Clarendon about the royal visit to Paris, and -details connected with it, and we talked over the quarrel with John -Russell, at which he expressed great regret, though not without -bitterness. Clarendon said nothing could exceed the delight of the Queen -at her visit to Paris, at her reception, at all she saw; and that she -was charmed with the Emperor. They became so intimate, and she on such -friendly terms with him, that she talked to him with the utmost -frankness, and even discussed with him the most delicate of all -subjects, the confiscation of the Orleans' property, telling him her -opinion upon it. He did not avoid the subject, and gave her the reasons -why he thought himself obliged to take that course; that he knew all -this wealth was employed in fomenting intrigues against his Government, -which was so new that it was necessary to take all precautions to avert -such dangers. She replied that, even if this were so, he might have -contented himself with sequestrating the property and restoring it when -he was satisfied that all danger on that score was at an end. I asked -Clarendon what he thought of the Emperor himself, and he said that he -liked him, and he was very pleasing, but he was struck with his being so -indolent and so excessively ignorant. The Prince of Wales was put by the -Queen under Clarendon's charge, who was desired to tell him what to do -in public, when to bow to the people, and whom to speak to. He said that -the Princess Royal was charming, with excellent manners, and full of -intelligence. Both the children were delighted with their _séjour_, and -very sorry to come away. When the visit was drawing to a close, the -Prince said to the Empress that he and his sister were both very -reluctant to leave Paris, and asked her if she could not get leave for -them to stay there a little longer. The Empress said she was afraid this -would not be possible, as the Queen and the Prince would not be able to -do without them; to which the boy replied, 'Not do without us! don't -fancy that, for there are six more of us at home, and they don't want -us.' The Emperor himself proposed to the Queen to go to the Chapel -consecrated to the memory of the Duke of Orleans upon the spot where he -met with his fatal accident and expired. It is creditable to her that -she talks without _gêne_ or scruple to the Emperor about the Orleans -family, making no secret of her continued intimacy with them, and with -equal frankness to them of her relations with him. She wrote to the -Queen Marie Amélie an account of her going to the Chapel and of the -Emperor taking her there, and received a very amiable reply. The first -thing she did on her return was to receive the Duc and Duchesse de -Montpensier. - -Clarendon told me a few things besides of no great importance, and which -I am not sure that I recollect: about Spain, he said that matters were -going on better there and the Government had contrived to get money--the -Spaniards were very anxious to take part in the war, but he had -discouraged it entirely. As to Naples, that we were calling the -Neapolitan Government to account for their recent impertinence to us, -but that Palmerston and he had disagreed as to what should be done, -Palmerston, according to his old habit, wanting to send ships of war to -Naples and to proceed to violence, while he was opposed to having -another Pacifico affair on our hands, and proposed to proceed with -caution and quietly. - - MARRIAGES OF THE ROYAL FAMILY. - -While they were in the yacht, crossing over, Prince Albert had told him -that there was not a word of truth in the prevailing report and belief -that the young Prince of Prussia and the Princess Royal were _fiancés_, -that nothing had ever passed between the parents on the subject, and -that the union never would take place unless the children should become -attached to each other. There would be no mere political marriage. The -Prince showed Clarendon all the correspondence which had taken place -between the Emperor of Russia and the Prince Regent about the Holy -Alliance, which he said was very curious, and George IV.'s letter -declining to be a party to it very good indeed. These documents were -left in Lord Liverpool's papers, and fell into the hands of Harcourt, -who married his daughter. Harcourt lent them to the Prince to read, but -exacting a promise that he would not take a copy of them, and he had -since repeatedly pressed the Prince to return them. I told Clarendon -they ought not to be returned, or at least that Harcourt ought to be -desired to give them to be preserved in the Government Archives, for -they can in no way be considered as private property. Lord Liverpool's -papers were for the most part destroyed, but these were preserved. This -is all I can recollect of what he told me. - -[Footnote 1: The final bombardment of Sebastopol commenced on the -morning of September 5th, and continued without intermission until the -8th, when the Russians blew up their magazines and in the night -evacuated the southern portion of the city. The intelligence of the fall -of Sebastopol reached England on the afternoon of Monday, September 10, -and was received with great enthusiasm throughout the country.] - - -_September 23rd._--At The Grove from Saturday to Monday; nobody there -but Reeve; nothing very particular. Clarendon said Prussia was very -anxious to interpose to renew negotiations, but they would not hear of -her interference, and if anything was done it could only be by Austria. -He showed me a paper sent by Hudson with an account, very brief, of the -state of Italy, which is in fermentation though not in open disturbance. -The Sicilian malcontents sent to the King of Sardinia an offer of their -crown for one of his sons. He replied, 'You have need of a man, and a -boy will be of no use to you.' This they took for a refusal, and they -are now thinking of a Coburg; in no case will they have a Murat. I -forget what the Neapolitan Liberals want, but I doubt if the country -will have either the courage or the power to emancipate itself. - - - GENERAL CHARLES WINDHAM. - -_September 28th._--No fresh news, but a letter from Charles Windham (the -hero of the Redan), in which he gives an account of that affair which -corresponds very closely with the report of Russell, the 'Times' -Commissioner. He gives a poor character of the generals in the Crimea, -and says the troops, except some of the old soldiers, behaved by no -means well. The whole thing seems to have been grievously mismanaged on -our part.[1] - -I have had much correspondence with the Duke of Bedford about Lord John -and his case, which the Duke says, now that he has heard it all and seen -the correspondence, he thinks much better than he had supposed, and that -John was meditating the publication of a defence of himself, but could -not determine in what shape it should be. I earnestly advised him to -dissuade his brother from publishing anything, as he could not make an -effectual defence of his conduct without making revelations that would -be held unjustifiable and cause all sorts of ill humour and -recriminations, and render his position, both personal and political, -worse than it now is. Some communications in a friendly spirit have -taken place between Lord John and Clarendon, but I can see that there is -still existing a great deal of soreness and a not very cordial feeling -between them. I have been reading Lord Grey's speech on the war, which -he has published in a pamphlet, and I think it excellent and -unanswerable. I long to write something on the subject and to add to -Grey's argument on other parts of the case. I do not care about the -unpopularity of doing so, and am only deterred from taking so much -trouble by feeling that it would be unavailing, and that to attempt to -make the public listen to reason and take a dispassionate view of the -various questions connected with the war on which they have been so -completely bamboozled and misled, would be like Mrs. Partington and her -mop. - -[Footnote 1: The British attack on the Redan failed, whilst the French -attack on the Malakoff succeeded, to the extreme annoyance of the -British army and public: but in his assault Colonel Charles Windham (as -he then was) displayed the most signal bravery, which in some measure -redeemed the credit of the British forces. This circumstance gave him an -amount of popularity and distinction which his rank in the army and his -previous services did not altogether justify.] - - -_October 2nd._--I have been in correspondence for a long time with -Charles Windham, and had a letter from him written a few days after his -great exploit at the Redan. I showed his letter to Granville, and he to -Palmerston and Clarendon. I was glad to find every disposition to reward -his bravery and conduct, and Henry Grenfell told me they had made him a -general and were going to give him a division, as Markham and Bentinck -are both coming home. This was no more than was reasonable to expect; -but great was my astonishment when I was told yesterday morning that -they were thinking of making Windham _Commander-in-Chief_, and I was -asked to give any of his letters to me, from which extracts might be -made to show to the Cabinet to enable them to judge of his character and -talents. I offered to get his journal and letters, from his wife and -others, which I did; but at the same time I said I thought it a -hazardous speculation to raise him _per saltum_ from being a colonel and -brigadier to the command of a great army. B---- said this was true, but -the matter pressed and they did not know where to find a man. This -morning I gave him some papers, and he then told me Simpson had -resigned, and it was necessary to come to some immediate decision. -Codrington would have been undoubtedly chosen if he had not apparently -(for as yet we know very little) failed in what he had to do on the 8th. -With regard to Windham what the Cabinet will do I know not. I suggested -that it would be better to try him first in his command of a division -and go on if possible for some time longer, but Simpson's resignation -compels them to come to some immediate decision, and they do not like to -appoint another man _pro tempore_. I still incline to the opinion that -Windham's extraordinary promotion from so low to so high a rank, and his -passing over the heads of such multitudes of officers, will occasion -great jealousy, envy, heart-burning, and resentment, besides casting a -slur on the whole service in the eyes of the world; for when every -general in the service is passed over, and a colonel appointed who has -never done any but subordinate work, and shown extraordinary bravery and -coolness, but no aptitude for command, because he has had no opportunity -of so doing, every general and superior colonel now on service will feel -himself insulted and a stigma cast upon him. I am not at all sure -Windham may do better than any other man would do, but to justify such -an appointment he ought to do far better; and, though he is a sharp -fellow enough, I have never seen anything in him which indicates real -genius or a superior intellect. - - -_October 7th._--At Woburn, where the Duke and I had much conversation -about Lord John and his position, and he showed me a great many of -John's letters to him about his quarrel with the Government and the -conduct of Clarendon to him, which he cannot forgive, though they are -again corresponding with ostensible amity. The Duke owns that he does -not see how John can take any prominent part in public life, at least -for the present, and indeed considers it probable that his career as a -statesman is closed; and, what is more, John seems to consider it so -himself and to acquiesce in his position, though what his secret -aspirations may be none can tell. He has, however, determined to give -up his house in town, which looks like retirement. I strongly advised -that John should go to the House of Lords, where he might still act a -dignified and useful part; his position in the House of Commons would be -very anomalous and disagreeable, and it is not at all certain that he -would not lose his seat in the event of an election--very doubtful -whether he would be returned again for the City; and the thing most to -be deprecated is that he should stand and be defeated for that or any -other place. The Duke neither agreed nor dissented, but he owned what I -said of John's position was true, though he still thought he would be -very reluctant to quit the House of Commons for ever, and retire to the -Lords. - - DEATH OF SIR ROBERT ADAIR. - -On Tuesday last, after a few days' illness, Sir Robert Adair died at the -age of 93, having preserved his faculties, and especially his remarkable -memory, quite to the last. He was the last survivor of the intimate -friends of Fox and of the political characters of his times. He had -entertained a warm affection for Fox, and he preserved a boundless -veneration for his memory; and the greatest pleasure he had was in -talking of Fox and his contemporaries, and pouring forth to willing -circles of auditors anecdotes and reminiscences of the political events -with which he had been mixed up, or of which he had been cognisant in -the course of his long life. This he did in a manner quite remarkable at -so advanced an age, and he never had any difficulty in finding listeners -to his old stories, which were always full of interesting matter, and -related to the most conspicuous characters who flourished during the -reigns of George III. and George IV. - - -_October 29th._--All last week at Newmarket, and probably very nearly -for the last time as an owner of racehorses, for I have now got rid of -them all, and am almost off the turf, after being on it more or less for -about forty years. I am sorry that I have never kept any memoranda of my -turf life, which might have been curious and amusing; for I have known -many odd characters, and lived with men of whom it would have been -interesting to preserve some record. Perhaps I may one day rake together -my old recollections and trace the changes that have taken place in this -racing life since I first knew it and entered into it, but I cannot do -so now. - -Since I last wrote, the war has proceeded without any great events, but -with the same progress and success on the side of the Allies which have -marked the contest throughout and have excited my wonder. The most -important of these successes has been the defeat of Mouravieff at Kars -by the Turks under English officers, which, after what Clarendon told -me, was the very last thing I expected. The death of Molesworth has made -a difficulty for Palmerston; I knew so little of him that I cannot -pretend to say anything about him. That of Lord Wharncliffe touches me -more nearly; but this is more matter of private regret than of public -concern, as the part he played in life was never important, though very -honourable. The appointment of Codrington seems to be well taken, more -perhaps because nobody can suggest a better choice than from any -peculiar merits of the new Commander-in-Chief.[1] - -[Footnote 1: The Right Hon. Sir William Molesworth, Secretary of State -for the Colonial Department, died on October 22, 1855, aged 45. John, -2nd Baron Wharncliffe, also died on the 22nd. General Sir William -Codrington had been appointed to the command of the British forces in -the Crimea, on the resignation of General Simpson.] - - - LORD STANLEY. - -_London, November 7th._--The event of the last few days has been the -offer of the Colonial Office to Lord Stanley and his refusal to take it. -When Palmerston proposed it to him he said that he could not give an -answer without consulting his father, which _implied_ that he would -accept if his father gave his consent. He posted down to Knowsley, from -whence he had just come, and entered the room where Derby was playing at -billiards, and much to his astonishment saw his son suddenly return. -'What on earth,' he cried out, 'has brought you back so soon? Are you -going to be married, or what has happened to you?' Stanley said he -wanted to speak to him, and carried him off. What passed is not known, -but of course he advised his son to refuse office. He wrote to -Palmerston in very becoming terms, and, I hear, a very good letter. He -had, if not consulted, certainly imparted to Disraeli what passed, for -Disraeli told me so. I think he judged wisely in declining, for it would -have been an awkward thing to pass at once from the Opposition side of -the House to the Treasury Bench, and take high office in a Cabinet -without having any political or personal connexion with a single member -of it, and to which he has hitherto been opposed generally, although -upon many subjects his opinions have much more coincided with theirs -than with those of the party to which he still nominally belongs. He is -young and can afford to wait, and his position and abilities are certain -before long to make him conspicuous and to enable him to play a very -considerable part. He is exceedingly ambitious, of an independent turn -of mind, very industrious, and has acquired a vast amount of -information. Not long ago, Disraeli gave me an account of him and of his -curious opinions--exceedingly curious in a man in his condition of life -and with his prospects. Last night Lord Strangford (George Smythe) -talked to me about him, expressed the highest opinion of his capacity -and acquirements, and confirmed what Disraeli had told me of his notions -and views even more, for he says that he is a real and sincere democrat, -and that he would like if he could to prove his sincerity by divesting -himself of his aristocratic character and even of the wealth he is heir -to. How far this may be true I know not: if it be true, it may possibly -be ascribed in some degree to his own consciousness that the realisation -of his ideology is impossible, and at all events time will show whether -these extreme theories will not be modified by circumstances and -reflexions. Nothing appears to me certain but that he will play a -considerable part for good or for evil, but I cannot pretend to guess -what it will be. At present he seems to be more allied with Bright than -with any other public man; and, as his disposition about the war and its -continuance is very much that of Bright, it would have been difficult -for him to take office with Palmerston, whose whole political existence, -or at least his power, rests on the cry for war and its active and -energetic prosecution. - - -_London, November 12th._--I saw John Russell on Saturday morning to have -a talk with him about the state of affairs and the questions of peace -and war. There still exists a great deal of bitterness between him and -Clarendon, he thinking that he has been very ill used by Clarendon and -others of his former colleagues. He is particularly sore about their -allowing so many things to be said to his disadvantage concerning the -Vienna negotiations which they know to be untrue, without saying a word -to contradict them and cause justice to be done to him, particularly in -reference to the matter of Austria having engaged to join if Russia -refused her last proposals. George Grey denied that Austria had so -engaged, and none of the others ever admitted it, whereas it was -perfectly true. Lord John and I do not agree as to the earlier part of -the question, because he was originally a party to the war while I was -always against it. He was, however, rather against it quite at first, -being, as he told me, with Aberdeen, and against Clarendon and -Palmerston, who were all along inclined to go to war. He had been at the -Mansion House dinner the night before, where he was very ill received, -though he would not allow it; he prefers to flatter himself that the -signs of his unpopularity were not so strong and marked as everybody -else who was present thought them. - -I likewise saw Disraeli and had some talk with him. He told me that he -had now nothing whatever to do with the 'Press,' and that the series of -articles in that paper on the war and in favour of peace were all -written by Stanley. He said he had received a letter from Stanley to -this effect: 'My dear Disraeli,--I write to you in confidence to tell -you that I have been offered and have refused the Colonial Office. As it -is due to Lord Palmerston to keep his offer secret, I have told nobody -of it but yourself and my father, and I beg you not to mention it to -anybody.' On receiving this he said he began to concoct an answer in his -mind of rather a sentimental kind, and conveying his approbation of the -course he had taken, but before he put pen to paper he got the 'Times' -with Stanley's letter to Sir----, which was tantamount to a disclosure -of the whole thing, on which he wrote instead, 'Dear Stanley,--I thank -you for your letter, but I had already received your confidential -communication through your letter to Sir----.' - -I have occasion to see Disraeli very often about ----'s affairs, about -which he has been wonderfully kind and serviceable, and on these -occasions he always enters on some political talk, and in this way we -have got into a sort of intimacy such as I never thought could have -taken place between us. - - - MR. LABOUCHERE TAKES OFFICE. - -_London, November 24th._--After his failure with Stanley, Palmerston -applied to Sidney Herbert, who went to Broadlands, but, finding that he -and Palmerston could not agree upon the subject of war and peace (the -details of their disagreement I do not know), he declined the offer of -the Colonial Office. Palmerston then sent for Labouchere, who -accepted.[1] He called on me the day after and told me he had been to -Broadlands, that Palmerston had told him everything about the state of -affairs and his own views and opinions, and, as he could find nothing -therein to object to, he had accepted the office. As Labouchere is -certainly moderate, this would indicate more moderation on the part of -Palmerston than Sidney Herbert found in him, unless Labouchere and -Sidney Herbert take totally dissimilar views of affairs. - -After this, a few days ago, I had a long conversation with George Lewis, -who told me that France and Austria were endeavouring to bring about -peace, and that communications were going on between France and our -Government on the subject, and he said, moreover, that Palmerston was by -no means so stiff and so bent on continuing the war as was generally -supposed. This intelligence appeared to me to explain what I could not -understand in his communications with Sidney Herbert and Labouchere; -for, if the Emperor has really intimated to our Government his -determination to try and make peace, Palmerston must needs come down -from his very high horse and evince a disposition to go along with our -Imperial ally, who has got the whole game in his own hands, and whom we -must perforce follow when he is determined to take his own course. Then -our warlike propensities may be probably restrained by the alarming -prospect of financial difficulties which Lewis sees looming in the -distance. He said to me, 'I am sure I do not know how I shall provide -ways and means next year, for the enormously high prices will be a great -blow to consumption, and the money market is in a very ticklish state.' -I said, 'You will have to trust to a great loan, and ten per cent. -income tax;' to which he assented. They have now patched up the -Government, by getting Baines to take the Duchy of Lancaster with a seat -in the Cabinet--a very respectable man, who cannot speak, and who will -be of no use to them. Neither he nor Labouchere will add much to their -strength, but they are both very unexceptionable appointments. I think -that, in spite of the undiminished violence of the press, the prevailing -opinion is that there is the beginning of a change in the public mind, -and an incipient desire for peace; and I agree with Disraeli, who thinks -that, when once the current has fairly turned, it will run with great -rapidity the other way. - -[Footnote 1: The Right Hon. Henry Labouchere, born in 1798, a highly -respected member of the Whig party, who filled many offices in Liberal -Governments. He was created Baron Taunton on his retirement from office -in 1859, and died in July 1869.] - - - PROPOSALS FOR PEACE. - -_November 27th._--At length there really does appear to be a prospect of -putting an end to this odious war, and my conjectures of a few days ago -are assuming the shape of realities. Yesterday morning I met George -Lewis in the Park and turned back and walked with him to the door of his -office, when he told me the exact state of affairs. I had received a -letter from the Duke of Bedford in the morning, who said that Charles -Wood, who was at Woburn, had told him the statement in the 'Press' a -week ago was so substantially accurate that they must, he thought, have -received their information from some French official source. This was in -itself confirmatory of all I had already inferred and believed. Lewis's -story was this: The Austrians have framed a proposal for peace which -they offer to send to Russia, and, if she refuses it, Austria engages -to join the Allies and to declare war. The Emperor Napoleon agrees with -Austria, and is resolved not to go on with the war if peace can be -arranged on the Austrian terms. This resolution he has communicated to -us, and invited us to accede thereto; Walewski's letters are not merely -pressing, but even peremptory. It is in fact a second edition of the -Vienna Conference and proposals, with this difference, that, while on -the last occasion the Emperor knocked under to us and reluctantly agreed -to go on with the war, he is now determined to go on with it no longer, -and requires that we should defer to his wishes. Our Government are -aware that they have no alternative, and that nothing is left for them -but to acquiesce with a good grace and make the best case they can for -themselves here, the case being that the Emperor is determined to make -peace, and that we cannot carry on the war alone. This was the amount of -Lewis' information, to which he added the expression of his disgust at -the pitiful figure we cut in the affair, being obliged to obey the -commands of Louis Napoleon, and, after our insolence, swagger, and -bravado, to submit to terms of peace which we have already scornfully -rejected; all which humiliation, he justly said, was the consequence of -our plunging into war without any reason and in defiance of all prudence -and sound policy. Afterwards I saw Charles Villiers and had a talk with -him. He told me Clarendon had been sent for on Sunday to Windsor in a -great hurry to meet Palmerston there. The Queen had received a letter -from the Emperor, brought by the Duke of Cambridge, which no doubt -contained in a private and friendly shape to her the communications -which Walewski had already made officially to the Government and she -wanted to know what answer she should send to it. Charles Villiers told -me that Palmerston had already thrown out a feeler to the Cabinet to -ascertain if they would be willing to carry on the war without France, -but this was unanimously declined. I can hardly imagine that even -Palmerston really contemplated such a desperate course. - - -_November 29th._--I met Sidney Herbert last night. He seems to know -what is going on and thinks we shall have peace; he only doubts whether -the terms will be such as Russia will accept, for he is not convinced, -as I am, that Austria has already settled that with Russia. He told me -that, when Palmerston offered him office, he had not received the French -communication, and was ignorant that it was coming. - - -_December 4th._--At The Grange the last four days, where I found -everybody in total ignorance of what is passing about peace, except -Sidney Herbert, who told me that the plan is _neutralisation_. On coming -back yesterday I met Lord Malmesbury just come from Paris; he is -supposed to be the person who supplied all its information to the -'Press' paper, and I believe it was he. He confirmed the Emperor's -desire for peace, but thought it very doubtful whether Russia would -accept the terms of the Allies. He told me likewise that Pélissier has -sent word he is in a fix, as he cannot advance or expel the Russians -from their positions; and James Macdonald told me the Duke of Cambridge -is going again to Paris to represent us at a grand council of war to be -held there, to decide on future operations. If it were not that the -Allies seem infallible and invincible, and the Russians unable to -accomplish anything, offensive or defensive, I should augur very ill -from this council of war, for nothing can be worse than to have a set of -men at Paris forming plans to be executed by another set in the Crimea -who have had no share in the deliberations. - -This morning the Duke of Bedford writes me word that Westmorland tells -him he has heard from Clarendon the state of affairs, and the answer we -have sent to France, and he augurs ill of peace, as he thinks there can -be no agreement with Russia on such terms; and the 'Morning Post,' which -has long been quite silent about war or peace, has this morning an -article which is evidently a regular Palmerstonian manifesto, decidedly -adverse to any hope of peace, for it is certain that Russia will -continue the war, _coûte que coûte_, rather than submit to such -conditions as the 'Morning Post' says we are to impose on her. I am -persuaded Palmerston and Clarendon will do all they can to prevent -peace being made on any moderate terms, and the only hope is that the -Emperor Napoleon may take the matter into his own hands and employ a -_douce violence_ to compel us to give way. - - - THE PROPOSALS MODIFIED. - -_December 5th._--I met Charles Villiers last night, who told me a good -deal of what is going on, and cleared up some matters. The Austrian -proposal transmitted here by the Emperor Napoleon was considered by the -Cabinet and sent back with amendments--that is, it was made more -stringent. The Emperor consented to send it so amended to Vienna, and it -remains to be seen what course Austria will take--whether she will send -it in its present shape to Russia or adhere to her own edition, and -whether, if she does send it, she will (supposing it to be rejected) -join the Allies and declare war. The latter, I think, she will not do, -nor be bound to do. Next is the question what the Emperor Napoleon will -do if Austria declines to adopt the amended version, or if Russia should -reply she would take the original proposal, but not our amendments. The -Emperor is certainly very anxious to make peace, and when he is bent -upon a thing he generally does it, and my own opinion and hope is that -he will refuse to give way to us _now_ as he did last May. It is -universally admitted that every man in France desires peace ardently. -There is, Charles Villiers tells me, great uneasiness amongst -Palmerston's adherents, and some idea that, if peace cannot be had on -the terms he has insisted on, he will be no party to making it, and if -the majority of the Cabinet are for taking the original terms proposed, -supposing the Emperor Napoleon again to press their acceptance, that he -will resign, throw himself on the popular enthusiasm for the war, and -leave his colleagues to make an unpopular peace. If Palmerston was forty -instead of seventy he would probably do this; but he has not time to -wait for fresh combinations and to speculate on distant chances, so he -will probably consent to make peace if he is obliged by France to do so, -and trust to fortune to enable him to reconcile Parliament and the -country to it. This is rendered more likely by Disraeli having made a -communication to the Government that he and Stanley will be ready to -support any peace they may now make. - - -_December 6th._--I saw George Lewis yesterday, who told me the state of -affairs so far as he recollects it; but it is evident that he takes but -a secondary interest in the details of diplomacy, however anxious he may -be about the results, and what passed shows the extreme difficulty of -keeping clear of mistakes, even when one's information is derived from -the best sources. He said he did not think Russia would accept the -offered terms, and Clarendon thought not also. The terms which it will -be most difficult for her to swallow are the neutralisation of the Black -Sea, which as worked out is evidently worse than limitation, for she is -to have no fortress and no arsenal there, so that she will, in fact, be -quite defenceless, while the other Powers can at any time collect fleets -in the Bosphorus and attack her coasts when they please. Then she is to -cede half Bessarabia to the Turks, including the fortress of Ismail, the -famous conquest of Souvaroff when he wrote to the Empress Catherine, -'_L'orgueilleuse Ismailoff est à vos pieds_;' and they are not to repair -Bomarsund, or erect any fortress on the Aland Isles. The alterations we -made in the scheme sent to us were not important, and what surprised me -much was, the terms, instead of being tendered by Austria, were -concocted at Paris by Walewski and the Emperor--at least so Walewski -asserts, but there must I think be some incorrectness in this, for it is -impossible to doubt that the Emperor and Austria really concerted them -between themselves, though Walewski may have had a hand in the matter in -some way. However, the terms are gone or going directly to St. -Petersburg. I earnestly hope they may be accepted, be they what they -may. Russia is to be asked whether she will take them Yes or No, and, -upon the preliminaries being signed, hostilities will cease. I asked if -Russia might not accept as a basis, and negotiate as to modification and -details, but Lewis professed not to understand how this is, or whether -her acceptance generally would or not bind her to _all_ the conditions -precisely as they are set forth. He knows nothing in fact of diplomacy -and its niceties and operations. - - M. DE CAVOUR AT WINDSOR. - -Lord John Russell met Clarendon at Windsor Castle,[1] but refused to -hear what Clarendon offered to tell him of the state of the negotiation; -he thought he should compromise his own independent action if he did. He -says, 'Were peace to be made on the four points newly explained and -enlarged, I would do nothing but applaud and support.' The only men Lord -John communicated with at Windsor were Cavour and Azeglio. He writes: 'I -asked Cavour what was the language of the Emperor of the French; he said -it was to this effect: France had made great efforts and sacrifices, she -would not continue them for the sake of conquering the Crimea; the -alternative was such a peace as can now be had by means of Austria, or -an extension of the war for Poland,' etc. The Sardinians, Ministers and -King, are openly and warmly for the latter course. I suspect Palmerston -would wish the war to glide imperceptibly into a war of nationalities, -as it is called, but would not like to profess it openly now. I am -convinced such a war might suit Napoleon and the King of Sardinia, but -would be very dangerous for us in many ways. Cavour says if peace is -made without anything being done for Italy, there will be a revolution -there. Clarendon is incredulous. - -[Footnote 1: The King of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel, arrived in England -on the 30th November, accompanied by his Minister, M. de Cavour. Lord -Clarendon and Lord John Russell were invited to Windsor to meet the -King.] - - - THE KING OF SARDINIA. - -_London, December 11th._--I met Clarendon at the Travellers' on Friday -evening, and had a talk with him. He did not seem inclined to enter much -into the question of peace and war, but he told me that Buol declared -most solemnly that he had had no communication with Russia about _the -terms_, and that he had only slight hopes that peace might be made. Of -the terms themselves Clarendon did not say a word. He talked a great -deal about the King of Sardinia, and gave me an account of his -conversations both with the King and Cavour. He thinks well of the King, -and that he is intelligent, and he has a very high opinion indeed of -Cavour, and was especially struck with his knowledge of England, and our -Constitution and constitutional history. I was much amused, after all -the praises that have been lavished on Sardinia for the noble part she -has played and for taking up arms to vindicate a great principle in so -_unselfish_ a manner, that she has after all a keen view to her own -interest, and wants some solid pudding as well as so much empty praise. -The King asked Clarendon what the Allies meant to do for him, and -whether he might not expect some territorial advantage in return for his -services. Clarendon told him this was out of the question, and that, in -the state of their relations with Austria, they could hold out no such -expectation; and he put it to the King, supposing negotiations for peace -were to take place, and he wished his pretensions to be put forward by -us, what he would himself suggest that a British Minister could say for -him; and the King had the candour to say he did not know what answer to -give. Cavour urged the same thing, and said the war had already cost -them forty millions of francs, instead of twenty-five which they had -borrowed for it and was the original estimate, and they could only go on -with it by another loan and fresh taxes, and he did not know how he -should propose these to the Chambers without having something -advantageous to offer to his own country, some Italian acquisition. They -would ask for what object of their's the war was carried on, and what -they had to gain for all their sacrifices and exertions. Clarendon said -they must be satisfied with the glory they had acquired and the high -honour their conduct had conferred on them; but Cavour, while he said he -did not repent the part they had taken, thought his countrymen would be -very little satisfied to have spent so much money and to continue to -spend more without gaining some Italian object. They complained that -Austria had, without any right, for a long time occupied a part of the -Papal territory, and suggested she should be compelled to retire from -it; but Clarendon reminded him that France had done the same, and that -this was a very ticklish question to stir. - -The King and his people are far better satisfied with their reception -here than in France, where, under much external civility, there was very -little cordiality, the Emperor's intimate relations with Austria -rendering him little inclined towards the Piedmontese. Here the Queen -was wonderfully cordial and attentive; she got up at four in the morning -to see him depart. His Majesty appears to be frightful in person, but a -great, strong, burly, athletic man, brusque in his manners, unrefined in -his conversation, very loose in his conduct, and very eccentric in his -habits. When he was at Paris his talk in society amused or terrified -everybody, but here he seems to have been more guarded. It was amusing -to see all the religious societies hastening with their addresses to -him, totally forgetting that he is the most debauched and dissolute -fellow in the world; but the fact of his being excommunicated by the -Pope and his waging war with the ecclesiastical power in his own country -covers every sin against morality, and he is a great hero with the Low -Church people and Exeter Hall. My brother-in-law said that he looked at -Windsor more like a chief of the Heruli or Longobardi than a modern -Italian prince, and the Duchess of Sutherland declared that, of all the -Knights of the Garter she had seen, he was the only one who seemed as if -he would have the best of it with the Dragon. - -My hopes of peace wax fainter. Everybody seems to think there is no -chance of Russia accepting our terms, or of her proposing any that the -Allies would accept. Lewis told me yesterday evening that he expected -nothing, and that Russia had now made known (but in what way he did not -say) that she was disposed to treat. Meanwhile Palmerston continues to -put articles in the 'Morning Post' full of arrogance and _jactance_, and -calculated to raise obstacles to peace. I told Lewis so, and he said it -was very foolish, and that he held very different language in the -Cabinet, but this is only like what he did in '41, when he used to agree -to certain things with his colleagues and then put violent articles in -the 'Morning Chronicle' totally at variance with the views and -resolutions of the Cabinet. Labouchere told me that he thought the -condition of the cession of Ismail ought never to have entered into the -terms proposed to Russia. - - -_December 14th._--My hopes of peace, never very sanguine, are now -completely dashed, for Lewis told me last night that he thought the -terms were at last pretty well agreed upon between England, France, and -Austria. I was greatly surprised, for I thought they had been agreed -upon long ago and must be by this time on their way to St. Petersburg. I -said so; and he replied, 'Oh no, they are only just on the point of -being settled.' It was quite extraordinary, he said, how eager -Palmerston was for pursuing the war. I gathered from him that our -Government has been vehemently urging that of France, through Cowley, to -be firm in pressing the most stringent terms on Russia, and particularly -not to consent to any negotiation, and to compel her to accept or -refuse. I said this was not reasonable, and that we had no right to -propose the terms as an ultimatum. That, he replied, was exactly what we -were doing, that Cowley was very urgent with the Emperor, who appeared -to be intimidated by him, and that he was evidently very much in awe of -England and afraid of having any difference with us. I said I could not -believe that the Emperor would not leave himself a loophole, and if, as -was most probable, Russia declined the terms, but offered to negotiate, -that he would agree to that course, which, however, Lewis clearly -thought he would not do against our inclination. I was greatly surprised -to hear this, because I had a strong impression that the Emperor, when -he really desired anything very much (as I believe that he did this -peace), would obstinately persevere in it; and it seems so obviously his -interest to gratify his own people rather than to be led by this -country, that I was persuaded he never would consent to this proposal -being _un dernier mot_, and thus to ensure the failure of the attempt. -Palmerston, who is the most obstinate man alive in pressing any object -he has once set his mind upon, was sure to press the French Government -with the utmost vehemence and pertinacity as soon as he found there was -a chance of making them yield to his will. - - - MACAULAY'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. - -_December 17th._--This morning the two new volumes of Macaulay's History -came forth. The circumstances of this publication are, I believe, -unprecedented in literary history; 25,000 copies are given out, and the -weight of the books is fifty-six tons. The interest and curiosity which -it excites are prodigious, and they afford the most complete testimony -to his immense popularity and the opinion entertained by the world of -his works already published. His profits will be very great, and he will -receive them in various shapes. But there is too much reason to -apprehend that these may be the last volumes of his history that the -world will see, still more that they are the last that will be read by -me and people of my standing. Six years have elapsed since the -appearance of the first volumes, and these two only advance about ten -years. He announced at the outset that he meant to bring down the -history of England to a period within the memory of persons still -living, but his work has already so much expanded, and of course will do -so still more from the accumulation of materials as he advances, that at -his present rate of progress he must live much beyond the ordinary -duration of human life, and retain all his faculties as long, to have -any chance of accomplishing his original design; and he is now in such a -precarious state of health that in all human probability he will not -live many years. It is melancholy to think that so gifted an intellect -should be arrested by premature decay, and such a magnificent -undertaking should be overthrown by physical infirmities, and be limited -to the proportions of a splendid fragment. He is going to quit -Parliament and to reside in the neighbourhood of London. - -This morning the 'Morning Post' has published the terms which are -offered by the Allies and are now on their way from Vienna to St. -Petersburg. They were already pretty well known, but it is the first -time that Palmerston (for the article is evidently his own) has -announced them so openly and distinctly, and they state _totidem verbis_ -that it is an Ultimatum which is sent to St. Petersburg. I believe this -course to be unprecedented, and it is certainly unfair. If Russia had -applied to the Allies and expressed a desire for peace, if she had asked -them on what terms they would consent to terminate the war, it would -have been quite fair and reasonable that they should have stated the -precise conditions, adding if they pleased that they would consent to no -others and to no change whatever in them, though it may be doubted if it -would be wise to be thus peremptory. But to send to Russia and propose -to her to make peace, and accompany the proposal with an Ultimatum and -an announcement that they would listen to no remonstrances or -suggestions, much less any alterations, and that she must say Yes or No -at once, is a stretch of arrogance and dictation not justified by the -events of the war and the relative conditions of the belligerents, or by -any usage or precedent that I ever heard of. - -Reports are very rife of the distressed state of Russia and of her -inability to make head any longer against the Allies, but very little is -really known of the condition of the country, of its remaining -resources, and of the disposition of the people. Nobody can doubt that -the terms are deeply humiliating to the pride of such a Power, which has -been long accustomed to stand in so high a position and hold such lofty -language; and if she consents to accept the offered terms, it must be -that her enormous losses have really incapacitated her for going on with -the war, and that her Government is conscious that the next campaign -will be still more disastrous to her than the two preceding ones have -been. I have very little doubt that Palmerston has hastened to publish -these terms in hopes that they may find acceptance with a considerable -part of the public here, and that they may the more tightly bind the -Emperor Napoleon, and, in the event of Russia sending any conditional -acceptance and proposing to treat, that he may be unable to enter into -any negotiation whatever. It has surprised me that he should have so -completely given way to Palmerston as he has done. - - - DEATH OF MR. ROGERS. - -_December 21st._--The poet Rogers died two days ago at the age of 93. I -have known him all my life, and at times lived in a good deal of -intimacy with him, but for some years past he had so great an aversion -to me that I kept away from him and never saw anything of him.[1] He was -an old man when I first made his acquaintance between thirty and forty -years ago, or probably more. He was then very agreeable, though peculiar -and eccentric; he was devoured by a morbid vanity, and could not endure -any appearance of indifference or slight in society. He was extremely -touchy, and always wanted to be flattered, but above all to be listened -to, very angry and mortified when he was not the principal object in -society, and provoked to death when the uproarious merriment of Sydney -Smith or the voluminous talk of Macaulay overwhelmed him and engrossed -the company; he had a great friendship nevertheless for Sydney Smith, -but he never liked Macaulay. I never pretended, or could pretend, to be -a rival to him, but I was not a patient and attentive listener to him, -and that was what affronted him and caused his dislike to me as well as -to anyone else of whom he had the same reason to complain. His voice was -feeble, and it has been said that his bitterness and caustic remarks -arose from the necessity of his attracting attention by the pungency of -his conversation. He was undoubtedly a very clever and accomplished man, -with a great deal of taste and knowledge of the world, in the best of -which he had passed his life. He was hospitable, generous, and -charitable, with some weaknesses, many merits, and large abilities, and -he was the last survivor of the generation to which he belonged. - -[Footnote 1: Samuel Rogers, the author of the _Pleasures of Memory_ -(which was published in 1792), was born at Stoke Newington in 1762. His -father was a banker, and he remained a partner in the bank all his life. -He died on December 18, 1855.] - - -_The Grove, December 23rd._--Came here for Christmas. No other guests -but the family. We have had some talk about the peace propositions and -other odds and ends. Clarendon told me that Walewski and Persigny are -bitter enemies, and their estrangement the greater because Walewski is a -corrupt jobber and speculator, and Persigny an honest man. When Drouyn -de Lhuys resigned the Foreign Office, much to the Emperor's annoyance -and regret, he did not know where to find a man, and he determined to -appoint Walewski because he knew not whom else to take. Not choosing to -send the offer to him through Drouyn, he employed Cowley, and requested -him to telegraph in cypher to Clarendon a request that Cowley would send -for Walewski and communicate to him the Emperor's intentions. A curious -shift to be reduced to, but throughout the Eastern Question Cowley has -acted the part of Foreign Minister to the Emperor almost as much as that -of Ambassador. - -Lewis this morning recapitulated to me the exact circumstances of the -overtures from France about peace. It arrived here on a Saturday; was -submitted to the Queen on Sunday, who approved of it; on Monday (or -Tuesday) it was read to the Cabinet, when no discussion took place, but -Palmerston shortly said, without giving any reasons, that he thought we -must agree to the proposal, which was generally concurred in. The next -day there was another Cabinet, when they examined in detail all the -articles and discussed them. A few alterations were made, none of which -were of any importance except the Bomarsund question. The cession of -Bessarabia and the neutralisation of the Black Sea both formed part of -the original proposal, and the latter was particularly insisted upon, -and reasoned out at considerable length by France, for it turns out that -the Emperor has never had so much in view the object of _making peace_ -(not expecting, nor ever having expected, that these proposals would be -accepted) as the object of securing the active cooperation of Austria, -which he expects to do. Austria engages, if Russia refuses the -conditions, to put an end to diplomatic relations between the two -Empires, and Napoleon thinks this cannot fail to end in hostilities, and -to this extension of the alliance he looks for bringing the war to a -conclusion. He thinks, moreover, that, when Austria has declared war, -Russia will attack her defenceless frontier, and that as any attack upon -Austria will compel the whole of Germany to assist her and to take part -in the war against Russia, this offer will lead to Prussia and the whole -of the German States being engaged on the side of the Allies, and that -such a confederacy cannot fail to bring the war to a successful issue, -because Russia would be absolutely incapable of offering any resistance -to it. This is a new view of the policy and motives of France, but I -very much doubt if the whole of the Emperor's scheme will be realised. -Even though Austria may take up arms, it is probable that Russia will -act strictly on the defensive, and will avoid giving any cause to the -German States to depart from their neutrality. We both agreed that the -conduct of Austria is quite inexplicable, and that Russia will never -forgive her for the part she has acted and is acting now. - - - CRITICISMS ON THE WAR. - -_The Grove, December 24th._--George Lewis and I have been walking and -talking together all the morning. He is fully as pacific as I am, and -entertains exactly the same thoughts that I do, of the egregious folly -of the war, of the delusion under which the English nation is labouring, -and of the wickedness of the press in practising upon the popular -credulity in the way it has done. He seems to like to talk to me on this -subject, because he can talk freely to me, which he could hardly do with -any of his own colleagues, still less in any other society. This morning -he again recurred to the circumstances of the negotiations now going on, -and he gave me an account of the transaction which puts the whole thing -in a very ridiculous light, which would be very comical if it were not -so very tragical. 'Think,' he said, 'that this is a war carried on for -the independence of Turkey, and we, the Allies, are bound to Turkey by -mutual obligations not to make peace but by common consent and -concurrence. Well, we have sent an offer of peace to Russia of which the -following are among the terms: We propose that Turkey, who possesses one -half of the Black Sea coast, shall have no ships, no ports, and no -arsenals in that sea; and then there are conditions about the Christians -who are subjects of Turkey, and others about the mouths of the Danube, -to which part of the Turkish dominions are contiguous. Now in all these -stipulations so intimately concerning Turkey, for whose independence we -are fighting, Turkey is not allowed to have any voice whatever, nor has -she ever been allowed to be made acquainted with what is going on, -except through the newspapers, where the Turkish Ministers may have read -what is passing, like other people. When the French and Austrian terms -were discussed in the Cabinet, at the end of the discussion someone -modestly asked whether it would not be proper to communicate to Musurus -(the Turkish Ambassador in London) what was in agitation and what had -been agreed upon, to which Clarendon said he saw no necessity for it -whatever; and indeed that Musurus had recently called upon him, when he -had abstained from giving him any information whatever of what was going -on. Another time, somebody suggesting in the Cabinet that we were bound -to Turkey by treaty not to make peace without her consent, Palmerston, -who is a great stickler for Turkey, said very quietly that there would -be no difficulty on that score; in point of fact, the Turk evidently - - 'Stands like a cypher in the great account.' - - -_The Grove, December 26th._--Since I have been here Clarendon has -resumed all his old habits of communication and confidence with me, has -told me everything and shown me everything that is interesting and -curious. I wish I could remember it all. Such fragments as have remained -in my memory I will jot down here as they recur to me. Here are letters -from Seymour at Vienna describing his good reception there, gracious -from the Court, and cordially civil from the great society, especially -from Metternich who seems to have given the _mot d'ordre_. Metternich -talked much to Seymour of his past life and recollections, complimented -him for his reports of conversations with the Emperor Nicholas, and said -that many years ago the Emperor had talked to him (Metternich) about -Turkey in the same strain, and used the same expression about '_le -malade_' and '_l'homme malade_,' when Metternich asked him '_Est-ce que -Votre Majesté en parle comme son médecin ou comme son héritier_?' Also -letters from Bloomfield (Berlin) and from Buchanan (Copenhagen) with -different opinions as to the probability of Russia accepting or -refusing--the former for, the second against; some curious letters from -Cowley, full of his indignation against Walewski; the quarrels of -Persigny and Walewski; the perplexity of the Emperor, his desire for -peace, his hopes that Russia may lend a favourable ear to the proposals; -Cowley's suspicions of Walewski, and in a smaller degree of the Emperor -himself, especially of His Majesty's communications with Seebach, the -Saxon Minister, and not impossibly through him with St. Petersburg. - -A curious anecdote showing the strange terms the parties concerned are -on: One day Cowley was with Walewski (at the time the question of terms -was going on between France and Austria) and the courier from Vienna was -announced. Walewski begged Cowley, who took up his hat, not to go away, -and said he should see what the courier brought. He opened the -despatches and gave them to Cowley to read, begging him not to tell the -Emperor he had seen them. In the afternoon Cowley saw the Emperor, who -had then got the despatches; the Emperor also gave them to Cowley to -read, desiring him not to let Walewski know he had shown them to him! - - DISPUTES OF FRENCH MINISTERS. - -There has been a dreadful _rixe_ between Walewski and Persigny. I have -forgotten exactly the particular causes, but the other day Persigny went -over to Paris partly to complain of Walewski to the Emperor. He would -not go near Walewski, and told the Emperor he should not; the Emperor, -however, made them both meet in his Cabinet the next day, when a violent -scene took place between them, and Persigny said to Walewski before his -face all that he had before said behind his back; and he had afterwards -a very long conversation with the Emperor, in which he told him plainly -what danger he was in from the corruption and bad character of his -_entourage_, that he had never had anything about him but adventurers -who were bent on making their own fortunes by every sort of infamous -_agiotage_ and speculation, by which the Imperial Crown was placed in -imminent danger. 'I myself,' Persigny said, 'am nothing but an -adventurer, who have passed through every sort of vicissitude; but at -all events people have discovered that I have clean hands and do not -bring disgrace on your Government, like so many others, by my profligate -dishonesty.' 'Well,' said the Emperor, 'but what am I to do? What remedy -is there for such a state of things?' Persigny replied that he had got -the remedy in his head, but that the time was not come yet for revealing -his ideas on the subject. - -As we went to town, we talked over the terms proposed to Prussia. -Clarendon said he could not understand the policy of Austria nor what -she was driving at. She had entered very heartily into plans of a -compulsory and hostile character against Russia, who would never forgive -her, especially for proposing the cession of Bessarabia. I said I -thought the most objectionable item of their propositions (and I -believed the most unprecedented) was the starting by making it an -Ultimatum. He replied that it was Austria who tendered the Ultimatum, -and that it was not exactly so, the sharp edge having been rounded off -by the mode to be adopted, which was as follows: Esterhazy was to -communicate the project to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, and say he had -reason to believe that the Allies would be willing to make peace on -those terms; he was then to wait nine days. If in that time the Russian -Government replied by a positive negative, he was, as soon as he got -this notification, to quit St. Petersburg with all his embassy; if no -answer was returned at the end of nine days, he was to signify that his -orders were to ask for an answer in ten days, and if at the end thereof -the answer was in the negative, or there was no answer, he was to come -away, so that there was to be no Ultimatum in the first instance. 'But,' -I said, 'what if Russia proposed some middle course and offered to -negotiate?' 'His instructions were not to agree to this.' 'Well,' said -I, 'but when you abstain from calling this an Ultimatum, it is next to -impossible that Russia should not propose to negotiate, and if she does -beg that her proposal may be conveyed to the Allies before everything -is closed, it will be very difficult to refuse this; and is it not -probable that France and Austria will both vote for entering into -_pourparlers_; and, if they do, can you refuse?' He seemed struck with -this, and owned that it was very likely to occur, and that, if it did, -we should be obliged to enter into negotiation. So probable does this -contingency appear, that there has already been much discussion as to -who shall go from hence to the Congress, if there is one. I said he had -much better go himself. He expressed great dislike to the idea, but said -the Queen and Prince wished him to go, and that Cowley urged him also, -and was desirous of going with him. I see he has made up his mind to -prevent any negotiation if he can, and, if it is unavoidable, to take it -in hand. - - NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE. - -This afternoon Persigny arrived from Paris and came directly to the -Foreign Office. The Emperor had given him an account of his interview -with M. de Seebach,[1] who had gone off directly afterwards _viâ_ Berlin -to St. Petersburg. The Emperor told him to do all he could to induce the -Russian Government to consent to the terms, and to assure them that, if -they did not, it would be long enough before they would have any other -chance of making peace; that he wished for peace, but that above -everything else he was desirous of maintaining unimpaired his alliance -and friendship with England; that England had most fairly and in a very -friendly spirit entered into his difficulties and his wishes; that she -was a constitutional country with a Government responsible to -Parliament, and that he was bound in honour to enter in like manner into -the obligations and necessities of this Government. They had had some -differences of opinion which were entirely reconciled; they were now -agreed as one man, and no power on earth should induce him to separate -himself from England or to take any other line than that to which he had -bound himself in conjunction with her. This announcement, which the -Emperor made with great energy, carried consternation to the mind of -Seebach, and he resolved to lose no time in getting to St. Petersburg -to make known the Emperor's intentions. - -It is thus evident that the Emperor's mind is divided between his -anxiety to make peace and his determination to have no difference with -England; but his desire for peace must be great when, as Clarendon -assures me, it was not without difficulty that he was deterred from -ordering his army away from the Crimea. The feeling here towards the -Emperor seems to be one of liking and reliance, not unaccompanied with -doubt and suspicion. He is not exempt from the influence of his -_entourage_, though he is well aware how corrupt that is, and he listens -willingly to Cowley and to whatever the English Government and the Queen -say to him, but his own people eternally din into his ears that we are -urging him on to take a part injurious to his own and to French -interests for our own purposes, and because our Government is itself -under the influence of a profligate press and a deluded people; and -although he knows that those who tell him this are themselves working -for their own private interests, he knows also that there is a great -deal of truth in what they say. His own position is very strange, -insisting upon being his own Minister and directing everything, and at -the same time from indolence and ignorance incapable of directing -affairs himself, yet having no confidence in those he employs. The -consequence is that a great deal is ill done, much not done at all, and -a good deal done that he knows nothing about, and he is surrounded with -quarrels, jealousies, and struggles for influence and power both between -his own Ministers and between them and the foreign diplomatists at his -Court. - - LORD PALMERSTON'S POSITION. - -We have had a good deal of talk about Palmerston. Clarendon says nothing -can go on better than he and Palmerston do together. They seldom meet -except in the Cabinet, and their communications go on by notes between -Downing Street and Piccadilly. Palmerston, much more moderate and -reasonable than he used to be, sometimes suggests things or expressions -in despatches, which Clarendon always adopts or declines according to -his own ideas, and Palmerston never insists. Palmerston is now on very -good terms with the Queen, which is, though he does not know it, greatly -attributable to Clarendon's constant endeavours to reconcile her to him, -always telling her everything likely to ingratiate Palmerston with her, -and showing her any letters or notes of his calculated to please her; -but he says it is impossible to conceive the hatred with which he is -regarded on the Continent, particularly all over Germany. An agent of -his (Clarendon's) who, he says, has supplied him with much useful -information, has reported to him that he finds the old feeling of -antipathy to Palmerston as strong and as general as ever, and that it is -as much on the part of the people as of the Governments, both thinking -they have been deceived and thrown over by him. - -[Footnote 1: M. de Seebach was the Saxon Minister in Paris, through -whom many of these communications passed.] - - -END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. - - - - - PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - LONDON - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Greville Memoirs (Third Part) -Volume I (of II), by Charles Cavendish Fulke Greville - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREVILLE MEMOIRS, VOLUME I *** - -***** This file should be named 40680-8.txt or 40680-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/0/6/8/40680/ - -Produced by Louise Davies, Val Wooff and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -book was produced from scanned images of public domain -material from the Google Print project.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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