diff options
Diffstat (limited to '40617.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | 40617.txt | 22315 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 22315 deletions
diff --git a/40617.txt b/40617.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f3469e0..0000000 --- a/40617.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,22315 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Teaching and Cultivation of the French -Language in England during Tudor and Stuart Times, by Kathleen Lambley - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The Teaching and Cultivation of the French Language in England during Tudor and Stuart Times - With an Introductory Chapter on the Preceding Period - -Author: Kathleen Lambley - -Release Date: August 29, 2012 [EBook #40617] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TEACHING AND CULTIVATION *** - - - - -Produced by Ian Deane, Ethan Kent, Eleni Christofaki and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive/American -Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - - Transcriber's Notes: - -Minor punctuation inconsistencies have been silently corrected. A list -of other changes made can be found at the end of the book. Footnotes -were sequentially numbered and placed at the end of each chapter. The -page headers of the book on the odd numbered pages have been marked as -[Header]. For this text version, diacritical marks that cannot be -represented in plain text are shown in the following manner: - - Ligature [oe] is encoded as oe. - p. 87: [O] o with macron above (dOucement). - [E] e with macron above (doucemEnt). - p. 283: [^] upside down V. - - Mark up: _italics_ - =bold= - - - - -PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER - - -FRENCH SERIES No. III - - -THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND - - - - - Published by the University of Manchester at THE UNIVERSITY PRESS (H. - M. McKECHNIE, Secretary) 12 LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD, MANCHESTER - - LONGMANS, GREEN & CO. - - LONDON: 39 Paternoster Row - - NEW YORK: 443-449 Fourth Avenue and Thirtieth Street - - CHICAGO: Prairie Avenue and Thirty-fifth Street - - BOMBAY: 8 Hornby Road - - CALCUTTA: 6 Old Court House Street - - MADRAS: 167 Mount Road - - - - - THE TEACHING AND CULTIVATION OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND DURING - TUDOR AND STUART TIMES - - WITH AN INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER ON THE PRECEDING PERIOD - - BY - - KATHLEEN LAMBLEY, M.A. - - _Lecturer in French in the University of Durham_ - - _Sometime Assistant Lecturer in French in the University of Manchester_ - - - MANCHESTER - AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS - 12 LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD - LONGMANS, GREEN & CO. - LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, ETC. - 1920 - - - - - PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER No. CXXIX - - -_All rights reserved._ - - - - -PREFACE - - -The present work, begun during the author's tenure of a Faulkner -Fellowship in the University of Manchester, and completed in subsequent -years, is an endeavour to trace the history of the teaching and use of -French in England during a given epoch, ending with the Revocation of -the Edict of Nantes and the Revolution of 1689, which events mark the -beginning of a new period in the study of the French language in this -country. No attempt has been made to treat the wider topic of French -influence in England in its literary and social aspects (this has -already been done by competent hands), though this side of the question -is naturally touched upon occasionally by way of reference or -illustration. - -I gladly take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to Professor -L. E. Kastner, at whose suggestion this investigation was undertaken, -for his generous assistance, and the unfailing interest he has shown in -my work during the whole course of its preparation. I am likewise -considerably indebted to Dr. Phoebe Sheavyn for helpful criticism and -advice, to Professor Tout for kindly reading through the introductory -chapter, and to Mr. J. Marks for a careful revision of the proofs and -many useful indications. I owe a great deal to my father also, whose -sympathetic advice and encouragement did much to lighten my task. Nor -can I close this list of acknowledgments without recording my obligation -to the Secretary of the Press, Mr. H. M. McKechnie, for the valuable -assistance he has so freely given me during the progress of this volume -through the Press. - - KATHLEEN LAMBLEY. - - DURHAM, _January 1920_. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - PART I - - INTRODUCTORY - - CHAPTER I PAGE - - THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES 3 - - French grammars in mediaeval England--The use of the French - language--Latin, French, and English vocabularies--French at the - Universities--Popularity of French in the thirteenth century--Ceases - to be a vernacular in England--Treatises for teaching French--A - treatise on French verbs--The _Orthographia Gallica_--The _Tractatus - Orthographiae_--T. H. Parisiis studentis--Walter de - Bibbesworth--French in the schools and Universities--The fourteenth - century--Treatises on French--The _Nominale_--Model letters--Recovery - of English in the second half of the fourteenth - century--Deterioration of Anglo-French--English in official documents - and correspondence--Decline in use of French. - - CHAPTER II - - THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 26 - - Triumph of continental French over Anglo-French--"Doux francois de - Paris" a foreign language--Standard of French taught in - England--_Femina_--Treatises on Grammar--Barton's - _Donait_--Epistolaries--Books of conversation in French--The - Cambridge manuscript in French and English--First printed books for - teaching French--Dialogues in French and English--Caxton, Wynkyn de - Worde, and Pynson--French by conversation--Approaching improvement in - the standard of French taught in England--Palsgrave's Grammar. - - PART II - - TUDOR TIMES - - CHAPTER I - - THE FRENCH LANGUAGE AT COURT AND AMONG THE NOBILITY 61 - - French at the Court of the Tudors--English neglected by - foreigners--Latin a spoken language--Defective pronunciation of the - English--Interest in modern languages awakened--French holds the - first place--Its use in correspondence and in official documents--The - French of Henry VIII., his courtiers, and the ladies--Of Anne Boleyn - and the other Queens--Of the royal family, Edward, Mary, and - Elizabeth--French tutors--Bernard Andre--French Grammars--Alexander - Barclay's _Introductory_--Practice and Theory--Pierre Valence, tutor - to the Earl of Lincoln--His _Introductions in French_--Fragment of a - Grammar at Lambeth--French Humanists as Language masters--Bourbon and - Denisot--England and the _Pleiade_. - - CHAPTER II - - FRENCH TUTORS AT COURT--GILES DUWES--JOHN PALSGRAVE--JEAN BELLEMAIN 86 - - French tutors at Court--John Palsgrave and Giles Duwes--Palsgrave's - _Esclarcissement_--The pronunciation of French--His second and third - books--The vocabulary--The _Introductorie_ of Duwes--His - Dialogues--The methods of the two teachers--Dates of composition and - editions--Attitude of the two teachers to each other--Duwes on - English teachers of French--Palsgrave's claims--Palsgrave's - acquaintance with French literature--Incidents in Duwes's career in - England--His royal pupils--Palsgrave's teaching career--Mary Tudor - his pupil--The Duke of Richmond, Gregory Cromwell, etc.--Palsgrave in - the North, at Oxford, and in London--Jean Bellemain, tutor to Edward - VI.--The King's French exercises--Intercourse with Calvin--Bellemain - on French orthography--French tutor to Elizabeth--Her translations - from the French--A. R. Chevallier. - - CHAPTER III - - THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGIOUS REFUGEES ON THE TEACHING OF FRENCH IN - ENGLAND--OPENINGS FOR THEM AS TEACHERS--DEMAND FOR TEXT-BOOKS--FRENCH - SCHOOLS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 114 - - Effects of the persecution of the Protestants on the teaching of - French in England--Protestant refugees--Registers and returns of - aliens--French churches in London--Reception and treatment of - foreigners--Incivility of the common people--Courtesy of the - gentry--Refugees received into English families--French in polite - education--French tutors and text-books--Converse with - foreigners--Shakespeare's French--Professional schoolmasters--No - opening in the grammar schools--French schools--Du Ploich's - school--His Treatise in French and English and method of - teaching--His works in manuscript--Claude Holyband--His _French - Schoolemaister_ and _French Littleton_--His French school--Holyband - as private tutor--His method of teaching--Schools in connection with - the French churches--Schools at Canterbury and elsewhere--Saravia's - school at Southampton--Joshua Sylvester--Place of French in the - public schools of Scotland--In the parish and private schools--No - French grammars produced in Scotland. - - CHAPTER IV - - HUGUENOT TEACHERS OF FRENCH--OTHER CLASSES OF FRENCH TEACHERS--RIVALRIES - IN THE PROFESSION--THE "DUTCH" AND ENGLISH TEACHERS 155 - - Importance of the Huguenot teachers in London--St. Paul's Churchyard - the centre of the profession--The group of Normans--Robert - Fontaine--Jacques Bellot--His French and English grammars, and - _Jardin de Vertu_--The _French Methode_--G. de La Mothe--His French - Alphabet and method of teaching--French teachers from the - Netherlands--Roman Catholic schoolmasters--Objections raised against - French teachers--The right of the English to teach French--John - Eliote--His attack on French teachers--His love of Rabelais and debt - to French literature--His 'merrie vaine'--The _Ortho-Epia Gallica_ - and his other works. - - CHAPTER V - - METHODS OF TEACHING FRENCH--LATIN AND FRENCH--FRENCH AND ENGLISH - DICTIONARIES--STUDY OF FRENCH LITERATURE 179 - - Usual methods of learning French--Reading and - translation--Pronunciation--Rules of grammar--Importance of - 'practice'--Latin and French text-books--Contrast of methods--Grammar - and Practice--Books in French and English--French by - translation--French dictionaries--Holyband's Dictionaries--Dictionary - printed by Harrison--A place given to French in some Latin - dictionaries--Veron--Baret--John Higgins--French-Latin - dictionaries--Cotgrave's great French-English Dictionary--Sherwood's - English-French Dictionary--Howell's editions of Cotgrave--The reading - of French literature--Attitude of French teachers--Favourite - authors--Histories and Memoirs of military life for soldiers and - statesmen. - - CHAPTER VI - - FRENCH AT THE UNIVERSITIES 198 - - Latin the language of the Universities--Retention of the use of - French formulae--Modern languages read--French a relaxation from - 'severer studies'--French tutors and French grammars--Morlet's - _Janitrix_--French grammars written in Latin--Antonio de Corro--John - Sanford--Wye Saltonstall--Henry Leighton--French grammarians and - teachers at Oxford--Robert Farrear--Pierre Bense--French teachers at - Cambridge--Gabriel du Gres at Cambridge and Oxford--On the teaching - of French--French at the Universities at the time of the - Restoration--The French of the Universities and of the fashionable - world--French at the Inns of Court--One-sidedness of the University - curriculum--Steps taken to supplement it. - - CHAPTER VII - - THE STUDY OF FRENCH BY ENGLISH TRAVELLERS ABROAD 211 - - Travel in France and on the Continent--In the suite of - ambassadors--Children in France--Course of studies--Girls in - France--Objections to children being sent to France--France and - Italy--Protests against travel--Prejudices against travel--Preference - for France--Necessity of the French language--The travelling - tutor--The age for travel--Literati as travelling tutors--Travel - without a governor--Books on travel--'Methods' of travel--The study - of French--Dallington and Moryson--Study of French before - travel--French 'by rote'--Language masters for travellers--French - grammars for travellers--Charles Maupas of Blois and his son--Antoine - Oudin--Other grammars--Pere Chiflet--The 'exercises'--Travellers at - the Universities--At the Protestant Academies--Geneva--Isaac - Casaubon--The 'idle traveller'--The 'beau'--Affectations of newly - returned travellers--Commendation and censure of travel. - - CHAPTER VIII - - THE STUDY OF FRENCH AMONG MERCHANTS AND SOLDIERS 239 - - Merchants and the study of French--Text-books for - merchants--Relations with the Netherlands--The 'book from - Anvers'--Barlement's book of dialogues--Meurier's manuals for - teaching French to the English in Antwerp--The study of French in the - Netherlands--French for soldiers--The Verneys--John Wodroeph--The - difficulty of the French language--Necessity of rules as well as - practice--_The Marrow of the French Tongue_. - - PART III - - STUART TIMES - - CHAPTER I - - FRENCH AT THE COURTS OF JAMES I. AND CHARLES I.--FRENCH STUDIED BY THE - LADIES--FRENCH PLAYERS IN LONDON--ENGLISH GENERALLY IGNORED BY - FOREIGNERS 259 - - The French language in England in the time of the early Stuarts--In - the royal family--French tutors--John Florio--Guy Le - Moyne--Massonet--Sir Robert Le Grys--French among the - ladies--Erondelle's _French Garden_ for English ladies--His - dialogues--His career as a teacher--His earlier works--The French - Queen of England--French plays in London--The English language - neglected by foreigners--English literature ignored in - France--English players abroad--The study of English--English - grammars for foreigners in England--French teachers and merchants - further the study of English--Provision for teaching English in the - Netherlands and in France. - - CHAPTER II - - FRENCH GRAMMARS--BOOKS FOR TEACHING LATIN AND FRENCH--FRENCH IN PRIVATE - INSTITUTIONS 281 - - Robert Sherwood, teacher of French and English--His school and - _French Tutour_--William Colson, another English teacher--His - 'method' and writings--Maupas's French grammar in England--William - Aufeild--How to study French--The _Flower de Luce_--Laur du Terme on - the teaching of French--Paul Cogneau's French grammar--His - method--Continued use of the sixteenth-century French grammars--Latin - and French--Latin school-books adapted to teaching French--Books for - teaching Latin and French together--The _Janua_ of Comenius--Wye - Saltonstall--De Grave--French in private institutions--The _Museum - Minervae_--Gerbier's Academy--French in schools for ladies. - - CHAPTER III - - THE "LITTLE BLOIS" IN LONDON 301 - - The Blois group of French teachers--Claude Mauger and his French - grammar--Its popularity and development--Mauger's Letters--Other - writings--Life in London--Teaches English--Mauger's method of - teaching--Mauger at Paris--The demand for his grammar abroad--Paul - Festeau--His French and English grammars--Editions and - contents--Pierre Laine--His French grammar--Encouragement of the - study of French literature. - - CHAPTER IV - - THE FRENCH TEACHING PROFESSION AND METHODS OF STUDYING THE - LANGUAGE 319 - - Vogue of French romances in England--Dorothy Osborne--Pepys on French - literature--His French books--French text-books and the _precieux_ - spirit--William Herbert--His criticism of the French teaching - profession--Rivalry among teachers--Need for protection--Herbert's - later works--His early career in England--Quarrels with a minister of - the French church--English gentry at the French church--Pepys a - regular attender--French teachers encourage the practice--The method - of 'grammar and rote'--French 'by rote'--Examples of how French was - studied--Latin by grammar--Calls for reform--The case against - grammar--French taught on the 'right method'--Attempts to teach Latin - on the same lines as French--Contrast between the learning of Latin - in England 'by grammar' and of French in France 'by rote.' - - CHAPTER V - - THE TOUR IN FRANCE 341 - - The Protestant schools and Academies--A group of English students at - Saumur--Travellers at the French Universities--A method of - travel--Attitude of the French teachers to the tour in France--Guide - books--Routes followed--Favourite resorts for study--_Auberges_ and - _pensions_--Language masters in France--Grammars for - travellers--Howell's instructions for travellers--Suitable books for - students--The 'Grand' and 'Petit' Tour in - France--Paris--Inexperienced young travellers--Sir John Reresby in - France. - - CHAPTER VI - - GALLOMANIA AFTER THE RESTORATION 361 - - Gallomania in England after the Restoration--The royal family in - France--Their knowledge of the language--English courtiers and gentry - in France--Men of letters in France--French and the French at the - English court after the Restoration--French 'salons' London--French - valets, cooks, dancing masters, tailors--The French language--French - among the ladies--The 'Frenchified' lady--The 'beaux' or English - 'monsieurs'--French influence at the theatre--Popularity of French - actors in London. - - CHAPTER VII - - THE TEACHING OF FRENCH AND ITS POPULARITY AFTER THE RESTORATION 381 - - French grammars after the Restoration--Pierre de Laine, tutor to the - children of the Duke of York--The _Princely Way to the French - Tongue_--Guy Miege--His Dictionaries--His French Grammars--His method - of teaching--Rote and grammar--Miege's other works--Other French - Grammars--Pierre Berault--The universality of French--Supremacy over - Latin in the world of fashion and diplomacy--Position of French in - the educational world--The classics read in French--'All learning now - in French'--French recognized by writers on education--Projects for - reformed schools--Numerous French schools in and about - London--Villiers' school at Nottingham--Academies for - ladies--Academies for training gentlemen in the necessary social - accomplishments and for business--Effects of the Revocation of the - Edict of Nantes. - - APPENDICES - - I - - CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF MANUALS AND GRAMMARS FOR TEACHING FRENCH TO THE - ENGLISH 403 - - II - - BIBLIOGRAPHY, ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY, OF MANUALS FOR TEACHING THE - FRENCH LANGUAGE TO THE ENGLISH, FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH - CENTURY TO THE END OF THE STUART PERIOD 410 - - INDEX 429 - - - - -PART I - -INTRODUCTORY - - - - -CHAPTER I - - THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES - - -The first important grammar of the French language was printed in -England and written by an Englishman. This enterprising student was John -Palsgrave, "natyf de Londres et gradue de Paris," whose work, entitled -_L'Esclarcissement de la langue francoyse_, was published in 1530. It is -an enormous quarto of over a thousand pages, full of elaborate, detailed -and often obscure rules, written in English in spite of the French -title. It was no doubt the solid value and exhaustiveness of Palsgrave's -work which won for it the reputation of being the earliest grammar of -the French language.[1] Yet Palsgrave himself informs us that such was -not the case, though he claims to be the first to lay down 'absolute' -rules for the language. - -The kings of England, he declares, have never ceased to encourage "suche -clerkes as were in theyr tymes, to prove and essay what they by theyr -dylygence in this matter myght do." "This like charge," he continues, -"have dyvers others had afore my dayes ... many sondrie clerkes have for -their tyme taken theyr penne in hande.... Some thyng have they in -writing lefte behynde them concerning into this mater, for the ease and -furtheraunce as well of suche as shilde in lyke charge after them -succede, as of them whiche from tyme to tyme in that tong were to be -instructed ... takyng light and erudition of theyr studious labours -whiche in this matter before me have taken paynes to write.... I dyd my -effectuall devoire to ensertche out suche bokes as had by others of this -mater before my tyme ben compyled, of which undouted, after enquery and -ensertche made for them dyvers came into my handes as well suche whose -authors be yet amongst us lyveng, as suche whiche were of this mater by -other sondrie persons longe afore my dayes composed." - -The living predecessors to whom Palsgrave refers--authors of short works -of small philological value, but of great interest to-day as evidence of -the wide use of the French language in England--were likewise acquainted -with earlier works on the subject. Giles Duwes, tutor in French to Henry -VIII. and other members of the royal family, frequently invokes the -authority of the 'olde grammar.' The poet Alexander Barclay, in his -French Grammar of 1521, informs us that "the said treatyse hath ben -attempted of dyvers men before my dayes," and that he had "sene the -draughtes of others" made before his time; moreover, in times past, the -French language "hath ben so moche set by in England that who hath ben -ignorant in the same language hath not ben reputed to be of gentyll -blode. In so moche that, as the cronycles of englande recorde, in all -the gramer scoles throughout englande small scolars expounded theyr -construccyons bothe in Frenche and Englysshe." - -Thus the French grammarians in England in the early sixteenth century -were acquainted with, and to some extent indebted to, a series of -mediaeval treatises on the French language,--a type of work which, even -at the time they wrote, was unknown on the Continent.[2] That England, -before other countries, took on herself the study of the French -language, was the result of events which followed the Conquest. From -that time French had taken its place by the side of English as a -vernacular. It was the language of the upper classes and landed gentry, -the cultivated and educated; English was used by the masses, while all -who read and wrote knew Latin, the language of clerks and scholars. For -nearly three centuries after the Conquest almost all writings of any -literary value produced in England were in French, though the bulk of -composition was in Latin; English never ceased to be written, but was -used in minor works for the most part. - -It is not surprising, therefore, to find that from an early date Latin -was at times construed or translated into French[3] as well as English -in the grammar schools, both languages serving as vernaculars. There are -still extant examples of this custom,[4] dating from the twelfth -century; for instance, a version of the psalter, in which the French -words are placed above the Latin without any regard to the order of the -French sentence.[5] Others are found in some of the first vocabularies -written for the purpose of teaching Latin,[6] which consist of lists of -words grouped round subjects and arranged, as a rule, in sentence form. -Two of these works seem to have been particularly well known, judging -from the number of manuscripts still in existence--those of the English -scholars, Alexander Neckam (1157-1217) and John de Garlande, both of -whom were indebted to France for most of their learning. Neckam, who in -1180 had attained celebrity as a Professor of the University of Paris, -was the author of a Latin Vocabulary--_De Utensilibus_--which was -glossed in Anglo-French.[7] In this he enumerates the various parts of a -house and the occupations and callings of men, and gives scenes from -feudal and agricultural life. The _Dictionarius_ (_c._ 1220) of John de -Garlande, a student of Oxford and Paris, and one of the first professors -of Toulouse University, deals roughly with the same topics.[8] It is -glossed in both French and English--the sign of a later period--as was -also a Latin vocabulary or _nominale_ of the names of plants,[9] dating -from a little later in the same century, though probably existing in -earlier manuscripts. - -At the universities a decided preference for French was shown in the -rare occasions on which the use of a vernacular was allowed. The -speaking of French was encouraged in some of the colleges at both Oxford -and Cambridge, chiefly those belonging to the second set of -foundations.[10] The scholars and fellows of Oriel could use either -Latin or French in their familiar conversation and at meals. Similar -injunctions were in force at Exeter and Queen's. Among the Cambridge -colleges[11] the statutes of Peterhouse allow French to be used for -"just and reasonable cause"; at King's it was permitted on occasion, and -at Clare Hall French was countenanced only if foreigners were present as -visitors. At Pembroke, founded by a Frenchwoman, Mary de Valence, -special favour was shown to Frenchmen in the election of Fellows, -provided that their total number did not exceed a quarter of the whole -body.[12] The cosmopolitanism of the mediaeval centres of learning -encouraged a number of such French students to come to England. In 1259, -for instance, owing to the disturbed state of the University of Paris, -Henry III. invited the Paris students to come to England and take up -their abode wheresoever they pleased;[13] no doubt those who accepted -his invitation settled at one or other of the two English universities. -We also find in the Treaty of Bretigny (1360) a clause to the effect -that the subjects of the French and English kings should henceforth be -free to resume their intercourse and to enjoy mutually the privileges of -the universities of the two countries, "comme ils povoient faire avant -ces presentes guerres et comme ils font a present."[14] On the other -hand, the English frequented the French universities in large numbers; -at Paris in the thirteenth century they formed one of the four nations -which composed the University.[15] The authors of the early Latin -vocabularies, Alexander Neckam and John de Garlande, were both -connected with the University of Paris, while most of the other English -scholars of the period were indebted for much of their learning to the -same great centre. Many, no doubt, could have written with Garlande: - - Anglia cui mater fuerat, cui Gallia nutrix - Matri nutricem praefero mente meam.[16] - -In the thirteenth century French was still widely used in England. The -fact that the fusion between conquerors and conquered was then -complete,[17] and that at the same time French was very popular on the -Continent undoubtedly helped to make its position in England stronger. -It was then that the Italian Brunetto Latini wrote his _Livres dou -Tresor_ (1265), in French rather than in his native tongue, because -French was "plus delitable et plus commune a toutes gens." During the -same century French came to be used in correspondence on both sides of -the Channel.[18] Little by little it was recognized as the most -convenient medium for official uses, and the language most generally -known in these sections of society which had to administer justice.[19] -In the second half of the thirteenth century Robert of Gloucester -complained that there was no land "that holdeth not to its kindly speech -save Englonde only," admitting at the same time, however, that ignorance -of French was a serious disadvantage. An idea of the extent to which the -language was current in England may be gathered from the fact that in -1301 Edward I. caused letters from the Pope to be translated into French -so that they might be understood by the whole army,[20] and in the -previous year the author of the _Miroir des Justices_ wrote in French as -being the language "le plus entendable de la comun people." French, -indeed, appears to have been used among all classes, save the very -poorest;[21] some of the French literature of the time was addressed -more particularly to the middle classes.[22] - -Nevertheless, as the thirteenth century advanced, French began to hold -its own with some difficulty. While it was in the unusual position of a -vernacular gradually losing its power as such, there appeared the -earliest extant treatise on the language. This, and those that followed -it, were to some extent lessons in the vernacular; yet not entirely, as -may be judged from the fact that they are set forth and explained in -Latin, the language of all scholarship. The first work on the French -language, dating from not later than the middle of the thirteenth -century, is in the form of a short Latin treatise on French -conjugations,[23] in which a comparison of the French with the Latin -tenses is instituted.[24] As it appeared at a time when French was -becoming the literary language of the law, and was being used freely in -correspondence, it may have been intended mainly for the use of clerks. -A treatise of considerably more importance composed towards the end of -the century, appears to have had the same purpose. That he did not -intend it exclusively for clerks, however, the author showed by adding -rules for pronunciation, syntax and even morphology as well as for -orthography. Like most of the early grammatical writings on the French -language, this _Orthographia Gallica_ is in Latin. The obscurity of many -of its rules, however, called forth commentaries in French which -appeared during the fourteenth century, and exceed the size of the -original work. The _Orthographia_ was a very popular work, as the number -of manuscripts extant and the French commentary prove. The different -copies vary considerably, and there is a striking increase in the number -of rules given; from being about thirty in the earliest manuscript, they -number about a hundred in the latest.[25] - -It opens with a rule that when the first or middle syllable of a French -word contains a short _e_, _i_ must be placed before the _e_, as in -_bien_, _rien_, etc.--a curious, fumbling attempt to explain the -development of Latin free short _e_ before nasals and oral consonants -into _ie_. On the other hand, continues the author, _e_ acute need not -be preceded by _i_, as _tenez_. It is not surprising that these early -writers, in spite of much patient observation, should almost always have -failed to grasp fundamental laws, and group a series of corresponding -facts into the form of a general rule. We continually find rules drawn -up for a few isolated examples, with no general application. The most -striking feature in the treatment of French orthography in this work is -the continual reference to Latin roots, and the clear statement of the -principle that, wherever possible, the spelling of French words should -be based on that of Latin. - -The _Orthographia_ does not by any means limit its observations to -spelling; there are also rules for pronunciation, a subject which in -later times naturally held a very important place in French grammars -written for the use of Englishmen, while orthography became one of the -chief concerns of French grammarians. That orthography received so much -attention at this early period in this country, is explained by the fact -that these manuals were partly intended for "clerks," who would -frequently have to write in French. As to the pronunciation, we find, -amongst others, the familiar rule that when a French word ending in a -consonant comes before another word beginning with a consonant, the -first consonant is not pronounced. An _s_ occurring after a vowel and -before an _m_, writes the author, in another rule, is not pronounced, as -in _mandasmes_, and _l_ coming after _a_, _e_, or _o_, and followed by a -consonant is pronounced like _u_, as in _m'almi_, _loialment_, and the -like. A list of synonyms[26] is also given, which throws some light on -the English pronunciation of French at this period, and there are also a -few hints for the translation of both Latin and English into French. - -Nor are syntax and morphology neglected; rules concerning these are -scattered among those on orthography and pronunciation, with the lack of -orderly arrangement characteristic of the whole work. Thus we are told -to use _me_ in the accusative case, and _moy_ in all other cases; that -we should form the plural of verbs ending in _t_ in the singular by -adding _z_, as _il amet_, _il list_ become _vous amez_, _vous lisez_; -that when we ask any one for something, we may say _vous pri_ without -_je_, but that, when we do this, we should write _pri_ with a _y_, as -_pry_, and so on. - -The claim of the _Orthographia Gallica_ to be the first extant work on -French orthography, has been disputed by another treatise, also written -in Latin, and known as the _Tractatus Orthographiae_. More methodically -arranged than the _Orthographia_, this work deals more particularly with -pronunciation and orthography.[27] It opens with a short introduction -announcing that here are the means for the youth of the time to make -their way in the world speedily and learn French pronunciation and -orthography. Each letter of the alphabet is first treated in turn,[28] -and then come a few more general observations. Like the author of the -_Orthographia_, the writer of the _Tractatus_ would have the spelling of -French words based on that of Latin whenever possible. He claims that -his own French is "secundum dulce Gallicum" and "secundum usum et modum -modernorum tam partibus transmarinis quam cismarinis." Though he -apparently places the French of England and the French of France on the -same footing, it is noteworthy that he carefully distinguishes between -the two. - -The _Tractatus Orthographiae_ bears a striking resemblance to another -work of like nature, which is better known--the _Tractatus Orthographiae_ -of Canon M. T. Coyfurelly, doctor in Law of Orleans[29]--and for some -time it was thought to be merely a rehandling of Coyfurelly's treatise -which did not appear till somewhere about the end of the fourteenth -century, if not later. But Coyfurelly admits that his work was based on -the labours of one 'T. H. Parisii Studentis,' and there appears, on -examination,[30] to be no doubt as to the priority of the anonymous -_Tractatus_ described above, which, on the contrary, is evidently the -treatise rehandled by Coyfurelly, and the work of 'T. H. Student of -Paris.' Besides being the original which Coyfurelly recast in his -_Tractatus_, it also appears that T. H. may reasonably dispute with the -author of the _Orthographia Gallica_, the honour of being the first in -the field. His work shows no advance on the rules given for -pronunciation in the _Orthographia_, while the orthography is of a -decidedly older stamp. - -At about the same time as these two treatises on orthography, probably a -few years earlier, there was composed a work of similar purpose but very -different character. It is of particular interest, and shows that, -towards the end of the thirteenth century, French was beginning to be -treated as a foreign language; the French is accompanied by a partial -English gloss, and the author states that "touz dis troverez-vous primes -le Frauncois et pus le Engleys suaunt." The author, Gautier or Walter de -Bibbesworth,[31] was an Englishman, and appears to have mixed with the -best society of the day. He was a friend of the celebrated statesman of -the reign of Edward I., Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln. The only work by -which his name is known to-day, in addition to the treatise in question, -is a short piece of Anglo-Norman verse,[32] written on the occasion of -the expedition of Edward I. to the Holy Land in 1270, shortly before he -came to the throne. We gather from letters of protection granted him in -that year that Bibbesworth himself took part in this venture. In this -poem he is pictured discussing the Crusade with Lacy, and trying to -persuade his friend to take part in it. The name of Bibbesworth also -occurs several times[33] in official documents of no special interest, -and as late as 1302 a writ of Privy Seal was addressed to the Chancellor -suing for a pardon under the Great Seal to W. de Bibbesworth, in -consideration of his good services rendered in Scotland, for a breach of -the park of Robert de Seales at Ravenhall, and of the king's prison at -Colchester.[34] - -Bibbesworth, however, interests us less as a crusader or a disturber of -public order, than as the author of a treatise for teaching the French -language, entitled _Le Treytyz qe mounsire Gauter de Bibelesworthe fist -a ma dame Dyonisie de Mounchensy[35] pur aprise de langwage_. The large -number of manuscripts still in existence[36] suggest that it was a -popular text-book among the children of the higher classes of society. -The treatise reproduces, as might be expected, the chief characteristics -of the vocabularies for teaching Latin. In addition to giving a -collection of words and phrases arranged in the form of a narrative, it -also incidentally aims at imparting some slight grammatical information. -Its contents are of a very practical character, and deal exclusively -with the occurrences and occupations of daily life. Beginning with the -new-born child, it tells in French verses how it is to be nursed and -fed. Rime was no doubt introduced to aid the memory, as the pupil would, -in all probability, have to learn the whole by heart. The French is -accompanied by a partial interlinear English gloss, giving the -equivalent of the more difficult French words. This may, perhaps, be -taken as an indication of the extent to which French was regarded as a -foreign language.[37] - -After describing the life of the child during its earliest infancy, -Bibbesworth goes on to tell how it is to be taught French as soon as it -can speak, "that it may be better learned in speach and held up to scorn -by none": - - Quaunt le enfes ad tel age - Ke il set entendre langage, - Primes en Fraunceys ly devez dire - Coment soun cors deyt descrivere, - Pur le ordre aver de moun et ma, - Toun et ta, soun et sa, - _better lered_ - Ke en parlole seyt meut apris - _scorned_ - E de nul autre escharnys. - -In accordance with this programme the parts of the human body, which -almost invariably forms the central theme in this type of manual, are -enumerated. Special care is taken to distinguish the genders and cases, -to teach the children "Kaunt deivunt dire _moun_ et _ma_, _soun_ et -_sa_, _le_ et _la_, _moy_ et _jo_ . . .," and to explain how the meaning -of words of similar sound often depends on their gender: - - _lippe and an hare_ - Vous avet la levere et le levere, - _a pound_ _a book_ - Et la livere et le livere. - La levere si enclost les dens; - Le levere en boys se tent dedens; - La livere sert en marchaundye; - Le livere nous aprent clergye. - -Throughout Bibbesworth seizes every opportunity to point out -distinctions of gender of this kind, regardless, it appears, of the -difference between the definite and indefinite articles. When the pupil -can describe his body, the teacher proceeds to give him an account of -"all that concerns it both inside and out" ("kaunt ke il apent dedens et -deores"), that is of its clothing and food: - - Vestet vos draps mes chers enfauns, - Chaucez vos brays, soulers, e gauns; - Mettet le chaperoun, covrez le chef, etc. - ---a passage which illustrates the practical nature of the treatise, -Bibbesworth's aim being to teach children to know the properties of the -things they see ("les propretez des choses ke veyunt"). - -When the child is clothed, Bibbesworth next feeds him, giving a full -account of the meals and the food which is provided, and, by way of -variety, at the end of the dinner, he teaches his pupil the names given -to groups of different animals, and of the verbs used to describe their -various cries. ("Homme parle, cheval hennist," etc.). By this time the -child is ready to observe Nature, and to learn the terms of -husbandry,[38] and the processes by which his food is produced. From the -fields he passes to the woods and the river, where he learns to hunt and -to fish, subjects which naturally lead to the introduction of the French -names of the seasons, and of the beasts and birds that are supposed to -present themselves to his view. - -During the whole of this long category the verse form is maintained, and -the intention of avoiding a vocabulary pure and simple is manifest. How -superior this method was to the more modern lists of words separated -from the context is also evident. Besides giving a description of all -the objects with which the child comes in contact, and of all the -actions he has to perform, as well as examples for the distinctions of -genders and of _moy_ and _jo_--difficulties for which he makes no -attempts to draw up rules--Bibbesworth claims for his work that it -provides gentlemen with adequate instruction for conversational purposes -("tot le ordre en parler e respoundre ke checun gentyshomme covent -saver"). And as he did not wish to neglect any of the items of daily -life, he finally gives a description of the building of a house and -various domestic arrangements, ending with a description of an old -English feast with its familiar dish, the boar's head: - - Au primer fust apporte - _a boris heued_ - La teste de un sengler tot arme, - _the snout_ _wit baneres of flurs_ - E au groyn le colere en banere; - E pus veneysoun, ou la fourmente; - Assez par my la mesoun - _tahen of gres tyme_ - De treste du fermeyson. - Pus avyent diversetez en rost, - Eit checun autre de cost, - _Cranes_, _pokokes_, _swannes_ - Grues, pounes, e cygnes, - _Wilde ges_, _gryses_ (_porceaus_), _hennes_, - Owes, rosees, porceus, gelyns; - Au tercez cours avient conyns en grave, - Et viaunde de Cypre enfundre, - De maces, e quibibes, e clous de orre, - Vyn blanc e vermayl a graunt plente. - _wodekok_ - Pus avoyunt fesauns, assez, et perdriz, - _Feldefares larkes_ - Grives, alowes, e pluviers ben rostez; - E braoun, e crispes, e fritune; - Ke soucre roset poudra la temprune. - Apres manger avyunt a graunt plente - Blaunche poudre, ou la grosse drage, - Et d'autre nobleie a fusoun, - Ensi vous fynys ceo sermoun; - Kar de fraunceis i ad assez, - De meynte manere dyversetez, - Dount le vous fynys, seynurs, ataunt - A filz Dieu vous comaund. - Ici finest la doctrine monsire Gauter De Byblesworde. - -As time went on a conscious effort was made to retain the use of the -French language in England. Higden, writing at about the middle of the -fourteenth century,[39] informs us that English was then neglected for -two reasons: "One is bycause that children than gon to schole lerne to -speke first Englysshe and then ben compelled constrewe ther lessons in -Frenssh"; "Also gentilmens children ben lerned and taught from theyr -yougthe to speke frenssh.[40] And uplandish men will counterfete and -likene them self to gentilmen and arn besy to speke frensshe for to be -more sette by. Wherefor it is sayd by a common proverbe Jack wold be a -gentilmen if he coude speke frensshe." - -At the University of Oxford, likewise, the Grammar masters were enjoined -to teach the boys to construe in English and in French, "so that the -latter language be not forgotten."[41] The same university gave some -slight encouragement to the study of French. There were special teachers -who, although not enjoying the privileges of those lecturing in the -usual academic subjects, were none the less recognised by the -University. They had to observe the Statutes, and to promise not to give -their lessons at times which would interfere with the ordinary lectures -in arts. The French teachers were under the superintendence of the -masters of grammar, and had to pay thirteen shillings a year to the -Masters in Arts to compensate them for any disadvantage they might -suffer from any loss of pupils; if there was only one teacher of French -he had to pay the whole amount himself. As for those learning "to -write, to compose, and speak French," they had to attend lectures in -rhetoric and grammar--the courses most akin to their studies[42]--and to -contribute to the maintenance of the lecturers in these subjects, there -being no ordinary lectures in French. - -In the meantime, more treatises for teaching French appeared; -Bibbesworth's book soon found imitators, and early in the new century an -anonymous author, clearly an Englishman, made free use of Bibbesworth in -a treatise called _The Nominale sive Verbale in Gallicis cum expositione -ejusdem in Anglicis_.[43] This anonymous writer[44] however, thought it -necessary to make the interlinear English gloss much fuller than -Bibbesworth had done, which shows that French had become more of a -foreign language in the interval between the two works. He also placed -the English rendering after the French, instead of above it. The later -work differs further from the earlier in the order of the subject -headings, as well as by the introduction of a few new topics. -Enumerating the parts of the body,[45] as Bibbesworth had done, the -author proceeds to make his most considerable addition to the subjects -introduced by Bibbesworth in describing "la noyse et des faitz que homme -naturalment fait": - - Homme parle et espire: - _Man spekyth & vndyth._ - Femme teinge et suspire: - _Woman pantyth & syketh._ - Homme bale et babeie: - _Man dravelith & wlaffyth._ - Femme bale et bleseie: - _Woman galpyth & wlispyth._ - -He then describes all the daily actions and occupations of men: - - Homme va a la herce: - _Man goth at the harewe._ - Femme bercelet berce: - _Woman childe in cradel rokkith...._ - Enfant sa lessone reherce: - _His lessone recordeth_, - -and so on for about 350 lines. Other additions are of little -importance, and, for the rest, the author treats subjects first -introduced by Bibbesworth, though the wording often differs to a certain -extent.[46] - -When, towards the end of the thirteenth century, French began to be used -in correspondence, need for instruction in French epistolary art arose; -and early in the fourteenth century guides to letter-writing in French, -in the form of epistolaries or collections of model letters, were -produced.[47] The letters themselves are given in French, but the -accompanying rules and instructions for composing them are in Latin. -French and Latin have changed roles; in earlier times Latin had been -explained to school children by means of French. Forms for addressing -members of the different grades of society are supplied, from epistles -to the king and high state and ecclesiastical dignitaries down to -commercial letters for merchants, and familiar ones for private -individuals. Women, too, were not forgotten; we find similar examples -covering the same range--from the queen and the ladies of the nobility -to her more humble subjects. Each letter is almost invariably followed -by its answer, likewise in French. Some contain interesting references -to the great men or events of the day, but those of a more private -nature possess a greater attraction, and throw light on the family life -of the age. A letter from a mother to her son at school may be -quoted:[48] - - Salut avesque ma benicon, tres chier filz. Sachiez que je desire - grandement de savoir bons nouelles de vous et de vostre estat: car - vostre pere et moy estions a la faisance de ces lettres en bon - poynt le Dieu merci. Et sachiez que je vous envoie par le portour - de ces lettres demy marc pur diverses necessaires que vous en avez - a faire sans escient de vostre pere. Et vous pri cherement, beau - tres doulz filz, que vous laissez tous mals et folyes et ne hantez - mye mauvaise compagnie, car si vous le faitez il vous fera grant - damage, avant que vous l'aperceiverez. Et je vous aiderai selon mon - pooir oultre ce que vostre pere vous donnra. Dieus vous doint sa - benicon, car je vous donne la mienne. . . . - -From about the middle of the fourteenth century a feeling of discontent -with the prerogative of the French language in England becomes -prominent. The loss of the greater part of the French possessions, and -the continued state of hostilities with France during the reign of -Edward III. brought home forcibly to the English mind the fact that the -French were a distinct nation, and French a foreign tongue. This tardy -recovery is sufficient proof of the strong resistance which had to be -overcome. Chaucer is the greatest representative of the new movement. -"Let Frenchmen endite their quaint terms in French," he exclaims, "for -it is kindly to their mouths, but let us show our fantaisies in suche -words as we learned from our dames' tongues." His contemporary, Gower, -was less quick to discern the signs of the times. Of the four volumes of -his works, two are in Latin, one in French, and one in English; but the -order in which he uses these languages is instructive--first French, -then Latin, and lastly English. Some writers made a compromise by -employing a mixture of French and English.[49] French, however, -continued to hold an important place in prose writings until the middle -of the fifteenth century; but such works are of little literary value. -The reign of French as the literary language of England, as Chaucer had -been quick to discern, was approaching its end. - -The same period is marked by a growing disrespect for Anglo-French as -compared with the French of France. The French of England, cut off from -the living source, had developed apart, and often with more rapidity -than the other French dialects on the Continent. What is more, the -language brought by the invaders was not a pure form of the Norman -dialect; men from various parts of France had joined in William's -expedition. The invaders, always called 'French' by their contemporaries, -brought in a strong Picard element; and in the twelfth century there -was a similar Angevin influence. Moreover, during Norman and Angevin -times, craftsmen and others immigrated to England, each bringing with -him the dialectal peculiarities of his own province.[50] Thus no regular -development of Anglo-French was possible, and it can hardly be regarded -as an ordinary dialect, notwithstanding its literary importance.[51] -This disparity in the quality of Anglo-French is illustrated in a -remarkable way by the literature of the period. Those who had received -special educational advantages, or had travelled on the Continent, spoke -and wrote French correctly; others used forms which contrasted pitiably -with continental French. Moreover, the fourteenth century saw the -triumph of the Ile de France dialect in France; the other dialects -ceased, as a rule, to be used in literature,[52] and this change was not -without effect on Anglo-French, which shared their degradation. Chaucer -lets us know the poor opinion he had of the French of England; his -Prioress speaks French "full fayre and fetisly," but - - After the scole of Stratford atte Bowe, - For French of Paris was to her unknowe. - -William Langland admits that he knew "no frenche in feith, but of the -ferthest ende of Norfolke."[53] As early as the thirteenth century -English writers had felt bound to apologize as Englishmen for their -French. Nor were their excuses superfluous in many cases; William of -Wadington, the author of the _Manuel des Pechiez_, for example, -wrote:[54] - - De le francois ne del rimer - Ne me doit nuls hom blamer, - Car en Engleterre fu ne - Et nurri lenz et ordine. - -Such apologies became all the more necessary as time went on. Even -Gower, whose French was comparatively pure,[55] owing no doubt to travel -in France in early life, deemed it advisable to explain that he wrote in -French for "tout le monde en general," and to ask pardon if he has not -"de Francois la faconde": - - Jeo suis Englois si quier par tiele voie - Estre excuse. - -At about the same time the anonymous author of the _Testament of Love_ -finds fault with the English for their persistence in writing in bad -French, "of which speech the Frenchmen have as good a fantasy as we have -in hearing of Frenchmen's English."[56] - -The notoriety of the French of Englishmen reached France. Indeed this -was a time when the English were more generally known in France than -they were to be for several hundreds of years afterwards--until the -eighteenth century. Englishmen filled positions in their possessions in -France, and during the long wars between the two countries in the reign -of Edward III., many of the English nobility resided in that country -with their families. Montaigne refers to traces of the English in -Guyenne, which still remained in the sixteenth century: "Il est une -nation," he writes in one of his Essays, "a laquelle ceux de mon -quartier ont eu autrefois si privee accointance qu'il reste encore en ma -maison aucune trace de leur ancien cousinage."[57] The opinions formed -by the French of the English were naturally anything but flattering. We -find them expressed in songs of the time.[58] But the recriminations -were mutual, and the English had already hit upon the epithet which for -centuries they applied to Frenchmen, and most other foreigners -indiscriminately: - - Franche dogue dit un Anglois. - Vous ne faites que boire vin, - Si faisons bien dist le Francois, - Mais vous buvez le lunnequin. (biere.)[59] - -Even in the _Roman de Renart_ we come across traces of familiarity with -English ways, and also of the English language.[60] - -It is not surprising, then, that Anglo-French was a subject of remark in -France, especially when we remember that already in the thirteenth -century the provincial accents of the different parts of France herself -had been the object of some considerable amount of raillery.[61] The -English, says Froissart, a good judge, for he spent many years in -England, "disoient bien que le francois que ils avoient apris chies eulx -d'enfance n'estoit pas de telle nature et condition que celluy de France -estoit."[62] And this 'condition' was soon recognized as a plentiful -store for facetious remarks and parodies of all kinds. In the _Roman de -Jehan et Blonde_, the young Frenchman's rival, the Duke of Gloucester, -is made to appear ridiculous by speaking bad French; and one of the -tricks played by Renart on Ysengrin, in the _Roman de Renart_, is to -pretend he is an Englishman:[63] - - Ez vos Renart qui le salue: - "Godehelpe," fait il, "bel Sire! - Non saver point ton reson dire." - -And Ysengrin answers: - - Et dex saut vos, bau dous amis! - Dont estes vos? de quel pais? - Vous n'estes mie nes de France, - Ne de la nostre connoissance. - -A _fabliau_ of the fourteenth century[64] pictures the dilemma of two -Englishmen trying to make their French understood in France; one of them -is ill and would have some lamb: - - Si tu avez un anel cras - Mi porra bien mengier ce croi. - -His friend sets out to try to get the 'anel' or 'lamb'; but no one -understands him, and he becomes the laughing-stock of the villagers. At -last some one gives him a 'small donkey' instead of the desired 'agnel,' -and out of this he makes a dish for the invalid who finds the bones -rather large. In the face of a reputation such as this it is no wonder -that the English found additional encouragement to abandon the foreign -language and cultivate their own tongue. - -English was also beginning to make its way into official documents.[65] -In 1362 the King's Speech at the opening of Parliament was pronounced -in English, and in the following year it was directed that all pleas in -the courts of justice should be pleaded and judged in English, because -French was "trope desconue en ledit realme." Despite that, the act was -very tardily obeyed, and English progressed but slowly, French -continuing to be written long after it ceased to be spoken in the Law -Courts. There were a few public documents issued in English at the end -of the century, but the Acts and Records of Parliament continued to be -written in French for many years subsequently. English first made its -way into the operative parts of the Statutes, and till 1503 the formal -parts were still written in French and Latin. Protests were made to -Henry VIII. against the continued use of French, "as thereby ys -testyfied our subjectyon to the Normannys"; yet it was not before the -eighteenth century that English was exclusively used in the Law Courts, -and for many years French, in its corrupt form, remained the literary -language of the English law. Till the seventeenth century works on -jurisprudence and reports on cases were mainly written in French. _Les -Cases de Gray's Inn_ shows French in accounts of discussions on -difficult legal cases as late as 1680.[66] Sir John Fortescue -(1394?-1476), Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, in his _De -Laudibus Legum Angliae_, suggests that this Law French is more correct -at bottom than ordinary spoken French, which, he contends, is much -"altered by common use, whereas Law French is more often writ than -spoken." In later times no such illusions prevailed. Swift thus -estimates the value of the three languages of the English Law:[67] - - Then from the bar harangues the bench, - In English vile, and viler French, - And Latin vilest of the three. - -At about the same time as Swift wrote, the 'frenchified' Lady, then in -fashion, who prided herself on her knowledge of the "language a la mode" -is described as being able to "keep the field against a whole army of -Lawyers, and that in their own language, French gibberish."[68] And long -after French ceased to be used in the Law many law terms and legal and -official phrases remained, and are still in use to-day.[69] -Anglo-French also lingered in some of the religious houses after it had -fallen into discredit elsewhere, and continued to do so in some cases -till the time of their dissolution. The rules and accounts of the -nunneries were more often in French than not.[70] And John ap Rhys, -visitor of monasteries in the reign of Henry VIII., wrote to Cromwell -regarding the monastery of Laycock in Wiltshire, that he had observed -one thing "worthy th'advertisement; the ladies have their Rule, -th'institutes of their Religion and the ceremonies of the same written -in the Frenche tongue, which they understand well and are very perfyt in -the same, albeit that it varieth from vulgar Frenche that is now used, -and is moche like the Frenche that the common Lawe is written in."[71] - -During this same period English began to be used occasionally in -correspondence; but here again its progress was slow. Some idea of the -extent to which French was utilized for that purpose may be gathered -from the fact that three extant letters of William de Wykeham, addressed -to Englishmen, are all in that tongue. Not till the second and third -decades of the fifteenth century were English and French employed in -correspondence to an almost equal extent, and during the following -years, especially in the reign of Henry VI., English gradually became -predominant.[72] French remained in use longer in correspondence of a -public and official nature, but became more and more restricted to -foreign diplomacy. - -Towards the middle of the fourteenth century, at the beginning of the -long wars with France, French lost ground in England in yet another -direction. Edward III. is said to have found it necessary to proclaim -that all lords, barons, knights, burgesses, should see that their -children learn French for political and military reasons;[73] and when -Trevisa translated Higden's _Polychronicon_, he wrote in correction of -the earlier chronicler's description of the teaching of French in the -grammar schools of England:[74] "This maner was moche used before the -grete deth (1349). But syth it is somdele chaunged. Now (_i.e._ 1387) -they leave all Frensch in scholes, and use all construction in Englisch. -Wherin they have advantage on way that they lerne the soner ther gramer. -And in another disadvantage. For nowe they lerne no Frenssh ne can none, -whiche is hurte for them that shall passe the see," and thus children of -the grammar schools know "no more French than knows their lefte heele." - -Thus the custom of translating Latin into French passed out of use early -in the second half of the fourteenth century. No doubt there had been -signs of the approaching change in the preceding period, and it is of -interest here to notice that while Neckham's Latin vocabulary, which -dates from the second half of the twelfth century, is glossed in French -alone, that of Garlande, which belongs approximately to the third decade -of the following century, is accompanied by translations in both French -and English. In the universities, however, where French had been slower -in gaining a foothold, it remained longer; in the fifteenth century -teachers of French were still allowed to lecture there as they had done -previously, but it is to be noticed that in all the colleges founded -after the Black Death (1349), from which the change in the grammar -schools is dated, the regulations encouraging the speaking of French in -Hall are absent. The change appears also to have affected the higher -classes, who did not usually frequent the grammar schools and -universities, but depended on more private methods of instruction. -Trevisa here again adds a correction to the earlier chronicle, and -informs us that "gentylmen haveth now myche lefte for to teach their -children Frensch." - -We thus witness the gradual disappearance of the effects of the Norman -Conquest in the history of the use of the French language in England. -The Conquest had made Norman-French the language of the Court, and to -some extent, of the Church; it had brought with it a French literature -which nearly smothered the national literature and replaced it -temporarily; it had led to the system of translating Latin into French -as well as into English in the schools. In the later fourteenth century -French was no longer the chief language of the Court, and the king spoke -English and was addressed in the same tongue. In the Church the -employment of French had been restricted and transitory, though, as has -been mentioned, it lingered in some of the monasteries until the -sixteenth century; yet Latin never found in it a serious rival in this -sphere, and the ecclesiastical department of the law never followed the -civil in the adoption of the use of French. How French lost ground in -the other spheres has already been traced: in all these cases its -employment may be regarded as a direct result of the Conquest. - -This great event had also indirect results. French became the official -language of England, and the favourite medium of correspondence in the -thirteenth century, when the fusion between the two races was complete. -But it is highly improbable that French would have spread in these -directions if the Conquest had not in the first place made French the -vernacular of a considerable portion of Englishmen, and that the most -influential. With its use in official documents and in correspondence, -may be classed the slight encouragement French received at Oxford. In -all these spheres it remained longer than it had done where its status -had been a more direct result of the Conquest. - -Meanwhile the desire to cultivate and imitate the French of France had -been growing stronger and stronger; and when, towards the end of the -fourteenth century, the older influences were getting feebler, and in -some cases had passed away, the influence of the continental French, -especially the French of Paris, now supreme over the other dialects, -became more and more marked. And it is this language which henceforth -Englishmen strove to learn, gradually relinquishing the corrupt idiom -with which for so long their name had been associated. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] This was the opinion of Ames: "This seems to be the first grammar of -the French language in our own country, if not in Europe." Dibdin, -Herbert Ames's _Typographical Antiquities_, 1819, iii. p. 365. - -[2] The grammar of Jacques Sylvius or Dubois appeared in 1531, a year -after Palsgrave's. No attempt at a theoretical treatment of the French -language appeared in France in the Middle Ages. There are, however, two -Provencal ones extant. (F. Brunot, "Le Francais a l'etranger," in L. -Petit de Julleville's _Histoire de la langue et de la litterature -francaise_, ii. p. 528.) - -[3] One of the chief effects of the Conquest in the schools is said to -have been the substitution of Norman for English schoolmasters (Leach, -_Schools of Mediaeval England_, 1915, p. 103). - -[4] The majority of early Latin vocabularies extant, however, are -accompanied by English translations (cp. T. Wright, _Volume of -Vocabularies_, 2 vols., 1857), as was also the comparatively well-known -_Promptorium Parvulorum_ (_c._ 1440), Camden Soc., 1865. - -[5] The text is given in L. E. Menger's _Anglo-Norman Dialect_, Columbia -University Press, 1904, p. 14. The psalms, together with Cato, Ovid, or -possibly Virgil, formed the usual reading material in the Grammar -Schools. Cp. Rashdall, _Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_, -Oxford, 1895, ii. p. 603. - -[6] Adam du Petit Pont (_d._ 1150) wrote an epistle in Latin, many words -of which were glossed in French. But there is no evidence that it was -used in England. It was published by E. Scheler in his _Trois traites de -lexicographie latine du 12e et 13e siecles_, Leipzig, 1867. - -[7] Ed. T. Wright, _Volume of Vocabularies_, i. 96, and Scheler, _op. -cit._ Both editions are deemed unsatisfactory by Paul Meyer (_Romania_, -xxxvi. 482). - -[8] It has been published five times: (1) At Caen by Vincent Correr in -1508 (_Romania_, _ut supra_); (2) H. Geraud, in _Documents inedits sur -l'histoire de France_: "Paris sous Philippe le Bel d'apres les documents -originaux," 1837; (3) Kervyn de Lettenhove, 1851; (4) T. Wright, _Volume -of Vocabularies_, i. pp. 120 _sqq._; (5) Scheler, _Trois traites de -lexicographie latine_. - -[9] Wright, _op. cit._ pp. 139-141. - -[10] _Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford_, 3 vols., Oxford and London, -1853; A. Clark, _Colleges of Oxford_, 1891, p. 140; H. C. Maxwell Lyte, -_History of the University of Oxford_, 1880, pp. 140-151. - -[11] _Documents relating to the Universities and Colleges of Cambridge_, -1852, ii. p. 33; J. Bass Mullinger, _The University of Cambridge_, 1873; -G. Peacock, _Observations on the Statutes of the University of -Cambridge_, 1841, p. 4. - -[12] J. Heywood, _Early Cambridge University and College Statutes_, -1885, ii. p. 182. - -[13] C. H. Cooper, _Annals of Cambridge_, Cambridge, 1852, i. p. 40. - -[14] Rashdall, _op. cit._ ii. p. 519 _n._ - -[15] Rashdall, _op. cit._ i. pp. 319 _et seq._ Later the English nation -was known as the German; it included all students from the north and -east of Europe. On the English in the University of Paris see Ch. -Thurot, _De l'organisation de l'enseignement dans l'Universite de -Paris_, Paris, 1850; and J. E. Sandys, "English Scholars of Paris, and -Franciscans of Oxford," in _The Cambridge History of English -Literature_, i., 1908, chap. x. pp. 183 _et seq._ - -[16] Quoted, E. J. B. Rathery, _Les Relations sociales et -intellectuelles entre la France et l'Angleterre_, Paris, 1856, p. 11. - -[17] A writer of about 1180 says it was impossible to tell who were -Normans and who English ("Dialogus de Scaccario": Stubbs, _Select -Charters_, 4th ed., 1881, p. 168). - -[18] "Discours sur l'etat des lettres au 13e siecle," in the _Histoire -litteraire de la France_, xvi. p. 168. - -[19] D. Behrens, in H. Paul's _Grundiss der germanischen Philologie_, -Strassbourg, 1901, pp. 953-55; Freeman, _Norman Conquest_, v. 1876, pp. -528 _sqq._; Maitland, "Anglo-French Law Language," in the _Cambridge -History of English Literature_, i. pp. 407 _sqq._, _History of English -Law_, 1895, pp. 58 _sqq._, and _Collected Papers_, 1911, ii. p. 436. At -the universities, where Latin was the usual language of correspondence, -letters and petitions were often drawn up in French (Oxford Hist. Soc., -_Collectanea_, 1st series, 1885, pp. 8 _sqq._). - -[20] Bateson, _Mediaeval England_, 1903, p. 319. - -[21] Maitland, _Collected Papers_, 1911, ii. p. 437. - -[22] Such are Bozon's _Contes moralises_ (_c._ 1320), ed. P. Meyer, in -the _Anciens Textes Francais_, 1889. In his Introduction Meyer lays -stress on the widespread use of French in England at this time, and its -chance of becoming the national language of England, an eventuality -which, he thinks, might have been a benefit to humanity. - -[23] MS. at Trinity Col. Cambridge (R. 3. 56). - -[24] Paul Meyer calls it the work of a true grammarian (_Romania_, -xxxii. p. 65). - -[25] There are four MSS. extant. These have been collated and published -by J. Sturzinger in the _Altfranzoesische Bibliothek_, vol. viii., -Heilbronn, 1884; cp. _Romania_, xiv. p. 60. The earliest MS. is in the -Record Office, and was published by T. Wright in Haupt and Hoffman's -_Altdeutsche Blaetter_ (ii. p. 193). Diez quoted from this edition in -his _Grammaire des langues romanes_, 3rd ed. i. pp. 415, 418 _sqq._ The -three other MSS. are in the Brit. Mus., Camb. Univ. Libr. and Magdalen -Col. Oxon., and belong to the three succeeding centuries. Portions of -the Magdalen Col. MS. are quoted by A. J. Ellis, in his _Early English -Pronunciation_, pp. 836-839, and by F. Genin, in his preface to the -French Government reprint of Palsgrave's Grammar, 1852. It is the -British Museum copy, made in the reign of Edward III., which contains -the French commentary. - -[26] Early English writers on the French tongue were fond of drawing -attention to the opportunities for punning afforded by the language. - -[27] Edited by Miss M. K. Pope in the _Modern Language Review_ (vol. v., -1910, pt. ii. pp. 188 _sqq._), from the Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 17716, ff. -88-91; it also exists at All Souls, Oxford (MS. 182 f. 340), and at -Trinity Col. Cambridge (MS. B 14. 39, 40); in the last MS. the -introduction of the two preceding ones is lacking (cp. Meyer, _Romania_, -xxxii. p. 59). - -[28] For instance, we are told that _a_ is sounded almost like _e_ as in -_savez vous faire un chauncoun . . ._; that the phrases _a_, _en a_, _i -a_ which mean one and the same thing when they come from the Latin -_habet_, should be written without _d_; that _aura_, _en array_ should -be written without _e_ in the middle, and sounded without _u_, as -_aray_, _en array_, though the English include the _e_. - -[29] Published by Stengel, in the _Zeitschrift fuer neufranzoesische -Sprache und Literatur_, 1879, pp. 16-22. - -[30] Miss Pope, _ut supra_. - -[31] His name has provoked some discussion as to its correct form. It is -frequently written as Biblesworth, and one MS. gives it the form of -Bithesway; the correct form, however, is Bibbesworth, the name of a -manor in the parish of Kempton (Herts), of which Walter was the owner -(P. Meyer, _Romania_, xv. p. 312, and xxx. p. 44 _n._; W. Aldis Wright, -_Notes and Queries_, 1877, 4th Series, viii. p. 64). - -[32] Printed from the MS. in the Bodleian, in Wright and Halliwell's -_Reliquiae Antiquae_, i. p. 134. - -[33] _Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1247-58_, pp. 58, 103, 187. He received -exemption from being put on assizes or juries in 1249. - -[34] _Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1301-1307_, p. 39. - -[35] She died in 1304; her father was one of the leaders on the king's -side at the battle of Lewes (1264). - -[36] There are many MSS. in the British Museum; others at Oxford and -Cambridge, and one in the Library of Sir Th. Phillips at Cheltenham. The -best-known edition of the vocabulary is that of T. Wright, _Volume of -Vocabularies_, i. pp. 142-174, which is the one here quoted, and which -reproduces Arundel MS. 220, collated with Sloane MS. 809. P. Meyer has -given a critical edition of the first eighty-six lines in his _Recueil -d'anciens textes--partie francaise_, No. 367 (cp. _Romania_, xiii. p. -500). - -[37] In the vocabularies written in imitation of Bibbesworth at later -dates, the English gloss is fuller, and in the latest one complete, as -French became more and more a foreign language. - -[38] "Pus to le frauncoys com il en court en age de husbonderie, com pur -arer, rebiner, waretter, semer, sarcher, syer, faucher, carier, batre, -moudre, pestrer, briser," etc. - -[39] _Polychronicon_, lib. 1, cap. 59 (ed. Babington and Lumly, Rolls -Publications, 41, 1865-66, vol. ii. pp. 159 _sqq._). - -[40] Cp. the thirteenth-century romance in which Jehan de Dammartin -teaches French to Blonde of Oxford (ed. Le Roux de Lincy, Camden Soc., -1858). - -[41] F. Anstey, _Monumenta Academica_, 1868, p. 438. - -[42] Anstey, _op. cit._, 1868, p. 302. - -[43] Published from a MS. in Cambridge University Library (Ee 4, 20), by -Skeat, in the _Transactions of the Philological Society_ (1903-1906). - -[44] The MS. in which the work is preserved dates from about 1340, but -is probably copied from an earlier one. - -[45] - - "Corps teste et hanapel - _Body heuede and heuedepanne_ - Et peil cresceant sur la peal. - _And here growende on the skyn_," etc. - -[46] How close the resemblance is between the two works may be judged by -the following quotations: - - Par le gel nous avons glas, - Et de glas vient verglas. (NOMINALE.) - - Pur le gel vous avomus glas, - Et pluvye e gele fount vereglas. (BIBBESWORTH.) - -And it is in words almost identical with those of Bibbesworth that the -author describes the difference in the meaning of some words according -to their gender: - - La levere deit clore les dentz. - _The lippe._ - Le levere en boys se tient de deynz. - _The hare._ - La livre sert a marchauntz. - _The pounde._ - Le livere aprent nous enfauntz. - _The boke._ - -[47] The earliest of these MSS. dates from the second decade of the -fourteenth century. These epistolaries are found in the following MSS.: -Harleian 4971 and 3988, Addit. 17716, in the Brit. Mus.; Ee 4, 20 in -Cantab. Univ. Library; B 14. 39, 40 in Trinity Col. Camb.; 182 at All -Souls, Oxford, and 188 Magdalen Col. Oxford (cp. Stuerzinger, -_Altfranzoesiche Bibliothek_), viii. pp. xvii-xix. The Introductions to -these letters were edited in a Griefswald Dissertation (1898), by W. -Uerkvitz. - -[48] Stengel, _op. cit._ pp. 8-10. - -[49] _Romania_, iv. p. 381, xxxii. p, 22. - -[50] W. Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce_, -Cambridge, 1896, pp. 635 _sqq._ - -[51] L. Menger, _Anglo-Norman Dialect_; Behrens, _art. cit._ pp. 960 -_sqq._; Brunot, _Histoire de la langue francaise_, i. pp. 319 _sqq._, -369. - -[52] Brunot, _op. cit._ i. p. 331. - -[53] Jusserand, _Histoire litteraire du peuple anglais_, 1896. p. 240 n. - -[54] Brunot, _op. cit._ i. p. 369. - -[55] P. Meyer commends Gower's French (_Romania_, xxxii. p. 43). - -[56] T. R. Lounsbury, _Studies in Chaucer_, London, 1892, p. 458. - -[57] Livre ii. ch. xii. - -[58] As in those of Olivier Basselin. - -[59] Eustache Deschamps, _Oeuvres_, ed. Crapelet, p. 91, quoted by -Rathery, _op. cit._ p. 181 (cp. also _English Political Songs_, ed. T. -Wright. Camden Soc., 1839). - -[60] Jusserand, _op. cit._ p. 153 n. The fourteenth branch of the -_Roman_ is specially mentioned: cp. Brunot, _op. cit._ i. p. 369, n. 4. - -[61] Brunot, _op. cit._ i. 330. It is not rare to find English -pronunciation of French ridiculed in France, and Englishmen represented -as talking a sort of gibberish; cp. _Romania_, xiv. pp. 99, 279, and -Brunot, _op. cit._ p. 369 n. - -[62] Behrens, _op. cit._ p. 957. - -[63] Ed. E. Martin, 1882, l. 2351 _sqq._ - -[64] _Recueil general et complet des fabliaux_, ed. Montaiglon et -Raynaud, ii. p. 178. - -[65] Maitland, _Collected Papers_, 1911, ii. p. 436; Freeman, _op. cit._ -p. 536; Brunot, _op. cit._ i. p. 373. - -[66] F. Watson, _Religious Refugees and English Education_, London, -1911, p. 6. There are numerous entries of such works in the _Stationers' -Register_. - -[67] Answer to Dr. Lindsey's epigram, _Works_, ed. 1841, i. p. 634. - -[68] [H. Dell], _The Frenchified Lady never in Paris_, London, 1757. - -[69] Pepys in his Diary notes the use of French in such phrases, and the -Abbe Le Blanc (_Lettres d'un Francais sur les Anglais_, a la Haye, 1745) -was also struck by the custom. - -[70] Bateson, _Mediaeval England_, p. 342; Warton, _History of English -Poetry_, p. 10 n. - -[71] Ellis, _Original Letters_, 3rd series, 1846, i. p. xi. - -[72] M. A. E. Green (_nee_ Wood), _Letters of Royal and Illustrious -Ladies_, London, 1846; _The Paston Letters_, new edition by J. Gairdner, -3 vols., London, 1872-75; H. Ellis, _Original Letters_, 3rd series, -London, 1846; J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps, _Letters of the Kings of -England_, London, 1846; C. L. Kingsford, _English Historical Literature -in the Fifteenth Century_, Oxford, 1893, pp. 193 _et seq._; Hallam, -_Literature of Europe_, 6th ed., London, 1860, i. p. 54. - -[73] "Que tout seigneur, baron, chevalier et honestes hommes de bonnes -villes mesissent cure et dilligence de estruire et apprendre leurs -enfans le langhe francoise, par quoy il en fuissent plus avec et plus -costumier ens leurs gherres" (Froissart, quoted by Behrens, _op. cit._ -p. 957 n.). - -[74] Higden, _ut supra_. - - - - -CHAPTER II - - THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY - - -These great changes which took place in the status of French in England -did not, however, affect fundamentally the popularity of the language: -they had to do with Anglo-French alone. French, as distinct from this -and as a foreign language, received more attention than ever before, -especially from the higher classes, and from travellers and merchants. -It was the language of politeness and refinement in the eyes of -Englishmen, not only as a result of the Conquest, but for its inherent -qualities; and so it retained this position when it gave way to English -or Latin in other spheres where its predominance had been due, either -directly or indirectly, to the Conquest. French had enjoyed a social -reputation in England before the arrival of the invaders,[75] and had -already made some progress towards becoming the language which the -English loved and cultivated above all modern foreign tongues, and to -which they devoted for a great many years more care than they did to -their own. "Doulz francois," writes an Englishman at the end of the -fourteenth century in a treatise for teaching the language,[76] is the -most beautiful and gracious language in the world, after the Latin of -the schools,[77] "et de tous gens mieulx prisee et amee que nul autre; -quar Dieu le fist se doulce et amiable principalement a l'oneur et -loenge de luy mesmes. Et pour ce il peut bien comparer au parler des -angels du ciel, pour la grant doulceur et biaultee d'icel"--a more -eloquent tribute even than the more famous lines of Brunetto Latini. -Another writer of the same period informs us that "les bones gens du -Roiaume d'Engleterre sont embrasez a scavoir lire et escrire, entendre -et parler droit Francois," and that he himself thinks it is very -necessary for the English to know the "droict nature de Francois," for -many reasons.[78] For instance, that they may enjoy intercourse with -their neighbours, the good folk of the kingdom of France; that they may -better understand the laws of England, of which a great many are still -written in French; and also because "beaucoup de bones choses sont misez -en Francois," and the lords and ladies of England are very fond of -writing to each other in the same tongue.[79] - -As a result of the altered circumstances which were modifying the -attitude of the English, there is a corresponding change in the standard -of the French which the manuals for teaching that language sought to -attain. All the best text-books of the end of the fourteenth and -fifteenth centuries endeavour with few exceptions to impart a knowledge -of the French of Paris, "doux francois de Paris" or "la droite language -de Paris," as it was called, in contrast with the French of -Stratford-atte-Bowe and other parts of England. Those authors of -treatises for teaching French of whose lives we have any details, had -studied French in France, at Paris, Orleans, or some other University -town. The fact that many of their productions still contain numbers of -words belonging to the Norman and other dialects does not diminish the -importance and significance of their more ambitious aims. These pioneer -works on the French language, written in England by Englishmen without -the guidance of any similar work produced in France, were bound to -contain archaisms as well as anglicisms.[80] - -Fluency in speaking French was the chief need of the classes of society -in which the demand for instruction was greatest. Correctness in detail -was only of secondary importance, and grammar, though desirable, was not -considered indispensable. The importance of speaking French naturally -brought the subject of pronunciation to the fore. No doubt most of the -early teachers shared the opinions of their successors, that rules and -theoretical information were of little avail in teaching the sounds of -the language, compared with the practice of imitation and repetition; -nevertheless, many of them attempted to supply some information on the -subject. When, in the second decade of the fifteenth century, another -writer based a new treatise for teaching French on the vocabulary of -Bibbesworth, which had then been current for well over a century, the -chief point in which it differed from its original was precisely in the -provision of guidance to facilitate pronunciation. - -This new treatise was styled _Femina_,[81] because just as the mother -teaches her young child to speak his native tongue, so does this work -teach children to speak French naturally.[82] It covers almost exactly -the same ground as the vocabulary of Bibbesworth, but, as in the case of -the earlier imitation of the same work, the _Nominale_, the order of -arrangement varies, and the whole is permeated with a lively humour -which makes it at least equal in interest to the work on which it is -based. The French lines are octosyllabic and arranged in distichs, each -pair being followed by an English translation, which is given in full, -contrary to the practice in the earlier works of the same kind. The -author endeavours to teach the French of France[83] as distinguished -from that of England, and, although he lavishes provincialisms from the -local dialects of France--Norman, Picard, Walloon--in the main they are -French provincialisms, and many of them may be due to errors on the part -of the scribe. To assist pronunciation notes are provided at the bottom -of the page, giving pseudo-English equivalents of the sounds of words -written otherwise in the text. - -The treatise opens with an exhortation to the child to learn French that -he may speak fairly before wise men, for "heavy is he that is not -taught": - -Cap: primum docet rethorice loqui de assimilitudine bestiarum. - - a b - Beau enfaunt pur apprendre - c d - En franceis devez bien entendre - Ffayre chyld for to lerne - In french ye schal wel understande - - e - Coment vous parlerez bealment, - Et devaunt les sagez naturalment. - How ye schal speke fayre, - And afore ye wysemen kyndly. - - f g - Ceo est veir que vous dy, - h i - Hony est il qui n'est norry. - That ys soth that y yow say - Hevy ys he that ys not taugth - - k l - Parlez tout ditz com affaites - m - Et nenny come dissafaites - Spekep alway as man ys tauth - And not as man untauth. - - Parlez imprimer de tout assemble - n o - Dez bestez que Dieu ad forme. - Spekep fyrst of manere assemble alle - Of bestes that God hath y maked. - - (_a_) beau debet legi bev, (_b_) enfaunt, (_c_) fraunceys, (_d_) bein, - (_e_) belement, (_f_) ce, (_g_) cet vel eyztt, (_h_) Iil, (_i_) neot, - (_k_) toutdiz, (_l_) afetes, (_m_) dissafetes, (_n_) beetez, (_o_) dv - et non Dieu. - -The subsequent chapters deal with the same subjects as in Bibbesworth, -and sometimes the wording is almost identical. The concluding chapter, -"De moribus infantis," is taken from another source, and gives -admonitions for discreet behaviour, quoting the moral treatise of the -pseudo-Cato, the Proverbs of Solomon, and the like. The passage in which -_Femina_ deals with the upbringing of the child may be of interest, as -showing how the later author repeats the earlier, while altering the -wording; and as throwing some light on the way French was then learnt: - - Et quaunt il court en graunt age - Mettez ly apprendre langage. - And when he runs in great age[84] - Put him to learn language. - - En fraunceys a luy vous devez dire - Comez il doit soun corps discrire. - In French to him ye shall say - How first he shall his body describe. - - Et pur ordre garder de moun et ma, - Toun et ta, son et sa, masculino et feminino. - And for order to kepe of mon and ma, - Toun and ta, soun and sa, for ma souneth. - - Quia ma sonat feminino moun masculino. - To femynyn gender and moun to masculyn. - - Cy que en parle soit bien apris, - Et de nule homme escharnis. - So that in speach he be well learned, - And of no man scorned. - -At the end is a 'calendar,' or table of words arranged alphabetically in -three parallel columns. The first gives the orthography of the word, the -second the pronunciation, and the third the explanation of its meaning -and construction, which usually takes the form of an English equivalent. - -In the meanwhile the grammatical study of French was not neglected. -There are still extant numerous small treatises[85] dealing with -different aspects of French grammar, chiefly the flexions, and belonging -to the end of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The conjugation of -verbs receives special attention, and there are several manuscripts -providing paradigms and lists of the chief parts of speech--often very -incorrect, and of more value as showing the interest taken in French in -England than as illustrating any development in the history of the -conjugations of French verbs. The usual verbs described in these -fragmentary works[86] are _amo_, _habeo_, _sum_, _volo_, _facio_, and -the French paradigms are generally accompanied by Latin ones, on which -they are naturally based, and which were intended to help the student to -understand the French ("cum expositione earundem in Latinis"). The two -most considerable of these works known add many verbs to the list -mentioned above. Of these the first, the _Liber Donati_,[87] gives -examples of law French rather than literary French;[88] but the other, -written in French, endeavours to teach "douce francois de Paris"--_cy -comence le Donait soloum douce franceis de Paris_.[89] The _Donait_ -belongs to the fifteenth century, and is the work of one R. Dove, who -also wrote some _Regulae de Orthographia Gallica_ in Latin,[90] which -show considerable resemblance to those of the earlier _Orthographia -Gallica_. The same is true of some of the rules devoted to orthography -in the _Liber Donati_, which also owes something to the work of 'T. H., -Student of Paris,' either in the original form, or, more probably, in -the recast, due to Canon Coyfurelly. In this respect, Coyfurelly -continues the efforts of the earlier writer to purify English spelling -of French--efforts which at this time would meet with more success than -was the case earlier.[91] - -Another topic touched on in the _Regulae_ of R. Dove is the formation of -the plural of nouns, and of the feminine of adjectives. The substance of -one of these rules may be quoted, as an example of the failure of these -early writers to grasp general principles. All nouns ending in _ge_, -like _lange_, says the grammarian, take _s_ in the plural, as _langes_; -all nouns ending in _urc_, as _bourc_, have _z_ or _s_ in the plural and -drop the _c_, as _bours_; all nouns ending in _nyn_, as _conyn_, take -_s_ in the plural, as _chemyns_; all nouns ending in _eyn_, as _peyn_, -form their plural by adding _s_, as _peyns_. Such is the rule for the -formation of the plural of nouns, and that for the feminine of -adjectives, which follows, is on the same lines. Pronouns also received -some attention from these early grammarians. The _Liber Donati_[92] -contains a few remarks on the personal, demonstrative and possessive -pronouns, giving the different forms for the singular and plural and the -various cases; thus it tells us that _jeo_ and sometimes _moy_ are used -for _I_ (_ego_) in the nominative case, and in other cases _moy_ or _me_ -in the singular, while _nous_ is used for the plural in all cases, and -so forth. - -We thus see that the verbs, nouns and pronouns received consideration, -varying in degree, at the hands of these pioneers in French grammar. -Neither were the indeclinable parts of speech neglected; at the end of -the _Liber Donati_ there is a list of some of these as well as of the -ordinal and cardinal numbers in both Latin and French, while the -_Donait_ gives the numbers only. Some manuscripts contain lists of -adverbs, prepositions and conjunctions in Latin and French.[93] Others -give lists of the cardinal and ordinal numbers in French, and one adds -to these a nomenclature of the different colours.[94] The names of the -days, months, and feast-days were another favourite subject. - -Of these small treatises that which nearest approaches the form of a -comprehensive grammar is the _Liber Donati_, which includes observations -on the orthography and pronunciation, on verbs and pronouns, and lists -of adverbs, conjunctions, and numerals. But there appeared at the -beginning of the fifteenth century, before 1409, a more comprehensive -treatise of some real value--the _Donait francois pur briefment -entroduyr les Anglois en la droit langue du Paris et de pais la -d'entour_,[95] a work which but for its very many anglicisms might be -placed on a level with some of the similar grammars of the sixteenth -century.[96] The origin of this _Donait_ is interesting. A certain -Englishman, John Barton, born and bred in the county of Cheshire, but a -student of Paris, and a passionate lover of the French language, engaged -some good clerks to compose the _Donait_, at his own great cost and -trouble, for the benefit of the English, who are so eager ("embrasez") -to learn French.[97] Judging from the lines with which Barton closes his -short but communicative preface, the work was intended mainly for the -use of young people--the "chers enfants" and "tres douces pucelles," -'hungering' to learn French: "Pur ce, mes chiers enfantz et tresdoulcez -puselles," he writes, "que avez fam d'apprendre cest Donait scachez -qu'il est divise en belcoup de chapiters si come il apperera cy avale." -Barton then retires to make way for his 'clerks,' whose remarks are -entirely confined to grammatical teaching and who, like Barton, write in -French. - -Most of the early treatises on French grammar which appeared in England -are written in Latin. Latin appears to have been the medium through -which French was learnt and explained to a large extent, although in the -case of the riming vocabularies English was used for teaching the young -children for whom these nomenclatures were chiefly written. But grammar, -probably intended to be learnt by older students, was usually studied in -Latin, which was also found to be a help in learning French. Students -are told to base French orthography on that of Latin, and there are -constant references from French words to their Latin originals. The -_Donait soloum douce franceis de Paris_ is apparently the only work of -any importance written in French before that of Barton. English was not -used for this purpose before the sixteenth century, when it was almost -invariably employed, even by Frenchmen. A grammar such as Barton's -would, no doubt, be read and translated with the help of a tutor; and it -is highly probable that the children for whom it was intended would have -previously acquired some practical knowledge of French from some such -elementary treatise as Bibbesworth's vocabulary. Moreover, French was so -generally in use in the higher classes of society, and had been for so -long a kind of semi-national tongue, that it would hardly be approached -as an entirely foreign language, as in later times. In writing a French -grammar in French, Barton and those who followed the same course merely -adopted for the teaching of French a method in common use in the -teaching of Latin. The advisability of writing French grammars in French -was a question, as we shall see, much discussed in the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries as well as in much more recent times. - -The clerks employed by Barton made free use of the observations on -French grammar which had appeared previously. But their work had an -additional value; the rules are stated with considerable clearness and -are usually correct.[98] The opening chapters deal with the letters and -their pronunciation, set forth, like the rest of the grammar, in a -series of questions and answers: - - Quantez letters est il? Vint. Quellez? Cinq voielx et quinse - consonantez. Quelx sont les voielx et ou seroit ils sonnes? Le - premier vouyel est _a_ et serra sonne en la poetrine, la seconde - est _e_ et serra sonne en la gorge, le tiers est _i_ et serra sonne - entre les joues, le quart est _o_ et serra sonne du palat de la - bouche, le quint est _u_ et serra sonne entre les levres. - -To these observations on the vowels are added a few on the consonants, -and "belcoup de bones rieules" (six in all) treating the avoidance of -hiatus between two consonants and the effects of certain vowels and -consonants on each other's pronunciation. Next come a few observations -on the parts of speech; for "apres le Chapitre des lettres il nous fault -dire des accidens." Instead of giving a number of isolated instances as -rules for the formation of the plural, the general rule for the addition -of _s_ to the singular is evolved and emphasized by this advice: "Pour -ceo gardez vous que vous ne mettez pas le singuler pour le pulier -(pluriel) ne a contraire, si come font les sots." Further, we must avoid -imitating the 'sottez gens,' to whom frequent reference is made, in -using one person of a tense for another, and saying _je ferra_ for _je -ferray_.[99] In this section of the work the rules follow each other -without any orderly arrangement.[100] - -At about the same time an English poet is said to have written a French -grammar, as another poet, Alexander Barclay, actually did later. An -early bibliographer[101] includes in his list of Lydgate's works one -entitled _Praeceptiones Linguae Gallicae_, in one book, of which no -further trace remains to-day. Lydgate, however, was well acquainted with -French; he made the customary foreign tour, besides visiting Paris again -on a later occasion in attendance on noble patrons, and put his -knowledge of the language to the test by translating or adapting several -works from the French, like most contemporary writers.[102] The same -early authority informs us that, as soon as Lydgate returned from his -travels, he opened a school for the sons of noblemen, possibly at Bury -St. Edmunds. Probably Lydgate wrote a French grammar for the use of -these young noblemen, who would certainly have to learn the language; -and, after serving their immediate purpose, these rules, we may surmise, -were lost and soon forgotten. - -In the fifteenth century, instruction in French epistolary style of all -degrees continued to be supplied in collections of model letters; and at -the end of the fourteenth century a new kind of book for teaching French -appeared--the _Maniere de Langage_ or model conversation book, intended -for the use of travellers, merchants, and others desiring a -conversational and practical rather than a thorough and grammatical -knowledge of French. Contrary to the custom, prevalent at this later -period, of providing English translations, the earliest of these contain -no English gloss, but simply the French text without any attempt at even -the slight grammatical instruction provided in the vocabularies. Their -sole purpose was to give the traveller or wayfarer a supply of phrases -and expressions on the customary topics; grammatical instruction could -be sought elsewhere. - -The earliest of these[103] is the first work for teaching French to -which a definite date can be assigned. A sort of dedication at the end -is dated from Bury St. Edmunds, "la veille du Pentecote, 1396." We have -not the same definite information as to the author.[104] The anglicisms -make it clear that he was an Englishman, while the references to Orleans -and its university, and the trouble there between the students and the -townspeople in 1389, suggest that he was a student of that university, -then much frequented by the English and other foreigners, especially law -students. He may have been Canon M. T. Coyfurelly, Doctor of Law of -Orleans,[105] and author of the contemporary recasting of T. H.'s -treatise on French orthography. The author tells us he undertook his -task at the request of a "tres honore et tres gentil sire"; that he had -learnt French "es parties la mere," and that he wrote according to the -knowledge he acquired there, which, he admits, may not be perfect. -Indeed his French is full of anglicisms; _que homme_ is written for -'that man'; _oeuvrer_ for 'worker'; _que_ for 'why,' and so on; there -are also many grammatical mistakes such as wrong genders, _au homme_, -_de les_ for _des_, _de le_ for _du_. This "maniere" must have enjoyed a -very considerable popularity, judging from the number of manuscripts, of -various dates, still in existence. And, in modern times, it presents a -greater interest to the reader than any of the treatises mentioned -before, partly from the naivete and quaintness of its style, partly -owing to the vivid picture it gives us of the life of the time at which -it was written. - -It opens in a religious strain, with a prayer that the students of the -book may have "sens naturel" to learn to speak, pronounce, and write -"doulz francois": - - A noster commencement nous dirons ainsi: en nom du pere, filz et - Saint Esperit, amen. Ci comence la Maniere de Language qui - t'enseignera bien a droit parler et escrire doulz francois selon - l'usage et la coustume de France. Primiers, au commencement de - nostre fait et besogne nous prierons Dieu devoutement et nostre - Dame la benoite vierge Marie sa tres douce mere, et toute la - glorieuse compaigne du Saint reaume de Paradis celeste, ou Dieux - mette ses amis et ses eslus, de quoi vient toute science, sapience, - grace et entendement et tous manieres vertuz, qu'il luy plaist de - sa grande misericorde et grace tous les escoliers estudianz en cest - livre ainsi abruver et enluminer de la rousee de sa haute sapience - et entendement, qu'ils pouront avoir sens naturel d'aprendre a - parler, bien soner et a droit escrire doulz francois. - -Then, because man is the noblest of all created things, the author -proceeds to give a list of the parts of his body, which recalls the old -riming vocabularies. This, however, is the only portion in which -conversation is sacrificed to vocabulary. In the rest of the work, -though the vocabulary is increased by alternative phrases wherever -possible, it is never allowed to encroach too much on the conversation. - -The second chapter presents a scene between a lord and his page, in -which the page receives minute instructions for commissions to the -draper, the mercer, and upholsterer--an excellent opportunity of -introducing a large choice of words. Conversation for travellers is the -subject of the third chapter, the most important, and certainly the most -interesting in the whole book. It tells, "Coment un homme chivalchant ou -cheminant se doit contenir et parler sur son chemin qui voult aler bien -loin hors de son pais." After witnessing the preparations for the -journey, the reader accompanies the lord and his page through an -imaginary journey in France. Dialogue and narrative alternate, and the -lord talks with his page Janyn or whiles away the time with songs: - - Et quant il aura achevee sa chanson il comencera a parler a son - escuier ou a ses escuiers, ainsi disant: "Mes amys, il est bien pres - de nuyt," vel sic: "Il sera par temps nuyt." Doncques respont Janyn - au son signeur bien gentilment en cest maniere: "Vrayement mon - seigneur, vous ditez verite"; vel sic: "vous ditez voir"; vel sic: - "vous dites vray"--"Je panse bien qu'il feroit mieux pour nous - d'arester en ce ville que d'aller plus avant maishuy. Coment vous - est avis?"--"Ainsi comme vous vuillez, mon seigneur." "Janyn!"--"Mon - signeur?"--"Va devant et prennez nostre hostel par temps."--"Si - ferai-je, mon seigneur." Et s'en vait tout droit en sa voie, et - quant il sera venu a l'ostel il dira tout courtoisement en cest - maniere. "Hosteler, hosteler," etc. - -The page then proceeds to make hasty preparations for the coming of his -master to the inn, and we next assist at the arrival of the lord and his -evening meal and diversions--another opportunity for the introduction of -songs--and his departure in the morning towards Etampes and Orleans. - -More humble characters appear in the next chapter: "Un autre maniere de -parler de pietalle, comme des labourers et oeuvrers de mestiers." Here -we have conversations between members of the working classes. A gardener -and a ditcher discuss their respective earnings, describe their work, -and finally go and dine together; a baker talks with his servant, and so -gives us the names of the chief things used in his trade, just as the -gardener gave a list of flowers and fruits. A merchant scolds his -apprentice for various misdemeanours, and then sends him off to market: - - Doncques l'apprentiz s'en vait au marchie pour vendre les danrees de - son maistre et la vienment grant cop des gens de divers pais de les - achater: et apprentiz leur dit tout courtoisement en cest - maniere,--'Mes amis venez vous ciens et je vous monstrerai de aussi - bon drap comme vous trouverez en tout ce ville, et vous en aurez de - aussi bon marche comme nul autre. Ore regardez, biau sire, comment - vous est avis; vel sic: comment vous plaist il; - -and after some bargaining he sells his goods. - -In the next "maniere de parler" a servant brings a torn doublet to a -mender of old clothes, and enlists his services. A chapter of more -interest and importance is that dealing with greetings and salutations -to be used at different times of the day to members of the various ranks -of society: - - Quant un homme encontrera aucun au matinee il luy dira tout - courtoisement ainsi: "Mon signour Dieux vous donne boun matin et - bonne aventure," vel sic: "Sire Dieux vous doint boun matin et bonne - estraine, Mon amy, Dieux vous doint bon jour et bonne encontre." Et - a midi vous parlerez en cest maniere: "Monsieur Dieux vous donne bon - jour et bonnes heures"; vel sic: "Sire, Dieu vous beneit et la - compaignie!" A peitaille vous direz ainsi: "Dieux vous gart!" . . . - Et as oeuvrers et labourers vous direz ainsi: "Dieux vous ait, mon - amy," - -and so on. One traveller asks another whence he comes and where he was -born, and the other says he comes from Orleans, where there is a fierce -quarrel between the students and the townspeople; and was born in -Hainaut, where they love the English well, and there is a saying that -"qui tient un Henner (Hennuyer) par la main, tient un Englois par le -cuer." We are next taught how to speak to children: "Quant vous verez un -enfant plorer et gemir, vous direz ainsi: Qu'as tu, mon enfant," and -comfort him, and when a poor man asks you for alms, you shall answer, -"Mon amy, se je pourroi je vous aidasse tres volantiers. . . ." - -From this we return to subjects more suited to merchants and -wayfarers--how to inquire the road, and to go on a pilgrimage to the -tomb of St. Thomas-a-Becket. The work closes with a gathering of -companions in an inn, which, like the rest of the chapters, is full of -life and interest. Last of all, a sort of supplement is added in the -form of a short poem on the drawbacks of poverty: - - Il est hony qui pouveres est, - -and a _fatrasie_ in prose. - -Another treatise of the same kind, written about three years later, was -intended chiefly for the use of children, _Un petit livre pour enseigner -les enfantz de leur entreparler comun francois_.[106] It was not the -first of its kind. The metrical vocabularies of Bibbesworth and his -successors were chiefly intended for the use of children. There is also -some evidence to show that the grammatical treatises were used by -children; the commentary was added to the _Orthographica Gallica_ -because the rules were somewhat obscure "pour jeosne gentz," and Barton, -in his introduction, mentions the "chiers enfantz" and "tresdoulez -puselles," as those whom his grammar particularly concerns. - -In the _Petit livre_, however, the teaching is of the simplest kind, and -specially suited to children. The dialogue lacks the interest of the -earlier 'maniere,' and inclines, in places, to become a list of phrases -pure and simple. The work opens abruptly with the words: "Pour ce sachez -premierement que le an est divise en deux, c'est asscavoir le yver et -la este. Le yver a six mois et la este atant, que vallent douse," and so -on to the other divisions of the year and time. The children are then -taught the numbers in French, the names of the coins, and those of the -persons and things with which they come into daily contact. Then follow -appropriate terms for addressing and greeting different persons, and the -author even goes so far as to provide the child with a stock of -insulting terms for use in quarrels. The rest of the treatise does not -appear to be intended for children. There are conversations in a tavern, -lists of salutations, familiar talk for the wayside and for buying and -selling, all of which has little special interest, and is designed -apparently to meet the needs of merchants more than any other class. In -the chatter on the events of the day there occurs a passage which -enables us to date the work. The traveller tells the hostess of the -captivity of Richard II. as a recent event: - - "Dieu, dame, j'ay ouy dire que le roy d'Angleterre est oste."--"Quoy - desioie!"--"Par ma alme voir."--"Et les Anglois n'ont ils point de - roy donques?"--"Marie, ouy, et que celuy que fust duc de Lancastre, - que est nepveu a celluy que est oste."--"Voire?"--"Voire - vraiement."--"Et le roygne que fera elle?"--"Par dieu dame, je ne - scay, je n'ay pas este en conceille."--"Et le roy d'Angleterre ou - fust il coronne?"--"A Westmynstre."--"Fustez vous la - donques?"--"Marie, oy, il y avoit tant de presse que par un pou que - ne mouru quar a paine je eschapey a vie."--"Et ou serra il a - nouvel?"--"Par ma foy je ne scay, mais l'en dit qu'il serra en - Escoce." - -The authorship is not so easy to ascertain. The manual may be due to -Canon T. Coyfurelly, probable author of the earlier and better-known -work also.[107] The many mistakes and anglicisms, such as _quoy_ for -_quelle_ ('what') and the exclamatory 'Marie' in the quotation just -given, show it to be the work of an Englishman. - -Another book of conversation appeared in 1415,[108] as may be gathered -from its first two chapters, in which a person fresh from the wars in -France tells of the siege of Harfleur and the battle of Agincourt, and -announces the return of the victorious English army. The rest of the -dialogues are represented as taking place in and about Oxford. There is -the usual tavern scene. Travellers from Tetsworth arrive at an Oxford -inn, and are present at the evening meal and diversions. The hostess -describes the fair at Woodstock and the articles bought and sold there; -her son, a boy of twelve years, wants to be apprenticed in London; he -goes to the school of Will Kyngesmylle, where writing, counting, and -French are taught. One of the merchants calls the lad and questions him -as to his knowledge of French: "Et que savez vous en fraunceys -dire?--Sir je say moun noun et moun corps bien descrire.--Ditez moy -qu'avez a noun.--J'ay a noun Johan, bon enfant, beal et sage et bien -parlant engleys, fraunceys et bon normand, beneyt soit la verge que -chastie l'enfant et le bon maistre qui me prist taunt! Je pri a Dieu -tout puissant nous graunte le joye tous diz durant!" The lad then -proceeds to give proof of his knowledge by naming the parts of his body -and his clothing, always, it appears, the first things learnt. - -This reference to the teaching of French in the school of an Oxford -pedagogue shows that, though French had at this time lost all -standing in the Grammar Schools, it was still taught in private -establishments.[109] It seems highly probable that Will Kyngesmylle was -the author of this work, and that he used his text-book as a means of -self-advertisement, a method very common among later teachers of French. -At the close comes a chapter belonging to another work of the same type, -which is only preserved in this fragment; no doubt other such works -existed and have been entirely lost. - -It is likely that in the fifteenth century these conversational manuals -supplanted, to a considerable extent, the earlier type of practical -manual for teaching French--the metrical vocabulary--with which they had -something in common. At any rate, there is no copy of such nomenclatures -extant after _Femina_ (1415). The 'manieres' provided in their dialogues -much of the material found in the vocabularies, giving, wherever -possible, groups of words on the same topics--the body, its clothing, -houses, and men's occupations. Further, the vocabularies, which had -never departed from the type instituted by Bibbesworth in the thirteenth -century, dealt more with the feudal and agricultural life of the Middle -Ages, and so had fallen behind the times. The 'Manieres de Langage' were -more in keeping with the new conditions. Towards the end of the century -(and perhaps at the beginning of the sixteenth century) we come to a -manual,[110] which, while resembling the 'manieres' in most points, -reproduces some of the distinctive external marks of the vocabularies. -For instance, the French is arranged in short lines, which, however, do -not rime, and vary considerably in the number of syllables they contain; -and these are followed by a full interlinear English gloss, as in the -later vocabularies. The subject matter, however, is similar to that of -the early conversation books. First comes gossip at taverns and by the -wayside: - - Ditez puisse ie savement aler? - Saie may I saufly goo? - Ye sir le chemyn est sure assez. - Yes sir the wey is sure inough. - Mes il convent que vous hastez. - But it behoveth to spede you. - Sir dieu vous donne bon aventure. - Sir god geve you good happe. - Sir a dieu vous commaunde. - Sir to god I you betake. - - Sir dieu vous esploide. - Sir god spede you. - Sir bon aventure avez vous. - Sir good chaunce have ye. - Sir par saint Marie cy est bon servise. - Sir by saint Marie her is good ale. - Sir pernes le hanappe, vous comenceres. - Sir take the coppe, ye shal beginne. - Dame ie ne feray point devaunt vous. - Dame I wil not doo bifor you. - Sir vous ferrez verrement. - Sir ye shal sothely. - -After some disconnected discourse on inquiring the time, asking the way, -etc., we again return to the tavern: - - Dame dieu vous donne bon jour. - Dame god geve you good daie. - Dame avez hostel pour nous trois compaignons? - Dame have ye hostel for us iij felowes? - Sir quant longement voudrez demourer? - Sir how long wol ye abide? - Dame nous ne savons point. - Dame we wote not. - Et que vouldrez donner le iour pour vostre table? - And what wil ye geve a daie for your table? - Dame que vouldrez prendr pour le iour? - Dame what wol ye take for the daie? - Sir non meynns que vj deniers le iour. - Sir noo lesse thenne vj d. the day ... etc. - -Next comes the usual scene between buyers and sellers, followed by -another inn scene of greater length. After attending to their horses, -the travellers sup and spend the night at the inn, and set out the next -morning after reckoning with their hostess. The manuscript ends abruptly -in the midst of a list of salutations. The nature of the French[111] -betrays the author's nationality; he was evidently an Englishman. As to -the English, the quaint turn given to many of the phrases is usually -explained by the writer's desire to give a literal translation of the -French; many of the inaccuracies in both versions are probably due to -careless work on the part of the scribe. - -Merchants thus appear to have been one of the chief classes among which -there was a demand for instruction in French. In addition to the large -part assigned to them in the 'Manieres de Langage,' and in the -epistolaries, where letters of a commercial nature are a usual feature, -there exist collections of model forms for drawing up bills, indentures, -receipts and other documents of similar import. They are usually called -'cartularies,' are accompanied by explanations in Latin, and may be -looked upon as the first text-books of commercial French.[112] One -author explains their origin and aim by this introductory remark:[113] -"Pour ceo qe j'estoie requis par ascunz prodeshommez de faire un -chartuarie pour lour enfantz enformer de faire chartours, endenturs, -obligations, defesance, acquitancez, contuaries, salutaries, en Latin et -Franceys ensemblement . . . fesant les chartours, escripts munimentz a -de primes en Latyn et puis en Franceys." - -More emphasis is laid on the demand for instruction in French among the -merchant class by the fact that the earliest printed text-books were -designed chiefly for their use. The first of these may be classed with -the new development of the 'Manieres de Langage,' comprising dialogues -in French and English, although it does not exactly answer to this -description.[114] It was issued from the press of William Caxton in -about 1483, and at least one other edition appeared at a later -date.[115] In form it is a sort of narrative in French, with an English -translation opposite. The aim of the work is stated clearly in an -introductory passage which informs the reader that "who this book shall -learn may well enterprise merchandise from one land to another and to -know many wares which to him shall be good to be bought, or sold for -rich to become." Caxton thus recommends the book to the learner: - - Tres bonne doctrine Rygt good lernyng - Pour aprendre For to lerne - Briefment fransoys et engloys. Shortly frenssh & englyssh. - Au nom du pere In the name of the fadre - Et du filz And of the soone - Et du sainte esperite And of the holy ghost - Veul comnencier I wyll begynne - Et ordonner ung livre, And ordeyne this book, - Par le quel on pourra By the which men shall mowe - Raysonnablement entendre Resonably understande - Francoys et Anglois, Frenssh and Englissh, - Du tant comme cest escript Of as moche as this writing - Pourra contenir et estendre, Shall conteyne & stratche, - Car il ne peut tout comprendre. For he may not all comprise. - Mais ce qu'on n'y trouvera But that which cannot be founden - Declaire en cestui Declared in this - Pourra on trouver ailleurs Shall be founde somwhere els - En aultres livres. In other bookes. - Mais sachies pour voir But knowe for truthe - Que es lignes de cest aucteur That in the lynes of this auctour - Sount plus de parolles et de raysons Ben moo wordes & reasons - Comprinses, et de responses Comprised, & of answers - Que en moult d'aultres livres. Than in many other bookes. - Qui ceste livre vouldra aprendre Who this booke shall wylle lerne - Bien pourra entreprendre May well enterprise - Merchandises d'un pays a Marchandise fro one land to - l'autre, anoothir, - Et cognoistre maintes denrees And to know many wares - Que lui seroient bon Which to him shall be good to be - achetes bought - Ou vendues pour riche devenir. Or sold for rich to become. - Aprendes ce livre diligement, Lerne this book diligently, - Grande prouffyt y gyst vrayement. Grete prouffyt lieth therein truly. - -The 'doctrine' itself opens with a list of salutations with the -appropriate answers. A house and all its contents come next, then its -inhabitants, which introduces the subject of degrees of kinship: - - Or entendes petys et grands, - Je vous dirai maintenant - Dune autre matere - La quele ie commence. - Se vous estes maries - Et vous avez femme - Et vous ayez marye, - Se vous maintiens paisiblement - Que vos voisins ne disent - De vous fors que bien: - Ce seroit vergoigne. - Se vous aves pere et mere, - Si les honnoures tousiours; - Faictes leur honneur;. . . - Si vous aves enfans, - Si les instrues - De bonnes meurs; - Le temps qu'ilz soient josnes - Les envoyes a l'escole - Aprendre lire et escripre. . . . - -At the end of the category come the servants and their occupations, -which affords an opportunity of bringing in the different shops to which -they are sent and of specifying the meat and drink they purchase there. -We then pass to buying, selling, and bargaining in general, and to -merchandise of all kinds, with a list of coins, popular fairs, and -fete-days. - -After an enumeration of the great persons of the earth comes the main -chapter of the work, giving a fairly complete list of crafts and trades. -This takes the form of an alphabetical list of Christian names, each of -which is made to represent one of the trades, beginning with Adam the -ostler: "For this that many words shall fall or may fall which be not -plainly heretofore written, so shall I write you from henceforth divers -matters of all things, first of one thing, then of another, in which -chapter I will conclude the names of men and women after the order of a, -b, c." The baker may be selected as a fair example: - - Ferin le boulengier Fierin the baker - Vend blanc pain et brun. Selleth whit brede and brown. - Il a sour son grenier gisant He hath upon his garner lieng - Cent quartiers de bled. One hundred quarters of corn. - Il achete a temps et a heure, He byeth in tyme and at hour, - Si qu'il n'a point So that he hath not - Du chier marchiet. Of the dere chepe (high buying prices). - -At last the author, "all weary of so many names to name, of so many -crafts, so many offices, so many services," finds relief in certain -considerations of a religious order: "God hath made us unto the likeness -of himself, he will reward those who do well and punish those who do not -repent of their sins, and attend the holy services: If ye owe any -pilgrimages, so pay them hastily; when you be moved for to go your -journey, and ye know not the waye, so axe it thus." The usual -directions for inquiring the way follow with the description of the -arrival at an inn, and the customary gossip. The reckoning and departure -on the following morning afford an opportunity of including a further -list of Flemish and English coins together with the numerals; and Caxton -concludes his work by commending it to the reader with a prayer that -those who study it may persevere sufficiently to profit by it: - - Cy fine ceste doctrine, Here endeth this doctrine, - - A Westmestre les Loundres At Westmestre by London - En formes impressee, In fourmes enprinted, - En le quelle ung chaucun In the whiche one everish - Pourra briefment aprendre May shortly lerne - Francois et Engloys. French and English. - La grace de sainct esperit The grace of the holy ghosst - Veul enluminer les cures Wylle enlyghte the hertes - De ceulx qui le aprendront, Of them that shall lerne it, - Et nous doinst perseverance And us gyve perseverans - En bonnes operacions, In good werkes, - Et apres cest vie transitorie And after lyf transitorie - La pardurable ioye et glorie! The everlasting ioye and glorie! - -The short introduction and epilogue were most probably the composition -of Caxton himself. The rest of the book is drawn from a set of dialogues -in French and Flemish, first written at the beginning of the fourteenth -century, called _Le Livre des Mestiers_ in reference to its main -chapter.[116] This would possibly be known to merchants trading with -Bruges and other centres of the Low Countries; and when we notice the -numerous points of resemblance between it and the English manuals of -conversation, the first of which did not appear before the end of the -same century, it seems very probable that the Flemish original had some -influence on the works produced in England. Caxton was a silk mercer of -London, and his business took him to the towns of the Low Countries, -especially Bruges, where the English merchants had a large commercial -connexion. There, no doubt, he became acquainted with the _Livre des -Mestiers_, and probably improved his knowledge of French by its help, -for he studied and read the language a good deal during his long sojourn -abroad. There also he probably added an English column to his copy of -the French-Flemish phrase-book, as a sort of exercise rather than with -any serious intention of publication; and when he had set up his press -at Westminster, remembering the need he had felt for French, in his own -commercial experience, and the little book which had assisted him, he -would decide to print it. Caxton's copy of the _Livre des Mestiers_ -belonged, no doubt, to a later date than the one extant to-day,[117] -probably to the beginning of the fifteenth century. It must have been -fuller, and have had different names attached to the characters, so -that, as the names are still arranged in alphabetical order, it is -difficult, at a glance, to distinguish the identity of the two texts. - -Caxton's rendering of the French is often inaccurate, owing perhaps to -the influence of the Flemish version from which he seems to have made -his translation.[117] Moreover, at the early date at which Caxton, -probably, added the English column to the _Livre des Mestiers_, his -knowledge of French had not yet reached that state of thoroughness which -was to enable him to translate such a remarkable number of French works -into English. He himself tells us in the prologue to the _Recuyell of -the Histories of Troy_ of Raoul le Fevre (Bruges, 1475)--the first of -his translations from the French, and, indeed, the first book to be -printed in English--that his knowledge of French was not by any means -perfect. With the exception of the introductory and closing sentences, -Caxton made few additions to his original. He did indeed supply the -names of English towns, coins, bishoprics, and so on; but, on the whole, -the setting of the work is foreign; Bruges, not London, is the centre of -the action, and no doubt the place where the original was composed. - -Not long after the publication of Caxton's doctrine another work of like -character and purpose appeared. It claims to be "a good book to learn to -speak French for those who wish to do merchandise in France, and -elsewhere in other lands where the folk speak French." The atmosphere is -entirely English, and consequently its contents bear a closer -resemblance to its English predecessors. In the arrangement of the -dialogue it is identical with the Cambridge conversation book, except -that the English lines come before the French, and not the French before -the English.[118] The four subjects round which the dialogue turns, -namely, salutations, buying and selling, inquiring the way, and -conversation at the inn, were all favourites in the early "Manieres de -Langage." For the rest it follows in the steps of its English -predecessors in confining itself to dialogue pure and simple, while -Caxton's 'doctrine' adopted the narrative form. In one point, however, -the work differs from the latest development of the old "Maniere de -Langage," as preserved in the Cambridge Dialogues in French and English; -the dialogues are followed by a vocabulary, then a reprint of one of the -old books on courtesy and demeanour for children, with a French version -added, and finally commercial letters in French and English. The work is -thus made much more comprehensive than any of its type which had as yet -appeared, and includes samples, so to speak, of all the practical -treatises for teaching French which had appeared in the Middle Ages. - -It was printed separately by the two chief printers of the time, both -foreigners: Richard Pynson, a native of Normandy and student of Paris, -who came to England and began printing on his own account about -1590-1591; and Wynkyn de Worde, a native of Alsace, and apprentice to -Caxton, with whom he probably came to England from Bruges in 1476, and -to whose business he succeeded in 1491.[119] Although neither of the -printers dated their work, it seems probable that the earliest edition -was issued by Pynson. There is a unique copy of his edition in the -British Museum; it is without title-page, pagination, or catch-words, -and the colophon reads simply "Per me Ricardum Pynson." The colophon of -Wynkyn's work, of which there is a complete copy in the Grenville -Library (British Museum),[120] and a fragment of two leaves in the -Bodleian, is slightly more instructive and runs as follows: "Here endeth -a lytyll treatyse for to lern Englyshe and Frensshe. Emprynted at -Westmynster by my Wynken de Worde." Now as Wynkyn moved from Westminster -in 1500 to set up his shop in the centre of the trade in Fleet Street, -opposite to that of his rival Pynson, his edition of the work must have -appeared before that date, because it was issued from what had been -Caxton's house in Westminster. On the other hand, the type used by -Pynson is archaic,[121] and the work is evidently one of the earliest -issued from his press. It is inferior to Wynkyn's edition from the -technical point of view. A headline is all there is by way of title; -while in Wynkyn's copy we find a separate title-page, containing the -words, "Here begynneth a lytell treatyse for to lern Englishe and -Frensshe," and a woodcut of a schoolmaster seated in a large chair, with -a large birch-rod in his left hand, and, on a stool at his feet, three -small boys holding open books. This particular woodcut was a favourite -in school-books of the period;[122] it appears, for instance, in a -little treatise entitled _Pervula_, giving instructions for turning -English into Latin, which Wynkyn de Worde printed about 1495.[123] -Moreover, each page of Wynkyn's edition has a descriptive headline, -"Englysshe and Frensshe," which is not found in Pynson's. The text also -is in many places more accurate than that of the Norman printer, and -gives the impression of having been corrected here and there. It is -therefore probable that Pynson first printed the treatise shortly after -1490,[124] and that another edition was issued by Wynkyn de Worde during -the period intervening between the date of the issue of Pynson's edition -and the end of the century. A remnant, consisting of one page of yet -another edition, is preserved in the British Museum, and shows some -variations in spelling from the two other texts. - -This little book, then, seems to have enjoyed considerable popularity -during its short life. On the whole it is more elementary in character -than the 'doctrine' of Caxton. The first things taught are the numbers -and a list of ordinary mercantile phrases. The opening passage is very -much like that written by Caxton for his work: - - Here is a good boke to lerne to speke Frenshe. - Vecy ung bon livre apprendre parler francoys. - In the name of the fader and the sone - En nom du pere et du filz - And of the holy goost, I wyll begynne - Et du saint esperit, je vueil commencer - To lerne to speke Frensshe, - A apprendre a parler francoys, - Soo that I maye doo my marchandise - Affin que je puisse faire ma marchandise - In Fraunce & elles where in other londes, - En France et ailieurs en aultre pays, - There as the folk speke Frensshe. - La ou les gens parlent francoys. - And fyrst I wylle lerne to reken by lettre. - Et premierement je veux aprendre a compter par lettre. . . . - -Next come the cardinal numbers and a vocabulary of words "goode for -suche as use marchaundyse": - - Of gold & sylver. - D'or et d'argent. - Of cloth of golde. - De drap d'or. - Of perles & precyous stones. - De perles et Pieres precieuses. - Of velvet & damaskes. - De velours et damas etc. . . . - -and so on for nearly a page, in which the names of various cloths, -spices, and wines are provided. - -Then follows another "manner of speeche" in a list of salutations -arranged in dialogue form: - - Other maner of speche in frensshe. - Autre magniere de langage en francoys. - Syr, God gyve you good daye. - Sire, Dieu vous doint bon iour. - Syr, God gyve you goode evyn. - Sire, Dieu vous doint bon vespere. - Syr, God gyve you goode nyght & goode reste. - Sire, Dieu vous doint bon nuyt et bon repos. - Syr, how fare ye? - Sire, comment vous portez vous? - Well at your commaundement. - Bien a vostre commandement. - How fare my lorde & my lady? - Coment se porte mon seigneur et ma dame? - Ryght well blessyd be God. - Tres bien benoit soit Dieu. - - Syr, whan go ye agayne to my lorde, - Sire, quant retournez vous a mon seigneour, - I praye you that ye wyll recommaunde me unto hym, - Je vous prie que me recomandez a lui, - And also to my lady his wyfe. - Et aussi a ma dame sa femme. - Syr, God be wyth you. - Sire, Dieu soit avecques vous. - -Yet another favourite subject is next introduced--a conversation on -buying and selling: - - Other maner of speche to bye and selle. - Aultre magniere de langage pour vendre et achatter. - Syr, God spede you. - Sire, Dieu vous garde. - Syr, have ye not good cloth to sell? - Sire, n'avez vous point de bon drapt a vendre? - Ye syr ryght good. - Ouy sire tres bon. - Now lette me see it and it please you. - Or le me laisses voir s'il vous plest. - I shall doo it with a good wyll. - Je le feray voulentiers. - Holde, here it is. - Tenez sire, le veez cy. - Now saye how moche the yerde is worthe - Or me dites combyen l'aune vault. - Ten shelynges. - Dix solz. - Forsothe ye set it to dere. - Vrayment vous le faictez trop cher. - I shall gyve you eyght shelynges. - Je vous en donneray huyt soulz. - I wyll not, it is to lytell. - Non feroy, cest trop pou. - The yerde shall coste you nyne shelynges, - L'aune vous coustra neuf soulz, - Yf that ye have it. - Si vous l'airez. - Ye shall have it for no lasse. - Vous ne l'avrez pour riens mains. - -The merchant has also to be able to ask for directions on his way, and -to gossip with the landlady of the wayside inn; the phrases necessary -for these purposes are recorded in the next "manner of speech," where, -as in the first treatise of 1396, the scene is laid in France: - - For to aske the waye. - Pour demander le chemin. - Frende, God save you. - Amy, Dieu vous sauve. - Whiche is the ryght waye - Quelle est la voye droite - For to goo from hens to Parys? - Pour aller d'icy a Paris? - Syr, ye muste holde the waye on the ryght hande. - Sire, il vous fault tenir le chemin a la droite main. - Now saye me, my frende, - Or me ditez, mon amy, - Yf that any good lodginge - Y a il point de bon logis - Be betwixt this and the next vyllage? - Entre cy et ce prochayn village? - There is a ryght good one. - Il en y a ung tres bon. - Ye shall be there ryght well lodged, - Vous serez tres bien loge, - Ye & also your horse. - Vous et aussi vostre chevaul. - My frende, God yelde it you, - Mon ami, Dieu vous le rende, - And I shall doo an other tyme - Et ie feraye ung aultre foiz - As moche for you and I maye. - Autant pour vous se ie puis. - God be with you. - Dieu soit avecques vous. - -The passage proceeds to describe, always in the form of a dialogue, the -traveller's arrival at the inn, his entertainment there, and his -departure: - - Dame, shall I be here well lodged? - Dame, seroy ie icy bien loge? - Ye syr, ryght well. - Ouy sire, tres bien. - Nowe doo me have a good chambre - Or me faites avoir ungue bonne chambre - And a good fyre, - Et bon feu, - And doo that my horse - Et faites que mon chevaul - Maye be well governed, - Puisse estre bien gouverne, - And gyve hym good hay and good otes. - Et lui donnes bon foin et bon avoine. - Dame, is all redy for to dyne? - Dame, est tout prest pour aller digner? - Ye syr, whan it please you. - Oui sire, quant il vous plaise. - Syr, moche good do it you. - Sire, bon preu vous face. - I praye you make good chere - Je vous prie faictez bonne chere - And be mery, I drynke to you. - Et soyez ioieux, ie boy a vous. - Now, hostes, saye me how moche have we spende at this dyner. - Hostesse, or me dites combien nous avons despendu a ce digner. - I shall tell you with a good wyll. - Je vous le diray voulentiers. - Ye have in alle eyght shelyngs. - Vous avez en tout huyt solz. - Nowe well holde your sylver and gramercy. - Or bien tenez vostre argent et grandmercy. - Do my horse come to me. - Or me faittz venir mon cheval. - Is he sadled and redy for to ryde? - Est il selle et appointe pour chevaucher? - Ye syr, all redy. - Ouy sire, tout prest. - Now fare well and gramercy. - Or adiu et grandmercy. - -Here the 'maniere de langage' ends. It is followed by a list of nouns -arranged under headings. The enumeration begins with the parts of the -body,[125] followed by the clothing and armour--a list containing -valuable information on the fashions of the time; then come the natural -phenomena, the sun, the stars, water, the winds, and so on; the products -of the earth and the food they supply, and finally, the names of the -days of the week. With the exception of the last page, each word is -preceded by a possessive adjective or an article indicating its gender. -The English rendering is sometimes placed above the French word, -sometimes opposite. - -After the vocabulary, which covers nearly five pages, comes the courtesy -book in English and French, occupying the next seven pages. It is a -reprint of the _Lytylle Chyldrenes Lytil Boke_,[126] which contains a -set of maxims for discreet behaviour at meals, in which children are -told not to snatch meat from the table before grace is said; not to -throw bones on the floor; nor pick their teeth with their knife; nor do -many other things, which, when we remember that such books were intended -for the instruction of the gentry, throw interesting sidelights on -contemporary manners. The inclusion of such precepts for children in a -text-book for teaching French was not without precedent; in the last of -the series of riming vocabularies, _Femina_ (1415), there is a -collection of moral maxims taken, in this instance, from the ancient -writers, and printed in Latin, French, and English. - -In conclusion, the author reverts to the more strictly commercial side -of the treatise, with two letters, given in both French and English. One -is from an apprentice who writes to his master reporting on some -business he is transacting at Paris, and asking for more money. In the -second a merchant communicates to his 'gossip' the news of the arrival -at London and Southampton of ships laden with rich merchandise, and -proposes that they should "find means and ways in this that their shops -shall be well stuffed of all manner of merchandise." In both these -letters the English comes first: - - _A prentyse wryteth to his mayster, fyrste in Englysshe and after - in frensshe._[127] - - Ryght worshypful syr, I recommaunde me unto you as moche as I may, - and please you wete that I am in ryght goode helth thanked be God. - To whome I praye that so it may be of you and of all your good - frendes. As for the mater for the whiche ye sent me to Parys, I - have spoken with kynges advocate the which sayd to me I must go to - the kynge and enfourme his royalle majeste thereof, and have - specyal commaundement. Therfore consyderynge the tyme I have taryed - at Parys in the pursute of this and the grete coste and expence - done bycause of this. Please you for to knowe that for to pursue - that mater unto the kyng, the which is at Monthason next Tours, and - for to go thyder it is nedefull to sende me some monye and with the - grace of God I shalle do suche dylygence that I shall gete your - hertes desyre. No more wryte I to you at this tyme but God have you - in hys protectyon. Wryten hastely the XIX daye of this moneth. - - Tres honnore sire, ie me recommande a vous tant comme je puis, et - plaise vous savoir que ie suis en tres bonne sante la marcy Dieu au - quel ie prie que ainsi soit il de vous et de tous vos bons amys. - Quant pour la matiere pour la quelle vous me envoiastes a Parys, - g'ay parle avec l'advocat du roy le quel m'a dit quil me fault - aller au roy et advertir sa royalle maieste de ce et ay un specyal - commandement. Pource consyderant le temps que j'ay attendu a Paris - en cest poursuite et lez granz costz et despens faitz par cause de - ce. Plaise vous savoir que pour poursuir ceste matiere au roy, le - qyel est a Monthason pres Tours, et pour aller la il est mestier de - m'enuoyer de l'argent. Et avecques la grace de Dieu je feray telle - diligence que aurez ce que vostre cueur desire. Aultre chos ne vous - escripz a ceste foiz mays que Dieu vous ayt en sa protection. - Escript hastivement le dixneufieme jour du moys. - -And so ends this interesting little book.[128] The texts of the two -complete editions are in the main identical. The arrangement of the -matter on the pages is different, and the spelling of the words, both -French and English, varies considerably. Slips which occur in Pynson's -text, such as the rendering of 'neuf' by 'ten,' or the accidental -omission of a word in the French version, are sometimes corrected in -Wynkyn's version. On the other hand, similar mistakes, though much fewer -in number, are found in Wynkyn's edition and not in Pynson's; while yet -others are common to both the printers. Dialect forms are scattered -through the two editions with equal capriciousness. Both texts contain -a few anglo-normanisms. Pynson's shows numerous characteristics of the -North-Eastern dialects, Picard or Lorrain, but at times there is a -Picard form in Wynkyn's version, where the pure French form occurs in -the other. Apart from such variations, the wording of the two editions -is usually similar. In cases where it differs, the improvements are -found in Wynkyn's edition, in spite of the fact that, as a general rule, -the output of Pynson's press reaches a higher literary level than that -of the more business-like Alsatian. This exception may, no doubt, be -explained by the fact that Pynson was the first to print the _Good Book -to learn to speak French_.[129] Yet here again mistakes are sometimes -common to both texts, as, for instance, the rendering of the lines: - - For the clerks that the seven arts can - Sythen that courtesy from heaven came, - -by the French: - - Pour les clers qui les sept arts savent - Puisque courtoisie de paradis vint, - -in which the wrong interpretation of the English 'for' (conjunction) and -'sythen' (taken as meaning 'since,' not 'say') destroys the sense. - -On the whole, the impression conveyed by the perusal of the two editions -is that the work is a compilation of treatises already in existence in -manuscript. Neither the letters nor the vocabulary present any -strikingly new features. The origin of the courtesy book is known, and -it is even possible that the fragment of one leaf preserved belongs, not -to another edition of the _Good Book to learn to speak French_, but to -an earlier edition of the courtesy book in French and English, printed -probably by Caxton, with the intention of imparting a knowledge of -polite behaviour and of the favourite language of polite society at the -same time. The fact that it reproduces the original courtesy book more -fully than does either of the complete texts of Wynkyn and Pynson, -suggests that it belonged to some such edition, or to an edition of the -_Good Book_ earlier than either of these. As to the dialogues, they may -have belonged to the group of conversational manuals, which were, no -doubt, fairly numerous. Caxton, while maintaining that his 'doctrine' -contains more than "many other books," adds: "That which cannot be found -declared in it, shall be found elsewhere in other books." That such -practical little books shared the fate of the great majority of school -manuals is not surprising. - -The hypothesis that the work is a compilation of older treatises would, -moreover, explain the variations in the quality of the French. The -dialogues and letters, it would appear, were in the first place written -by Englishmen. Pynson corrected them here and there, without, however, -eliminating all the anglicisms, archaisms, and provincial forms; and -when they passed through the hands of Wynkyn they underwent still -further emendation. The English version contains gallicisms, just as the -French contains anglicisms,[130] which were, however, probably due to a -desire to make the English tally with the French. This same supposition -also makes it easier to understand how it came about that the treatise -was printed by the two rival printers within the space of a few years, -and explains how it was they repeated the same obvious mistakes. - -Thus, of the matter found in the mediaeval treatises for teaching -French, grammar rules alone are unrepresented in this _Good Book_. Its -aim is entirely practical. It seeks to teach those who wish to "lerne to -_speke_ Frensshe" for practical purposes, that is, "to do their -merchaundise," and there is no mention of any deeper or wider knowledge -of the language. That the work was intended for the use of children as -well as for merchants is shown by the introduction of the courtesy book, -and, in the later edition, of the favourite frontispiece for children's -school-books described above. But these do not form a vital part of the -work itself, and are mere supplements, added probably with the intention -of increasing the public to which the book would appeal. The children -who used it, we may assume, would probably be of the class of the boy, -"John, enfant beal et sage," who appears in the 'maniere' of 1415, and -learns French that he may the more quickly achieve his end of being -apprenticed to a London merchant. To such children the apprentice's -letter quoted above would be of much interest. - -Grammar did not hold a very large place in the teaching of French at -this time. Practice and conversation were the usual methods of acquiring -a knowledge of spoken French, and no doubt such books as those of Caxton -and of Pynson and Wynkyn de Worde found many eager students. The two -editions of the first and the three editions of the second with which we -are acquainted, all of which probably appeared in the course of the last -decade of the fifteenth century, bear testimony to this. Reference has -already been made to the probable existence of numerous works of a -similar scope in manuscript, and later in print. Such were the "little -pages, set in print, with no precepts," to which Claude Holyband, the -most popular French teacher of London in the second half of the -sixteenth century, refers with contempt; he accuses them of wandering -from the 'true phrase' of the language, and of teaching nothing of the -reading and pronunciation, "which is the chiefest point to be considered -in that behalf," and hence of serving but little to the "furtherance of -the knowledge of the French tongue." Yet, though such was the case in -all these early works, they seem, without exception, to have enjoyed -great popularity at the time they were written, when to speak French -fluently was an all-important matter. The difficulty of this -accomplishment was realised to the full. We find it expressed in a few -disconnected sentences added in French probably at the beginning of the -sixteenth century, at the end of the 'maniere de langage' of 1396: "We -need very long practice before we are able to speak French perfectly," -says the anonymous writer, evidently an Englishman, "for the French and -English do not correspond word for word, and the fine distinctions are -difficult to seize." He proceeds to urge the necessity of a glib tongue -in making progress in French, and quotes the case of an unfortunate man, -good fellow though he might otherwise be, who lacked this faculty: "Il -ne luy avient plus a parler franceis qu'a une vache de porter une selle, -a cause que sa langue n'est pas bien afilee, et pour cela n'entremette -il pas a parler entre les fraunceis." - -In the early part of the sixteenth century, however, French began to be -studied with more thoroughness in England. Communication with France and -the tour in France were no longer fraught with the same dangers and -difficulties, and favoured the use of a purer form of French. Fluent was -no longer sufficient without correct pronunciation and grammar. The -standard of French taught was also raised by the arrival of numerous -Frenchmen, who made the teaching of their language the business of their -lives. Further, the spread of the art of printing had rendered French -literature more accessible, and supplied a rich material from which the -rules of the language might be deduced. And so it became possible for -John Palsgrave, the London teacher and student of Paris, to complete the -first great work on the French language, in which, however, he did not -forget to render due homage to his humble predecessors,[131] then fast -passing into oblivion. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[75] Freeman, _Norman Conquest_, ii., 1868, pp. 16 _sqq._, 28 _sqq._ - -[76] _Maniere de Langage_, 1396; cp. _infra_, p. 35. - -[77] "Doulz francois qu'est la plus bel et la plus gracious language et -plus noble parler, apres latin d'escole, qui soit au monde." - -[78] Jehan Barton, _Donait Francois_, _c._ 1400. - -[79] "Afin qu'ils puissent entrecomuner bonement ove lour voisin c'est a -dire les bones gens du roiaume de France, et ainsi pour ce que les leys -d'Engleterre pour le graigneur partie et ainsi beaucoup de bones choses -sont misez en Francois, et aussi bien pres touz les sirs et toutes les -dames en mesme roiaume d'Engleterre volentiers s'entrescrivent en -romance--tresnecessaire je cuide estre aus Englois de scavoir la nature -de Francois." - -[80] Which no doubt became more numerous, as English, rather than Latin, -became the medium through which French was learnt. Thus we find _pour -honte_ written for 'for shame'; _il est haut temps_, for 'it is high -time'; _quoi_ ('why') for _pourquoi_; _de les_ for _des_, and so on. - -[81] Edited from a unique MS. in Trinity College, Cambridge, by W. Aldis -Wright, for the Roxburghe Club, 1909 (Camb. Univ. Press). G. Hickes -published part of the first chapter, with remarks on its philological -value, in his _Linguarum Veterum Septentrionalium Thesaurus -Grammatico-Criticus et Archaeologicus_, Oxford, 1705, i. pp. 144-151. - -[82] "Liber iste vocatur femina quia sicut femina docet infantem loqui -maternam, sic docet iste liber iuvenes rethorice loqui Gallicum prout -infra patebit." - -[83] P. Meyer, _Romania_, xxxii. pp. 43 _et seq._ - -[84] The English spelling, very corrupt in the original, is here -modernized. - -[85] These MSS. have been described and classified by J. Stuerzinger, -_Altfranzoesische Bibliothek_, viii. pp. v-x. - -[86] Brit. Mus. Harl. MS. 4971; Addit. MS. 11716, and Camb. Univ. Libr. -MS. Ee 4, 20. - -[87] Camb. Univ. Libr. MSS. Dd 12, 23. and Gg 6, 44. - -[88] P. Meyer, _Romania_, xv. p. 262. - -[89] Brit. Mus. Sloane MS. 513, pp. 135-138. - -[90] Brit. Mus. Sloane MS. 513, fol. 139. - -[91] There is a fragment, very indistinct, on French pronunciation in -the Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 4971: _Modus pronunciandi dictiones in -Gallicis_. - -[92] Cp. also the Brit. Mus. Addit MS. 17716, fol. 100. - -[93] Camb. Univ. Libr. MS., Ee 4, 20; Oxford, All Souls, MS. 182. - -[94] Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 4971; MS. Addit. 17716 (preceding the -observations on pronouns and verbs mentioned above); Camb. Univ. Libr., -Ee 4, 20; Oxford Magdalen College, MS. 188, and All Souls, MS. 182. - -[95] Published by Stengel, _op. cit._ pp. 25-40, from MS. 182 of All -Souls, Oxford. - -[96] Brunot, _op. cit._ i. p. 376. - -[97] "A le honneur de Dieu et de sa tresdoulce miere et toutz les -saintez de paradis, je Johan Barton, escolier de Paris, nee et nourie -toutes foiez d'Engleterre en la conte de Cestre, j'ey baille aus -avantdiz Anglois un Donait francois pur les briefment entroduyr en la -droit language du Paris et de pais la d'entour la quelle language en -Engleterre on appelle doulce France. Et cest Donat je le fis la fair a -mes despenses et tres grande peine par pluseurs bons clercs du language -avantdite." - -[98] Brunot, _op. cit._ i. p. 376. - -[99] "Cy endroit il fault prendre garde qu'en parlant Francois on ne -mette pas une personne pour une aultre si come font les sottez gens, -disantz ainsi _je ferra_ pour _je ferray_. . . ." - -[100] We pass from the numbers of nouns to the person of verbs, then to -the genders and kinds (proper, appellative) of nouns and their cases, -six in number on the analogy of Latin, which is naturally the basis of -the terminology of this work and all others for many years after; then -come observations on the degrees of comparison, after which we return to -the verbs, and their moods and tenses. The following sections deal with -the parts of speech; the four indeclinables (adverbs, prepositions, -conjunctions, and interjections) are merely mentioned. Nouns, -adjectives, and pronouns receive some attention, but the chief subject -is the verb: "Cy maintenant nous vous baillerons un exemple coment vous -fourmeres touz les verbs francois du monde, soient-ils actifez, -soient-ils passivez, en quelque meuf ou temps qu'ils soient. Et ceste -exemple serra pour cest verbe _jeo aime_. . . ." But the verbs are not -classified, and only a few of the best known are conjugated as examples. -In the list of impersonal verbs which closes the treatise, English is -sometimes used to explain their meaning: "Me est avis, _Me seemth_." - -[101] J. Bale, _Illustrium Maioris Britanniae scriptorum summarium_. -Ipswich, 1548, p. 203. - -[102] _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[103] Preserved in a considerable number of MSS.: Brit. Mus. (Harl. -3988, Addit. 17716), Oxford (All Souls, 182), Camb. Univ. Libr. (Bd 12, -23), and in Sir Thomas Philipps's Library at Cheltenham (MS. No. 8188). -The earliest (Harl. 3988) was published by P. Meyer in the _Revue -Critique_, 1873, pp. 373-408. - -[104] The name of Kirmington, which occurs at the end, is no doubt that -of the copyist. - -[105] _Athenaeum_, Oct. 5, 1878: article by Stengel. - -[106] Published by Stengel, _op. cit._ pp. 12-15. - -[107] Stengel, _Athenaeum_, Oct. 5, 1878. Coyfurelly also rehandled the -_Tractatus Orthographiae_ of 'T. H., Student of Paris.' - -[108] Ed. Paul Meyer, _Romania_, xxxii. pp. 49-58. It exists in three -MSS.; at the end of _Femina_ in Camb. Univ. Libr. (Dd 12, 23), at -Trinity Col. Camb. (B 14. 39, 40), and in the Brit. Mus. (Addit. 17716). - -[109] French, however, still had some standing at Oxford at this date. - -[110] Preserved in Cambridge University Library. - -[111] Containing such anglicisms as the rendering of 'already' by _tout -prest_. - -[112] Such collections exist in MSS. Harl. 4971 and Addit. 17716, Brit. -Mus.; and in Ee 4, 20, Camb. Univ. Libr. - -[113] Harl. 4971; cp. Stuerzinger, _op. cit._ p. xvi. - -[114] Early bibliographers seem to have been uncertain as to what -category it belonged to: for some time it was called a _Book for -Travellers_; then a _Vocabulary in French and English_ (Blades, _Life -and Typography of Wm. Caxton_, 1861-63), and finally by the more -appropriate title of _Dialogues in French and English_. - -[115] Caxton's edition contains ff. 24, with about 24 lines on a page. -There are three complete texts extant (at Ripon Cathedral, Rylands -Library, and Bamborough Castle), and one fragmentary one (in the Duke of -Devonshire's Library). The Ripon copy was reprinted for the Early -English Text Society in 1900, by H. Bradley (extra series lxxix.). The -other edition, of which a fragment exists in the Bodleian, was probably -printed by Wynkyn de Worde (W. C. Hazlitt, _Handbook ... to the -Literature of Great Britain_, 1867, p. 631). - -[116] Published from a MS. in the Bibliotheque Nationale, by M. -Michelant: _Le Livre des Mestiers, dialogues francais-flamands, composes -au 14e siecle par un maitre d'ecole de la ville de Bruges_. Paris, 1875. - -[117] H. Bradley: Introduction to the edition of Caxton's _Dialogues_. - -[118] Caxton's arrangement of the French and English in opposite columns -is no doubt accounted for by the fact that he wrote the English version -by the side of the French in his copy of the original phrase book. - -[119] E. G. Duff, _A Century of the English Book Trade_, Bibliographical -Soc., 1905; and _Handlists of Books Printed by London Printers_, -Bibliog. Soc., 1913, ad nom. The work is here given the inappropriate -title of a "Vocabulary in French and English." - -[120] It was to have been reprinted by H. B. Wheatley in a collection of -early grammars, for the Early English Text Society. - -[121] W. C. Hazlitt, _Bibliographical Collections and Notes_, 3rd -series, London, 1887, p. 293. - -[122] For instance, the _Cato cum commento_ (1514), _Stans puer ad -mensam_ (1516), and _Vulgaria Stanbrigi_ (_c._ 1520). - -[123] "What shalt thou do when thou haste an englyssh to be made in -Latine? I shall reherce myn englyssh fyrst, ones, twyces, and loke out -my princypal verbe, and aske hym this questyon _who_ or _what_. And that -worde that answeryth to the questyon shall be the nomynatif case to the -verbe." - -[124] In the British Museum Catalogue Wynkyn's edition is dated 1493? -and Pynson's 1500?; the year 1500? is also put forward as the date for -the fragmentary edition. W. C. Hazlitt dates Wynkyn's edition at about -the year 1498, and Pynson's at about 1492-3 (_Bibliographical -Collections_, _ut supra_, and _Handbook_, London, 1867, p. 210). - -[125] - - My heres. - Mes cheveulx. - My browes. - Mez sourcieulx. - Myn eres. - Mez oreilles. - Myn teeth. - Mez dens. - My forhede. - Mon front. - Myn eyen. - Mez yeulx. - My nose. - Mon nez. - My tong. - Ma langue . . . etc. - -[126] Published by E. J. Furnivall, _Manners and Meals in Olden Time_, -1868, pp. 16 _sqq._ The MS. used by the compiler of the French manual -was no doubt of a later date than the one here printed. - -[127] Pp. 19-20 _in fine_. - -[128] It contains 11 quarto leaves, of the size of the time, with -usually 29 lines to a page. - -[129] Thus in Pynson's edition the order of the personal pronouns before -the verb is often inverted ("le vous diray," "le vous rende"), while it -is correct in Wynkyn's; and some lines of the French version of the -courtesy book are almost unintelligible, whereas their meaning is -clearly expressed by Wynkyn. - -[130] Such phrases as "say me my friend" for _dites-moi mon ami_; "do me -have a good chamber" for _faites-moi avoir une bonne chambre_. - -[131] In addition to the works already mentioned, some reference to -these mediaeval treatises is also found in an article by H. Oelsner, in -the _Athenaeum_ (Feb. 11, 1905); in A. Way's edition of the _Promptorium -Parvulorum_ (Camden Soc., 1865, No. 89; Appendix, pp. xxvii _sqq._ and -pp. lxxi _sqq._); Ellis, _Original Letters_, 3rd series, ii. p. 208. - - - - -PART II - -TUDOR TIMES - - - - -CHAPTER I - - THE FRENCH LANGUAGE AT COURT AND AMONG THE NOBILITY - - -At the beginning of the sixteenth century the gradual changes which -brought about the extinction of Anglo-French were complete to all -intents and purposes; this corrupt form of the language lingered only in -a few religious houses and the law courts. The French spoken at the -English Court in the Middle Ages had remained purer than elsewhere; for -centuries the kings of England were as much attached to France as to -England; they had spent much of their time in France and fought for the -French crown as their natural right, not as Englishmen in strife with -Frenchmen. From the thirteenth century, however, English was understood, -though not widely spoken, at Court. It progressed gradually until, two -centuries later, in the reign of Henry VI., it was used more frequently -than French. By the sixteenth century French was an entirely foreign -language at the English Court, and it was round the Court circles that -developed the new and more serious study of the language which then -arose--a study which led to the production of so important a work as -John Palsgrave's _L'Esclarcissement de la langue francoyse_. It will -therefore be well to consider the extent to which French was used among -the nobility and gentry of the time. - -The personal ascendancy of the Tudors and the pomp of their Court began -to attract the attention of foreigners, and to excite their curiosity. -Consequently numerous travellers made their way to the English capital; -and later in the same period religious persecution, raging on the -Continent, drove many Protestants, frequently men of distinction, to -seek refuge in England. What language would these visitors employ in -their intercourse with their hosts? English is excluded from the -purview, because at this time, and indeed for some time after, our -language received no recognition, and certainly no homage from any -foreigner, and but scant deference from English scholars themselves.[132] -Several foreign visitors in London have left an account of their -impressions on hearing this entirely unknown and strange language -spoken. Thus Nicander Nucius, the Greek Envoy at the Court of Henry -VIII., says of the English that "they possess a peculiar language, -differing in some measure from all others"; although it is "barbarous," -he finds in it a certain charm and attraction, and judges it "sweeter" -than German or Flemish.[133] Others formed a less favourable -opinion.[134] The physician Girolamo Cordano, for instance, when he -first heard Englishmen speaking, thought they were Italians gone mad and -raving, "for they inflect the tongue upon the palate, twist words in the -mouth, and maintain a sort of gnashing with the teeth." The Dutchman, -Immanuel von Meteren, gathered the impression that English is broken -German, "not spoken from the heart as the latter, but only prattling -with the tongue." - -We have, however, to recollect that, among the learned, Latin was in -general use as a spoken language; it was the ideal of the Humanists to -make Latin the universal language of the educated world. Erasmus was -able to live several years in England, and in familiar intercourse with -Englishmen, without feeling the necessity for learning English or using -any other modern language; but he mingled almost entirely with scholars, -such as Grocyn, Linacre, Latimer, Colet, and More--men with whom Henry -VIII. loved to surround himself. Still, the great Dutchman was an -exception even amongst Humanists, who nearly all, at some period in -their lives, forsook Latin for their native tongue. Moreover, Latin was -not fluently or colloquially spoken by the majority of the English -nobility and gentry. The poet, Alexander Barclay, tells us that "the -understandyne of Latyn," in the early years of the sixteenth century, -was "almost contemned by Gentylmen."[135] [Header: THE SPEAKING OF -LATIN] "I have not these twenty years used any Latin tongue,"[136] said -Latimer at his trial for heresy in 1554--a striking testimony on the -lips of one whose natural sympathies were towards Humanism. Some years -later the great Huguenot scholar, Hubert Languet, wrote to his young -English friend, Sir Philip Sidney--then newly returned from continental -travel--to express his apprehension lest the young man should forget all -his Latin at the English Court and entirely give up the practice of it; -he urges him to do his best to prevent this, and maintain his Latin -along with his French. Languet affirms that he has never heard Sidney -pronounce a syllable of French incorrectly, and wishes his pronunciation -of Latin were as perfect.[137] Sidney, however, does not appear to have -considered Latin of as much importance to a courtier as French: "So you -can speake and write Latine not barbarously," he wrote to his brother -Robert in 1580,[138] "I never require great study ordinarily in -Ciceronianisme, the cheife abuse of Oxford." No doubt Sidney voices a -general sentiment in this verdict. It is increasingly clear that the -supremacy of Latin was beginning to be questioned on all sides, and, -while Latin remained to a large extent the language of scholars, it was -not generally employed in society. - -Further, when the English did speak Latin, foreigners had considerable -difficulty in understanding them, on account of their notoriously bad -pronunciation. The great scholar Scaliger, who was in England in 1590, -tells that he once listened to an Englishman talking Latin for a quarter -of an hour, and at last excused himself, saying that he did not -understand English![139] To the same effect is the observation of Tom -Coryat, the traveller, who, on his journey on the Continent,[140] found -his Latin so little understood, that he had to modify his pronunciation. -At a later date, when the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Cosmo III., visited the -two English Universities,[141] he was unable to understand the Latin -speeches and orations with which he was greeted. A Latin comedy which -the Cambridge students performed in his honour was equally -unintelligible to him. "To smatter Latin with an English mouth," wrote -Milton in a well-known passage, "is as ill a hearing as Law French." - -At the same time a quickened interest in modern languages generally was -felt in England as in other countries. Two of these, Italian and -Spanish, entered the arena to challenge the supremacy of French in the -world of fashion and intellect. The real issue of the contest, however, -was never in doubt. The Renaissance and the new Humanism appeared for a -time to favour the Italian rival,[142] but the inherent merits of -French, with its particular genius for precision and clarity, easily won -the day. Those circles--often very brilliant circles--of distinguished -men and women for whom the Renaissance was as the dawn of a new day, -often made Italian a more serious object of study than French; but -though it was widely learned for the sake of its literature, it was -never so widely spoken or so universally popular as French. Italian, and -to a minor degree Spanish, were indeed seriously cultivated by the Tudor -group of distinguished linguists,[143] and so became a sort of fashion, -which, spreading to more frivolous circles, soon degenerated into mere -affectation. These dilettanti had been at a great feast of languages and -stolen the scraps, to use Shakespeare's words. Such affectation was -naturally felt to be dangerous. While Roger Ascham renders due homage to -the linguistic attainments of his queen,[144] he finds it necessary to -reproach the young gentlemen of the day with their deficiency in this -respect. [Header: INTEREST IN MODERN LANGUAGES] Professional teachers of -modern languages likewise complain of the lack of seriousness on the -part of many of their pupils. John Florio,[145] for example, bewails the -fact that when they have learned two words of Spanish, three words of -French, and four words of Italian, they think they have enough, and will -study no more; and a French teacher[146] expresses the same thought in -almost identical terms; according to him they learn a little French one -day, then a bit of Italian and a snatch of Spanish, and think themselves -qualified for an embassy to the Grand Turk. Shakespeare's Falconbridge, -the young baron of England, may be taken as a fair example of such -dilettantism.[147] - -Thus Italian was never a really dangerous rival to French, which had -struck its roots deep into the English soil long before Italian -influence reached our shores. Not only was this the case, but French was -also widely known throughout Europe. Even in the early years of this -period, the poet Alexander Barclay, himself the author of a French -grammar, affirms that French was spoken even by the Turks and Saracens. -The French themselves are said to have been in love with their own -language, and, as a result, to have neglected Latin;[148] when the -English ambassador at Paris, Sir Amias Poulet, sent to England for a -chaplain for his household, he wrote: "Yt were to be wished that he had -at the least some understandinge in the French tongue for his better -conference with the Frenche ministers, whereof many are not best able to -utter there mynde in Lattyn."[149] - -We may therefore safely conclude that French was the language commonly -spoken by Englishmen in their intercourse with foreigners, although -Latin was sometimes used in conversation, and Italians were occasionally -addressed in their own tongue. English was so little used in the Court -and its circles that foreigners were apt to forget that England had a -language of her own; one of them considers it a merit in Henry VIII. -that he was able to speak English! In London, indeed, the use of French -was so common that several foreign observers deemed the fact worthy of -note. Nicander Nucius, the Greek envoy who visited London in 1545, -remarks[150] that, for the most part, the English use the French -language, besides having a great admiration for everything else -French--an observation which cannot safely be taken as referring to any -other class than the nobility, as his relations would be almost wholly -restricted to that class. When the Duke of Wuerttemberg visited the court -of Elizabeth, where he found ample occasion to exercise his own -admirable knowledge of French, he left on record the fact that many -English courtiers understood and spoke French very well. The spread of -French at the English Court attracted the attention of Frenchmen also, -and several years after Nicander's account, Peletier du Mans states that -in England, at least among the princes and their courts, French is -spoken on all occasions.[151] - -French was also not infrequently used in correspondence. Apart from such -diplomatic correspondence as exists, numerous examples of the -interchange of private letters in French among the English nobility have -come down to us. Even among scholars Latin was by no means the only -medium of communication. In the sixteenth century the chief scholars of -the two countries corresponded with each other, and, though Englishmen -never wrote in their native tongue, Frenchmen did occasionally use their -own language rather than Latin. Bacon wrote in French to the Marquis of -Effiat, and Hotman, on the other hand, in French to Camden: "Me sentant -detraque de l'usage de la langue latine, je vous escris cette lettre en -francois pour renouveller avec vous notre amitie ancienne et -correspondance."[152] John Calvin corresponded with Edward VI. and -Protector Somerset in French, and Henry IV. of France carried on a -voluminous correspondence in his own language with his "tres chere et -tres aimee bonne soeur," Elizabeth, as well as with her chief -ministers.[153] [Header: FRENCH REGARDED WITH SPECIAL FAVOUR] French was -thus more than a mere accomplishment for the English gentleman, and soon -became an absolute necessity for all those who desired employment under -the Crown. It is true that an interpreter might be had, but the practice -was looked upon with great disfavour as very unsuitable where private -negotiations had to be conducted. The necessity for a knowledge of -French on the part of a minister of state may be gathered from the large -number of petitions and other documents addressed to them in that -language and preserved among the State Papers.[154] A rather curious -instance of the favour with which the use of French was regarded in -official circles is supplied by the case of a Scotch prisoner in London, -who, when he desired leave on parole, on the ground of ill-health, was -advised to make his application in French, "to shew his -scholarship."[155] Copies of proclamations, issued in foreign countries, -were frequently translated into French before being sent to the English -Government; and time after time we find a lack of knowledge of French -regarded as a serious disqualification for diplomatic or other public -service. One young gentleman regrets that he "cannot be engaged on any -work of importance as he does not know French." The drawbacks arising -from an inadequate knowledge of the language appear from the case of a -certain Thomas Thyrleby who writes from Valance to Wriothesly in 1538 -telling him how much discouraged he is concerning his knowledge of -French. He says he went with the Bishop of Winchester and Brian to the -Constable that morning at eight o'clock, and that he could understand -them, but not the Grand Master's answer, except by conjecture, guessing -at a word here and there; after dinner he had audience of the French -king and bore away never one word but "l'empereur, l'empereur" often -rehearsed; and he feels he must diligently apply himself to learn the -language or the king will be ill served when he is left alone.[156] - -The Tudors appear to have regarded the study of French with much favour. -The first king of this line had lived for many years in France and was -strongly imbued with French tastes.[157] He encouraged Frenchmen to -visit England, and appointed one of them, Bernard Andre, his Poet -Laureate and Historiographer as well as tutor to his sons. There were -also troupes of French comedians and minstrels who performed at Court -from time to time.[158] The king always received with favour at his -Court those who were fluent in the French tongue. No doubt Stephen Hawes -secured the king's patronage partly by his facility in the use of this -language, and partly from his really profound knowledge of French -literature, of which the king also was an eager student. Yet this first -of the Tudor kings belongs rather to the Middle Ages and the Old -Learning than to the Renaissance. - -Not until we reach the period of Henry VIII., a distinct favourer of the -New Learning, do we enter fully into the spirit of the new movement. In -a true sense Henry may be called the first King of England, for England -was his real home, and while using the ancient title "King of France," -he had no truly filial attachment to the country. He may thus be taken -as a fair example of the attitude of the cultivated English noble -towards foreign languages. He spoke French fluently though he had never -been in France, and also conversed in Latin with ease; Italian he -understood, but made no attempt to speak. He always addressed foreigners -in either French or Latin.[159] An admirer of French fashions, he copied -in such matters his friend and rival, the French king, even allowing his -beard to grow when he heard that Francis wore one, and having his hair -dressed "short and straight after the French fashion." When the Venetian -ambassador, Piero Pasqualigo, came from Paris to London in 1515, Henry -eagerly seized the opportunity to institute a comparison between himself -and the French king. Pasqualigo, meeting Henry at Greenwich, writes how -he on one occasion beheld his majesty mounted on a bay Frieslander, and -dressed entirely in green velvet; directly the envoy came in sight, he -began to make his horse to curvet and perform such feats, that -Pasqualigo says he thought himself looking upon Mars. He came into our -tent, the narrator continues, and, addressing me in French, said, "Talk -with me a while."[160] [Header: HENRY VIII.'S KNOWLEDGE OF FRENCH] -Henry then proceeded to question him about Francis and to induce him to -draw comparisons between himself and the French king. The ambassador -remarks that Henry spoke French "very well indeed." The campaign of 1513 -supplies another example of the ease with which Henry spoke French. The -English king was accompanied by Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, who later -incurred the royal anger by his presumption in marrying Henry's sister -Mary, the Dowager of France. On the present occasion, however, the -king's knowledge of French was of great service to Suffolk, who found -some difficulty in pressing his suit with the Lady Margaret of Savoy, -owing to his ignorance of that language. The Duke had half seriously -removed a ring from the lady's finger, and, as she particularly desired -to reclaim it, and he refused to return it, she called him a thief; but -he could not understand the word "larron," so she was forced to call -upon the king to explain.[161] - -There are extant several examples of Henry's compositions in French. -Much of his private correspondence was written in this tongue; and he -also essayed to write verses in French, possibly in imitation of Francis -I. Their quality may be judged from the following specimens:[162] - - Adieu madam et ma mastres, - Adieu mon solas et mon joy, - Adieu jusque vous revoy, - Adieu vous diz par graunt tristesse. - -or: - - Helas madam cel qe je metant [j'eme tant], - soffre qe soie voutre humble svant [servant]; - ie seray [vous] a tousiours e tant que ie - vivray alt n'airay qe vous.[163] - -We gather from Henry's spelling of French that he had learnt the -language chiefly by ear. - -There is a curious example of the fluency with which the king and his -courtiers spoke French, in a scene described by Wolsey's gentleman usher -and afterwards dramatized by Shakespeare.[164] The cardinal was among -the few at the Court of Henry VIII. who did not speak French with ease. -During a banquet he was giving at the palace of Whitehall, Henry and a -band of courtiers landed unexpectedly at the Whitehall Stairs, disguised -as foreign noblemen. Wolsey sent the Lord Chancellor to bid them -welcome, because he could not speak French himself.[165] The visitors -were introduced, and passed for a time as foreigners, the Lord -Chancellor acting as their interpreter to Wolsey. At last the royal -joker and his companions disclosed their identity amidst a tumult of -exclamations, and then joined in the festivities.[166] - -The ladies of the Court rivalled the noblemen in their knowledge of -French. When the French ambassadors with their brilliant suite, who had -come to England for the ratification of peace in 1514, were entertained -in great state at Greenwich, all the ladies and gentlewomen were able to -converse in good French with their French partners, "which delighted -them much to heare the Ladies speake to them in their owne -language."[167] It is not surprising, therefore, to find French holding -an important place in the education of women of high birth. The princess -Mary Tudor, one of the most attractive figures at the English Court, -had, like the king her brother, been early initiated in the difficulties -of the French language.[168] At the age of twelve she pronounced in -French her betrothal vows to the Prince of Castile (1513); and when it -fell to her lot to marry Louis XII. of France, she continued still more -to apply herself to the study of the language. She was able to write to -her future husband in his own tongue,[169] and even occasionally made -use of it in her correspondence with her brother, the English king. - -[Header: FRENCH AMONG THE LADIES] - -Henry's first queen did little to forward French tastes and never -modified her natural preference for all things Spanish, but with the -advent of Queen Anne Boleyn French acquired a powerful and enthusiastic -patroness. Anne was entirely French by education and tastes. She had -been brought up by a French governess,[170] and had from an early age -used the French language in her correspondence with her father during -his absences at the Court and elsewhere. It was her fluency in this -language which led to her rapid advancement on her arrival at Court. She -was soon chosen to accompany the king's sister Mary to France, and just -before her appointment wrote to her father in French, telling him that -the presence of the Queen of France would inspire her with a still -greater desire to speak French well.[171] Anne stayed in France several -years, first in the service of Mary during the few months she was Queen -of France, then in that of her successor, Queen Claude, consort of -Francis I., and finally in the more lively household of Margaret of -Alencon, afterwards Queen of Navarre. On her return to the English Court -she became maid of honour to Queen Katherine, and her skill in dress and -her French manners[172] did much to promote the taste for French -fashions. The famous Elizabethan antiquary Camden asserts that Anne's -French jollity first attracted to her the notice of Henry. At any rate -the courtship was largely carried on in French. Out of the seventeen -love letters of Henry to Anne Boleyn, which are preserved in the Vatican -Library, more than half are in French.[173] One of these may be quoted -as an example of the English king's powers in French prose. It was -written to Anne during one of the absences she deemed expedient to make -from the Court: - - Ma Maitresse et amie, moy et mon coeur s'en remettent en vos mains, - vous suppliant les avoir pour recommander a votre bonne grace, et - que par absence votre affection ne leur soit diminue. Car pur - augmenter leur peine ce seroit grande pitie, car l'absence leur fait - assez, et plus que jamais je n'eusse pense . . . vous asseurant que - de ma part l'ennuye de l'absence deja m'est trop grande. Et quand je - pense a l'augmentation d'iceluy que par force faut que je soufre il - m'est presque intollerable, s'il n'estoit le ferme espoir que j'aye - de votre indissoluble affection vers moi, et pour le vous - rementevoir alcune fois cela, et voyant que personellement je ne - puis estre en votre presence, chose la plus approchante a cela qui - m'est possible au present, je vous envoye, c'est-a-dire ma picture - mise en braisselettes a toute la devise que deja scavez, me - souhaitant en leur place quant il vous plairoit. C'est de la main - de--Votre serviteur et amy, - - H. R. - -Of Henry's other queens, Jane Seymour and Katherine Howard were both -ardent admirers of the French language. The former had, like Anne -Boleyn, completed her education at the French Court. Henry's chief -objection to Anne of Cleves was her lack of French refinements. We know -from the French ambassador Marillac that Henry was ill pleased at Anne's -German costume and made her dress in the French style,[174] which, -according to the same authority, had been favoured by Queen Katherine -Howard and all her ladies. Moreover, the new queen could speak neither -French[175] nor English, and her own language was displeasing to the -king's ears; consequently he refused to converse much with her by means -of an interpreter.[176] As for Katharine Parr, she was one of the most -distinguished linguists of her time, and did much to encourage the -studies of the royal family. - -French was one of the principal studies of Henry VIII.'s children. It -appears to have been the only modern foreign language with which Edward -VI. was acquainted; he is said to have been "in the French and Latin -Tongues singularly perfect."[177] Mary, on the other hand, knew Spanish -as well as she did French. This is, however, accounted for by the fact -that she was early destined to become the wife of the Emperor Charles -V. [Header: FRENCH STUDIED IN THE ROYAL FAMILY] The emperor had even -tried to persuade Henry to allow his daughter to be brought up in Spain. -His request was refused, but a promise was given that the princess -should be educated in all points as a Spanish lady.[178] In addition to -this, her mother, Katherine of Aragon, superintended her early -education, and her attendants were all Spanish. Thus Spanish was for a -time almost her native tongue. Yet French was by no means neglected, -especially after the Spanish marriage was broken off. Fresh impetus was -given to this study by the possibility of a French match, when in 1518 -negotiations for a union with the Dauphin, son of Francis I., were set -on foot. On the testimony of Marillac, Mary spoke and wrote French well; -the ambassador had seen letters of hers written in French at the time of -her mother's divorce.[179] The princess was also well acquainted with -Latin, and understood Italian, though, like many others, she did not -attempt to speak it.[180] - -Elizabeth alone of the royal family spoke Italian with almost as much -ease as she did French.[181] "French and Italian she speaks like -English," wrote her tutor, Roger Ascham, "Latin with fluency, propriety, -and judgment"; and in addition she had some knowledge of Greek. When -queen, she retained her early fancy for Italian, and prided herself on -using no other language in the presence of Italians.[182] The Scotch -ambassador, Sir James Melville, a very competent judge, remarks that she -spoke it "raisonable weill."[183] French, however, was her usual means -of intercourse with other foreigners, even when, like Melville, they -spoke English. The queen commended Melville's French. "She said my -French was gud," he writes in his memoirs, where he likewise gives his -own opinion of the queen's attainments in the language: "hir Maiestie -culd speak as gud Frenche as any that had never bene out of the -contrie, but yet she laiketh the use of the Frenche court language, -quhilk was frank and schort and had oft tymes twa significations, quhilk -discreit and famylier frendes tok always in the best part."[184] If not -idiomatic, the queen's French is generally allowed to have been fluent. -Her accent is reported to have been harsh and unpleasing; she spoke with -a drawl, and, according to M. Drizanval, resident in London for the -French king,[185] she constantly repeated the phrase "_paar Dieu, paar -maa foi_" in a ridiculous tone. Another visitor, the Duke of -Wuerttemberg, records that he once heard her deliver an appropriate -speech in French,[186] which, as usual, was the language in which he -addressed her. Towards the end of her reign the queen still practised -the use of French and Italian. In 1598 the German Hentzner, travelling -in England, describes how he saw Elizabeth "as she went along in all her -State and magnificence," and how "she spoke very graciously first to one -then to another (whether foreign ministers or those who attend for -different reasons) in English, French, and Italian."[187] She also wrote -French with some ease. One of her earliest literary efforts was a -translation from the French of Margaret of Navarre's _Miroir de l'Ame -pecheresse_. She likewise composed devotions and prayers in French--a -habit which she retained after she had been queen for many years. At the -time when her marriage with the Duke of Alencon, her "little frog," as -she calls him, was under discussion, the queen compiled a curious little -volume, containing six prayers, written on vellum in a very neat hand; -in addition to devotions in French and English there are others in -Italian, Latin, and Greek. In the front of this work there is a -miniature of the Duke, and at the end, one of Elizabeth.[188] Other -examples of her compositions in French are found in her correspondence, -where this language holds a considerable place. - -It thus appears that the majority of the English nobility and gentry -spoke and understood French at least tolerably well. [Header: FRENCH -TUTORS AND FRENCH GRAMMARS] We are led to ask how they came by their -knowledge, and what facilities there were in England for learning -French, seeing that many of them never visited France. In the sixteenth -century private tuition played a large part in the education of the -gentry; and the professional tutor was, in many cases, a Frenchman, who -would naturally further the study of his native tongue. The Court itself -encouraged the custom of employing French tutors by engaging several in -its midst; and as, at this time, the Court became a powerful factor in -English social life, and the chief means of entering the service of the -State, noblemen and gentlemen wishing to figure on the social stage -endeavoured to adapt themselves to Court requirements. French tutors -were to be found in all the chief families of the time. Etienne Pasquier -remarks that there was no noble family in England without its French -tutor to instruct the children in the French language.[189] This -condition of things was still further developed a few years later when -religious persecution in France and the Netherlands drove increasingly -large numbers of Protestant refugees to take asylum in England. All -traces of the majority of these tutors have been lost; those of whom -anything is known were, for the most part, either the authors of manuals -for teaching French, or had won repute as writers or Humanists before -leaving their native land. - -One of these Humanists was Bernard Andre, familiarly called "Master -Barnard," the blind poet--an infirmity to which he frequently refers. He -was a native of Toulouse, and probably came to England with Henry VII., -his patron.[190] It is a curious fact that soon after his accession -Henry appointed this Frenchman, author of verses in French and Latin but -never a line in English, Poet Laureate of England. In addition to this -he bestowed on him repeated marks of favour. For a time Andre was -engaged as a tutor at Oxford, and in 1496 was chosen as governor to -Prince Arthur, and probably had much to do with the education of his -brother, afterwards Henry VIII. Appointed Historiographer Royal, he -began in this capacity to write his patron's life. Like so many other -men of education, Andre was in Holy Orders; he received preferment from -time to time, and was finally presented to the living of Guisnes near -Calais, which he resigned in 1521, having attained an "extreme old age." - -In the early sixteenth century, as in the Middle Ages, England took the -initiative in the production of French grammars.[191] The numbers which -appeared are so many testimonies to Englishmen's interest in the French -language. The chief and best known of these grammars is the great work -of John Palsgrave (1530), already mentioned, which stands out in -contrast with the slight treatises which had previously appeared on the -subject in England. Considering the time when it was written and the -irregular and unsettled condition of the language with which it deals, -it is truly remarkable for its fulness and comprehensiveness. Almost -alone of its predecessors and its immediate successors, it answered more -than a merely temporary and professional purpose, and is still of very -great value to the student of the English and French languages at that -time, and a great storehouse of obsolete words in both languages. -Perhaps the very reason which makes it so valuable to the student of -to-day hindered its success in the sixteenth century; most students of -French then preferred the shorter and more practical manuals. Palsgrave -had a very exalted idea of the French tongue; he desired to place it on -a level with the "three perfect tonges"--Latin, Greek, and Hebrew--and -to make it a fourth and classical tongue, by drawing up "absolute" rules -for its use. - -Palsgrave's grammar acquires additional importance from the fact that no -similar work had been produced in France. It is the first systematized -attempt to formulate rules for the French language, or indeed for any -modern tongue. Only one year later, however, Sylvius or Dubois published -his _In Linguam Gallicam Eisagoge_ (1531). In the address to Henry -VIII., which precedes his work, Palsgrave speaks of the "great nombre of -clerkes, whiche before season of this mater have written nowe sithe the -beginnyng of your most fortunate and most prosperous raigne." All these -"clerkes," he says, have treated chiefly of two things, which they -judged specially useful to the English--the pronunciation of French, and -"wherein the true analogie of the two tongues did rest." [Header: -BARCLAY'S "INTRODUCTORY"] No doubt many of these treatises were in -manuscript and are among the lost treasures of the sixteenth century. -Yet some have come down to us. Palsgrave mentions three writers by name, -Alexander Barclay, Petrus Vallensys, and Giles Duwes, copies of whose -works are still in existence. - -The earliest of these grammars--so far as is known the first French -grammar ever printed--was the work of Alexander Barclay, well known as a -prolific writer and poet, who devoted much of his time to translation -and did much to make contemporary French literature known in England. -Barclay had spent a time "full of foly and unprofytable stody" at some -university, possibly Paris; he had travelled, and was well acquainted -with French; from his youth upwards, he says, he had been exercised in -the two languages of French and English. It was late in his literary -career, when he had "withdrawen" his pen from its "olde dylygence," that -he undertook to compose a grammar of the French language, at the request -of the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Treasurer of England, and of "certain other -gentlemen." The work appeared in 1521[192] under the title of _Here -begynneth the introductory to wryte and to pronounce frenche compyled by -Alexander Barclay, compendiously at the commandement of the right hye -excellent and myghty prynce, Th. duke of Northfolke_. The printer, -Robert Coplande, himself a good French scholar, composed some lines on -the coat of arms of the Duke in French, and printed them at the -beginning of the book; at the end he placed a translation of Lambert -Danneau's _Traite des Danses_, also from his own pen.[193] - -Barclay's endeavour is to make his grammar as short and concise as -possible; his rules, so far as they go, are stated very clearly; he -plunges straight away into his subject without any preliminary -observations: "_je_ in frenche," he begins, "is as moche to say in -english as I, _tu_, thou, _il_, he, _nous_, _vous_, _ilz_ or _els_: we -may use sometyme _ceux_ for this worde _ilz_. If we answere to a -question by this worde 'I' usynynge no verbe withall then shall not -'_ie_' be set for 'I' but '_moy_,' as in this example, '_qui fist ce -livre_' ... If I sholde answere saynge I, addynge no verbe withall, I -must say '_moy_,' and not '_ie_.'" After giving similar rules for the -second person singular, he proceeds to explain how, when the words -_nous_, _vous_, _ilz_ are placed before a verb beginning with a -consonant, their last consonant is not pronounced, although it remains -in the spelling; but if they come before a verb beginning with a vowel, -the consonants are pronounced. He then turns to the conjugation of the -two auxiliaries and some of the most common irregular verbs, to show -"how these pronouns are ioyned with verbes." On the back of folio 4 he -begins his "introductory of orthography or true wrytynge wherby the -diligent reder may be infourmed truly and perfytely to wryte and -pronounce the Frenche tunge after the dyvers customes of many contress -of France." Barclay, then, does not adopt an exclusive attitude towards -provincial accents; he rather calls attention to them,[194] though -probably merely stating facts and drawing distinctions with no intention -of teaching provincial forms. Palsgrave, on the other hand, deals only -with the French spoken between the Seine and the Loire, which he -regarded as the only pure French. Barclay's attitude to dialectal forms -may possibly be explained by the fact that he transcribed freely from -the mediaeval treatises, especially the _Donait francois_ of John -Barton. His debt was early noted by Palsgrave, who wrote: "I have sene -an olde boke written in parchment, in all thynges lyke to his sayd -_Introductory_, whiche, by conjecture, was not unwritten this hundred -yeares."[195] So freely, indeed, and so carelessly did Barclay use his -sources, that he did not even trouble to modernize the spelling, which -contains many obsolete forms; in this connexion Palsgrave, who -criticizes Barclay very severely when occasion arises,[196] remarks on -his use of _k_ for _c_. - -Having exemplified the pronunciation of some of the French letters by -comparison with English sounds,[197] Barclay suddenly[198] passes to the -consideration of the number and gender of nouns,[199] besides supplying -a short list of nouns beginning with the first two letters of the -alphabet. After this digression he concludes his observations on the -pronunciation,[200] and proceeds to give an alphabetical vocabulary of -nouns,[201] adjectives and verbs, apparently the earliest known attempt -at an alphabetical French-English vocabulary; the earlier method of -arranging words under headings is discarded, though it continued to be -the usual form adopted in most French grammars until the end of the -eighteenth century. Barclay's vocabulary consists of a list of words -pure and simple, with no indication of gender or flexions. The -_Introductory_ ends with lists of ordinal numerals, days, seasons, and -so on, together with words of learned origin common to both languages -"amonge eloquent men," and, last of all, pieces of prose composition in -both French and English, arranged in alternate lines.[202] - -As is usual in these early grammars, there is an obvious lack of orderly -arrangement, and the work, as a whole, gives the impression of being a -collection of rough notes rather than a carefully planned treatise. -Barclay does not, however, make any claim to completeness, nor pretend -to lay down "absolute" rules as Palsgrave claimed to do. He shared the -opinion, common at that time among Frenchmen, that it was impossible to -formulate anything like adequate rules for the French language. The -sketchy nature of his rules may be judged by that given for the position -of the objective pronoun: "oft times that thynge whiche cometh before -the verbe in Englyshe commyth after it in frenche as il m'a fait -tort . . . je ne me puis lever." He was of opinion that rules were not -of much use in learning French: that language is best learnt by "custome -and use of redynge and spekynge, by often enquirynge and frequentynge of -company of frenchmen and of suche as have perfytnes in spekynge the sayd -language." This opinion prevailed throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth -centuries in England, and, as a result, rules are reduced to a minimum -in manuals for teaching French. - -"Who so desyreth to knowe more of the sayd language, must provyde for mo -bokes made for the same intent," Barclay notes at the end of his short -and interesting treatise. Charles, Duke of Suffolk, the husband of Mary, -sister to Henry VIII. and Dowager Queen of France, was soon to make the -necessary provision. This "syngular good lorde," says Palsgrave, "by -cause that my poore labours required a longe tracte of tyme, hath also -in the meane season encouraged maister Petrus Vallensys, scole maister -to his excellent yong sonne the Erle of Lyncolne to shewe his lernynge -and opinion on this behalfe." Such was the origin of the _Introductions -in Frensche for Henry the Yonge Erle of Lyncoln (childe of greate -esperaunce) sonne of the most noble and excellent princesse Mary (by the -grace of God, queen of France etc.)_,[203] which is undated and -anonymous, but clearly the work of Petrus Vallensys or Pierre Valence, -French tutor to the Earl of Lincoln, and must have been written sometime -in the third decade of the century.[204] Valence is said to have taught -French after a "wonderesly compendious facile prompte and ready -waye,"[205] and Gregory Cromwell, whom he also counted among his pupils, -is reported to have made good progress under his direction. [Header: -PIERRE VALENCE, TEACHER OF FRENCH] Pierre Valence was one of the -natives of Normandy, so numerous in England at this time that the fact -was commented on by Etienne Perlin, a French priest who visited England -at the end of the reign of Edward VI. He describes them as being "du -tout tres mechans et mauditz Francois," worse than all the English, -which, according to him, is a very grave charge.[206] The date at which -Valence came to England is unknown, but he is said to have studied at -Cambridge in or about 1515.[207] He was in all probability a refugee for -religious reasons. He is known to have held Lutheran opinions, and, -whilst at Cambridge, caused a disturbance by defacing a copy of the -Pope's general indulgence, which had been set up over the gates of the -schools. Vigorous but ineffectual attempts were made to discover the -writer, against whom the Chancellor pronounced sentence of -excommunication. Valence is alleged finally to have acknowledged the act -as his, to have expressed contrition, and to have been absolved. There -are several points of contact between this man and his greater -contemporary, John Palsgrave: both were students at Cambridge, possibly -at the same time, though Palsgrave was the senior; both had as their -pupil the son of Mr. Secretary Cromwell--the one for French and the -other for Latin; both were proteges of the Dowager Queen of France -(sister of Henry VIII. and Palsgrave's pupil for French) and of her -husband the Duke of Suffolk. In 1535 Valence received a grant of letters -of denization,[208] and ultimately became domestic chaplain and almoner -to Dr. Goodrich, Bishop of Ely, and appears to have maintained this -position under the bishop's successor. He was still living in 1555, -since, in that year, he visited some heretics in Ely jail, and conjured -them to stand loyally by the truth of the Gospel.[209] - -Among the works of "dyvers clerkes" on the French language, to which -Palsgrave refers, is probably to be reckoned a short treatise bearing -the date 1528. This work is only known by a fragment consisting of two -leaves now preserved in the library at Lambeth.[210] These pages are of -quarto size and bear the signature "B. B." The right-hand page is in -French, the left in English; the former is in Roman characters, the -latter in black letter. Although these two pages contain the date, and -the last is not full, they do not appear to be the end of the work, as -the writer refers to what is to come hereafter.[211] One gathers from -internal evidence that the author was a foreigner--no doubt a Frenchman. -He speaks, for instance, of the "gentz Englois" as though he was not one -of them; and it appears to be quite certain that the work was originally -composed in French, and translated into English rather carelessly, and -probably by another hand, for in the version it is rendered almost -unintelligible by the translation of the French illustrative examples as -well as the text itself. - -The contents are of a light and entertaining character. The author holds -that many rules do but "trouble and marre" the understanding. He -counsels students rather to follow the example of good writers as likely -to be more helpful. - -He treats entirely of the pronunciation, and devotes special attention -to the difficulties of the English,[212] laying emphasis on the -importance of placing the accent on the right syllable. The rules are -put in an amusing way, thus: "_a_ should be pronounced fro the botom of -the stomake and all openly, _e_ a lytell higher in the throte there -properly where the Englishman soundeth his _e_; _i_, in the roundnesse -of the lippes; _u_, in puttynge a lytell of wynde out of the mouthe." -Further uses of the vowel _a_ are thus set forth: it may be placed -before all verbs, in the infinitive mood, and before all manner of nouns -and pronouns, as "to Robert," "to May," and so on. Again, "it betokeneth -'have' when it cometh of the Latin verb _habeo_." The consonants are -next dealt with and disposed of in much the same way. Some attention is -also given to the question, then much discussed, whether the -etymological consonants in the words where they are not pronounced -should be retained or not. The author's opinion was that every letter in -a word ought to be sounded, yet he feels himself utterly unable to -struggle against custom, and falls back on the rule "go as you please": -[Header: TWO FRENCH POETS TEACH FRENCH] "Pronounce ech one as he shal -please, for to difficyl it is to correct olde errours." - -Among the French teachers in England at this time were also two -Frenchmen of considerable literary distinction--Nicolas Bourbon, the -Latin poet and well-known scholar, friend of Rabelais and Marot; and -Nicolas Denisot, who likewise held an important place among French -humanists, and finished his literary education under Daurat, the famous -Hellenist. - -Bourbon came to England under the protection of Anne Boleyn, who appears -to have taken a special interest in him;[213] she had, he tells us, -procured his liberation from imprisonment. Bourbon was for some time a -private tutor in Paris, and soon after he regained his freedom he -crossed to England, intending to continue his work there. He had a -cordial welcome, and invariably speaks of his stay and treatment in -London with gratitude. His Latin verses[214] show him to be acquainted -with the chief Englishmen who gathered round the Court, where he -occupied his leisure by writing satirical verses against the queen's -enemies, especially Sir Thomas More,[215] and in eulogizing Cromwell, -Cranmer, and the Reform Party then in power. It was on the -recommendation of the king and queen, he informs us, that he was engaged -as French tutor in several families of distinction, including the -Carews, Norrisses, and Harveys. John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, was -one of his patrons, and from him Robert Dudley, afterwards Earl of -Leicester, together with his brothers, learnt French as children. -Bourbon left England in 1535, on hearing of the death of his father. He -had probably been in the country at least two years, and, perhaps -happily for himself, left it a year before the fall of his patroness -Anne Boleyn. - -At a somewhat later date, 1547, the elegant poet and artist Nicolas -Denisot arrived in England, driven from Paris by an unfortunate love -affair.[216] His nephew, Jacques Denisot, declares he was "fort bien -accueilliz dans la cour d'Angleterre ou son estime et sa reputation -estoit deja cogneue." He mixed with the writers and politicians[217] of -the day, and attracted the notice of the Court by writing verses in -honour of the young king, Edward VI.[218] He soon found himself in the -distinguished position of French and Latin tutor to the three daughters -of the Protector Somerset,--Anne, Margaret, and Jane,--who were destined -shortly to become famous in Paris as his pupils, and to form an -important link in the literary relations of the two countries. Calvin -corresponded with one of Denisot's pupils, the Lady Anne; and in 1549 he -wrote requesting her to use her knowledge of French in transmitting to -her mother an expression of his gratitude for a ring he had received -from that lady, he being unable to do so, on account of his ignorance of -English.[219] In this same year, 1549, Denisot's engagement in the house -of Somerset came to an end rather abruptly, probably on account of some -misunderstanding with the duke. He returned to France after spending -three years in England, and thence kept up a friendly correspondence -with his former pupils. On the death of Queen Margaret of Navarre, whom, -no doubt, Denisot had taught them to admire, the sisters composed four -hundred Latin distichs in her honour, and sent them to their former -master, who welcomed them with enthusiasm, and published them in 1550. -In the following year the verses appeared again, accompanied by French, -Italian, and Greek translations, and verses from the pen of Ronsard, Du -Bellay, and other literary friends of Denisot.[220] It is a striking -fact that before the Pleiade was fully known in France, the fame of some -of its members had reached England, where a particular interest would be -taken in this development of the work of the three princesses. Ronsard, -Denisot's intimate friend, wrote one of his earliest odes in honour of -Denisot's pupils, in which he celebrates the intellectual union of -France and England: [Header: THE PLEIADE IN ENGLAND] - - Denisot se vante heure - D'avoir oublie sa terre - Et passager demeure - Trois ans en Angleterre. - . . . . les espritz - D'Angleterre et de la France - Bandez d'une ligue ont pris - Le fer contre l'ignorance, - Et (que) nos Roys se sont faitz - D'ennemys amys parfaitz - Tuans la guerre cruelle - Par une paix mutuelle. - -Herberay des Essarts, the translator of the famous _Amadis_, wrote a -letter in praise of the princesses, which was printed at the beginning -of Margaret's "tombeau." With full justice has Denisot been called the -"ambassador" of the French Renaissance in England. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[132] It was, however, an English scholar, Richard Mulcaster, Headmaster -of Merchant Taylors' School (1561) and of St. Paul's School (1596), who -boldly urged that the English language was a subject worthy of study by -Englishmen, though this was not till 1582, when his _Elementarie_ was -published. - -[133] _The Second Book of the Travels of Nicander Nucius_, 1545, Camden -Society, London, 1841, p. 13. - -[134] W. B. Rye, _England as seen by Foreigners_, London, 1865, -_passim_. - -[135] Translation of Sallust's _Bellum Jugurthinum_: Dedication to the -Duke of Norfolk. - -[136] _Remains_, Parker Society, p. 470. Quoted by J. J. Jusserand, -_Histoire litteraire du peuple anglais_, Paris, 1904, p. 86, n. 3. - -[137] _The Correspondence of Sir Philip Sidney and Hubert Languet_, ed. -W. A. Bradly, Boston, 1912, pp. 41 and 112. - -[138] _Sidney Papers_, ed. A. Collins, in _Letters and Memorials of -State_, 2 vols., London, 1746, vol. i. pp. 283-5. - -[139] _Letters of Descartes_, quoted by E. J. B. Rathery, _Les Relations -sociales et intellectuelles entre la France et l'Angleterre . . ._ -Paris, 1856. - -[140] Which provided the material for that "bonnie bouncing book," as -Ben Jonson called it--Coryat's _Crudities: Hastily gobled up in Five -Months' Travells in France_, etc. 1611. - -[141] Rye, _op. cit._ pp. xxxv-xxxvii. - -[142] L. Einstein, _The Italian Renaissance in England_, New York, 1907. - -[143] The Tudor group of distinguished linguists includes the names of -many women. The chronicler Harrison remarks that it is a rare thing to -hear of a courtier that has but his own language, and to tell how many -ladies are skilled in French, Spanish, and Italian is beyond his power -(_Holinshed's Chronicle_, 1586, i. p. 196). Nicholas Udal writes in the -same strain in his dedication to Queen Katherine Parr of his translation -of Erasmus's _Paraphrase of the Gospels_; we are told that a great -number of noble women at that time in England were given to the study of -human sciences and of strange tongues; and that it was a common thing to -see "young virgins so nouzled and trained in the study of letters that -thei willingly set all other vain pastymes at nought for learnynge's -sake." Amongst the most accomplished of such "Queens and Ladies of high -estate and progeny" were Queen Katherine Parr and Lady Jane Grey. -Mulcaster in his _Positions_ (1581) praises English ladies for their -fondness of serious study, and so does the Italian teacher Torriano in -his _Italian reviv'd_ (1673), p. 99. Many examples of fluent linguists -are found in Ballard's _Memoirs of Several Ladies of Great Britain_, 2nd -ed., 1775. - -[144] Elizabeth's command of foreign languages was constantly a subject -of remark. Dr. William Turner in the dedication of his _Herbal_ (1568) -to the queen, addresses her thus: "As to your knowledge of Latin and -Greek, French, Italian, and others also, not only your own faythful -subiectes, beynge far from all suspicion of flattery, bear witness, but -also strangers, men of great learninge, in their books set out in Latin -tonge, give honourable testimonye." Best known of these learned -observers was Scaliger (_Scaligeriana_, Cologne, 1695, p. 134). Similar -eulogies in verse were left by French poets: Ronsard, _Elegies, -Mascarades et Bergeries_ (1561), reproduced in _Le Bocage royal_ (1567); -Jacques Grevin, _Chant du cygne_; Du Bartas, _Second Week_; and Agrippa -d'Aubigne; also by John Florio, _First Frutes_, 1578, ch. xiii. - -[145] _First Frutes_, 1578, ch. i. - -[146] John Eliote, _Ortho-Epia Gallica_, 1596. - -[147] _Merchant of Venice_, Act I. Scene 2. - -[148] Cp. Brunot, _Histoire de la langue francaise_, ii. pp. 2 _sqq._ -Dallington in his _View of France_ remarks on the same neglect. In _The -Abbot and the Learned Woman_, Erasmus praises the latter for studying -the classics and not, as was usual, confining herself to French -(_Colloquia_, Leiden, 1519). - -[149] _Copy Book of Sir Amias Poulet's Letters_, Roxburghe Club, 1866, -p. 129. - -[150] _The Second Book of the Travels of Nicander Nucius_, Camden Soc., -1841, p. 14. - -[151] _Dialogue de l'ortografe et pronunciacion francoese departi en -deus livres_, Lyon, 1558. - -[152] Peiresc wrote in French to the scholars Selden and Camden, who -answered in Latin. Other French scholars who maintained a correspondence -with Englishmen are de Thou, Jerome Bignon, Duchesne, du Plessis Mornay, -H. Estienne, Hubert Languet, Pibrac, and the Sainte-Marthe brothers. - -[153] _Lettres missives de Henri IV_, 9 tom., Paris, 1843. For an -example of Elizabeth's French in her intercourse with her neighbours, -see Rathery, _Les Relations sociales et intellectuelles entre la France -et l'Angleterre_, Paris, 1856, p. 31 n.; _Unton Correspondence_, -Roxburghe Club, 1847, _passim_. - -[154] See the _Calendars of State Papers_ for the period. - -[155] _Calendar of State Papers_, Domestic, 1595-97, p. 328. - -[156] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._, vol xiii. pt. i. -No. 977. - -[157] Henry VII.'s mother, the Countess of Richmond, was also an -accomplished French scholar; she translated several works from the -French, and encouraged others to follow her example. - -[158] J. P. Collier, _Annals of the English Stage_, 1831, vol. i. pp. -48, 51, 53. - -[159] Cp. Rye, _op. cit._ pp. 76, 79. - -[160] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._, ed. Brewer, vol. -ii. No. 411; Rawdon Brown, _Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII._, -1854, vol. i. pp. 76-79 and 86. - -[161] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._, vol. i. p. -xxiii. - -[162] _Songs, Ballads, and Instrumental Pieces composed by King Henry -VIII._, Oxford, 1912. Barclay says in his _Eclogues_ that French -minstrels and singers were highly favoured at Court. Jamieson, _Life and -Writings of Barclay_, 1874, p. 44. - -[163] "Je serai a [vous] toujours et tant que je vivrai autre n'aimerai -que vous." - -[164] _Henry VIII._, Act I. Scene 4. - -[165] Wolsey spoke Latin well. Like Charles II. he considered it -diplomatic to affect ignorance of French at times. Such is his advice to -those who accompanied him on his embassy to France: "The nature of the -Frenchmen is such that at their first meeting they will be as familiar -with you as if they had knowne you by long acquaintance, and will -commune with you in their French Tongue as if you knew every word. -Therefore use them in a kind manner, and bee as familiar with them as -they are with you: if they speake to you in their natural tongue, speake -to them in English, for if you understand not them, no more shall they -you." Puttenham, in his _Arte of English Poesie_, advises ambassadors -and messengers not to use foreign languages of which they have not -perfect command, lest they commit blunders similar to that of the -courtier who said of a French lady, "Elle chevauche bien,"--blunders -which might have serious results in diplomatic transactions. - -[166] _The Negociations of Th. Wolsey, The Great Cardinal of England, -containing his Life and Death. Composed by one of his own servants, -being his gentleman usher_ (G. Cavendish?), London, 1641. - -[167] _Negociations of Th. Wolsey_, _ut supra_. - -[168] M. E. A. Green, _Lives of the Princesses of England_, 1849-1855, -v. p. 20. - -[169] Green's _Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies_, 1846. See also -Ellis, _Original Letters_, 1st series, vol. i. p. 115. - -[170] _Life of Anne Boleyn_, in Strickland's _Lives of the Queens of -England_, London, 1884, ii. pp. 179, 181. - -[171] Ellis, _Orig. Letters_, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 11. Anne's French -spelling is curious and suggests that, like Henry VIII., she learnt -French mainly by ear: "Mons. Je antandue par vre lettre que aves envy -que tout onnete feme quan je vindre a la courte et ma vertisses que Rene -prendra la pein de devisser a vecc moy, de quoy me regoy bien fort de -pensser parler a vecc ung personne tante sage et onnete, cela me ferra a -voyr plus grante anvy de continuer a parler bene franssais." - -[172] A French poem of the time, preserved in MS. and quoted by Rathery, -_op. cit._ p. 21, celebrates Anne's French accomplishments--_Traite pour -feue dame Anne de Boulant, jadis royne d'Angleterre, l'an 1533_: - - "La tellement ses graces amenda - Que ne l'eussiez oncques jugee Angloise - En ses fachons, ains naive Franchoise. - Elle scavoit bien danser et chanter, - Et ses propos sagement agencer, - Sonner du luth et d'autres instrumens - Pour divertir les tristes pensemens." - -[173] Pub., with English translation, in the _Harleian Miscellany_, vol. -iii., 1745, pp. 52-62. - -[174] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._, xv. 179, and -xvi. 12. - -[175] Ellis, _Orig. letters_, series 1, vol. ii. p. 122. - -[176] Strickland, _Lives of the Queens_, 1884, ii. p. 299. - -[177] This is the testimony of Girolamo Cordano, a physician and -astrologer of Milan who was called upon to exercise his art on the young -king of England in 1552. Rye, _England as seen by Foreigners_, pp. -lxviii _sqq._ - -[178] Strickland, _op. cit._ ii. pp. 477-8. - -[179] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._, xvi. No. 1253. - -[180] Ellis, _Original Letters_, 3rd series, ii. p. 236. - -[181] One of Elizabeth's Italian masters was Baptista Castiglione, a -religious refugee in 1557. Elizabeth, however, had acquired some -knowledge of Italian before 1544; in that year she addressed a letter in -Italian to Queen Katharine Parr (printed in G. Howard's _Lady Jane Grey -and her Times_, 1822). Other Italian letters of the queen are published -in Green's _Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies_, 1846. - -[182] Account of the Venetian ambassador at the Court of Mary--Michel -Giovanni. Rye, _op. cit._ p. 266. - -[183] _Memoirs of his own Life, 1549-93_, Bannatyne Club, 1827, p. 125. -Elizabeth's Dutch he pronounces "not gud," and later says that neither -the King of France nor the Queen of England could speak Dutch (p. 341). - -[184] _Memoirs of his own Life, 1549-93_, Bannatyne Club, 1827, p. 117. - -[185] J. Nichols, _Progresses of Queen Elizabeth_, 1788-1821, i. p. x. - -[186] Rye, _op. cit._ p. 12. - -[187] Rye, _op. cit._ p. 104. - -[188] The MS. was reproduced in facsimile in 1893. The prayers in French -begin thus: "Mon Dieu et mon pere puis qu'il t'a pleu desployer les -tresors de ta grande misericorde envers moy ta tres humble servante, -m'ayant de bon matin retiree des profonds abismes de l'ignorance -naturelle et des superstitions damnables pour me faire iouir de ce grand -soleil de justice . . . etc." - -[189] _Lettres_, Amsterdam, 1723, liv. i. p. 5. - -[190] An account of the little that is known of Andre's life is given in -Gairdner's _Memorials of Henry VII._, pp. viii _et seq._ - -[191] Of foreign countries, the Netherlands seem to have come next to -England in zeal for the study of French, and Germany takes the next -place. Countries in which sister Romance tongues were spoken, Italy and -Spain, were apparently entirely dependent on practice for learning -French. - -[192] The printing was completed by Robert Coplande on the 22nd March -1521. The book consists of sixteen leaves of the folio size of the time, -in black letter, with signatures A-B in sixes and C in fours. There is a -unique copy in the Bodleian. - -[193] Bale, _Scriptorum Britanniae Summarium_, 1548, p. 723, and Pits, -_Relationes Historicae de rebus Anglicis_, 1619, p. 745, attribute to -Barclay a work called _De pronuntiatione linguae gallicae_. This -suggests that possibly the _Introductory_ was first written in Latin. - -[194] Time after time he mentions the usages of different parts of the -country, as _piecha_ for _pieca_ in certain districts; _jeo_ and _ceo_ -for _je_ and _ce_ in Picard and Gascon; the writing of the names of -dignitaries and officers in the plural instead of the singular, as _luy -papes de Rome_. - -[195] _L'Esclarcissement de la langue francoyse_, bk. i. ch. xxxv. - -[196] "There is a boke which goeth about in this realme, intitled _The -Introductory to write and pronounce French_, compyled by Alexander -Barclay. I suppose it is sufficient to warne the lerner that I have red -over that boke at length, and what my opinion is therein it shall well -apeare in my boke's self, though I make thereof no further expresse -mencion." - -[197] Thus the vowel _a_ is sometimes a letter, sometimes a word. In the -former case it is often sounded like English _a_; when it is a word _d_ -should not be added. This section of the work is reprinted in A. J. -Ellis's _Early English Pronunciation_, Early Engl. Text Soc., 1869, -etc., pt. iii. pp. 804 _sqq._ - -[198] On the back of folio 5. - -[199] "Howsoever the singular number end, the plural number must end in -_s_ or _z_." Such is the rule for the formation of the plural. As for -the genders, he gives a few isolated examples and converts them into -rules. - -[200] On folio 8vº. - -[201] Folios 9-14. The vocabulary begins with the letter M, and after -proceeding to the end of the alphabet, resumes at the beginning--an -arrangement probably due to some blunder on the part of the printer. - -[202] Both deal with agricultural subjects; the first gives the life of -a grain of wheat, and the second may explain itself: - - "Dieu sauve la charue, - God save the ploughe, - Et celui qui la mane. - And he the whiche it ledeth. - Primierement hairois la terre, - Firste ere the grounde, - Apres semer le ble ou l'orge. - After sow the whete or barley. - Les herces doivent venir apres, - The harrowes must come after, - Le chaclir oster l'ordure. - The hoke to take away wedes, - En Aoust le foyer ou faucher, - In August reap it or mowe it, - D'une faucille ou d'une faux." - -There is no English rendering of the last line. - -[203] In the Library of the Marquis of Bath. - -[204] The Earl was born in 1516. - -[205] Ellis, _Orig. Letters_, 1st series, i. pp. 341-43. - -[206] _Description des royaulmes d'Angleterre et d'Escosse_, Paris, -1558. - -[207] C. H. and T. Cooper, _Athenae Cantabrigienses_, vol. i., 1858, p. -155. - -[208] _List of Denizations, 1509-1603_, Huguenot Society Publications -VIII. - -[209] _Athenae Cantab._ _ut supra_. - -[210] S. R. Maitland, _List of some of the early printed books in the -Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth_, 1843, pp. 290 _et seq._ - -[211] "'_a_' also betokeneth 'have' or 'has,' when it cometh of this -verbe in Latin, _habeo_, as hereafter ye may see." - -[212] "Sur toultes choses doibuit noter gentz Englois que leur fault -accustomer de pronuncer la derniere lettre du mot francois quelque mot -que ce soit (rime exceptee) ce que la langue engleshe ne permet, car la -ou l'anglois dit 'goode breade,' le francois diroit 'goode' iii sillebes -et 'breade' iii sillebes." - -[213] J. A. Jacquot, _Notice sur Nicolas Bourbon de Vandoeuvre_, Troyes -et Paris, 1857. Bourbon was born in 1503, and died in 1550. He went to -Paris in 1531, leaving behind him in his native town a reputation won by -his Latin verses. On his return from England, Queen Margaret of Navarre -entrusted to him the education of her daughter, Jeanne, who was the -mother of Henry IV. - -[214] _Nicolai Borbonii vandoperani Lingonenis_ [Greek: Paidagogeion], -Lugduni, 1536. - -[215] J. H. Marsden, _Philomorus_, 2nd ed., 1878, p. 261. - -[216] Clement Juge, _Nicolas Denisot du Mans, 1515-1559_, Paris and Le -Mans, 1907. - -[217] He also began his work as a secret agent in the service of France, -and it is said that Calais was recovered by the French in 1558, from a -plan which Denisot submitted to the Duc de Guise. - -[218] There was a MS. copy of Latin poems by Denisot in the Library of -Edward VI. (Nichols, _Literary Remains_, 1857.) - -[219] J. Bonnet, _Recits du seizieme siecle_, 1864, p. 348. - -[220] _Le Tombeau de Marguerite de Navarre faict premierement en -Distiques latins par les trois soeurs, Princesses en Angleterre: Depuis -Traduits, en Grec, Italien et Francois par plusieurs des excellentz -Poetes de la France. Avecques plusieurs Odes, Hymnes, Cantiques, -Epitaphes sur le mesme subiect._ Paris, 1551. - - - - -CHAPTER II - - FRENCH TUTORS AT COURT--GILES DUWES--JOHN PALSGRAVE--JEAN BELLEMAIN - - -The two most popular French tutors at the Court of Henry VIII. were -undoubtedly Giles Duwes and John Palsgrave. Palsgrave is the only one of -these early French tutors who is well known to-day as a writer on the -French tongue. He was a Londoner, and received his education at -Cambridge and Paris. Giles Duwes was a Frenchman and seems to have -enjoyed a greater popularity in his own day. He had been teaching French -at the English Court for over ten years when Palsgrave received his -first appointment there, as French tutor to the king's "most dere and -entierly beloved" sister Mary, afterwards Queen of France. Both teachers -were proteges of Henry VIII., and taught in the royal family--Duwes was -tutor to the king himself; and both were authors of grammars of the -French language. That of Palsgrave has been mentioned already. It -appeared in 1530 under the title of _L'Esclarcissement de la langue -francoyse_. Duwes's was not published till three years later -approximately, at the request of his pupil, Princess Mary, afterwards -Queen of England. It was called _An Introductorie for to learne to rede, -to prononce and to speke French trewly, compyled for the rigid high -excellent and most vertuous Lady Mary of Englande, daughter to our most -gracious soveraign, Lorde Kyng Henry the Eight_.[221] His treatise is a -small quarto of 102 leaves, forming a striking contrast to Palsgrave's -enormous folio[222] of over 1000 pages. - -The contents and style of the two books are as different as their size. -[Header: JOHN PALSGRAVE'S FRENCH GRAMMAR] Like all the French -grammarians of the time, Palsgrave opens his work with rules for the -pronunciation, and the whole of the first book is devoted to an -elaborate study of this subject. Earlier writers had treated it very -slightly, if at all, trusting that the student would find some -opportunity of learning the sounds of the language by mixing with those -who spoke it. We are told[223] that as a result there was no means of -acquiring a good pronunciation, save in early youth by practice and use -for a year or two. And it came to be supposed in a manner a thing -impossible; "in so much that whereas there be hundreds in this realm, -which with a little labour and the aid of Latin, do so perfectly -understand this tongue that they be able to translate at the first sight -anything out of the French tongue into ours, yet have they thought the -thing so strange to leave the consonants unsounded whiche they saw -written in such books as they studied, that they have utterly neglected -the Frenchmen's manner of pronunciation, and so read French as their -fantasy or opinion did lead them and, by that means, perceiving in -themselves a want and swerving from the truth, which they wot not how to -amend, utterly leave to speak or exercise the language as a thing which -they despair of."[224] One of the chief difficulties of these early -students then was the numerous consonants found in French words for -etymological reasons, and which were not pronounced. Other difficulties -were found in the accentuation of vowel sounds. The English were in the -habit of placing the accent on the wrong syllable, saying _doUcement_ -instead of _doucemEnt_, and of not giving the vowel its full and pure -sound, both mistakes being due to peculiarities of their native tongue. -"We must leave that kind of reading and pronouncing if we will sound the -French Tongue aright," says Palsgrave, "for the French in their -pronunciation do chiefly regard three things: to be armonious in theyr -speking, to be brefe and sodayne in soundyng of theyr words, avoydyng -all manner of harshenesse in theyr pronunciation, and thirdly to gyve -every worde that they abyde and reste upon theyr most audible sounde." -There is something solemn about his assurance of the successful results -to be attained by the study of his rules: "whereas nowe the very grounde -and consyderation of the Frenchmen in this behalf ones knowen, it hath -been proved by experience that it is but a senyghts labour, or, at the -most, a fournyghtes to lerne this poynt concernyng to theyr -pronounciatyon an to be sure herof for ever." - -Palsgrave devotes attention to each letter of the alphabet in turn, and -seeks to elucidate the value of the sounds by reference to contemporary -English or Italian, and by attempting to give the position of the vocal -organs.[225] _A_, he says, has two diverse sounds. "Sometimes he is -sounded as in English, and sometimes like the diphthong _au_ and a -little in the nose. The most usual pronunciation given it by the French, -is the same as those who speak the best English, that is like the -Italian sound _a_, or those of the English who sound the Latin tongue -aright. When _m_ or _n_ follow the vowel it is pronounced as _au_ and -somewhat in the nose, _chambre_ being sounded _chaumbre_," etc. More -general topics are also touched on--the accent, the length of vowels, -and the intonation which is so "brief, so sudden and so hard." - -In his second book,[226] Palsgrave treats what he calls the second -difficulty of the French tongue--the accidence of the nine parts of -speech. Throughout, constant reference is made to the third book, -"whiche is a very comment expositour unto my second." This last book -deals with the more syntactical side of the subject, and was added on -the model of Theodore Gaza's Greek grammar. It occupies by far the -largest portion of the whole work,[227] and besides giving elaborate and -often obscure rules to govern every French inflexion,[228] includes an -English-French alphabetical vocabulary which reaches the size of a -dictionary. This vocabulary is arranged according to the parts of -speech, and numerous phrases and idioms illustrative of different uses -of the words are freely given. [Header: THE "INTRODUCTORIE" OF GILES -DUWES] Nothing like it in dimensions had yet appeared, and, contrary to -custom, the English is placed before the French. - -Duwes's manual, on the other hand, opens with an acrostich in French -with an interlinear English translation containing the author's -name--Giles Duwes or de Vadis,--followed by a short address in verse to -the Princess Mary, "filleule a saincte Marie" (also in French, -accompanied by an English interlinear version), and lists of French -words beginning with each of the letters of his royal pupil's name. The -grammar itself is written in English, for Duwes was one of the few -Frenchmen of the time who knew English; neither Bourbon nor Denisot, -though they lived in England some years, and taught French to English -pupils, knew our language; and no doubt they helped to continue the -long-standing relation between the teaching of Latin and the teaching of -French. Duwes's work is divided into two books, the first of which is -devoted to rules of grammar. He dismisses the pronunciation with seven -short and inadequate rules, and proceeds to give his pupil a copious -vocabulary of words and phrases, in which the English word is printed -over the French one. The headings with which the earlier vocabularies -have made us familiar are again utilized, though with variety in detail, -and many passages are reminiscent of the mediaeval nomenclatures. After -his pupil has gained a knowledge of pronunciation, and acquired a good -vocabulary, Duwes proceeds to give him an insight into the grammar of -the language. He treats the parts of speech, with the exception of the -verb, in a very summary fashion; thus, with regard to the gender of -pronouns, all he has to say is that those ending in _a_ are feminine, -and those ending in _on_ or _e_ are masculine. "But there be certain -names of the feminine, which do require the pronouns masculine, that -must be accepted (excepted), as _mon ame_; _me_ and _se_ be -indifferent." He devotes nearly the whole of his space to a lengthy and -elaborate treatment of the French verb, which he divides into two -conjugations, according as there is not or is an _s_ before the -termination _-ons_ of the first person plural, present indicative! Thus -the forms _aimons_, _avons_, _batons_, _donons_ prove the verbs _aimer_, -_avoir_, _batir_, _donner_ to belong to the first conjugation; and -similarly the forms _baisons_, _taisons_, etc., indicate that these -verbs belong to the second conjugation--an arrangement not at all -conducive to lucidity. A considerable part of his work is occupied by -the conjugation of verbs of all sorts, in a variety of forms and both -negatively and interrogatively. He usually adopts the practice, frequent -in modern text-books, of attaching words to the verbs as he conjugates -them, and so providing them with a context. Thus he writes _j'ai grand -desir_, and not simply the verb form _j'ai_. A knowledge of French verbs -was, in Duwes's opinion, the key to the knowledge of the French -language.[229] - -The second book occupies more than half the volume. It contains -practical exercises in the form of "letters missive in prose and in -rime, also diverse communications by way of dialogue, to receive a -messenger from the emperor, the French King or any other prince, also -other communications of the propriety of meat, of love, of peace, of -wars, of the exposition of the mass, and what man's soul is, with the -division of time and other conceits." Each exercise is provided with an -interlinear English translation, and all, as may be gathered from their -subject matter, were in the first place written specially for the use of -the Princess Mary. They deal with the daily events of her life, and, -though occasionally public affairs are touched on, these exercises are -of greatest interest in disclosing the affectionate relations existing -between Mary and her tutor. Whenever possible, Duwes introduces -alternative phrases as well as variations of number and gender, and this -attention to his pupil's vocabulary and knowledge of the flexions often -encumbers his sentences. As for the English version, it gives a -word-for-word rendering of the French, without regard to the natural -order of words in an English sentence. - -The methods of the two teachers seem to have been as different as their -works. Everything tends to prove that Duwes's manner of teaching was -practical, light, and entertaining, and at the same time efficient--a -rare combination of good qualities. [Header: HIS METHOD] Henry VIII.'s -skill in French has already been noticed, and Duwes's other pupils seem -to have been equally accomplished. In his opinion, a good vocabulary and -a thorough knowledge of the verbs were the two essentials in teaching -French. To learn French quickly, he thinks, the student must practise -turning the verbs in all possible ways, affirmatively, negatively, and -interrogatively--a principle of repetition. In this way he acquires -fluency of speech and is able to "make diverse and many sentences with -one word, and perconsequent come shortly to the French speach." For -instance, thirty-six variations may be got in one tense, by turning each -person in six different ways, "that is to say, the affirmative three -ways, and the negative likewise." Duwes reaches this large total by -giving the following forms of each person: "I have, have I?, why have -I?" for the singular of affirmation, "I have not, have I not?, why have -I not?" for the singular of negation, and so on with other persons and -the corresponding plural forms. He further counsels the student to -practise 108 similar variations in the same tense, by means of the use -of the pronouns _me_, _te_, _se_; "for the first person, I have me, I -have thee, I have him, and we turn it, we shall have, Have I me, have I -thee, have I him. Then putting why before it we shall have, Why have I -me," etc., and so on, on lines exactly similar to the example for -thirty-six variations. Apparently such exercises were the mainstay of -his grammatical instruction, for rules of grammar are reduced to a -minimum. Practice held a higher place than theory in Duwes's estimation, -and his attitude towards attempts to draw up rules for the French -language was very sceptical; to be complete, the numbers of such rules -would be infinite, and, what is more, rules are of more use to the -teacher than to the learner. - -Palsgrave, on the contrary, had a firm belief in the value and soundness -of grammar rules. He seems to have been the first to advocate the -learning of French chiefly by means of grammar. The earliest treatises -had been intended more to correct the French of those who read them than -to teach the language; and though in later times the rules were intended -to impart a knowledge of the language, they were not put in the first -place, and it was always felt that they were very secondary to "custom -and the use of reading and speaking." Before Palsgrave's grammar -appeared, declares his enthusiastic pupil Andrew Baynton, Englishmen did -in a manner despair of learning French except by an "importune and long -continued exercise and that begun in young and tender age." Sir Thomas -Elyot in _The Boke of the Governour_, which appeared a year after -Palsgrave's grammar, seems to regret this interference with -long-standing custom, by means of which French was "brought into as many -rules and figures and as long a grammar as is Latin or Greek."[230] He -was afraid that the "sparkes of fervent desire of learnynge" should be -"extincte with the burdone of grammar, lyke as a lytell fyre is sone -quenched with a great heape of small stickes: so that it can never come -to the principale logges where it shuld longe bourne in a great -pleasaunt fire." Many years elapsed, however, before the deadening -effect of too much grammar, apprehended by Elyot, was felt in the -teaching of French. - -Palsgrave's method of teaching, therefore, was the reverse of that of -his fellow-worker, although he professes a desire to induce his pupils -not only to love their studies, but to be merry over them.[231] It -appears that he was fond of making his pupils learn rules by heart,[232] -while the dynamic of his method was translation from English into -French--an exercise not very popular amongst teachers at this time. So -great was his faith in his rules that he felt that the student might, -with their aid, even dispense with the assistance of a teacher. By an -attentive study of the first book the reader "shal undouted attayne to -the right and naturall pronunciation of this sayde tonge." And he -assures the student that by reading the general information in the -introduction to his first two books, and by learning by heart the three -perfect verbs in his second book (_Je parle_, _Je convertis_, _Je fais_, -representatives of the three conjugations into which Palsgrave arranges -French verbs) and the three irregulars (_J'ai_, _Je suis_, and _Je m'en -vais_), he will know French tolerably well, and be able, with the help -of the vocabulary in the third book, to translate from English into -French, and "so incontinente accustome hym to have theyr common -speache"; and, again using the vocabulary, he will be able to read any -French author by his own study, without help or teacher, if he knows the -second book perfectly. [Header: HIS DIALOGUES IN FRENCH AND ENGLISH] -However, he advises those who desire to attain perfection, or to -qualify themselves for foreign service, to read and study the whole of -the three books. - -Palsgrave seems to assign the priority to Duwes by mentioning him as one -of his immediate predecessors, although Duwes's work was not published -until after Palsgrave's. Yet it is improbable that the debt on either -side was anything but trifling. Duwes had been teaching many years -before we first hear of Palsgrave. As he taught he drew up grammatical -rules for the use of his pupils; and when he was tutor to the Princess -Mary, she requested him to collect together and publish the material he -had used in teaching the king, her father, as well as other members of -the royal family.[233] According to Palsgrave, diverse noblemen -supported the princess's request. Thus most of the rules published in -Duwes's grammar had been composed very many years before they were -published, for Duwes had then been teaching for over thirty years. And -no doubt Palsgrave, who was also employed at Court, had opportunities of -seeing them in manuscript. As to the dialogues and other practical -exercises, they were all specially written for the use of the princess, -and so are of later date than most of the rules. Duwes had doubtless -composed for the benefit of his earlier pupils similar exercises, which -remained in manuscript form and were lost. Some idea of the dates at -which the dialogues were written and of the period during which Duwes -was engaged in teaching the princess may be gathered from references to -topical events which occur in the text. For instance, mention is made of -a peace newly proclaimed throughout the kingdoms of France and England, -which was, no doubt, that of 1525, when England joined with France to -counteract the excessive power of Spain. We also find a somewhat vague -reference to a possible marriage for the princess with a "king or -emperor," and remember that it was in 1525 that negotiations for her -marriage with Charles V. were broken off, and others for an alliance -with the French king, Francis I., begun. Another circumstance points to -this same period. One of the dialogues takes place at Tewkesbury Park; -it was in 1526 that Mary was created Princess of Wales, and sent to -Ludlow to hold her Court there, and in November of the same year six of -her Council addressed a letter to Wolsey from Tewkesbury. Duwes is not -mentioned by name in a list of the princess's household appointed on -this occasion, probably because he was already in her service; and it is -interesting to note that the Countess of Salisbury, her lady governess, -had instructions "without fatigacion or weariness to intende to her -learninge of Latine tongue and French," as well as her music, dancing -and diet.[234] In May 1527, Mary had returned to London, and took part -in the festivities given at Greenwich in honour of the French -ambassadors who had come to ask for her hand on behalf of the French -king's second son, Henry, Duke of Orleans. We may therefore conclude -that Duwes's grammar rules were composed at various dates from the -beginning of the century, and the dialogues probably between the years -1524 and 1527. - -Palsgrave, on the other hand, began his great work when Henry VIII. -appointed him French tutor to his sister Mary, the future Queen of -France, in 1512. He had "conceyved some lyttle hope and confidence" by -receiving such a noble charge, and thought it a convenient occasion for -showing his gratitude by means of his works. Several years later he -completed "two sondrie bookes" on the subject, which he offered in -manuscript to his former pupil, the Dowager Queen of France, and her -husband the Duke of Suffolk. On their advice and encouragement he -undertook to enlarge these and to add a third, and present the whole to -the king. In 1523, Palsgrave had planned the whole of the three books, -for in that year he made a contract with the printer, Richard Pynson, in -which it is stipulated that "the sayd Richarde, his executors and -assignes shall imprint or cause to be imprynted on boke callyd 'lez -lesclarcissement de la langue Francoys,' contayning iii sondrye bokes, -where in is shewyd howe the saide tong schould be pronownsyd in reding -and speking, and allso syche gramaticall rules as concerne the -perfection of the saide tong, with ii vocabulistes, oone begynnyng with -English nownes and verbes expownded in frenshe, and a general vocabulist -contayning all the wordes off the frenshe tong expound in Englishe." -Pynson undertook to begin at once and to print every whole working day, -at the rate of a sheet a day, interrupting the work for nothing save a -royal order. [Header: POPULARITY OF DUWES] The third book was not fully - written when the first two passed into the hands of the printer, as -Palsgrave constantly refers in it to the mistakes made already by the -printer in his second book,--mistakes unavoidable in so "newe and -unaccustomed worke." He also seems to have modified his plan for the -vocabulary; in that which actually appeared in the third book there is a -separate English-French dictionary for each part of speech--noun, -adjective, verb, adverb, conjunction, and interjection. In the meantime, -Pynson died, and the book was completed by John Hawkins, this being the -only known production of his press. The two writers, then, were both -engaged on their work for a great many years. Duwes was the first in the -field, but he wrote with no view to publication, merely to satisfy the -needs of his pupils. Palsgrave, on the other hand, from the very first -intended to publish his work, and had great ambitions. Although he no -doubt saw some of Duwes's manuscript, his debt was of the slightest -character, if it can be called a debt at all. The respective size of the -two volumes is enough to prove this. - -Duwes's small treatise, however, seems to have enjoyed a greater -popularity than that of Palsgrave;[235] the latter did not reach a -second edition, whereas the former went through three in rapid -succession. This was no doubt largely due to its conciseness and -practical nature, which would appeal to the student, discouraged at the -sight of Palsgrave's immense work. The first edition (as far as is -known) of Duwes's _Introductorie_ must have appeared at least three -years after Palsgrave's _Esclarcissement_. The first two editions, -printed, one by Thomas Godfray, and the other by Nicholas Bourman for -John Reyns at the sign of the George in Paul's Churchyard, were -published during the years when Anne Boleyn was queen, and after the -birth of the Princess Elizabeth, as they both contain a "laude and -prayse" of the King, Queen Anne, and her daughter. This leaves a period -of under three years for the publication of the two editions, seeing -that Elizabeth was born in September 1533, and Anne was put to death on -the 19th of May 1536, Jane Seymour becoming queen in her stead on the -20th. The third edition[236] appeared after Duwes's death in 1535, as -perhaps the second edition may have done also. The dedication to Anne is -omitted, and a new one inserted, addressed to Henry alone. The second -part is here said to be "newly corrected and amended"; but it is -difficult to find in what the corrections consist, for, with the -exception of slight variations of spelling, the edition is identical -with the two earlier ones. It was issued from the press of John Waley, -who began to practise his trade as printer in about the year 1546.[237] -Most probably, then, this edition appeared in the last months of the -reign of Henry VIII. (1547), and was one of the earliest works issued -from Waley's press. It is hardly likely that he would have inserted the -"laude and prayse" of the king if the work had appeared after his -Majesty's death. - -Several reasons combine to explain how it was that Palsgrave's work does -not appear to have been as widely used as that of Duwes.[238] While his -book was still in the press, alarming rumours as to its size began to -circulate, and caused the great demand there had been for the work -previously to diminish noticeably. Some of Palsgrave's pupils made -efforts to stop the report, one of whom was Andrew Baynton, already -mentioned, a favourite courtier of Henry VIII. and vice-chamberlain to -three of his queens. "The labour needed to master the book is not in -proportion to his size!" he wrote indignantly to three distinguished -fellow-students, who helped him to contradict the rumour. On the -contrary, he argues, it may rather be thought too small; it is as -complete as can be expected when we consider that it is the first of its -kind: clerks have laboured for years at Latin grammar and still find -something new; French grammar, then, cannot be expected to attain -completeness in this first attempt. But "he that will seek, may find and -in a brief time attain to his utterest desire." Palsgrave deemed it wise -to publish this letter as a prefatory notice to his grammar; it may, -indeed, have been written in the first place with that object in view. -[Header: SALE OF PALSGRAVE'S GRAMMAR] He also judged it expedient to -explain how students, not wishing to study the whole, might learn enough -French to serve their purpose by selecting and learning certain sections -of the grammar.[239] - -Moreover, Palsgrave himself restricted the sale of his book. On account -of "his great labours, the ample largeness of the matter, and the great -difficulty of the enterprise," as well as its "great costs and charges" -(for he had the work printed at his own expense), he was anxious to keep -his grammar for himself, his friends, and his pupils, "lest his profit -by teaching the French tongue might be minished by the sale of the same -to such persons as besides him were disposed to study the French -tongue." His chief aim was to keep his book out of the hands of rival -teachers, who might use it for their own ends. Yet this attitude -conflicts strangely with Palsgrave's generous declaration in his epistle -to the king, expressing the hope that by means of his poor labours on -this occasion "the frenche tongue may hereafter by others the more -easely be taught, and also be attayned unto by suche as for their tyme -therof shal be desyrous." Nor was this the only precaution taken by -Palsgrave to ensure safety and fair dealing for his grammar. He obtained -from Henry VIII., to whom he dedicated the work, a privilege for seven -years,[240] the king being greatly "moved and stirred by due -consideration of his said long time and great diligence about this good -and very necessary purpose employed." The fact that Palsgrave altered -his original contract with Pynson twice[241] shows how careful he was in -all his proceedings. He wished to be sure of having complete control of -the 750 copies which were printed. He did not trust the "sayd Richarde" -further than he could help, and intended to see that Pynson "used good -faith" in his dealings with him. Pynson was to give Palsgrave six copies -to present to the king and his friends. The rest were to be left at -Pynson's house, in a room of which Palsgrave kept the key, and to be -sold only to such as Palsgrave desired. When Pynson had paid -himself,[242] the remaining books were to be given to Palsgrave, either -to take away or leave, as he willed. A striking example of the -difficulty there was in obtaining Palsgrave's grammar is illustrated by -the case of Stephen Vaughan. Again and again he begged Palsgrave to let -him have a copy, but Palsgrave would not grant this favour at any price; -and it is easy to form an idea, from Vaughan's persistence, of the great -value attached to the grammar among serious students; so great and -unparalleled a work was credited with almost supernatural powers. -Finally, in despair, Vaughan wrote to his patron Cromwell, asking him to -use his influence with the French teacher in obtaining this -"jewell."[243] Cromwell had received one of Palsgrave's presentation -copies, and, as a last resort, Vaughan begs him to let him have this. It -is to be hoped that the young man succeeded in getting a copy. At any -rate he seems to have made good progress in the French language.[244] - -It is not surprising to find that the fashionable Court tutors were -personally acquainted with each other. Palsgrave seems to have had a -great respect for Duwes, and to have set a high value on the opinions of -"that singular clerk." He feels he "cannot too much praise his judgment -concerning the French Tongue." And he quotes Duwes's authority on the -subject of mean verbs, a matter about which he had consulted him -personally. We thus see that Palsgrave probably was more indebted to -Duwes in this direct way, than by any help he received from such -manuscripts as came into his hands. "Maister Gyles," who was librarian -to the king, also showed Palsgrave a very old text of the _Roman de la -Rose_ in the Guildhall, "to shewe the difference betweene tholde Romant -tong and the right french tong." The _Roman de la Rose_ was a text -frequently quoted by Palsgrave in support and illustration of his rules. - -Thus Palsgrave has nothing but praise for Duwes, and no doubt Duwes took -a friendly interest in his younger rival, though he could not bring -himself to excuse what seemed to him his presumption in attempting to -write rules for a language not his own. [Header: DUWES ON ENGLISH -TEACHERS OF FRENCH] Like many Frenchmen of the time, Duwes firmly -believed that it was not possible to draw up anything like infallible -rules for the French language, and that Englishmen should presume, not -only to teach it, but to do this also, appeared to him preposterous. -Would it not seem strange, he cries, to see a Frenchman endeavouring to -teach the Germans their own language? Why should it be considered less -strange for Englishmen to teach French and lay down rules and principles -for the French language, a thing very few of those who have the language -"by nature" are able to do? That these presumptuous Englishmen may be -well read, and possess a good knowledge of French--"au moins pour non -estre natif du territoire et pais"--does not alter the case; for Art, -though it follow Nature closely, can never overtake her. Duwes himself, -he tells us, had been teaching his language for over thirty years, he -had searched and worked hard, but had never been able to find these -so-called infallible rules--for it is not possible to do so. Yet there -are Englishmen who claim to have done this great thing, though they have -been studying French for but a short time. With Greek and Latin the -matter is different. The rules of these languages have grown up through -the ages, and are the common property of all nations. This tirade -against English writers on the French language is evidently aimed at -Palsgrave and his predecessors, all those who since the beginning of -Henry's "well-fortuned reign of this thing had written"--but above all -at Palsgrave and his ambitious aspirations. - -Duwes's half-ironical assumption of humility as to the value of his own -rules, although the fruit of over thirty years' experience in teaching, -is probably meant as a rebuke to Palsgrave, who claimed to have "reduced -the French tongue under a rule and grammar certain," and to have laid -down "rules certain and precepts grammatical like as the other three -perfect tongues." And when Duwes expresses, time after time, his -intention of avoiding all prolixity and 'super-fluity' of words, we are -also led to think that he is perhaps directing his remarks at -Palsgrave's wordy rules and the size of his work. Duwes may have been a -little annoyed at being anticipated in publication by his younger rival. -But it is still more likely he resented, as a Frenchman, that the honour -of having first produced a great work on the French language should be -generally ascribed to an Englishman. - -For Palsgrave, with very natural and just pride, laid claim to this -honour, and was supported by his contemporaries. Andrew Baynton, in the -letter already mentioned, speaks of his "master" as being "the first -author of our nation or of the french mennes selfe that hath so farre -waded in all maner thinges necessary to reduce that tong under rules -certayne." The French, it is true, were beginning to take some interest -in their own language, and a French writer of the time, Geoffrey Tory of -Bourges, had urged the necessity of reducing the French language to -rules in his _Champ fleury_ (1529). "Would to God," he cried, "that some -noble soul would busy himself in drawing up and writing rules for our -French tongue!"[245] Palsgrave was acquainted with Tory's work, and -thought he had realized Tory's ideal and "done the thynge which by the -testimony of the excellent clerke, maister Geffroy Tory de Bourges (a -late writer of the French nation) in his boke entituled _Champ fleury_, -was never yet amongst them of that contraes self hetherto so moche as -ones effectually attempted." Leonard Coxe, the Principal of Reading -College, a popular philological writer of the time, also connects the -names of Tory and Palsgrave in some Latin verses that were printed at -the beginning of the grammar. The short interval which elapsed between -the appearance of the two volumes renders it impossible for Palsgrave to -have got his first suggestion from Tory, and makes it very improbable -that Tory had even the smallest influence on his work.[246] Tory had -begun his work in 1522. Before this date Palsgrave had already completed -two books of his Grammar. He notes, however, as a coincidence, that Tory -and himself quote the same French authors. [Header: PUPILS OF DUWES] -Throughout his Grammar, Palsgrave continually alludes to the authority -of French authors, for he studied French a great deal in books. It would -not indeed have been possible to produce so comprehensive a work in -England without constant reference to French writers, who, owing to the -spread of printing, were becoming more and more accessible. Palsgrave -refers most frequently to Alain Chartier and Jean Lemaire de Belges, -while Guillaume de Lorris (_Roman de la Rose_), Octovian de St. Gelais, -Jean Meschinot, Guillaume Alexis, and Froissart are all consulted and -quoted--a list in which, it will be noticed, the name of no contemporary -French poet figures. Palsgrave was not content with simply referring to -his authorities; he sought to awake an interest in French literature by -quoting selections in verse and prose, with guides for pronunciation. - -Apparently Duwes's attack on Palsgrave was only one of many. Much before -this Palsgrave had complained of unreasonable opposition from his -contemporaries, and the "unpleasantness" to which he had to submit. One -should not, however, attach too much importance to such complaints, for -they seem to have been more or less habitual among writers of the day. -Duwes appears to have suffered in a similar way, judging by the acrostic -which closes his first book, and contains an unusually vehement attack -on the "correcteurs et de toutes oeuvres repreveurs," those "grosses -gens de rudes affections, ivrognes bannis de vray sentement." It is hard -to imagine whence came such severe criticism; probably from other French -teachers, but most certainly not from Court circles, where both these -teachers enjoyed the greatest popularity. - -Nearly all the members of the royal family for two generations learnt -French from Duwes. He counted among his pupils Henry VIII. when prince, -his elder brother Arthur, his sister Margaret, who became Queen of -Scotland, and his daughter Mary, afterwards Queen of England, besides -many English noblemen. There is also evidence that Henry's favourite -sister Mary, afterwards Queen of France, learnt the first principles of -French from Duwes before she became the pupil of Palsgrave. His -favourite scholar, however, appears to have been the Princess Mary, -afterwards queen, at whose request he published his observations on the -French language. When Duwes began to teach her he was an old man, and a -little inclined to melancholy. He was beginning to feel the effects of -the English climate and complains bitterly of his chief enemies, -December and January: - - Par luy (Decembre) ay fait pleurs et soupirs mains, - Ja ne sera que ne m'en remembre, - luy et Janvier mont tollu ung membre - qui me fera que tant que je vivray - en grant doulleur doresavant iray; - pourquoy je crains qu'en grant melancolie, - en fin fauldra que j'en perde la vie. - -Gout, his chief affliction, often nailed him to his chair, and prevented -him from attending his pupil--a greater sorrow, he says, than to suffer -sickness and danger. On one occasion he was so ill that he feared he -would not see the princess again, and sent a letter, asking pardon if -ever he had rebuked her in his lessons. His whole consolation "lies in -the hope that Spring, seeing him in such a piteous state, will take pity -on him." - -Mary seems to have returned fully the affection of her old master. He -was her almoner and treasurer, and she playfully called him her "adopted -husband." Duwes spent a great deal of his time with his pupil, and his -"adopted wife" appears to have become impatient when his gout or any -other reason kept him from her. In one of the dialogues she is shown -rebuking him for his absence one evening: - - _Mary._ Comment Giles, vous montres bien qu'aves grant cure et - soing de m'aprendre quand vous vous absentes ainsy de moy. - - _Gyles._ Certes madame, il me semble que suis continuellement ici. - - _Mary._ Voire, et ou esties vous hier a soupper je vous prie. - - _Gyles._ Veritablement, madame, vous avez raison, car je - m'entroubliay ersoir a cause de compagnie et de communication. - - _Mary._ Je vous prie, beau sire, faictes nous parconniere de - vostre communication, car j'estime quelle estoit de quelque bon - purpos. - - _Gyles._ Certes, madame, elle estoit de la paix, laquelle (come on - disoit) est proclamee par tout ce royaume. . . . - -Then master and pupil are pictured discussing at length the subject of -peace. Love, the nature of the soul, and the meaning of the celebration -of Mass were other topics on which they had long conversations; and they -would accompany their supper--for the princess begged her master to dine -with her as often as possible, in order to talk French--by discourse on -health and diet, in the course of which Duwes gave the princess much -friendly advice. [Header: QUEEN MARY'S FRENCH STUDIES] His eloquence on -the subject suggests that when he calls himself a "doctor" he means a -doctor of medicine. Thus Mary's practice in the language was not by any -means limited to regular lessons, and these lessons were always kept in -close contact with her daily life. She is taught how to receive a -messenger from the king, her father, or from any foreign potentate, in -French, or how to accept presents from noble friends. Duwes sometimes -used his lessons as a means of conveying to Mary messages from different -members of her household. Lady Maltravers exhorts her to study French -seriously that reports of her ability may not be belied, and that she -may be able to speak French with the king her father, and her future -husband, "whether king or emperor"; and her carver, John ap Morgan, -writes to her when she is ill, to express his hopes for her speedy -recovery. When Duwes's gout prevented him from waiting on the princess, -he would send her a poem of his own composition, in French with an -interlinear English version--Duwes wrote singularly crude and -inharmonious verses--which the princess learnt by heart by way of -lesson. Or he would excuse his absence in a letter, which, he assures -her, "will not be of small profit" to her if she learns it. - -Such were the relations of Duwes with his favourite pupil. Little else -is known of his life beyond the fact that he taught French for nearly -forty years in the highest ranks of English society. He himself tells us -that he was a Frenchman, and in all probability he was a native of -Picardy, for his name is of Picard origin, and there are a few traces of -picardisms in his work. We also know that he was librarian to both Henry -VII. and Henry VIII.,[247] and that in 1533 he was appointed a gentleman -waiter in the Princess Mary's household, and his wife one of the -ladies-in-waiting;[248] that, curiously enough, he was a student of -alchemy and wrote a Latin dialogue, _Inter Naturam et Filium -Philosophiae_, dated from the library at Richmond (1521), and dedicated -to his friend "N. S. P. D.";[249] that he died in 1535, about two years -after the publication of his _Introductorie_; and that he was buried in -the Parish Church of St. Olave in Old Jury, where he was inscribed as -"servant to Henry VII. and Henry VIII., clerke to their libraries, and -schoolmaster of the French Tongue to Prince Arthur, and to the Ladie -Mary"--a by no means complete list of his illustrious pupils. - -Among Duwes's earliest pupils had been Henry's sister Mary, afterwards -Queen of France. This princess, however, was to continue her study of -the language under John Palsgrave, and the first we hear of Palsgrave as -a teacher of French is on the occasion of his appointment by Henry VIII. -as tutor to his sister, probably towards the end of 1512, when -negotiations for the princess's marriage with the Prince of Castile, -afterwards Charles V., were in progress.[250] And when at last it fell -to the lot of the princess to marry, not the emperor, but the French -king, Louis XII., in 1514, Palsgrave remained in her service, and -accompanied her to France in the capacity of almoner. Like the majority -of her English followers, he was soon dismissed from her service. Yet -Mary did not forget her former tutor. From time to time she wrote to -Wolsey, seeking to obtain preferment for him;[251] like many other men -of his standing, Palsgrave was in Holy Orders, and became later chaplain -to the king. In November 1514 the Queen of France wrote to Wolsey to beg -his favour on behalf of Palsgrave that he may continue at "school."[252] -From this we may conclude that Palsgrave was continuing the studies he -had begun at an earlier date at the University of Paris. He calls -himself "gradue de Paris" in 1530, and no doubt also, his work on the -French language was making headway. - -How long he remained in France is uncertain, but we are told that on his -return he was in great demand as a teacher of French and Latin to the -young English nobility and gentry.[253] Sir Thomas More, writing to -Erasmus in 1617, mentions that Palsgrave is about to go to Louvain to -study there. This second sojourn at a foreign university was not of long -duration, for Erasmus, in a letter dated July the same year, informs -Tunstall that Palsgrave had started for England.[254] Palsgrave was soon -to receive from the king a second important appointment as tutor. -[Header: PALSGRAVE'S PUPILS] On the formation of the household of his -natural son, Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond, in 1525, when his "worldly -jewel," as Henry called the young duke, was made Lieutenant-General of -the North, the king entrusted Palsgrave with the charge of bringing him -up "in virtue & learning."[255] Palsgrave was allowed three servants and -an annual stipend of L13:6:8. He took great pains with his young pupil's -education, and the king seems to have approved of his method.[256] Such -was not the case with Gregory Cromwell, who, it appears, shared the -lessons of the duke. When Gregory went to Cambridge under John Cheking's -care, the latter wrote to Cromwell that he had to unteach his charge all -he had learnt, and that if such be Palsgrave's style of teaching, he -does not think he will ever make a scholar.[257] Palsgrave declares that -he suffered much, when in the North, from poverty and calumny.[258] His -friend, Sir Thomas More, lent him money, and Palsgrave begged him to -continue to help him to "tread underfoot" that horrible monster poverty. -He also petitions his constant patroness the Dowager Queen of France and -her husband the Duke of Suffolk. All he has to live by and pay his debts -and maintain his poor mother is little more than L50.[259] - -Among Palsgrave's other pupils of note were Thomas Howard, brother to -the Earl of Surrey; my Lord Gerald, probably the brother of the fair -Geraldine, the object of Lord Surrey's passionate sonnets; Charles -Blount, son and heir of Lord Montjoie; Thomas Arundel, who later lost -his head for conspiring with the Duke of Somerset against -Northumberland, and Andrew Baynton, who has been mentioned already: all -students of French, who were acquainted with his book before it was -published, and knew his "hole intente and consyderation therein," and -who called Palsgrave "our mayster" with a certain amount of pride. - -The year after the publication of his grammar, Palsgrave went to Oxford, -where he was incorporated M.A. and took the degree of B.D.[260] He was, -however, back in London in the following year, taking pupils into his -house and visiting others daily. He had, for instance, promised to serve -Mr. Baynton and Mr. Dominico in the house of the latter till Candlemas. -Of the pupils who were "with him," the "best sped child for his age" was -William St. Loe, afterwards Sir William and captain of Elizabeth's -Guard. Palsgrave seems to have suffered much from interruptions in his -pupils' studies caused by visits to their mothers, or by their leaving -London on account of the unhealthiness of the city. He writes to William -St. Loe's father that if he takes his son away for either of these -reasons the child will not "recover this three years what he has lost in -one," and moreover he will have "killed a schoolmaster," for Palsgrave -vows he will never teach any more. He also writes that after spending a -little time at Cambridge, where he could take the degree of D.D., he -intends to keep school in Black Friars, and have with him Mr. St. Loe's -son, Mr. Russell's son (who is a good example of what results from -interruption of studies by a visit home), the younger brother of Mr. -Andrew Baynton, and Mr. Norice's son, of the Privy Chamber.[261] At -Cambridge, also, he would be able to get an assistant, as at present the -strenuous and continuous application to teaching is ruining his health. -Nothing else is known of Palsgrave's teaching career. He seems to have -spent a good deal of time towards the end of his life at one or other of -the rectories[262] to which he was collated by Archbishop Cranmer, and -where, no doubt, he continued to receive pupils till the time of his -death in 1554. - -Palsgrave's great French Grammar was not his only professional work. He -also published a text-book for the use of students of Latin. This was a -Latin comedy, Acolastus,[263] which had made its way into English -schools. Palsgrave added an English translation of his own, and the -whole appeared in 1540, with a dedication to the king. He says it is a -translation according to the method of teaching Latin in grammar -schools, "first word for word, and then according to the sense." -[Header: EDWARD VI.'S FRENCH EXERCISES] Palsgrave had also announced his -intention of publishing a book of French proverbs; he had written in his -grammar: "There is no tongue more aboundante of adages or darke -sentences comprehendyng great wysdome. But of them I differ at this time -to speake any more, intendyng by Goddes grace to make of thes adages a -booke aparte." There is, however, nothing to show that he ever realized -this intention, even partially. - -Another French teacher in the royal family was Jean Bellemain, tutor to -Edward VI. Edward refers to his French master in the passage in his -diary[264] in which he gives an account of his education. Speaking of -himself in the third person, he writes: "He was brought up until he came -to six years old among the women. At the sixth year of his age he was -brought up in learning by master Dr. Cox, who was after his almoner, and -John Chepe, M.A., two well-learned men, who sought to bring him up in -learning of Tongues, of scripture, philosophy and all liberal sciences: -also John Belmaine, French man, did teach him the French language." It -appears from a letter of Dr. Cox to Secretary Paget, that the prince had -his first lesson in French on October 1, 1546.[265] His teacher was a -zealous Protestant, a friend and correspondent of Calvin, and he had -probably some influence on the religious opinions of his pupil. - -The three French exercises in the king's hand which are still in -existence show that he made rapid progress in the language.[266] They -all bear on religious subjects, showing how carefully Bellemain -attracted the attention of his young pupil to this matter. All were -written after his accession to the throne (1547), and were dedicated to -his uncle, Protector Somerset. The first two are very similar in -composition. Edward made a collection of texts out of the Bible in -English, bearing on two subjects, Idolatry and Faith. He then proceeded -to turn these from English into French as an exercise in translation. -After they had been corrected by his master, the king had them -transcribed into a paper book--the first consisting of twenty pages, -the second of thirty-five--and sent them to the Protector.[267] The -first was written when Edward had been learning French for about a year -(in 1547), and the second shortly afterwards. - -The third exercise is much longer than the two earlier ones, and differs -from them in being not a translation, but a composition of Edward's own -in French. It is entitled, _A l'encontre des abus du Monde_, and was -begun on December 13, 1548, and finished on March 14 of the following -year, so that its composition occupied Edward for over three months. The -manuscript is corrected throughout by Bellemain, who makes the -interesting entry at the end, that the young king, who was then not yet -twelve, had written the whole without the help of any living person. -Bellemain seems to have been very proud of his pupil's performance; he -sent a copy of it to Calvin as "flowers whose fruit would be seen in due -season."[268] Calvin in turn sent Bellemain observations on the -composition for him to transmit to his pupil, and advised its -publication, which Edward would not hear of.[269] Bellemain remarks that -Edward took great delight in Calvin's works, and from time to time the -French tutor acted as a medium of communication between the two, as in -the case just mentioned. Calvin did not scruple to give the young -monarch advice on religious subjects,[270] while Cranmer invited him to -write to the young king. Bellemain himself made a translation of the -English Liturgy of 1552, and sent it to Calvin to have his opinion on -it.[271] - -Besides these three exercises, two of Edward's French letters have also -survived. One is addressed to Queen Katharine Parr and the other to the -Princess Elizabeth. In the former he compliments the queen, whom he more -usually addressed in Latin, on her beautiful handwriting.[272] [Header: -JEAN BELLEMAIN] The other is to Elizabeth, who, it appears, had written -to him in French, inviting him to reply in the same language. He takes -her advice: - - Puisque vous a pleu me rescrire, tres chere et bien aymee soeur, je - vous mercie de bien bon cuer, et non seullement de vostre lettre, - mais aussy de vostre bonne exhortation et example, laquelle, ainsy - que j'espere, me servira d'esperon pour vous suivre en apprenant. - Priant Dieu vous avoir en sa garde. De Titenhanger, 18 jour de - decembre et l'an de nostre seigneur, 1548.--Vostre frere, - - EDWARDUS. PRINCE. - - a ma treschere et bien - aymee soeur Elizabeth.[273] - -We see from the date of this letter that Edward had been learning French -nearly three months when it was written. - -Bellemain's salary as French tutor to the king was L6:12:4 per quarter. -In 1546 he received an annuity of fifty marks for life; in 1550 a lease -for twenty-one years of the parsonages of Minehead and Cotcombe, county -Somerset; in 1553 a lease of the manor of Winchfield in Hampshire;[274] -and in 1551 a grant of letters of denization.[275] He stayed in England -until the king's death in 1553, and was present at his funeral. No -doubt, with his religious sympathies, he would find the England of -Mary's time an uncongenial home, and leave it at as early a date as -possible. - -Bellemain did not compose any treatise on the French language. He says -that he had long nourished the hope of writing some rules for French -pronunciation and orthography; but he changed his mind, thinking it mere -folly to attempt to give rules for that which was not yet fixed and -certain. In a translation into French of the Greek Epistle of Basil the -Great to St. Gregory upon solitary life, which he dedicated to the -Princess Elizabeth,[276] he expresses his opinion upon the new style of -French orthography, then promoted by certain writers, with whom he did -not agree on most points. These writers[277] wished to make the -orthography tally with the pronunciation and to discard the letters -which are not pronounced; they would thus change the spelling still used -for the most part by scholars and courtiers, and which in Bellemain's -opinion is preferable to that proposed by the so-called reformers. He -argues that an alteration of the spelling of French would necessitate a -corresponding change in Latin, where the letters have the same sound and -meaning, a thing which appears ridiculous to the merest observer. -Besides, the derivative consonants are useful, as they serve to -distinguish words of identical sound but different meaning and -derivation, and to indicate the length of the preceding vowel. On the -other hand, letters have been added by versifiers merely to suit their -rimes, and these writers have done more than any others to corrupt -French orthography. Of what avail is it, asks Bellemain, to compose -rules on a subject so much in dispute? For these reasons he abstained -from increasing the number of works on the French language produced in -England. - -In the dedication to Elizabeth of his translation of Basil the Great's -Epistle to St. Gregory, Bellemain shows that he was familiar with the -books which the princess read, and also expresses his desire that she -will not let her French be corrupted by the so-called reformed -orthography she may meet in some of these books.[278] Thus Bellemain -took an interest in Elizabeth's French, and it is highly probable that -he was her tutor in that language.[279] [Header: QUEEN ELIZABETH'S -KNOWLEDGE OF FRENCH] In the year 1546, when he began to teach Edward -French, the Princess Elizabeth shared for some time her brother's -studies. It is said that they began with religious instruction in the -morning, and the rest of the forenoon, breakfast alone excepted, was -devoted to the languages, science, and moral learning. Edward then went -to his outdoor exercises and Elizabeth to her lute or viol.[280] No -doubt, then, she received lessons from the French tutor until she left -her brother in December. Elizabeth, however, had made considerable -progress in the language some years before this date, and before 1544, -so that it is extremely likely that Bellemain had been teaching her for -several years before he was appointed French tutor to Edward, perhaps -owing to his success with Elizabeth. At any rate there does not seem to -be any trace of any other French tutor to the princess, and the fact -that he received an annuity of L50 for life suggests that he had already -rendered some service in the royal family. - -The scholar Leland praised Elizabeth's skill in French and Latin when he -saw her at Ampthill with her brother, and already in 1544 she had -completed the first composition in which she exerted her early activity -in the French language. This was a translation of Margaret of Navarre's -_Miroir de l'ame pecheresse_,[281] which she called _The Miroir or -Glasse of the Synneful Soul_, and dedicated to Queen Katharine -Parr.[282] It was published in 1564 under the title, _A godly meditacyon -of the Christian soule concerning a love towards God and Hys Christe, -compyled in Frenche by Lady Margarete, Quene of Naver, and aptly -translated into Englysh by the right vertuous lady Elizabeth, daughter -of our late Soverayne Kynge Henri the VIII._[283] The translation itself -is not very good, and the style is awkward. But Elizabeth was only -eleven years old when she undertook it, and observes apologetically that -she "joyned the sentences together as well as the capacite of (her) -symple witte and small lerning coulde expende themselves." In the -following year (1545) she translated some prayers and meditations -written in English by the queen, Katharine Parr, into Latin, French, and -Italian, and dedicated them to her father.[284] Of greater interest is a -little book the princess wrote in French, and also offered to the -king--a translation into French of the _Dialogus Fidei_ of Erasmus, thus -inscribed: "A Treshaut Trespuissant et Redoubte Prince Henry VIII de ce -nom, Roy d'Angleterre, de France et d'Irlande, defenseur de la foy, -Elizabeth sa Treshumble fille rend salut et obedience." This treatise, -composed before the death of the king in 1547,[285] was preserved in the -Library at Whitehall, and often attracted the attention of foreign -visitors in London.[286] - -Thus Elizabeth was well accomplished in French before the reign of -Edward VI. It was while her brother was king that the great Hebrew -scholar, Antony Rudolph Chevallier, commonly called Monsieur Antony, was -for a short time her tutor in French. Chevallier was a Norman who had -studied Hebrew under Vatable at Paris, and had been forced to take -refuge in England on account of his religious opinions. He studied at -Cambridge and lived for a year in the house of Archbishop Cranmer,[287] -who brought him to the notice of the young king (then famous for his -patronage of foreign scholars of the Reform) and of Protector Somerset, -who appointed him tutor to the Princess Elizabeth.[288] - -On the death of Edward VI., Chevallier, like Bellemain, left England. He -taught Hebrew at Strasburg and Geneva, where he came into contact with -English student refugees under the reign of Mary I., and made the -acquaintance of Calvin. He returned to England in the reign of Elizabeth -(1568) to solicit the queen's help for the French Protestants. He -received a good welcome, and in 1569 was made a lecturer in Hebrew at -Cambridge, where "he was accounted second to none in the realme." He -returned to France before the Massacre of St. Bartholomew (1570), and -died as a result of the hardships he suffered in making his escape. - -[Header: RELIGIOUS OPINIONS OF FRENCH TUTORS] - -It is a curious fact that the religious opinions of the French tutors in -Henry VIII.'s family were reflected in the reigns of their pupils--the -Protestant Edward VI., the Roman Catholic Mary, and the Protestant -Elizabeth. Both Duwes and Bellemain allowed the subject of religion to -make its way into their lessons, and they probably exercised some -influence, differing in degree, on the religious convictions of their -pupils. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[221] First edition. Printed at London, by Th. Godfray, _c._ 1534. Sig. -A-Ea in fours. - -[222] Both these grammars were reprinted by Genin, in the _Collection -des documents inedits sur l'Histoire de France_. II. _Histoire des -lettres et sciences_. Paris, 1852. - -[223] By Andrew Baynton, in a letter prefixed to Palsgrave's grammar. - -[224] Palsgrave in his grammar. - -[225] Both Palsgrave's and Duwes's observations on the pronunciation of -French are utilized by M. Thurot: _De la prononciation francaise depuis -le commencement du_ 16e _siecle d'apres les temoignages des -grammairiens_. 2 tom. Paris, 1881. - -For further treatment of Palsgrave's grammar, see A. Benoist, _De la -syntaxe francaise entre Palsgrave et Vaugelas_. Paris, 1877. - -[226] The second book begins on folio xxxi. and ends on folio lix. In the -third book the pagination begins anew: folio 1 to folio 473. - -[227] Four hundred and seventy-three folios, while the first and second -books together occupy only fifty-nine folios. - -[228] The fulness, originality, and exhaustive character of the work may -be illustrated by the treatment of such a point as the agreement of the -past participle with its subject, when used with the auxiliary _avoir_. -"... yet when the participle present followeth the tenses of _Je ay_, it -is not ever generall that he shall remain unchaunged, but ... yf the -tenses of _Je ay_ have a relatyve before them or governe an accusative -case eyther of a pronoune or substantyve, the participle for the most -part shall agree with the sayd accusatyve cases in gendre and nombre, -and in such sentences not remayne unchaunged. Helas, I have loved her, -_helas je l'ay aimee_ ..." etc. - -[229] Duwes's plan is as comprehensive as Palsgrave's, as is seen by the -following table: - -"In the first part shal be treated of rules, that is to say, howe the -fyve vowelles must be pronounced in redynge frenche, and what letters -shal be left unsounde, and the course thereof. - -"The second part shal be of nounes, pronounes, adverbes, participles, -with verbes, propositions, and coniunctions. - -"Also certayne rules for coniugation. - -"Item fyve or syx maners of coniugations with one verbe. - -"Item coniugations with two pronounes and with thre and finally -combining or ioinyng 2 verbes together." - -[230] _The Boke of the Governour ..._ ed. H. H. S. Croft, 1883, vol. i. -p. 55. - -[231] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._ iv. 5806. - -[232] _Ibid._ iv. 4560. - -[233] ". . . m'a comande et encharge de reduire et mectre en escript la -maniere coment g'ay procede envers ses dictz progeniteurs et -predecesseurs, coe celle aussi y la quelle ie l'ay (tellement -quellement) instruit et instruis iournellment. . . ." - -[234] _Privy purse expenses of the Princess Mary_, ed. F. Madden, 1831, -pp. xli-xliii. - -[235] "Duwes avait d'une main leste et sure esquisse la petite grammaire -de Lhomond: Palsgrave avait laborieusement compile la grammaire des -grammaires: L'in-folio fut etouffe par l'in-8vo. Cela se voit souvent -dans la litterature ou le quatrain de St. Aulaire triomphe de la Pucelle -de Chapelain" (Genin's Introduction). - -It seems an exaggeration to use the word "etouffer." At any rate the -victory was not final. Palsgrave's work is not forgotten to-day, like -that of Duwes. - -[236] There are copies of all three editions in the Bodleian. The -British Museum contains one copy of Bourman's edition, and two of -Waley's (the third). Genin used Godfray's edition in his reprint. - -[237] E. G. Duff, _A Century of the English Book Trade_, Bibliog. -Society, 1905. - -[238] There are, however, a larger number of Palsgrave's one edition -extant than of Duwes's three. This is, no doubt, because its size and -value prevented it from being used with the lack of respect with which -school-books are usually treated. There is a copy of the -_Esclarcissement_ in the Bibliotheque Mazarine at Paris; two in the -British Museum; one in the Bodleian, one in Cambridge University -Library, and one in the Rylands Library. - -[239] _Supra_, p. 92. - -[240] Dated September 2, twenty-second year of his reign (_i.e._ 1530). - -[241] There were three drafts of the indenture with Pynson, _Letters and -Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._ iii. 3680, iv. 39. The first two -were probably drawn up in 1523. The last is dated January 18, 1524. The -first two were printed by Dr. Furnivall for the Philological Society, -1868. The third draft is in Cromwell's hand, corrected by Palsgrave. -There is a clause that Pynson shall not print more than the given -number--750--until that number is sold. Pynson seems to have printed -only the first two parts of 59 leaves. After this there comes a third -part, with a fresh numbering of leaves from 1 to 473. The printing was -finished July 18, 1530, by J. Hawkins. - -[242] At the rate of 6s. 8d. a ream. - -[243] Ellis, _Orig. Letters_, 3rd series, vol. ii. p. 214. - -[244] He found it useful in diplomatic service. He writes to his patron: -"I am well asseyed here and my little knowledge of French well -exercised" (Brussels, Nov. 20, 1538), _Letters and Papers of the Reign -of Henry VIII._ xiii. pt. ii. No. 882. - -[245] "O devotz amateurs de bonnes lettres pleust a Dieu que quelque -noble coeur s'employast a mettre et ordonner par regle nostre langaige -francois! Ce seroit moyen que maints milliers d'hommes se evertueroient -a souvent user de belles et bonnes paroles. S'il n'y est mis et ordonne -on trouvera que de cinquante en cinquante ans la langue francoise pour -la plus grande part sera changee et pervertie" (folio 1, verso). Tory -sketched a plan of a great work on the language to which his _Champ -fleury_ was intended only as an introduction. - -[246] Genin is 'certain' that the date given on the frontispiece of -Palsgrave's work is a year earlier than that on which it actually -appeared. He draws this conclusion from the date of the king's -privilege, twenty-second year of Henry VIII., who came to the throne in -1509; 9 + 22 = 31. This leaves Palsgrave a longer period to gather what -he could from Tory's work, says Genin. But the twenty-second year of the -reign of Henry VIII. began in April 1530, and the printing of -Palsgrave's work was completed on the 18th of July. - -[247] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._ i. Nos. 513 and -3094. - -[248] _Ibid._ vi. No. 1199. Duwes also received numerous grants of money -and licences to import Gascon wine. - -[249] Printed in _Theatrum Chemicum_, Ursel, 1602, vol. ii. pp. 95-123, -and reprinted in J. J. Manget's _Bibliotheca Chemica_, Geneva, 1702, -vol. ii. Two copies of an English translation are in the Bodleian -(Ashmole MSS.). See _Dict. Nat. Biog._ - -[250] He is called "schoolmaster to my Lady Princess of Castile," in the -Book of Payments, March 1513, _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry -VIII._ ii. No. 1460. - -[251] _Ibid._ ii. 295. - -[252] _Ibid._ i. 5582. - -[253] Bale, _Britanniae Scriptorum_, 1548, fol. 219. - -[254] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._ ii. pt. 2, 1107. - -[255] J. G. Nichols, _Memoir of the Duke of Richmond_, 1855, Camden -Society, _Miscellany_, iii. pp. xxiii-xxiv; also _Letters and Papers of -the Reign of Henry VIII._ iv. 5806, and v. 1596, 1793, 2069, 2081. - -[256] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._ iv. 5806. - -[257] _Ibid._ iv. 4560: Letter dated July 27, 1528. - -[258] _Ibid._ iv. 5806, 5807. - -[259] "Instructions for Syr Wm. Stevynson, what he shall do for one John -Palsgrave with the Frenche Queenes Grace and the Duke of Suffolk her -espouse": _ibid._ v. 5808. - -[260] Wood, _Athen. Oxon._ ed. Bliss, i. 121. - -[261] _Letters and Papers_, v. 621-622: Letter dated Oct. 18, 1532. - -[262] Palsgrave received ecclesiastical preferment from time to time. -Amongst others, he was collated to the prebend of Portpoole in St. -Paul's Cathedral by Bishop Fitzjames in 1514, and to the Rectory of St. -Dunstan-in-the-East by Cranmer in 1533, and to that of Wadenhoe, -Northamptonshire, in 1545, by the same Archbishop. (Thompson Cooper in -the _Dict. Nat. Biog._) - -[263] Written by a Dutch contemporary, Fullonius, in 1529. - -[264] J. G. Nichols, _Literary Remains of Edward VI._, Roxburghe Club, -1857, p. 210. - -[265] _Ibid._ p. lxxviii. - -[266] These have been printed by J. G. Nichols in his _Literary -Remains_, p. 144 _et seq._ The MS. of the first is at Trin. Col. Cantab. -R 7, 31, of the second in the Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 9000, and of the -third at Biblio. Pub. Cantab. Dd 12, 59, and Brit. Mus. Addit. 5464. -Nichols uses the text of the first of these. - -[267] "Apres avoir note en ma Bible en Anglois plusieurs sentences qui -contredisent a toute ydolatrie, a celle fin de m'apprendre et exercer en -l'ecriture Francoise, je me suis amuse a les translater en ladite langue -Francoise, puis les ay fait rescrire en ce petit livret, lequel de tres -bon coeur je vous offre" (_Literary Remains ..._, p. 144). - -[268] "Lettre inedite de Bellemain": _Bulletin de la Soc. de l'Hist. du -Protestantisme Francais_, vol. xv., 1866, pp. 203-5. - -[269] It was, however, translated into English and published in 1681 -(two copies in the Brit. Mus.), and reprinted by Rev. J. Duncan in 1811 -(no copy known), and by the Religious Tract Soc., _Vol. of Writings of -Ed. VI._, etc. - -[270] Calvin wrote to Edward VI. in French: "C'est grand chose d'estre -roy, mesme d'un tel pays. Toutesfois je ne doubte pas que vous n'estimez -sans comparaison mieux d'estre chrestien. C'est doncq un privilege -inestimable que Dieu vous a faict, Sire, que vous soiez roy chrestien, -voire que luy servez de lieutenant pour ordonner et maintenir le -royaulme de J. Christ en Angleterre" (_Bulletin_, _ut supra_). - -[271] There is a copy of this in Brit. Mus. Royal MSS. 20, A xiv. - -[272] Ellis, _Orig. Letters_, ser. 1, vol. i. p. 132, and translated in -Halliwell's _Letters of the Kings of England_, ii. 33. - -[273] J. C. Nichols, _Literary Remains_, p. 32. - -[274] _Ibid._ p. li. - -[275] Huguenot Soc. Publications, vol. viii. ad nom. - -[276] Brit. Mus. Royal MSS. 16, E 1. The whole consists of only eighteen -small leaves, of which five are occupied by the dedication. No date is -attached. The dedication continues: - -". . . S'ainsy estoit (Tresnoble et Tresillustre Dame) que i'attendisse -le temps auquel ie peusse trouver et inventer chose digne de presenter a -vostre excellence, certes, madame, i'estime que ce ne seroit de long -temps: car quelle chose est ce qu'on pourroit monstrer de nouveau a -celle a qui rien n'est cache, soit en langue grecque ou latine ou en la -plus part des autres langues vulgaires de l'Europe: soit en la -congnoissance des histoires ecrites en icelles ou en philosophie et -autres liberales sciences. Puis donc qu'ainsy est que peu de livres -antiques se peuent trouver que n'ayez leuz ou au moins desquels n'ayez -ouy aucunement parler, ioint aussy qu'estes maintenant comme en lieu -solitaire, ie vous vueil seulement ramentevoir une epistre de Basile le -grand que i'estime qu'avez autres fois leue: en laquelle il recommande -fort la vie solitaire ou au moins exempte des cures et solicitudes de ce -monde: et ce a intention de pouoir induire celuy a qui il l'envoioit a -la contemplation de Dieu et de la vie future: qui sont les choses -ausquelles devons le plus penser durant que sommes en ce monde comme -estans les causes qui plus nous donnent occasion de bien vivre. . . ." - -[277] Sylvius (1530) had proposed a new system of orthography based on -etymology and pronunciation. Meigret, however, was the chief exponent of -the reformers, who sought to make orthography tally with pronunciation -(in his _Traite touchant le comun usage de l'escriture francoise_, 1542 -and 1545, and other works). Meigret was supported by Peletier du Mans -(_Dialogue de l'ortografe et prononciation francoese_, 1549) and others, -and bitterly attacked by the opposing party. The question, once opened, -continued to be discussed until the decision of the Academy (founded -1649) settled the matter. Brunot, _op. cit._ ii. pp. 93 _sqq._ - -[278] "Ie vous ay escrit ce petit avertissement de paour que -paraventure, en lisant tant de diversitez d'impressions comme pourriez -faire en ceste langue, ne sceussiez laquelle devriez suivre en ecrivant; -mais il sera bon de suivre la plus part des modernes qui s'accordent -quant a cela." - -[279] Stevenson, _Cal. of State Papers_, foreign series, 1558-9, p. xxv, -takes it for granted that Bellemain was Elizabeth's tutor in French. - -[280] Strickland, _Lives of the Queens of England_, 1884: Life of -Elizabeth, iii. pp. 9, 13. - -[281] First printed at Alencon, 1531. - -[282] This is at present in the Bodleian Library. It has an embroidered -cover, probably by the princess herself. See Cyril Davenport, _English -Embroidered Bookbindings_, London, 1899, p. 32. It was reprinted in -1897. - -[283] There are two copies of this rare little volume in the Brit. Mus. -Another edition, varying considerably from the first, occurs in -Bentley's _Monuments of the Nations_, iv., London, 1582 (Stevenson, _ut -supra_, p. xxvi). It was republished in 1897. - -[284] See Davenport, _ut supra_, p. 33. The original is in the Brit. -Mus. - -[285] This little work appears to have been lost. - -[286] Such as Hentzer the German, in 1598; Justus Zinzerling, 1610; -Peter Eisenburg the Dane, 1614. See Rye, _England as Seen by -Foreigners_, pp. 133, 171, 268, 282. - -[287] D. C. A. Agnew, _Protestant Exiles from France ..._, 3rd ed., -1886, vol. i. p. 45. - -[288] Haag, _La France Protestante_, and Cooper, _Athen. Cant._ i. 306. -Agnew, _op. cit._, does not mention that Chevallier was tutor to -Elizabeth. - - - - -CHAPTER III - - THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGIOUS REFUGEES ON THE TEACHING OF FRENCH - IN ENGLAND--OPENINGS FOR THEM AS TEACHERS--DEMAND FOR - TEXT-BOOKS--FRENCH SCHOOLS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND - - -Religion, the question of all questions in the sixteenth century, was -destined, incidentally, to exercise a great influence on the teaching of -French in England. The conflicts resulting from the fierce hatreds -aroused by the Reformation compelled many Protestants to seek asylum -from the triumphant Catholic reaction abroad, and England was the land -to which many of them fled.[289] Among these refugees were many who took -upon themselves the task of teaching their native tongue to the English. -The second half of the sixteenth century was the time when this -influence was most strongly felt, although it is not altogether -negligible in the years immediately preceding. In France the Reformation -had at first been favourably received at Court, but in the third decade -of the century persecution began to drive some Protestants from their -native land. They made their way to England with some trepidation at -this early date,[290] for Henry VIII., in spite of his breach with Rome, -had but little sympathy with the Protestants, although he refused on -several occasions to surrender fugitive heretics to the French -king.[291] [Header: FOREIGNERS IN ENGLAND] On the accession of Edward -VI. in 1547, however, England became a more hospitable abode for the -Protestants, driven from France in increasing numbers by the -persecutions sanctioned by Henry II., whose reign coincided with that of -Edward. When Mary came to the throne all protection extended to these -fugitives was withdrawn, and we find many of their protectors fleeing in -their turn "to the Church and Christian congregation, then dispersed in -foreine realmes, as to the safest bay."[292] - -The return of the English Government to Protestantism in the reign of -Elizabeth coincided with the period of increased persecution on the -Continent. Refugees arrived in great numbers, not only Huguenots from -France, but also subjects of Philip II., Dutch, Flemings, and Walloons, -fleeing from the cruelties of Alva.[293] These inhabitants of the Low -Countries came to England in greater numbers than the Huguenots.[294] -Many of them, such as the Walloons and Burgundians, spoke French; and, -while the chief teachers of the time were drawn from the Huguenots, a -large group of these French-speaking Netherlanders also joined the -profession. To these two classes of French teachers must be added a -third, the Roman Catholics, who formed the largest proportion of the -foreigners in England.[295] - -The number of foreigners, augmented by the arrival of the refugee Dutch -and French, created a situation which required serious consideration. -These foreigners now formed a large fraction of the general -population--probably about one in twenty of the inhabitants of -London.[296] It became indispensable to keep some record of them, -especially as there was a danger that spies and Roman Catholic -emissaries might enter the country under the guise of refugees, and the -overcrowding resulting from the arrival of so many aliens was becoming a -serious matter. In earlier reigns the names of strangers in London had -been registered; but in the time of Elizabeth a census, both numerical -and religious, was taken more systematically, and at more and more -frequent intervals. In these returns of aliens dwelling in London,[297] -the names of many French teachers are preserved. Frequently their -profession is stated, and we are told what church they attended and -whether or not they were denizens, as well as the part of London in -which they dwelt, and, in the lay subsidies, the amount they had to pay -towards the heavy taxes levied on strangers. - -Other names are preserved in the lists of the grants of letters of -denization.[298] This grant made the precarious position of foreigners -in England more secure. Denization became almost indispensable to any -one wishing to exercise a craft or trade. These letters gave the -recipient much the same privileges as a native, except that he was still -subject to special taxation.[299] Only those intending to settle in -England would trouble to take out letters of denization; and that many -of these foreigners' stay in England was only temporary is shown by the -fact that, when the number of strangers was greatest, as after the St. -Bartholomew massacre, there is no marked increase in the number of -denizations granted. - -Means for registering the Protestant section of the community of -foreigners were provided through the Dutch and French churches in -London.[300] In 1550, Edward VI. had granted the dissolved monastery of -the Austin Friars to the foreigners as a place of worship; some months -later, owing to their increase in numbers, they were allowed the use of -another building--St. Antony's Hospital in Threadneedle Street. The -congregation was divided, the Dutch part remaining in the original -church, while the French and the Walloons and other French-speaking -refugees moved to Threadneedle Street. Both churches, each with two -pastors,[301] were under the control of a Superintendent. But when, in -the time of Elizabeth, the churches rose to new life, after their -suppression in the reign of Mary, the Superintendent was replaced by the -Archbishop of Canterbury. [Header: RECEPTION OF REFUGEES IN ENGLAND] -This change, however, did not prevent the refugee congregations from -enjoying many of their former liberties, for in the time of Elizabeth -the Archbishops, who had themselves experienced the hardships of exile -in the reign of Mary, took a particular interest in the cause of the -refugees. The English, indeed, complained, not entirely without reason, -that the foreigners were allowed greater religious freedom than they -themselves. - -As French and Dutch refugees settled in different parts of the country, -similar churches arose in these settlements. By the end of the reign of -Elizabeth there were French-Walloon churches in existence at Canterbury, -Glastonbury, Sandwich, Southampton, Rye, and Norwich. In 1552 all -strangers were ordered to repair either to their own church or to the -English parish church. These injunctions were renewed in the time of -Elizabeth and became a useful means of checking the number of refugees -in London. From time to time, during this reign, the Archbishop -requested the ministers of the foreign churches to send him a list of -their communicants. Foreigners who did not attend any church were not -allowed to apply for the privilege of letters of denization. - -Thus the aliens who arrived in England in such large numbers in the -second part of the sixteenth century had many restrictions placed upon -them, especially if they were engaged in any craft or trade which might -arouse the commercial jealousy of the English. In the teaching -profession such rivalry would not be felt to the same extent, though it -did actually exist. In any circumstance, however, all the exiles had to -endure the hatred and insults of the common people, from which, nearly -two centuries later, Voltaire only escaped without injury thanks to his -ready wit. Riots such as those of Evil May Day (1517) were directed -mainly against foreign traders, but all foreigners, especially -Frenchmen, were a continual butt for the insults of the mob. Nicander -Nucius remarks that the common people in England do not entertain one -kindly sentiment towards the French. "Ennemis du francois" is one of the -epithets applied to the English by De la Porte in his collection of -epithets (Paris, 1571) on the different nations. The French priest, -Etienne Perlin, who was in England during the last two years of the -reign of Edward VI., and thoroughly hated the country, calling it "la -peste d'un pays et ruine," speaks bitterly of the contrast between the -courteous reception the English receive in France, and the greeting of -the French in England with the cry, "French dogue": "it pleaseth me not -that these churls being in their own country spit in our faces, and they -being in France are treated with honour, as if they were little -gods."[302] All foreign visitors to England are at one in their -complaints of the lack of courtesy among the people. The great scholar -Casaubon says he was more insulted in London than he ever was in Paris; -stones were thrown at his window day and night, and once he was wounded -in the street on his way to pay his respects at Court.[303] - -All these visitors, nevertheless, recognize that the English nobility -and gentry and those in authority are "replete with benevolence and good -order," and as courteous and affable as the people are uncivil.[304] And -thus we find foreigners, especially refugees, welcomed to chairs at the -English universities, and foreign students having their fees refunded on -showing they had suffered "for religion," and receiving ecclesiastical -preferment.[305] Most of the chief families in the realm, we are told, -received refugees into their midst. Laurence Humphrey[306] exhorts these -noble families to fulfil the sacred duty of hospitality towards -strangers, especially religious exiles, whose sufferings many of them -had themselves experienced in the reign of Mary, and to provide them -with necessary livings, admit them to fellowships, and allow them yearly -stipends. "Which well I wot, the noblest Prince Edward of happy memory -most liberally did both in London and either university, whom some -Dukes, Nobles, and Bishops imitated, chiefly the reverend Father and -late Primate of England ... Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury.... -Amongst the Nobles not the least praise earned Henry Gray, Marquis of -Dorset, and Duke of Suffolk now a noble citizen of Heaven, who liberally -relieved many learned exiles. The like may be said of many others." - -Cranmer had entertained at Lambeth Pierre Alexandre and "diverse other -pious Frenchmen," including Antony Rudolph Chevallier, who was tutor to -Elizabeth for a short time. [Header: TUTORS IN PRIVATE FAMILIES] Matthew -Parker, his successor to the see in the time of Elizabeth, followed his -example and declared it to be a Christian duty to befriend "these gentle -and profitable strangers." Cecil, Walsingham, and other dignitaries of -the time also became their protectors, and, recognizing the advantages, -both intellectual and commercial, which accrued to the country, sought -by all means to ward off the hostile measures demanded from time to time -by the English _bourgeoisie_. - -One French teacher of the time, G. de la Mothe, says that so great was -the affection of the English nobility and gentry for the French that few -of them were without a Frenchman in their houses. Thus Pierre Baro, a -native of Etampes and student of civil law who came to England at the -time of the St. Bartholomew massacre, was "kindly entertained in the -family of Lord Burghley, who admitted him to eat at his own table." -Subsequently he went to Trinity College, Cambridge, and became Lady -Margaret Professor of Divinity at that university on the recommendation -of his patron, besides being admitted to the degrees of Bachelor and -Licentiate of Civil Law, and Doctor of Divinity (1576).[307] Lord -Buckhurst had for a time in his house Claude de Sainliens or Holyband, -the most popular French teacher of the time, and several other -strangers; while Sir Nicholas Throckmorton gave shelter to two -Burgundians, one Dutchman, and four Frenchmen, "whose names cannot be -learned."[308] - -In many instances we know that these refugees taught French when thus -received into noble families, and it is extremely probable that such was -almost always the case, for French was one of the chief studies of the -higher classes of society and held an important place in the courtly -education of the time. This partiality for the language was called one -of the rare vocations which distinguished the English nobility. An idea -of the intellectual accomplishments necessary to a young gentleman of -the time may be gathered from the programme drawn up for Gregory, the -son of Mr. Secretary Cromwell;[309] this comprises "French, Latin, -writing, playing at weapons, casting of accounts, pastimes of -instruments." Wilson, the author of the earliest treatise on rhetoric in -English,[310] varies this scheme slightly; he commends the gentleman -"for his skill in French, or Italian, or cosmography, Laws, Histories of -all countries, gifts of inditing, playing on instruments, painting, and -drawing." Lord Ossory, Duke of Ormond, for example, rode very well, was -a good tennis-player, fencer, and dancer, understood music and played -well on the guitar and on the lute; French he spoke elegantly, while he -read Italian with ease--a careful and significant distinction between -the two languages--and, in addition, he was a good historian and well -versed in romances.[311] - -Thus a place had to be assigned to French in the education of gentlemen. -Thomas Cranmer,[312] for instance, wrote to Cromwell in 1539, making -suggestions for the establishment of a College in the Cathedral Church -at Canterbury, to provide for the instruction of forty students "in the -tongues, in sciences, and in French"--a proposal which came to nothing, -but is none the less important, as being the first attempt to reinstate -French in an educational institution. - -In the sixteenth century the long-standing custom among gentlemen of -sending their sons to the houses of noblemen for education was still -practised to some extent, and French was taught in these little -communities.[313] The usual subjects of study were reading, probably -writing, and languages, chiefly Latin and French. Sir Thomas More and -Roger Ascham were both educated in this way. More, at the age of three, -was sent to the house of John Morton, the chancellor, where he learnt -French, Latin, Greek, and music. Ascham spent his early years in the -house of Sir Humphrey Wingfield, who "ever loved and used to have many -children in his house."[314] Sir Henry Wotton was "pleased constantly to -breed up one or more hopeful youths which he picked out of Eton School, -and took into his own domestic care."[315] It was also customary for -young peers to become royal wards. In 1561 Sir Nicholas Bacon devised a -plan for their "bringing up in virtue and learning" which he submitted -to Cecil. [Header: FRENCH IN EDUCATION OF GENTRY] According to these -articles,[316] the wards were to attend divine service at six in the -morning, then to study Latin till eleven; nothing is said of breakfast, -but an hour is allowed for dinner; from noon till two o'clock they were -to be with the music master, from two to three with the French master, -and from three to five with the Latin and Greek masters. The rest of the -evening was devoted to prayers, honest pastimes, and music under the -direction of a master. No doubt Cecil put this advice into practice. -Some years later, Sir Humphrey Gilbert drew up an admirable scheme for -the "erection of an Academy in London for the education of her majesty's -wards, and others, the youth of Nobility and Gentlemen," which was laid -before the queen, probably in 1570. Although this scheme was never -carried out, it is of great interest as showing what were the subjects -most likely to be taught. Gilbert's plan is very extensive. French, of -course, is included in the curriculum--"also there shall be one Teacher -of the French tongue which shall be yearly allowed for the same L26. -Also he shall be allowed one usher, of the yearly wage of L10." Gilbert -urges also the teaching of other modern languages--Italian, to which he -assigns about as large a place as to French, and Spanish and High Dutch, -to which less importance is attached.[317] - -French, then, was a recognized part of the education of the nobility and -gentry. Italian, it will be noticed, was also considered desirable, but -chiefly for reading purposes.[318] In the Elizabethan era Italian -literature had perhaps more influence on English writers than that of -France, although it not infrequently reached England through a French -medium. But when the first enthusiasm of the early days of the -Renaissance had burnt itself out, Italian was not cultivated generally, -except by those specially interested in literature or by those who had -special reasons for learning it. Nor was Spanish much studied, except -for practical purposes and the government services; Richard Perceval, -for instance, put his excellent knowledge of the language at the -disposal of Lord Burghley for the purpose of deciphering the packets -containing the first intelligence of the Armada.[319] Neither language -could be a dangerous rival to French, which alone was studied generally, -and by ever-increasing numbers. - -It was in private tuition that those Frenchmen desirous of teaching -their language, or driven to do so by stress of circumstances, would -find the readiest opening and the largest demand for their services. -Turning to the various registers of aliens, the earliest notices we find -of French tutors are in the grant of letters of denization for the year -1544.[320] In that year one, John Verone, a French and Latin tutor to -the children of William Morris, a gentleman usher to the king, received -the grant, as did also a certain Honorie Ballier, a Frenchman who had -been ten years in England, and was engaged in teaching his language to -the children of the Lord Admiral, Lord Lisle, Duke of Northumberland. -Yet another teacher received the same privilege in this year--John -Veron, one of the "eminentest preachers" of the time, and the author of -various religious controversial works. He gained considerable preferment -in the Anglican Church, and once preached before the queen at the Cross -in St. Paul's Churchyard,--"a bold as well as an eloquent man," and a -perfect master of the English tongue.[321] In the earlier part of his -life in England, where he arrived about 1536, Veron had been engaged in -teaching gentlemen's children; a task in which, say his letters of -denization (1544), he "doth yet continue with intent ever so to -persevere." Veron manifested his interest in the teaching of Latin and -French by publishing a Latin, French, and English dictionary in 1552, -the first dictionary, published in England, in which a place is given to -French. It is based on the Latin-French Dictionary of Robert -Estienne,[322] with the addition of a column in English, and entitled -_Dictionariolum puerorum tribus linguis Latina, Anglica, et Gallica -conscriptum cui anglicam interpretionem adjecit Joannes Veron_.[323] - -The impetus imparted to the teaching of French by the arrival of these -large numbers of refugees naturally led to an increased production of -books for teaching the language. [Header: TEXT-BOOKS FOR TEACHING -FRENCH] Nearly all the grammars written in the second half of the -sixteenth century are the work of Frenchmen,[324] the English, after -their first initiative, soon giving place to the French writers on the -language, although not without some protest. Some of these teachers no -doubt made use of one or other of the grammars which had appeared in -French; many of them taught without any such help, and a few were able -to use one or other of the grammars which had already been published in -England, while yet others set to work to compile text-books of their -own. As many of them were, or had been, employed in noblemen's houses, -and had composed their grammars from material used in teaching in these -noble families, it was easy for most of them to find patrons for their -works,[325] and thus secure a greater measure of success by offering -them to the public under the protection of some well-known and powerful -name, which would "shadow these tender plants" from the "over violent -rays of reproachful censurings." To dedicate a grammar to some famous -pupil, with praise of his rare knowledge of French acquired by means of -its contents and the excellent method employed by his tutor, the author, -was a very good form of self-advertisement, freely used by the French -teachers of the time. Among patrons of French grammars were Edward VI. -and particularly Elizabeth, who is, says one of these writers, "le vray -port de retraite et asyle asseure de ceux qui, faisans profession de -l'Evangile, souffrent ores persecution soubs la Tyrannie de -l'Antichrist"; another adds that she has "des estrangers les coeurs a -volonte." Lord Burghley, Sir Henry Wallop, Sir Philip Wharton, and other -influential men of the time also figure among the patrons of French -teachers. - -These French grammars which appeared in the second half of the sixteenth -century are of a decidedly more popular kind than those of Palsgrave and -Duwes, and appeal to a larger public. The earlier grammars were written -for the special use of royalty and the highest ranks of the nobility. -Barclay, however, differs from his rivals in having a wider aim; his -grammar is intended for the "pleasure of all englysshe men as well -gentylmen marchauntes, as other common people that are not expert in the -sayd langage." Palsgrave also, by way of epilogue, expresses the hope -that the "nobility of the realm and all other persons, of whatever state -and condition whatsoever, may in their tender age, by means of it the -sooner acquire a knowledge of French by their great pains and study"; -but it is clear that the size and price of his book, not to mention the -restrictions he placed on its sale, would prevent it from fulfilling any -such aim. - -In this new series of French text-books there appeared nothing which -could compare in importance with the great work of Palsgrave; they were -all the hasty product of teachers, and intended to meet a pressing -practical demand. The authors had not the time, even if they had had the -ability, to produce any comprehensive study of the language, and, -consequently, their works are of more value as showing how French was -taught in England, and its popularity here, than as a store of -philological material for the historical grammarian. Rules of grammar -are usually reduced to as small a compass as possible; and the largest -part of the volumes is occupied by dialogues in French and English, -which give lively and often dramatic pictures of contemporary family -life, and of the busy London streets of the time. A place is also given -to familiar phrases, collections of proverbs, and golden sayings. - -The public to which such text-books appealed was wider, including -merchants and commoners, as well as the gentry. Nor was the demand for -tutors in the language confined to the higher classes. At this time the -great middle classes were rising to wealth and prominence, and demanding -a share in the intellectual distinctions of their social betters. "As -for gentlemen, they be made good cheap in England," writes Sir Thomas -Smith,[326] in reference to the democratic movement. In this new class -of Englishman, the teachers of French recruited a large number of their -pupils. And so the French teacher who visited a clientele of pupils -became a familiar figure in the London of the later sixteenth century. - -The numerous French-speaking inhabitants of London, occupied in various -trades and crafts in the city, were, so to speak, his unconscious -collaborators, for the proportion of such foreigners in London was large -enough to have some influence on the spread of the knowledge of French. -[Header: SHAKESPEARE'S KNOWLEDGE OF FRENCH] We have an instance of this -indirect influence in the case of Shakespeare. From 1598 he lodged for -about six years, and possibly longer, in the house of a Huguenot, one -Christopher Montjoy, who lived in Silver Street, Cripplegate[327]--a -well-to-do neighbourhood, and the resort of many foreigners. Montjoy was -one of the French head-dressers who were in such demand at that time. -His wife, daughter, and also his apprentice, Stephen Bellot, formed the -rest of the household, with whom Shakespeare seems to have lived on -fairly intimate terms; he acted as a mediator in arranging a marriage -between Montjoy's daughter and Bellot, and, some years later, was drawn -into a family quarrel concerning a dowry which Bellot claimed and -Montjoy refused to pay; in 1612 Bellot took the matter into the Court of -Requests, and Shakespeare was one of the witnesses summoned. Finally the -matter was referred to the consistory of the French Church, which -decided in Bellot's favour.[328] It was no doubt during his sojourn in -the house of this Huguenot family that he improved his knowledge of -French, of which he gives evidence in his works.[329] The two plays in -which he uses the language most freely--_Henry V._ and _The Merry Wives -of Windsor_--were produced during the early time of his residence with -Montjoy, whose name is given to a French Herald in _Henry V._ In _The -Merry Wives_ the French physician, Doctor Caius, speaks a mixture of -broken English and French,[330] and in _Henry V._ French is introduced -freely into a number of the scenes,[331] while one, in which Katharine -of France receives a lesson in English from her French maid, is entirely -in French, and is here quoted for convenience' sake:[332] - - (Enter _Katharine_ and _Alice_.) - - _Kath._ Alice, tu as este en Angleterre, et tu parles bien le - langage. - - _Alice._ Un peu, madame. - - _Kath._ Je te prie, m'enseignez; il fault que j'apprenne a - parler. Comment appellez-vous la main en Anglois? - - _Alice._ La main? elle est appellee de hand. - - _Kath._ De hand. Et les doigts? - - _Alice._ Les doigts? ma foy, j'oublie les doigts; mais je me - soubviendra. Les doigts? je pense y qu'ils sont appellez de fingres; - ouy, de fingres. - - _Kath._ La main, de hand; les doigts, de fingres. Je pense que je - suis le bon escholier. J'ay gagne deux mots d'Anglois vistement. - Comment appellez-vous les ongles? - - _Alice._ Les ongles? nous les appellons, de nails. - - _Kath._ De nails. Escoutez: dites-moy, si ie parle bien: de hand, - de fingres, et de nails. - - _Alice._ C'est bien dict, madame; il est fort bon Anglois. - - _Kath._ Dites-moi l'anglois pour le bras. - - _Alice._ De arm, madame. - - _Kath._ Et le coude. - - _Alice._ D'elbow. - - _Kath._ D'elbow. Je m'en fais la repetition de tous les mots que - vous m'avez appris des a present. - - _Alice._ Il est trop difficile, madame, comme je pense. - - _Kath._ Excusez-moy, Alice; escoutez: de hand, de fingre, de - nails, de arm, de bilbow. - - _Alice._ De elbow, madame. - - _Kath._ O Seigneur Dieu! je m'en oublie; de elbow. Comment - appelez-vous le col? - - _Alice._ De nick, madame. - - _Kath._ De nick: et le menton? - - _Alice._ De chin. - - _Kath._ De sin. Le col, de nick: le menton, de sin. - - _Alice._ Ouy. Saulve vostre honneur, en verite vous prononcez les - mots aussi droict que les natifs d'Angleterre. - - _Kath._ Je ne doubte poinct d'apprendre, par la grace Dieu, et en - peu de temps. - - _Alice._ N'avez vous pas desja oublie ce que je vous ay enseigne? - - _Kath._ Non, je reciteray a vous promptement. De hand, de fingre, - de mails-- - - _Alice._ De nails, madame. - - _Kath._ De nails, de arme, de ilbow. - - _Alice._ Saulve vostre honneur, de elbow. - - _Kath._ Ainsi dis-je; de elbow, de nick, et de sin: comment - appelez-vous le pied and la robbe? - - _Alice._ De foot, madame; et de coun. - - _Kath._ De foot, et de coun? O Seigneur Dieu! ce sont mots de son - maulvais, corruptible, gros, et impudique, et non pour les dames - d'honneur d'user. Je ne vouldrois prononcer cez mots devant les - Seigneurs de France, pour tout le monde. Il fault de foot, et de - coun, neant-moins. Je reciteray une aultre fois ma lecon ensemble: - de hand, de fingre, de nails, de nick, de sin, de foot, de coun. - - _Alice._ Excellent, madame! - - _Kath._ C'est assez pour une fois; allons-nous a disner. - -It is not surprising, remembering Shakespeare's friendship with the -Huguenots, to find him quoting from the Genevan Bible in the same -play.[333] [Header: FRENCH NEGLECTED IN GRAMMAR SCHOOLS] When he -composed it, he must have had a strong inclination to write French, as -he sometimes uses the language rather inconsistently, making the -Dauphin, for instance, speak French one moment and English the next. - -On the whole, Shakespeare's French seems to have been fairly correct -grammatically, if not quite idiomatic.[334] It contains just enough -mistakes and anglicisms to make it extremely unlikely that he received -help from any Frenchman; for example, we find the Princess Katharine of -France saying, "Je suis semblable _a les_ anges." On other occasions, -when Englishmen are speaking, Shakespeare purposely makes their French -incorrect and clumsy. That he could read French is shown by the fact -that some of the originals on which he based his plays were not -translated into English.[335] Moreover, he probably read Montaigne in -the original, unless, like Cornwallis, Florio allowed him to see his -translation in manuscript--a rather remote possibility, as the French -would be easier of access. No doubt many others besides Shakespeare owed -a good deal of their knowledge of French to direct intercourse with -Frenchmen, a means of improvement strongly advocated by the professional -teachers of the time. "Get you acquainted with some Frenchman" is their -cry. - -In addition to the refugees, students or men belonging to no particular -craft or profession who took up the teaching of their language on their -arrival in England, there were also professional schoolmasters--French, -Flemish, and Walloon. Many of the latter, we may surmise, were no doubt -driven from their country by the edict issued by Margaret, Duchess of -Parma, in 1567. One clause was particularly directed against -schoolmasters who might teach any error or false doctrine. None of these -teachers, however, would find any opening in the grammar schools, which -were then "little nurseries of the Latin tongue." The memorizing of -Latin grammar, with the study of rhetoric in the Latin writers, both in -verse and prose, formed almost the whole of the curriculum.[336] In the -books on education of the time the study of French was equally ignored. -These works, however, are mainly from the pen of pedants, and have but -little bearing on practical education.[337] For them French was not a -'learned' tongue, in spite of the efforts of Palsgrave to secure its -recognition as such. - -But it is not difficult to reconcile the general prevalence of the study -of French with its absence from the grammar schools. At this time, and -throughout the seventeenth century, there was a great division between -scholastic education and social requirements.[338] The school and -educational writers, in refusing to recognize French, held aloof from -the social needs of the day: "non vitae sed scholae discimus"; and in -retaining the cosmopolitan atmosphere of the Middle Ages they ignored -the new spirit of nationalism which called modern languages into -prominence. The school had little, if any, effect in retarding the -progress of French, which came to be looked upon in the light of an -'extra,' to be studied privately and with the help of tutors. Many -scholars of the public or grammar schools had a private tutor who would -teach them French when occasion served. Such, for instance, was the case -with Sir Philip Sidney. Fulke Grenville and Sidney both entered -Shrewsbury School at the age of ten, in the year 1564. Two years later a -letter of Sir Henry Sidney informs us that he had received two letters -from his son, one in Latin and the other in French, "whiche I take in -good parte, and will you to exercise that Practice and Learning often: -For that will stand you in most steade, in that profession of lyf that -you are born to live in."[339] Apparently, then, Sidney had received -lessons in French either at home or out of school hours. He had also, in -all probability, had a French tutor before he went to Shrewsbury. - -French, however, was not entirely neglected in all schools. As the -grammar schools were "Latin" schools, there arose in the second half of -the sixteenth century a considerable number of private "French" -schools, where this language received special attention. [Header: -PRIVATE FRENCH SCHOOLS] The earliest of these owed their origin to the -refugees, both professional schoolmasters and others. St. Paul's -Churchyard, the busy centre of city life, was the quarter round which -many of these schools were grouped. There they were most likely to get a -good clientele, partly, it may be, among those boys attending St. Paul's -School who desired, like Sir Philip Sidney, to extend their studies. In -St. Paul's Churchyard, also, lived the chief booksellers, who generally -seem to have cultivated friendly relations with French teachers, -especially those whose books they were commissioned to sell. Frequently -they acted as agents for the teachers, who in their grammars advise -prospective pupils to "inquire" at the bookseller's. And, at this time, -when indications of address were given by reference to the nearest place -of importance, printers' signs are frequently used to locate the -situation of French schools. At least one of these schools seems to have -been very well known, for in 1590 the printer W. Wright, senior, gave as -his address, "neare to the French School."[340] - -All of them, however, did not owe their origin to the French refugees. -We hear, for instance, of a certain John Love, an Englishman, son of the -steward of the Jesuit college founded by the English Catholics at Douay, -who had a French school near St. Paul's, at the end of the century. But -he was suspect, as it was feared he might be an "intelligenceer."[341] -Among the earliest, however, if not the first of these French schools, -was that of Peter Du Ploich, a Frenchman, and no doubt a refugee; at any -rate the text-book for teaching French which he published shows his -strong sympathy with the Protestants. This was entitled _A Treatise in -English and Frenche right necessary and profitable for al young -children_, and was first issued in about 1553 from the press of Richard -Grafton, who had "privilege de l'imprimer seul."[342] Of this -schoolmaster's life little is known.[343] From his little French -text-book, "right necessary to come to the knowledge of the same," we -learn that he kept his school at the sign of the Rose in Trinity -Street; that he was married, and probably received some of his pupils -into his house; and that he taught French, Latin, and writing. Probably -religious instruction also formed part of the curriculum, as it did in -the other schools of the time; both Henry VIII. and Edward VI. issued -orders that the Paternoster, the Ten Commandments, and the Apostles' -Creed should be taught to children.[344] Not only Du Ploich but other -French teachers of the time provided religious formularies in their -books for teaching the language, and in 1559-1560 the printer William -Griffith received a licence to print a Catechism in Latin, French, and -English.[345] - -The Catechism, Litany, Suffrages, and prayers occupy a large part of Du -Ploich's _Treatise_, which is of quarto size, and consists of about -fifty leaves.[346] All these formularies are given in both French and -English, arranged in two columns on each page.[347] Then come three -familiar dialogues which constitute the third, fourth, and fifth -chapters of the book. The first of these gives us a lively picture of -family life at the time. From the street, where we meet friends and are -taught how to greet and address them, we pass into the house, where we -are spectators of the family repast and of the arrival of the guests, -and hear conversation on many subjects in which Du Ploich finds an -opportunity for self-advertisement by mentioning his school and address. -A child reads a passage from the New Testament, and the meal is preceded -and followed by lengthy thanksgivings, which, however, do not interfere -with the joviality and conviviality of the host. - - Sir, you make no good chere. Mons., vous ne faictes pas bonne chere. - You say nothing. Vous ne dictes rien. - What sholde I say? Que diroys-ie? - I cannot speake frenche. Je ne sais pas parler francois. - I understande you not. Je ne vous entens pas. - O God, what say you? O Dieu, que dictes-vous? - You speake as well as I doo Vous parlez aussy bien que je fais - and better. et mieus aussy. - Pardon me. Pardonnez moy. - It pleaseth you to say so. Il vous plaist de dire ainsy . . . etc. - -[Header: PETER DU PLOICH] - -The next two dialogues deal with subjects characteristic of these books -for teaching French--asking the way, the arrival and entertainment at an -inn, and finally, buying, selling, and bargaining--all topics useful for -merchants and merchants' apprentices, from whose ranks Du Ploich -probably recruited a number of his pupils. "L'aprentif" is the word he -uses in speaking of his pupils, though there is no proof to show that he -employed it in any special sense. Then comes a fifth chapter containing -the following headings: "Pour demander le chemin," "Aultre communication -en chevauchant," "Pour aller coucher," "Pour soy descoucher," and -beginning thus: - - Sir, we be oute of Monsieur, nous somes hors de - our way. nostre chemin. - We be not. Non sommes. - But we be. Si sommes. - We go well. Nous allons bien. - We doo not. Non faisons. - But we doo, abyde. Si faisons, attendez. - Beholde there cometh a woman. Voyla une femme qui vient. - We will aske her Nous voulons lui demander - whiche is the way. ou est le droict chemin. - Good wife, shew me M'amie, monstre moy - the ryghte way le droict chemin d'icy - here hence to the nexte towne. au prochain village. - Streyghte before you. Tousiours devant vous. - Upon whiche hande? A quelle main? - On the lefte hande. A la main gauche, etc. - -In the sixth chapter the merchants leave the inn in the early morning to -transact their business: - - Wil we go see if we Voulons nous aller veoir sy nous - can bye some thyng? pourrons acheter quelque chose? - That shold be wel done, Ce seroit bien faict, - but it is yet too tymely. mais il est encore trop tempre. - By your licence it is tyme. Pardonnez moy il est temps. - Have you any Eglyshe cloth? Avez vous dez draps d'Engleterre? - Ye, what colour. Ouy, quelle couleur . . . etc. - -At the end come the names of the figures, necessary for such -transactions, and finally information and advice in verse form, without -any English rendering, "pour gens de finance": - - Toy qui est receveur du Roy - Je te prie entens et me croy. - Recoy avant que tu escripves, - Escriptz avant que tu delivres, - De recevoir faitz diligence - Et fais tardifve delivrance. - En tes clers pas tant ne te fie - Que veoir te fais souvent oublie. - Regarde souvent en ton papier - Quant, quoy, combien il fault payer. - Prens lettres quy soyent vaillables, - Aye parrolles amiables, - Et soys diligent de compter. - Ainsy pourras plus hault monter. - -Du Ploich seems to have brought with him to England a Genevan "A B C," -or book of elementary instruction and prayers for children, such as was -common in France as well as in England. The next section of his treatise -treats of the French A B C in words identical with those of an _A B C -francois_ printed at Geneva in 1551. This is followed by a few very -slight rules in English, which tell us not to pronounce the last letter -of a French word, except _s_, _t_, and _p_, when the next word begins -with a consonant; to neglect a vowel at the end of a word when the -following word begins with another vowel; also that the accusative -precedes the verb; that after _au_, _ou_, _i_, and _eu_, _l_ is not -sounded; that the consonants _sp_, _st_, and _ct_ should not be -separated in pronunciation; and that the negative is formed by placing -_ne_ before the verb and _pas_ or _point_ after it. To this scanty -grammatical information, which bears considerable resemblance to that -contained in some previous works,[348] the eighth and last chapter adds -the conjugation of the two auxiliaries in Latin, English, and French. -The treatise closes with a Latin poem addressed to "preceptor noster Du -Ploich" by John Alexander, one of his pupils, and with a table of -contents. - -No doubt French was the basis of the whole of the instruction given by -Du Ploich in his school. His pupils learnt to write from this French -text-book, and memorized the Latin verbs with the French verbs. The fact -that Du Ploich places his few grammar rules at the end of the work, and -after the practical reading-exercises, shows what slight importance he -attached to them. He would, we may assume, refer his pupils to them as -occasion arose, but practical exercises and conversation formed the -chief part of his lessons. He made free use of English in explaining the -meaning of the French, and throughout his book he sacrifices the English -phrase in order to render more closely the meaning of the French, for -which he duly apologizes: "that none blame or reprove this sayd -translacion thus made in Englishe because that it is a litle corrupt. -[Header: DU PLOICH'S METHOD OF TEACHING] For the author hath done it for -the better declaryng of the diversitie of one tounge to the other, and -it is turned almost worde for worde and lyne for lyne, that it may be to -his young scholars more easy and lyght." - -Du Ploich was thoughtful for his young pupils. "A little at a time, and -that done well" was his motto. On this method, he says, the child will -learn more in a week than he would do in two months by attempting a -great deal at the beginning. The master should repeat the lesson two or -three times before allowing the child to say it, and be ready to explain -difficulties, and not wait for the child to guess. If not, the pupil -will lose patience and the little courage he possesses. Du Ploich would -have the verbs learnt on the plan already advocated on a larger scale by -Duwes, that is, he advises the student to practise them negatively and -interrogatively as well as in the usual affirmative form. - -Some time later, probably after Du Ploich's death, or when he had left -England, there appeared another edition of his grammar. This was printed -by John Kingston, and finished on the fourteenth day of April 1578.[349] -An important change in the arrangement of the chapters distinguishes it -from the edition of 1553; in the later edition the chapter on the -alphabet and grammar is placed at the beginning, although in both issues -the chapter on the two auxiliaries closes the work. Kingston--for he was -probably responsible for the change--thus yielded to the tendency, which -became stronger and stronger as time advanced, of placing theoretical -before practical instruction. In addition to slight variations, other -differences between the two works are the omission of the verses for -"gens de finance," and of the Latin poem addressed to Du Ploich by one -of his pupils. - -_The Little Treatise in English and French_ was not the only work -produced by Du Ploich during his residence in England. On its completion -he turned his attention to the composition of a work on the estate of -princes, which he called a _Petit Recueil tresutile et tresnecessaire de -l'Etat dez Princes, dez Seigneurs temporelz et du commun peuple, faict -par Pierre Du Ploych_.[350] This _Recueil_ is written in French. Its -subject matter is not of much interest, but the Latin verses with which -it closes inform us that Du Ploich had a law degree (Licentiatus Legum). -He dedicated the manuscript, which is not dated, to the "Roy tres -puissant Eduard sixieme de ce nom," who graciously received it and -rewarded Du Ploich's industry by a generous gift.[351] This favourable -reception encouraged the French teacher to present another work to his -"Soverain lord and master" in the course of the following year. This -second manuscript is shorter than the earlier _Recueil_;[352] it bears -the title of _Petit Recueil des homaiges, honneurs et recognoissances -deubz par les hommes a Dieu le createur, avec certaines prieres en la -recognoissance de soy mesme_. At the end occurs a passage of some -interest in which Du Ploich expresses his intention of providing the -work, unworthy as it is, with an English translation, as soon as he -finds time and opportunity for such an undertaking, for he has not -English "de nature."[353] This rendering, he says, will be "mot pour mot -et ligne pour ligne, affin d'augmenter les couraiges des professeurs." -We may infer from this that he thought of having the work printed in -French and English for the use of students. - -A French school very similar to that of Du Ploich, but of which we have -more details, was kept by Claude de Sainliens, De Sancto Vinculo, or, as -he anglicized it, Holyband. A native of Moulins and a Huguenot, Holyband -probably sought refuge in England from the persecutions. In 1571 he is -said to have been in England seven years;[354] hence he must have begun -his long career in London as a teacher of French in the year 1564. In -1566 he took out letters of denization.[355] Holyband was not exactly a -scholar, but rather a man of broad interests, sustained by extraordinary -vitality, and before he had been in England three years he had published -two books for teaching French, which became very popular, and continued -to be reprinted for nearly a century. There is no extant copy of the -earliest edition of the first of these, but it appeared most probably -in 1565. [Header: CLAUDE HOLYBAND] The earliest copy known is dated -1573, and bears the title, _The French Schoolemaister, wherin is most -plainlie shewed the true and most perfect way of pronouncinge of the -French Tongue_. The contents of this little book are of the kind which -became characteristic of works for teaching French. It opens with rules -for pronunciation and grammar in English, of little value or -originality, and purposely made as concise as possible. These are -followed by dialogues, collections of proverbs, golden sayings, prayers, -and graces before meat, and a large vocabulary. The dialogues are by far -the most interesting portion of the work. Like those of Du Ploich, they -show a close connexion between the teaching of French and the daily -concerns of life. They give us a picture of the busy London of the time, -and especially of St. Paul's Churchyard, as well as lively family -scenes, together with the usual wayside and tavern conversation. We see -the boy setting off to school in the morning, threading his way through -the busy streets, and again see him return to the hearty and hospitable -family dinner, during which he finds occasion to speak of his French -studies. These dialogues are given in French and English arranged on -opposite pages. Their dramatic interest may be gathered from the opening -passage, where we listen to the servant hurrying the boy off to school: - - Hau Francois, levez vous et allez Ho Francis, arise and go to - a l'eschole: vous serez battu, schoole: you shall be beaten, - car il est sept heures passees: for it is past seven: - abillez vous vistement. make you ready quickly. - Dites voz prieres, puis vous Say your prayers, then you - aurez vostre desiuner: shall have your breakfast: - sus, remuez vous. go to, stirre. - Marguerite, baillez moy mes chausses. Margaret, give me my hosen. - Despeschez vous ie vous prie: ou est Dispatch I pray you: where is - mon pourpoint? apportez me iartieres my doublet? bring my garters - et mes souliers: and my shoes: - donnez moy ce chausse-pied. give me that shooing-horne. - Que faites vous la? What do you there? - que ne vous hastez vous? why make you no haste? - Prenez premierement une chemise blanche, Take first a cleane shirt, - car la vostre est trop sale: for yours is too foule: - n'est elle pas? is it not? - Hastez vous donc, Make haste then, - car ie demeure trop. for I do tarry too long. - Elle est encore moite, attendez un peu It is moist yet, tarry a litle - que ie la seiche au feu: that I may drie it by the fire: - i'auray tost fait. I will have soone done. - Je ne sauroye tarder si longuement. I cannot tarry so long. - Allez vous en, ie n'en veux point. Go your way, I will none of it. - Vostre mere me tancera Your mother will chide me - si vous allez a l'eschole if you go to school - sans vostre chemise blanche. without your clean shirt. - -And after quarrelling with Margaret, and using rather bad language, -Francis receives his parents' blessing, and starts off to school. -Unfortunately we are not spectators of his doings there. - -Whether Holyband had opened his French school or not when he composed -the _French Schoolemaister_ is uncertain; but the school was evidently -in full swing at the time his second work appeared, about a year later, -in 1566. The contents of the new work, _The French Littleton, a most -easie, perfect, and absolute way to learn the French tongue_, are much -the same as those of the _French Schoolemaister_. There is, however, one -important difference between the two works. In the _Schoolemaister_ the -rules precede the practical exercises, but this order is reversed in the -_Littleton_. In the first work Holyband does not appear to have fully -evolved his method of teaching French. By the time he wrote the _French -Littleton_ he was able to lay down principles, based, no doubt, on -experience, and consequently he attached a higher value to the second of -his works, and used it himself in teaching. The _French Schoolemaister_ -was intended more for the use of private pupils. It was described as a -"perfect way" of learning French without any "helpe of Maister or -teacher,[356] set foorthe for the furtherance of all those whiche doo -studie privately in their own study or houses." Holyband himself does -not seem to have given it much attention after its first appearance. -Nevertheless it enjoyed as great a popularity and went through as many -editions, or nearly so, as its author's more favoured work. Other French -teachers made up for Holyband's neglect by editing it themselves in the -early seventeenth century. So great indeed was its success that in 1600 -a tax of 20 per cent was levied on each edition for the benefit of the -poor.[357] We may perhaps conclude from this that those who studied -French privately were numerous. - -The value of the _French Littleton_ is more educational; it expounds all -the favourite theories of its author. The name is taken from the popular -work on English law, the text-book for all law-students, Littleton's -_Tenures_. While the _French Schoolemaister_ was a small octavo, the -_Littleton_ was printed to the size of a tiny pocket-book, in 16mo. -[Header: HOLYBAND'S FRENCH GRAMMARS] First come practical exercises in -the form of dialogues in French and English,[358] but of less lively -interest than those of the _Schoolemaister_. They deal, however, with -the same subjects,[359] only, as we read them we do not forget, as we -were inclined to do in the earlier book, that we are reading exercises -intended for school use. Then follow proverbs, golden sayings, prayers, -the creed, the fifth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, a treatise on -the iniquity of dancing (_Traite des Danses_), and finally a vocabulary -less comprehensive and of less value than that of the _French -Schoolemaister_. - -The _French Littleton_ derives additional interest from the fact that in -it Holyband sets forth a new system for rendering the pronunciation of -French easier to the English. He realized the difficulties placed in -their way by the many unsounded letters present in certain French words. -He had no desire, however, to join the extremists, who advocated the -omission of all such consonants in orthography as well as in -pronunciation. Holyband considered such letters an essential part of the -word, and often a useful indication of the pronunciation of vowels and -of the derivation. He therefore proposed a compromise which he thought -would please both parties: he retains the unsounded letters, but -distinguishes them from those which were pronounced by placing a small -cross below them,[360] a device adopted in later editions of the _French -Schoolemaister_ also. A short quotation from the conversation for -travellers and merchants will show how Holyband applied his method: - - Monsieur ou pikez vous si bellement? Sir whither ride you so softly? - x - - A Londres To London - a la foire de la Berthelemy. to Barthelomews faire. - x - Je vay au Landi a Paris, je vay I go to Landi to Paris, - a Rouen. to Rouen. - - Et moy aussi: allons ensemble: And I also: let us go together: - x - je suy bien aise I am very glad - d'avoir trouve compagnie. to have found company. - - Allons de par Dieu: Let us go in God's name: - x - picquons un peu, let us pricke a littell, - j'ay pour que nous ne venions pas la I fear we shall not come thither - x x x - de jour, car le soleil by daylight: the sunne - x - s'en va coucher. goeth downe. - - Mais ou logerons nous? ou est But where shall we lodge? where is - x x x - le meilleur logis? la meilleure the best lodging? the best - x - hostelerie? inne? - - Ne vous souciez pas de cela: Care you not for that: it is - x x - c'est au grand marche a l'enseigne at the great market, at the sign - x x - de la fleur de lis, vis a vis of the flower Deluce, right over - de la croix. against the crosse. - - Je suy joyeux d'estre arrive, car I am glad that I am arrived, for - x x - certes g'ay bon appetit: truly I have a good stomacke: - J'espere de faire a ce soir I hope to make to-night - x - souper de marchant. a marchauntes supper. - - Nous disons en nostre pais We say in our country, - x x - que desiuner that hunters - de chasseurs, disner d'advocats, breakefast, lawyers dinner, - x x x - souper de supper of - marchants et collacion de moynes marchauntes, and monkes drinking - x x - est is - xx - la meilleure chere qu'on sauroit the best cheere that one can - x x - faire, make, - et pour vivre en epicurien. and to live like an epicure. - x - - Et on dit en nostre paroisse And they say in our parish - x x - que jeunes that young - x - medecins font les cymetieres phisitions make the churchardes - x - bossus crooked - et vieux procureurs, proces tortus: and old attornies sutes to go awry, - x x - mais au but on the - contraire que jeunes procureurs et contrary that young lawyers, - x - vieux medecins, jeune chair, olde phisitions, young flesh, - x - et vieil poisson sont les meilleurs. and old fishe be the best. - x x x x x - - Or bien, irons nous acheter Well shall we go and buy - ce qu'il that whiche - nous faut? Nous demourons trop. we doe lack? We tarie to long. - x x - - Roland que ne te leves-tu? ouvre Roland, why doest thou not rise? - x - ouvre open - la boutique: est tu encore au lit? the shop: are you yet a bed? - x x - - Tu aimes bien la plume: si mon Thou loveth the fethers well: if my - x - maistre descend, et qu'il ne treuve maister commeth downe and find not - x x x - la boutique ouverte, the shop opened, - x - il se courroucera. he will be angry. - - Messieurs, monsieur, madame, Sirs, sir, my lady, - mesdames, mademoiselle, maistres, gentlewoman, - que demandez vous? que cerchez vous? what lack you? what seek you? - x x - - Qu'acheteriez vous volontiers? What would you buy willingly?... - x x - -The most interesting of the dialogues in the _French Littleton_, -however, is that in which we have a picture of Holyband's school, which -was first opened in St. Paul's Churchyard at the sign of Lucrece--the -shop of the printer Thomas Purfoote. Here we see children arriving for -their lessons early in the morning, each with his own books and other -materials. The schoolroom seems to have been a lively place; the -scholars are represented as fighting, pulling each other's hair, tearing -their books, and indulging in other pranks of the kind. Holyband sought -to keep order by means of a birch, and one of the many offences which -called it into action was the speaking of English. [Header: HOLYBAND'S -FRENCH SCHOOL] In this little school of his, Holyband appears to have -laboured at the task he set himself of leading the English nation "comme -par la main au cabinet de (nostre) langue francoyse," under excellent -conditions. The whole atmosphere seems to have been French. The -curriculum, however, was not confined to this one language. Holyband had -to safeguard his interests by instructing his pupils in the subjects -taught in the ordinary English schools, and so we find him teaching -Latin, writing, and counting, as well as French, and probably by means -of French. With some of his pupils Holyband studied Terence, Vergil, -Horace, the _Offices_ of Cicero, and with others, Cato, the _Pueriles -Confabulatiunculae_, and Latin grammar, according to their capacity. Yet -others learnt reading, writing, and French only. Morning school, which -closed with prayer at eleven, was devoted chiefly to the study of Latin. -The afternoon was given over entirely to French; and it does not seem -unreasonable to suppose that other scholars came then specially for -instruction in French. The pupils returned for afternoon work at -mid-day, and began by translating French into English and then -retranslated the English back into French, using, we may be sure, -Holyband's _French Littleton_. Next came a little practice in -vocabulary, in which "maister Claude" asked them the French for various -English words. Grammar was not neglected, but questions concerning it do -not appear to have been invited until some difficulty in the text -rendered it necessary. The pupils were also required to decline various -nouns and verbs which occurred in the text. The auxiliaries they were -expected to learn by heart. Not until five o'clock did the long French -lesson draw to a close, and then the scholars lit their torches or -lanterns and set off home after being dismissed with evening prayers. -Before their departure, they received instructions to read the lesson -for the following day six or seven times after supper. By doing this, -their master assured them, it would appear easy on the morrow, and be -learnt without effort. - -Holyband informs us that his charges were one shilling a week or fifty -shillings a year. He allows that this was more than the fees asked for -in most schools, but justifies the higher charge by the superior -instruction imparted. At any rate his school was very prosperous. In -1568, when it had been in existence for at least two, and perhaps three -years, we find him assisted by an usher, one John Henrycke, said to be -a Frenchman.[361] He was, no doubt, the Jehan Henry "Maistre d'Eschole," -who wrote a dizain in praise of Holyband's _French Schoolemaister_ -(1573), where, in rather questionable French, he summoned the students -of France to devote all their attention to "ce poli et belle oeuvre," -and not to read - - Des ravaudeurs le reste, - Qui souloyent quelques regles escrire, - Mais, au vray indignes de les lire. - -Holyband, as we have noticed, was a very active and somewhat restless -person, never staying long in one place, and it is difficult to follow -him in his frequent changes of residence. For a time he removed his -school to Lewisham, then outside London. Here, sometime before 1573, he -had an interview with Queen Elizabeth, who perhaps visited his school as -she passed through the village, for the head boy, Harry Edmondes, -pronounced a discourse before Her Majesty. - -In 1576 Holyband had given up his French school, and entered the ranks -of French private tutors, living in the house of a patron. He was one of -the aliens dwelling in Salisbury Court, the residence of Lord Buckhurst, -and, no doubt, was engaged in teaching French to the younger children of -his protector. He had previously come into contact with this noble -family, and had probably received some assistance from this quarter on -his arrival in England, and may have taught French to the eldest son, -Robert Sackville, now at Oxford,[362] to whom he dedicated both his -early works. - -When we first hear of Holyband he was already married and had children. -His wife died probably before he went to Salisbury Court. Two years -later he married an Englishwoman, Anne Smith,[363] and had resumed his -French school in St. Paul's Churchyard, but his address was now at the -sign of the Golden Bell, for the printer Thomas Purfoote had moved his -sign to Newgate Market. [Header: HOLYBAND'S TEACHING CAREER] Here he -remained for some time, until 1581 at the earliest, and probably -somewhat later. He also attended the French Church. At this period of -his life he again turned his attention to writing on the French -language, and collecting together notes which he had no doubt compiled -in past years. In 1580 three new works on French appeared from his pen. -One was a _Treatise for Declining Verbs_--a subject which he calls "the -second chiefest worke of the Frenche tongue"--written at the request of -several gentlemen and merchants. The book itself is of little value, and -did not by any means share the popularity of his earliest books. Still, -two other editions appeared, one in 1599 and the other much later, in -1641. The second of these works, dealing with French pronunciation on -much the same lines as the _French Littleton_, was even less popular. It -was intended for the "learned," and consequently written in Latin--_De -Pronuntiatione linguae gallicae_.[364] Holyband was also becoming more -ambitious in his dedications; probably through Lord Buckhurst, the -queen's cousin on his mother's side, he was able to dedicate his -treatise "ad illustrissimam simulque doctissimam Elizabetham Anglorum -Reginam." At the end Holyband added a dialogue in three different kinds -of spelling--the new, the old, and his own--as well as a Latin sermon on -the Resurrection. A French-English Dictionary was the third of these -works, published in 1580, with the title: _The Treasurie of the French -Tong, Teaching the way to varie all sorts of Verbs, Enriched so -plentifully with Wordes and Phrases (for the benefit of the studious in -that language), as the like hath not before bin published._ Many years -later, in 1593, Holyband again gave proof of his deep interest in French -lexicography by the publication of his _Dictionarie French and English, -published for the benefit of the studious in that language_, based on -his earlier work, but on a much larger scale.[365] - -Meanwhile he had had an opportunity to extend his knowledge and to -refresh his mind by a long journey on the Continent. Once more he had -yielded to his love of change and movement, and entered the service of -another powerful patron, Lord Zouche, to whom he dedicated his -dictionary of 1593. In the dedication we are told how he had undertaken -a "long, lointain, penible et dangereux voyage" with his noble -protector, who was to him "plutot pere ou baston de vieillesse que non -pas maistre, Seigneur ou commandeur." Thus we may conclude that, when -Lord Zouche crossed to Hamburg by sea in March 1587, intending to -qualify himself for public service on the Continent, as well as to "live -cheaply," Holyband accompanied him, and, no doubt, found many -opportunities for serious study. They proceeded to Heidelberg, where -their names were inscribed on the matriculation register of the -university in May.[366] Zouche then travelled to Frankfort, Basle -(1588), Altdorf (1590), and thence to Vienna (1591), and on to Verona, -returning to England in 1593.[367] - -After the publication of this last of his works in 1593, we lose sight -of Holyband in his role of teacher of French. He was, however, still in -England in 1597, when he dedicated a new edition of his _French -Littleton_ to a new patron, Lord Herbert of Swansea. Thereafter he is -not mentioned, and subsequent editions of his most popular works--the -_Schoolemaister_ and _French Littleton_--were issued without his -supervision. Probably he had returned to his native country, for in the -last of his published works he assumes the title of "gentilhomme -bourbonnais," which suggests that he had come into the possession of -some property in his native province, where his name was still known in -the seventeenth century.[368] Certain it is that he did not remain in -England. There is no further trace of his children, of whom he had at -least four.[369] Thus silently, as if forgetful of his former habits, he -slipped out of sight after he had spent nearly forty years teaching his -language in England. He won the praise of the scholar Richard Mulcaster, -soon to be appointed Head of St. Paul's School, near which Holyband had -so long had his own modest establishment; and the poet George Gascoigne -wrote a sonnet in his honour: [Header: HOLYBAND'S METHOD OF TEACHING -FRENCH] - - The pearl of price which Englishmen have sought - So farre abroade, and cost them there so dere, - Is now founde out within our country here, - And better cheape amongst us may be bought. - I mean the French that pearle of pleasant speech, - Which some sought for, and bought it with their lives, - With sicknesse some, yea some with bolts and gives, - But all with payne this peerlesse pearle did seeke. - Now Holyband, a friendly French indeede, - Hath tane such paynes, for everie English ease, - That here at home we may this language learne, - And for the price he craveth no more meede - But thankfull harts to whome his pearles may please. - Oh, thank him then, that so much thanke dothe earne. - -Holyband, like his predecessor Du Ploich, was an advocate of the -practical teaching of languages. A perfect knowledge of French, in his -eyes, consisted in being able to read and pronounce the language -accurately. Thus the first thing to be done by those desiring to study -the language is to begin to read at once. The learner must not "entangle -himself at the first brunte" with rules; but, "after he hath read them -over, let him take in hand the dialogues, and as occasion requireth he -shall examine the rules, applying their use unto his purpose."[370] He -must first "frame his tongue by reading them aloud, noting carefully -which letters are not pronounced, looking for the reasons why they are -lefte in the rules of pronunciation," so that "when he shall happen -uppon other bookes printed without these caracters he may remember which -letters ought to be uttered and which ought not." In these rules[371] -Holyband endeavours to explain French sounds by comparison with English -sounds. His treatment of the letter _a_ may be given as an example of -his method. "Sound our _a_," he says,[372] "as you sound the first -sillable in Laurence, or Augustine in English. When _a_ is joined with -_in_ it loseth his sound, or at the least it is very little heard: as -_pain_, _hautain_.... Pronounce then as if they were written thus: -_pin_, _hautin_.... But if _e_ followeth _n_, then _i_ goeth more -towards _n_, thus: _balaine_, _semaine_ ...," and then he proceeds to -describe in like fashion the sounds of the diphthong _ai_. His treatment -of the sound _gn_ is quaint and interesting. "When you find any word -written with _gn_, remember how you pronounce these English words, -_onion_, _minion_, _companion_, and such like: so melting _g_, and -touching smoothly the roofe of the mouth with the flat of the tongue, -say: _mignon_, _oignon_, _compagnon_; say then, _cam-pa-gne_, -_campa-gnie_, and not _cam-pag-ne_, _campag-nie_, separating _g_ from -_n_; but rather sound them as if they were written thus in your English -tongue, _campaine_, _campanie_." - -Such rules alone, however, were of little value in Holyband's opinion, -and we cheerfully agree with him. The reader must be very circumspect in -his use of them, and his teacher a very skilful Frenchman, "or else all -will go to wracke." He seems to have thought that much more depended on -the tutor than on rules. No doubt he fully shared the opinion stated -earlier by Duwes, that rules are of more use to the teacher than the -learner. "Oh how busie is this tongue," he says of French, "and into -what maze doth the learner enter which doth take it in hand: therefore -let his tutor be sevenfold skilfull." We are prepared, then, to find -Holyband agreeing with Henry VIII.'s tutor on another point--the -teaching of French and writing of French grammars by the English. To him -it appeared obvious that "it is not the part of a stranger, except he be -learned and of a long continuance in France, to give precepts concerning -the pronunciation of the (French) tongue: yea neither of the best -Frenchmen, be he never so learned or eloquent in the same, except he -hath practised the premises by teaching or otherwise by a long and -diligent observation." There can be no question of committing rules to -memory; they merely serve to throw light on the reading matter. Yet the -practice of memorizing is not neglected. There were two purposes for -which it was called into use, the verbs, chiefly the two auxiliaries, -and vocabulary, to which Holyband attached much importance. - -According to Holyband himself, his method had excellent results. He was -especially proud of the pronunciation of his pupils. In teaching this he -followed a plan which strikes the modern reader as curious, but which -had already been employed in an early sixteenth-century grammar, that of -the poet Alexander Barclay. According to this plan he taught his -scholars the main characteristics of the different dialects of France, -as well as the pure French in which they were encouraged to speak. His -reason for doing so was to put them on their guard against the variety -of dialects, chiefly Picard and Walloon, spoken by the numerous refugees -scattered all over London. [Header: FRENCH CHURCH SCHOOLS] When new -scholars came to his school from "other French schools," he assures us -that on hearing them speak and pronounce any letter incorrectly, his own -pupils "spie the faultes as soone as I, yea they cannot abide it: and -which is more they will discerne whether the maister which taught them -first was a Burgonian, a Norman, or a Houyet." - -The reading, which Holyband made the basis of his language teaching, was -always explained by means of English renderings. In his dialogues he -makes no attempt to retain the purity of the English phrase. English for -him was merely a vehicle for interpreting to his young scholars the -meaning of the French, "for I do not pretend to teach them any other -thing then the French tongue," and so he begs his readers not to "muse" -at the English of his book, but to take the French with such goodwill as -it is offered. It will be noticed that on this point, as on many -others--placing the rules after the practical exercises, for -instance--Holyband resembles Du Ploich, and no doubt he was acquainted -with the _Treatise_ of his less well known fellow-teacher. The points of -resemblance between the dialogues of the two works are sufficient proof -of this, although Du Ploich's cannot compare with Holyband's in -interest. Another work which had some influence on his dialogues was the -_Linguae Latinae Exercitatio_ of the great Spanish scholar and -educationist Vives--a book containing Latin dialogues, dealing with the -life of the schoolboy at home and at school, at work and at play. This -was a very popular school-book in the sixteenth century, and was most -likely used by Holyband in the Latin lessons at his own school. He also -incorporated the Latin dialogues of Vives in a work which he called the -_Campo di Fior, or flowery field of four languages, Italian, Latin, -French and English_, giving the dialogues in these four languages. This -work appeared in 1583, when he was probably still teaching in St. Paul's -Churchyard.[373] - -Besides these French schools kept by private individuals, there were -others in connexion with the French churches. After the foundation of -the French Church in Threadneedle Street, other churches had arisen in -different parts of the country. The education of the children attending -these institutions had to be seen to, and very soon schools were -established under the supervision of the churches themselves.[374] -Although these schools were primarily intended for the instruction of -the children of the refugees, they also undertook to teach those "who -would wish to learn the French language." Just as some English attended -the services of the French Church, so also some sent their children to -the school associated with it. And it must be remembered that to some -Englishmen the French Church presented greater attractions than the -English Church did at that time; for there naturally grew up a bond of -sympathy between the Protestant refugees and the English Nonconformists, -many of whom sought in the French Church, with its Genevan discipline, a -form of worship not sanctioned by the English Church. Others attended -these churches for the same reason as the "Italianate gentleman," -censured by Roger Ascham,[375] went to the Italian Church: "to heare the -(French) tongue naturally spoken, not to heare God's doctrine trewly -preached." This was a practice strongly advocated by many of the French -teachers of the time. The number of Englishmen of both kinds must have -been considerable. In 1573 Elizabeth issued an Order forbidding the -French Church to give communion to those English who, by curiosity or -dislike for their own ceremonies, wished to receive it in the French -Church. The church in Threadneedle Street took steps to limit the number -of its English adherents. These were required to produce evidence of a -sober life, and of loyalty to their own church, before they were allowed -to communicate.[376] English names are not uncommon in the Threadneedle -Street Registers. Even members of the nobility stood as sponsors to the -children of the French strangers, for instance, the Marquis of Hamilton, -the Earl of Pembroke, and the Countess of Bedford, in the year -1624.[377] The French Church at Southampton also had numerous English -members and communicants,[378] while at Canterbury a rule was made that -all the English connected with the church should know French; on one -occasion, a person was refused as a sponsor on account of his ignorance -of that tongue.[379] [Header: FRENCH SCHOOL AT CANTERBURY] Considering -the esteem in which the French churches were held by many Englishmen, -we may assume that some of the latter were glad to take advantage of the -willingness of the French Church to receive their children into its -schools. The refugees, on their part, did not always send their children -to their own schools. The sons of the wealthier strangers would go to -the English grammar schools, and thence, in many cases, to the -University.[380] - -The subjects taught in these French church schools were, no doubt, much -the same as those of the private French schools, including religious -instruction, writing, reading, arithmetic, and possibly music. The -curriculum appears to have been of quite an elementary nature. As to the -teachers, they were required to be of sober life, and members of the -French Church. They had to be appointed by the minister and presented to -the bishop. They also were required to give the minister an account of -the books they read to the children, and of the methods followed, and be -willing to adopt the advice of their superiors "sans rien entreprendre a -leur fantaisie." Further, it was their duty to conduct the children to -church on Sunday for the catechism.[381] Such were the regulations laid -down in the second Discipline, drawn up on the restoration of the French -Church after the accession of Elizabeth. When this was revised some -years later, in 1588, a few changes were made. The presentation to the -bishop was dispensed with, and the teachers were no longer obliged to -conduct the children to the catechism: they had only to prepare them to -answer it. And the ministers, on their side, were required to visit the -schools, accompanied by the elders and deacons, at least four times a -year; their attention was specially called to "those who teach -languages."[382] - -The French teachers attached to the Church at Canterbury are those of -whom we have most detailed information. In one of the articles of a -petition, which the group of refugees there addressed to the city -authorities, in the reign of Elizabeth, they crave that permission may -be given to the schoolmaster whom they have brought with them to teach -both their own youth and also other children who desire to learn the -French tongue.[383] Their request appears to have been well received, -as a French church and school were established not long after. Among the -names of the petitioners was that of Vincent Primont, teacher of youth, -who seems to have been the first schoolmaster of this little community. -He was a refugee from Normandy, and arrived at Rye in 1572.[384] To the -office of schoolmaster, which he held for many years, was added that of -Reader to the congregation--a post he resigned in 1584, owing to some -action of the consistory which did not meet with his approval. The last -mention we have of him, as schoolmaster, occurs in December 1583, when a -member of the congregation was reproved for allowing his workmen to set -a bad example to Master Vincent's scholars. He probably filled his -position for some time after this date. In August 1581, however, another -teacher, Nicholas du Buisson, obtained permission "to go from house to -house to teach children," and in 1583 received a small quarterly -allowance for taking charge of the children at the services in the -Temple.[385] The demand for teachers apparently increased considerably -at this time; in 1582 we hear of a third schoolmaster, Paul Le Pipre, -who had already been teaching for some time previous to this date. Le -Pipre several times took steps to defend his monopoly and prevent the -admission of other schoolmasters. In 1582 he opposed the application of -Jan Roboem or Jean Robone, who sought permission to hold school. Roboem, -who had been Reader in the French Protestant Church at Dieppe, fled -thence to Rye in 1572, in company with his wife and two children.[386] -He was in very poor estate on arriving at Canterbury, and the consistory -of the French Church at last prevailed on Le Pipre to agree to his -admission, promising him that if any disadvantage accrued to him thereby -it should be remedied. Roboem was therefore told he might put his notice -on the door of the Temple--the usual form of advertisement--whenever he -pleased.[387] He did not, however, keep it there long, moving to London -in the same year. He is no doubt to be identified with the John Robonin, -"schoolmaster of the French tongue," who was living in the "Warde of -Chepe," and attending the French Church, at the end of 1582.[388] - -[Header: PAUL LE PIPRE] - -Paul Le Pipre was again approached in 1583 with regard to the -appointment of another schoolmaster, probably a successor to Robonin. He -was told that another teacher was necessary, and that one had come -forward, a destitute refugee, who wished for permission to teach in -order to earn his living. Le Pipre replied "that he held to his -agreement with the Church, namely that he could not leave without giving -three months' notice." Ultimately it was decided "that the aforesaid -should not be permitted to keep school, both on account of the agreement -and because he was not as yet sufficiently known to be of the religion." -This teacher, whose name is not given, was, however, allowed to instruct -"certain married people, and others grown up and over fourteen years of -age who did not go to Paul's school, in consideration of his -poverty."[389] - -Paul Le Pipre retained the position he was so unwilling to share with a -colleague, for many years after this. The last we hear of him is in -September 1597, when he was censured by the consistory for holding -school on Sunday. - -French schools likewise arose in other provincial towns, where French -Churches had been established. There were also, it appears, similar -private schools, with the primary object of teaching French to the -English, and unconnected with the churches. At any rate, French and -Walloon schoolmasters arrived in some of these towns. At Rye in 1572, -for instance, we come across Nicholas Curlew and Martin Martin, -fugitives from Dieppe,[390] though probably, like Vincent Primont and -John Robone, they did not settle in the town. At Norwich, in 1568, was a -Pierre de Rieu of Lille who had arrived ten months before, and in 1622 -Francis Boy and John Cokele.[391] At Dover, in the same year, Francis -Rowland and Nicholas Rowsignoll, both French schoolmasters, had "come -out of France by reason of the late troubles yet continuing."[392] And -lastly, at Southampton, we hear in 1576 of Nicholas Chemin, who, in -1578, was refused communion at the church on account of his causing some -disturbance in the congregation; of a M. Du Plantin, dit Antoine Ylot, -in 1576, and of a Pierre de la Motte, 'mestre d'escolle,' in 1577.[393] -No doubt most of these schoolmasters taught under the auspices of the -French Churches. - -M. Du Plantin was one of a large number of ministers who took refuge in -England, and his school was probably a French Church school, for seven -of his young scholars are mentioned as communicants. Many French pastors -like him, no doubt, took to the teaching profession during their stay in -England, their numbers being far in excess of the ministers needed in -the churches. The famous reformer, John Utenhove of Ghent, was in 1549 -tutor to the son of a London gentleman.[394] Valerand Poullain, a -converted priest, who, after being pastor at Strasburg, came to England, -for a time held a similar post in the household of the Earl of -Derby;[395] he afterwards became minister of the French Church at -Glastonbury on the recommendation of Utenhove. Another minister, Jean -Louveau, Sieur de la Porte, spent the time of exile from his Church of -Roche Bernard, after the massacre of St. Bartholomew, in teaching -languages in London, and there were many others in like case.[396] - -At Southampton there was a French school of special interest. Its -teacher, like Du Plantin, was a pastor, though the school does not seem -to have had any close connexion with the French Church. This -schoolmaster and divine was the once famous Dr. Adrian Saravia, a -learned refugee from Flanders. He became later Professor of Divinity at -Leyden and an intimate friend of Casaubon; and when he took refuge in -England for a second time in 1587, he enjoyed some ecclesiastical -preferment, and was one of the translators of the Authorised Version of -the Bible.[397] During his first sojourn in England, however, he was -engaged on a more humble task. He first arrived at Southampton in about -1567,[398] after having been for some years headmaster of a grammar -school in Guernsey. Saravia's school at Southampton was limited to -sixteen or twenty youths of good family. It was a rule that all the -scholars should speak French. Any one who used English, "though only a -word," was obliged to wear a fool's cap at meals, and continue to wear -it until he caught another in the same fault.[399] [Header: FRENCH -SCHOOL AT SOUTHAMPTON] Two Englishmen, who later became well known as -translators, acquired their knowledge of French in this school. One was -Joshua Sylvester, famous for his translation of Du Bartas, and the other -Robert Ashley, who turned Louis le Roy's _De la Vicissitude ou Variete -des choses de l'univers_ (1579) into English (1594). Sylvester informs -us that he learnt his French at Saravia's school "in three poor years, -at three times three years old"; "I have never been in France," he -writes to his uncle, William Plumb, "whereby I might become so perfect." -Elsewhere he expresses his affection for his master and his debt of -gratitude to him: - - My Saravia, to whose revered name - Mine owes the honour of Du Bartas' fame. - -Sylvester did not put his knowledge of French into practice only by -translations into English. He also wrote some original verses in French; -the sonnet with which he offered to James I. his translation of the -works of Du Bartas, a poet for whom the king had a great admiration, -will show his skill in a difficult art: - - Voy, sire, ton Saluste habille en Anglois - (Anglois, encore plus de coeur que de langage:) - Qui, connaissant loyall ton Royale heritage, - En ces beaux Liz Dorez au sceptre des Gaulois - (Comme au vray souverain des vrays subjects francois), - Cy a tes pieds sacrez te fait ton sainct Hommage - (De ton Heur et Grandeur eternal temoinage). - Miroir de touts Heros, miracle de tous Roys, - Voy (sire) ton Saluste, ou (pour le moins) son ombre, - Ou l'ombre (pour le moins) de ses Traicts plus divins - Qui, ores trop noyrcis par mon pinceau trop sombre, - S'esclairciront aux Raiz de tes yeux plus benins. - Doncques d'oeil benin et d'un accueil auguste, - Recoy ton cher Bartas, et Voy, sire, Saluste.[400] - -Another of Sylvester's contemporaries at Saravia's school was Sir Thomas -Lake,[401] who became Secretary of State in the reign of James I., and -is said to have read Latin and French to Queen Elizabeth towards the end -of her reign. His French accent, unlike that of his schoolfellows, seems -to have left much to be desired. In 1612 he incurred much ridicule by -reading the French contract of marriage at the wedding of the Princess -Elizabeth to the Elector with a very bad accent. - -Saravia, it seems, encouraged his pupils to attend the French Church. -Two of their names occur in the registers of the Church for the year -1576, viz. Nicholas Essard and Nicholas Carye, both probably Englishmen. -Saravia himself and his wife were also regular attenders; in 1571 and -again in 1576 he stood godfather at baptisms. The latest mention of him -occurs in 1577. Usually the descriptive title "minister" is added after -his name.[402] He is mentioned in the town records under the year 1576 -as Master of the Grammar School, and in the following year the town paid -36s. "for four yardes of broade cloth for a gowne for Mr. Adrian Saravia -the schoolmaster at 9s. the yarde."[403] Apparently he had abandoned his -private school, although it is very likely that he continued to take -private pupils into his house, and that the grammar school scholars had -ample opportunity to learn French; but it is hardly probable that he -introduced the language into the grammar school curriculum, where, no -doubt, Latin retained its usual supremacy.[404] - -Thus we see that in the England of the sixteenth century French had no -footing in the ordinary schools, but was taught in a growing number of -small private schools kept by Frenchmen, French-speaking refugees from -the Netherlands, and sometimes by Englishmen. - -In Scotland, on the other hand, French received more recognition in the -grammar schools, although it did not form part of the ordinary -curriculum, which was based on Latin, as in England. Yet in several -schools its use was distinctly encouraged on lines which, we may -conclude, were followed at Southampton grammar school in Saravia's time. -For instance, the boys of Aberdeen grammar school, in the middle of the -sixteenth century, were enjoined to address each other in French, while -the use of the vernacular was forbidden. In the famous grammar school of -Perth, when John Rowe, the reformer, was master there, and many of the -scholars boarded with him, we are informed that "as they spake nothing -in the schoole and fields but Latine so nothing was spoken in his house -but French." It is of interest to note that in this school French is put -side by side with the ancient tongues, as Palsgrave had wished. -[Header: FRENCH IN THE SCHOOLS OF SCOTLAND] After meals a selection from -the Bible was read; if from the Old Testament, in Hebrew, if from the -New Testament, in Latin, Greek, or French.[405] - -Turning to the more elementary education, we find French holding a still -larger place in some of the parish schools of Scotland, where it was -taught as part of the regular course by the side of Latin. An -interesting account of one of these schools has been left by James -Melville, in his diary.[406] He records that in 1566, at the age of -seven, he, together with his elder brother, was sent to a school kept by -a kinsman, minister at Logie, a few miles from Montrose. This "guid, -lerned, kind man" attended to the children's education, while his sister -was "a verie loving mother" to them, and to a "guid number of gentle and -honest mens berns of the country about," who also were at the school. -"Ther we lerned," he continues, "to reid the catechisme, prayers and -scripture, to rehers the catechisme and prayers par coeur.... We lerned -ther the Rudiments of the Latin grammar, with the vocables in Latin and -French, also divers speitches in Frenche, with the reading and right -pronunciation of that toung." Melville also assures us that his master -had "a verie guid and profitable form of resolving the authors," and -that he treated them "grammaticallie, bothe according to etymologie and -syntaxe"; but, unfortunately, he gives us no further details on the -teaching of French. After spending five years at this school, where, he -admits, he learnt but little, "for his understanding was yet dark," he -went to the grammar school at Montrose. There, although he had a French -Protestant refugee, Pierre de Marsilliers, to teach him Greek, he does -not appear to have had occasion to continue his study of the French -tongue. - -In Scotland, as in England, there were also special schools for teaching -French. For instance, the French schoolmaster Nicholas Langlois, or -Inglishe, who came to England in 1569, and in 1571 was installed in -Blackfriars, London, with his wife and two children,[407] moved to -Scotland in about 1574. He opened a French school in Edinburgh, which -was subsidized by the Town Council, and where he taught French, -arithmetic and accounts until the time of his death in 1611. The Town -Council of Aberdeen also showed itself favourable to French schools; in -1635 it granted to a certain Alexander Rolland a licence "to teach a -French school," and allowed him "for that effect to put up one brod or -signe befoir his schoole door." - -Yet in spite of the fact that French received greater recognition in the -schools of Scotland than it did in those of England, there is nothing to -show that the same general interest was taken in the study of the -language. While in England large numbers of grammars and other -text-books were published, there is only one notice of the production of -a similar work in Scotland during the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries. This solitary work, which a certain William Nudrye received a -licence to print in 1559,[408] was entitled _Ane A B C for Scottes men -to read the frenche toung, with an exhortation to the nobles of Scotland -to favour their old friends_. The plea that French was learnt by the -help of French grammars imported from France, or on conversational -methods, or yet again in France by direct intercourse with Frenchmen, -may be applied with as much force to England as to Scotland, though it -is not improbable that in Scotland such methods were relied on to a -greater extent; the friendly relations which existed between Scotland -and France from the thirteenth century onwards encouraged large numbers -of Scots to seek instruction in France, just as it led some Frenchmen to -the Scottish centres of learning.[409] French tutors were said to be as -common in Scotland as in England; a Spanish ambassador reported to -Ferdinand and Isabella as early as 1498 that "there is a good deal of -French education in Scotland, and many speak the French language." Yet -the fact remains that while one small French A B C appears to have been -the only work on the language issued in Scotland, there was a whole -series of such works published in England. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[289] Sources for the History of the Persecutions: L. Batiffol, _The -Century of the Renaissance_, London, 1916; D. C. A. Agnew, _Protestant -Exiles from France_, 3rd ed., 1886, vol. i.; J. S. Burn, _The History of -the French, Walloon, Dutch, and other Foreign Protestant Refugees -settled in England_, London, 1846; S. Smiles, _The Huguenots, their -Settlements, Churches, and Industries in England and Ireland_, London, -1867. - -[290] Early refugees also came in small numbers from Italy where the -Inquisition was established in 1542; and a few others from Spain, where -it was set up in 1588. Their arrival in England imparted some slight -impetus to the study of their respective languages; cp. F. Watson, _The -Beginnings of the Teaching of Modern Subjects in England_, London, 1909, -chapters xii. and xiii. - -[291] _Huguenot Society Publications_, xv., 1898; F. W. Cross, _History -of the Walloon and Huguenot Church at Canterbury_ (Introduction). - -[292] L. Humphrey, _The Nobles or of Nobilitye_, London, 1563, 2nd book. - -[293] See A. Rahlenbeck, "Les Refugies belges au 16me siecle en -Angleterre," in the _Revue Trimestrielle_, Oct. 1865. - -[294] The following numbers show the proportion of the Netherlanders to -the French: in 1567, 3838 Flemish to 512 French; in 1586, 5225 to 1119. - -[295] _Huguenot Soc. Pub._ i., 1887-88; O. J. W. Moens, _The Walloons -and their Church at Norwich_, ch. ix. - -[296] W. Besant, _London in the Time of the Tudors_, London, 1904, pp. -80, 200, 203. The population of London is taken as about 120,000. - -[297] _Hug. Soc. Pub._ x., 1900-1908, 4 parts. - -[298] _Hug. Soc. Pub._ viii., 1893: _Letters of Denization and Acts of -Naturalisation for Aliens in England_, 1509-1603, ed. W. Page. - -[299] Naturalization by Act of Parliament, which gave additional rights, -such as that of succession to and bequeathment of real property, was in -general of more advantage to Englishmen born abroad than to foreigners. - -[300] On the French churches in England, see F. de Schickler, _Les -Eglises du refuge en Angleterre_, 3 tom., Paris, 1892. - -[301] The first ministers appointed to the French church were Francois -Perussel, dit la Riviere, and Richard Vauville. Perlin visited the -French church: "La prechoit un nomme maistre Francoys homme blond, et un -autre nomme maistre Richard, homme ayant barbe noire" (_Description des -royaulmes d'Angleterre et d'Escosse_, Paris, 1558, p. 11). Perlin was -one of the few Frenchmen who came to England at this time. - -[302] _Op. cit._ p. 11. Perlin also says that the English tried several -times to set fire to the French church. - -[303] See accounts in Rye, _England as seen by Foreigners_. - -[304] This was naturally not without exceptions. For instance, Sir -Nicholas Bacon, father of Francis, was noted for his support of the -attempt to drive all the French from the country after the St. -Bartholomew massacre (_Archaeologia_, xxxvi. p. 339). - -[305] F. Foster Watson, "Religious Refugees and English Education," -_Proceedings of the Huguenot Society_, London, 1911. - -[306] _The Nobles or of Nobilitye_, _ut supra_. - -[307] _Athenae Cantab._ ii. 274. A certain L. T. attacked Baro about a -sermon of his on the text in the third chapter of the Epistle to the -Romans, twenty-eighth verse (Brit. Mus. Catalogue). - -[308] _Hug. Soc. Pub._ x. pt. iii. p. 360. - -[309] Ellis, _Original Letters_, 1st series, i. pp. 341-3. - -[310] _Arte of Rhetorique_ (1553), ed. G. H. Mair, 1909, p. 13. - -[311] _Lord Herbert of Cherbury's Autobiography_, ed. Sir S. Lee (2nd -ed. 1906), p. 37, n. - -[312] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._, xiv. pt. ii. No. -601; and _Works_, Parker Society, i. p. 396. - -[313] E. J. Furnivall, _Manners and Meals in Olden Time_, pp. ix et seq. - -[314] Ascham, _Toxophilus_, quoted by Nichols: _Literary Remains ..._, -p. xl. - -[315] _Reliquiae Wottoniae_, London, 1657 ("Life of Sir Henry Wotton"), -n.p. - -[316] J. Payne Collier, in _Archaeologia_, vol. xxxvi. pp. 339 _et seq._ - -[317] _Queene Elizabeth's Academy_, ed. Furnivall, Early English Text -Society, 1869. - -[318] This purpose is expressly stated in the earliest grammar for -teaching Italian to the English, dated 1550: _The Principal Rules of -Italian Grammar, with a Dictionary for the better Understandynge of -Boccace, Petrarcha, and Dante_ (also in 1562 and 1567). Cp. F. Watson, -_Modern Subjects_, chapter xii. - -[319] Cp. F. Watson, _Modern Subjects_, chapter xiii.; and J. G. -Underhill, _Spanish Literature in England of the Tudors_, New York, -1899. - -[320] _Hug. Soc. Pub._ viii.: List of Denizations. - -[321] _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[322] _Thesaurus Linguae Latinae_, 1532, the first of Latin-French -dictionaries. - -[323] Printed by T. Wolfe. - -[324] The first French grammar for teaching French to the Germans, -mentioned in Stengel's _Chronologisches Verzeichniss franzoesischer -Grammatiken_ (Oppeln, 1890), was the work of a Frenchman Du Vivier, -schoolmaster at Cologne, and was published in 1566. - -[325] Cp. Ph. Sheavyn, _The Literary Profession in the Elizabethan Age_, -Manchester, 1909, chap. i. - -[326] _De Republica Anglorum_, ed. L. Alston, Camb., 1906, p. 139. - -[327] C. W. Wallace, "New Shakespeare Discoveries," _Harper's Magazine_, -1910, and _University Studies_, Nebraska, U.S.A.; Sir S. Lee, _Life of -Shakespeare ..._, new ed., London, 1915, pp. 17, 276. - -[328] Unfortunately the registers of the Threadneedle Street Church, -previous to 1600, have been lost. It would have been interesting to have -found Shakespeare brought into contact with this church by his Huguenot -friends. - -[329] A list of French words and phrases used by Shakespeare is given in -A. Schmidt's _Shakespeare Lexicon_, 2 vols., Berlin, 1902, p. 1429. - -[330] Act I. Sc. 4; Act II. Sc. 3; and other Scenes in which the Doctor -appears. - -[331] Act III. Sc. 6; Act IV. Sc. 2, Sc. 4, Sc. 5; Act V. Sc. 2. - -[332] Act III. Sc. 4. - -[333] Act III. Sc. 6. The quotation from 2 Peter ii. 22 bears closest -resemblance to the edition of the Bible issued at Geneva, 1550; H. R. D. -Anders, _Shakespeare's Books_, Berlin, 1904, p. 203. - -[334] Often what appear to be mistakes to-day are due to change in -pronunciation; as when Pistol takes the French soldier's "bras" ('arm') -for English 'brass,' a possibility at this period when the final _s_ was -still sounded (Thurot, _Prononciation francaise_, ii. pp. 35-36; Anders, -_op. cit._ pp. 50-51.) - -[335] Anders, _op. cit._ p. 51 _et seq._ - -[336] Cp. A. F. Leach, _English Grammar Schools of the Reformation_, -1896: F. Watson, _The English Grammar Schools up to 1660_, Cambridge, -1908, and _The Curriculum and Text-Books of English Schools in the First -Half of the Seventeenth Century_, Bibliog. Soc., 1906. - -[337] The author of the _Institution of a Gentleman_, 1555 and 1560, -mentions the "knowledge of tongues as necessary to gentlemen," but he -does not seem to have meant modern languages. William Kemp, in his -_Education of Children in Learning_, 1588, names the ancient tongues, -especially Latin, and other writers do the same. For a list of similar -works, cp. Watt, _Bibliotheca Britannica_, under "Education." - -[338] Cp. J. W. Adamson, _Pioneers in Modern Education_, Cambridge, -1905, pp. 178 _sqq._ - -[339] _Sidney Papers_, ed. A. Collins; _Letters and Memorials of State_, -vol. i. p. 8. - -[340] E. Arber, _Transcript of the Registers of the Company of -Stationers, 1554-1640_, v. p. 162. - -[341] _Calendar of State Papers, Domestic: Addenda, 1580-1625_, p. 413. - -[342] _Handlists of Books printed by London Printers, 1501-56_, Bibliog. -Soc., 1913: Grafton, p. 13. - -[343] There is no trace of Du Ploich's name in any of the registers of -aliens published by the Hug. Soc. The only trace of a name resembling -his is that of Peter de Ploysse, butcher, in Breadstreet Ward (Lay -Subsidies, 1549). - -[344] F. Watson, _Grammar Schools_, pp. 69 _et seq._ - -[345] Arber, _Stationers' Register_, i. p. 126. - -[346] Sig. A-N in fours. - -[347] French in Roman type, English in black letter. - -[348] Especially the Lambeth fragment, and the _Introductorie_ of Duwes. - -[349] Sig. A-I in fours. Like the first edition, this is preserved in a -unique volume in the Brit. Mus. The copy of Kingston's edition is not -complete, wanting all before signature A3. - -[350] Brit. Mus. Royal MSS. 16, E xxxvii., 63 quarto leaves. - -[351] Edward had the MS. placed in his Library. Nichols, _Literary -Remains_, p. cccxxxiv. - -[352] Royal MSS. 16, E xxiii., 29 quarto leaves. - -[353] "Et je ne suis pas si presumptueux de vouloir dire que celuy livre -je soye suffissant a translater du tout en englois, a cause que je ne -l'ay de nature. Mais a mon simple entendement, ayant l'opportunite et le -loisir, l'ensuivray au plus pres que ie pourray." - -[354] _Returns of Aliens in London_, Hug. Soc. Pub. x. - -[355] _Lists of Denizations_, Hug. Soc. Pub., ad nom. (a Sancto -Vinculo). Other details of his life are given in Miss L. E. Farrer's _La -vie et les oeuvres de Claude de Sainliens_, Paris, 1907. - -[356] Yet in this work Holyband refers several times to the necessity of -having a good tutor. - -[357] Farrer, _op. cit._ p. 21. - -[358] As in the _French Schoolemaister_, French and English are arranged -on opposite pages, the French in Roman characters, and the English in -black letter. - -[359] Des escholiers et l'eschole--Pour voyageurs--Du Logis, Du Poidz, -Vendre et acheter, Pour marchans. - -[360] Sylvius (1530) had placed a small vertical line over final -unsounded consonants. - -[361] Hug. Soc. Pub. x. pt. iii. p. 400. The name John Henricke occurs -frequently in the registers of aliens. There was a John Henryke, a -"Dutchman," who, in 1567, was living in Broadstreet Ward, and had been -three weeks in England; and, in 1571, in St. Mary Alchurch Parish, when -he is said to have been five years in England, and to be a native of -Barowe in Brabant and nineteen years old. In 1582 one of the same name -was living in Blackfriars and had two servants (Hug. Soc. Pub. x. pt i. -p. 322; pt. ii. pp. 91, 253). In 1579 a John Hendricke from the dominion -of the Bishop of Liege received letters of denization (Hug. Soc. Pub. -viii. ad nom.). It does not seem likely that Holyband employed one of -the Walloons, whose accent he taught his pupils to avoid. - -[362] Foster, _Alumni Oxonienses_, ad nom. - -[363] Farrer, _op. cit._ p. 1. - -[364] C. Livet, _La Grammaire francaise et les grammairiens du 16e -siecle_, Paris, 1859, pp. 500 _et seq._ - -[365] For his sources, etc., see Farrer, _op. cit._ pp. 73 _et seq._ - -[366] Schickler, _Eglises du Refuge_, i. p. 358. - -[367] _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[368] Farrer, _op. cit._ p. 16. Miss Farrer suggests that Holyband was -connected with the family of Thuillier de Saint Lyens of Moulins (_op. -cit._ pp. 8, 9). - -[369] Latin poem in the _Campo di Fior_, 1583. - -[370] In the _Schoolemaister_, on the contrary, the exercises follow the -rules, "to the end that I may teache by experience and practice that -which I have shewed by arte." - -[371] The philological side of Holyband's work has been fully treated by -Farrer, _op. cit._ - -[372] In the _Schoolemaister_. The rules of the _French Littleton_ are -much the same, only less quaintly worded. - -[373] Holyband was the author of a work for teaching Italian: _The -Italian Schoolmaster_, 1583, and again in 1591, 1597, and 1608. - -[374] Schickler, _Eglises du Refuge_, iii. pp. 167-171. The members of -the Church attended to the interests of the schools, and donations were -made from time to time. Cp. for instance, Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. -123. - -[375] _The Scholemaster_, ed. Arber, 1869, p. 82. - -[376] Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. 211. - -[377] _Registers of Threadneedle Street, London_, Hug. Soc. Pub. ix. - -[378] _Registre de l'Eglise wallonne de Southampton_, Hug. Soc. Pub. -iv., 1890. In 1584 three baptisms were performed by Mr. Hopkins, an -English minister. - -[379] _Registre de l'Eglise de Cantorbery_, Hug. Soc. Pub. v. pt. i., -1890. - -[380] W. J. C. Moens (_The Walloons and their Church at Norwich_, Hug. -Soc. Pub. i., 1887-8, p. 58) enumerates eighteen sons of strangers at -Norwich who went to the Grammar School and thence to Cambridge. - -[381] Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. 106. - -[382] _Ibid._ p. 346. - -[383] Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. 281; F. W. Cross, _History of the -Walloon and Huguenot Church at Cantuar_, Hug. Soc. Pub. xv., 1898, p. -15. - -[384] W. J. Hardy, _Foreign Refugees at Rye_, Proceedings Hug. Soc. ii., -1887-8, p. 574. - -[385] Cross, _op. cit._ p. 53. - -[386] Hardy, _op. cit._ p. 570 (cp. Durrant Cooper, _Refugees in -Sussex_, Sussex Archaeological Collections, xiii., 1861). The name is -here written John Robone. - -[387] F. W. Cross, _ut supra_. - -[388] Cross, _ut supra_; Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. 283. - -[389] Hug. Soc. Pub. x. - -[390] Hardy, _op. cit._ p. 572. - -[391] Moens, _The Walloons and their Church at Norwich_; W. Durrant -Cooper, _Lists of Foreign Protestants and Aliens resident in England, -1618-1688_, Camden Soc., 1862. - -[392] G. H. Overend, _Strangers at Dover_, p. 166; and D. Cooper, _Lists -of Foreign Protestants_. - -[393] _Registre de l'Eglise wallonne de Southampton_, Hug. Soc. Pub. iv. - -[394] Schickler, _op. cit._ i. 25. - -[395] _Ibid._ i. 59. - -[396] For example, John Veron, J. R. Chevallier, mentioned above. - -[397] _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[398] In 1568 letters of denization were granted him (Hug. Soc. Pub. -viii., ad nom.). - -[399] MS. Memoir of Robert Ashley (Sloane, 2105); cp. Sylvester's -_Works_, ed. Grosart, 1880, i. p. x. - -[400] _Works_, ed. Grosart, i. p. 4. See also i. p. lvii, and ii. pp. -52, 301, 322. - -[401] 1567?-1630. _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[402] _Registre de l'Eglise wallonne de Southampton_, Hug. Soc. Pub. -iv., 1890. - -[403] J. S. Davids, _History of Southampton_, Southampton, 1883, p. 311. - -[404] Another Fleming, Thomas Hylocomius, a native of Brabant, was -master of St. Alban's Grammar School, 1570-1596 (Watson, _Protestant -Refugees_, pp. 137-139). But there is nothing to show that he encouraged -the study of French. - -[405] Authorities for the use of French in Scotch schools are: J. -Strong, _Secondary Education in Scotland_, Oxford, 1909, pp. 44 _et -seq._, 76, 142; T. P. Young, _Histoire de l'enseignement primaire et -secondaire en Ecosse_, Paris, 1907, pp. 12 _et seq._, pp. 64 _et seq._; -J. Grant, _Burgh Schools of Scotland_, London and Glasgow, 1876, pp. 64, -404; F. Michel, _Les Ecossais en France et les Francais en Ecosse_, -1862, ii. p. 78. - -[406] _Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melville, minister of -Kilrenny and Professor of Theology in the University of St. Andrews_, -ed. R. Pitcairn (Wodrow Soc., Edinburgh, 1842), pp. 16 _et seq._ - -[407] His daughter Esther, who married a Scotch minister Kello, became -famous for her calligraphy. Some of her work, preserved in the Bodleian, -was admired by Hearne (_Collections and Recollections_, Oxf. Hist. Soc., -1885, i. p. 38). - -[408] D. Murray, _Some Early Grammars, etc., in use in Scotland_, in the -Proceedings of the Royal Philos. Soc. of Glasgow, xxxvii. pp. 267-8. In -the _List of Books printed in Scotland before 1700_, by H. G. Aldis -(Edinburgh Bibliog. Soc., 1904), there is not one book on the French -language amongst the 3919 titles recorded. - -[409] Pasquier, _Letters_, Amsterdam, 1723, lib. i. p. 5. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - - HUGUENOT TEACHERS OF FRENCH--OTHER CLASSES OF FRENCH - TEACHERS--RIVALRIES IN THE PROFESSION--THE "DUTCH" AND ENGLISH - TEACHERS - - -We have seen that some of the refugees who came to England as a result -of the persecutions in France and the Netherlands were professional -schoolmasters; others joined the profession on their arrival, through -force of circumstances, or as a means of repaying hospitality. The lot -of such teachers varied considerably. Some lived and taught in -gentlemen's families; others thrived by waiting on a private -aristocratic clientele; others gained a more precarious livelihood under -less powerful patronage; and yet others opened private schools, often -with decided success. Many of these teachers[410] were denizens, and had -long teaching careers, chiefly in London; a certain Abraham Bushell, for -instance, a native of "Rotchell," had been a "schoolmaster of the French -tongue" in London for twenty-two years in 1618, during which time he had -attended the French Church. Many other French teachers were members of -the French Church, which naturally, seeing that it fostered a French -school itself, took a particular interest in the French schoolmasters -generally. Thus in 1560 all French schoolmasters having schools in -London were summoned before the consistory, which was seeking to -ascertain how many belonged to the Church, and also what book they used -in teaching the children. Eight were ready to conform to the Church and -its discipline;[411] a ninth, one Gilles Berail, refused to conform, on -the plea that he attended the English parish church and understood -English as well as French. - -With the exception of Holyband, the chief Huguenot teachers who gathered -round St. Paul's Churchyard would seem to have been Normans. One of -these was Robert Fontaine, a friend of Holyband. He had a long and -varied career in England as a teacher of French. Arriving in 1550, he -remained in England during the reign of Mary, modifying his religious -convictions to suit the exigencies of the time. He returned to his -former faith early in the reign of Elizabeth, and expressed contrition -for his "falling off to idolatry."[412] He attended the French Church -faithfully in the early time of its revival, but he appears to have gone -more frequently to the Anglican Church in later years, and possibly his -sympathies were more in that direction. The favourite neighbourhood, St. -Paul's Churchyard, was the scene of his activities, and there he lived -for many years with one of his countrymen, Mr. Bowry, a purse-maker. In -1571 he had been living seventeen years in the vicinity of the -Cathedral, and in 1582, the latest mention of him in the returns of -aliens, he was still in the same district, and appears to have been very -prosperous. - -Some of this group of Normans added to their activities that of writing -books for teaching French--an occupation for which Fontaine, presumably, -had not time or inclination. One such author was Jacques Bellot, a -"gentleman of the city of Caen in Normandie," who came to England in -1578, or the end of 1577, probably driven from his native land by the -persecutions. He was received into the household of Sir Philip Wharton, -third baron of that name, and in a surprisingly short time produced a -French Grammar, which he dedicated to his patron, with an expression of -his gratitude. Bellot, it appears, had already a considerable connexion. -His work is preceded by numerous commendatory poems, after the fashion -of the time. The poet Thomas Newton of Chester wrote two of these, one -in Latin and the other in English, laying stress on the debt due by his -countrymen to these French grammarians: - -[Header: JACQUES BELLOT] - - Thankes therefore great and threefold thankes are due - By right to those, whose travaile, toyle and penne - Dothe breake the yce for others to ensue, - By rules and practice for us Englishmen, - An easye way, a methode most in use - Amonge the Learn'de t' enduce to knowledge sure. - -Other verses are written in French by John and William Wroth, no doubt -two of the numerous sons of the politician Sir Thomas Wroth. - -This new work, entitled _The French Grammar, or An Introduction orderly -and Methodically by ready rules, playne preceptes and evident examples, -teachinge the French Tongue_, differs from the popular books of -Holyband, and also from most other French manuals, in that it deals with -grammar alone. It opens with the usual observations on pronunciation. -Each letter is taken in turn, and the position of the organs necessary -to produce it is given. The author makes no attempt to compare the -French sounds with the English equivalents. He had probably not yet had -time to master the intricacies of English pronunciation, although the -whole book is written in English; and he also, no doubt, made free use -of grammars written in France. He tells us, for instance, that "_c_ -ought to be pronounced with the tongue against the roof of the mouth, -and the mouth somewhat open"; that "_f_ is pronounced holding the nether -lip against the upward teeth"; and that "_h_ is but aspiration, which -loseth his sound after _e_ feminine, and also after every consonant." -Then, after a few general observations and lists of numbers, months, and -other familiar words, we reach the second part of the Grammar, which -deals with the eight parts of speech. Each is defined and commented on -in turn. The wording is often quaint; for instance, verbs are defined as -"words which be declined with Modes and tenses, and are betokenynge -doing." This second book treats of the accidence. In the third we pass -to the consideration of syntax with the following warning: - - Dire, _sy ay_ (quoy qu'usage on en face) - N'est point parle en courtois et bien nay: - Bien seant n'est aussy, dire, _non ay_: - _Sauf votre honneur_, ou bien _sauf votre grace_ - Seroient trouvez de trop meilleure grace. - _Je ne l'ay fait_, est trop desordonne: - _Pardonnez moy_, seroit mieux ordonne, - Car grand fureur douce parolle efface. - _Nous estions_, _Nous y pensons_, faut dire, - Non, _J'estions_, on ne s'en fait que rire, - Ne _J'y pensons_, tout cela est repris. - Les bons Francois ne parlent point ainsy. - Acunement pris ne doit estre aussy - _Petit_, pour _peu_, ny _peu_ pour _petit_ pris. - -This part of the work is not extensive, and consists of a miscellaneous -collection of observations; we are, for instance, told that the -antecedent governs its relative, that the adjective agrees with its -noun, and we are supplied also with rules for the gender and number, the -negative, and so on. To this Bellot adds a fourth book, which is perhaps -the most curious part of the work. It deals with French versification. -We are first favoured with a description of the structure of various -forms of poems, such as the "chant royal," the "ballade," the sonnet, -rondeau, "dixain," and so on, each accompanied by an example, by way of -illustration. The various forms of rime are next described and -exemplified; and some of the complicated forms dear to the -"rhetoriqueurs" find a place here. This is followed by a description of -the various kinds of metres, again with examples; and finally rhythm, -colour or "liziere," the caesura, elision, the "coupe feminine," and the -use of the apostrophe are treated. Such is this little treatise on the -"French poeme," which shows incidentally that Bellot had not yet learned -the lesson enforced by the _Pleiade_ more than twenty years before he -wrote. - -What strikes one most, perhaps, in Bellot's Grammar is that he makes no -attempt to deal with the difficulties which the French language presents -to the English in particular. No comparison of the two languages is -instituted; no emphasis is laid on points in which they differ. Were it -not written in English, it might be taken for a study of the language on -the model of those produced in France. Considering that the work was -published in the year of his arrival in England, it seems almost certain -that he had begun his study before his arrival, and translated it -himself, or had it translated into English. This would account for its -unusual character. - -Bellot opens and closes his Grammar with apologies. He repudiates all -claim to completeness, and writes, he says, merely to provoke the -"learned" to do better. "Yet the worke is not so leane and voide of -fruite, but there is in it some taste. The bee gathereth honey from the -smallest flowers, and so may the wise man from this small work." - -Some time after the publication of his Grammar, he joined the group of -French teachers dwelling in the neighbourhood of St. Paul's Churchyard. -He was there in 1582, and made the acquaintance of Holyband, who had -then resumed his French school in that locality. In the following year -he wrote a quatrain and a sonnet in praise of Holyband's latest work, -the _Campo di Fior_ (1583): - - Goustez Anglois, Gent bien heureuse, - Les fleurs qu'en vostre Isle argenteuse - Vous donne Holybande pour un gage. - -It is not certain how Bellot employed his time there. He may have had a -school, or have taught privately. In any case he was a member of the -French Church, and in the returns of aliens he calls himself a -"schoolmaster" and a "teacher of children."[413] But the title on which -he is most insistent is that of "gentleman." He is a "gentilhomme -cadomois," or a gentleman of Caen, and usually attaches the abbreviation -G.C. to his name. His attitude to the usual type of French teacher is -distinctly supercilious. He prided himself on belonging to the "noblesse -instruite et de Savoir," and had the reputation of teaching elegant -French. - -In 1580 he dedicated to no less a person than Francois de Valois,[414] -brother to Henry III., a work for teaching English to foreigners. Like -Holyband, he gave his book the title of "Schoolmaster": _Maistre -d'Escole Anglois pour les naturelz francois, et autre estrangers qui ont -la langue francoyse, pour parvenir a la vraye prononciation de la langue -Angloise_.[415] The work contains rules of pronunciation and grammar, -given in opposite columns in French and English; it was evidently -written in French in the first place, and then somewhat carelessly -translated into English, for in the English column the illustrative -examples are given in French. This produces a curious effect, and -involves such statements as: "_quand_ should be pronounced as _Houen_" -(when), etc. In the dedication he refers to his "misfortune," by which, -presumably, he means his exile.[416] - -Bellot was busily occupied in the production of other text-books also -during his residence in Paul's Churchyard. The _Maistre d'Escole -Anglois_ appeared in January 1580, and in 1581 was followed by a third -work, in the form of a collection of moral dicta, entitled _Le Jardin de -vertu et bonnes moeurs plain de plusieurs belles fleurs et riches -sentences, avec le sens d'icelles, recueillies de plusieurs -autheurs_,[417] and intended to be used as a "reader." It was published -by the French refugee printer Thomas Vautrollier, who, at the same time, -issued a new edition of Holyband's _French Littleton_. The works of the -two friends were of the same size, and are bound together in the copy -preserved in the British Museum. - -Holyband, with his long-standing reputation, may have been able to -further Bellot's interests. In 1580 he had dedicated his Latin work on -French pronunciation to the queen, and in the following year Bellot -obtained the same favour for his little work. He accordingly opened his -book with six French sonnets in honour of Her Majesty, celebrating her -generous reception of strangers, not omitting to beg her protection for -the "garden": - - Recoy donc ce jardin: te plaise a l'appuyer - De ta faveur Royalle: et pren le jardinier - En ta protection contre la gent hargneuse: - Alors il tachera (sans appouvrir la France) - L'Angleterre enrichir d'oeuvres d'autre importance, - Pour faconner l'Anglois au Francoys, en son estre, - Alors il chantera tes vertus en tout lieu. . . . - -The whole of the _Jardin_ is printed in French and English; each maxim -or saying is accompanied by explanations of the most difficult words, by -means of synonyms, paraphrases, and definitions, as in the following -example: - - La memoire du prodigue est nulle. Of the prodigall ther is no memory. - - Prodigue est:-- Prodigal is:-- - un degasteur, un rioteux et a wastefull, a riotious and - un excessif depenseur, an outrageous spender, - un consomme-tout, qui degaste a spendall that will lavishe - et depense ou il n'en est and spende where - nul besoin et a l'endroit de it needeth not and upon whom - qui n'en a besoin. it needeth not. - Memoire est:-- Memory is:-- - une souvenance, une resconte pensee, a remembrance, and having in minde, - une chose non mise en oubly. a not forgetting. - Le Moral:-- The meaning:-- - La renommee et fame du The prodigall mans fame and renown - prodigue ne dure ny continue long endureth nor continueth - temps: si tost qu'il est mort not long; as sone as he is gone - et passe il est oublie and dead he is forgotten - et hors de toute souvenance. and out of all remembrance. - Cicero en Paradox dit:-- Cicero in Paradox saith:-- - Les prodigues employent et Prodigall men employ and - degastent leurs biens en wast their goods upon - choses dont ils ne peuvent thinges whereof they can not - laisser qu'une courte memoire leave but a short memory - de eux, ou point du tout. of them, or none at all. - -[Header: NORMANS IN ENGLAND] - -It will be noticed that Bellot had not fully mastered the English idiom, -although he had written an English grammar. The rest of the "beautiful -flowers of vertue" which he planted in his "garden" are similar in -character and treatment. He characteristically closes his little book -with a prayer, which he quaintly compares to a fence to keep the "goats" -from harming the "flowers." - -In 1583 Bellot was still living near St. Paul's Churchyard. But after -this date we lose all trace of him until 1588, when the printer Robert -Robinson received a licence to print "a booke intytuled a grammar in -Frenche and Englishe, the auttour is James Bellot."[418] This second -French Grammar was known as _The French Methode_.[419] - -To the numerous band of Normans in England also belonged, perhaps, G. De -la Mothe, who wrote the letter "N" after his name. De la Mothe was -another refugee for the sake of religion, and he speaks with gratitude -of the generous welcome he received in England.[420] He tells us that -the cruel civil wars in France had "burnt the wings of his studies" and -ruined his fortune.[421] On his arrival in England, he began his career -as a teacher of French in the same way as many others; he became a -tutor in a noble family, and shortly after produced a book for teaching -French. He was first appointed French tutor to the son of Sir Henry -Wallop, Lord Chief Justice of Ireland and a prominent patron of the -refugees, on the return of his lordship to England in 1589. De la Mothe -was also received, at some date before 1592, into the midst of another -important English family, the Wenmans, of Thame Park, Oxfordshire. He -taught French to the girls, and early in 1592, if not before, was at -Oxford with the eldest son, Richard Wenman,[422] afterwards Sir Richard, -and his brothers. - -De la Mothe had in the meantime written a French text-book which he -called _The French Alphabet, Teaching in a very short time by a most -easie way, to pronounce French naturally, to read it perfectly, to unite -it truly, and to speak it accordingly, Together with a Treasure of the -French Tongue_.[423] He divided it into two parts, which he dedicated to -each of his patrons--the first to Sir Henry Wallop and the second to Sir -Richard Wenman's mother, at whose request he had undertaken the work. De -la Mothe acknowledges his debt of gratitude to both, and also to the -country which had received him so hospitably, in terms which contain -something more than the usual trite expressions. - -The _French Alphabet_ was licensed to the printer Richard Field in -1592,[424] but no copy of this earliest edition has been preserved. -Field succeeded to Vautrollier's successful business, and in this same -year showed his friendship for his fellow-townsman[425] Shakespeare, by -printing the first work he published, _Venus and Adonis_. It is of -course pure conjecture to suggest that Shakespeare saw and even read the -little book printed by his friend. Whether this be so or not, it was -perhaps through Field and his Huguenot connexions--he had married -Vautrollier's widow--that Shakespeare became acquainted with the family -of Christopher Montjoy. - -[Header: G. DE LA MOTHE, N.] - -A new edition of the _Alphabet_ appeared in 1595, from the press of -Edward Alde. At this date De la Mothe had joined the group of teachers -in St. Paul's Churchyard. He taught at the "Signe of the Helmet," and -"there you shall finde him ever willing to show you any favour or -curtesie he may; and most ready to endeavour himselfe to satisfie you in -all that can be possible for hime to doe." The Sign of the Helmet was -the address of the bookseller Thomas Chard.[426] Any one desirous of -becoming acquainted with the author for his better furtherance in the -French tongue could also make enquiries at the Sign of St. John the -Evangelist in Fleet Street, beneath the Conduit, where lived the printer -and bookseller Hugh Jackson, commissioned to sell the book--further -instances of the friendly relations between the French teachers and the -printers and booksellers of the time, through whom these teachers would, -no doubt, get a large proportion of their clientele. The Huguenot -sympathies of many of the printers, such as Vautrollier and Field, -account in part for this cordial feeling. - -After the 1595 edition of his work we hear nothing further of De la -Mothe. Although the name occurs frequently in the returns of aliens, -none can be identified with him. He probably seized an early opportunity -of returning to his native land. His manual, however, did not disappear -with him. Second in popularity only to the works of Holyband in the -sixteenth century, it enjoyed numerous editions in the seventeenth.[427] -Excepting the omission of De la Mothe's advertisement, all the later -editions are identical. They were issued from the press of Field's -successor, George Miller.[428] It is difficult to understand how the -1595 edition came to be printed by Edward Alde, though his work was -evidently countenanced by De la Mothe. - -The _French Alphabet_ is a very practical little work. It contains rules -for pronunciation and familiar dialogues in the usual style. The whole -is given in French and English arranged on opposite pages. His treatment -of pronunciation is much the same as Holyband's, and he sometimes -transcribes freely from his active contemporary's work.[429] He -explains the sounds chiefly by comparison with English, giving the -nearest equivalent to each letter. After the letters he deals with the -syllables and then the words. The rules are arranged in the form of -dialogues between master and pupil: - - Sir, will it please you do me Monsieur, vous plaist il me faire - so much favour (or would tant de faveur (ou voudriez - you take the pain) to vous prendre la peine) de - teach me to speak French? m'apprendre a parler Francois? - With all my heart, if Tres volontiers, si vous - you have a desire to it. en avez envie. - I desire nothing more. Je ne desire rien plus. - If you desire it you Si vous le desirez vous - shall learn it quickly, l'apprendez bien, - if you please to take s'il vous plaist de prendre - some pain. un peu de peine. - There is nothing though never so hard Il n'y a rien si difficile - but by labour it may be made easie. qui par labeur ne soit facile. - You say true, Vous dites vray, - I believe you. je vous en croy. . . . - How do you pronounce Comment prononcez vous - the letter a? la lettre a? - A is pronounced plaine and long as A se prononce ouvert et long comme - this English word awe, to be in awe, ce mot Anglois awe, to be in awe, - as ma, ta, sa, la, comme ma, ta, sa, la, - bat, part, blanc, etc. bat, part, blanc, etc. - -And the next lesson takes the following form: [Header: HIS FRENCH -ALPHABET] - - Sir, can you say your lesson? Monsieur, scaves vous vostre lecon? - Have you learnt to pronounce your Aves vous apprins a prononcer vos - letters? lettres? - Yea, as well as I can. Ouy, le mieux qu'il m'est possible. - I have done nothing but study it Je n'ay fait autre chose qu'estudier. - since you did heare me yesterday depuis que vous me feistes dire hier. - It is very well done, C'est tresbien fait, - I am glad then. i'en suis bien aise. - Go to, let me heare you how you do Or aus, que je voye comment vous - pronounce. prononcez. - I will, I am content. Je le veux, i'en suis content. - Say then, begin, speak Dites, doncq, commencez, parlez - aloud. haut. - Pronounce distinctly. Softly, Prononcez distinctement. Tout beau, - make no haste, open your ne vous hastez point, ouvrez la - mouth. bouche. - That is very well, that is well Voyla qui est bien, cela est bien - said. dit. - Repeat it once again. Repetez encore une fois derechef. - Do I pronounce it well? Yea, Prononce-je bien? Ouy, - you pronounce well. vous prononcez bien. - Help me, I pray you. Aydez moy, je vous prie. - How do you pronounce that letter? Comment se prononce ceste lettre? - Before we go any further Devant que passer oultre - you must il faut que vous - pronounce perfectly your letters. prononciez vos lettres parfaitement. - Now that you can tell your letters Maintenant que vous scavez vos - well, lettres, - learne your syllables, apprenez vos syllables, - say after me. dictes apres moy. - -After dealing with the sounds of the French language, De la Mothe passes -to more general considerations. He touches on the much-discussed -question of the reform of the orthography, and expresses his strong -disapproval of all attempts to make it tally with the pronunciation. -Then he deals with the pronunciation of the Law French of the -English,[430] which he puts down to such fanciful experiments. Lawyers -write their French as they pronounce it, and pronounce it as they write -it, so that it is now quite corrupt. He next proceeds to give his pupils -a short history of the chief Romance tongues, French, Italian, and -Spanish, and finally of the English language. - -The remainder of the first part of the _Alphabet_ is occupied by short -familiar dialogues on the usual subjects--greetings, the weather, the -divisions of time, buying and selling, and the occurrences of daily -life--as follows: - - _For to aske the way._ _Pour demander le chemin._ - - How many miles to London? Combien y a il d'icy a Londres? - Ten leagues, twenty miles. Dix lieues, vingt mil. - What way must we keep? Quel chemin faut il tenir? - Which is the shortest Ou est le plus court - way to goe to Rye? chemin d'icy a Rye? - Keepe alwayes the great way. Suyvez tousjours le grand chemin. - Do not stray neither to the right Ne vous fourvoyez ny a dextre - nor to the left hand. ny a sinestre. - What doe I owe you now? Combien vous doy-je maintenant? - Two shillings. Here it is. Deux sols. Les voyla. - Bring me my horse. Amenez moy mon cheval. - Will you take horse? Vous plaist il monter a cheval? - Yea, I hope I shall not alight Ouy, j'espere que je ne descendrez - till I be come to London. que je ne soys arrive a Londres. - God be with you. Farewell. Adieu. Bonne vie et longue. - -At the end of these dialogues comes the second part of De la Mothe's -book, entitled the _Treasure of the French Tongue_. It consists of a -collection of French and English proverbs and golden sayings, -"diligently gathered and faithfully set in order after the Alphabeticall -manner, for those that are desirous of the French tongue." These early -teachers of French were fond of such collections. They usually included -proverbs in their grammar books, and Palsgrave, as we have seen, hoped -to publish a separate work on them. His intention seems to have been -first fully realised by De la Mothe, although Holyband had included a -smaller list in both his popular text-books. - -From De la Mothe's _French Alphabet_, more than from any other of these -early works, we can form a fairly adequate idea of the method of -teaching French prevalent at the time. Much importance was attached to -pronunciation and to reading, which were made the first subject of -study. Rules were felt to be desirable for learning the sounds, but more -stress was laid on the services of a good teacher; "for do not think," -says De la Mothe, "that my book is by itself to make thee a good -Frenchman." His own method was to make his pupils repeat the sounds -after him. He believed that the acquirement of a good pronunciation -depended on a mastery of each separate sound in the language. According -to him, any one who can pronounce each letter correctly must, perforce, -enunciate words correctly, and on the same plan, sentences also; a -rather questionable theory this, but we must remember that De la Mothe -took for granted the daily attendance of a French tutor. The -understanding of the language De la Mothe regards as the second stage in -the pupil's progress. This he considers a natural consequence of a -perfect command of the pronunciation and reading of the language. Lastly -comes the speaking of the language, which, according to him, results -from understanding it. - -De la Mothe does not only expound his theories; he also gives fairly -detailed information as to how they may be put into practice. After -engaging a good teacher, the student should learn to pronounce his -letters and syllables perfectly. Then he may begin to read, very slowly -at first, at the rate of from three to four lines a day, "or more or -less according as your capacity can reach or your patience permit." -[Header: HIS METHOD FOR LEARNING FRENCH] Each word should be spelt four -or five times, and in the spelling and reading the pupil should "not let -passe any letter or syllable without bringing them to the trial of his -rules." When you can "read truly and pronounce perfectly, then go about -to English it." First translate the French passages into English, with -the help of the word for word translation provided, then copy out the -French into a book provided for the purpose, close the _Alphabet_ and -attempt to translate your copy into English at sight, correcting the -version by referring again to the _Alphabet_. Next proceed to -retranslate the English back into French on a similar method. "Continue -this order for a month, every day repeating three or four times, both -your letters and your syllables, and reading and Englishing as many -times your old from the beginning till your latter lesson." ... "Being -once able to reade and pronounce perfectly with your rules, two or three -leaves of your book, at most, I can assure you that there is not any -French book though never so hard, but you shall be able to reade it and -pronounce it as truly as can be wished. For in less than one leaf of -your book, all your rules are to be observed, three or four times at -least. For there is not a word but in it is one or two rules to be -noted." - -When the learner has thus fully mastered the rules of pronunciation, he -may go forward speedily, translating from English into French, and from -French into English, and revising constantly. "This is the only ready -way to learn to read and pronounce, to write and speak French." Not a -single day should be allowed to pass without exercises of this kind, and -"you shall find in less than five or six weeks your labour and dilegence -afford you much profit, and advancement, that you will wonder at it, and -much greater than I dare promise you." - -Those who have made some progress in the language, De la Mothe advises -to make the acquaintance of some Frenchman, if possible, "to the end -that you may practice with him by daily conference together, in speech -and talk, what you have learned. And if you be in place where the -Frenchmen have a Church for themselves, as they do in London, get you a -French Bible or a New Testament, and every day go both to their lectures -and Sermons. The one will confirm and strengthen your pronunciation, and -the other cause you to understand when one doth speak." And, finally, if -you wish to understand the hardest and most "eloquent" French, and to -speak it naturally, you must not neglect reading, but provide yourself -with a French Dictionary, and the hardest book you can find, and set -about translating it, on the method already described. If the student -will not take the pains to translate the book, he should at least read -it carefully, and write out a list of the hardest words and of -appropriate phrases "to serve his turn, either to speak or write when he -has need of them." - -Although De la Mothe makes no mention of grammar, when he describes his -method of teaching, he did not consider it unnecessary. Indeed he -declares it is not possible to speak French perfectly without such -rules, which he no doubt used for purposes of reference, as he did the -rules of pronunciation. He even promises to produce shortly a _French -Tutor_, "that will teach you in so short and easie a way as may be, both -by the perfect knowledge of the parts of your speeches, and syntaxe, not -only to speak perfectly, but also to know if one doth not speak well, to -reprove him when he doth speak ill, and to teach him to amend his bad -speech: a thing which yet before has never been taught. The promise is -great, but the performance shall not be less if this be acceptable to -you." Unfortunately this promise does not seem to have been kept. That -his _Alphabet_ did not prove "acceptable" cannot be the reason. Most -probably De la Mothe left England before he had time to show his -gratitude to the English nobility by the production of this second book. - -We have seen that these teachers of French did not always look upon each -other as rivals. Bellot wrote verses in honour of Holyband, who was a -friend of Fontaine, another of the group of French teachers in St. -Paul's Churchyard. But such friendly relations were not general. The -teachers just mentioned belonged to what formed, no doubt, the highest -rank of the profession. Bellot calls himself a "gentilhomme," and so -does Holyband; and both refer to criticism and attacks upon them by -other French teachers.[431] Holyband calls attention to the -unscrupulousness of many of them, who take money in advance and do -nothing to earn it; and expresses his contempt for his critics--Frenchmen -ignorant of English, Burgundians, or Englishmen who do not know -French thoroughly. [Header: FRIENDSHIPS AND RIVALRIES] The many -French-speaking schoolmasters from the Netherlands--chiefly -Walloons and Burgundians--and the English teachers of French formed -separate groups apart from the Huguenots. Yet another group was -recruited from the ranks of the Roman Catholics. - -The Burgundians, who did not come from Burgundy, but from that portion -of the Netherlands which had been under the rule of the House of -Burgundy, formed a very considerable proportion of the foreign -population of London. In 1567 there were only forty-four of them in -London, but by 1571 their number had risen to four hundred and -twenty-four--almost as many as the total number of French in the -city.[432] The Walloons were still more numerous, and no doubt -outnumbered the French. Such instructors were an obstacle in the way of -those desirous of raising the standard of the French taught in England. -Against the peculiarities of the French spoken in the Netherlands, -Holyband is constantly warning his pupils. "You shall know them," he -says, "at the pronunciation of _c_, as the proper mark of their -language," for they sound it as the English _sh_ or the French _ch_, -saying _shela_ for _cela_.[433] Warnings were also given against the -barbarisms of the Picard dialect. - -Of the many "Dutch" teachers in London--an epithet which usually -includes the Flemings and Walloons--it is impossible to say which -actually taught French.[434] Apparently those who attended the French -Church taught that language; a certain Gouvert Hawmells, for example, a -native of Antwerp, who came to England in 1568--"for religion"--is -specially mentioned as a teacher of the French language; in 1571 he was -living with his family in the house of one Thomas Grimes in St. -Margaret's parish. He attended the French Church and was not a -denizen.[435] Apparently his case was not an exceptional one. What is -more, there were in London French schoolmistresses from the Low -Countries. Marry Lemaire, "by trade a French schoolmistress," was a -native of Antwerp and came to England in 1578; for over forty years she -kept school in Southwick. Another French schoolmistress, Anness Deger, -born in Tournay, came to England some ten years earlier, and in 1618 was -still practising her "trade" in Tenter Abbey. Her qualifications were -not of the first order; in the Register of Aliens she was unable to sign -her name, for which she substituted a cross. There was also a "goodwife -Frances schoolmistress, in Popinjay Alley," mentioned in 1598 and 1599, -but whether she taught French or not is not specified. - -Although the chief French teachers who were responsible for the manuals -of the second half of the sixteenth century were Huguenots, it is -extremely probable that Roman Catholic teachers were in the majority. -When a census of the foreigners dwelling in London was taken in 1563, -only 712 out of a total of 4534 had come to England on religious -grounds.[436] Naturally the proportion of Protestants greatly increased -as the persecutions grew more severe, until the passing of the Edict of -Nantes in their favour in 1598. Then it probably again decreased; in the -time of Charles I. there were at least five French papists to one French -Protestant.[437] These Roman Catholic teachers were as a matter of -course regarded as suspect by those in authority, and Jesuit priests -teaching in noble English families, or those conversant with them, were -carefully watched.[438] The suspicions aroused by the John Love who had -a French school in St. Paul's Churchyard have already been noticed. This -feeling became particularly strong after the Gunpowder Plot (1605). In -the "Constitutions, Laws, Statutes, Decrees and Ordinances" of the Bury -St. Edmunds Town Council of 1607 an article was inserted "to prevent the -infectinge of youth in Poperie by Schoolmasters."[439] [Header: CLASSES -OF FRENCH TEACHERS] The constables of every ward in the borough had to -certify the Aldermen, Recorder, and Justices of the Peace, of the names -of all persons "that do keep any school for the teaching of youth to -write, read, or understand the English, Latin, French, Italian and -Spanish Tongues, upon pain to forfeit for every default 6s. 8d." This -notification had to be made quarterly. Others than the master or usher -of the free grammar school, wishing to teach any of these languages, had -to obtain special licence; and any one sending his children to a school -kept by a teacher who had no licence was liable to forfeit for every -week the sum of 6s. 8d. - -Fear of proselytism was not the only incentive which aroused the -animosity of certain sections of the English public. Many young -Englishmen received much of their education from French tutors, -frequently refugees, who taught them the usual subjects as well as -French. One objection raised against them was that they corrupted their -pupils' English if they spoke and wrote English themselves, as they did -almost without exception. Thus they "pul downe with one hand more than -they can build with the other," wrote Th. Morrice in 1619.[440] Such -complaints, however, cannot have been very general or have had much -effect on the lot of French teachers. - -A further attack was to come from another quarter. In the early years of -the sixteenth century, as in the Middle Ages, Englishmen had held an -important place in the French teaching profession. They had been called -to important positions as tutors, and had written grammars of the -language. After the appearance of Palsgrave's Grammar, however, we hear -no more of these English teachers of French, driven into the background, -no doubt, by the great invasion of French teachers. Probably Duwes's -earlier attack had helped either to turn public favour from the native -teachers or to discourage them. Holyband, too, had endorsed the opinion -of Duwes somewhat later, and expressed the little importance he attached -to their criticisms. To acquire the true French pronunciation and idiom, -he declares, it is necessary to learn from a Frenchman. - -Towards the end of the sixteenth century, however, an English teacher of -French came forward, and energetically took up the defence of his -fellow-teachers of English birth. This was John Eliote, a man of -boisterous spirits and a lover of good wine--a taste which he had -acquired in France, where he had lived many years. There, if the -dialogue he wrote for the help of students of French may be taken as -autobiographical, he had spent three years in the College of Montagu at -Paris, taught for a year in the College des Africains at Orleans, lived -for ten months at Lyons, and spent a year amongst the Benedictine monks. -On the murder of Henri III. in 1589, Eliote returned to England, -strongly imbued with a love for the country in which he had lived so -long. - - "Surely for my part," he writes, "France I love well, Frenchmen I - hate not, and unto you I sweare by S. Scobe cap de Gascongne, that - I love a cup of new Gascon or old Orleans wine, as well as the best - French of you all. Which love, you must know, was engendered in the - sweet soile of Fraunce, where I paissed like a bon companion, with - a steele at my girdle, till the Friars (a canker of the cursed - Convent) fell to drawing of naked knives, and kild indeed the good - King Henrie of France, the more the pitye. Since which time I - retired myself among the merrie muses, and by the worke of my pen - and inke, have dezinkhornifistibulated a fantasticall Rapsody of - dialoguisme, to the end that I would not be found an idle drone - among so many famous teachers and professors of noble languages, - who are very busy daily in devising and setting forth new bookes & - instructing our English gentry in this honourable citie of London." - -This "fantasticall rapsody" was published in 1593, and entitled the -_Ortho-Epia Gallica. Eliot's Fruits for the French enriched with a -double new invention, which teacheth to speake truly, speedily, voluably -the French tongue. Pend for the practice, pleasure and profit of all -English gentlemen, who will endevour by their owne paine, study, and -diligence, to attain the naturall accent, the true pronunciation and -swift and glib Grace of this noble, famous and courtly Language._[441] - -It was dedicated to the young Sir Robert Dudley,[442] son of the famous -Earl of Leicester, whom Eliote possibly instructed in the French tongue. -Eliote had taken up the teaching of French, "that most ticklish of all -tongues," on his return to England, and in his book he speaks of his -long practice in learning and teaching the language. He proceeds, in the -first place, to make fun of the "learned Professors of the French Tongue -in the city of London." [Header: ENGLISH TEACHERS OF FRENCH] He -burlesques the dedicatory epistles of his predecessors, especially that -of Bellot,[443] and declares he is fully aware that, to be in the -fashion, he ought to "dilate in some good speeches of the dignitie of -the French tongue, and then show what ease this book of mine shall bring -to the learning of the French, more than other bookes have done -heretofore." But he must first ask pardon for his presumption in writing -on this subject. - - "Do no blame me," he says, addressing the "gentle doctors of - Gaule," as he called them, "if because I would not be found a - loyterer in mine own countrie, amongst so many virtuously occupied, - I have put my pen to paper: if I have bene busie, labourd, sweat, - dropt, studied, devised, fought, bought, borrowed, turned, - translated, mined, fined, refined, interlined, glossed, composed, - and taken intollerable toil to shew an easie entrance and - introduction to my deare countrimen, in your curious and courtesan - French tongue, to the end to advance them as much as may bee, in - the knowledge of all virtuous and noble qualities, to the which - they are all naturally adicted." - -He is quite ready to have his book criticised as the work of an -Englishman, and challenges these "gentle doctors" "to be ready quickly -to cavill at his booke." - - "I beseech you," he continues, "heartily calumniate my doings with - speede, I request you humbly controll my method as soone as you - may, I earnestly entreat you hisse at my inventions, I desire you - to peruse my periodicall punctuations, find fault with my pricks, - nicks, and tricks, prove them not worth a pin, not a point, not a - pish: argue me a fond, foolish, frivolous, and phantasicall author, - and persuade every one that you meet, that my booke is a false, - fained, slight, confused, absurd, barbarous, lame, imperfect, - single, uncertaine, childish, piece of work, and not able to teach - and why so? Forsooth because it is not your owne but an - Englishman's doing. Faile you not to do so, if you love me, and - would have me do the like for you another time." - -While admitting that there may be a few good French teachers amongst the -refugees, he outlines a picture of the ordinary type which is far from -flattering; and we gather that he had himself studied French with -several refugees. He implies that the French teachers receive money in -advance, and then do nothing else but "take their eases and, as the -renowned poet saith, - - Saulter, dancer, faire les tours, - Boire vin blanc et vermeil, - Et ne rien faire tous les jours - Que conter escuz au soleil. - -Mercurie the god of Cunning, and Dis the Father of French crowns are -their deities." They care nothing for the progress of their scholars; -all they do is to give them a short lesson of half an hour, in which -they read and construe about half a page of French. They are equally -indifferent to the troubled state of their country, provided they -themselves are comfortable and well provided with French wines. - - "Messires, what newes from France, can you tell?" he asks them, - "still warres, warres. A heavy hearing truly, yet if you be in good - health, have many scholars, get good store of crowns, and drink - good wine, I doubt not but you shall do well, and I desire the good - God of Heaven to continue it so still. Have they had a fruitful - vintage in France this year, or no? me thinks our Bordeaux wines - are very deare, and in good faith I am very sorry for it. But they - will be at a more reasonable reckoning, if these same loftie - Leaguers would once crouch and come to some good composition ... - that we may safely fetch their deifying liquer, which dieth quickly - our flegmaticke faces into a pure sanguine complexion." - -The style of the introduction is maintained throughout the rest of the -book. Eliote says he wrote the whole "in a merrie phantasicall vaine to -confirme and stir up the wit and memorie of the learner," and -"diversified it with a varietie of stories no lesse authenticall than -the devices of Lucian's dialogues." He admits that he had turned over -some French authors, and where he "espied any pretie example that might -quicken the capacitie of the learner," he "presumed to make a peece of -it flie this way, to set together the frame of (his) fantasticall -comedie ... and out of every one (he) had some share for the better -ornament of (his) worke." Eliote was well acquainted with French -literature. He considered Marot the best poet, and gave Ronsard the -second place only. He also read Du Bartas, Belleau, Desportes, and other -sixteenth-century writers. But most of his admiration was reserved for -Rabelais, "that merrie grig," and it is clear that he modelled his style -on that of the great French humorist. Like Rabelais, he occasionally -affects a sort of gibberish, coins words, and, like him also, he strings -words together and is fond of exaggeration. Numerous passages in the -_Ortho-Epia Gallica_ are reminiscent of famous incidents in _Gargantua_ -and _Pantagruel_. Like Panurge, he defends debts and debtors: - - "Quoy! Debtes! O chose rare et antiquaire. Il n'est bon chrestien - qui ne doibt rien," and, in the style of Rabelais, he assures us - that his book contains "profound and deep mysteries, ... and very - worthie the reading, and such as I thinke you have not had - performed in any other book that is yet extant.... Doest thou see - what a sea, what a gulfe there is? Thou hadst need of Theseus' - thread to guide thee out of that Labyrinth." - -The _Ortho-Epia Gallica_ forms a striking contrast to Palsgrave's rather -austere _Esclarcissement_, the last work on the French language composed -by an Englishman before that of Eliote. [Header: JOHN ELIOTE] The -dialogues occupy nearly the whole volume. The first few pages, however, -contain a table of French sounds with their pseudo-English equivalents. -The pronunciation was, in Eliote's opinion, one of the chief -difficulties of this difficult language, "deemed a jewel, so dearly -bought, and so much desired by all"; and he considered that, with the -help of Ramus and Peletier for the pronunciation, he had succeeded in -reducing "the gulf of difficulties into a small stream" by "sounding the -French by our English alphabet." - -He arranges his dialogues, which he calls _Le parlement de Babillards, -id est, The Parlaiment of Prattlers_, into three groups. The first of -these consists of three long dialogues on the method of learning foreign -languages, on the excellence of writers in both ancient and modern -tongues, and on travel through the chief towns of Europe. The first -dialogue ends with the quotation from Du Bartas in praise of Queen -Elizabeth and her accomplishments, accompanied by a translation in -English verse by Eliote himself. - -The second part, styled "_M. Eliote's first booke_," is of a much more -elementary character than the one just described. Eliote had referred -elsewhere to a work entitled _The Scholler_, in which he propounded a -"general method of learning and teaching all languages contrived by -nature and art, conformable to the precepts of Aristotle." This, or part -of it, evidently formed the first part of the _Ortho-Epia Gallica_, -where it is separately paged.[444] - -In his first and second books, which thus form the second and third -parts of the work, he expounds "his double new invention, which teacheth -Englishmen to speake truly, speedily and volubly the French tong." The -first part of this "invention" consists in placing by the side of the -French and English a third column, giving the French in pseudo-English -equivalents--"the true pronunciation of each word wholly and certain -little stripes (called approches) between the sillables that are to be -spoken roundly and glib in one breath." The twelve dialogues of Eliote's -first book are fairly simple in character, and some of them were -probably suggested by Vives's _Exercitatio_. Their subject matter does -not differ much from earlier dialogues, but their treatment is -decidedly original. The following quotation is taken from the first -dialogue: - - Hau Garcon Ho Garssoon What boy - dors tu dortu slepeth thou - vilain? debout, veelein? deboo, villain? up, - debout, ie te deboo, ie te up, I shall - reveilleray tantost reue-lhere tant-tot shall wake thee soon - avec un bon baton. tavec-keun boon batoon. with a good cudgell. - Je me leve, monsieur. Ie me leveh moonseewr. I rise sir. - Quelle heure est-il? Qel-heur et-til? What o'clock is it? - Il est six heures. Il-e see-zewres. It is six o'clock. - Donnez moy mes Donne moe' mes Give me my - chausses de velours shosseh de veloor my green velvet - verd. vert. breeches. - Lesquelles? Le-keles? Which? - C'est tout un; mes Set-toot-tewn; mes It is all one; my - chausses rondes de shosseh roondeh de round red - satin rouge. . . . sateen roz-eh. . . . satin ones, etc. - -There are twelve dialogues in all, but only each alternate one is -accompanied by this curious guide to pronunciation.[445] - -In the second book and third part the dialogues are longer and more -numerous, dealing with the different trades and occupations--"les devis -familiers des mesters fort delectables a lyre." They do not, however, -confine themselves to the characters usually introduced into similar -dialogues; besides the mercer, the draper, the shoemaker, the innkeeper, -and so on, we have the armourer, the robber, the debtor, the apothecary, -and other characters which offer ample scope for treatment in the -Rabelaisian vein, of which Eliote was so fond. Some suggest that Eliote -was acquainted with Holyband's works. This book contains the second part -of his "double new invention." The French and English are printed on -opposite pages, and in the margin the sounds of the most difficult -French letters are indicated, thus: - - _ai_ sound _e_ - _ay_ sound _e_ - _am_ sound _ein_ - _aine_ sound _eineh_, and so on. - -This table he describes "as Mercurie's finger to direct thee in thy -progress of learning," and he repeats it on the margin of every pair of -opposite pages. - -[Header: THE "ORTHO-EPIA GALLICA"] - -After these twenty dialogues comes the "Conclusion of the parlaiment of -prattlers," which depicts a group of friends walking by the Thames and -St. Paul's, "prattling, chatting, and babbling." The arrangement is the -same as in the previous dialogues, and the work closes with a quotation -from Du Bartas's praise of France: - - O mille et mille fois terre heureuse et feconde, - O perle de l'Europe! O Paradis du monde! - France je te salue, O mere des guerriers. - -In his dialogue called _The Scholar_, incorporated in the first part of -the _Ortho-Epia_, Eliote explains his 'new' method of learning -languages, by nature and art. By "nature" he means the acquirement of a -vocabulary of all created things, by use and common practice; and by -"art" the rules and precepts for combining these into sentences, and -also the authority of learned men. Such rules chiefly concern nouns, -verbs, and pronunciation, "in which the greatest mystery of all -languages consists." Thus, although he gives no grammatical information -in his _Ortho-Epia Gallica_, he recognized its importance. - -Before introducing his pupils to the method of "Nature and Art," Eliote -would have them well grounded in nouns and verbs, and able to translate -dialogues, comedies in verse, and prose writings. He attached much -importance to translation from English into French, just as Palsgrave -did. He directs the student to make out the meaning of the French first -by comparing it with the English column, and then to cover over the -French version, and attempt to translate the English into French. "This -I have learned by long experience to be the readiest way to attaine the -knowledge of any language, that we of Englishmen make French, and not of -French learn English." As to the theory of "Nature and Art," it seems to -have been little more than the method, common at the time, of making -practice the basis of the study of French, and confirming this by rules -as need for them arose. - -In addition to the _Ortho-Epia Gallica_,[446] Eliote also wrote a -_Survey or topographical description of France_, collected from sundry -approved authors. This was published in 1592, and dedicated to Sir John -Pickering, Keeper of the Privy Seal. He also translated from French -into English[447] a number of unimportant works, mostly of topical -interest, one of them being dedicated to Robert, Earl of Essex. Little -else is known of him, except that he was born in Warwickshire in 1562, -and entered Brasenose College, Oxford, on the 12th of December 1580, at -the age of eighteen years.[448] He tells us that he held the degree of -Doctor of Divinity, but there is no record of his having taken any such -degree there. Robert Greene was among his friends, and he wrote a sonnet -in questionable French on Greene's _Perimedes or the Black Smith_, with -which it was published in 1588. These are all the details we possess -concerning this amusing and striking figure among the French teachers of -the sixteenth century. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[410] The names of many have been lost, owing to the incompleteness of -the records, or to the fact that no profession is indicated. A few are -known from other sources to have been schoolmasters or private tutors; -cp. Huguenot Society Publications, vol. x., _Returns of Aliens dwelling -in London_; vols. viii., xviii., _Letters of Denization_. - -[411] Evrard Erail, Onias Ganeur, Charles Bod, Robert Fontaine, Charles -Darvil d'Arras, Jean Vaquerie, Baudouin Mason, and Adrian Tresol -(Schickler, _Eglises du Refuge_, i. p. 124). Of these names only that of -Robert Fontaine is found in the _Returns of Aliens_. Charles Darvil and -Adrian Tresol are again mentioned in connexion with the Church in 1564. -Baudouin Mason received letters of denization in 1565, and Adrian -Tresol, a Netherlander, in 1562. In 1571 there were three other -schoolmasters connected with the Church: Adrian Tressel, John Preste of -Rouen, and Nicolas Langlois or Inglish. All these, however, are -mentioned in the _Returns of Aliens_. - -[412] Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. 182. - -[413] _Returns of Aliens_, Hug. Soc. Pub. x. pt. ii. pp. 228, 335. - -[414] Duc d'Alencon, who died in 1584. - -[415] Printed by Henry Dizlie for Thomas Purfoote. Reprinted by T. Spiro -in the _Neudrucke fruehneuenglischer Grammatiken, herausgegeben von R. -Brotanek_, Bd. 7, Halle, 1912. It contains 75 pages, 8vo. - -[416] Bellot's name does not occur in the Registers (vol. i., Lymington, -1908). - -[417] 16º, pp. 80. - -[418] _Stationers' Register_, 19th February 1588. - -[419] Hazlitt, _Handbook_, 1867, p. 36. - -[420] Perhaps he was a member of the La Motte Fouque family whose name -became so closely connected with the Protestant cause in France. In 1551 -Rene La Motte left Saintonge and went to Normandy, where he died, -leaving two sons and three daughters. Cp. Crottet, _History of the -Reformed Church in Saintonge_, quoted by T. F. Sanxay, _The Sanxay -Family_, 1907. - -[421] "Estant donc refugie a l'ombre favorable du Sceptre de sa -serenissime majeste, qui est le vray port de retraicte et asyle asseure -de ceux qui faisans profession de l'Evangile souffrent ores persecution -soubs la Tyrannie de l'Antichrist, j'ay tasche de tout mon pouvoir de -faire en sorte par mes labeurs que ceste noble Nation qui maintenant -nous sert de mere et de nourrice peust tirer quelque proffit d'iceux, -afin que par ce moyen je peusse eviter le vice enorme de l'ingratitude. -. . . Or entre toutes les belles et rares vertus dont la Noblesse -angloise se rend tant renommee par tout le monde, admiree des -estrangiers, et honoree en son pays, est l'Estude des bonnes lettres, et -cognoissance des langues, qui leur sont si familieres et communes qu'il -s'en trouve peu parmi eux, non seulement entre les Seigneurs et -Gentilhommes, qui n'en parlent trois ou quatre pour le moins, mais aussi -entre les Dames et Damoiselles, exercise veritablement louable, par -lequel toute vertu s'honore et se rend immortelle et sans lequel nulle -autre n'est parfait ni digne d'estre aucunement estime. Or c'est ce qui, -outre la singuliere affection que naturellement ils portent aux -estrangers et la grande courtoisie dont ils ont a coustume de les -traicter, leur faict faire tant d'estat des Francois, si bien qu'il y en -a fort peu qui n'en ait un avec soy." - -[422] Who first went to Oxford in 1587. Foster, _Alumni Oxonienses_, ad -nom. - -[423] _Containing the rarest Sentences, Proverbs, Parables, Similies, -Apothegmes and Golden sayings of the most excellent French Authors as -well Poets as Orators._ - -[424] Arber, _Register of the Company of Stationers_, ii. 614. Miss -Farrer in her book on Holyband takes this entry, _l'Alphabet Francois -avec le Tresor de la langue francoise_, to refer to another edition of -Holyband's _Treasurie_, which, she assumes, was prevented and superseded -by the publication of his dictionary in 1592. - -[425] Field was born at Stratford in the same year as Shakespeare; cp. -S. Lee, _Life of Shakespeare_, pp. 42 _et seq._ - -[426] _A Dictionary of Printers and Booksellers, 1557-1640_, Bibliog. -Soc., 1910: Index of London Addresses. - -[427] 1625, 1631, 1633, 1639, 1647. - -[428] In 1626 the work was made over to Miller by Field's widow. Arber, -_Transcript_, iv. 157. - -[429] How closely, may be judged by comparing the following selection -with the description of Holyband's rules on p. 142, _supra_. - - How do you pronounce g before n? Comment prononcez vous g devant n? - Gn is hardly pronounced by Gn se prononce difficilement par - Englishmen. les Anglois. - Notwithstanding if they will take Toutesfois s'ils veulent prendre - heed garde - how they do pronounce _minion_ ... comment ils prononcent minion, - onion, companion, - it will be more easy for them to il leur sera plus aise de - pronounce it: for though we le prononcer: car encore que nous - do write the selfesame words escrivions ces mesmes mots - with gn, par gn, - neverthelesse there is small neantmoins il y a peu de - difference between difference de - their pronunciation and ours: leur prononciation a la nostre: - let them take heed only seulement qu'ils prennent garde a - to sound g mettre g - in the same syllable that n is, en la mesme syllable que n, - and then they et ils - shall not finde any hardnesse ne trouveront aucune difficulte - in his pronunciation, en sa prononciation, - as mignon ... mi-gnon. comme mi-gnon. . . . - -[430] "Et pourroit a bon droict estre compare a quelques vieilles -masures d'un bastiment ou il a tant creu de ronces et espines, qu'a -grand peine il apert que jamais il y ait eu de maisons. Car devant qu'on -eust trouve l'imprimerie, on l'a tant de fois coppie, et chaque ecrivain -l'escrivant a la fantaisie et ne retenant l'orthographe francoise, que -maintenant il semble qu'il n'y ait presque langage plus esloigne du vray -Francois que ce Francois de vos loix." - -[431] Bellot frequently refers to the _gent hargneuse_ and the -"aiguillons envenimez des langues qui se plaisent a detracter les -oeuvres d'autruy et qui deprisent tout ce qui n'est tire de leurs -boutiques, iacoit que souvente fois leur estofe ne soit que biffes et -hapelourdes." - -[432] _Returns of Aliens_, Hug. Soc. Pub. x. pt. i. pp. xii, xiv. - -[433] And again: "Or vous noteres qu'en tous les noms termines en _ent_, -_t_ n'est pas exprime en la fin: quant aux verbes, il est prononce, mais -bien doucement: donnes vous donc garde d'ensuivre en ceci les -Bourgignons qui expriment leur _t_ si fort que de deux syllabes ilz en -font trois: comme quand nous disons _ils mangent_ . . . le Walon dira; -_ilz mangete_." And yet again: "Sounde _ch_ as _sh_ in English: you -shall not follow in this the Picard or Bourgignions, for they doo -pronounce _ch_ like _k_, say _kien_ for _chien_." - -[434] French was widely used in the Spanish Netherlands, and there was -hardly any opening for the teaching of any of the Germanic languages in -England at this early time, when they were only learnt in exceptional -cases. There were no doubt a few such teachers, here and there. We are -told that in London "there be also teachers and professors of the Holy -or Hebrew language, of the Caldean, Syriack or Arabicke or Tartary -Languages, of the Italian, Spanish, French, Dutch and Polish Tongues. -And here be they which can speake the Persian and the Morisco, and the -Turkish and the Muscovian Language, and also the Sclavonian tongue, -which passeth through seventeen nations. And in divers other languages -fit for Ambassadors and Orators, and Agents for Merchants, and for -Travaylors and necessarie for all commerce or Negociation whatsoever." -Buck, _The Third Universitie of England_, 1619, ch. xxxvii. "Of -Languages." The earliest work for teaching Dutch to Englishmen was -probably the _Dutch Tutor_ of 1660; cp. F. Watson, _Modern Subjects_, -ch. xv. John Minsheu taught a number of languages in London, and wrote a -_Ductor in Linguas_ (1617), in eleven languages. - -[435] Hug. Soc. Pub. x. pt. ii. p. 81. - -[436] _Returns of Aliens_, Hug. Soc. Pub. x. pt. i. p. xi. - -[437] Moens, _The Walloons and their Church at Norwich_, Hug. Soc. Pub. -i. p. 90. - -[438] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., Addenda, 1580-1625_, p. 294. - -[439] _Victoria County Histories: Suffolk_, ii. p. 317. - -[440] _Apologie for Schoolmasters._ - -[441] Sm. 4to, pp. 1-60, and 17-173. Printed by J. Wolfe. Licence dated -18 Dec. 1592. Preface dated 18 April 1593. - -[442] Born 1574; at Oxford in 1588. - -[443] Bellot, in his quality of "gentleman," compares his labours to -those of Diogenes rolling his tub up and down a hill, in order not to be -idle while the Corinthians were busy preparing to defend their city -against Philip of Macedon. Eliote takes up the theme and turns it to -ridicule. - -[444] The first part is paged from 1 to 60, and has signatures A-L in -fours. In _Eliote's first booke_ the pagination begins afresh at p. 17 -and continues to p. 175 at the end of the work: it has signatures _c-y_ -in fours. - -[445] Palsgrave had accompanied his French quotations with similar -indications: - - "Au diziesme an de mon doulant exil - Avdiziemavndemoundoulauntezil." - -[446] He announces his intention of producing a book called _De Natura -et Arte Linguae Gallicae_. - -[447] _Advice given by a Catholike gentleman to the Nobilitie & Commons -of France_, Lond., 1589; _Newes sent unto the Lady Princesse of Orange_, -1589; _Discourses of Warre and single combat ..._ from the French of B. -de Loque, 1591. - -[448] Foster, _Alumni Oxon._, ad nom. - - - - -CHAPTER V - - METHODS OF TEACHING FRENCH--LATIN AND FRENCH--FRENCH AND ENGLISH - DICTIONARIES--STUDY OF FRENCH LITERATURE - - -Eliote gives some information concerning the fees charged by French -teachers in the later part of the sixteenth century. He asserts that the -usual charge was a shilling a week,[449] but we are left in doubt as to -how many lessons this entitled the student to. He affirms, probably not -seriously, that he would charge a gentleman L10 a year, and a lord from -L20 to L30. - -We are indebted to him also for an account, very prejudiced, no doubt, -of the usual method employed by French teachers generally. This -consisted, according to him, in reading a page of French and then -translating it. Fortunately we are enabled, by means of the French -text-books that have come down to us, to draw a fuller picture of the -French lessons of the time. It has been seen that as a rule these books -contained four parts--rules of pronunciation, rules of grammar, reading -exercises, and a vocabulary. They are generally written throughout in -French and English (in parallel columns[450]), the reason of this being -the importance attached to reading and to double translation, from -French into English and English into French. In the English version the -idiomatic phrase is sacrificed in order to give a more literal rendering -of the French, and also, possibly, because these Frenchmen were -incapable of writing any other. As is to be expected, translation from -French into English was the more usual exercise. Translation from -English into French, however, was by no means neglected, and appears to -have been recommended principally by English teachers of French, and -more especially by Palsgrave and Eliote. Edward VI.'s French exercises, -it will be remembered, are translations from English into French, or -free composition in French. - -In addition to reading and translating, much importance was attached to -pronunciation. It was generally considered best to learn the sounds of -the language by repetition after a teacher with a good accent; but rules -were thought necessary to confirm the knowledge thus acquired. As to -rules of grammar, there was no question of learning the language by -means of them. A grammar was treated as a book of reference, just as a -dictionary. Thus the student usually learnt the pronunciation by reading -the French aloud with his tutor, referring to the rules of pronunciation -whenever necessary, and then translating and retranslating the -dialogues, grammar being supplied as the need for it was felt. Although -these early teachers strictly limited the place of grammar, they almost -all agree in emphasizing its importance within the limits indicated. -Grammar rules were reduced to a minimum. Attention was called to what -were considered important general rules, but those with numerous -exceptions, it is argued, were better learnt by "use" and persistent -reading, "so as not to weary with long discourses which would be -necessary to explain things learnt better by practice than by rule." - -The dialogue form in which almost all the reading material is given, and -the proverbs and familiar phrases, show the importance attached to a -practical and colloquial knowledge of the language. The teaching of -French was of a decidedly business-like nature, and closely in touch -with the concerns of life. One of the chief reasons for this, no doubt, -was that it was learnt for social or other immediate requirements. The -fact that French was not taught in the grammar schools undoubtedly -assisted it to maintain its close connexion with practical life. It is -only about a century and a half later, when French began to gain a -foothold in these schools, that it was taught more and more on -grammatical lines, and less and less as a living language. - -Latin, although most of the school statutes of the time encourage the -scholars to speak it, was taught chiefly on grammatical lines.[451] The -memorizing of Latin grammar was a foremost subject even in the Middle -Ages.[452] [Header: LATIN AND FRENCH] In the sixteenth century the Latin -grammar usually known as Lily's was the prescribed national grammar, -with rules of accidence in English and of syntax in Latin.[453] Familiar -dialogues in the style of those for French were also used, the chief -difference between the Latin and French dialogues being that the Latin -are separate and complete works in themselves, and are not, as a rule, -provided with an English translation. They were memorized as the grammar -was. From the dialogues, or colloquies as they were called, dealing with -typical occurrences of life, the Latin scholar passed on to the reading -of school authors--Cato, Cicero, Ovid, Virgil, Terence, etc.[454] Nor -was vocabulary neglected, for in the schools of the Renaissance the -practice of learning so many words a day, prevalent in the Middle Ages, -was still in vogue. - -It thus appears that the books generally used in teaching Latin were not -without some influence in determining the types of manuals employed for -teaching French. The practice of including religious formulae, which we -find in some books, was sanctioned by their place in the national Latin -grammar, while it is clear that the Latin colloquia of the time had -considerable influence on the French dialogues. In the early sixteenth -century the dialogues of the scholar Vives,[455] who received honours at -both Oxford and Cambridge during his short stay in England, were much in -vogue. Like the French dialogues of the time, they kept closely in touch -with the interests of the pupils and dealt with such topics as rising in -the morning, going to school, returning home, and children's play and -meals, and students' chatter. Similar works were the _Sententiae -pueriles_,[456] a book for beginners, first published at Leipzig in -1544, and containing a collection of familiar phrases rather than -dialogues, and the _Pueriles Confabulatiunculae_ by Evaldus Gallus. In -the second half of the sixteenth century two other manuals of -conversation were added to those already in use in England: the -_Colloquia_ of Mathurin Cordier, first published in Latin in 1564, and -Castellion's _Sacred Dialogues_ based on the Scriptures, printed in -Latin at Basle, in 1555.[457] - -With the text-books, however, all close resemblance between the teaching -of Latin in grammar schools and the teaching of French ends. As we have -seen, reading, pronunciation, and conversation were the main concerns of -the French student; translation held a large place and grammar rules a -subsidiary one. The grammar-school boy, on the contrary, would first -gain an elementary knowledge from rules written in English, and memorize -the vocabulary and phrases; learn his Latin grammar, and then parse and -construe[458] the usual school authors.[459] The sons of the aristocracy -and well-to-do classes probably learnt by a more practical method, as -they were able to have private tutors, who devoted all their time to -providing the necessary atmosphere. As late as 1607, when Latin was less -used colloquially, the writer Cleland, a great advocate of the teaching -of French, condemns the practice of those parents who have their -children brought up to speak Latin only; they neglect their mother -tongue and the language of elegance, French, and soon forget their Latin -when once removed from their tutor's care.[460] That such cases were the -exception rather than the rule, even in the early sixteenth century, may -be gathered from the two great educational writers of the time, Sir -Thomas Elyot and Roger Ascham. Both the _Governour_ (1531) and the -_Scholemaster_ are protests against the common school usage of placing -grammar in the first place, and a summons to base the study of the -language on the reading of authors. They believed with Quintilian that -"Longum et difficile iter est per praecepta, breve et efficax per -exempla." Colet in his _Aeditio_ had laid down the same principle, to -the effect that the "reading of good books, dyligent information of -taught masters, studious advertence and taking heed of learners, hearing -eloquent men speak, and finally busy imitation with the tongue and pen, -more availeth shortly to get the true eloquent speech than all the -tradition of rule and precepts of masters"; [Header: GRAMMAR AND -TRANSLATION] and he adds, "men spoke not Latin because such rules were -made, but contrariwise because men spoke such Latin, upon that followed -the rules and so were made."[461] Yet it seems that the force of -tradition prevailed, and that these precepts were only put into practice -in exceptional cases. - -It is striking to notice how close was the resemblance between the -actual methods used by French teachers and those advocated by would-be -reformers of the teaching of Latin. Colet's words express almost exactly -the sentiments and practice of Holyband, De la Mothe, and other French -teachers; and the same is true of Elyot and Ascham. "Nothing can be more -convenient," writes Elyot in referring to students of Latin, "than by -little and little to train and exercise them in the speaking of Latin, -informing them to know first the names in Latin of all the things that -come in sight, and to name all the parts of their bodies, and giving -them somewhat that they covert or desire in most gentle manner to teach -them to ask it again in Latin." He even goes so far as to say that the -pupil may "as sone speake good latin" on this method "as he may do pure -frenche,"[462] thereby showing that he probably derived suggestions from -the prevalent methods of teaching French. Elyot, however, realized that -the use of Latin as a familiar tongue was not as practicable in schools -as in many noble families, where it might well happen that the pupil -would have "none other persons to serve him or keep hym company but -suche as can speake Latine elegantly." How successful the sole use of -Latin could be in such circumstances is exemplified in the well-known -case of Montaigne. Ascham, like Elyot, recognized the exceptional -conditions required for such a method. He believed the "dailie use of -speaking" would be the best way of learning the language if the child -could only hear it spoken perfectly, but failing this he considered the -practice dangerous.[463] It is probable, however, that in the best -French schools, and certainly in that of Holyband, this ideal was -realized in the case of French. - -As regards the respective importance of reading and grammar, the French -teachers of the time appear to have put into practice the ideas of the -reformers. All agree that grammar rules should be as few as possible, -and be taught in connexion with reading. The general method of French -teachers was to refer to the rule as the need for it arose in reading. -Ascham also pleads for the study of grammar, "so hardlie learned by the -scholar in all common scholes," along with authors; and the educational -reformer Mulcaster, in his _Elementarie_ of 1582, writes that grammar is -best learnt by being applied to the matter, and that the child's mind -should not be clogged with rules. Elyot differs slightly from them in -detail but not in principle. He allows grammar to precede the study of -authors, provided it is reduced to the smallest possible amount. -"Grammar," he says, "being but an introduction to the study of authors," -care should be taken "not to detain the child too longe in that tedious -labour, for a gentyll wytte is there with some fatigate," and "hit in a -maner mortifieth his corage" before he "cometh to the most swete and -pleasant readinge of olde authors."[464] Both these views as regards -grammar--that of Ascham and Mulcaster, and that of Elyot--were prevalent -among French teachers of the time. There are only small differences in -detail; the general principles are identical. - -In the matter of translation, "most common and most commendable of all -other exercises of youth,"[465] there is a striking resemblance between -the method of double translation common among French teachers, and the -same method set out by Ascham, who marks the transition from oral to -written methods of teaching Latin.[466] In the case of De la Mothe, the -resemblance is so clear and close that we are led to believe he was -acquainted with the work of Elizabeth's tutor,[467] published in 1570, -over twenty years before the _French Alphabet_. Ascham's system -consisted of the double translation of a model book, and it is -interesting to compare it with the method of De la Mothe. The pupil has -first to parse and translate the Latin into English; "after this the -child must take a paper booke, and sitting in some place where no man -shall prompe him, by him self, let him translate into Englisshe his -former lesson. [Header: BOOKS IN FRENCH AND ENGLISH] Then showing it to -his master, let the master take from him his Latin booke, and pausing -an houre, at the least, than let the childe translate his owne Englishe -into latin againe, in an other paper booke." And when this is done, the -master should compare it with the original Latin, "and laie them both -togither."[468] - -There was thus much in common between the teaching of Latin and the -teaching of French. The dialogues, which form so important a feature in -the French text-books of the time, were certainly indebted to the Latin -Colloquia, although they also continue the tradition of the mediaeval -French conversation-books. The Latin Dialogues of Vives had much -influence on the French, and Holyband based one of his books, the _Campo -di Fior_, on the _Exercitatio_ translated in French, Italian, and -English. Eliote also acknowledged his debt to the Spanish scholar. In -other cases the debt was almost inevitable and probably unconscious; for -the French teachers, who often taught Latin as well, would use such -books daily, and had moreover probably acquired their own knowledge of -Latin from them. Holyband, we have seen, read the _Sententiae pueriles_ -with his pupils. - -The importance attached to reading and double translation by teachers of -French led to the appearance of a great number of books in French and -English, on the lines of Bellot's _Jardin de Vertu_. For instance, part -of the _Semaines_ of Du Bartas, the most popular French poet in England -in the sixteenth century, was published in this form in 1596, and again -in 1625, on the occasion of the marriage of Charles I. This translation -is due to William L'Isle of Wilbraham,[469] the pioneer in the study of -Anglo-Saxon, who dedicated it in the first place to Lord Howard of -Effingham, Earl of Nottingham, Lord Admiral, and subsequently to Charles -I. It is entitled _Part of Du Bartas, English and French, and in his own -kinde of verse, so near the French Englished, as may teach Englishmen -French, or a Frenchman English. Sequitur Victoria Junctos_,[470] and -consists of the first two days of the _Second Week_, with the French -and English arranged on opposite pages, followed by an English -translation of the commentary of Simon Goulart de Senlis. - -Guy du Faur, Sieur de Pibrac, was another French writer widely read in -England, and his _Quatrains_ were frequently commended by French -teachers to their scholars. They were translated into English verse by -Sylvester, the translator of Du Bartas, and published with the French -original in 1605. Sylvester dedicated the quatrains to Prince Henry, and -the copy in the British Museum contains an epigram in English in the -handwriting of his brother, afterwards Charles I., and a manuscript -dedication to the younger prince in that of the translator.[471] The -quatrains appeared again with the subsequent editions of Sylvester's -works. About this time Prince Henry made Sylvester a Groom of his -Chamber, and gave him a small pension of L20 a year.[472] The story goes -that the prince valued him so highly that he made him his first "poet -pensioner," and it seems that Sylvester took advantage of his position -to encourage his royal patron's French studies. Many other works of the -kind appeared in French and in English.[473] The educational writer -Charles Hoole tells us that masters frequently taught languages by using -interlinearies, "not to speak of their construing the French and Spanish -Bible by the help of an English one."[474] Lord Herbert of Cherbury, -philosopher and gallant, ambassador in France in the time of James I., -learnt French, Italian, and Spanish, on this translation method, whilst -living in the University or at home. He mastered them, he assures us, -without the help of a tutor, solely by means of Latin or English books -translated into those languages, and of dictionaries.[475] - -[Header: FRENCH AND ENGLISH DICTIONARIES] - -De la Mothe advised his advanced pupils to read difficult French books -with the help of a dictionary, and there was some supply of works of -this kind at the disposal of Lord Herbert and other students of the -language. It is true that the widespread use of books in both languages -diminished the demand for such manuals, which may not have been easy to -acquire. Yet there was a considerable choice of such works. Holyband had -produced two French-English dictionaries, in 1580 and 1593 respectively, -in which he referred to "those which broke the ice before him." There -had appeared in 1571 an anonymous _Dictionarie Frenche and -English_,[476] printed by Henry Bynneman for Lucas Harrison. This work, -which does not confine itself to words only, but includes phrases as -well, was no doubt known to Holyband. Its author had probably drawn -largely on an earlier dictionary, already mentioned, in which a place -was given to French--the Latin, English, and French Dictionary of John -Veron (1552). The inclusion of French in such a work is a striking -testimony to the importance of French at that time. But when a second -edition of Veron's dictionary was prepared by Ralph Waddington, in 1575, -he "of purpose thought good to leave out the French, both because (he) -saw it was not necessary for English students of Latin, as for that -Maister Barret hath five years since set forth an alvearie sufficient to -instruct those which are desirous to travel in th'understanding of the -French Tongue." - -This "alvearie" appeared in 1573, two years after the French-English -dictionary printed for Harrison. It was entitled "_An alvearie or Triple -Dictionarie in English, Latin and French, very profitable for all such -as be desirous of any of those three languages ..._" and was dedicated -to Wm. Cecil, Lord Burghley, then Chancellor of Cambridge University. -Baret had been teaching at Cambridge for eighteen years "pupils studious -of the Latin tongue," and part of their daily task was to translate some -piece of English into Latin "for the more speed and easie attayning of -the same." At last, "perceiving what great trouble it was to come -runnying to (him) for every word they missed,"[477] he made them collect -each day a number of Latin words and phrases, together with their -English equivalents. Within a year or two they had gathered together a -great volume of work, to which, "for the apt similitude between the good -scholers and diligent bees in gathering them wax and honey into their -hive," Baret gave the title of _Alvearie_. At first he had no intention -of publishing the work, but when he went to London he was finally -persuaded to do so, and received help from many of his old pupils who -were then at the Inns of Court, and from several of the best scholars in -various English schools. How Baret first thought of adding French to his -dictionary is not known. He owns that he did not trust his own skill in -this matter, although he had formerly "travelled in divers countries -beyond the seas both for languages and for learning"; but that he "used -the help of M. Chaloner and M. Claudius." By 'M. Claudius,' Baret -possibly meant Holyband, who was often called "Maistre Claude." M. -Chaloner may have been the author of the French-English dictionary -published by Harrison in 1571. - -According to the custom of the time, Baret's dictionary was preceded by -a number of commendatory addresses, one of which was by the head-master -of Merchant Taylors' School, Richard Mulcaster. In the dictionary -itself, every English word is first explained, and then its equivalent -in Latin and French given. At the end are tables of the Latin and French -words "placed after the order of the alphabet, whatsoever are to be -found in any other dictionarie. And so as to turn them backwards againe -into Englishe when they reade any Latin or French authors and doubt of -any harde worde therein." - -Baret had "gone to God in Heavenlie seates" before the close of 1580, -when there appeared a posthumous second edition of the _Alvearie_. In -this final form Greek has a place by the side of the other languages, -and the title runs, _An Alvearie or quadruple Dictionarie containing -four sundrie tongues, namely, English, Latine, Greeke, and Frenche, -newlie enriched with varietie of wordes, phrases, proverbs, and divers -lightsome observations of grammar_. But there is no table of the Greek -words, as for the Latin and French. Such was the third dictionary of -French words which appeared before Holyband's.[478] - -[Header: FRENCH IN LATIN DICTIONARIES] - -The place given to French in these early Latin dictionaries is worthy of -notice. No doubt French first entered the schools in this indirect way. -Both Veron's and Baret's works were used in schools; and Baret's -dictionary is included in the list of books mentioned by Charles Hoole -as being specially useful to schoolboys.[479] There are at least two -other school vocabularies in which French was introduced, both due to -the poet and compiler John Higgins, who is said to have been "well read -in classick authors, and withall very well skilled in French."[480] The -first of his lexicographical works was a new and revised edition of -_Huloet's Dictionarie_,[481] which occupied him two years. It appeared -in 1572,[482] a year before Baret's work. Higgins calls himself "late -student in Oxforde," and dedicates the volume to Sir John Peckham. This -edition by Higgins is so much altered that it is almost a new work. One -of the chief changes was the addition of a French version to the Latin -and English, "by whiche you may finde the Latin or French of anye -Englishe woorde you will." For the French, Higgins seems to have drawn -chiefly on the Latin-French dictionary of Robert Estienne, which had -already been published in French, English, and Latin by Jean Veron, in -1552. Higgins also acknowledges his debt to Thierry, whose French-Latin -dictionary appeared twelve years later in 1564. There was a close -relationship between French-Latin and French-English dictionaries. -French is first found side by side with English, in one of these -French-Latin dictionaries--that of Veron; and in subsequent years the -French-English dictionaries are mostly based on one or other of the -French-Latin lexicons. Those due to Robert Estienne and to Thierry were -probably the sources from which the author of the French-English -dictionary of 1571 drew his material; while Holyband based his -_Treasurie_ (1580), and his Dictionary (1593), respectively, on the -augmented editions of Thierry's work due to Nicot, which appeared in -1573 and 1584.[483] - -The second lexicographical work of Higgins, published in 1585, was a -translation, entitled _Nomenclator or Remembrancer of Adrianus Junius, -Physician, divided into two tomes_. It professed to supply the -appropriate names and apt terms for all things under their convenient -titles, in Latin, Greek, French, and English.[484] The English column -was added by Higgins. - -Thus by the end of the sixteenth century there had appeared in England -three French-English dictionaries, and several others in which French -found a place by the side of the classical languages. And we may add to -these the French-Latin dictionaries on which they were usually based, -for it seems extremely likely that those students of French who knew -Latin--and practically all of them would know this chief and first of -school subjects--used the French-Latin lexicons as well, in their study -of French, when other means were not available. - -Early in the seventeenth century, in 1611, Holyband's French dictionary -of 1593 was succeeded by the celebrated French-English dictionary of -Randle Cotgrave,[485] which occupies in the seventeenth century the -place that Palsgrave's _Esclarcissement_ does in the sixteenth among the -works on the French language produced in England. Although Cotgrave's -work is on a much larger scale than Holyband's, and much superior to -it,[486] there is a close connexion between the two. In the _Stationers' -Register_ Cotgrave's is entered as a dictionary in French and English -first collected by Holyband, and since augmented and altered by -Cotgrave.[487] But the work which no doubt was of most help to Cotgrave -was another French-Latin dictionary, Aimar de Ranconnet's _Tresor de la -Langue Francoise_, revised by Nicot (1606).[488] He had, moreover, read -all sorts of books, old and new, in all dialects, where he found words -not heard of for hundreds of years, which he included in his book, to be -used or left as the reader thought fit. J. L'Oiseau de Tourval,[489] a -Parisian, and friend of Cotgrave, who wrote in French an epistle -prefixed to the dictionary, thought it advisable to assure the reader -that none of these words were of Cotgrave's invention, observing at the -same time that it would be well to revive some of these obsolete and -provincial terms. [Header: COTGRAVE'S DICTIONARY] He also adds that -Cotgrave had sent to France in his eager search for words. M. Beaulieu, -secretary to the British ambassador at Paris, was no doubt Cotgrave's -collaborator in this quest, as Cotgrave tells us elsewhere[490] that he -had received valuable help from M. Beaulieu, as well as from a certain -Mr. Limery. - -Cotgrave dedicated his dictionary to Wm. Cecil, Lord Burghley, "his very -good Lord and Maister," whose secretary he was. He declares that he -would have produced a more substantial work to offer to his patron had -not his eyes failed him and forced him "to spend much of their vigour on -this bundle of words." He also offered a copy to the eldest son of James -I., Prince Henry, and received from him a gift of L10.[491] The price of -the dictionary seems to have been 11s. Cotgrave sent two copies to M. -Beaulieu at Paris, and wrote requesting payment of 22s., which they cost -him; for, he says, "I have not been provident enough to reserve any of -them and therefore am forced to be beholden for them to a base and -mechanicall generation, that suffers no respect to weigh down a private -gain."[492] - -Cotgrave's dictionary was much superior to anything of the sort which -had yet appeared. In addition to giving the meaning of each French word -in English, with an indication of its gender in the case of nouns, and, -in the case of adjectives, of the formation of the feminine form, -Cotgrave supplied a collection of illustrative phrases, idioms, and -proverbs. At the end are found "briefe directions for such as desire to -learne the French tongue," giving a succinct treatment of the -pronunciation of the letters, followed by a description of the various -parts of speech. - -This really remarkable work, which is still of considerable utility to -the modern student, reigned supreme throughout the greater part of the -seventeenth century. A second edition was issued in 1632, when Cotgrave -was still alive. The only change in this issue is the addition of a -"most copious Dictionarie of the English set before the French by R. S. -L." This R. S. L. was Robert Sherwood, Londoner, who taught French and -English in London, and also had a French school for a time. He gave his -dictionary the title of _Dictionarie Anglois et Francois pour l'utilite -de tous ceux qui sont desireux de deux langues_,[493] and addressed it -to the "favorables lecteurs francois, alemans et autres." The English -reader he advises to look for fuller information as to "the gender of -all French nouns, and the conjugation of all French verbs" in Cotgrave's -dictionary; the small space to which he was limited did not allow him to -provide such information. Like Cotgrave, Sherwood closes with rules of -grammar, in the form of observations on English pronunciation and on the -English verbs. Sherwood's work is the earliest of the English-French -dictionaries. Both Baret and Higgins had placed English before French, -and no doubt Sherwood made use of their works, as well as of -English-Latin dictionaries. Baret, however, gives an indication of the -greater demand there was for French-English vocabularies, by supplying a -table of French words at the end of his work. Moreover, the object of -Sherwood's lexicon was less to facilitate translation from English to -French than to teach English to foreigners. - -In 1650 Cotgrave's dictionary was issued in a revised and augmented -edition by James Howell, the famous letter-writer.[494] This edition is -preceded by a lengthy essay on the French language, tracing its growth -from the earliest times, and taken, without acknowledgement, from -Pasquier's _Recherches_. Howell had already put much of the same matter -in a series of letters addressed to the Earl of Clare in his _Epistolae -Ho-Elianae_,[495] and repeated it in his glossary of English, French, -Italian, and Spanish, the _Lexicon Tetraglotten_ (1660). He quotes -several examples of old French in both prose and verse, and adds on his -own account a praise of Richelieu and the Academy recently founded by -the cardinal. [Header: JAMES HOWELL] He also discusses the question as -to where the best French was spoken--at the Court, among scholars at the -University, or lawyers at the Courts of Parliament--and is inclined to -share the general opinion of the day, which made the Court the supreme -arbiter in matters of language. - -Cotgrave, it has been seen, included all sorts of words in his -dictionary. Howell thought it necessary to distinguish obsolete and -provincial words, and, accordingly, with the help of "a noble and -knowing French gentleman," he marked such terms with a small cross. He -also initiated another change by placing the grammar before the -dictionary instead of after it, as Cotgrave did: "for a dictionary which -contains the whole bulk of a language to go before the grammar is to -make the building precede the basis. Therefore it was held more -consentaneous to reason, and congruous to order that the grammar should -be put here in the first place, for Art observes the method of Nature to -make us creep before we go." He likewise made a few additions to -Cotgrave's rules, and appended a dialogue in French and English, -"consisting of some of the extraordinary and difficult criticall phrases -which are meer Gallicismes, and pure idiomes of the French tongue"; and -also a passage of French prose, in the old spelling and also according -to the reformed orthography introduced by the Academy. - -In 1660 appeared another edition of Cotgrave, still further enlarged by -Howell.[496] Some years previously copies of the edition of 1650, "with -blank pages sown between the leaves," had been sent by the printer "to -knowing persons, true lovers of the French," who were invited to enter -on the blank pages any word they came across in their reading which was -not in the dictionary; by means of this plan several hundred additional -words were gathered together, many being "new invented terms, which the -admired Mons. Scudery, and other late Romancers have so happily publisht -in their printed volumes." After Howell's death there appeared yet -another issue of his edition of Cotgrave, in 1673.[497] The printer -employed the same means to increase the number of words as had been so -successfully adopted in 1660. - -The appearance of French dictionaries naturally facilitated the reading -of French literature, which in its turn had much influence on the spread -of the knowledge of the language. Lord Herbert of Cherbury, it has been -seen, gained his first knowledge of French by reading it with the help -of a dictionary. And, in spite of the fact that French literature was -widely read in translations,[498] there were many who preferred to read -it in the original. The number of French books in private libraries is -enough to show this. One translator of the time felt it necessary to -apologize for offering an English version (1627) "of the French Knight -Lisander and his lady Calista," contrary to the fashion of the time, -"which is all French."[499] Further testimony is found in the many -French books which were printed in England,[500] in addition to the -books in both French and English. And many English writers of the time -introduced French freely into their own English compositions.[501] - -Almost all Englishmen of education could read French, and many, no -doubt, learnt it as Herbert did. [Header: STUDY OF FRENCH LITERATURE] -Milton, who differed from most of his countrymen in his decided -preference for Italian, taught both languages to his two pupils and -nephews, Edward and John Philips, on this method of reading. For Italian -they read Giovanni Villani's _History_, and for French "a great part of -Pierre Davity, the famous geographer of France in his time."[502] In -fashionable circles the case was the same, and French romances and -collections of _nouvelles_ were much in vogue. Lady Brilliana Harley, -for instance, who later distinguished herself by defending her castle in -Herefordshire against the Royalists, spent much of her time reading -French literature. She wrote asking her son, then at Magdalen College, -Oxford (1638-9), to send her books in French, as she "had rather reade -any thinge in that tounge than in Inglisch."[503] She would even while -away days of sickness by translating passages of Calvin, whom the -English Protestants, yielding to the general prejudice in favour of all -things French, followed in preference to Luther. Not infrequently, -moreover, works in other languages were read in French versions, just as -such versions were frequently the medium of translation; Drummond of -Hawthornden read _Orlando Furioso_ and the _Azolani_ of Bembo in French, -as well as the works of the Swiss theologian and follower of Zwingli, -Thomas Erastus.[504] - -Among the most eager advocates of the reading of French literature were -naturally the French teachers of the time. One of the chief objections -raised against Holyband's system of distinguishing the unpronounced -letters was that the student would be at a loss when he came to read -French books. Holyband, however, protested that such was not the case, -and that "the cavillation of these ignorantes who measure other men's -wit according to their owne" was in contradiction to his experience, -which daily showed him the contrary. As to his reading, Holyband would -first have the learner "reade halfe a score chapters of the New -Testament, because it was both easie and profitable:[505] then let him -take in hand any of the works of Monsieur de Launay, otherwise called -Pierre Boaystuau, as the best and the most elegant writer of our tongue. -His workes be _le Theatre du monde_, the tragicall histories, the -prodigious histories. Sleidan's commentaries in frenche be excellently -translated. Philippe de Commins, when he is corrected is very profitable -and wise." The _Nouveau Testament_ of de Beze, Boiasteau's _Theatre du -monde_, and Sleidan's _Commentaries_[506] were all books well known in -England, and Holyband himself prepared an edition of Boiasteau.[507] An -additional reason, according to him, for retaining the unsounded -consonants was to facilitate the reading of the older monuments of the -French language. He also advised the perusal of Marot's works, of the -_Amadis_ of Herberay des Essarts, of Francois de Belleforest's _Histoire -Universelle du monde_, of the _Vies et Morales de Plutarque_, in Amyot's -version, and of the collection of stories, on the plan of the -_Decameron_, which its author, Jacques Yver, had entitled _Le Printemps_ -(1572),[508] by way of contrast with his own name. - -Evidently Holyband's choice of French literature was influenced to some -extent by his religious sympathies. It is curious that he makes no -mention of Ronsard, who was much read in England, and one of the -favourite authors of the Queen. Bellot in his Grammar had similar if not -identical ambitions. He sought to enable his pupils to read the _Amadis_ -of Des Essarts, Marot, de Beze, du Bellay's lyrics, Froissart, Ronsard, -Collet[509] and Jodelle "racontans l'un l'amour et l'autre la guerre -cruelle." Pibrac and Du Bartas have already been mentioned as favourite -authors. It was to encourage his pupils to take delight in the "profound -learning and flowing sweetness of the French poets, especially the -divine works of that matchlesse du Bartas," that a French teacher of the -seventeenth century, Pierre Erondell, printed at the end of his book for -teaching the language, the New Testament story of the Centurion, -rendered by himself into French verse. "This poor work," he quaintly -writes, will encourage learners to read better ones, "because everything -is better known by his contrarye and the sweet sweeter, after that the -mouth hath tasted of the sharpe sower." - -Naturally writings of a religious character were much in favour with -these teachers. [Header: AUTHORS USUALLY READ] Holyband advised the -reading of de Beze's New Testament, and several times we hear of "the -French Bible" being printed in England.[510] The Liturgy in French[511] -was also printed, and would be useful to English students of French -attending the French Church. - -French teachers were not the only zealous advocates of the reading of -French literature. Most of the writers on polite education of the time -give similar advice, although for different reasons. "For statesmen, -French authors are the best," wrote Francis Osborne in his _Advice to a -son_,[512] "and most fruitful in negociations, and memoirs left by -public ministers, and by their secretaries published after their -deaths." Cleland names the works of the many learned historiographers of -France he would have the future diplomat and aspirant to the services of -the State read: "Engerrand of Munstrellet, Philip of Commines, the Lord -of Haillant, who is both learned and profitable and pleasant in my -conceit. The Commentaries of Bellay and the Inventorie of John Serres, -newlie printed and worthie to be read, both for the good and compendious -compiling of the storie and also for the French eloquence wherin he -floweth. For militarie affairs, yee maie read the Lord of Noue, who is -somwhat difficil for some men, and also the Commentaries of the L. -Monluc, which are good both for a young souldier, and an old -captaine."[513] - -Bodin was another of the authors specially recommended. Sir Philip -Sidney counsels his brother Robert to read him with particular -attention, and James Howell[514] includes him in a list of "good French -writers," which varies slightly from that of Cleland: "For the general -history of France, Serres is one of the best, and for the modern times, -d'Aubigni, Pierre Mathieu, and du Pleix: for the politicall and martiall -government du Haillan, De la Noue, Bodin, and the Cabinet: Touching -Commines, who was contemporary with Machiavel, 'twas a witty speech of -the last Queen mother of France that he made more Heretiques in policy -than Luther ever did in religion. Therefore he requires a reader of -riper years." - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[449] This was the fee charged by Holyband in his French school. - -[450] The interlinear arrangement used in the Middle Ages had been -abandoned in all but a few exceptional cases. These teachers no doubt -agreed with the pedagogue John Brinsley, the chief exponent of the -method of translation, that interlinears were confusing because the eye -catches the two languages simultaneously. - -[451] F. Watson, _English Grammar Schools_, Cambridge, 1908, pp. 305 -_sqq._ J. E. Sandys, "Education in Shakespeare's England," in -_Shakespeare's England_, i. pp. 231 _sqq._ - -[452] Cp. Rashdall, _Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_, ii. p. -603. - -[453] Article on Lily in _Dict. Nat. Biog._, and Watson, _Grammar -Schools_, pp. 243 _sqq._ - -[454] Cp. W. Lilly's _History of His Life_, "Autobiographies," I., -London, 1828, pp. 12, 13; _The Autobiography of Adam Martindale_, -Chetham Soc., 1845, pp. 14, 15, and similar diaries and memoirs. - -[455] Published at Brabant, 1538; cp. F. Watson, _Tudor Schoolboy Life_, -1908. - -[456] By Leonard Culman. - -[457] Less widely used were the _Dialogues_ of John Posselius, a German -philosopher. They treat of the school and the study of the classical -tongues. They were printed in London in Latin and English in 1625, as -_Dialogues conteyning all the most familiar and usefull words of the -Latin Tongue_. - -[458] Which took the form of translating: "For all your constructions in -Grammar Scholes be nothing els but translations," Ascham, _The -Scholemaster_ (1570), ed. Arber, 1869, p. 92. - -[459] C. Hoole, _An advertisement touching ... school books_, 1659. - -[460] _Institution of a young nobleman_, 1607, p. 78. - -[461] Quoted by F. Watson, _Grammar Schools_, p. 246. - -[462] _The Boke named the Governour_, ed. Crofts, 1883, i. p. 33. - -[463] _The Scholemaster_ (1570), ed. Arber, London, 1869, p. 28. - -[464] Elyot, _op. cit._ i. p. 54. - -[465] Ascham, _op. cit._ p. 92. - -[466] F. Watson, _Grammar Schools_, p. 264. "Much writing breedeth ready -speaking," was one of his precepts. - -[467] Ascham himself got his ideas mainly from Cicero (_De Oratore_). - -[468] _The Scholemaster, ed. cit._ p. 26. Ascham also suggests the use -of a third paper book, in which a collection of the different forms of -speech and phrases should be made from the material read. - -[469] 1574?-1637, the second of the five sons of Edmund Lisle of -Tanbridge in Surrey, _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[470] This is the title of the 1625 edition, printed by John Hoviland. -That of 1596 was printed by L. Bollifant for R. Wilkins, and entitled -_Babilon a part of Du Bartas his second Weeke_ (Pyne, _List of Books_, -1874-8, i. p. 132); cp. _Stationers' Register_, iii. 98 (_A Booke called -the Colonyes of Bartas with the commentarye of S. G. S. englished and -enlarged by Wm. L'Isle_, 1597). - -[471] This is a copy bound separately from the rest of the 1605 edition -of Sylvester's _Divine Weekes_, with which it was issued. - -[472] S. Lee, in _Dict. Nat. Biog._ - -[473] A long list may be compiled from the _Registers of the Stationers' -Company_. J. Wolfe and R. Field, both printers of French grammars, -received many licences to print books in French and English. See also -Upham, _French Influence in English Literature_, New York, 1908 -(Appendix I., pp. 471-505). Many of these works are on religious topics; -others belong to no particular category, in the style of Bellot's -_Jardin de Vertu_; many on topical subjects, such as news-letters and -pamphlets on the French wars, were printed in French more to appeal to a -larger public than to give instruction in the language. - -[474] _An advertisement touching ... school books_, 1659. - -[475] _Autobiography_, ed. S. Lee, 2nd ed., 1906, p. 23. - -[476] Hazlitt, _Bibliog. Collections_, iv. 111. In 1584 Newbury and -Denham received licence to print "the Dictionary in French and English, -in 4to, and all other dictionaries French and English in quarto," -_Stationers' Register_, ii. 438. - -[477] "Knowing then of no other dictionary to help us, but Sir Thomas -Eliot's _Librarie_, which was come out a little before." - -[478] On Holyband's debts to these works see Miss E. Farrer's _La Vie et -les oeuvres de Claude de Sainliens_, pp. 70 _sqq._ - -[479] F. Watson, _Grammar Schools_, p. 458. - -[480] _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[481] _Abcedarium Anglico-Latinum_, London, 1552. - -[482] Folio, printed by Thomas Marshe. - -[483] Farrer, _op. cit._ p. 72. - -[484] First appeared at Leyden in 1567. Higgins' edition was printed for -Ralph Newberie and Henrie Denham, 8vo. - -[485] _A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues._ London, printed -by A. Islip, 1611, folio. - -[486] Cp. _Revue des Deux Mondes_, 1901, v. p. 243. - -[487] _Stationers' Register_, iii. 432. - -[488] Farrer, _op. cit._ p. 86. - -[489] Himself a good linguist, who translated some of James I.'s -compositions into French, and was for many years in the service of the -English Foreign Office; cp. S. Lee, _Beginnings of French Translations -from the English_. Transactions of the Bibliog. Soc. vii., 1908. - -[490] In an autograph letter; cp. _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[491] _Rolls of expenses of Prince Henry_, "Revels at Court," ed. P. -Cunningham, New Shakespeare Soc., 1842 (Preface). - -[492] Harl. MSS. 7002, quoted _Dict. Nat. Biog._ At the end of one of -the Brit. Mus. copies is the MS. inscription: "Mr. James Winwood, his -book and sent him out of England by John More the 18th May [1611]." -Evidently Cotgrave's work made its way rapidly into France. - -[493] Printed by Adam Islip, 4to. - -[494] _A French English Dictionary, compil'd by Mr. Randle Cotgrave, -with another in English and French. Whereunto are newly added the -Animadversions and Supplements etc. of James Howell, Esquire._ London, -printed by W. H. for Rd. Whitaker ... 4to. Sherwood's dictionary was -printed by Susan Islip. - -[495] Ninth ed., 1726, pp. 470 _sqq._ - -[496] _A French and English Dictionary composed by Mr. Randle Cotgrave, -with another in English and French. Whereunto are added sundry -animadversions with supplements of many hundreds of words never before -printed; with accurate castigations throughout the whole work, and -distinctions of the obsolete words from those that are now in use. -Together with a dialogue consisting of all gallicisms, with additions of -the most useful and significant proverbs, with other refinements -according to cardinall Richelieu's late Academy. For the furtherance of -the young learners, and the advantage of all others that endeavour to -arrive to the most exact knowledge of the French this work is exposed to -publick...._ Printed by Wm. Hunt in Pye Corner. - -[497] Title same as in 1660. "Printed for Anthony Dolle, and are to be -sold by Th. Williams at the Golden Ball in Hosier Lane." - -[498] Many important literary productions in different languages came -into England through the medium of a French version--for instance, -Plutarch, _Amadis_, the _Politics_ of Aristotle. Cp. Upham, _French -Influence in English Literature_, p. 13. The influence of Senecan -tragedy reached England through the intermediary of the "French Seneca," -Robert Garnier (Schelling, _Elizabethan Drama_, ii. pp. 5 _sqq._ and p. -512). In 1612 licence was granted N. Bulter to print an English -translation from French of so popular a work as Ovid's _Metamorphoses_ -(_Stationers' Register_, iii. 489). - -[499] The _Histoire tragi-comique de nostre temps sous les noms de -Lysandre et de Caliste_ (1615) was the work of d'Audigier. - -[500] Thus the _Preau des Fleurs meslees, contenant plusieurs et -differentz discours_ of Francois Voilleret, sieur de Florizel, was -printed in London in 1600 (?), and dedicated to the Prince of Wales. In -1620 it was licensed to be printed in French and English, provided the -English translation be approved. In 1619 a French translation of Bacon's -_Essays_ was published at London, and in 1623 Field received a licence -to print a French translation of Camden's _Annals_ (originally in Latin) -by J. Bellequent, avocat au Parlement de Paris (_Stationers' Register_, -iv. 106). - -[501] As did Shakespeare (cp. Schmidt, _Shakespeare Lexicon_, Berlin, -1902, vol. ii.) and several of the lesser poets. French refrains were -also sometimes used, as in Greene's _Never too Late_ (Infida's song): - - "Wilt thou let thy Venus di, - N'oseres vous mon bel amy? - Adon were unkinde say I, - Je vous en prie, pitie me: - N'oseres vous mon bel, mon bel, - N'oseres vous, mon bel amy?" - -See S. Lee, _French Renaissance in England_, Oxford, 1910, p. 243. -Sylvester even ventured to write poems in French. - -[502] _Lives of Ed. and John Philips, nephews of Milton_ (1694), -reprinted by William Godwin, 1815, pp. 362-3. - -[503] _Letters_, Camden Soc., 1854, p. 13, and _passim_. - -[504] Upham, _op. cit._ p. 8. - -[505] In 1551 the New Testament and a Book of Prayers in French were -printed by Thomas Gaultier. _Handlist of Books_, Bibliographical -Society, 1913. - -[506] The German historian's commentary, _De Statu religionis et -reipublicae Carolo Quinto Caesare_, appeared in Latin in 1555, and in -French in 1557. - -[507] _Le theatre du monde . . . revue et corrige par C. de Sainliens_, -1595. Printed by George Bishop and dedicated to "the Scotch Ambassador, -Jacques de Betoun, Archevesque de Glasco." - -[508] Which was very popular. It reached twelve editions before the end -of the century. - -[509] No doubt the poet Claude Collet. - -[510] Cp. _Stationers' Register_, iii. 468. Another work of a religious -nature was the _Catechisme ou instruction familiere sur les principaus -points de la Religion Chrestienne_ (par M. Dielincourt), _Stationers' -Register_, iii. 410. - -[511] _Stationers' Register_, ii. 451, 452. - -[512] 1656, pp. 12-13. - -[513] _Institution of a young nobleman_, p. 152. - -[514] _Directions for forreine travel_ (1642), ed. Arber, 1869, p. 21. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - - FRENCH AT THE UNIVERSITIES - - -The universities set the grammar schools the example by neglecting the -study of French and other subjects necessary to a polite education. Even -the limited encouragement given to the modern language at the -universities during the Middle Ages no longer existed in the sixteenth -century. At this date Latin reigned supreme at Oxford and Cambridge, and -its use was rigorously enforced. The students were required "to speak in -Latin at public places" or otherwise "incur the penalty contained in the -statute regarding this point."[515] It is true that these regulations -were not always obeyed; Fynes Moryson says that scholars in the -universities shun occasions of speaking Latin. But it was none the less -the chief language cultivated at the universities,[516] where no modern -languages received official recognition. - -The mediaeval custom of using French on various academic occasions had -not, however, disappeared without leaving a few traces. Some of the -French forms of procedure favoured in the Middle Ages, probably owing to -the influence of the University of Paris, were still in use at Cambridge -in the seventeenth century. The books of two Cambridge beadels, Beadel -Stokys (_c._ 1570) and Beadel Buck (1665),[517] show that on several -occasions these officials were instructed to use French during public -ceremonies. Thus, at the solemn exercise of determination, one of the -beadels gave thanks for the money he and his fellows received, in the -following terms: [Header: FRENCH AND ITALIAN READ] "Noter Determiners je -vous remercie de le Argent que vous avez donner a moy et a meis -companiouns, pourquoy je prie a Dieu que il vous veuille donner tres -bonne vie et en la Fin la Joye de Paradise." In similar -"Stratford-atte-Bowe" French they summoned the lecturers in the -'schools' to be present on commencement day: "Nostre Seigneur Doctor, -une parolle sil vous Plaist, nostres Peres de nostres Seigneurs -Commencens vous prient que vous estes demayn a son commencement en -l'eglise de nostre Dame." And throughout the ceremonies[518] in Arts and -Theology similar French formulae, often interspersed with Latin, were -frequently used, though they had probably passed out of use by the -beginning of the eighteenth century. But even at that time the summons -to dinner at New College still retained a trace of the old custom; two -choristers walked from the chapel door to the garden gate crying, -"Tempus est vocando, mangez tous seigneurs." - -Yet modern languages were not entirely neglected by all university -students. Gabriel Harvey, in an interesting letter to a certain Mr. -Wood, says that the students of Cambridge have "deserted Thomas Aquinas -and the whole rabblement of schoolmen for modern French and Italian -works such as Commines and Machiavell, Paradines in Frenche, Plutarche -in Frenche, and I know not how many outlandish braveryes of the same -stamp." "You can not stepp into a schollars studye," he adds, "but (ten -to on) you shall litely finde open either Bodin _de Republica_ or Le -Royes exposition uppon Aristotles Politiques, or some other like Frenche -or Italian Politique Discourses."[519] - -Thus we may safely conclude that French and to a less extent Italian -books were widely read at the universities. No doubt, those who learnt -Italian did so with the help of a dictionary or an English translation, -like Lord Herbert of Cherbury. But there were additional opportunities -for learning the more popular language. French tutors and French -grammars were not unknown at both Oxford and Cambridge. But it was at -Oxford that they were by far the more numerous. The tutors taught French -privately to those of the students who were willing to learn. And -Holyband in dedicating his _French Schoolemaister_ (1573) to the young -Robert Sackville, then a student at Oxford, throws light on the attitude -taken towards that language: "not that you shuld leave off your -weightier and worthier studies in the Universitie, but when your mind is -amazed and dazled with long readinge, you may refresh and disport you in -learninge this [French] tongue." - -Protestant refugees formed an important section of the little band of -private French tutors at Oxford. Many Huguenots, frequently scholars of -distinction, settled at the English centres of learning. Some were -promoted to positions in the University,[520] on which they had a very -beneficial influence, just as others received preferment in the English -Church. The French tutors were among the humbler and more numerous -exiles who "taught privately," as the seventeenth-century historian of -the University, Anthony a Wood, tells us. Apart from those who actually -taught French, the presence of considerable numbers of Frenchmen[521] -cannot have been without some indirect influence on the study of French -at Cambridge, as well as at Oxford. - -In addition, several French tutors accompanied their pupils to the -University, and spent some time with them there. Such, no doubt, was the -case of Peter Du Ploich who, for some unknown reason, was residing in -Barnard College (now St. John's), Oxford, early in the second half of -the sixteenth century. Another well-known French tutor, G. De la Mothe, -accompanied his pupil Richard Wenman to Oxford, some time between 1587 -and 1592. About ten years before, we come across a famous Protestant, -Jean Hotman, sieur de Villiers St. Paul, resident at Oxford with his -pupils, the sons of Lord Poulet, English ambassador at Paris; while -attending to the education of his charges he completed his own, and -received the degree of Doctor. Subsequently he became secretary to -Leicester, and was thus brought into contact with the English -Court.[522] The younger Pierre Du Moulin likewise remained with his -pupil Richard Boyle when at Oxford.[523] [Header: FRENCH GRAMMARS -PRINTED AT OXFORD] Among tutors who spent a short time at Oxford, and -then joined the larger and more successful group of language teachers -in London, was John Florio,[524] well known as a writer of books for -teaching Italian, and himself of Italian parentage, though born in -London. In about 1576 he became tutor for French and Italian to -Emmanuel, son of Richard Barnes, Bishop of Durham, and to several other -Oxford students. He was, we are told, a "very useful man in his -profession." Shortly after, he removed to London, where he enjoyed -favour at Court. - -Of more importance, however, is the group of private tutors who settled -at Oxford, found a clientele among the University students, and -frequently wrote and published French grammars for the use of their -pupils. There was evidently some demand for instruction in French at -Oxford early in the sixteenth century. The bookseller John Donne enters -a book called _Frans and Englis_ twice in the register of books he sold -in 1520;[525] this may have been either Caxton's Book in French and -English, or the similar collection of dialogues printed by Pynson and -Wynkyn de Worde in turn. - -The first book for teaching French printed at Oxford was due to a -Frenchman called Pierre Morlet, a native of Auteuil, who taught French -at Oxford in the last decade of the sixteenth century. His _Janitrix -sive institutio ad perfectam linguae gallicae cognitionem acquirendum_ -was issued from the press of Joseph Barnes in 1596.[526] The dedication, -dated from Broadgates Hall the 5th of March of the same year, is -addressed to Morlet's former pupil, Sir Robert Beal. This rare little -treatise contains a few observations on the pronunciation of the -letters, followed by a concise treatment of each part of speech in turn. -It is preceded by a number of commendatory verses in Latin and Greek, -tributes from Morlet's pupils, students of the various colleges. Morlet -had previously prepared a revised edition of Jean Garnier's French -grammar, which was published at Jena in 1593,[527] no doubt before his -coming to England. - -As might be expected, most of the early Oxford French grammars, written -for the use of Oxonians, differ from those published at London in that -they are composed in Latin. They differ further in containing no -practical exercises and restricting their contents to rules of grammar. - -All the French grammars published at Oxford were not due to Frenchmen. -In 1584 a Spanish refugee, Antonio de Corro, resident at Christ Church, -after acting as minister of the Spanish Church in London, had -anticipated Morlet by adding a few rules on French pronunciation and -accidence to his Spanish Grammar,[528] written in his own language. This -was subsequently translated into English in 1590 by J. Thorius, also of -Christ Church, and printed in London as _The Spanish Grammer with -certaine Rules teaching both the Spanish and French tongues_. Several -grammars were likewise produced by Englishmen resident at Oxford, and -teaching the French language. Among others was John Sanford, or -Sandford, chaplain of Magdalen College, and the author of the French -grammar which succeeded Morlet's. Sanford wrote in Latin, and entitled -his work _Le Guichet Francois, sive Janicula et Brevis Introductio ad -Linguam Gallicam_. It was published by Joseph Barnes in 1604,[529] and -dedicated to Dr. Bond, president of Magdalen. Sanford compiled his -observations on the pronunciation and parts of speech from the various -French grammars published in both France and England; he drew largely on -Morlet, as well as Bellot and Holyband; and made equally free with de -Beze, Pillot, and Ramus. - -He varied his duties as chaplain by giving lessons in French. In 1605 he -was teaching French to that "hopefull young gentleman Mr. William Grey, -son to the Rt. Honourable Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton," and found "good -contentement" in his "happy progresse therein." Called away temporarily -by other duties, Sanford made an English translation of the Latin work, -which he addressed to his young charge "as a pledge of my duteous love -towards your good deserts, and as my substitute to supplie my absence, -being willing also for your sake to make a publicke use therof." The -_Janicula_ appeared in its new form, much abridged as well as -translated, in 1605, under the title of _A Briefe Extract of the former -Latin Grammar_.[530] It is significant that although this English -translation was printed by Barnes at Oxford, it was mainly intended for -a London public, and was "to be sold in Paules Church Yard at the signe -of the Crowne by Simon Waterson." - -[Header: SALTONSTALL AND LEIGHTON] - -Sanford retained his position at Magdalen for some years after the -appearance of his grammars. In about 1610 he was travelling abroad as -chaplain to Sir John Digby, whose acquaintance he had made when Sir John -was a student at Balliol.[531] - -Other well-known English teachers of French at Oxford were Wye -Saltonstall and Henry Leighton. Wye Saltonstall came of a noble family -in Essex. He was educated at Queen's College, Oxford, where "his descent -and birth being improved by learning, flatter'd him with a kinder -fortune than afterwards he enjoyed his life being all _Tristia_." He is -said to have then gone to Gray's Inn, Holborn, without taking a degree -at Oxford, and afterwards to have become a perfect master of French, -which he had acquired during his travels. In 1625 he returned to Oxford -for purposes of study and converse with learned men. There he taught -Latin and French, and was still living in good repute in 1640 and -after.[532] - -Henry Leighton, on the other hand, had not so good a reputation at the -University. He is said to have been a man of debauched character, and to -have obtained the degree of M.A. in anything but a straightforward -manner; when Charles I. created more than seventy persons M.A. on the -1st of November 1642, Leighton, who then bore a commission in the king's -army, contrived to have the degree conferred on himself by presenting -himself at dusk, when the light was very low, though his name was not on -the list. When the king's cause declined, Leighton, who had received the -greater part of his education in France, and was an accomplished French -scholar, settled at Oxford as a teacher of French, and had a room in St. -John's College. Apparently he continued to teach French until 1669, the -year of his death.[533] - -He was the author of a French grammar written in Latin, called _Linguae -Gallicae addiscendae regulae_, printed in 1659,[534] and again in 1662. -Beginning with rules for the pronunciation of each letter, the author -passes to observations on the articles, nouns, pronouns, and verbs; he -then returns to the pronunciation, gives fuller rules for the more -difficult sounds, and closes with a list of irregular verbs.[535] -Leighton says he published his work at the request of his friends. He -dedicated it (in French) to Henry O'Brien, baron of Ibrecken, only son -of the Earl of Thomond, expressing, in words very like those used by -Holyband on a similar occasion, the hope that this "divertissement," as -he calls the grammar, may help to while away time not occupied by more -serious and important studies. Thus we see that the general attitude -towards the study of French was still, in the middle of the seventeenth -century, very much what it had been in the preceding century. - -In the meantime other grammars had appeared from the pens of French -sojourners at Oxford. One, Robert Farrear, a teacher of French, wrote a -grammar in English for the use of his pupils, _The Brief Direction to -the French Tongue_, printed at Oxford in 1618. Nothing further is known -of its author. Anthony a Wood[536] informs us that in the title of the -book Farrear inscribed himself M.A., but "whether he took that degree or -was incorporated therein in Oxford" he could not discover. - -The works on French which appeared at Oxford were not all formal -grammars of the type described. Pierre Bense, a native of Paris, who -taught Italian and Spanish as well as French, was the author of the -_Analogo-Diaphora seu Concordantia Discrepans et Discrepantia Concordans -trium linguarum Gallicae, Italicae et Hispanicae_, commended by Edward -Leigh in his _Foelix Consortium or a fit Conjuncture of Religion and -Learning_ (1663). This comparison of the resemblances and differences in -the grammar of the three languages is dedicated to the University of -Oxford, and was printed at the author's own expense in 1637.[537] As to -Bense himself we are told that he was partly bred "in good letters" at -Paris, and then, coming to England, "he went by letters commendatory to -Oxon where being kindly received and entertained, became a sojourner -there, was entred into the public library, and taught for several years -the French, Italian and Spanish tongues." For the rest we must be -content to add with Wood: "What other things he hath written I know not, -nor any thing else of the author."[538] - -[Header: GABRIEL DU GRES] - -As yet no French grammars had appeared at Cambridge, and French teachers -do not seem to have made their presence felt there.[539] In 1631, -however, one of the best known of this group of university French tutors -arrived at Cambridge--Gabriel Du Gres, a native of Saumur, and a member -of a good family from Angers. He arrived in England as a refugee on -account of his Protestant faith, received a warm welcome at Cambridge, -and taught French to several of the students in various colleges.[540] -In the fifth year of his residence, the liberality of his pupils enabled -him to publish his _Breve et Accuratum Grammaticae Gallicae compendium -in quo superflua rescinduntur et necessaria non omittuntur_ (1636), a -work on the same lines and of about the same dimensions as that of -Morlet.[541] It is preceded by Latin verses addressed to the author by -members of different colleges, and is dedicated to the students of the -University, especially those engaged in the study of French. This -grammar of Du Gres appears to be the only work of its kind printed at -Cambridge before the eighteenth century.[542] - -Shortly after its publication Du Gres joined the group of French tutors -at Oxford,[543] and this removal points to the more ready openings -offered there to those of his profession. When he published his _Dialogi -Gallico-Anglico-Latini_[544] at Oxford in 1639, he was teaching French -in that "most illustrious and famous university." These dialogues are -dedicated to Charles, Prince of Wales. Twenty-one in number, they deal -with the usual familiar topics, greetings and the ordinary civilities, -visiting and table talk, the house and its contents, man and the parts -of his body, wayfaring, a journey to France, and so forth, many being of -much interest on account of the light they throw on the customs of the -time. Considerable space is devoted to instructions for writing letters. - -A second edition appeared in 1652, enlarged with "necessary rules for -the pronunciation of the French tongue, very profitable unto them that -are desirous of it," giving a pseudo-English equivalent of the sound of -each French letter, and followed by a few general rules for reading -French and a table of the auxiliary and regular verbs. This little book, -which has more in common with the productions of the London teachers -than with the Oxford manuals, enjoyed a greater popularity than those of -Du Gres's rivals. In 1660 a third edition appeared, without the -additions found in the second. - -He was also the author of an interesting little work in English on the -Duke of Richelieu,[545] printed in London in 1643. Probably Du Gres had -removed to London at that date; in the second edition of his grammar, -printed, like the first, by Leonard Lichfield at Oxford, he describes -himself as "late teacher of the same in Oxford." - -In his dialogues Du Gres gives some account of his ideas on the teaching -of French:[546] - - Commencons a l'abece. - - Escusez moy. - - Entendez moy, oyez moy, prononcer les lettres. Remarquez bien - comment je prononce les voyelles, et principalement _u_, car il est - bien malaise a prononcer a vous autres mm. les Anglois, comme aussi - _e_ entre les consonnes. Prononcez apres moy. - - Voila qui va bien. - - Prononce-je bien? - - Fort bien. Essayez encore une fois. - - Ce mechant _u_ me donne bien de la peine. - - Il ne sauroit tant vous en donner que votre _th_ ou _ch_ nous en - donne. - - Il est malaise d'avoir la propriete de votre langue. - - L'exercice et la lecture des bons autheurs vous apprendront avec le - temps, etc. - -He agreed with most of the French teachers of the day in attaching much -importance to conversational practice and reading. He also recommended a -certain amount of memorising and the study of grammar; general rules and -rules of syntax he considered indispensable; but for pronunciation he -thought practice of more avail than rules. It is possible, he admits, to -learn French by rote, without any grammar rules. But it is not the best -way in his opinion. Without grammar rules the student cannot distinguish -good French from bad, nor can he translate, write letters, or read; and -reading, thought Du Gres, was an essential condition if the cultivation -of French in England was to be maintained. [Header: FRENCH AT -CAMBRIDGE] Those who learn by ear are at a loss as soon as they no -longer hear French spoken daily. As for those who promise to teach -French in a short time, they are nothing but mountebanks. Du Gres held -that a man of moderate intellect could, with hard work, learn to -understand an ordinary French author in three or four months. He had -had, he declares, some pupils at Cambridge who learnt to read and speak -fairly well in four months and others who learnt practically nothing in -a whole year. - -At the end of the seventeenth century the status of French at the -universities had undergone no marked change. At the time of the -Restoration, a certain Philemon Fabri petitioned Williamson for an -appointment as Professor of French eloquence at Oxford, "he having held -a similar situation at Strasburg"; he supported his request by an -address to the king in French verses, entitled _Le Pater Noster des -Anglais au Roi_. Apparently Fabri did not receive the desired -position.[547] At Cambridge we find still less encouragement given to -the study of French than at Oxford. During the Commonwealth, Guy Le -Moyne, formerly French tutor to Charles I., lived at Cambridge, and no -doubt continued to teach French there, as he had done in London and at -Court.[548] At the Restoration he petitioned Charles II. to let him have -the Fellowship at Pembroke Hall reserved for Frenchmen.[549] Le Moyne -was then seventy-two years old, and wished, he said, to end his days at -Cambridge.[550] At Cambridge, as at Oxford, there were also French -tutors in charge of particular pupils. Many of these were French -Protestants. Thus the famous Pierre Du Moulin, arriving in England as a -destitute refugee in 1588, was received into the service of the Countess -of Rutland, who sent him to Cambridge as tutor to her son. There he -remained until 1592, continuing his own studies as well as attending to -those of his young charge. He thoroughly disliked his position, and -seized the first opportunity of leaving it.[551] We also hear of Herbert -Palmer, President of Queen's College (1644-47), who had learnt French -almost as soon as he could speak, and could preach in French as well as -in English.[552] He won considerable distinction as a college tutor, but -whether he placed his knowledge of French at the service of students, as -Sanford and Leighton did at Oxford, is not specified. - -Yet, even at Oxford, the efforts of this band of French teachers were -not on a large enough scale to have any very noticeable effect. Some -gentlemen who, like Sanford's pupil, William Grey, had gone to the -University to make themselves "fit for honourable imployments -hereafter," took advantage of such opportunities as there were of -studying French. Thus Henry Smith, while acting as tutor to Mr. -Clifford, learnt French himself, and wrote to Williamson in that -language.[553] And no doubt the French tutors found enough pupils among -those who were drawn more towards the fashionable than the scholastic -world. But the inability of the young Oxford student to speak French -when in polite London circles was a subject of comment in the -seventeenth century as the language became more and more widely -cultivated. To speak French was even considered incompatible with a -university education, to judge from this passage in one of Farquhar's -comedies:[554] - - _Sir H. Wildair._ Canst thou danse, child? - - _Bantu._ Oui, monsieur. - - _Lady Lurewell._ Heyday! French too! Why, sure, sir, you could - never be bred at Oxford! - -To the same intent Pepys relates[555] how an Oxford scholar, "in a -Doctor of Lawe's gowne," whom he met at dinner at the Spanish -ambassador's, sat like a fool for want of French, "though a gentle sort -of scholar"; nor could he speak the ambassador's language, but only -Latin, which he spoke like an Englishman. Pepys, on the other hand, was -very pleased at the display he was able to make of his own French on -this occasion. The famous diarist was a competent judge, and spoke and -wrote the language with ease. Unfortunately we know nothing of how he -acquired this knowledge, beyond the fact that he had not been to -France.[556] [Header: ONE-SIDEDNESS OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION] He often -criticizes the French of those he meets, and a certain Dr. Pepys, -according to him, "spoke the worst French he had ever heard from one who -had been beyond sea." Pepys's brother spoke French, "very plain and -good," and Mrs. Pepys, the daughter of a refugee Huguenot, was as -familiar with that language as with English.[557] - -Thus the universities, like the schools, failed to keep in touch with -practical life by their neglect of the broader education necessary to -persons of quality and fashion. At the Inns of Court, where gentlemen -usually spent some time on leaving the university,[558] or where they -sometimes went instead of to the university,[559] the state of things -was somewhat better. Some knowledge of French was indispensable to those -studying the law, and the position of the Inns, almost all of them -within the boundaries of the ward of Farringdon Without, the favourite -abode of the French teachers, was such as to offer exceptional -facilities for the study of the language. When Robert Ashley was at the -Inner Temple he studied Spanish, Italian, and Dutch, as well as French. -We are told[560] that in earlier times "knights, barons, and the -greatest nobility of the kingdom often placed their children in those -Inns of Court, not so much to make the laws their study, much less to -live by the profession ... but to form their manners and to preserve -them from contagion of vice." There, could be found "a sort of gymnasium -or academy fit for persons of their station, where they learn singing -and all kinds of music, dancing, and other such accomplishments and -Diversions ... as are suitable to their quality and such as are usually -practiced at Court." French was, without doubt, one of these -accomplishments. Towards the end of the seventeenth century the Inns of -Court were still much in favour, and gentlemen's sons could enjoy there -good company and the innocent recreations of the town, as well as -improve themselves in the "exercises." Clarendon calls the Inns of Court -the suburbs of the Court itself. - -None the less, the gentleman with a university education, even when it -was followed by residence at one of the Inns of Court, was felt to be -inadequately equipped. Almost invariably he sought on the Continent the -polite accomplishments and knowledge of languages, which were necessary -qualifications for high employment at Court, in the army, and elsewhere. -Travel came to be regarded as "an especial part"[561] of the education -of a gentleman, and as such occupies an important place in the -educational treatises of the time. The usual course advised for the sons -of gentlemen was an early study of Greek and Latin, followed by -residence at one of the Universities and at the Inns of Court, and, -finally, "travel beyond seas for language and experience" and the study -of such arts as could not be easily acquired in England. - -In some cases gentlemen were educated quite independently of the English -schools and universities[562]--at home with private tutors, and in -France. Lady Brilliana Harley, for instance, feared that her son would -not find much good company at Oxford. "I believe," she wrote, "that -theare are but feawe nobellmens sonne in Oxford, for now, for the most -part, they send theaire sonnes into France when they are very yonge, -theaire to be breed."[563] - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[515] J. Heywood, _Cambridge Statutes_ (sixteenth century), London, -1840, p. 267. - -[516] Cooper, _Annals of Cambridge_, 1852, iii. p. 429; Mullinger, -_History of the University of Cambridge_, iii. p. 368. - -[517] Printed in Peacock's _Observations on the Statutes of the -University of Cambridge_, 1841 (Appendix). - -[518] Cp. C. Wordsworth, _Scholae Academicae_, 1877, pp. 209 _sqq._ - -[519] _Letter Book of Gabriel Harvey_ (1573-1580), Camden Soc., 1884, -pp. 78-9. The tutor of John Hall, author of the _Horae Vacivae_ (1646), -testified to his pupil's attainments in French, Spanish, and Italian -literature. Mullinger, _History of the University of Cambridge_, ii. p. -351. - -[520] One, Jean Verneuil, became underlibrarian of the Bodleian in 1625. -Cp. Schickler, _Les Eglises du Refuge_, i. p. 424; Foster Watson, -_Religious Refugees and English Education_, Hug. Soc. Proceedings, 1911; -Agnew, _Protestant Exiles_, i. ch. v. and pp. 137, 147, 148, 156, 163; -ii. pp. 260, 274, 388; Smiles, _The Huguenots_, ch. xiv. - -[521] There were also numerous French Protestant students at the -University of Edinburgh; cp. Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. 366. - -[522] Schickler, _op. cit._ i. p. 244. - -[523] Wood, _Fasti Oxonienses_ (Bliss), ii. 195. - -[524] Wood, _Athenae Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 380. - -[525] Oxford Historical Society: _Collectanea_, i., 1885, pp. 73 _sqq._ - -[526] 8vo, pp. 92. - -[527] E. Stengel, _Chronologisches Verzeichnis franzoesischer -Grammatiken_, Oppeln, 1890. - -[528] F. Madan, _Oxford Books, 1468-1640_, 1895-1912, i. p. 22; ii. p. -24. Another Spanish Grammar, by d'Oyly, had appeared at Oxford in 1590. - -[529] 4to, 21 leaves. - -[530] Printed by Joseph Barnes, 4to, 8 leaves. - -[531] He visited Spain, and wrote _An Entrance to the Spanish Tongue_ -(1611). While at Oxford he had composed _An Introduction to the Italian -Tongue_ (1605). Cp. Wood, _Athenae Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 471; C. Plummer, -_Elizabethan Oxford_, Ox. Hist. Soc., 1887, p. xxviii; _Dict. Nat. -Biog._, ad nom. - -[532] Wood, _Athen. Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 676; Foster, _Alumni Oxon._, ad -nom. - -[533] Wood, _Fasti Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 29, 30; _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad -nom. - -[534] 12º, pp. 31. - -[535] In the copy in the Cambridge Univ. Library these are accompanied -by a MS. translation into Latin. Some additional rules in Latin are -written on the last blank leaf. - -[536] _Athenae Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 277. - -[537] Printed by William Turner, 8º, pp. 72. - -[538] _Athenae Oxon._ (Bliss), ii. 624. - -[539] Valence, French tutor to the Earl of Lincoln, had studied at -Cambridge early in the sixteenth century. - -[540] "Eandem linguam in celeberrima Cantabrigiensi Academia docens." - -[541] Sm. 8vo, pp. 96. - -[542] Cp. R. Bowes, _Catalogue of Books printed at Cambridge, -1521-1893_. - -[543] The statement of Wood (_Athenae Oxon._ iii. 184), that Du Gres had -studied at Oxford before going to Cambridge, is probably incorrect. - -[544] 8vo, pp. 195, printed by Leonard Lichfield. - -[545] _Jean Arman Du Plessis, Duke of Richelieu and Peere of France his -Life_, etc., followed by a translation, "out of the French copie," of -_The Will and Legacies of the Cardinall Richelieu ... together with -certaine Instructions which he left the French King. Also some -remarkable passages that hath happened in France since the death of the -said Cardinall._ - -[546] He charged 10s. a month for an hour's lesson daily. - -[547] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1661-62_, p. 439. - -[548] Le Moyne also translated _The Articles of Agreement between the -King of France, the Parlaiment and Parisians. Faithfully translated out -of the French original copy._ London, 1649. - -[549] In the Middle Ages, Pembroke College gave preference to Frenchmen -in the election of Fellows; cp. _supra_, p. 6. - -[550] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1660-61_, p. 162. - -[551] "Autobiographie de Pierre du Moulin," _Bulletin de la Societe de -l'histoire du Protestantisme Francais_, vii. pp. 343 _sqq._ - -[552] Mullinger, _History of the University of Cambridge_, 1911, iii. p. -300. - -[553] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1670_, p. 275. Evelyn (_Diary_, ed. -Wheatly, 1906, ii. p. 306) describes verses written in Latin, English, -and French by Oxford students and added to _Newes from the dead_, an -account of the restoration to life of one Anne Green, executed at -Oxford, 1650. - -[554] _Sir Harry Wildair_, Act III. Sc. 2; cp. Mockmode in the same -dramatist's _Love and a Bottle_. - -[555] _Diary_, 5th May 1669. - -[556] He long looked forward to a journey there--a hope which was not -fulfilled until his failing eyesight had compelled him to stop writing -his diary. - -[557] She spent some time in France, until her father ordered her back -to England on account of her leaning towards Roman Catholicism. Many -times she expressed a wish to go and live in France. - -[558] Cp. Shakespeare, _2 Henry IV._ Act III. Sc. 2: - - "He's at Oxford still, is he not? - A' must then to the Inns a' Court shortly." - -[559] Higford (_Institution of a Gentleman_, 1660, p. 58) blames those -of his countrymen who neglect the Inns of Court. - -[560] J. Fortescue, _De Laudibus Legum Angliae ... Translated into -English ... with notes by Selden_, new ed., 1771, p. 172. - -[561] Higford, _The Institution of a Gentleman_, 1660, p. 88. - -[562] Perlin says of the English in the middle of the sixteenth century, -referring no doubt to the nobility: "Ceux du pays ne courent gaire ou -bien peu aux deux universites, et ne se donnent point beaucoup aux -lettres, sinon qu'a toute marchandise et a toute vanite" (_Description -des royaulmes d'Angleterre et d'Escosse_, p. 11). - -[563] _Letters_ (1638), Camden Soc., 1854, p. 8. Nearly half a century -later, Chancellor Clarendon wrote: "I doubt our Universities are -defective in providing for those exercises and recreations, which are -necessary even to nourish and cherish their studies, at least towards -that accomplished education which persons of quality are designed to; -and it may be want of those Ornaments that may prevail with many to send -their sons abroad, who since they cannot attain the lighter with the -more serious Breeding, chuse the former which makes a present shew, -leaving the latter to be wrought out at leisure" (_Miscellaneous Works_, -1751, p. 326). - - - - -CHAPTER VII - - THE STUDY OF FRENCH BY ENGLISH TRAVELLERS ABROAD - - -One of the favourite methods of learning French was a sojourn in France. -To speak the language well a visit there was considered imperative, and -to speak it "as one who had never been out of England"[564] was -synonymous with speaking it badly. Consequently a journey to France was -common among the young gentry and nobility of the time. Moreover, those -who pursued their travels further, and undertook the Grand Tour as many -gentlemen did on leaving the university, invariably visited France -first, and spent the greater part of their time there. Eighteen months -in France, nine or ten in Italy, five in Germany and the Low Countries, -was considered a suitable division of a three years' tour. Most young -Englishmen of family and fortune spent some time on the Continent. Sir -Francis Walsingham, said by one of his contemporaries to have been the -most accomplished linguist of his day,[565] had acquired his proficiency -abroad, as had also Lord Burghley, who wrote to Walsingham from France -in 1583 to report on his progress in the language.[566] Both ministers -in their turn were patrons to numerous young travellers in France. A -certain Charles Danvers wrote to Walsingham from Paris, in French, to -show his progress and thank him for his favours.[567] And Burghley gave -one Andrew Bussy a monthly allowance of L5 to enable him to study French -at Orleans, where, according to his own account, he took great pains to -make good progress so as to serve his patron the better on his -return.[568] It was generally held that travel was "useful to useful -men,"[569] and that "peregrination" well used was "a very profitable -school, a running Academy."[570] - -Many young English gentlemen went to the French Court in the train of an -ambassador,[571] or with a private tutor;[572] Henry VIII. sent his -natural son, the Duke of Richmond, Palsgrave's pupil, to the French -Court, in the care of Lord Surrey the poet. Richard Carew, the friend of -Camden, was sent to France with Sir Henry Nevill, ambassador to Henri -IV., and Bacon visited Paris in his early youth in the suite of the -diplomat Lord Poulet. The last-mentioned ambassador had several young -Englishmen in his charge. Of few, however, could he make so favourable a -report as he did of the son of Sir George Speake: "I am not unacquainted -with your son's doings in Parris," he wrote to Sir George, "and cannot -comend him inoughe unto you aswell for his dilligence in study as for -his honest and quiett behaviour." One of these young travellers, a Mr. -Throckmorton, he was particularly glad to be rid of; the young man "got -the French tongue in good perfection," we are informed, but he was of -flippant humour, and before he left for England, Poulet told him his -mind freely, and forbade him to travel to Italy, as he intended to do -later, without the company of "an honest and wyse man." The ambassador -had kept him and his man in food during the whole of his stay in Paris, -and, besides, provided him with a horse, which he had also "kept att his -chardges."[573] - -Children too were often sent abroad for education. Thomas Morrice, in -his _Apology for Schoolmasters_ (1619), commends "the ancient and -laudable custom of sending children abroad when they can understand -Latin perfectly"; for then they learn the romance languages all the more -easily, "because the Italian, French and Spanish borrow very many words -of the said Latin, albeit they do chip, chop and change divers letters -and syllables therein." [Header: ENGLISH GENTRY AT THE FRENCH COURT] And -Thomas Peacham[574] tells us in the early seventeenth century that as -soon as a child shows any wildness or unruliness, he is sent either to -the Court to act as a page or to France, and sometimes to Italy. The -number of English children in France was, we may assume, considerable; -and when the news of the terrible massacre of St. Bartholomew reached -England, one of its most noticeable effects was to fill with concern and -apprehension all parents who had children in France. "How fearfull and -carefull the mothers and parents that be here be of such yong gentlemen -as be there, you may easely ges," wrote Elizabeth's secretary of state -to Sir Francis Walsingham, the English ambassador at Paris.[575] Among -these "yong gentlemen" was Sir Philip Sidney, then newly arrived at the -French Court, whom Walsingham himself sheltered in the ambassador's -quarters during that awful night. - -James Basset, the son of Lord Lisle, deputy at Calais for Henry VIII., -was sent to Paris in the autumn of 1536 to complete his education, after -having been for some time in the charge of a tutor in England. There he -went to school with a French priest, whom he soon left for the College -of Navarre. He appears to have attended the college daily, and boarded -with one Guillaume le Gras, who, in June 1537, wrote to Lady Lisle that -her son would soon be able to speak French better than English. "I think -when he goes to see you," writes the Frenchman to her ladyship who did -not understand French, "he will need an interpreter to speak to you." -James himself wrote to tell his mother how he was progressing "at the -large and beautiful college of Navarre, with Pierre du Val his Master -and Preceptor."[576] The following letter[577] giving details on the -course pursued by a young English gentleman studying French in Paris may -no doubt be taken as fairly typical. "In the forenoone ... two hours he -spends in French, one in reading, the other in rendryng to his teacher -some part of a Latin author by word of mouth.... In the afternoon ... he -retires himself into his chamber, and there employs two other hours in -reading over some Latin author; which done, he translates some little -part of it into French, leaving his faults to be corrected the morrow -following by his teacher. After supper we take a brief survey of all.... -M. Ballendine [apparently the teacher] hath commended unto us Paulus -Aemilius in French, who writeth the history of the country. His counsell -we mean to follow." - -Girls also were occasionally sent to France for purposes of education. -Two of James Basset's young sisters, Anne and Mary, spent some time in -that country. To prevent their hindering each other's progress, Anne was -committed to the care of a M. and Mme. de Ryon, at Pont de Remy, while -Mary was sent to Abbeville to a M. and Mme. de Bours. Both girls wrote -letters in French to their mother, Lady Lisle, and it appears that they -had almost forgotten their mother tongue. When Anne returned to England, -where she became maid of honour to Jane Seymour, she had to apologize to -her mother for not being able to write in English, "for surely where -your Ladyship doth think that I can write English, in very deed I -cannot, but that little that I can write is French,"[578] and Mary wrote -to her sister Philippa in French expressing her wish to spend an hour -with her every day in order to teach her to speak French. In France the -two sisters acquired, besides French, the usual accomplishments -befitting their sex--needlework, and playing on the lute and -virginals.[579] - -The traveller Fynes Moryson did not unreservedly approve of the custom -of sending children "of unripe yeeres" to France; "howsoever they are -more to be excused who send them with discreet Tutors to guide them with -whose eyes and judgments they may see and observe.... Children like -Parrots soone learne forraigne languages and sooner forget the same, -yea, and their mother tongue also." He relates how a familiar friend of -his "lately sent his sonne to Paris, who, after two yeeres returning -home, refused to aske his father's blessing after the manner of England, -saying _ce n'est pas la mode de France_."[580] Milton in the same vein -deplores the fact that his compatriots have "need of the monsieurs of -Paris to take their hopeful youth into their slight and prodigal -custodies and send them over back again transformed into mimics, apes -and kickshows."[581] [Header: ENGLISH CHILDREN IN FRANCE] "My -countrymen in England," wrote Sir Amias Poulet from Paris in 1577, -"would doe God and theire countreye good service if either they woulde -provide scolemasters for theire children at home, or else they woulde -take better order of their educacion here, where they are infected with -all sortes [of] pollucions bothe ghostly and bodylie and find manie -willinge scolemasters to teache theme to be badd subiects."[582] - -Nor were such sentiments confined to individual cases. Queen Elizabeth -was constantly making inquiries concerning her subjects beyond the seas -generally, often for political reasons or on account of her Protestant -fears of popery. She found "noe small inconvenience to growe into the -realm" by the number of children living abroad "under colour of learning -the languages." In 1595 she ordered a list of such "children" to be sent -to her with the names of their parents or guardians and tutors,[583] and -there were frequent examinations of subjects suspected of desiring to go -abroad; in 1595 the Mayor of Chester writes to Burghley to know what he -is to do with two boys, aged fifteen and seventeen, who have been -brought before him on suspicion of intending to travel into France to -learn the language, and thence into Spain. - -The objections raised against the journey to France were few, however, -in comparison with those alleged as regards Italy. Italy held a place -second only to France in the Grand Tour on the Continent, and in the -early sixteenth century the first enthusiasm awakened by the Renaissance -attracted many Englishmen there. Scholars, such as Linacre and Colet, -set the example. Then others, including most literary men of the time, -made their way as pilgrims to the centre of the revived learning, -passing through France on their way.[584] Soon the journey became -largely a matter of fashion. This rapid development of the custom of -continental travel was looked upon as a danger in matters political and -religious; popish plots were suspected and foreign intrigues of all -kinds feared. In Elizabeth's time leave "to resort beyond seas for his -better increase in learning, and his knowledge of foreign languages"[585] -was not freely granted to any who might apply. Lord Burghley would -often summon before him applicants for licences to travel, and look -carefully into their knowledge of their own country,[586] and if this -proved insufficient, would advise them to improve it before attempting -to study other countries.[587] - -Voluble were the protests against foreign travel which were made in the -sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. France and above all Italy were -made responsible for all the vices of the English. It was urged that -trade and state negotiations were the only adequate reasons for travel -abroad. "We are moted in an Island, because Providence intended us to be -shut off from other regions," Bishop Joseph Hall affirms, in his _Quo -Vadis: a juste censure of travel as it is commonly undertaken by -gentlemen of our own nation_ (1617). So strong were the prejudices of -some of these critics that the grandfather of the royalist Sir Arthur -Capell wrote--in 1622--a pamphlet containing _Reasons against the -travellinge of my grandchylde Arthur Capell into the parts beyond the -sea_, in which he draws an alarming picture of the dangers of infection -from popery, and seeks to prove that the time could be much better spent -at home.[588] The chronicler Harrison went so far as to assert that the -custom would prove the ruin of England.[589] And even the courtly Lyly -could write: "Let not your mindes be carried away with vaine delights, -as travailing into farre and straunge countries, wher you shall see more -wickednesse then learn virtue and wit."[590] - -But it was Italy much more than France that excited the fears of these -alarmists. There was a common saying at the time that an Englishman -Italianate was a devil incarnate. "I was once in Italy myself," wrote -Roger Ascham,[591] "but I thank God my abode there was but nine -dayes"--in which he saw more wickedness than he had beheld during nine -years in London. "Suffer not thy sons to pass the Alpes, for they shall -learn nothing there but Pride, Blasphemy and Atheism; [Header: PROTESTS -AGAINST FOREIGN TRAVEL] and if by travelling they get a few broken -Languages, that will profit them no more than to have the same meat -served in divers dishes," was the advice of Lord Burghley.[592] Many -were the precautions taken to prevent English subjects from travelling -to Rome of all places. Travellers who were suspected of such intentions -or who had travelled abroad without permission were rigorously examined. -One such traveller confessed that he went to Brittany and France to see -the countries and learn the language, but swore he had never been to -Rome or spoken to the papist Cardinal Allen.[593] Many passports issued -for the Grand Tour stipulated specifically that the traveller should not -repair to Rome.[594] - -George Carleton gave expression to the general feeling when he wrote to -his brother Dudley, afterwards Lord Dorchester: "I like your going to -France much better than if you had gone to Italy."[595] "France is above -all most needful for us to mark," was the advice Sir Philip Sidney sent -to his brother Robert on his travels.[596] Sir John Eliot gave similar -injunctions to his sons.[597] France was, he said, a country full of -noble instincts and versatile energy; and what his own experience had -been, he recommended his sons to profit by. Some friend had warned them -of possible dangers in France. Heed them not, says Eliot; any hazard or -adventure in France they will find repaid by such advantages of -knowledge and experience as observation of the existing troubles there -is sure to convey. But he will not allow them even to enter Spain; and -the Italian territories of the Church they must avoid as dangerous: -"stagnant and deadly are the waters in the region of Rome, not clear and -flowing for the health-seeking energies of man." He thought, however, -that some parts of Italy might be visited with profit. To attempt to -learn the Italian language before some knowledge of French had been -acquired, was not discreet. "Besides it being less pleasant and more -difficult to talk Italian first," he writes, "it was leaving the more -necessary acquirement to be gained when there was, perchance, less -leisure for it. Whereas by attaining some perfection in French, and then -moving onward, what might be lost in Italy of the first acquirement, -would be regained in France as their steps turned homeward." - -Not only were fears of Roman Catholicism and corrupt manners directed -more specifically toward Italy than France, but the French language was -considered a much more necessary acquirement than Italian. It was -generally agreed that the country most requisite for the English to know -was France, "in regard of neighbourhood, of conformity in Government in -divers things and necessary intelligence of State."[598]. "French is the -most useful of languages--the richest lading of the traveller next to -experience--Italian and Spanish not being so fruitful in learning," -remarks Francis Osborne in his _Advice to a Son_.[599] - -Thus the main object of study of the traveller in France was usually the -language itself, and next to that the polite accomplishments. Those who -continued their travels into Italy were attracted chiefly by the country -and its antiquities. When Addison was in France, after a short stay in -Paris in 1699[600] he settled for nearly a year at Blois to learn the -language, living in great seclusion, studying, and seeing no one but his -teachers, who would sup with him regularly. In 1700 he returned to -Paris, qualified to converse with Boileau and Malebranche. But he spent -his time in Italy very differently, living in fancy with the old Latin -poets, taking Horace as his guide from Naples to Rome, and Virgil on the -return journey: there was no question of settling down in a quiet town -to study Italian. The experience of Lord Herbert of Cherbury at the end -of the sixteenth century and of Evelyn in the middle of the seventeenth -was of a similar nature. Though travellers continued to include Italy in -their tour, the feeling in favour of France became stronger and -stronger. It reached its climax in the latter half of the seventeenth -century, when Clarendon wrote: "What parts soever we propose to visit, -to which our curiosity usually invites us, we can hardly avoid the -setting our feet first in France." And he invites travellers, on -returning there after visiting Italy, to stay in Paris a year to -"unlearn the dark and affected reservation of Italy." [Header: THE -TRAVELLING TUTOR] As for Germany, he thinks they have need to remain two -years in France that they may entirely forget that they were ever in -Germany![601] - -The sons of gentlemen setting out on the Grand Tour were usually -accompanied by a governor or tutor,[602] and the need for such a guide -was generally recognized by writers on travel; all urge the necessity of -his being acquainted with the languages and customs of the countries to -be visited. "That young men should Travaile under some Tutor or grave -Servant, I allow well: so that he be such a one that hath the language -and hath been in the Countrey before," wrote Bacon. And if any one was -not able or did not wish to "be at the charges of keeping a Governor -abroad" with his son, he was advised[603] to "join with one or two more -to help to bear the charges: or else to send with him one well qualified -to carry him over and settle him in one place or other of France, or of -other Countries, to be there with him 2 or 3 months, leave him there -after he hath set him in a good way, and then come home." We also gather -from Gailhard's _The Compleat Gentleman_ that it was "a custom with many -in England to order Travelling to their sons, as Emetick Wine is by the -Physician prescribed to the Patient, that is when they know not what -else to do, and when schools, Universities, Inns of Court, and every -other way hath been tried to no purpose: then that nature which could -not be tamed in none of these places, is given to be minded by a -Gouvernor, with many a woe to him."[604] - -The suitable age for the Grand Tour, as distinct from the shorter -journey in France, was the subject of much discussion. It was usually -undertaken between the ages of sixteen and twenty, and occupied from -three to five years. Some, and among them Locke,[605] agreed with -Gailhard in thinking that travel should not come at the end. They -argued that languages were more easily learnt at an earlier age, and -that children were then less difficult to manage. Others, regarding -travel as a necessary evil,[606] held that, at a later age, travellers -are less receptive of evil influences and the snares of popery. This was -the current opinion. - -In many cases, especially in later times, the travelling tutor was a -Frenchman. Many Englishmen, however, found in this capacity an -opportunity for travel which they might not otherwise have had. For -example, Ben Jonson visited Paris in 1613 as tutor to the son of Sir -Walter Raleigh, and became better known there as a reveller than as a -poet.[607] In the same way Ben Jonson's friend, the poet Aurilian -Townsend, accompanied Lord Herbert of Cherbury on his foreign tour in -1608, and was of much help to him on account of his fluent knowledge of -French, Italian, and Spanish.[608] The time-serving politician Sir John -Reresby travelled with a Mr. Leech, a divine and Fellow of -Cambridge.[609] And the philosopher Thomas Hobbes spent as travelling -tutor in the Cavendish family many years which he calls the happiest -time of his life. He visited France, Germany, and Italy. For a time he -left the Cavendishes to act as tutor to the son of Sir Gervase Clifton, -with whom he remained eighteen months in Paris. It was while travelling -with his pupils that Hobbes became known in the philosophic circles of -Paris.[610] Addison was offered a salary of L100 to be tutor to the Duke -of Somerset, who desired him "to be more of a companion than a -Governor," but did not accept the offer.[611] In some cases the -travelling tutor had several pupils. Thus Mr. Cordell, the friend of Sir -Ralph Verney, was tutor to a party of Englishmen.[612] - -On the other hand, Sir Philip Sidney travelled without a governor. -[Header: BOOKS ON TRAVEL] At Frankfort, in the house of the Protestant -printer Andreas Wechel, he began his life-long friendship with the -Huguenot scholar Hubert Languet, who, to some degree, supplied his -needs. Languet, however, expresses his regret that Sidney had no -governor, and when the young Englishman continued his journey into Italy -they kept up a correspondence, in the course of which Languet sent -Sidney much good advice. At his instigation Sidney practised his French -and Latin by translating some of Cicero's letters into French, then from -French into English, and finally back into Latin again, "by a sort of -perpetual motion."[613] John Evelyn the diarist also travelled without a -governor, while the eldest son of Lord Halifax first made the Grand Tour -in the usual fashion, and afterwards returned to his uncle, Henry -Savile, English ambassador at Paris, without the "encumbrance" of a -governor. Savile superintended his nephew's reading, providing him with -books on such subjects as political treaties and negotiations, and -warning him against "nouvelles" and other "vain _entretiens_."[614] - -The practice of travelling abroad called forth many books on the -subject, often written by travellers desiring to place their experience -at the service of others. Such books usually include indications of the -routes to be followed and the places to be visited, and sometimes advice -as to the best way of studying abroad. Some, such as those of Coryat, -Fynes Moryson, and Purchas,[615] are descriptions of long journeys. -Others deal more especially with the method of travel.[616] A few were -written for the particular use of some traveller of high rank; for -instance, when the Earl of Rutland set out on his travels in 1596, his -cousin Essex sent him letters of advice, which circulated at Court, and -were published as _Profitable Instructions for Travellers_ in -1633.[617] Further information was supplied in the treatises on polite -education.[618] - -The subject of travel was thus continually under consideration, and the -different books of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries which deal -with this topic are of great interest. Robert Dallington, the author of -an early guide to France,[619] thought it necessary, seeing the few -teachers there were in France, to "set downe a course of learninge." "I -will presume to advise him," he says of the traveller to France, "that -the most compendious way of attaining the tongue is by booke. I mean for -the knowledge, for as for the speaking he shall never attaine it but by -continuall practize and conversation: he shall therefore first learne -his nownes and verbs by heart, and specially the articles, and their -uses, with the two words _sum_ and _habeo_: for in these consist the -greatest observation of that part of speech." He also urges the future -traveller to engage a Frenchman to assist him, chiefly, no doubt, with -reading and pronunciation. This "reader," as Dallington calls him, -"shall not reade any booke of Poetrie at first, but some other kinde of -stile, and I thinke meetest some moderne comedie. Let his lecture -consist more in questions and answers, either of the one or the other, -then in the reader's continued speech, for this is for the most part -idle and fruitlesse: by the other many errors and mistakings either in -pronunciation or sense are reformed. After three months he shall quit -his lectures, and use his Maister only to walk with and discourse, first -the one and then the other: for thus shal he observe the right use of -the phrase in his Reader, heare his owne faults reproved and grow readie -and prompt in his owne deliverie, which, with the right straine of the -accent, are the two hardest things in language." He should also read -much in private, and "to this reading he must adde a continuall talking -and exercising of his speech with all sorts of people, with boldnesse -and much assurance in himselfe, for I have often observed in others -that nothing hath more prejudiced their profiting then their owne -diffidence and distrust. [Header: A "METHOD OF TRAVEL"] To this I would -have him adde an often writing, either of matter of translation or of -his owne invention, where againe is requisite the Reader's eye, to -censure and correct: for who so cannot write the language he speaks, I -count he hath but halfe the language. There, then, are the two onely -meanes of obtaining a language, speaking and writing, but the first is -the chiefest, and therefore I must advertise the traveller of one thing -which in other countries is a great hinderer thereof, namely, the often -haunting and frequenting of our own Countrimen, whereof he must have a -speciall care,[620] neither to distaste them by a too much -retirednesse[621] nor to hinder himselfe by too much familiaritie." - -A few years later Fynes Moryson[622] offered equally sound advice to the -traveller "for language." "Goe directly to the best citie for the -puritie of language," he tells him, and first "labour to know the -grammar rules, that thy selfe mayst know whether thou speaketh right or -no. I meane not the curious search of those rules, but at least so much -as may make thee able to distinguish Numbers, Cases, and Moodes." -Moryson thought that by learning by ear alone students probably -pronounced better, but, on the other hand, with the help of rules, "they -both speake and write pure language, and never so forget it, as they may -not with small labour and practice recover it again." The student, he -adds, should make a collection of choice phrases, that "hee may speake -and write more eloquently, and let him use himselfe not to the -translated formes of speech, but to the proper phrases of the tongue." -For this purpose he should read many good books, "in which kind, as also -for the Instruction of his soule, I would commend unto him the Holy -Scriptures, but that among the Papists they are not to be had in the -vulgar tongue, neither is the reading of them permitted to laymen. -Therefore to this purpose he shall seeke out the best familiar epistles -for his writing, and I thinke no booke better for his Discourse then -Amadis of Gaule.... In the third place I advise him to professe -Pythagoricall silence, and to the end he may learne true pronunciation, -not to be attained but by long observation and practice, that he for a -time listen to others, before he adventure to speake." He should also -avoid his fellow-countrymen, and, having observed these rules, "then let -him hier some skilfull man to teach him and to reprove his errors, not -passing by any his least omission. And let him not take it ill that any -man should laugh at him, for that will more stirre him up to endevour to -learne the tongue more perfectly, to which end he must converse with -Weomen, children and the most talkative people; and he must cast off all -clownish bashfulnesse, for no man is borne a Master in any art. I say -not that he himselfe should rashly speake, for in the beginning he shall -easily take ill formes of speaking, and hardly forget them once taken." - -The learning of French in England before going abroad did not, as a -rule, enter into the plan of writers on the subject of travelling. -Moryson, however, realized that "at the first step the ignorance of -language doth much oppresse (the traveller) and hinder the fruite he -should reape by his iourney." And Bacon went a step further when he -wrote that "he that travaileth into a Country, before he hath some -entrance into the language, goeth to schoole, and not to travaile.... If -you will have a Young Man to put his Travaile into a little Roome, and -in a short time to gather much, this you must doe. First, as was said, -he must have some Entrance into the Language before he goeth. Then he -must have such a Servant, or Tutor, as knoweth the country."[623] Later -writers usually agree that it would be of benefit to have "something of -the French"[624] before leaving England, "though it were only to -understand something of it and be able to ask for necessary things," or -to have "some grammatical instruction in the language, as a preparation -to speaking it."[625] And indeed many travellers had some previous -knowledge of French. Sir Philip Sidney, for instance, could manage a -letter in French when he was at school at Shrewsbury; Lord Herbert of -Cherbury had studied the language with the help of a dictionary; Sir -John Reresby, at a later date, had learnt French at a private school, -though, like many students nowadays, he could not speak the language on -his arrival in France. [Header: STUDIES PREVIOUS TO TRAVEL] Several -went abroad to "improve" themselves in French, and no doubt the phrase -"to learn the French tongue"[626] often meant to learn to speak it. - -In the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, however, many of those -who studied French seriously in England did not go to France. Among -these were the ladies, to whose skill Mulcaster[627] draws the attention -of travellers, as a proof that languages can be learnt as well at home -as abroad; and not a few of the younger sons of noblemen,[628] as well -as the prosperous middle class--the frequenters of the French schools in -St. Paul's Churchyard, and the pupils of Du Ploich and Holyband, neither -of whom makes any reference to the tour in France. - -The "common practice" in the sixteenth century among young travellers -was to proceed to France knowing no French. They fully expected to learn -the language there, with no further exertion than living in the country. -They are constantly warned of the futility of such expectations. -Dallington, Fynes Moryson, and others lay much emphasis on the necessity -of some serious preliminary study of grammar and reading of good -literature. French teachers in England compared the poor results -obtained in France by these leisurely methods with those achieved by -their own efforts in England. No doubt they found the practice of -learning French by residence in France a serious rival to their own -methods. De la Mothe,[629] for instance, declares he knows English -ladies and gentlemen who have never left England and yet speak French -incomparably better than others who have been in France three or four -years trying to pick up the language by ear, as most travellers do. -Another French teacher[630] writes: "I have knowne three Gentlemen's -sonnes, although I say it that should not say it, who can testify yet, -that in their return from France (after they had remained foure yeares -at Paris, spending a great deal of money) perused my rules but six -moneths and did confesse they reaped more good language in that short -space I taught them then in all the time they spent in France. And -sundry others I have helped who never saw France, and yet could talke, -read and write better language in one yeare than those who have bene at -Paris two yeares, learning but the common phrase of the countrie, -shacking off a litle paines to learne the rules." - -While holding that French could be better learnt in England with rules -than in France without any such assistance, the French teachers of -London admitted that the language could perhaps be best learnt in -France, but only with the help of a good teacher and serious study, as -in England. However, there were hardly any language teachers in France, -according to them, while in England it was easy to find many good ones. -Dallington more specifically bewails the fact that the traveller finds a -"great scarcitie" of such tutors, and directs him to a certain M. -Denison, a Canon of St. Croix in Orleans, after whom he may inquire, -"except his good acquaintance or good fortune bring him to better." - -There was indeed little provision for the serious study of French in -France before the end of the sixteenth century. Most travellers, we are -told, "observed only for their owne use." Few Frenchmen took up the -teaching of their own language to foreigners as a profession, and those -who taught from time to time or merely upon occasion rarely proved -successful. Yet the earliest grammars produced in France were intended -largely for the use of foreigners. Special attention is paid to points -which usually offered difficulty to foreigners, such as the -pronunciation and its divergencies from the orthography.[631] Sylvius or -Du Bois, writing in Latin,[632] remarks that his principles may serve -the English, the Italians and Spaniards, in short, all foreigners; no -doubt those he had chiefly in mind were the numbers of English and other -foreign students at the University of Paris. [Header: LANGUAGE TEACHERS -IN FRANCE] When the earliest grammar written in French appeared, its -author, Louis Meigret,[633] sought to justify his use of the vernacular -by suggesting that foreign students should first learn to understand -French by speaking and reading good French literature, instead of -depending on Latin for the first stages. He had noticed the -peculiarities of the English pronunciation of French, especially the -habit of misplacing the accent; "they raise the voice on the syllable -_an_ in _Angleterre_, while we raise it on the syllable _ter_: so that -French as spoken by the English is not easily understood in France." -From other grammarians foreigners always received some attention. -Pillot[634] and Garnier[635] both wrote in Latin with a special view to -foreigners; and Peletier,[636] who used French, retains all the -etymological consonants, that strangers may find Latin helpful in -understanding French. - -Not before the end of the sixteenth century, however, do we hear of the -first important language teacher in France--Charles Maupas of Blois, a -surgeon by profession, who spent most of his life, more than thirty -years, teaching French to "many lords and gentlemen of divers nations" -who visited his native town. He was "well known to be a famous teacher -of the French tongue to many of the English and Dutch nobility and -gentry." For his English pupils Maupas showed particular affection.[637] -And from them he received in turn numerous proofs of friendship. Among -the Englishmen who learnt French under his care was George Villiers, -Duke of Buckingham, who, at about the age of eighteen, travelled into -France, where "he improved himself[638] well in the language for one -that had so little grammatical foundation, but more in the exercises of -that Nobility for the space of three years and yet came home in his -naturall plight, without affected formes (the ordinary disease of -Travellers)."[639] Maupas bears stronger testimony to his pupil's -attainments in the French language, and some years later he gratefully -dedicated to the Duke his French grammar, first issued publicly in 1618. - -Maupas's _Grammaire francoise contenant reigles tres certaines et -adresse tres asseuree a la naive connoissance et pur usage de nostre -langue. En faveur des estrangers qui en seront desireux_, was first -privately printed in 1607.[640] He had not originally intended it for -publication. The work grew out of the notes and observations he compiled -in order to overcome his pupils' difficulties. As these rules increased -in number and importance, many students began to make extracts from -them; others made copies of the whole, a "great and wearisome labour." -Finally, Maupas, touched by this keenness, resolved to have a large -number of copies printed. He distributed these among his pupils and -their friends, till, contrary to his expectation, he found he had none -left. It was then that the first public edition was issued at Lyons in -1618, and was followed by six others, which were not always authorized. -A Latin edition also appeared in 1623. - -Maupas insists on the necessity of employing a tutor. "Let them come to -me," he says, addressing foreigners desirous of learning French, "if it -is convenient."[641] To learn the language by ear and use alone is -impossible. The small outlay required to engage a teacher saves much -time and labour. As to the grammar, it should be read again and again, -and in time all difficulties will disappear; it will be of great use -even to those already advanced in French. He undertook to teach and -interpret the grammar in French itself, without having recourse to the -international language Latin, the usual medium of teaching French to -travellers; he tells us that many of his pupils were ignorant of Latin, -and that the practice of interpreting the grammar in French had been -adopted by many of his fellow-teachers in other towns. The great -advantage of this method was, he thought, that reading and pronunciation -are learnt conjointly with grammar, the phrases and style of the -language together with its rules and precepts. Besides, the student must -read some book; and a grammar was, in his opinion, preferable to the -little comedies and dialogues usually resorted to for this purpose. He -did not, however, forget that some light reading was a greater incentive -to the learner, and in practice used both. - -Maupas died in 1625, when a new edition of his grammar was in -preparation. His son, who assisted him in teaching, saw the work through -the press, and invited students to transfer to him the favours they had -bestowed on his father. Apparently the younger Charles Maupas continued -to teach his father's clientele for some time. [Header: CHARLES MAUPAS -OF BLOIS] In 1626 he gave further proof of his zeal for the cause in -editing and publishing a comedy which both he and his father had -frequently read with pupils not advanced enough for more serious matter. -We are told vaguely that this comedy, entitled _Les Desguisez: Comedie -Francoise avec l'explication des proverbes et mots difficiles par -Charles Maupas a Bloys_, was the work of one of the _beaux esprits_ of -the period.[642] Maupas, however, only had one copy, and knew not where -to procure more. He was induced to have it printed on seeing the great -labour and time expended by many of his pupils in making copies of it -for their own use. For the benefit of students who had no tutor, he -added an explanatory vocabulary of proverbs and difficult words. - -Maupas's _Grammaire et syntaxe francoise_ is still looked on with -respect.[643] The reputation it enjoyed in the seventeenth century is -the more remarkable in that it was the work of a provincial who had no -relations with the Court, then the supreme arbiter in matters of -language. But the grammar passed into oblivion in the course of time, as -more modern manuals took its place. Maupas's hope that it would be used -by foreign students of French as long as the language was held in esteem -was not to be fulfilled. - -His Grammar was superseded by that of Antoine Oudin--_Grammaire -Francoise rapportee au langage du temps_, Paris, 1632. Oudin's original -intention had been merely to enlarge the grammar of his predecessor. But -as his work advanced he found "force antiquailles" and many mistakes, -besides much confusion, repetition, and pedantry. He felt no compunction -in telling the reader that he had enormously improved all he had -borrowed from Maupas--although he is careful to note that he has no -intention of damaging his rival's reputation, and is proud to share his -opinion on several points. He had a great advantage over Maupas in -having spent all his life in close connexion with the Court; his father, -Cesar, had been interpreter to the French king, and Antoine succeeded -him in that office. He also appears to have had continual relations with -foreigners, and he tells us on one occasion that he received from them -"very considerable benefits." His grammar was certainly much used by -foreign students, although it does not seem to have enjoyed as great a -popularity in England as that of Maupas. Oudin's _Curiositez Francoises_ -(1640) was also addressed "aux estrangers," and his aim was to show his -gratitude by attempting to call attention to the mistakes which had made -their way into grammars drawn up for their instruction.[644] - -_L'Eschole Francoise pour apprendre a bien parler et escrire selon -l'usage de ce temps et pratique des bons autheurs, divisee en deux -livres dont l'un contient les premiers elements, l'autre les parties de -l'oraison_ (Paris, 1604), by Jean Baptiste du Val, avocat en Parlement -at Paris and French tutor to Marie de Medicis, was also intended partly -for the use of foreigners. He seeks to console foreign students coping -with the difficulties of French pronunciation and orthography, by -assuring them that though the French themselves may be able to speak -correctly, they cannot prescribe rules on this score. As for his -grammar, the student will learn more from it in two hours than from any -other in two weeks. He also takes up a supercilious attitude, natural in -one who exercised his profession in the precincts of the Court, towards -anything that resembled a provincial accent; better no teacher at all -than one with a provincial accent. - -Among other grammars of similar purport is that of Masset in French and -Latin, _Exact et tres facile acheminement a la langue Francoyse, mis en -Latin par le meme autheur pour le soulagement des estrangers_ -(1606);[645] and to the same category belongs also the _Praecepta -gallici sermonis ad pleniorem perfectioremque eius linguae cognitionem -necessaria tum suevissima tum facillima_ (1607), by Philippe Garnier, -who, after teaching French for many years in Germany, settled down at -Orleans, his native town, as a language tutor.[646] - -Another work widely used by travellers, and well known in England, was -the _Nouvelle et Parfaite Grammaire Francoise_ (1659) of Laurent -Chiflet, the zealous Jesuit and missionary, which continued to be -reprinted until the eighteenth century, and enjoyed for many years the -highest reputation among foreign students of French. [Header: FRENCH -GRAMMARS FOR TRAVELLERS] The Swiss Muralt relates how he and a friend -were inquiring for some books at one of the booksellers of the Palais, -the centre of the trade; and how the bookseller answered them civilly -and tried to find what they desired, until his wife interfered, crying, -"Ne voiez vous pas que ce sont des etrangers qui ne savent ce qu'ils -demandent? Donnez leur la grammaire de Chiflet, c'est la ce qu'il leur -faut."[647] - -Chiflet is very explicit in his advice to foreign students. In the first -place the pronunciation should be learnt by reading a short passage -every day with a French master, and the verbs most commonly in use -committed to memory. Then the other parts of speech and the rules of -syntax should be studied briefly; but care should be taken not to -neglect reading, and to practise writing French, in order to become -familiar with the orthography. One of his chief recommendations is to -avoid learning isolated words; words should always be presented in -sentence form, which is a means of learning their construction and of -acquiring a good vocabulary at the same time. The rest of the method -consists in translating from Latin or some other language into French, -and in conversing with a tutor who should correct bad grammar or -pronunciation. When once a fair knowledge of French is acquired, it -should be strengthened by reading and reflecting upon some good book -every day. Such reading is the shortest way of learning the language -perfectly. Excellence and fluency in speaking may be attained by -repeating or reciting aloud the substance of what has been read.[648] - -The acquisition of the French language was not the only ambition of the -English gentleman abroad. His aim was also to acquire those polite -accomplishments in which the French excelled--dancing, fencing, riding, -and so on. For this purpose he either frequented one of the "courtly" -academies or engaged private tutors; and "every master of exercise," it -was felt, served as a kind of language master.[649] We are indebted to -Dallington[650] for an account of the cost of such a course abroad. -"Money," he says, "is the soule of travell. If he travel without a -servant L80 sterling is a competent proportion, except he learn to ride: -if he maintain both these charges, he can be allowed no less than L150: -and to allow above L200 were superfluous and to his hurt. The ordinary -rate of his expense is 10 gold crowns a month his fencing, as much his -dancing, no less his reading, and 10 crowns monthly his riding except in -the heat of the year. The remainder of his L150, I allow him for -apparell, books, travelling charges, tennis play, and other -extraordinary expenses." - -Some of the more studious travellers resorted to one or other of the -French universities. John Palsgrave and John Eliote, the two best known -English teachers of French in the sixteenth century, had both followed -this course. Palsgrave was a graduate of Paris, and John Eliote, after -spending three years at the College of Montague in Paris, taught for a -year in the College des Africains at Orleans. The religious question had -much influence in determining the plan of study in France. The -university towns of Rheims and Douay were the special resorts of English -Catholics.[651] On the suppression of the religious houses in England -and the persecution of the English Roman Catholics, English seminaries -arose at Paris, Louvain, Cambrai, St. Omer, Arras, and other centres in -France. English Roman Catholics flocked to the French universities and -colleges, and there is in existence a long list of English students who -matriculated at the University of Douay. - -On the other hand, the schools,[652] colleges,[653] and academies[654] -founded by the Huguenots offered many attractions to Protestant England. -The colleges had much in common with the modern French lycee, and the -chief subjects taught were the classical languages. They did not take -boarders, with the exception of that at Metz, and the students lived _en -pension_ with families in the town. The same is true of the academies, -institutions of university standing. They were eight in number, and -situated at Nimes, Montpellier, Saumur, Montauban, Die, Sedan, Orthez -(in the principality of Bearn[655]), and Geneva. Some Englishmen and -many Scotchmen[656] held positions in the Protestant colleges and -academies. [Header: BRITISH STUDENTS AT FRENCH UNIVERSITIES] Many -English Protestants, during their enforced sojourn on the Continent -during the reign of Mary, took advantage of their exile to study at one -or other of the Protestant academies, as well as to perfect their -knowledge of French. A great number flocked to Geneva, including the -Protestant author Michael Cope, who frequently preached in French.[657] - -Of the colleges, that of Nimes attracted a large number of foreigners. -Montpellier likewise was very popular during the short period at the -beginning of the seventeenth century when the town was Protestant. Among -the academies in France, Saumur, Montauban,[658] and Sedan were much -frequented by English travellers. Saumur in particular quickly attained -to celebrity; its rapid growth may be partly accounted for by the fact -that Duplessis Mornay, Governor of the town in 1588, naturally became a -zealous patron of the Academy. Three years after its foundation the -number of foreign students was considerable, and throughout the -seventeenth century students from England, Scotland, Holland, and -Switzerland thronged to the town. - -The Academy at Geneva likewise was very popular.[659] Though not French, -it was largely attended by French students, who had some influence in -raising the standard of the French spoken in the town, which was rather -unsatisfactory in the sixteenth century. It greatly improved in the -following century, and when the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes -(1685), which dealt the death-blow to the French Protestant foundations, -drove many students to Geneva, their influence in all directions was -still more strongly felt. Some years before, in 1654, the regents were -enjoined to see to it that their pupils "ne parlent savoyard et ne -jurent ou diabloyent," but in 1691 Poulain de la Barre, a doctor of the -Sorbonne, could say that "a Geneve on prononce incomparablement mieux -que l'on ne fait en plusieurs provinces de France."[660] - -The Protestant academies usually consisted of faculties of Arts and -Theology. At Geneva[661] there were lectures in Law, Theology, -Philosophy, Philology, and Literature; the teaching was chiefly in -Latin, but sometimes in French. At the end of the sixteenth century a -riding school, known as the _Manege de la Courature_, on the same lines -as the polite academies of France, was started. The instruction given at -Geneva was on broader lines than that of the less popular academies. -Nimes and Montpellier, for instance, were mainly theological.[662] - -Of the many Englishmen who went to Geneva, as to other Protestant -centres, not all attended lectures at the Academies. Some went merely to -learn French, "the exercises and assurance of behaviour," as the general -belief in England was that they did so with less danger in the towns -tempered by a Calvinistic atmosphere. Among the Englishmen who visited -Geneva in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century we find the names -of Henry Withers, Roger Manners, fifth Earl of Rutland, Robert Devereux, -third Earl of Essex, the son of Elizabeth's unfortunate favourite, and -others. Thomas Bodley, the celebrated founder of the Oxford Library, -followed all the courses at the University in 1559. It was considered a -great honour to lodge in the house of one or other of the professors; -Anthony Bacon, the elder brother of the great Bacon, had the good -fortune to be received into the house of de Beze. Casaubon likewise -received into his house certain young gentlemen who came to the town -with a special recommendation to him. These included the young Henry -Wotton, then on the long tour on the Continent, during which he acquired -the remarkable knowledge of languages which qualified him for the -position of ambassador which he subsequently occupied. In 1593 Wotton -wrote to Lord Zouch: "Here I am placed to my great contentment in the -house of Mr. Isaac Casaubon, a person of sober condition among the -French." The learned professor soon became very fond of Wotton, so far -as to allow him to get into debt for his board and lodging, and the -young man left Geneva without paying his debts, leaving Casaubon to face -his numerous creditors in the town. Casaubon was in despair; but -fortunately the episode ended satisfactorily, for Wotton lived up to his -character, and paid his debts in full as soon as he was able.[663] - -[Header: THE AFFECTED TRAVELLER] - -When later Casaubon was at Paris (1600-1610) and his fame was -widespread, most travellers and scholars passing through the city seized -any opportunity of visiting him. Coryat relates his visit to the great -humanist as the experience he enjoyed above all others. Lord Herbert of -Cherbury was also among the English travellers received by Casaubon into -his house at this period. "And now coming to court," writes Lord -Herbert, "I obtained licence to go beyond sea, taking with me for my -companion Mr. Aurilian Townsend ... and a man to wait in my chamber, who -spoke French, two lacqueys and three horses.... Coming now to Paris -through the recommendation of the Lord Ambassador I was received to the -house of that incomparable scholar Isaac Casaubon, by whose learned -conversation I much benefited myself. Sometimes also I went to the Court -of the French King Henry IV., who, upon information of me in the Garden -of the Tuileries, received me with much courtesy, embracing me in his -arms, and holding me some while there."[664] - -By the side of the serious traveller we are introduced to the frivolous -type, travelling merely as a matter of fashion. These "idle travellers," -as they were called, were the cause of most of the objections raised -against the journey to France and the longer tour on the -Continent--apart from questions of religion and politics. Few such -travellers "scaped bewitching passing over seas."[665] When Lord Herbert -of Cherbury arrived in Paris he remarked on the great number of -Englishmen thronging about the ambassador's mansion. They had, most of -them, studied the language and fashions in some quiet provincial town, -such as Orleans or Blois, and returned to Paris full of affectations. -Herbert draws a picture[666] of one such "true accomplish'd cavalere": - - Now what he speaks are complimental speeches - That never go off, but below the breeches - Of him he doth salute, while he doth wring - And with some strange French words which he doth string, - Windeth about the arms, the legs and sides, - Most serpent like, of any man that bides - His indirect approach. - -Many travellers did not follow Moryson's advice "to lay aside the -spoone and forke of Italy, the affected gestures of France, and all -strange apparrell" on their return to England. Their affectation of -foreign languages and customs proved disagreeable to many of their -countrymen. The Frenchified traveller and his untravelled imitators were -known as _beaux_ or _mounsiers_. Nash speaks of the "dapper mounsieur -pages of the Court," and Shakespeare of the young gallants who charm the -ladies with a French song and a fiddle, and fill the Court with -quarrels, talks, and tailors.[667] When the English nobles and gentlemen -who had held official appointments at Tournai returned to England, after -lingering some time at the French Court, the chronicler Hall[668] -declares they were "all French in eating, drinking, yea in French vices -and brages, so that all estates of England were by them laughed at." - -The English _beau_ thought it his duty to despise English ways, -fashions, and speech, and to ape and dote upon all things French:[669] - - He struts about - In cloak of fashion French. His girdle, purse, - And sword are French; his hat is French; - His nether limbs are cased in French costume. - His shoes are French. In short from top to toe - He stands the Frenchman. - -Above all, he loves to display his "sorry French" and chide his French -valet in public, and - - if he speak - Though but three little words in French, he swells - And plumes himself on his proficiency. - -And when his French fails him, as it soon does, he coins words for -himself which he utters with "widely gaping mouth, and sound acute, -thinking to make the accent French": - - With accent French he speaks the Latin Tongue, - With accent French the tongue of Lombardy, - To Spanish words he gives an accent French, - German he speaks with the same accent French, - All but the French itself. The French he speaks - With accent British. - -Thus the _beau_ cannot be ranked among the genuine students of French. - - Would you believe when you this monsieur see - That his whole body should speak French, not he? - -asks Ben Jonson.[670] [Header: "FRENCH-ITALIANATE" GENTLEMEN] We have a -picture, in Glapthorne's _The Ladies' Privilege_, of a travelled gallant -who undertakes to teach French to a young gentleman desiring thereby to -be "for ever engallanted." They confer on rudiments; "your French," says -the gallant, "is a thing easily gotten, and when you have it, as hard to -shake off, runnes in your blood, as 'twere your mother language." Until -you have enough of the language to sprinkle your English with it, answer -with a shrug, or a nod, or any foreign grimace.[671] The author of the -_Treatyse of a galaunt_ bemoans the fact that "Englysshe men sholde be -so blynde" as to adopt the "marde gere" of the French.[672] Many were -the outbursts of patriotic indignation roused by the affectation of the -newly returned travellers, who "brought home a few smattering terms, -flattering garbes, apish cringes, foppish fancies, foolish guises and -disguises and vanities of neighbour nations."[673] In the sixteenth -century France was not exclusively responsible for the fopperies of the -English _beau_, who might often be described as "French Italianate."[674] -He spoke his own language with shame and lisping.[675] Nothing "will -down but French, Italian and Spanish."[676] "Farewell, Monsieur -Traveller," says Rosalind to Jacques, "look you lisp, and wear strange -suits; disable all the benefits of your own country; be out of love with -your nativity, and almost chide God for making you that countenance you -are."[677] The affected _beau_ will "wring his face round about as a man -would stirre up a mustard pot and talke English through the teeth."[678] -He sprinkles his talk with overseas scraps. "He that cometh lately out -of France will talke French-English, and never blush at the matter, and -another chops in with English Italianated."[679] And what profit has he -from the journey on which he has gathered such evil fruit? Nothing but -words, and in this he exceeds his mother's parrot at home, in that he -can speak more and understands what he says.[680] And this is often no -more than to be able to call the king his lord "with two or three -French, Italian, Spanish or such like terms."[681] His attire, like his -tongue, speaks French and Italian.[682] He censures England's language -and fashions "by countenances and shrugs," and will choke rather than -confess beer a good drink. In time the _beau_ forgot what little he had -learnt of Italian, and in the seventeenth century was generally known as -the _English monsieur_, or the _gentleman a la mode_. - -There were two very different attitudes towards the journey to France, -as there were two types of traveller, the serious and the flippant. The -prejudiced and insular-minded asked with Nash:[683] "What is there in -France to be learned more than in England, but falsehood in fellowship, -perfect slovenry, to love no man but for my pleasure, to swear _Ah par -la mort Dieu_ when a man's hands are scabbed. But for the idle traveller -(I mean not for the soldier), I have known some that have continued -there by the space of half a dozen years, and when they come home, they -have hid a little weerish lean face under a broad hat, kept a terrible -coil in the dust in the street in their long cloaks of gray paper, and -spoke English strangely. Nought else have they profited by their travel, -save learned to distinguish the true Bordeaux grape and know a cup of -neat Gascoigne wine from wine of Orleans." The opposite view is -expressed in the message George Herbert sent to his brother at -Paris:[684] "You live in a brave nation, where except you wink, you -cannot but see many brave examples. Bee covetous then of all good which -you see in Frenchmen whether it be in knowledge or in fashion, or in -words; play the good marchant in transporting French commodities to your -own country." - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[564] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._ vol. xvi. No. -238. - -[565] Sir Rt. Naunton, _Fragmenta Regalia_, 1824, p. 69. - -[566] _Cal. State Papers, Dom.: Add., 1580-1625_, p. 99. - -[567] _Ibid._ p. 119. A certain Charles Doyley wrote in similar terms -from Rouen. - -[568] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1595-97_, p. 293. - -[569] _Purchas Pilgrimes_, 1625. - -[570] Howell, _Epistolae Ho-Elianae_. - -[571] As did Sir James Melville (_Memoirs_, Bannatyne Club, 1827, p. -12), "to learn to play upon the lut, and to writ Frenche," at the age of -fourteen. Similarly, Barnaby Fitzpatrick, Edward VI.'s youthful -favourite and proxy for correction, was sent to Paris to study fashions -and manners (Nichols, _Literary Remains_, p. lxx). - -[572] The practice was also very common in Scotland, especially when the -reformers assumed the power of approving private tutors as well as -schoolmasters. Gentlemen were driven to evade this restriction by -sending their sons to France in the care of what they considered -suitable tutors. The Assembly then tried to assert its power by granting -passports only to those whose tutors they approved. See Young, _Histoire -de l'Enseignement en Ecosse_, p. 52. - -[573] _Copy Book of Sir Amias Poulet's Letters_, Roxburghe Club, 1866, -pp. 16, 231. - -[574] _The Compleat Gentleman_ (1622), 1906, p. 33. - -[575] Ellis, _Original Letters_, 3rd series, iii. 377. - -[576] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._ vol. viii. 517; -vol. ix. 1086; vol. xii. pt. i. 972, etc. - -[577] Dated 1610. Ellis, _Original Letters_, 2nd series, iii. 230. - -[578] Green, _Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies of Great Britain_, -London, 1846, ii. pp. 294 _et seq._ - -[579] _Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._ vol. xiii. pt. i. -512. - -[580] _Itinerary_, 1617, pt. iii. bk. i. p. 5. - -[581] _Of Education._ To Master Samuel Hartlib. - -[582] _Copy Book_, p. 90. - -[583] _State Papers, Dom., 1598-1601_, p. 162; and _1601-1603_, p. 29. -In 1580 a list of some English subjects residing abroad was sent to the -queen (_ibid., Addenda, 1580-1625_, p. 4.) - -[584] Greene left an account of his impressions of France and Italy in -his _Never too Late_ (Works, ed. Grosart, viii. pp. 20 _sqq._). - -[585] Frequently the wording in passports (_Cal. State Papers_). - -[586] There were many complaints throughout the two centuries of the -travellers' neglect of everything concerning their own country. "What is -it to be conversant abroad and a stranger at home?" asks Higford. See -also Penton, _New Instructions to the Guardian_, 1694; and F. B. B. D., -_Education with Respect to Grammar Schools and Universities_, 1701. - -[587] Ellis, _Original Letters_ (3rd series, iv. p. 46), publishes one -of the licences which had to be obtained. - -[588] Reprinted by Lady T. Lewis, _Lives from the Pictures in the -Clarendon Galleries_, 1852, i. p. 250. - -[589] _Description of Britaine_, 1577, Lib. 3. ch. iv. - -[590] _Euphues_, ed. Arber, 1868, p. 152. - -[591] _Scholemaster_, ed. Arber, 1870, p. 82. Mulcaster was also -eloquent on the evil result of travel (_Positions_, 1581). - -[592] _Instructions for Youth ..._, by Sir W. Raleigh, etc., London, -1722, p. 50. - -[593] Who founded the English seminary at Douay. - -[594] See entries in _Cal. of State Papers_. - -[595] March 25, 1601 (_Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1601-1603_, p. 18). - -[596] _Correspondence with Hubert Languet_, 1912, p. 216. - -[597] Letter dated September 1, 1631 (J. Forster, _Sir John Eliot, a -Biography_, London, 1864, i. pp. 16, 17). - -[598] J. Howell, _Instructions for Forreine Travel_, 1642 (ed. Arber, -1869), p. 19. - -[599] 1656, p. 102. - -[600] Spence's _Anecdotes_, 1820, p. 184; _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[601] _A Dialogue concerning Education_, in _Miscellaneous Works_, -London, 1751, pp. 313 _et seq._ - -[602] Cp. Entries of Passports, in the _Cal. State Papers_. The -necessity of such a course was considered specially urgent if the -traveller was himself ignorant of languages (_The Gentleman's Companion, -by a Person of Quality_, 1672, p. 55). - -[603] Gailhard, _The Compleat Gentleman_, 1678, p. 16. - -[604] Gailhard, _op. cit._ pp. 19, 20. A gentleman, he thinks, should be -sent abroad betimes to prevent his being hardened in any evil course. - -[605] _Some Thoughts on Education_, 1693. - -[606] Walker, _Of Education, especially of Young Gentlemen_, 1699, 6th -ed. - -[607] _Notes on Ben Jonson's Conversations with William Drummond of -Hawthornden_ (1619), Shakespeare Soc., 1842, pp. 21, 47. - -[608] _Autobiography_, ed. Sir Sidney Lee (2nd ed., 1906), p. 56. - -[609] _Memoirs of Sir John Reresby_, ed. J. J. Cartwright, 1875, p. 26. - -[610] _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[611] Addison was well acquainted with French literature and criticism. -He frequently quotes Boileau, Racine, Corneille, and also Bouhours and -Lebossu. His _Tragedy of Cato_ is closely modelled on the French -pattern. See A. Beljame, _Le Public et les hommes de lettres en -Angleterre au 18e siecle_, 1897, p. 316. - -[612] _Memoirs of the Verney Family_, 1892, iii. p. 36. - -[613] _The Correspondence of Philip Sidney and Hubert Languet_, ed. W. -A. Bradly (Boston, 1912), p. 26. - -[614] _Savile Correspondence_, Camden Soc., 1858, pp. 133, 138. O. -Walker, in his _Of Education_, differs from other writers in proposing -that young gentlemen should travel without a governor. - -[615] In the same category may be placed the _Traveiles of Jerome -Turler_, a native of Saxony, whose work was translated into English in -the year of its appearance (1575). It was specially intended for the use -of students. - -[616] T. Palmer, _Essay on the Means of making our Travels into Forran -Countries more Profitable and Honourable_, 1606; T. Overbury, -_Observations in his Travels_, 1609 (France and the Low Countries). -William Bourne's _Treasure for Travellers_ (London, 1578) has no bearing -on travel from the language point of view. Of special interest are -Dallington's _Method for Travell, shewed by taking the View of France as -it stoode in the Yeare of our Lorde 1598_, London (1606?), and his _View -of France_, London, 1604. Other works are _A Direction for English -Travellers_, licensed for printing in 1635 (Arber, _Stationers' -Register_, iv. 343); Neal's _Direction to Travel_, 1643; Bacon's _Essay -on Travel_, 1625; Howell's _Instructions for Forreine Travel_, 1624. - -[617] The versatile master of the ceremonies to Charles I., Sir -Balthazar Gerbier, wrote his _Subsidium Peregrinantibus or an Assistance -to a Traveller in his convers with--1. Hollanders. 2. Germans. 3. -Venetians. 4. Italians. 5. Spaniards. 6. French_ (1665), in the first -place as a _vade mecum_ for a princely traveller, the unfortunate Duke -of Monmouth. It claimed to give directions for travel, "after the latest -mode." Cp. also _A direction for travailers taken by Sir J. S._ (Sir -John Stradling) _out of_ (the _Epistola de Peregrinatione Italica of_) -_J. Lipsius, etc._, London. 1592. - -[618] List in Watt's _Bibliographia Britannia_, 1824 (heading -_Education_); and in _Cambridge History of English Literature_, ix. ch. -xv. (Bibliography). - -[619] _Method for Travell_, 1598, and _View of France_, 1604. - -[620] The constant warnings against mixing with Englishmen abroad show -how numerous the latter must have been. "He that beyond seas frequents -his own countrymen forgets the principal part of his errand--language," -wrote Francis Osborne in his _Advice to a Son_ (1656). - -[621] As did Lord Lincoln, who "sees no English, rails at England, and -admires France." - -[622] _Itinerary_, 1617. - -[623] Bacon, _Essay on Travel_, 1625. - -[624] Gailhard, _op. cit._ p. 48. - -[625] S. Penton. _New Instructions to the Guardian_, 1694, p. 104. - -[626] Cp. Entries of passports to France in the _Calendar of State -Papers_. - -[627] _Positions_, 1581. - -[628] It appears from a deleted note in the MS. of Defoe's _Compleat -English Gentleman_ that travel was not always considered necessary for -younger sons (ed. K. Buelbring, London, 1890). - -[629] _French Alphabet_, 1592: "Car la plus part de ceux qui vont en -France apprennent par routine, sans reigles, et sans art, de sorte qu'il -leur est impossible d'apprendre, sinon avec une grande longueur de -temps. Au contraire ceux qui apprennent en Angleterre, s'ils apprennent -d'un qui ait bonne methode, il ne se peut faire qu'ils n'apprennent en -bref. D'avantage ce qu'ils apprennent est beaucoup meilleur que le -francois qu'on apprend en France par routine. Car nous ne pouvons parler -ce que nous n'avons apris et que nous ignorons. Ceux qui apprennent du -vulgaire ne peuvent parler que vulgairement . . . d'un francois -corrompu. Au contraire ceux qui apprennent par livres, parlent selon ce -qu'ils apprennent: or est il que les termes et phrases des livres sont -le plus pur et naif francois (bien qu'il y ayt distinction de livres); -il ne se peut donc qu'ils ne parlent plus purement et naivement (comme -j'ay dict) que les autres." - -[630] Wodroeph, _Spared houres of a souldier_, 1623. - -[631] Livet, _La Grammaire francaise et les grammairiens au 16e siecle_, -1859, p. 2. - -[632] _In linguam gallicam Isagoge_, 1531. - -[633] _Le Traite touchant le commun usage de l'escriture francoise_, -1542, 1545; cp. Livet, _op. cit._ pp. 49 _sqq._ - -[634] _Gallicae linguae institutio Latino sermone conscripta_ (1550, -1551, 1555, 1558, etc.). - -[635] _Institutio gallicae linguae in usum iuventutis germanicae_ (1558, -1580, 1591, 1593). - -[636] _Dialogue de l'ortografe et prononciacion francoese, departi en -deus livres_, 1555. - -[637] "J'ay tousiours eu plus ordinaire hantise, plus de biens et -d'honneur et de civile conversation de la nation Angloise que de nul -aultre." - -[638] Villiers had no doubt some previous knowledge of French. From the -age of thirteen he had been taught at home by private tutors. - -[639] _Reliquiae Wottonianae_, London, 1657, p. 76. - -[640] 12º, pp. 386. - -[641] - - "Etranger desireux de nostre langue apprendre, - Employe en ce livret et ton temps et ton soin, - Que si d'enseignement plus ample il t'est besoin, - Viens t'en la vive voix de l'autheur mesme entendre." - -[642] It differs from _Les Desguisez_, a comedy written by Godard in -1594. - -[643] E. Winkler, "La Doctrine grammaticale d'apres Maupas et Oudin," in -_Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fuer romanische Philologie_, Heft 38, 1912. - -[644] Towards the end of his career, Oudin was appointed to teach Louis -XIV. Spanish and Italian; he was the author of several manuals for -teaching these languages, and it is worthy of note that sometimes the -German language is included. - -[645] Printed with Nicot's edition of Aimar de Ranconnet's _Thresor de -la langue francoyse_, Paris, 1606. - -[646] Garnier was also the author of familiar dialogues, published in -French, Spanish, Italian, and German in 1656. - -[647] _Lettres sur les Anglais et sur les Francais_ (end of seventeenth -century), 1725, p. 305. - -[648] Another grammar specially intended for the use of strangers was -_Le vray orthographe francois contenant les reigles et preceptes -infallibles pour se rendre certain, correct et parfait a bien parler -francois, tres utile et necessaire tant aux francois qu'estrangers. Par -le sieur de Palliot secretaire ordinaire de la chambre du roy._ 1608. - -[649] Gailhard, _op. cit._ p. 33. - -[650] _Method for Travell_, 1598. - -[651] _Records of the English Catholics_, i. pp. 275 _et sqq._; F. C. -Petre, _English Colleges and Convents established on the Continent ..._, -Norwich, 1849; G. Cardon, _La Fondation de l'Universite de Douai_, -Paris, 1802. - -[652] Cp. p. 343 _infra_. - -[653] Cp. account by M. Nicolas, in _Bulletin de la societe de -l'Histoire du Protestantisme Francais_, iv. pp. 503 _sqq._ and pp. 582 -_sqq._ Twenty-five such colleges are named. - -[654] _Bulletin_, i. p. 301; ii. pp. 43, 303, 354 _sqq._; also articles -in vols. iii., iv., v., vi., ix., and Bourchenin's _Etudes sur les -Academies Protestantes_. - -[655] Suppressed as early as 1620. - -[656] Driven from Scotland, in many cases, by James I.'s attempt to -introduce the English Liturgy into the Scottish churches. Robert -Monteith, author of the _Histoire des Troubles de la Grande Bretagne_, -was professor of philosophy at Saumur for four years (_Dict. Nat. -Biog._). - -[657] He composed in French _A faithful and familiar exposition of -Ecclesiastes_, Geneva, 1557; cp. _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[658] Cp. Nicolas, _Histoire de l'ancienne Academie de Montauban_, -Montauban, 1885. - -[659] There was an early Academy at Lausanne which emigrated to Geneva -and assured the latter's success (1559); cp. H. Vuilleumier, _L'Academie -de Lausanne_, Lausanne, 1891. - -[660] _Essai de remarques particulieres sur la langue francoise pour la -ville de Geneve_, 1691. Quoted by Borgeaud, _Histoire de l'Universite de -Geneve_, 1900, p. 445. - -[661] C. Borgeaud, _op. cit._ - -[662] They were united at Nimes in 1617, and finally suppressed in 1644. - -[663] Pattison, _Isaac Casaubon_, Oxford, 1892, pp. 40-42, 155. On the -English at Geneva, cp. _ibid._ p. 20. - -[664] _Autobiography_, ed. Sir S. Lee (2nd ed., 1906), p. 56. - -[665] T. Scot, _Philomythie_, London, 1622. - -[666] _Satyra_ (addressed to Ben Jonson), 1608. _Poems of Lord Herbert -of Cherbury_, ed. J. Churton Collins, London, 1881. - -[667] _Henry VIII._, Act I. Sc. 3. - -[668] A. T. Thomson, _Memoirs of the Court of Henry VIII._, London, -1826, i. p. 259. - -[669] Epigram by Sir Th. More: translated from Latin by J. H. Marsden, -_Philomorus_, 2nd ed., 1878, p. 222. - -[670] _English Monsieur: Works_, London, 1875, viii. p. 190. Cp. other -satires and epigrams of the time: Hall, _Satires_, lib. iii. satire 7; -_Skialetheia_, 1598, No. 27; H. Parrot, _Laquei_, 1613, No. 207; -_Scourge of Villanie_, ed. Grosart, 1879, p. 158. - -[671] H. Glapthorne, "The Ladies' Privilege," _Plays and Poems_, 1874, -ii. pp. 81 _sqq._ It was sometimes the good fortune of the gallant to -"live like a king," "teaching tongues" (T. Scot, _Philomythie_, 1622). - -[672] 1510? Colophon: "Here endeth this treatise made of a galaunt. -Emprinted at London in the Flete St. at the sygne of the sonne by Wynkyn -de Worde." Alex. Barclay, Andrew Borde, Skelton and others, all satirize -the mania for French fashions. Every opportunity of getting the latest -French fashion was eagerly seized. Thus Lady Lisle, wife of Henry -VIII.'s deputy at Calais, constantly sent her friends in England -articles of dress "such as the French ladies wear" (_Letters and Papers -of the Reign of Henry VIII._, i. 3892). Moryson says the English are -"more light than the lightest French." - -[673] Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, 1625. - -[674] Sylvester, _Lacrymae Lacrymarum: Works_ (ed. Grosart), ii. p. 278. - -[675] Sir T. Overbury, _Characters_, 1614: "The Affected Traveller." - -[676] George Pettie, _Civile Conversation_, 1586 (preface to translation -of Guazzo's work). - -[677] _As You Like It_, Act IV. Sc. 1. - -[678] Nash, _Pierce Pennilesse_, quoted by J. J. Jusserand, _The English -Novel in the Time of Shakespeare_, 1899, p. 322. - -[679] Wilson, _Arte of Rhetorique_ (1553), ed. G. H. Mair, 1909, p. 162. - -[680] Hall, _Quo Vadis_, 1617. - -[681] Humphrey, _The Nobles or of Nobilitye_, London, 1563. - -[682] Overbury, _Characters_, 1614. - -[683] _The Unfortunate Traveller_ (1587), Works, ed. McKerrow, ii. p. -300. - -[684] _Letters_ (1618), ed. Warner, _Epistolary Curiosities_, 1818, p. -3. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - - THE STUDY OF FRENCH AMONG MERCHANTS AND SOLDIERS - - -Merchants, always a very important and influential class in England, -claim a place by the side of the higher classes as learners of French. -They were continually in need of foreign languages, and French was -certainly the most useful, and, for those trading with France and the -Netherlands, quite indispensable. As to their own language, we are told -that when English merchants were out of England "it liketh them not, and -they do not use it."[685] Those sons of gentlemen and others who wished -to engage in trade were usually apprenticed to merchants. For instance, -Sir William Petty (b. 1623) first went to school where he got a -smattering of Latin and Greek, and, at the age of twelve, was bound -apprentice to a sea captain. At fifteen he went to Caen in Normandy -aboard a merchant vessel, and began to trade there with such success -that he managed to maintain and educate himself. He learnt French and -perfected himself in Latin, and had enough Greek to serve his turn. -Thence he travelled to Paris and studied anatomy.[686] Sylvester, no -doubt, had many opportunities of putting to the test the French he first -learnt in Saravia's school when later in life he became a merchant -adventurer. It appears that many merchants belonged to the class of -travellers who picked up the language abroad by mixing with those who -spoke it. Fynes Moryson accuses merchants, women, and children of -neglecting any serious study of languages and "rushing into rash -practice." "They doe many times," he admits, "pronounce the tongue and -speake common speeches more gracefully than others, but they seldome -write the tongue well, and alwaies forget it in short time, wanting the -practice." The many practical little manuals of conversation which had -appeared in the Middle Ages, and the "litle pages set in print without -rules or precepts" which succeeded them, would certainly encourage this -"rushing into rash practice"; such, indeed, was their aim. The majority -of merchants acquired their French, we may be sure, either by the help -of such little handbooks, intended to be learnt by heart, or simply by -"ear." - -Dialogues for merchants are provided in almost all French text-books of -the time, giving phrases for buying and selling and enquiring the way. -Barclay describes his grammar (1521) as particularly useful to -merchants. There was, moreover, a very popular little book specially -intended for that class--_A plaine pathway to the French Tongue, very -profitable for Marchants and also all other which desire the same, aptly -devided into nineteen chapters_, which appeared first in 1575, and in at -least one,[687] and probably several other editions.[688] The aim of the -book would explain how it has come about that only one copy has survived -the wear and tear of the demands made upon it. Again James Howell -dedicated his edition of Cotgrave's dictionary (1650) to the nobility -and gentry, and to the "merchant adventurers as well English as the -worthy company of Dutch here resident and others to whom the language is -necessary for commerce and foren correspondence." Books such as those of -Holyband and Du Ploich were written for the use of the middle class, -and, no doubt, for merchants also; and a later writer, John Wodroeph, -describes his collection of common phrases as "more profitable for the -merchants than for the loathsome curtier who cannot digest such coarse -meats." - -Dutch merchants are mentioned by Howell in the dedication of Cotgrave's -dictionary, and the close relations, existing between England and the -Netherlands in the time of Elizabeth, possibly account for the fact that -the Netherlanders took some part in instructing the English, chiefly -merchants, in the French tongue. It has already been seen how -unfavourably the Huguenot teachers in England criticized their -fellow-teachers of French from the Low Countries, and we are not -surprised to find that the latter contented themselves with teaching the -language orally, and avoided the risk of committing their views to -paper. [Header: FRENCH TEXT-BOOKS FOR MERCHANTS] In the Netherlands, -however, no such compunction was felt, and some manuals composed there -made their way to England. At an early date one was reprinted in London. -Holyband, the chief of the group of Huguenot teachers, was quickly up in -arms against it. "Je ne diray rien," he writes in 1573, "d'un nouveau -livre venu d'Anvers, et dernierement imprime a Londres, a cause que, ne -gardant ryme ne raison, soit en son parler, phrase, orthographe, maniere -de converser et communiquer entre gens d'estat; et cependant qu'il -pindarise en son iargon il monstre de quel cru il est sorti, que si nos -chartiers d'Orleans, Bourges ou de Bloys avoyent oui gazouiller -l'autheur d'icelluy, ilz le renvoyeroient bailler entre ses geais, apres -luy avoir donne cinquante coups de leur fouet sur ses echines." Let this -writer teach his jargon to the Flemings, the Burgundians, and the people -of Hainault; it is a true saying that a good Burgundian was never a good -Frenchman. "Lesquelles choses considerees," concludes the irate -Holyband, "i'espere que l'autheur de ce beau livre ne nous contraindra -point de manger ses glands, ayans trouve le pur froment." - -What was this book newly come from Antwerp? Probably an edition of a -very popular collection of phrases and conversations, written originally -in French and Flemish in the early years of the sixteenth century, by a -schoolmaster of Antwerp, Noel de Barlement or Barlaiment.[689] By the -middle of the century the work had appeared in four languages. In 1556 -it was printed at Louvain in Flemish, French, Latin, and Spanish, and in -1565 it appeared at Antwerp in Flemish, French, Italian, and Spanish. In -1557 a London printer, Edward Sutton, received licence to print "a boke -intituled Italian, Frynshe, Englesshe and Laten,"[690] and in 1568 a -"boke intituled Frynsche, Englysshe and Duche" was licensed to John -Alde.[691] Both of these volumes, we may safely conclude, were -adaptations of the Flemish handbook, and either may have been the "book -from Anvers" reviled by Holyband. Another English edition of the work -was issued in 1578, a few years after Holyband's attack, by George -Bishop, who received licence to print a _Dictionarie colloques ou -dialogues en quattre langues, Fflamen, Ffrancoys, Espaignol et Italien_, -"with the Englishe to be added thereto."[692] - -This vocabulary of Barlement probably enjoyed considerable popularity in -England in its foreign editions also. It was widely used by English -merchants and travellers after it had been adapted to their use by the -addition of English to its columns; and they would, no doubt, bring -copies back with them from the Netherlands. The earliest edition in -which English has a place was probably that of 1576, entitled _Colloques -or Dialogues avec un Dictionaire en six langues, Flamen, Anglois, -Alleman, Francois, Espagnol et Italien. Tres util a tous Marchands ou -autres de quelque estat qu'ils soyent, le tout avec grande diligence et -labeur corrige et mis ensemble. A Anvers 1576_. By the end of the -century a seventh and finally an eighth language were added. There are -copies of two further editions of the work issued in England in the -first half of the seventeenth century. The first included four languages -and appeared in 1637, under the title of _The {English French}{Latine -Dutch} Scholemaster or an introduction to teach young Gentlemen and -Merchants to travell or trade. Being the only helpe to attaine to those -languages_. It was printed for Michael Sparke, who issued another -edition in eight languages in 1639 as _New Dialogues or colloquies or a -little Dictionary of eight languages. A Booke very necessary for all -those that study these tongues either at home or abroad, now perfected -and made fit for travellers, young merchants and seamen, especially -those that desire to attain to the use of the Tongues._ Michael Sparke -recommends the convenience of this portable little volume: "And if -parents use to send their children beyond the sea to learne the language -and to gaine the learning of forraine nations, judge what may be said of -the benefit of this booke (I had almost said of the necessity of it) -which being read doth by daily experience furnish the Reader with a full -and perfect knowledge of divers tongues." He also tells you "in your -eare" that "since the worke has been published in England and the -Netherlands," not so perfect an edition has appeared. - -Turning to the contents of the little handbook, we are at once struck by -the close resemblance between its dialogues and those of the French -text-books produced in England--still further evidence of the use of -the book in our country. [Header: THE DIALOGUES OF BARLEMENT] Its -contents, which in all the varied forms in which it appeared are -fundamentally the same, are divided into two parts. The first consists -of four chapters, and opens with table talk very similar to that of the -English-French dialogues, especially those of Du Ploich. There is a -passage, for example, in which the schoolboy speaks of his school, found -in varying form in several of the early manuals produced in England: - - Peter is that your son? Pierre est cela vostre filz? - Ye it is my sonne. Ouy c'est mon filz. - It is a goodly child. C'est un bel enfant. - God let him alwayes Dieu le laisse tousiours - prosper in vertue. prosperer en bien. - I thanke you cousen. Je vous remercie cousin. - Doth he not goe to schoole? Ne va-il point a l'escole? - Yes, he learneth to speake French. Ouy, il apprend a parler Francois. - Doth he? Fait-il? - It is very well done. C'est tres bien fait. - John can you Jean scavez vous bien - speake good French? parler francois? - Not very well, cousen, Ne point fort bien, mon cousin, - but I learne. mais ie l'apprends. - Where go you to schoole? Ou allez vous a l'escole? - In the Lombarde Street. En la rue de Lombarts. - Have you gone Avez vous longuement - long to schoole? alle a l'escole? - About halfe a yeare. Environ un demy an. - Learn you also to write? Apprenez vous aussi a escrire? - Yea, cousen. Ouy, mon cousin. - That is well done, C'est bien fait, - learne alwayes well. apprenez tousiours. - Well cousen, if it please God. Bien mon cousin, s'il plait a Dieu. - -The second chapter deals with buying and selling; the third with -counting, demanding payment of debts, and so on; and the fourth gives -specimens of commercial letters and documents. The second part contains -an alphabetical vocabulary of common words, followed by directions for -reading and speaking French, in the guise of a slight grammar. A few -rules for pronunciation and the different parts of speech are -accompanied by advice to seek fuller information in other French -grammars. Then come a few rules for the other languages--Italian, -Spanish, and Flemish. - -So popular was this handbook in England that it was reprinted without -much alteration, and no modernization, at the beginning of the -nineteenth century: _The Dialogues in six languages Latin, French, -German, Spanish, Italian, and English_, appeared at Shrewsbury in 1808. -We are informed that "this book contains common forms of speach, one -being a literal translation of the other, and as near as the idiom of -the language will bear, so that they correspond almost word for word, -and will be found extremely useful for beginners." The second part of -the work, although mentioned in the table of contents, is omitted. - -A similar polyglot manual, which was probably less well known in -England, was the _Vocabulaire de six langues, Latin, Francois, -Espagniol, Italien, Anglois et Aleman_, printed at Venice, probably in -1540--an enlarged edition of a vocabulary in five languages (Antwerp, -1534, and Venice, 1537) in which English had no place. This handbook -passed through several other editions,[693] and no doubt became fairly -well known in England through the intermediary of the numerous Italian -merchants who came to London, and the English traders and travellers -visiting Italy; editions which appeared at Rouen in 1611 and 1625 would -also be easily obtainable. The dictionary is described as a very useful -vocabulary for those who wish to learn without going to school--artisans, -women, and especially merchants. The first part consists of a -vocabulary, arranged under fifty-five headings, dealing with the usual -subjects, beginning with the heavens; the second contains a list of -verbs, nouns, adjectives, adverbs, and pronouns, together with a -collection of phrases and idioms. The interesting dialogue of the -Flemish vocabulary is lacking. - -In the second half of the sixteenth century there lived at Antwerp a -language master, Gabriel Meurier, who counted many English among his -pupils. Meurier was a native of Avesnes in Hainault, where he was born -in about 1530. But for many years he taught languages--French, Spanish, -Flemish, and Italian--at Antwerp, which had by this time supplanted -Bruges as the chief trading centre of the Low Countries. His pupils were -largely merchants, and his first work on the language, the _Grammaire -francoise contenante plusieurs belles reigles propres et necessaires -pour ceulx qui desirent apprendre la dicte Langue_, 1557,[694] was -dedicated to "Messeigneurs et Maistres, les gouverneurs et marchans -Anglois." [Header: GABRIEL MEURIER] In 1563 was issued at Antwerp -another work specially for the use of the English--_Familiare -communications no leasse proppre then verrie proffytable to the Inglishe -nation desirous and nedinge the ffrench language_, dedicated to his most -honoured lord, John Marsh, governor of the English nation, and intended -for the use of "Marchands, Facteurs, Apprentifs, and others of the -English nation." These dialogues on subjects specially useful to -merchants are divided into seventeen chapters, giving familiar talk for -the members of the different trades with lists of their merchandise, -directions for travellers, the names of different artisans and -tradesmen, instructions for collecting debts, receiving money and -writing receipts. Meurier teaches his pupils the words used daily by -merchants at the Exchange, and then the degrees of kinship, numbers, -coins, the days and feast days, the parts of the body and clothing, food -and table talk, and, finally, commercial notes and letters.[695] Another -edition of the book was published at Rouen in 1641, being intended, in -this case, to teach both French and English. The title given to it was -_A treatise for to learne to speake Frenshe and Englishe together with a -form of making letters, indentures, and obligations, quittances, letters -of exchange, verie necessarie for all Marchants that do occupy trade or -marchandise_. Meurier also composed numerous other books which have no -direct bearing on the teaching of French to Englishmen. They were almost -all written for the use of merchants, whom they sought to instruct in -French and Flemish, and sometimes in Spanish and Italian as well. That -the English were always in the author's mind is shown by the fact that -he sometimes explains pronunciation by comparison with English sounds. -He also did important lexicographical work. He prepared French-Flemish -vocabularies in 1562 and 1566, and in 1584 his French-Flemish Dictionary -was published at Anvers. This dictionary is said to have been one of the -sources which helped Cotgrave to compile his famous work, and Meurier -seems to have outdone the later writer in collecting rare and obsolete -words.[696] - -There were thus many faculties for learning French in the Netherlands. -Francis Osborne wrote regarding the study of French abroad:[697] "for -the place I say France, if you have a purse, else some town in the -Netherlands or Flanders, that is wholesome and safe: where the French -may be attained with little more difficulty then at Paris, neither are -the humours of the people so very remote from your owne." Thus the -Netherlanders taught French to the English both in their own -country[698] and in England. The connexion was a long-standing one. -Caxton had taken his French and English Dialogues from a Flemish -text-book, and in later times, as has been seen, Flemish works were -published in England, and had some influence on the dialogues of the -English manuals of French. The debt, however, was not all on one side. -Holyband's _French Schoolemaister_, for instance, was adapted to the use -of Flemings and printed at Rotterdam in 1606,[699] and in 1647 was -published at the end of the _Grammaire flamende et francoise_ (Rouen) of -Jan Louis d'Arsy. Moreover, the grammar of the seventeenth-century -French teacher whose popularity equalled that of Holyband in the -sixteenth century--Claude Mauger--was published in the Low Countries at -the same time as in England. - -Another link between the teaching of French in the Netherlands and in -England is found in the book by John Wodroeph--an interesting figure -among teachers of French. He spent many years in the Netherlands, and in -his French text-book he adapted what he called his "court and country -dialogues" from some French-Flemish ones written for the instruction of -the Court of Nassau in the former language. Writing of the importance of -a knowledge of French, he emphasises its usefulness to the nobility. -But, he adds, it is still more profitable to merchants, for, excepting -Latin, it is the most widely used language in Christendom, and, "si -j'osoye dire," much more useful. - -Wodroeph was a soldier, and soldiers, like merchants, gave much impetus -to the study of French. [Header: FRENCH IN MILITARY CIRCLES] In -Barlement's book of dialogues, soldiers are ranked with merchants, -travellers, and courtiers as those to whom the knowledge of languages -is most necessary: "soit que quelcun face merchandise ou qu'il hante la -court, ou qu'il suive la guerre, ou qu'il aille par villes et champs." -The wars raging almost incessantly in France and the Low Countries -attracted numbers of Englishmen. The army was an opening for younger -sons, and so "Some to the wars to try their fortunes there." Judging -from the epigrams and satires of the time, the swaggering gallant home -from the wars was a familiar figure in London. This sworded and martial -_beau_ is - - He that salutes each gallant he doth meete - With "farewell sweet captaine fond heart _adieu_"; - -one who - - hath served long in France, - And is returned filthy full of French, - -and who, at night when leaving the inn, "thinking still he had been -sentinell of warlike Brill, crys out _que va la? Zounds que?_ and stabs -the drawer with his Syringe straw."[700] - -Those who were moved by the spirit of adventure and liked the -picturesque crowded to the camp of Henry IV. of France who counted many -admirers in this country. One of these, Dudley Carleton, afterwards Lord -Dorchester, writes from the king's camp in 1596 that he is busy studying -French, though "Mars leaves little room for Mercury." Later he perfected -his knowledge by studying at Paris, and wrote thence to John -Chamberlain, the letter writer, to tell him how one Sir John Brooke, -with Coppinger, a Kentish gentleman, "lately come to learn the -language," are the "logs in our French school."[701] Unfortunately we -have no more details of this little group of Englishmen studying French -at Paris. One of the Englishmen who served in Normandy in 1591 with the -troops sent by Queen Elizabeth to help Henry IV. against the League kept -a daily journal from the 13th of August till the 24th of December -following.[702] This soldier, Sir Thomas Coningsby, a friend of Sir -Philip Sidney, acted as muster master to the English detachment, and was -in frequent intercourse with Henry before Rouen. - -An interesting example of how the army and service abroad offered -opportunities for the study of French is found in the memoirs of the -Verney family. The three younger sons of Sir Edmund Verney (1590-1642) -all became soldiers. Tom took service in the army of France, while -Edmund (1616-1649), after studying at Oxford, joined the army of the -States in Flanders (1640). When in winter quarters at Utrecht, he "made -up for his former idleness," and studied for seven or eight hours a day -for many months to improve his knowledge of French and Latin. His -Frenchman, he writes to tell his father, is the same that was Sir -Humphry Sidenham's; he "warrants I shall speak it perfectly before we -draw into the field, and truly, I am confident I shall."[703] He was -reading Plutarch's _Lives_ in French. Edmund was soon after killed in -the Civil War. His younger brother, Harry, was intended from his youth -for a soldier, and early sent to Paris to study French. There he seems -to have spoilt his English without making any very rapid progress in -French, for French grammar had a powerful rival in horses and dogs--his -chief interest in life. "Pleade for me in my behalfe to my father," he -implores his eldest brother, "if I have not write in french so well as -he expects, but howsoever, I presume a line to testifie some little -knowledge in the same, and hope in time to expresse myselfe more radier, -as the old proverbe is ... _il fault du temps pour apprendre_." Harry -Verney later took part in the Thirty Years' War, and was present at the -recapture of Breda by the Prince of Orange in 1637.[704] - -It was during the Thirty Years' War also that John Wodroeph served in -the Netherlands. He tells us in 1623 that he had been "following the -uncertaine warres" for "these seven years past." During this period of -service, "by the spared dayes and houres of (his) watch and guarde," he -composed a book for teaching French, to which he gave the title of _The -Spared Houres of a Souldier in his travells or The true Marrowe of the -French tongue_. It was printed at Dort, near Rotterdam, in 1623, and -dedicated to the Prince of Wales, afterwards Charles I. Wodroeph was a -"gentleman," and we gather from the interest he shows in Scotland that -he hailed from that country. [Header: JOHN WODROEPH] At both the -beginning and the end of his book are several poems of all sorts -dedicated to courtiers who had followed James from Scotland to -England--the Duke of Lennox, Earl Ramsey, James, Lord of Hay, and -others. He also addresses the Elector Palatine and his queen, Elizabeth, -James I.'s daughter. Many other poems, some in French and some in -English, are written in honour of the Lords of the States-General and of -sundry Flemish gentlemen. All these give this work, written in the midst -of the British army abroad, a strong local colour. In addition, Wodroeph -wrote poems to celebrate the virtues and learning of numerous Scottish -and English officers--Colonel William Brog, Colonel Robert Henderson, -Captain Roger Orme, Captain Edwards, Captain Drummond, and John -Monteith, his very kind captain. To many of these and other "sons of -gentlemen" Wodroeph had taught French, when his military duties -permitted, and he mentions Captain Drummond as being among his most -enthusiastic pupils. He also addresses lines to his very good friend -John Cameron, the Scotch theologian and the minister of the French -Church at Bordeaux, one of the many Scotchmen who held important -scholastic positions in France. These verses must have been written -between 1608 and 1617, the period when Cameron was at Bordeaux. Later -Cameron became professor of divinity at Saumur and Montauban. He spoke -French with unusual purity, and also wrote some of his theological -treatises in French.[705] - -Apart from its martial atmosphere, this curious volume has also a strong -Calvinistic flavour, another indication of Wodroeph's Scottish -sympathies. He wrote many "godly songs" in French, to be sung to various -psalm tunes, and even introduced the spirit into his grammar itself. His -verbs are "truly formed and constructed after the order of Geneva, which -retaineth alwaies entirely the true marrow, method and rules of verbs, -or any other part of speech, both in their Bibles, Psalms, and other -godly books: forsaking all new corruptions, of poets, and other vaine -toyes, threatening to deface the old authority of the Orthographie." -Moreover, a godly gentleman, "maister John Douglas, minister of the Word -of God to the English and Scotch troopers within Utrecht," persuaded him -to undertake the translation into French of Sir William Alexander's -_Doomesday_, which at this date embraced four books or "houres," -subsequently extended to twelve. _Doomesday_, thought Wodroeph, would be -greatly "liked of in France, yea, even as well as a second Du Bartas." -He was, however, unable to complete his task, "finding the style so -excellent and so high, and also somewhat harsh, to agree with French -verse, because that our English tongue (and chiefly by this -extraordinary poet) can affoorde more sense and matter with ten of its -syllables than ever I have been able to construe with twelve or thirteen -of the French. Therefore I was constrained to leave it off, partly for -want of tyme and commoditie, and partly that it was so constrained." The -one 'Houre' he completed was included in his book, with an apology and -the expression of the hope that "any kind French poet would end out the -rest, and also help these few rude lines which are translated in haste -out of his week and shallow braine." - -Wodroeph wrote French, both verse and prose, with remarkable ease. In -addition to the poems already mentioned, there are many others scattered -through his works. One of these, "Chanson Spirituelle de la vie des -vertueux hommes," is written to the tune of Desportes' song, "O nuit, -jalouse nuit, contre moy conjuree." He tells us that whenever possible -he used French in correspondence in preference to English. He spoke the -language with equal fluency, and assures us that he did so with greater -facility than English. He had not acquired this mastery of the language -without much study, but by "many cold winter nights sitting at it," and -by much practice. He appears to have been fairly widely read in French -literature, and shared the admiration felt by many of his countrymen for -Du Bartas and the _Quatrains_ of Pibrac. - -Thus Wodroeph was perfectly conscious of the many difficulties offered -by the French language, and censured in strong terms those who pretend -to teach it in a short space of time. "I have shamefully heard say a -teacher (in my tyme) that he could give rules, that any might read and -write and understand the French language in six weeks. O what a weake -ground should hee build therein! Yea not in sixteene months, hee and his -gentle teaching! Unlesse he dazell his eyes much, and straine his memory -out of her limits." [Header: METHOD OF STUDY] At an earlier date, -Holyband had deplored the existence of the many "thornie and inepte -bookes" claiming to give a knowledge of the language, and Wodroeph, in -his turn, shows the small esteem in which he held the many "small wares" -by which it is impossible to prove a good speaker. He had seen very many -treatises on verbs, "confused (for want of space), confusing those who -read them," and so many pamphlets and books making believe "by wordes -rather than by effects that the French tongue can be truly learned by -the same." No doubt most of these little pamphlets are among the many -school-books of which all trace has been lost. There is, however, -mention of one, _A shorte method for the Declyning of Ffrench Verbes_, -by J. S., licensed in 1623 to the printer, Richard Field.[706] - -Wodroeph, therefore, earnestly begs the student of French not to fancy -he can "spare the marrow of his famous braines" and pick French up by -ear alone, as many seek to do. He must, on the contrary, be prepared "to -storm the citadel of grammar, and do as the valiant captaine, that is to -say, besiege the strongest houldes which commande over the lesser and -weaker sort." "Loving Reader," he writes, "if I could persuade thee to -believe what profit the diligent and serious Man doth reape learning the -true methode of French Tongue and what advantage he gaineth above him -who thinketh to obtaine the said Tongue by the eare only: truly thou -wouldest use thine earnest diligence and celeritie perusing these -rules." Otherwise learners will speak "scurvily, harshly and painfully, -that they make the Frenches take their sport at them, even as the -English do at the Welshes ... taking sometyme the male for the female, -and the hand for the foote; applying to the woman that which should -apply to the man: and to the leg which ought apply to the arme: as _la -garcon_, _le femme_, _ma sieur_, and _mon dame_: ... O what language -this is in the eares of the Frenches! I think truely it should make Pere -Coton him selfe to laugh at it, who said in a sermon (the King and Queen -present), that hee had neither sinned nor laughed in fiftene yeares -tyme, yea and any man else." Verbs are a special difficulty, and there -"be many that can never speake true French for lack of knowing their -methode. For where it ought to be spoken thus: _Il y eut_ or _il y avait -un homme la_, some will say _il fut_, _il estoit un homme la_. Fine -French! And so will the ignorant speake through all the moodes and -tenses, whereat the Frenches take often their sport." Thus those who -have learnt no grammar "go wallowing in the painefull and muddy mire of -confused and backward broyles, doubting and fearing (without any -assurance) what words to speak first in framing their phrases." - -But Wodroeph, in spite of the great emphasis he laid on the study of -rules, fully recognizes the importance and value of practice. "I do not -meene (for all this)," he writes, "to condemne common practice of the -tongue by the eare, but do praise both wayes; esteeming (nevertheless) -the method of the rules for the better and surer way, as I have -certainlie found (and many others), by myne owne experience practicing -them bothe." "Certes il vous faut parler tousiours," he says, "soit-il -ou en bien ou en mal." To make progress "il vous faut frequenter, -hanter, accoynter, accoster, discourir, babiller, caquetter, baiser, -lecher, parler hardiment et discretement, aymer, rire, gausser, jouer, -vous rejouir, et jouir de leurs bonnes faveurs et graces: et -principalement es compagnies honestes: ascavoir, parmi les seigneurs et -Dames, Damoiselles honestes, pudiques matrones, femmes et filles de -vertu et d'honneur; captaines et dignes chefs de guerre, la ou il y a -tousiours quelque chose a esplucher, si c'est de leurs prouesses, -entreprises, ou de leurs faicts heroiques et memorables . . . sans vous -esbahir pour le bruit non plus que fait le bon cheval de trompette." -Wodroeph doubtless based his advice on his own experience. Moreover, a -bold and enterprising spirit has much to do with the successful study of -French: "si vous n'estes hardi prompt, diligent, et vigilent, vous -n'apprendrez pas la langue francoise par songe . . . mais cela vient par -grande peine, diligence et priere a Dieu. Certes, . . . si un homme -estoit marie a une femme francoise . . . il me semble qu'il apprendroit -plustost en disant, Mme, ou m'amie, permettez moy que ie vous recerche -en tout honeur et mariage . . . a celle fin de vous faire ma chere -moitie, et fidele espouse: que par ce moyen, ie puisse et avoir vostre -alliance et apprendre vostre language, autrement, madame, il me -cousteroit beaucoup plus de temps, de peine et de mes moyens." - -Wodroeph's book for teaching French is one of the most comprehensive. He -assures the student that it lacks "nothing to make him a perfect -Frenchman but the birth and delygence though he never read any other." -It fills more than five hundred folio pages. [Header: "THE SPARED HOURES -OF A SOULDIER"] Putting his theories into practice, he begins with rules -of pronunciation and grammar, "set downe by God's helpe as I have -practiced in my time and by the tracke of best Authours, which have -professed this tongue heretofore." His debt to Holyband makes it evident -that he ranked the popular sixteenth-century teacher among these. He -would have the student pay special attention to three things: first the -pronunciation, which, as was usual, he bases on comparison with English -sounds; then the genders, learning every noun with its article "to lead -to the same in right gender"; and, finally, and most important of all, -the verbs, which should be committed to memory. In his grammar he -follows the usual order, treating each part of speech in turn. He -endeavours to avoid all superfluous rules, fearing the "loathsomeness of -the unlearned." - -The rules occupy about a hundred pages. Then follows a most -comprehensive collection of practical exercises, intended for all sorts -and conditions--courtiers, merchants, and the middle classes, "the -learned and the unlearned." The dialogues are accompanied by a verbatim -English translation. In the introductory ones the reader is referred to -the margin for the pronunciation of the most difficult words, where it -is given in English spelling. The "true English phrase" is added in the -footnote where necessary. Wodroeph was strongly in favour of sacrificing -if need be the purity of the English for the sake of rendering the -meaning of the French clearer. He did not pretend, he says, to teach his -countrymen their "own ornate English." "Verbatim, therefore, sometimes -must be had, because it is requisite that it should not always be closed -up in a phrase, but showed bare, as it fals very often: then (nil thou -wilt thou) thou must have a coat to cover it, that is to say his true -signification, or else thou must leave it, and run to the Dictionarie, -and dazle thy eyes there awhile, and be even so wise as thou wast -before; for sometymes they are not to be found at all in it, and -sometymes it will fall in some tense of some mood which no Dictionarie -can yield: yea even thousands." - -The first section of the dialogues, that accompanied by the guides to -pronunciation, deals with familiar subjects, more useful than elegant -and more profitable for the middle classes and merchants than for the -"loathsome courtier." "Thou hast in this Booke all household stuffe and -other pretty necessary words meete for thy dailie use in this tongue. -Also an Introduction to frame all common and ordinarie phrases -pertaining to a house: as of victuals, dressing, voyaging through the -land. Also the partes and cloathing of a Man, his body, all in -remarkable phrases; whereof I will shew thee vively, yea every Member, -from the crowne of the Head unto the Foot." Though Wodroeph's dialogues -are on a much larger scale than usual in French manuals, they treat of -much the same topics. He advises the student to read this first set of -dialogues several times, as much to get a good foundation of common -talk, as to learn the pronunciation by means of the guides provided. -They are followed by lists of common phrases to be learnt by heart, -"every day one or two, for ordinarie use," and to facilitate an early -use of French in conversation, and also by French idioms "very necessary -for Translations of this tongue into any other." - -After about sixty pages of this introductory matter we pass to what -Wodroeph calls "The first booke of familie Dialogues, wherein is treated -of all kinds of common necessary phrases as well for the use of the -fields, labourage and contries, as for all sortes of home affaires for a -house"--all accompanied by a verbatim English translation. These -dialogues comprise conversations between members of most ranks of -society, from a king and queen, ladies and gentlemen, to family scenes, -and discussions between various tradesmen and peasants, not forgetting -the schoolmaster and his pupil and the military officer and his -subordinates; for, whenever occasion arises, Wodroeph introduces -military talk. This section of the work closes with a list of the proper -terms in which to address the higher and lower classes. - -Next come the dialogues taken from _Le verger des Colloques recreatifs_, -offered by a Walloon to Prince Henry of Nassau, for his furtherance in -the same tongue in his younger years. Wodroeph claims to have purified -this book, written in "scurvie Wallons language." It had already been -adapted to the instruction of the English in the Italian language, by -John Florio in his _Second Frutes_. These dialogues are naturally more -of the courtly type, and are concerned with the daily occurrences of the -life of a gentleman. - -They are followed by _The Springwell of Honour and Vertue_, a collection -of moral sayings and counsels, "composed both by ancient and moderne -philosophers not only for the benefit of the corrupted youth, but also -for all folkes, of all qualities, and chiefly for the yong gentilitie." -[Header: END OF WODROEPH'S CAREER] Wodroeph explains how this -collection came to have a place in his book: "being once invited to -supper of a worthy and virtuous gentleman (one who had showed me much -favour for clearing his eldest sone of some doubts of the French -tongue), I saw that hee (his owne selfe) did copie some Theames out of -this same Worke ... for to instruct one of his children being (for that -present) at the French schoole; I entreated him to lend it me for a -Tyme, who did it willingly until I had viewed it, and corrected the -French and read it all out." The _Springwell_ is divided into three -bookes: the first deals with the "means of acquiring Honour and Vertue"; -the second with the old subject of the six or, as Shakespeare has it, -seven ages of man; and the third with the worship of God and our duty to -our neighbours. - -After sundry poems, addressed to English, Scottish, and Flemish -gentlemen, and the translation of Sir William Alexander's _First Hour_, -given in both French and English, come directions for writing letters, -with thirty-six epistles in French and English, and themes gathered out -of French authors for the use of some of his pupils, "before I made them -frame any letters: very profitable to begin with and out of the best and -purest French." Finally we have the usual proverbs, so much in favour at -this period, "picked" from those of the learned Mathurin Cordier, and -"sundry other Authours and writers." The work closes with "a -Thankesgiving (of the Authour) unto God for his helpe in the finishing -of this worke," and the quotation of Wodroeph's device--"Vers Dieu c'est -le meilleur." - -In 1625 a second edition of this curious volume appeared in London, -under the title of _The Marrow of the French Tongue_. This edition is -said to be "revised and purged of much gross English" which had made its -way into the former edition, printed abroad. It is considerably -abridged, and lacks the living interest of the Dort edition. The actual -instructions for the French tongue remain intact, but all the little -chatty autobiographical scraps, and observations to the "Loving Reader," -as well as the addresses to officers, which gave such a characteristic -personal touch to the earlier edition, are here omitted, and the work is -about one hundred and seventy pages shorter. The dedication to Charles -Stuart, now newly crowned Charles I., still stands. Wodroeph had no -doubt returned to England, where he was known to several of the -prominent men of the time. In 1623 he had mentioned favours received -from James, Lord of Hay, at Hampton Court, sixteen years before. We may -presume that he continued to teach French among the higher classes of -society after his return, though there does not appear to be any further -trace of him. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[685] Florio, _First Frutes_, 1578. - -[686] J. Aubrey, _Brief Lives_ (ed. A. Clark, Oxford, 1898), ii. p. 140. - -[687] A fragment of one leaf, the title page, leaving no date; British -Museum, Harl. MSS. 5936. - -[688] Arber, _Transcript of the Stationers' Register_, iii. 413; iv. 152 -and 459. - -[689] _Vocabulaire de nouveau ordonne et derechief recorige pour -aprendre legierement a bien lire, escripre, et parler francoys et -flameng_, Anvers, 1511 (E. Stengel, _Chronologisches Verzeichnis_, p. 22 -n.; and Michelant, _Livre des Mestiers_, Introduction). - -[690] Arber, _Stationers' Register_, i. 343. - -[691] _Ibid._ i. 389. - -[692] Arber, _Stationers' Register_, ii. 338. - -[693] Cp. Ch. Beaulieux, "Liste de Dictionnaires, Lexicographes et -vocabulaires francais anterieurs au Thresor de Nicot" (1606), in -_Melanges de Philologie offerts a Ferdinand Brunot_, Paris, 1904. - -[694] Cp. E. Stengel, "Ueber einige seltene franzoesische Grammatiken," in -_Melanges de Philologie romane dedies a Carl Wahlund_. Macon, 1896, pp. -181 _sqq._ - -[695] Of similar import, no doubt, were the _Boke of Copyes Englesshe, -Ffrynshe and Italion_, licensed to Vautrollier in 1569-70 (_Stationers' -Register_, i. 417); and the _Bills of Lading English, French, Italian, -Dutch_, licensed to Master Bourne in 1636 (_ibid._ iv. 364). - -[696] H. Vaganey, _Le Vocabulaire francais du seizieme siecle_, Paris, -1906, pp. 2 _sqq._ - -[697] _Advice to a Son_, 1656, p. 83. - -[698] Cp. _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1666-67_, pp. 57, 104. At a later -date A. de la Barre, a schoolmaster of Leyden, published a _Methode ou -Instruction nouvelle pour les etrangers qui desirent apprendre la -maniere de composer ou ecrire a la mode du temps et scavoir la vraye -prononciation de la langue francoise_, Leyden, 1642. In 1644 he issued, -also at Leyden, a book probably intended as reading material for his -pupils, and called _Les Lecons publiques du sieur de la Barre, prises -sur les questions curieuses et problematiques des plus beaux esprits de -ce temps_. - -[699] Farrer, _La Vie et les oeuvres de Claude de Sainliens_, -Bibliography. - -[700] G. S. Rowlands, _The Letting of Humour's blood in the Head-Vaine_ -(1600). Edinburgh, 1814. - -[701] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1595-97_, p. 173; _1601-1603_, pp. 18, -111. - -[702] Printed in the _Camden Miscellany_, vol. i., 1847, pp. 65 _sqq._ - -[703] _Memoirs of the Verney Family_, i. 171. - -[704] During the Commonwealth there were many English troops in the -service of France, and the Duke of York, afterwards James II., spent -much of his first exile in serving under Turenne. - -[705] Cp. _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. An Englishman, Gilbert Primrose, -was for a time minister at Bordeaux (till 1623), and afterwards of the -Threadneedle Street Church, London (_Dict. Nat. Biog._). - -[706] Arber, _Stationers' Register_, iv. 100. - - - - -PART III - -STUART TIMES - - - - -CHAPTER I - - FRENCH AT THE COURTS OF JAMES I. AND CHARLES I.--FRENCH STUDIED BY - THE LADIES--FRENCH PLAYERS IN LONDON--ENGLISH GENERALLY IGNORED BY - FOREIGNERS - - -The coming of the Stuarts strengthened considerably the connexion -between France and England. French was widely used at the Court of James -I. The King himself does not appear to have been well acquainted with -other foreign languages than French and Latin, both of which he employed -freely in conversation[707] and correspondence.[708] In one or other of -these tongues he conversed with the learned foreigners he loved to -gather at his Court, such as Isaac Casaubon[709] and the famous -Protestant preacher, Pierre Du Moulin, minister of Charenton. The latter -has left an account[710] of the warm welcome he received from the -English monarch; he tells us that at meal times he usually stood behind -His Majesty's chair and conversed with him. James requested Du Moulin to -write an answer to Cardinal Du Perron's pamphlet concerning the power of -the Pope over monarchs, in which he had been attacked. Du Moulin -complied, and his work was printed at London in 1615 as the _Declaration -du Serenissme Roy Jacques I_. He also preached in French before James at -the Chapel Royal at Greenwich, and received marks of distinction from -the University of Cambridge, which conferred the degree of D.D. upon -him.[711] - -An idea of the extent to which French was used in intercourse with -ambassadors and other foreigners may be gathered from the _Finetti -Philoxenus_, a series of observations by Sir John Finett, knight and -master of the ceremonies to the two first Stuart kings of England, -touching the reception and precedence, treatment and audience of foreign -ambassadors. The French language was making important progress at this -time, and Latin was rapidly losing ground. James was the last king of -England to employ Latin in familiar conversation, and this is partly -accounted for by his pedantic turn of mind. The spread of the use of -French in England was hastened too by its growing popularity all over -Europe. The Flemish Mellema, in his Flemish-French Dictionary of 1591, -says French is used everywhere in Europe and the East.[712] To be -unacquainted with French was accounted a great deficiency in a -gentleman. It was said of the language that _qui langue a jusqu'a Rome -va_,[713] and in England the general conviction was that "No nobleman, -gentleman, soldier, or man of action in business between Nation and -Nation can well be without it."[714] - -James seems to have acquired his knowledge of French chiefly by means of -intercourse with the many Frenchmen at the Scottish Court, one of whom, -Jerome Grelot, was among the young noblemen who shared his studies.[715] -He also read much French literature, however, and later took a great -interest in the language studies of his children. They were constantly -required to send him letters in French and Latin to allow him to judge -of their progress. - - "Sir," wrote the Princess Elizabeth, afterwards Queen of Bohemia, - "L'esperance que j'ay de vous voir bien tost et d'avoir l'honneur - de recepvoir voz commandemens m'empeschera de vous faire ma lettre - plus longue que pour baiser tres humblement les mains de vostre - Majeste."[716] - -The king's eldest son, Henry, made acquaintance with French at a very -early age. In 1600, when only seven years old, he addressed a letter in -French to the States-General of Holland. He calls this epistle "les -primices de nostre main,"[717] and probably received some help in its -composition. He also wrote in French to Henry IV., who had recommended -to him his riding master, M. St. Antoine,[718] and to the Dauphin, -offering him two _bidets_.[719] [Header: FRENCH STUDIES OF THE STUART -FAMILY] At this time many of the riding-masters in England were -Italians, but almost all the dancing-masters were Frenchmen.[720] -The young prince, however, had a French master for both these -exercises.[721] One of his language masters was John Florio, best known -by his translation of Montaigne's _Essais_, published in 1600, who -taught both French and Italian and was the author of several books for -teaching the latter. Florio had spent many of his earlier years at -Oxford, and at the beginning of the seventeenth century was in London, -teaching languages, and well acquainted with many of the chief men of -the day. It is uncertain at what date he became tutor to Prince -Henry,[722] but in 1603 he was appointed Reader in Italian to Queen -Anne, and in the following year "Gentleman extraordinary and Groom of -the Privy Chamber." His royal pupil was a great lover of Pibrac's -_Quatrains_, popular among teachers of French. The prince wrote to his -mother in 1604, sending her a copy of one of the quatrains, and telling -her that if she likes he will undertake to learn the whole by heart -before the end of the year; and, in reminding his father of a promise to -give ecclesiastical preferment to his tutor, Mr. Adam Newton, he quotes -one of them as appropriate:[723] - - Tu ne saurois d'assez ample salaire - Recompenser celui qui t'a soigne - En ton enfance et qui t'a enseigne - A bien parler et sur tout a bien faire. - -Prince Charles, afterwards Charles I., seems to have been the most -accomplished of James's family in so far as French is concerned. He was -able to carry on a conversation in it with his father and the Duke John -Ernest of Saxe-Weimar when he was thirteen years old.[724] Evidence of -his fluency is provided by the well-known episode of his visit to Spain -to see the Infanta. The Queen of Spain, daughter of Henry IV. and sister -of Henrietta Maria, was delighted when the English prince, on his -arrival at the Spanish Court, addressed her in her native idiom. She -warned him not to speak to her again without permission, as it was -customary to poison all gentlemen suspected of gallantry towards the -Queen of Spain. She managed to obtain leave to speak with Charles, -however, and had a long conversation with him in her box at the theatre, -in the course of which, it is said, she confided to him her desire for -his marriage with her sister.[725] When Charles married Henrietta she -was quite ignorant of English, and his knowledge of French was again put -to the test. He was also called upon to employ French with his -mother-in-law, Marie de Medecis, during her stay in England. His letters -to her show how accomplished a writer of French he was. He possessed a -more elegant style than his French wife, thanks largely to Guy Le -Moyne,[726] who was also French tutor to the Duke of Buckingham[727] and -other members of the nobility. - -Among the French masters employed in the family of Charles I. was Peter -Massonnet, a native of Geneva, who attended the princes, Charles (II.) -and James (II.), in the capacity of sub-tutor, writing-master, and -French teacher. We have no details as to how he taught them, nor do we -know if Charles learnt from one or other of the French manuals which had -been dedicated to him. Massonnet received a salary and pension from -Charles I., in whose service he remained for thirty-two years, first as -French tutor to his children and then, in the time of his adversity, as -clerk to the Patents, and Foreign Secretary. During the Commonwealth he -spent some time at Oxford, and was created D.Med. on the 9th of April -1648, being described as second or under tutor to James, Duke of -York.[728] At the time of the Restoration Massonnet was in a very -destitute condition. His pension had not been paid during the troubled -period of the Civil Wars and the Commonwealth, and to crown all he was -outlawed for debt. He had to petition Charles II., his former pupil, -several times for the payment of his salary and arrears before his -appeal had any real effect. From time to time he received instalments, -but in 1668 he was still "the saddest object of pity of all the king's -servants, and ready to perish."[729] - -[Header: FRENCH TUTORS AT COURT] - -In 1633 Sir Robert le Grys, Groom of the Chamber to James I. and Charles -I.,[730] offered his services as tutor to Prince Charles (II.), then -three years old. He undertook to make Latin the prince's mother tongue -by the age of seven, using an easy method, not "dogging his memory with -pedantic rules, after the usual fashion." French was to be the language -first studied, and Italian and Spanish also entered the programme.[731] -What sort of reception these proposals met with is not known, but in May -of the same year Sir Robert was granted the office of captain of the -Castle of St. Mewes for life.[732] Another tutor, named Lovell, taught -French and Latin to two of Charles I.'s children during the Civil War. -He was employed at Penhurst by the Countess of Leicester, to whose care -the children had been committed.[733] - -Ladies were among the most eager lovers of the French language at the -Court of the early Stuarts, and were noted for their proficiency in that -tongue. We hear that wealthy ladies go to Court, "and there learn to be -at charge to teach the paraquetoes French."[734] Not only was he that -could not _parlee_ not considered a gentleman, but the ladies had to -talk French if they wished to play a part at Court. French had entirely -supplanted Euphuism, the high-flown, bombastic speech which had held -sway in polite circles after the appearance of Lyly's _Euphues_ in 1579. -"Now a lady at Court who speaks no French," wrote Th. Blount in -1623,[735] "is as little regarded as she who did not parley euphuisme" -in the earlier days. Girls, to be considered well brought up, had to -"speak French naturally at fifteen, and be turned to Spanish and Italian -half a year later."[736] It is improbable that Spanish was learnt in any -but a few exceptional cases. Italian, however, was fairly widely learnt -for purposes of reading as we may conclude from the title of a book -printed at London in 1598 by Adam Islip--_The Necessary, Fit and -Convenient Education of a young Gentlewoman, Italian, French, and -English_.[737] John Evelyn's favourite daughter, Mary, was as familiarly -acquainted with French as with English. Her knowledge of Italian was -limited and characteristic of the general attitude taken up towards that -language; she understood it, and was able "to render a laudable account -of what she read and observed." His other daughter, Susanna, was also a -good French scholar, but apparently knew no Italian, though she had read -most of the Greek and Roman authors. Sir Ralph Verney, who dissuaded -women from deep study, recognised that French was indispensable, and -encouraged them to read French romances especially. - -While Italian was sometimes read, French was almost always spoken in -polite circles. Milton's avowed preference for Italian forms a -noticeable exception to the general rule, and even he acquired some -knowledge of French at an early age.[738] There were also many more -facilities for learning French than there were for Italian. It is -certain--some of the dialogues of the French text-books prove it--that -many ladies picked up a conversational knowledge of the language from -their French maids. This was how the young daughters of Lord Strafford -acquired their knowledge, as we see from the following account of their -progress which he sent to their grandmother: "Nan, I think, speaks -French prettily ... the other (Arabella) also speaks, but her maid, -being of Guernsey, her accent is not good."[739] - -Women, however, had had at all times no small influence on the -production of French text-books. One of the first written in England, -the _Treatyz_ of Walter de Bibbesworth, was composed in the first place -for the use of Lady Dionysia de Mounchensy. [Header: LADIES STUDY -FRENCH] The two chief grammars of the early sixteenth century, the -_Introductorie_ of Duwes and the _Esclarcissement_ of Palsgrave, both -owed their origin to royal princesses, and early in the seventeenth -century there appeared a grammar written specifically to enable women to -"match old Holliband" and "_parlee_ out their part" with men--_The -French Garden for English Ladyes and gentlewomen to walke in, or a -Summer dayes labour_, by Peter Erondell or Arundell, a native of -Normandy, and one of the group of refugee Huguenots, who taught the -French language in London. Erondell informs us he had long felt the -urgent need of such a book in his own teaching experience. "It is to be -wondered," he writes, "that among so many which (and some very -sufficiently) have written principles concerning our French Tongue -(making the dialogues of divers kinds), not one hath set forth any -respecting or belonging properly to women, except in the French -Alphabet,[740] but as good never a whit as never the better; not that I -finde faulte with it, but it is so little, as not to contayne scarce a -whole page, so that it is to be esteemed almost as nothing. I knowe not -where to attribute the cause, unles it be to forgetfulnes in them that -have written of it. For seeing that our tongue is called _Lingua -Mulierum_, and that the English ladyes and gentlewomen are studious and -of a pregnant spirits, quicke concertes and ingeniositie, as any other -country whatsoever, me thinketh it had been a verie worthie and specious -subject for a good writer to employ his Pen." Accordingly Erondell -undertook "to break the yce first," as he puts it. - -He opens his _Garden_ with some rules of pronunciation in English, "as a -gate through the which wee must (and without the which we cannot) enter -into our French Garden." He acknowledges that he has selected these -rules "out of them which have written thereof." Many are taken from De -la Mothe's _French Alphabet_, and Holyband, as well as Bellot, are also -reckoned amongst those "which have written best of it." On one point, -however, Erondell claims to make an observation "never noted before in -any book." This had to do with the change in pronunciation of the -diphthong _oi_.[741] "Whereas our countrymen were wonte to pronounce -these words _connoistre_ ... as it is written by _oi_ or _oy_; now since -fewe yeeres they pronounce it as if it were written thus, _conetre_." - -Erondell reduces the grammar rules to the smallest possible number. "He -wishes the student to learn by heart" the first two verbs _avoir_ and -_estre_, and for the rest to "help him selfe by the treatise that M. -Holliband made thereof,[742] as being the best (French and English) that -I have yet seen, notwithstanding it is not amisse to make you knowe our -persons and the number of our conjugations, which M. Bellot, in his -_French Guide_,[743] saith to be sixe, and I can number no more." In -dealing with grammar, Erondell claims to correct a gross error common in -England--the use of _de_ for the preposition _from_ before a masculine -noun preceded by _le_; "because that in English it is said ... _I come -from the country_, so the English students do commonly say, insteade of -_Je viens du pays_, ... _Je viens de le pays_.... But why should I finde -faulte in the English students," says Erondell, "whereas I my selfe have -heard the French teachers (I mean of our language) commit commonly that -error?" - -Erondell's grammar rules occupy but ten pages. They contain a few -observations on the gender and number of nouns, on verbs, notes on _du_, -_au_, _de la_, _a la_, _en_, _y_, and on the negative and degrees of -comparison. He considers that the rules usually contained in French -text-books are too many. Except for a few indispensable rules, "without -the which our language can never be intelligiblie spoken," the rest are -"rather a trouble and discouragement to the student then any -furtherance." He compiled his book "for them of judgement and capacity -only, which may far sooner attaine to the perfect knowledge of our -tongue, by reason of cutting off those over-many rules, wherein the -student was overmuch entangled." His first idea, indeed, had been to -make a set of dialogues for women without any rules, but he realised -that to do this would have been like building a "house without a doore"; -"and so, the gate being wider open, they may walke in who will." -Gentlemen also may find some "flowers" to please them, and the garden is -an "arbour for the child": - - Who with the busie mother now and then - May prattle of each point, in phrases milde - The witty Boies, of bookes of sport and play, - The pretty lasses of their worke all day. - -The dialogues, thirteen in number, and all of considerable length, form -the main part of the work. As usual they are in French and English, and, -in addition, the pronunciation of the more difficult French words is -given in English spelling in the margin. [Header: PETER ERONDELL] They -deal with the events in the daily life of a lady, from her rising in the -morning till bed-time. The first portrays the lady, who is of a rather -pedantic turn of mind, rising and dressing. The second introduces her -two daughters and their French governess. There is much talk on the -education of children, and we are spectators of the French tutor's -(Erondell) arrival and of the French lesson, which forms the fourth -dialogue. Each of the two girls in turn reads in French and then -translates. The more advanced is given some English to translate into -French, and the beginner is asked to conjugate certain French verbs. -This is how the lesson opens: - - Sister Charlotte I pray you goe, Ma soeur Charlotte, Je vous prie - fetch our bookes, bring our allez querir nos livres, apportez - French Garden, and all our nostre jardin Francois, et tous - other bookes: nos aultres livres: - now in the name of God let us begin. or ca commencons au nom de Dieu. - Mistres Fleurimond read first: Mlle. F. lisez premierement: - speake somewhat louder parlez un peu plus haut - to th' end I may heare afin que j'oye - if you pronounce well: si vous prononcez bien: - say that worde againe. dites ce mot la derechef. - Wherefore do you sounde Pourquoy prononcez vous - that s? cette s la? - Doe you not knowe that it must be ne savez vous pas qu'il la faut - left? Well, it is well said, laisser? Et bien, c'est bien dit, - read with more facilitie, lisez avec plus de facilite, - without taking such paines. sans tant vous peiner. - Construe me that, what is that? Traduisez moy cela, qu'est cela? - Do you understand that? tell me Entendez vous cela? dites m'en - the signification in English--Truly la signification en Anglois--Certes - Sir I cannot tell it, Mons. je ne le scauroye dire, - I understand it not, je ne l'entend point, - I beseech you tell it me, je vous supplie de me le dire, - and I will remember it against et je le retiendray pour une - another time--Give me your paper autre fois--Baillez moy vostre - and I will write it, to th' end papier et ie l'escripray, afin - you forget it not ... etc. que vous ne l'oubliez. . . . - -At the end of her lesson, Florimond has to point out her younger -sister's mistakes; for, says Erondell, "in teaching others, one learns -oneself." His rule for learning to read was, "observe your rules and -read as you do in English"--a method which explains his system of guides -to pronunciation. From the dialogues the student passes to the reading -of French literature. The girls' French tutor came between seven and -eight in the morning, the dancing-master at nine, the singing-master at -ten, and another music-master at four in the afternoon. - -In the following dialogues the lady visits first the nursery, and next -her sons and their tutors. She is then pictured receiving guests, going -out shopping, presiding at the dinner-table,[744] and taking part in -the conversation. Finally, in the evening, the company take a walk by -the Thames, and the thirteenth and last dialogue "treateth of going to -bed, prayers (including the Creed), and night-clothes." - -In order to give students an introduction to French verse as well as -prose, Erondell adds to his book the story of the Centurion in the New -Testament put into French verse by himself. He does not provide any -English translation, and considers that the pupil who has progressed so -far in the study of the language can very well do without it. For the -same reason he here omits, as he does in the last dialogue also, the -guides to pronunciation. - -For a time Erondell had been tutor in the Barkley family, and dedicated -the _Garden_ to the Lady Elizabeth Barkley, with an expression of his -gratitude for the many favours he had received from her. The verses on -the Centurion are dedicated to Thomas Norton, of Norwood, whom he calls -his "tres intime et tres honore amy." As was usual at this time, -Erondell's book is preceded by commendatory poems, including lines by -William Herbert, author of _Cadwallader_, and by Nicholas Breton. There -is also a sonnet by the "Sieur de Mont Chrestien, Gentilhomme francois," -possibly the famous Antoine de Montchretien, who in about 1605 was -forced to leave France on account of a duel, and visited both England -and Holland. Erondell appears to have been many years in England before -he produced his _Garden_. At this date he had a large clientele, -including "many honourable ladies and gentlemen of great worth and -worship." In about 1613 he engaged an assistant to help him, one John -Fabre, a Frenchman, "born in the precinct of Guyand, a town of Turnon"; -in 1618 Fabre was still "professeing the teaching of the French tongue -with Mr. Peter Arundell."[745] - -In addition to compiling the _French Garden_, Erondelle prepared four -new editions of Holyband's _French Schoolemaister_. Although they are -said to be "newly corrected and emended by P. Erondell," he made no -noticeable changes. The first of these editions appeared in 1606, and -the others in 1612, 1615, and 1619. This last date is the latest at -which we hear of him. - -[Header: ERONDELL'S WORKS] - -The earliest notice we have of Erondell is found in 1586, when he -published a _Declaration and Catholic Exhortation to all Christian -Princes to succour the Church of God and Realme of France_,[746] -faithfully translated out of French, and printed side by side with the -original--another of the many similar pamphlets in French and English. -He had thus been in England at least twenty years when his book for -teaching French was published, and its tardy appearance led one of his -admirers to ask: - - Swift Erondell, why hast thou been so slowe - Whose nature is to bring the summer in? - -In earlier years Erondell had no doubt made use of Holyband's works; he -evinces a high esteem for the sixteenth-century teacher, and shows -intimate acquaintance with his _Schoolemaister_ and his _Treatise on -Verbs_. It is an interesting fact that until the middle of the -seventeenth century and probably much later Holyband's sixteenth-century -French was still being taught in England; as late as 1677 the _French -Schoolemaister_ was among the books advertised for sale by Thomas -Passenger at the sign of the Three Bibles on London Bridge.[747] The -great changes taking place in the evolution of the French language -reached England but slowly. - -Erondell translated another French work into English.[748] One day -Richard Hakluyt, the geographer, brought him the whole volume of the -Navigations of the French Nation to the West Indies to translate. From -this Erondell selected the _Nova Francia, or the Description of that -part of New France, which is one continent with Virginia, described in -the three late voyages ... made by M. de Monto, M. du Pont Grave, and M. -de Poutrincourt, into the countries called by the French men La Cadre, -lying to the southwest of Cape Breton ..._, which was published in 1609 -and dedicated to the "Bright Starre of the North, Henry, Prince of Great -Britaine." - -The arrival of the French Queen of England, Henrietta Maria, in 1625, -gave further stimulus to the already strong French influence at the -Court. When she came she knew no English, and for many years after her -arrival waywardly refused to study the language. Her numerous suite of -French ladies and gentlemen, including Mme. Georges, the Duc and -Duchesse de Chevreuse, and Pere Sancy, shared her ignorance, as indeed -did practically all foreigners. The English Court was thus called upon -to exercise its French to the uttermost. The small French colony in -London managed to make itself very unpopular, not only with the King but -also with the whole Court. Their ignorance of English and English ways -caused them to commit blunders which prejudiced people against them. -Such was the case when Henrietta and her suite strolled, chattering and -making a great noise, through an assembly of English people listening to -a sermon. The preacher asked if he must stop, but no notice was taken, -and soon the whole retinue returned in the same fashion, evidently not -understanding a word of what was going on.[749] Within a year of their -arrival, however, most of the French attendants were dismissed. - -Four years after the arrival of the French queen, who had a passion for -the theatre, a French company arrived in London and acted before an -English audience.[750] They first played a farce at Blackfriars on the -17th of November, but did not meet with much success, being "hissed, -hooted, and pipinpelted." This hostile reception was partly due to the -fact that women[751] took part in the acting--a thing hitherto unknown -in England--and partly because the play was a "lascivious and unchaste -comedye," and the company was formed of "certain vagrant French players -who had beene expelled from their owne country." No wonder that they -gave "just offence to all vertuous and well disposed persons in the -town." Yet the French actors were not discouraged. They waited a -fortnight, and then obtained a licence to play at the Red Bull. This -second attempt does not appear to have been more successful than the -first. After some three weeks had elapsed, however, the company decided -to make a last effort. This time they acted at the Fortune, but with so -little success, that the Master of the Revels refunded them half his fee -"in respect of their ill-fortune." The failure of the venture was due -largely to its novelty, and the popular dislike of the French. [Header: -FRENCH PLAYERS IN LONDON] Though we are told that there was a "great -resort" to the French plays,[752] apparently people went more for the -sake of rioting than for the pleasure of hearing the French plays. - -The stormy reception of 1629 did not, however, hinder other French -actors from coming to our country. In 1635 a new company arrived, this -time under the special patronage of the Queen.[753] They first played -before Her Majesty, who recommended them to the King. Through his -influence they were allowed the use of the Cockpit Theatre in Whitehall. -There, on the 17th of February, they presented a French comedy called -_Melise_--either Corneille's _Melite_, or more probably Du Rocher's -comic pastoral, _La Melize, ou les Princes Reconnus_.[754] The King, -Queen, and Court were present. The acting met with approval and the -players received L10. There was no repetition of the riotous behaviour -which had characterised the performances of 1629, probably because there -were no women in the company, and also because the players were -specially patronised by the Court and the aristocracy. A few days after -the King gave orders to the Master of the Revels, Sir Henry Herbert, -brother of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, that the French company should be -allowed to act at Drury Lane Theatre on the two sermon days of each week -during Lent, and through the whole of Passion week, when they would -avoid rivalry with Beeston's English players, who did not perform on -those days. Sir Henry Herbert, himself a good French scholar, tells us -he "did all these courtesies to the French gratis," wishing to render -the Queen his mistress an acceptable service. - -The French actors now enjoyed increasing popularity. When, at the end of -Lent, they had to relinquish the Cockpit, Drury Lane, to the English -players, their services were still in demand. On Easter Monday they -acted before the Court in a play called _Le Trompeur puny_, no doubt the -tragi-comedy of that name by Georges de Scudery.[755] Their success was -even greater than on the occasion of the Court performance of _Melise_, -and on the 16th of April following, they presented _Alcimedor_,[756] -under the same circumstances, and "with good approbation." These three -plays acted at the Court are the only part of their repertoire that is -named in the record of the Master of the Revels. On the 10th of May they -received L30 for three plays acted at the Cockpit, probably that in -Whitehall, where they first acted _Melise_ before the Court, nearly four -months earlier, and not the Cockpit, Drury Lane, where they had played -during Lent. - -The question now arose of providing the French players with a special -theatre of their own. Arrangements were made for converting part of the -Riding School in Drury Lane into a play-house, and on the 18th of April -the King signified to Sir Henry Herbert his royal pleasure that "the -French comedians should erect a stage, scaffolds and seats, and all -other accommodations." On the 5th of May following a warrant was granted -to Josias d'Aunay and Hurfries de Lau (so Sir Herbert spells their -names)[757] and others, empowering them to act at the new theatre -"during pleasure." How long the French company, whose director was -Josias Floridor, continued to act in London is not known. But it is a -striking fact that in 1635 there was a regular French theatre -established in the city, and its presence must have had considerable -effect. The French company under Floridor again appeared before the -Court, in December 1635; we do not know what they played, beyond the -fact that it was a tragedy. On the twenty-first of the same month, the -Pastoral of _Florimene_ was acted in French at Whitehall by the French -ladies who attended the Queen. The King, the Queen, Prince Charles, and -the Elector Palatine, were present, and the performance was a great -success. - -The Queen did not persist in her obstinate refusal to learn English. -When she had been in the country about seven years, she began to study -the language seriously. Mr. Wingate was her tutor, and her love of the -theatre was put to practical use by the performance of long masques and -pastorals in English in which she took part. It is not surprising that -Henrietta Maria was ignorant of English, for our language was -practically unknown in France in the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries. [Header: ENGLISH IGNORED ON THE CONTINENT] Italian and -Spanish were the fashionable modern foreign languages in France. English -was either entirely ignored or regarded as barbarous, and since French -was widely spoken at the English Court, and Latin was used by scholars, -the need for it was not felt.[758] No foreign ambassador ever knew -English. Of the Frenchmen who visited England,[759] only a few learnt -the language. Chief among these were the French teachers, the pioneers -among Frenchmen in the study of the English tongue. Of individuals, the -Sieur de la Hoquette, man of letters and traveller, is said to have -visited England to see Bacon, and learnt English in order to read the -Chancellor's works in the original. He discussed Bacon's works and -English novels with J. Bignon, and was surprised to find that scholar -acquainted with them. Jean Doujat also knew English, as did La Mothe le -Vayer, who married a Scotchwoman, and also perhaps Regnier Desmarais, -who draws a few comparisons with it in his grammar.[760] But these were -isolated exceptions. Among the languages in which Panurge addresses -Pantagruel on their first meeting, English has a place, but is hardly -recognisable in its Scottish dress.[761] And the Marechal de Villars -relates in his memoirs[762] that the Duc de la Ferte, "quand il avait un -peu bu," would break out in English to the great astonishment and -amusement of all who were present. There is a tradition that Corneille -kept a copy of the English translation of the _Cid_, which he showed to -his friends as a curiosity. - -Yet the general ignorance of English outside England did not discourage -English actors from making professional tours abroad. They seem to have -enjoyed considerable popularity in Germany and the Low Countries,[763] -where they played at first in English. No doubt dancing, mimicry, and -music had much to do with their success, and the clown probably took -advantage of his position to offer interpretations from time to time. -However, the actors soon learnt some German by mixing with German -actors. A band of English acrobats had performed at Paris in 1583. Some -years later, in 1598, a troupe of English comedians hired the Hotel de -Bourgogne,[764] the only theatre in Paris, from the _Confrerie de la -Passion_, who usually played there. The English actors, at whose head -was one Jehan Sehais, got into trouble for playing outside the Hotel, -contrary to the privileges of the _Confrerie_, and had to pay an -indemnity. How much these actors made use of their language for -attracting an audience is not certain. At a somewhat later date, another -company played at Fontainebleau before Henry IV. and his son, afterwards -Louis XIII. The "wild dramas" acted by the English players seem to have -made a great impression on the young prince, who afterwards would amuse -himself by dressing as a comedian and crying in a very loud voice, -"Toph, toph, milord!" pacing about with great strides in the fashion of -the English actors.[765] But it is highly probable that these few words -were all the English the future king of France could muster. - -Like the language, English literature was generally ignored in France. -Those men of letters who wrote Latin--More, Camden, Selden, etc.--were -known under their Latin names. In the early years of the seventeenth -century, however,[766] the French began to take an interest in English -literature, and a few translations of prose works appeared, though -English poetry and drama remained unnoticed. The first French version of -an English work was that of Bishop Hall's _Characters of Vertues and -Vices_ which appeared in 1610, and again in 1612 and 1619, and may have -had some influence on La Bruyere's _Caracteres_. [Header: NEGLECT OF -ENGLISH] It is also interesting to note that this enterprising -translator was no other than J. L'Oiseau de Tourval, Parisien, who wrote -so enthusiastically of Cotgrave's dictionary, which appeared in the -following year (1611).[767] In the course of the next twenty years about -a score of other translations saw the light, including versions of -Greene's _Pandosta_ (1615), of Sidney's _Arcadia_, and of Bacon's -_Essays_. The translation of the _Arcadia_ was the subject of a violent -literary quarrel. Two versions came out at the same time, and both -claimed priority. One was due to J. Baudouin, who had lived two years in -England learning the language. He was also responsible for the -translation of Bacon.[768] His rival was one Mlle. Chappelain. - -"English is a language that will do you good in England, but past Dover -it is worth nothing," wrote John Florio the language teacher, in his -_First Frutes_ (1578). And more than half a century later English was -still despised in foreign countries. While French was of use "in all -furthest parts of Europe," English still served "but in the Brittaine -lland,"[769] and even there did not receive due homage. English, we are -told by an indignant upholder of the claims of our language,[770] was -left for him who drives the plough; all the scholars, all the courtiers -you passed in the street, were good scholars in foreign tongues; many of -them chatted French as glibly as parrots, but could not write a single -English line without a solecism. But in the meantime the study of -English had had its advocates.[771] Richard Mulcaster has already been -mentioned as the first Englishman who emphatically urged that English -should be studied as thoroughly as foreign languages. "What reason is -it," he asked, "to be acquainted abrode and a stranger at home? to know -foreign things by rule, and our own but by rote? If all other men had -been so affected, to make much of the foren and set light by their own, -we should never by comparing have discerned the better. They proined -their own speche, both to please themselves and to set us on edge." This -was in 1582. Scholars took up the defence of the claims of English -against French, just as they did the claims of Latin. Camden seeks to -prove that English contains as many Greek words as French,[772] and so -is as worthy of respect. And Osborne, in his _Advice to a Son_, tells -the young diplomat to employ an interpreter in his dealings with these -foreigners who refused to recognize the value of English, "it being too -much an honouring of their Tongue, and undervaluing of your owne, to -propose yourself a master therein, especially since they scorn to learn -yours." There were, however, a few facilities for learning English at -the disposal of foreigners, in addition to residence in England. The -marriage of Charles I. with Henrietta Maria had been hailed both in -France and England by books which taught the languages of the two -countries conjointly, and so strengthened the new bond between them. In -England appeared a new edition of Du Bartas, in French and English, for -teaching "an Englishman French, or a Frenchman English." Wodroeph's -_Marrow of the French Tongue_ (1625), which saw the light at the same -time, was said to be "aussi utile pour le Francois d'apprendre l'Anglois -que pour l'Anglois d'apprendre le Francois," though only the dialogues -in French and English could serve this purpose, as, indeed, they might -in any other French text-book.[773] This notice is evidently added -merely as a concession to topical events; it had not figured in the -earlier edition (1623). - -In France, on the other hand, was published a work in which English was -treated more seriously. This was a _Grammaire Angloise pour facilement -et promptement apprendre la langue angloise. Qui peut aussi aider aux -Anglois pour apprendre la langue Francoise: Alphabet Anglois contenant -la pronunciation des lettres avec les declinaisons et conjugaisons_, -dedicated to Henrietta Maria, and probably arranged by one of the -professors of the College de Navarre, from which it is dated. We are -informed that the princess, and those intending to accompany her to her -new home, studied English daily. These lessons, if they were really -given, were no doubt a matter of form, and we may judge from the results -that they were not taken seriously. - -[Header: ENGLISH GRAMMARS] - -This grammar issued in 1625 was not original; it had appeared at Rouen -in 1595,[774] and before that date there had been several other -editions. The 1595 edition was enlarged and corrected by a certain E. -A., who, for about ten years previously, had spent much of his time -translating French pamphlets on topical events and similar works from -French into English.[775] E. A., who was probably the original compiler -of the work, dedicated it to Queen Elizabeth. He says he had collected -the material from different authors in the leisure time allowed him by -his studies. In its contents the work resembles the usual French manuals -produced in England. It opens with rules for the pronunciation of -English, followed by grammar rules for the same language, all given in -French and English. Then come the dialogues, taken textually and without -acknowledgement from Holyband's _French Littleton_, and one dialogue -specially for courtiers, which may have been original.[776] The book -closes with the vocabulary of Holyband's _French Schoolemaister_. The -grammatical part of the work is also taken from one of the productions -of the French teachers in England--the _Maistre d'escole anglais_ -(1580), written by Jacques Bellot for teaching English to foreigners in -England and dedicated to a member of the royal family of France. - -Bellot protests against the general neglect of the English language, -rich enough in his opinion to rank with the most famous living tongues. -He claims to be the first to draw up precepts for teaching it. There is -little exaggeration in Bellot's claim, for hardly any works on English -had as yet been written, and these were chiefly treatises on the -orthography, more scholastic than pedagogic in intention.[777] At the -close of the year in which Bellot's work was published, however, -appeared the first work on English by an Englishman, designed to give -instruction to foreigners as well as his own countrymen. This was -William Bullocker's _Booke at large for the Amendment of Orthographie -for English Speech_, to which was added "a ruled grammar ... for the -same speech to no small commoditie of the English Nation, not only to -come to easie, speedie and perfect use of our owne language, but also to -their easie and speedie and readie entrance into the secrets of other -Languages, and easie and speedie pathway to all strangers, to use our -language, heretofore very hard unto them." - -Two years later came Mulcaster's _Elementarie_, urging the claims of the -vernacular, and expounding his method for teaching it. Other grammars -followed, some in Latin, some in English,[778] but in hardly any of them -is any attention paid to foreigners--a striking contrast with those -published in France, in which foreigners were always an important -consideration. In 1632, however, appeared Sherwood's English-French -Dictionary, of which, it is said, the French were "great buyers." -Towards the middle of the seventeenth century foreigners received more -and more attention in such books, as English became better known. Simon -Daines's _Orthoepia anglicana_,[779] for instance, intended for the use -of both natives and foreigners, was published in 1640, as was also _The -English grammar made by Ben Jonson for the benefit of all strangers out -of his observation of the English language now spoken and in use_.[780] -Ben Jonson had made a collection of grammars, and he speaks of a most -ancient work written in the Saxon tongue and character. "The profit of -grammar is great to strangers, who have to live in communication and -commerce with us," he wrote, "and it is honourable to ourselves." In -1644 another work of like aim was issued under one of the usual florid -titles affected at that time: _The English Primrose far surpassing -others of this kind that ever grew in any English garden._ It professed -to teach "the true spelling, reading and writing of English," and was -"planted" by Richard Hodges, schoolmaster in Southwark, "for the -exceeding great benefit both of his own countrymen and strangers." -Similarly J. Wharton's grammar of 1655 claimed to be "the most certain -guide that ever yet was extant" for strangers that desire to learn our -language. - -[Header: ENGLISH GRAMMARS FOR FOREIGNERS] - -Thus travellers to England would find some provision for learning -English. In the early seventeenth century several French teachers in -London undertook to teach English to foreigners, and these were the -earliest professional teachers of the language. They had all learnt -English after their arrival in the country on very practical methods, an -experience which must have reacted on their methods of teaching French. -Most of them wrote English with ease, if not always idiomatically. As -time advanced, especially in the latter part of the seventeenth century, -they composed several English grammars for teaching the language to -their pupils. Merchants as well as French teachers were pioneers in -advancing the study of English by foreigners. In 1622 George Mason, one -of the merchants in London skilled in the French tongue, wrote a -_Grammaire Angloise, contenant reigles bien exactes et certaines de la -Prononciation, Orthographie et construction de nostre langue, en faveur -des estrangers qui en sont desireux_, but especially, he tells us, for -the use of "noz francois tant a leur arrivee en ce pais, que en leur -demeure en iceluy." This English grammar[781] is written in French, and -gives rules for pronunciation and the parts of speech. It is followed by -dialogues[782] in French and English, in the usual style, bearing much -resemblance to the Latin colloquies and the dialogues of De la Mothe's -_French Alphabet_. A new edition was issued at London in 1633. The -earliest conversation books in French and English printed by Caxton, -Wynkyn de Worde, and Pynson are called books for teaching English as -well as French. They were indeed equally adapted for either language, -but it is very improbable that at this early date even the most -enterprising merchants learnt English. - -Yet the first foreigners to recognize the importance of English were -merchants. English was given a place by the side of Latin, French, -Spanish, Italian, and German in the edition of the polyglot dictionary -for the use of merchants and travellers, printed at Venice in 1540,[783] -and at a later date in the polyglot collection of dialogues which -developed from the French and Flemish dialogues of Noel de Barlement; -not, however, till 1576, when the book had been in vogue for about -three-quarters of a century. Gabriel Meurier, schoolmaster of Antwerp, -who taught French to many of the numerous English merchants always in -the town, was acquainted with our language, but does not appear to have -had any opening for teaching it, as he did French, Flemish, Italian, and -Spanish. At a later date, however, we find an Englishman gaining his -livelihood by teaching his own language in the Netherlands. In 1646 he -published at Amsterdam _The English schole-master; or certaine rules and -helpes, whereby the natives of the Netherlands may be in a short time, -taught to read, understand and speake the English tongue, by the helpe -whereof the English may be better instructed in the knowledge of the -Dutch tongue, than by any vocabulars, or other Dutch and English Books, -which hitherto they may have had for that purpose_. This work contains -an English grammar, followed by selections from the Scriptures, moral -and familiar sayings, proverbs, dialogues, letters in English and Dutch. -The "Vocabulars" to which he refers furnished him with most of his -dialogues. A new edition appeared in 1658. - -Rouen, ever a busy centre for merchants, was the place where provision -for teaching English was first made in France. Editions of the polyglot -dictionary, which included English in the edition of Venice in 1540, -were printed at Rouen in 1611 and 1625, and again at Paris in 1631. The -1595 edition of E. A.'s English grammar appeared at Rouen, as had -probably the earlier editions. This compilation of the English grammar -of Bellot and the dialogues of Holyband was in vogue for a very long -time. In addition to the Paris issue on the occasion of the marriage of -Henrietta Maria with Charles I. (1625), editions appeared at Rouen in -1639, 1668, 1670, 1679, and most probably at other dates also; another -was issued at London, 1677. Perhaps the first book for teaching English -printed in France was a _Traicte pour apprendre a parler Francoys et -Anglois_, published at Rouen in 1553, apparently an early edition of -Meurier's work, printed at Rouen in 1563 as a _Traite pour apprendre a -parler francois et anglois, ensemble faire missives, obligations,_ etc., -and again at Rouen in 1641. - -It was long before English won recognition from foreigners other than -merchants. Not until the eighteenth century was it learnt for the sake -of its literature, and as a means of intercourse with the people who -spoke it. This state of things made it incumbent on Englishmen to equip -themselves with some foreign tongue, and they naturally chose French, -the most universal language at that time. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[707] See accounts in Rye, _England as seen by Foreigners_. - -[708] J. O. Halliwell, _Letters of the Kings of England_, London, 1846. - -[709] Rye, _op. cit._ p. 153. - -[710] "Autobiographie," _Bull. de la Soc. de l'Hist. du Protestantisme -Francais_, vii. pp. 343 _sqq._ - -[711] Another famous Frenchman at the Court of James I. was Theodore -Mayerne the Court Doctor (cp. _Table Talk of Bishop Hurd_, Ox. Hist. -Soc. Collectanea, ser. 2, p. 390); also Jean de Schelandre and -Montchretien among men of letters. James refused to give audience to the -poet Theophile de Viau, exiled for his daring satires. Boisrobert, St. -Amant, Voiture, likewise visited England at this period. - -[712] Thurot, _Prononciation francaise_, i. p. xiv. - -[713] Gerbier, _Interpreter of the Academy_, 1648. - -[714] Aufeild: Translation of Maupas's _Grammar_, 1634. - -[715] Young, _L'Enseignement en Ecosse_, p. 78. - -[716] Ellis, _Original Letters_, 1st series, iii. 89. - -[717] T. Birch, _Life of Henry Prince of Wales_, London, 1760, p. 20. - -[718] On Henry's death, St. Antoine became equerry to his brother -Charles (Rye, _op. cit._ p. 253). - -[719] Ellis, _Orig. Letters_, ser. 1, iii. 95. - -[720] "The French fashion of dancing is most in request with us" -(Dallington, _Method for Travell_, 1598). - -[721] His dancing-master was a M. du Caus. There were other Frenchmen in -his service. Cp. "Roll of Expenses of Prince Henry," _Revels at Court_, -ed. P. Cunningham, New Sk. Soc., 1842. - -[722] J. Aubrey, _Brief Lives_, ed. Clark, 1898, i. p. 254; Wood, -_Athen. Oxon._ (Bliss). - -[723] T. Birch, _op. cit._ pp. 38, 66, 67. - -[724] Rye, _op. cit._ p. 155. - -[725] _Memoires de Madame de Motteville_, in Petitot et Monmerque, -_Collection des Memoires relatifs a l'Histoire de France_, tom. 37, -1824, pp. 122-3. - -[726] _Cal. State Papers, 1660-61_, p. 162; cp. p. 207, _supra_. - -[727] Probably the second Duke, whom Charles, out of friendship for his -father, the first Duke, brought up in his own family. - -[728] Foster, _Alumni Oxon._, ad nom. - -[729] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1663-64_, pp. 384, 526, 527; _1668-69_, -p. 129; Shaw, _Calendar of Treasury Books, 1667-68_, pp. 346, 365, 620. - -[730] He received the order of knighthood from Charles I. in 1629. - -[731] _Cal. State Papers, 1633_, p. 349. - -[732] Le Grys translated several works from Latin into English. He died -early in 1635; cp. _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[733] E. Godfrey, _English Children in Olden Time_, New York, 1907, p. -133. - -[734] Davenant, _The Wits_, Act II.; cp. Upham, _French Influence in -English Literature_, p. 7. - -[735] Preface to Lyly's _Euphues_, 1623. - -[736] T. Middleton, _More Dissemblers among Women_, Act I. Sc. 4; cp. -Upham, _op. cit._ p. 6. - -[737] Watt, _Bibliotheca Britannica_, 1824, ad nom. - -[738] Probably before he left school (Masson, _Life of Milton_, 1875, i. -p. 57). - -[739] E. Godfrey, _op. cit._ p. 178. - -[740] De la Mothe devoted a short chapter to enumerating women's -clothing. - -[741] Thurot, _Prononciation francaise_, pp. 374, 376. - -[742] _Treatise for Declining French Verbs_, 1580, 1599, and 1641. - -[743] Perhaps this is Bellot's _French Methode_ of 1588, of which there -is no copy in the British Museum, the Bodleian, or Cambridge University -Library. There is no trace of his having written a third grammar called -the _French Guide_; in his French Grammar of 1578 the verbs are arranged -in five conjugations. - -[744] This section in particular bears a close resemblance to the -_Exercitatio_ of Vives. See Dialogue 17, in F. Watson's _Tudor Schoolboy -Life_. - -[745] In Broad Street Ward; see Cooper, _List of Aliens_, Camden Soc., -1862; Hug. Soc. Pub., x. Pt. iii. p. 187. - -[746] Lambeth Library, 8vo, B-E in fours. Hazlitt, _Bibliog. Collections -and Notes_, ii. 206. - -[747] It is included in almost all the Sale Catalogues of private -libraries at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the -eighteenth century. - -[748] Erondell was probably also responsible for numerous other -translations from French into English; cp. p. 277, note 2, _infra_. - -[749] Strickland, _Lives of the Queens of England_, 1884, iv. p. 160. - -[750] J. Payne Collier, _History of English Dramatic Poetry, and Annals -of the Stage_, 1879, i. pp. 451 _sqq._; F. G. Fleay, _A Chronicle -History of the English Stage_, 1890, p. 334. - -[751] "Not women but monsters," wrote the Puritan Prynne in his -_Histriomastrix_, 1633, p. 114. - -[752] Prynne, _op. cit._ p. 215. - -[753] Payne Collier, _op. cit._ ii. pp. 2 _sqq._; Fleay, _op. cit._ p. -339. - -[754] The former was first acted in France in 1629 and the latter in -1633; cf. Upham, _French Influence in English Literature_, p. 373. - -[755] Scudery's work is in verse; a king and queen of England figure -among the characters. It was first performed in France in 1631. - -[756] Probably a tragi-comedy by Du Ryer, acted in 1634; Upham, _op. -cit._ p. 373. - -[757] Diary, reprinted: Malone's _Historical Account of the English -Stage_, in an edition of Shakespeare's works, completed by Boswell, -1821, iii. pp. 120, 122. Herbert makes many of his entries in French. - -[758] Meurier, _Communications familieres_, 1563. - -[759] While the English visited France in great numbers, very few -Frenchmen came to England, except those engaged on diplomatic missions, -or exiles. Thus, Ronsard, Jacques Grevin, Brantome, Bodin, in the -sixteenth century; Schelandre, d'Assoucy, Boisrobert, Le Pays, Pavillon, -Voiture, Malleville, and a few others in the early seventeenth century, -spent a short time in England. Among scholars, Peiresc, Henri Estienne, -Justel, Bochart, and Casaubon visited our country. St. Amant was twice -in England, and on the occasion of his second visit wrote a satirical -poem, _Albion_, in which he gave vent to his dislike of the people and -the country (_Oeuvres_, ed. Livet, 1855, vol. ii.). Guide-books to -England were few, and far from giving a good impression of the country. -See Jusserand, _Shakespeare in France_, pp. 8, 129. - -[760] Rathery, _Relations sociales et intellectuelles entre la France et -l'Angleterre_, pp. 22-23, 48 sqq. - -[761] "Lord ghest tholb be sua virtiuff be intelligence, aff yi body -schal biff be naturall rehutht tholb suld of me pety have for natur ..." -(_Oeuvres de Rabelais_, ed. C. Marty Laveaux, i. 261). - -[762] Petitot et Monmerque, _Collection des Memoires_, tom. 68, Paris, -1828. - -[763] A. Cohn, _Shakespeare in Germany in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth -Centuries_, London, 1865, pp. xxviii, cxxxiv, cxxxv. - -[764] Jusserand, _Shakespeare in France_, 1899, pp. 51 _sqq._; E. -Soulie, _Recherches sur Moliere_, Paris, 1863, p. 153. - -[765] _Journal de Jean Hervard sur l'enfance et la jeunesse de Louis -XIII, 1601-28_, Paris, 1868. Quoted by Jusserand, _op. cit._ p. 57 n. -One of Louis's tutors was an Englishman, Richard Smith. - -[766] S. Lee, "The Beginnings of French Translations from the English," -_Proceedings of the Bibliog. Soc._ viii., 1907, pp. 85-112. - -[767] Tourval was for long engaged on turning James I.'s compositions -into French, and complains of not receiving any reward nor even his -expenses. - -[768] He also translated Godwin's _Man in the Moon_, 1648, which had -some influence on Cyrano de Bergerac. He was probably the Jean Baudouin -who studied at Edinburgh in 1597. - -[769] Gerbier, _Interpreter of the Academy_, 1648. - -[770] T. B. Squire, in Simon Daines's _Orthoepia Anglicana_, reprinted -by R. Brotanek in _Neudrucke fruehneuenglischer Grammatiken_, Bd. iii., -1908. - -[771] By the end of the sixteenth century it was quite a usual thing for -learned subjects to be treated in English. Ascham apologised for using -English in his _Toxophilus_ (1545), but in his _Scholemaster_ (1570) he -used it as a matter of course. - -[772] Jusserand, _Histoire litteraire du peuple anglais_, 1904, p. 316. - -[773] Florio makes the same claim in his _First Frutes_ for teaching -Italian and English. - -[774] _Grammaire Angloise et Francoise pour facilement et promptement -apprendre la Langue angloise et francoise._ A Rouen, chez la veuve -Oursel, 1595, 8vo. The Brit. Mus. copy contains MS. notes of a French -student. - -[775] In 1586 he translated three letters of Henry of Navarre, and in -following years a continuous series of similar works; in 1587 the -_Politicke and Militarie Discourse_ of La Noue; in 1588 the _Discourse -concerning the right which the House of Guise have to the crown of -France_, etc. His latest translation appears to have been Louis XIII.'s -_Declaration upon his Edicts for Combats_, 1613. This E. A. may have -been identical with Erondell (or, as sometimes written, Arundel), who -gives his name as "P. Erondell (E. A.)" in his translation of the -_Declaration and Catholic exhortation_ (1586). - -[776] It bears a strong resemblance to the first dialogue in Erondell's -_French Garden_. - -[777] Such as the works of Sir Thomas Smith, John Cheke, John Hart, all -of which appeared before 1580. - -[778] By P. Greenwood (1594), Ed. Coote (1596), A. Gill (1619), J. -Herves (1624), Ch. Butler (1633). Some are reprinted by Brotanek, _op. -cit._; cp. F. Watson, _Modern Subjects_, chap. i. - -[779] Reprinted by Brotanek, _op. cit._ vol. iii., 1908. - -[780] _Works_, 1875, vol. ix. pp. 229 _sqq._ - -[781] Reprinted by R. Brotanek, _op. cit._ Heft i., 1905, pp. 105. - -[782] Pp. 60 _sqq._ - -[783] It had no place in the earlier editions of 1534 and 1537. - - - - -CHAPTER II - - FRENCH GRAMMARS--BOOKS FOR TEACHING LATIN AND FRENCH--FRENCH IN - PRIVATE INSTITUTIONS - - -One of the most noted teachers of English as well as of French was -Robert Sherwood, who in 1632 completed his English-French Dictionary -which was appended to the new edition of Cotgrave's work issued in that -year.[784] Sherwood was born in Norfolk,[785] although he later called -himself a Londoner. In July 1622 he entered Corpus Christi College, -Cambridge, and graduated B.A. in 1626. He then moved to London and -opened a language school in St. Sepulchre's Churchyard, where he -continued to teach for many years. He also taught English to many -French, German, Danish, and Flemish nobles and gentlemen who visited -London. To these distinguished visitors he dedicated his dictionary in -1632, as well as the second edition of his French grammar in 1634, -expressing the hope that he would soon be able to produce an English -grammar "toute entiere," for only the practical exercises in French and -English could be of use to them in their study of English. His French -grammar was intended "for the furtherance and practice of gentlemen, -scollers and others desirous of the said language." We gather that -Sherwood's school was limited entirely to the higher classes, and was -very different from Holyband's noisy and bustling establishment. - -The first edition of Sherwood's _French Tutour_, as he called his -grammar, saw the light in 1625,[786] just before he graduated at -Cambridge. He had probably worked at it as well as at his dictionary -during his residence there, and appears to have taught French to private -pupils. How he first acquired his knowledge of French, we do not know. -He may have spent some years in France before going to Cambridge, since -he would not find much opportunity of studying the language there. His -work is little more than a translation of selections from the French -grammar of Charles Maupas of Blois (1625). Perhaps he studied the -language with Maupas himself, of whom he speaks with great respect. In -parts of his grammar, however, Sherwood drew on his own "long -experience" in teaching French. - -The second edition of the _French Tutour_ (1634) is said to be carefully -corrected and enlarged. In it Sherwood follows the usual order of -treatment. First come rules of pronunciation, then of grammar, which -show "the nature and use of the Articles, a thing of no small importance -in this language: also the way to find out the gender of all nounes: the -conjugation of all the verbs regular and irregular; and after which -followeth a list of most of the indeclinable parts (which commonly do -much hinder learners) Alphabetically Englished; with a most ample syntax -of all the parts of speech." This section closes with an alphabetical -index "interpreting such nounes and verbes as are unenglished in the -grammar." The practical exercises are in the form of "three dialogues -and a touch of French compliments," in French and English, arranged in -two parallel columns on a page. The first deals with familiar talk by -the wayside, depicting travellers on their road to London, and, on their -arrival, taking lodgings at the Black Swan in Holborn, doing their -shopping, and taking their evening meal. The other two dialogues treat -of less familiar subjects; and, on the whole, Sherwood's book was not of -a popular kind, but was intended for the "learned." One describes the -exercises and studies of the nobility, dancing, riding, fencing, -hunting, geography, cosmography, and so forth; and the other turns on -the subject of travel in foreign countries, in which Sherwood emphasizes -the necessity for the traveller of "some good and fundamental beginning -in the language of the country whither he goeth." The _Tutour_ closes -with a selection of French compliments from the book of M. L. Miche on -French courtesy, to which Sherwood added an English version. - -Another Englishman also ventured in the early years of the seventeenth -century to write on the French language--William Colson, who called -himself a Professor of Literal and Liberal Sciences. He had spent many -years abroad as [Header: WILLIAM COLSON] travelling companion to young -English gentlemen, "as well learning as teaching such laudable arts and -qualities as are most fitting for a gentleman's exercise." Seemingly he -spent some time in the Low Countries, and he may have found his pupils -among the English troops serving there, as in 1603 he published at Liege -a book in French on arithmetic which also provides military information. -Before 1612 he had returned to London, where he composed a similar work -in English, dedicated to the Lords of the Privy Council.[787] He tells -us that on his return from his travels he wrote "certaine litteral -workes," mostly on the teaching of languages, and like an earlier -English writer, John Eliote, evolved a special method which he called -"arte locall or the arte of memorie." He expounds his "method," which is -very vague and obscure in its application, in one of his French -text-books which appeared in London in 1620 and was called _The First -Part of the French grammar, Artificially Deduced, into Tables by Arte -Locall, called the Arte of Memorie_. Colson desired to reconcile the old -orthography with the new, as Holyband had done earlier, by means of a -reformed alphabet of twenty-six letters, and of a triple distinction of -characters, Roman, Italian, and English. Roman type was to stand for the -_proper_ pronunciation, that is, letters which are pronounced as they -are written; the Italian for the _improper_, that is, letters which are -not given their usual pronunciation; and finally the letters written but -not sounded were to be printed in black letter. In his reformed alphabet -he divides the letters into seven vowels and eighteen consonants, and -subdivides the consonants into semivowels and mutes. He gives each -letter its usual name, and then its special name according to his own -scheme, as follows: - - A E' E O I Y V | H | S Z X I | L R N M | - a e e o i y u | eh | es ez ex ei | el er en em | - proper names | | | | - speciall names | he | se ze xe ie | le re ne me | - \_____________/ \__________________________/ - Aspiration 8 semivowels - - F [^] B P : D T G K | C Q - ef e[^] eb ep : ed et eg ek | ec eq - | - fe [^]e be pe : de te ge ke | ce qe - \________________________________/ - 10 mutes - \______________________________/ - 7 vowels 18 consonants - \___________________________________________________________/ - Elements and Letters - -And all the said Alphabet is briefly contained in these five artificiall -words to be learnt by heart:--Haeiou--sezexeie--lereneme--fe[^]ebepe-- -detegeke. - -After treating of the letters, Colson proceeds to deal with the other -three chief parts of grammar--"the sillible, the diction, and the -locution" (the last two dealing with accidence and syntax respectively) -in a similarly intricate and obscure style. It is difficult to imagine -what can have been his reasons for his scheme of complicated divisions -and sub-divisions, more like a puzzle than anything else. Yet he appears -to have been serious, and assures us that once his reformed alphabet is -mastered "the perfect pronunciation, reading, and writing of the French -tongue is gotten in the space of one month or thereabouts." It is not -surprising that his attempted reform passed quite unheeded. - -This _First Part of the French grammar_, which is dedicated to "the -Worshippfull, worthie and vertuous gentleman, M. Emanuel Giffard, -Esquire," seems to be the only one of Colson's works on the French -language which has survived. At its close is a large folding sheet, -containing the table of his reformed alphabet, dedicated to Sir Michael -Stanhope and Sir William Cornwallis by their affectionate servant. The -date is 1613. Colson informs us that he had also compiled a French -grammar divided into four parts, after a new method. He likewise refers -to "all his bookes tending to the instruction of the French tongue," -such as his "booke of the declination of nouns, and conjugation of -Verbes," and his "three repertories of the English, French, and Latine -tongues, compounded by arte locall for aiding the memorie in learning -most speedily the words of the foresaide tongues by heart in halfe -time": his "Repertoire of all syllables in general and of all French -words in particular containing the Art to learn them easily by heart in -verie short time and with little labour to the great contentment of him -which is desirous of the French tongue, all reduced into Tables by Art -Locall as before said": and "other works of ours shortly to be printed -tending to the knowledge of the foresaid tongues, in which works is set -downe by Art and order local (called the Art of Memory) most easy and -brief rules to learne the foresaid bookes by heart." Most of these, no -doubt, were short pamphlets, perhaps in the shape of the large folding -sheet inserted at the end of the Grammar of 1620, and so stood but -little chance of survival. - -At this same period the popular French grammar of Charles Maupas, well -known to many travellers to France, was translated into English by -William Aufeild and published in 1634. [Header: WILLIAM AUFEILD] -Maupas's grammar, first printed at Blois in 1607, had won a considerable -reputation in England, and was not without noticeable influence on the -French grammars published in London. Sherwood, who had made free use of -Maupas, praised him very highly. James Howell, in his edition of -Cotgrave's Dictionary, advises students to seek fuller grammatical -information in Maupas's Grammar, "the exactest and most scholarlike of -all." William Aufeild, the translator of the book--"the best -instructions for that language by the consent of all that know the book, -that were ever written"--considers that it excels all the French -grammars ever produced in England: "all of them put together do not -teach half so well the idiom of the French tongue as this one doth." We -are assured that the work was in great demand when it first appeared in -England, and that a great number of the nobility and gentry were -commonly taught by means of it. Finding that the fact that it was -written in French was a great drawback, as it could only be used by -those who already understood French, Aufeild decided to translate it into -English, and dedicated his work to the young Duke of Buckingham,[788] -son of the duke to whom Maupas had offered the original. Aufeild tells -that he had been studying French for ten years when he undertook his -task. He called the translation _A French grammar and Syntaxe, -contayning most exact and certaine Rules for the pronunciation, -Orthography, construction and use of the French language_.[789] - -To adapt the work to the use of the English, the translator placed a -small cross under letters not pronounced in the French word, thus -adopting Holyband's plan. These letters were also printed in a different -type, "that better notice might be taken of them." He also endeavours to -give the sounds of the French alphabet in English spelling, so that if -the student "pronounce the one like an Englishman, he must needs -pronounce the same sounds, written after the French manner, like a -Frenchman." This, he says, is the only invention which he claims as his -own in the whole work. "The examples as well as the text, are englished -to save the reader so many lookings in his Dictionary"; and the word to -which the rule has special reference is printed in different type from -the rest of the example. Occasionally the text is expanded by additional -explanations, included in parentheses. - -Aufeild advises the student of French to read the whole grammar through -first, in order to get a general notion of the language. It is vain, he -argues, to begin learning rules for the pronunciation of a language of -which you are totally ignorant. Especially is this so in the case of the -"unlearned," that is, those unacquainted with Latin grammar. For -instance, "you shall find that in all the third persons plural of verbes -ending in _-ent_, _n_ is not pronounced," and so on. Now, "unless a man -can distinguish an adverbe from a verbe," he says, "or till he know how -the plurall number is made of the singular how shall he know ... when to -leave out _n_ before _t_?" "In my opinion," he adds, "it is but a dull -and wearisome thing for a man to take a great deale of paines, in -learning to pronounce what he understandeth not." Clearly his ideal was -a preliminary grounding in the general principles of grammar. When you -have a general knowledge of the whole language you may begin at the -pronunciation and "so goe through it againe in order as it lieth." In -the second reading the student should take into account the less -important rules which are omitted in the first perusal. - -Aufeild's final piece of advice is at variance with the general practice -among teachers of the time. He would have the pupil postpone all -attempts at speaking the language until the last stages: "be not too -greedy," he warns the reader, "to be thought a speaker of French before -you are sure you understand what you read." The best known teacher of -Italian in the seventeenth century, Torriano, was of the same opinion: -"for the avoiding of a vulgar error or fault very predominant in many, -namely of being over hasty to be speaking of a language, before it be -well understood, I thought not amiss to produce the quotation of one Mr. -Wm. Aufeild.... I jump with him that they who are last at speaking speak -the best and surest and so much I find by my experience among my -scholars."[790] Many years before, Roger Ascham had expressed the same -view with regard to the teaching of Latin. [Header: AUFEILD'S ADVICE TO -STUDENTS] He admitted that the "dailie use of speaking was the best -method," but only provided the learner could always hear the language -spoken correctly and avoid "the habit of the evil choice of words, and -crooked forming of sentences"; but as it is, _loquendo male loqui -discunt_, and he advises the postponement of speaking until some -progress had been made.[791] - -Considering Aufeild's ideas as to the speaking of French, we quite -expect to find him condemning attempts to pick up the language without -the help of rules; "for if with Rules, you shall be often at a loss, -certainly you shall stick at every word without them." It may be that -"they which take another way, may speake more words in halfe a yeare -then you shall in twelve month; but in a year's space you may, with -diligence and industry, speake better (and after a while more) than -another shall doe all his life time, unless there be a vast disparity -between your abilities of mind." - -His attitude as to the respective importance of grammatical study and -its practical application was not in keeping with that of Maupas, of -whom he said, "I know not whom you can equal to him." Maupas had written -his grammar in French instead of the international language, Latin, -because he advocated the study of the grammar in the French language -itself; he taught reading and pronunciation by means of reading the -grammar in French. Aufeild, on the contrary, considered it a drawback -that when English students travelled into France they had to learn -enough French to converse with their teachers before they could learn of -their teachers how to converse with others. This was the reason which -induced him to translate the grammar, although in doing so he, no doubt -unconsciously, set at nought Maupas's principal reason for writing it in -French. - -We know of no other French grammar produced in France which was -specially favoured by English learners of French. But no doubt many -Englishmen, besides those who travelled, studied from French grammars. -English travellers returning from France would, no doubt, bring back -grammars which might also arrive through other channels. Even in the -time of Elizabeth foreign books had been freely imported into England, -and the foreign trade of the stationers of London was very extensive. -That the early French grammars were known in England is shown by their -influence on those produced in England, although in many cases this is -more readily explained by the circumstance that they were the work of -Frenchmen newly arrived from France. However, it is not likely that -these French grammars were ever widely used in England for learning the -language, when books in English were ready to hand and easier to use. In -Scotland, on the other hand, where such books were not in existence, -they were probably more widely employed. Both countries, Scotland in -particular, made free use of foreign text-books for the teaching of -Latin; but the case is hardly the same for the international language. - -In the meantime the production of French grammars in England continued -uninterruptedly. _The Flower de Luce planted in England_ was the title -of a grammar which appeared in 1619. This work was due to one Laur Du -Terme, of whom nothing is known beyond the fact that he was a Frenchman -and a protege of Bacon, then Lord Chancellor. Du Terme had evidently -been in England long enough to acquire some knowledge of English, in -which he wrote his grammar. After imploring his patron to water his -'flower' with a few drops of favourable approbation, he proceeds to -address the gentle reader in these words: "Looke not in this Treatise, -for any eloquent words, nor polished sentences, for I doe not go about -to begge any favour nor insinuate into any man's love by coloured and -misticall phrases.[792] Neither do I intend to teach my masters, but in -requitall of your kind curtesie in teaching mee this little English I -have, do in the same set downe suche precepts as I find best for the -pronouncing, understanding, and speaking of the French tongue." These -precepts he selected from other grammars "used by many both teachers and -learners, yet I presume this will be as agreeable as any were yet, and -in brief containing more than ever I saw yet in English." The -pronunciation is explained by comparison with English sounds, and then -each part of speech is treated in turn; constant analogies with Latin -occur, and he also gives a list of French suffixes with their Latin -roots, and endeavours to introduce the Latin gerund and supine into -French grammar, not being of those who sought to delatinize French -grammar. For the verbs he refers the student to the rules given by -Cotgrave at the end of his dictionary, "very profitable for every -learner to reade," where they are arranged in four conjugations, "while -some authors make three, some five, some six, and little enough for the -understanding of all the verbs." [Header: LAUR DU TERME] He makes no -claim to completeness--"and if by chance I have applied a rule instead -of an exception or an exception instead of a rule, the teacher may -easily mend it, and your courteous censure in reciprocall of the -good-will I beare unto you I hope will excuse it. Reade it over, but not -slightly, consider every rule and way every word in it." - -Du Terme's aim in his rules is to be brief and plain. He desired them to -be regarded in the light of a reference book. The student was to begin -to read from the very first. The _Flower de Luce_ does not provide the -usual stock of reading-exercises, and Du Terme advises the student to -use "any good French author he likes best; and what word soever he goes -about to reade, let him looke upon his Rules concerning the -pronunciation of the letters, how they are pronounced in several places, -first the vowell, then what consonants are before and after, and, having -compared and brought all the Rules concerning those letters together, he -shall easily finde the true pronunciation of any word." The sounds of -the language should be thoroughly mastered at the outset: "Bestow rather -five days in learning five vowels, then to learne and passe them over in -a day, as being the chief and only ground of all the rest, without the -which you shall loose your labour, not being able to pronounce one -diphthongue unless you pronounce the vowels well, perfectly, neatly and -distinctly, without confounding one with another. The which case you -must observe in the consonants." For the proper understanding of the -matter read, he recommends the use of "some bookes that are both English -and French, as the Bible, the Testament, and many others that are very -common in England." He admits that this method is slow and difficult at -first, "yet notwithstanding, after a little labour, will prove exceeding -easie, as by experience hath been tryed: in so much as some have learned -perfectly to reade and understande the most part in less than the -quarter of a year, onely applying themselves unto it one hour and a half -in a day." - -Paul Cougneau or Cogneau, another French teacher of London, also wrote a -French grammar at this period. He called it _A sure Guide to the French -tongue_, and published it in 1635. Cogneau had no mean opinion of his -book. "It hath in some things a peculiar way, not commonly traced by -others," he tells us. "In the beginning are rules of pronunciation, then -for the declension of articles, nouns and pronouns, and in the end the -conjugation of diverse verbs, both personal and impersonal ... and -throughout the whole book there is so great a multiplicity of various -phrases congested as no one book for the bulk contains more. All which -besides are set forth with plainness as fit it for the capacity even of -the meanest. Much pains hath been employed about it, and I hope not -without great benefit and profit in the right use of it, and -consequently not unworthy of the kind acceptance which I heartily wish." -But the work has little value or originality, in spite of its interest -to the modern reader. The rules occupy thirty pages only. They are taken -mainly from Holyband and De la Mothe. The nouns, articles, and pronouns -receive very meagre treatment, but the auxiliaries and verbs, the -regular and a few irregular verbs, are fully conjugated at the end of -the book, being arranged in sentence form, as in many modern text-books: - - J'ay bien dormi ceste nuit. - Tu as trop mange. - Il a trop bu, etc. - -The practical exercises, which fill the next three hundred pages, -reproduce the dialogues of the same sixteenth-century writers--the only -two who retained their popularity in the seventeenth. The exercises of -the _French Schoolemaister_, the _French Littleton_, and the _French -Alphabet_ are all repeated without any acknowledgement. - -Like Du Terme, Cogneau attached much importance to pronunciation and -reading. He held that pronunciation was best learnt with the help of a -teacher, and that rules were not of much use in this case. - - "I have observed," he writes, "how many of my countrymen have taken - great pains and labour to show the English how to pronounce the - French letters, by letters; but these men labour in vain: for I - know that the true pronunciation of any tongue whatsoever cannot be - taught so: nor none can learn it so; I mean, to speak it well and - truly as it ought to be: to learn to understand it by such rules, - one may in time and with great pains, but, as I have said, never to - speak it well and perfectly, without he be taught by some master. I - say not that the rules are unprofitable, no, for they are very - profitable being well used, and the learner being well directed to - understand them aright; but, as I have said, so I say still, that - whosoever will learn this noble and famous tongue, must chuse one - that can speak good French, and one that hath a good method in - teaching, and the first thing to learn of him must be to pronounce - perfectly our 22 letters, and give every one its due sound and - pronunciation." - -The student should undertake nothing until he has mastered the sounds of -the letters and syllables. [Header: PAUL COGNEAU] Then he may pass to -the reading, "and in that reading learn to spell perfectly, for it is -that which will perfect thee, so that thou wilt be able to correct many -Frenchmen both in their speaking and writing, if thou wilt take pains to -learn it perfectly and be as perfect in it as in thy native tongue. If -thou dost mark well what I have said, and do it, and if thou hast a good -teacher, thou maiest learn the French tongue easily in a year." Cogneau -gives his grammar rules in both French and English, and evidently -intended them to form part of the reading material on which the student -was to begin as soon as he had mastered the French sounds. From these he -proceeds to the dialogues. "Thou must learn this book perfectly, to read -the French in English and also the English in French perfectly, and I -durst warrant that whosoever shall learn this book perfectly will be a -perfect Frenchman, and shall be able both to speak and write the French -tongue much better than the most part of Frenchmen." The only -differences, then, between the methods advocated by Laur Du Terme and -Cogneau are that the first would have the student learn the -pronunciation by reading, and the second from the lips of a master -before the student begins to read; and that Cogneau adopts the method of -double translation, so strongly urged by De la Mothe, while Du Terme -mentions only translation of French into English. In fact, Cogneau's -method was probably suggested by the sixteenth-century teachers. - -Cogneau's _Guide_ was in vogue for a number of years. In 1658 a French -teacher, Guillaume Herbert, who appears to have had no mean opinion of -his own abilities, edited the fourth edition. He describes the earlier -form of the work as a "blind" guide rather than a sure one, but now that -it has been revised by him "both masters and scholars may with more -confidence venture upon it as the most correct book now extant of this -kind and in these tongues, and I dare promise them that if I live to see -and oversee the next edition, I will so purge and order it that every -reader may (if ingenious and ingenuous) give it deservedly the name of a -Sure Guide." It is difficult to see in what the improvements he boasts -of consist, for his is little more than a reprint of the earlier -editions. With Herbert's edition the popularity of the _Sure Guide_ came -to an end, no doubt owing to the appearance of more recent works. - -William Aufeild complained, not without reason, that most professors -teach only what other men "have set downe to their hand in English many -years agoe," and it is undeniable that several of the sixteenth-century -French grammars continued to be used in England as late as the middle of -the seventeenth century. Holyband was specially in favour, and so was De -la Mothe. Peter Erondell, it has been seen, prepared new editions of the -_French Schoolemaister_ in 1606, 1612, 1615, and 1619. Another French -professor, James Giffard, was responsible for other editions in 1631, -1636, 1641, 1649, 1655, and it appears to have been printed again in -1668; this Giffard was probably the Jacques Giffard who attended the -Threadneedle Street Church;[793] he is said to have been a native of the -isle of Sark, and in 1640 he married Elizabeth Guilbert of Guernsey. -Editions of the _French Littleton_ saw the light in 1602, 1607, 1625, -1630, 1633, and 1639. None of these editions contains any very -noticeable alterations. The new editions of De la Mothe's _French -Alphabet_ (1625, 1631, 1633, 1639, and 1647) are merely reprints of the -first edition of 1592. Thus it came about that the French of the -sixteenth century was still taught in England in the seventeenth, -regardless of the great changes which had been accomplished in the -language in the meantime. - -The first half of the seventeenth century was also a period during which -French began to receive greater recognition in the educational world. -Latin, it is true, retained its supremacy in the grammar school; but it -is significant that a considerable number of Latin school-books were -adapted to teaching French, and helped to swell the number of such -manuals at the service of students. Thus French gained a place by the -side of Latin, and some went so far as to question the supremacy of -Latin as the "learned" tongue of Europe. In 1619 Thomas Morrice[794] -deemed it necessary to refute the "error" of those of his countrymen who -placed French before Latin--"a most absurd paradox" in his opinion, for -"French was never reckoned a learned tongue; it belongs by right to one -country alone, where the people themselves learn Latin." Such protests -had little effect. In the first years of the century we have the -earliest recognition of French as distinct from other modern languages, -at the hands of a writer on education; [Header: FRENCH MAKES HEADWAY] J. -Cleland held that a young gentleman's tutor should be skilled in the -French as well as the Latin tongue, because "it is most used now -universallie,"[795] and that the student, after translating English into -Latin, should proceed to turn his Latin into French, "that he may profit -in both the Tongues together."[796] - -It was indeed by no means uncommon for French and English tutors to give -instruction in both these tongues. Denisot, Palsgrave, Holyband, and -many other French teachers had done so. Joseph Rutter, tutor to the son -of the Earl of Dorset, at whose request he translated the _Cid_ into -English, is said to have made his pupil his collaborator in this task, -and probably taught him French as well as Latin, and his case does not -appear to have been exceptional. Evelyn, the diarist, learnt the -rudiments of Latin from a Frenchman named Citolin, and probably picked -up some French at the same time; travel abroad and his marriage with the -daughter of Sir Richard Browne, English ambassador at Paris, who from -her youth upwards had lived in France, gave him opportunities for -improving his knowledge of the language, in which he was soon able to -converse with ease.[797] Evelyn's son Richard also studied the two -languages together; when he died in 1658, at the early age of five, he -was able to say the catechism and pronounce English, Latin, and French -accurately, also "to read an script, to decline nouns and conjugate all -regular and most of the irregular verbs." He had likewise "learn'd -_Pueriles_, got by heart almost the entire vocabulary of Latine and -French primitives and words, and could make congruous syntax, turne -English into Latine and _vice versa_, construe and prove what he read, -and did the government and use of relatives, verbs, substantives, -elipses, and many figures and tropes, and made a considerable progress -in Comenius's _Janua_, began himself to write legibly, and had a strong -passion for Greek."[798] - -The manuals for teaching Latin and French together, either Latin -school-books with French added, or works specially written for giving -instruction in the two languages, probably resulted from this connexion. -At an early date French had found a place in several Latin -dictionaries.[799] Soon afterwards it made its way into some of the -Latin Colloquia and school authors. In 1591 the printer John Wyndet -received a licence to print the dialogues of Corderius in French and -English.[800] There is also a notice of an edition of Castellion's -_Sacred Dialogues_ in the same two languages.[801] Aesop's _Fables_ were -printed in English, French, and Latin in 1665, with the purpose of -rendering the acquisition of these languages easier for young gentlemen -and ladies; each fable is accompanied by an illustration due to Francis -Barlow, and followed by a moral reflection. Thomas Philpott was -responsible for the English version, and Robert Codrington, M.A., a -versatile translator of the time, for the Latin and French. At least two -other editions appeared in 1687 and 1703. Another favourite author was -published in the same three languages at a later date--the _Thoughts of -Cicero ... on (1) Religion, and (2) Man.... Published in Latin and -French by the Abbe Olivet, to which is now added an English translation, -with notes_ (_by A. Wishart_) (1750 and 1773). Of these few examples of -Latin and French text-books, two are known only by hearsay. It is likely -that others, adapted to the same purpose, have disappeared without -leaving any trace at all; as such school-books were usually printed with -a privilege, their names are not preserved in the registers of the -Company of Stationers. Little wonder that such manuals, subjected to the -double wear and tear of teaching both Latin and French, have been -entirely lost. The one volume which has come down to us is Aesop's -_Fables_ in French, Latin, and English, and its survival is explained by -the elaborate and costly form in which it was issued. - -In 1617 was published the _Janua Linguarum Quadralinguis_ of Jean -Barbier, a Parisian. The work, originally written in Spanish and Latin -(1611) for the use of Spaniards, was in time adapted to teaching Latin -and incidentally Spanish to the English, by the addition of an English -translation in 1615. The fact that French was added two years later by -Barbier is not without significance. Foremost among books for teaching -French and Latin together, however, was the famous _Janua Linguarum_ of -Comenius, from which Evelyn's son learnt his Latin, and presumably his -French also. It was printed in England in English, French, and Latin, in -the very year in which it had first come out at Leszna in Latin and -German (1631). [Header: BOOKS FOR TEACHING LATIN AND FRENCH] In this -form it was given the title of _Porta Linguarum trilinguis reserata et -aperta, or the Gate of Tongues unlocked and opened_. The _Janua_ -contains a thousand sentences, dealing with subjects encyclopaedic in -plan, beginning with the origin of the world, and ending with death, -providence, and the angels. The intervening chapters treat of the earth -and its elements, animals, man, his life, education, occupations, -afflictions, social institutions, and moral qualities. J. A. Anchoran, -Licentiate in Divinity, a friend of Robert Codrington and apparently a -Frenchman, was responsible for the edition of the _Porta Linguarum_ in -English, French, and Latin. He declares he prepared it "in behalf of" -the young Prince Charles (II.), then about a year old, and of "British, -French and Irish youth." His efforts proved successful; there were two -issues of the work in 1631, and other editions appeared in 1633, 1637, -and 1639. - -With the second and following editions was bound an index to the French -and Latin words contained in the _Porta Linguarum_, entitled: _Clavis ad -Portam or a Key fitted to open the gates of tongues wherein you may -readily find the Latine and French for any English word, necessary for -all young scholars._ It was dedicated to the schoolmasters and ushers of -England, and printed at Oxford, being the work of Wye Saltonstall, -teacher of Latin and French in that University. - -Yet another brief treatise was commonly bound with the 1633 edition of -the _Porta Linguarum_--_The Pathway to the Gate of Tongues, being the -first Instruction for little children_, intended as an introduction to -Comenius, but chiefly to give instruction in French. It was due to one -of the French teachers in London, Jean de Grave, no doubt the son of the -"Jean de Grave natif d'Amsterdam" who came to England in the early years -of the seventeenth century and died some time before 1612. De Grave was -a member of the French Church, and in 1615 was twice threatened with -expulsion owing to his sympathy with the Brownists; but he saved the -situation by recanting.[802] De Grave's _Pathway_ to Comenius opens with -a table of the numbers, the catechism, graces, and prayers, all given in -Latin, English, and French. The main section gives the conjugation of -the four regular verbs (_j'aime_, _je bastis_, _je voy_, _je li_) and -of _aller_, _avoir_, _estre_, _il faut_ and _on aime_, in French -accompanied by English and Latin equivalents in parallel columns. De -Grave makes a point of omitting all the compound tenses usually -introduced into French verbs on the model of the Latin ones, as such -forms can only be expressed by means of paraphrases or of the verbs -_avoir_ and _estre_; thus French rather than Latin was in the author's -mind: "Or m'a semble qu'il ne fallait pas charger au commencement la -memoire des petits enfants de choses desquelles le maistre diligent et -industrieux, pourveu qu'il soit homme lettre et bien entendu en la -grammaire francoise, pourra instiller peu a peu en leur esprit, plus par -diligente pratique que par cette facheuse et prolixe circonlocution qui -n'apporte aucun profit." He agreed with most of the French teachers of -the time that few rules and much practice under the guidance of a good -master, was the best way of learning French. - -In the first half of the seventeenth century also, the private -institutions in which French had a place increased considerably in -number, especially during the latter years of the reign of Charles I. -and the Commonwealth. There were several projects, of which a few were -actually realized for a time, for founding academies in England on the -model of those in France. Their aim was to provide instruction in modern -languages and polite accomplishments, in order to counterbalance the -one-sidedness of the Universities, and save parents the expense of -sending their children abroad, and protect the latter from the dangers -to which they might be exposed in foreign countries. - -In 1635 the accomplished courtier Sir Francis Kynaston founded the -_Museum Minervae_ at his house in Bedford Square, Covent Garden. Latin, -French, and Italian were the chief languages of the curriculum. No -foreigner was allowed to act as either regent or professor. A regulation -stipulated that "noe Gentleman shall speak in the forenoon to the Regent -about any businesse, but either in Italian, French, or Latin; but if any -gentleman be deficient in all these languages, then shall he deale with -some professour or other to speak unto the regent for him in the -morning, but in the afternoon free accesse shall be granted to all that -have any occasion to conferre with him."[803] A certain Michael Mason -was the professor of languages. The Academy was short-lived, and -probably did not survive its founder, who died at the beginning of the -Civil War. - -[Header: FRENCH IN PRIVATE ACADEMIES] - -On the 19th of July 1649, another Academy of similar nature but wider -scope was opened by the adventurous Sir Balthazar Gerbier in his house -at Bethnal Green. In 1648 he published a prospectus, which appeared in -several different forms, announcing to "all fathers of noble families -and lovers of vertue" that "Sir Balthazar Gerbier, knight, erects an -Academy wherein forraigne Languages, Sciences and all noble exercises -shall be taught ... whereunto shall serve several treatises set forth by -the said Sir B. G. in the Forraigne languages aforesaid, the English -tongue being joyned thereunto ... whiche Treatises shall be continually -at Mistresse Allen's Shop at the signe of the crown in Pope's head Alley -neere the olde Exchange, London." Gerbier's intention was to teach the -sciences and languages simultaneously, and by means of each other. -French seems to have been the only foreign language which received -special treatment at his hands. He was the author of _An Introduction to -the French Tongue_, a work of very slight value, treating of the -pronunciation and parts of speech and followed by a lengthy and -wearisome dialogue between three travellers. Carrying out his expressed -aim, he wrote several pamphlets on the subjects of polite education in -French accompanied by a literal English translation.[804] Every Saturday -afternoon a public lesson was read in the Academy, "as well concerning -the grounds and rules of the aforesaid languages, as touching the -sciences and exercises, which will give much satisfaction to all Fathers -of noble families and lovers of vertue." There was also an "open -lecture" by which the deserving poor were to be instructed gratis, on -due recommendation. Gerbier is also said[805] to have started an Academy -for languages at Whitehall. None of his efforts, however, met with much -response. The private Academy as such was an institution which never -really took root in England. Moreover, Gerbier was not a gifted man. The -works he wrote for use in his Academy have very little value, and his -lectures were severely criticised. Walpole calls one of them, typical of -the rest, "a most trifling superficial rhapsody." - -Several other schemes[806] for courtly academies were never realised at -all. Such were those of Prince Henry, son of James I., and of Lord -Admiral Buckingham. A play of the Commonwealth period, Brome's _New -Academy_ (1658), gives an amusing picture of one of these institutions -and introduces us to a group of pushing French men and women who profess -_inter alia_ to "teach the French Tongue with great alacrity." - -Private schools, on the contrary, were better patronised. There were -undoubtedly numerous French schools in the style of those of the -sixteenth century; Wodroeph refers to one, without giving any details, -and the language school kept by Sherwood was well known. In many -instances also French found a place in other private schools alongside -the more usual studies. Sir John Reresby, for example, was sent at the -age of fifteen to a school at Enfield Chase, where he was instructed in -Latin, French, writing, and dancing. There he stayed two years and "came -to a very passable proficiency in Latin, Greek, French, and -rhetoric."[807] The elder brother of Thomas Ellwood, Milton's -amanuensis, also learnt French and Latin at a private school at Hadley, -near Barnet in Hertfordshire, before going with Thomas to learn Latin -and some Greek at the free school of Thame.[808] Such schools seem to -have been relatively numerous at the time of the Commonwealth. One was -kept by Edward Wolley, D.D. of Oxford, who had been domestic chaplain to -Charles I., and taken refuge in France on his sovereign's death. After -spending seven years abroad as chaplain to Charles II. in exile, he -returned to England and opened a school at Hammersmith. In 1654 the -Protector issued stringent orders against "scholemasters who are or -shall be Ignorant, Scandalous, Insufficient or Negligent." Many -royalists were affected, and it was no doubt as a result of this measure -that in 1655 Wolley had to petition Cromwell to allow him to continue -his "painful employment" of instructing youth in Latin, Greek, French, -and other commendable exercises. He pleads that since his return from -France he has demeaned himself irreproachably, and that he causes "the -Holy Scriptures to be read and religious duties to be daily used" in -his school, and takes the children to church on Sunday; [Header: FRENCH -IN PRIVATE SCHOOLS] moreover "they have always spoken with honour and -reverence of his Highness."[809] Among the few royalist and episcopal -schoolmasters who were not affected by the measure of 1654 was Samuel -Turberville, a "very good schoolmaster," who kept school in Kensington. -Sir Ralph Verney's second son Jack, afterwards apprenticed to a -merchant, spent three years there (1656-59), and Turberville commends -his "amendement in writing, the mastery of his grammar and an -indifferent Latin author, his preservation of the ffrench, and the -command of his Violl."[810] Sir Ralph Verney's son had previously -acquired French in France, and wrote it fluently though not always -correctly.[811] His fellow-pupils, we are told, called him the "young -mounseer." - -There were also numerous schools for young ladies and gentlewomen in and -about London and elsewhere. One French teacher, Paul Festeau, advertises -the French boarding-school of Monsieur de la Mare at Marylebone, where -girls were taught "to write, to read, to speak French, to sing, to -dance, to play on the guitar and the spinette."[812] M. de la Mare was a -Protestant, and a reader at the French Church. His wife was a good -mother to the girls, we are told, and his daughter spoke French with -much elegance. Another French teacher, Pierre Berault, mentions the -pension for young ladies kept by his friend M. Papillon in Charles -Street, near St. James's Square. French, writing, singing, dancing, and -designing were the subjects of study. In other cases schools for girls -and young ladies were attended by a visiting French master. The most -popular French teacher of the time, Claude Mauger of Blois, was employed -for some time after his arrival in England as French teacher to the -young ladies of Mrs. Kilvert's once famous Academy. This practice became -more and more widespread as the seventeenth century advanced, and was -very common in the eighteenth century, as it still is nowadays. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[784] See p. 191, _supra_. - -[785] _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[786] _Catalogue of Books of some learned Men deceased_, 1678. It was -licensed to the printer Humphrey Lownes on 3rd January 1625 (Arber, -_Stationers' Register_, iv. 133). - -[787] General Treasury of Accounts, London, 1612. - -[788] Guy Le Moyne was probably his French tutor; cp. p. 262, _supra_. - -[789] _Written in France by Charles Maupas of Bloys. Translated into -English with additions and explications peculiarly useful to us English, -together with a preface and an introduction wherein are contained divers -necessary instructions for the better understanding of it._ - -[790] _Italian reviv'd_, 1673. - -[791] _The Scholemaster_, ed. Arber, 1869, p. 28; cp. p. 182, _supra_. - -[792] Is this a reference to Eliote's _Ortho-Epia Gallica_? - -[793] _Threadneedle Street French Church Registers_, Hug. Soc. Pub. -xiii. Pts. i. and ii. The earliest mention of Giffard occurs in 1629, -and the latest in 1649. - -[794] _Apologie for Schoolmasters._ - -[795] Cleland, _Institution of a young nobleman_, 1607, pp. 28-29. - -[796] _Ibid._ p. 80. - -[797] His first literary attempt was a translation (1648) from the -French of La Mothe le Vayer's essay on Liberty and Servitude. - -[798] _Diary_, January 27, 1658. - -[799] Cp. pp. 187 _sqq._, supra. - -[800] Arber, _Stationers' Register_, ii. 576; iii. 466. An edition in -French and Latin was printed in London as late as the eighteenth -century. - -[801] R. Clavell, _Catalogue of Books printed in London, 1666-1680_. - -[802] Schickler, _Eglises du Refuge_, i. 409. His name occurs frequently -in the _Threadneedle Street Church Registers_, Hug. Soc. Pub. ix. and -xiii. - -[803] _The Constitution of the Museum Minervae_, 1636. Charles I. -granted L100 from the Treasury, and Kynaston himself provided books and -other material. - -[804] _The Interpreter of the Academy for forrain languages and all -noble sciences and exercises_, 1648. - -[805] Pepys, _Diary_, ed. Wheatley, iv. p. 148 n. - -[806] Oxford Historical Soc., 1885, _Collectanea_, series 1, pt. vi. pp. -271 _sqq._ John Dury proposes a special class of schools for languages, -which should teach the classics to those desiring "learning," and modern -languages to those intended for commerce (_Reformed School_, 1650, -quoted by F. Watson, _Modern Subjects_, p. xxvii). - -[807] _Memoirs of Sir John Reresby_, 1875, p. 22; and _Memoirs and -Travels_, ed. A. Ivatt, London, 1904, p. xv. - -[808] _Ellwood's Autobiography_, London, 1714, p. 4. - -[809] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1655-56_, p. 76. On the Restoration, -Wolley enjoyed ecclesiastical preferment, and finally became Bishop of -Clonfert. He published an English translation from the French of -Scudery's _Curia Politiae_, in 1546, and other works in English, of no -special interest. See _Dict. Nat. Biog._, ad nom. - -[810] _Memoirs of the Verney Family_, iii. p. 361. - -[811] He usually wrote home in French. In the following extract he asks -for a taper, then in fashion among his school-mates: "Je vous prie de -m'anvoier de la chandelle de cirre entortillee, car tous les garcons en -ont pour brullay (_sic_) et moy ie n'en ay point pour moy." - -[812] Two parents discuss the school in a dialogue: - - Ou allez vous? Whither are you going? - Je m'en vais voir ma fille. I am going to see my daughter. - En quel lieu? In what place? - A Maribone. At Maribone. - Que fait elle la? What doth she do there? - Comment, ne scavez vous pas What, do you not know that I - que je l'ay mise en pension? have put her at a Boording school? - Chez qui? With whom? - Chez un nomme Mons. de la At one Mons. de la Mare that - Mare qui tient escole Francoise. keeps a French school. - Vrayement, je n'en scavois rien. Truly, I did not know it. - Qu'apprend elle la? What does she learn there? - Elle apprend a ecrire, a lire, She learns to write, to read, - a parler francois, a chanter, to speak French, to sing, - a danser, a jouer de la guitare, to dance, to play on the guitar, - et de l'epinette. and the spinette. - - - - -CHAPTER III - - THE "LITTLE BLOIS" IN LONDON - - -In the second half of the seventeenth century we come across a band of -French teachers in London, which corresponds, in importance, to that -which grouped itself round Claude Holyband in the vicinity of St. Paul's -Churchyard at the same period in the sixteenth century. At its head was -Claude Mauger, a native of Blois. Mauger had as long a teaching -experience in London as Holyband; he arrived in about 1650, and we do -not hear the last of him till the first decade of the next century. He -was forced to quit his native town by "intestine distempers," probably -an allusion to the persecutions which broke out there in the middle of -the century. He appears to have been a Huguenot. Before coming to -England he had been a student at Orleans, and for seven years had taught -French to travellers, "the flowre of all Europe," at Blois,[813] where -some years previously Maupas had laboured at the same task; among his -pupils was Gustavus Adolphus, Prince of Mecklenburg. On arriving in -England, Mauger exercised the same profession. And several others, -driven from Blois like himself, gathered around him as friends, -admirers, and fellow-workers. Among these, he tells us, he reckons -Master Penson and Master Festeau as specially good masters of language. -Of Penson nothing is known, save that he wrote some lines addressed to -Mauger's critics. Festeau, however, is mentioned elsewhere by Mauger -with high commendation, and the two seem to have been close friends. He -came to England about the same time as Mauger, and may have accompanied -him. These members of the "Little Blois" in London prided themselves on -teaching the accent of Blois, "where the true tone of the French tongue -is found, by the unanimous consent of all Frenchmen." The accent of -Blois had already been recommended by some of the earlier French -teachers. Charles Maupas was its foremost champion. - -Fate had been very unkind to him before his arrival in England, Mauger -tells us. But he soon forgot his sorrows in his busy and successful life -in London. Pupils flocked to him, and, as we saw, he was called upon by -Mrs. Margaret Kilvert to teach French in her Academy for young -gentlewomen--a place, according to him, "which needs nothing, only a -name worthy to expresse its excellency." At the same time he was busy -writing a French grammar, which appeared in 1653, and was dedicated to -Mrs. Kilvert--_The True Advancement of the French Tongue, or a New -Method and more easie directions for the attaining of it than ever yet -have been published_, preceded by verses addressed to no less than fifty -of his lady pupils. It does not differ materially as regards its -contents from previous works of the kind and had apparently been first -written in French, for Mauger says his work "hath now put on a language -to which it was before a stranger." Rules of grammar and pronunciation -occupy the first hundred and twenty pages, and the remaining half of the -book comprises reading exercises in French and English, and a -vocabulary. The sound of each letter is explained, then the declinable -parts are treated in turn, and followed by a few scattered rules of -syntax. The whole is a little incoherent, and lacks order. Mauger was -evidently acquainted with the work of his fellow-townsman Charles -Maupas. - -The second section of Mauger's grammar begins with lists of anglicisms -to be avoided,[814] and then of "certaine francisms," or French idioms, -and of familiar French phrases for common use. The dialogues turn -chiefly on the study of French, and include discussions between students -of French, talk of travel in France, and polite and gallant -conversations between French and English ladies and gentlemen. -Considering Mauger's many women pupils, it is not surprising to find a -considerable part of his book devoted to them: two ladies discuss French -and their French teacher, criticise the French accent of their friends, -or receive visits or lessons from their French, music, or dancing -masters. [Header: CLAUDE MAUGER] And as the two latter, especially the -dancing-master, were usually French, they did much to assist the -language tutor. French maids are also often introduced, and represented -as instructing their mistresses in the French language as well as in -French fashions. It is no doubt Mrs. Kilvert's Academy that is referred -to in the following dialogue: - - Mon pere, je vous prie, donnes moy I pray, Father, give me - vostre benediction. your blessing. - Ma fille, soyes la bien revenue. Daughter, you are welcome home. - Comment se porte How does - Mme. votre Maitresse? your mistress? - Mons. elle se porte bien. She is very well, Sir. - N'aves vous point oublie votre Have you not forgot your - Anglois? English quite? - Non, mon pere. No, sir. - Je croy que vous parles extremement I suppose you speak French - bien. excellently well by this time? - J'entends beaucoup mieux que I understand it better than - je ne parle. I can speak it. - Laquelle est la plus scavante de vous Which of you two is the best - deux? proficient? - C'est ma soeur.--Je ne pense pas. My sister, Sir.--I don't believe - that. - Expliques moy ce livre la en Render me some of that book back - Francois. into French. - Que signifie cela en Francois? What's that in French? - Entendes vous cette sentence la? Do you understand that sentence? - Ouy, Mons. Yes, Sir. - Vous avez bien profite. . . . You have made good proficiency.... - Scavez vous travailler en ouvrages? Have you learnt any needlework - there? - Vostre luth n'est pas d'accord. . . . Your lute is out of tune.... - Et vous, ma fille, vous ne dites But you, daughter, have you - rien? nothing to say? - J'attendois vos ordres. I expect your commands. - Qu'avez vous appris? What have you learnt? - Approchez vous de moy. Come nearer to me. - Dances une courante. Dance me a Courante. - -In another dialogue a French gentleman compliments an English lady on -her French: - - Ou aves vous appris a parler Francois, Mademoiselle? - - Monsieur, je ne parle pas, je ne fais que begayer. - - Je vous proteste que d'abord j'ay creu que vous fussies Francoise. - - Il est impossible a une Angloise de posseder vostre langue. - - Vous m'excuseres, il s'en trouve beaucoup. - - J'eus l'honneur il y a quelque temps d'entretenir une Dame qui - parle aussi nettement qu'une Francoise. - - Je voy que vous avez inclination pour le Francois. - - Fort grande. - - Vous avez l'accent fort pur et net. - - De qui apprenes vous? - - D'un Francois nouvellement arrive qui est de Blois. - - Il est vray que la purete du langage se trouve la, non pas - seulement l'accent, mais la vraye phrase. - - Tout le monde le dit. - - Vostre langue est fort difficile. - - Je voudrois parler aussi bien que vous. - -There is only one dialogue on a subject usually contained in French -manuals--phrases for buying and selling. The vocabulary, which closes -the book, is of a more usual kind. It is arranged under headings, -beginning with the Godhead and ending with a list of things necessary in -a house. - -This book of Mauger's enjoyed a greater and longer-lived popularity than -any that had yet appeared. Edition followed edition until the end of the -first decade of the eighteenth century, and it continued to be -plagiarised for another fifty years. Its success can hardly have been -due to the scholastic value of its rules, which are few and confused, -but rather to its practical nature and lively dialogues. Mauger -constantly revised his grammar; of the earliest editions, no two are -identical. In each case he wrote new dedications, new addresses to the -reader, new dialogues, and varied the form of the grammar rules. The -second edition is much more typical than the first. Mauger had been ill -in 1653, and had not been able to correct the proofs himself. This task -he entrusted to a friend (perhaps Festeau), who "betrayed his -expectation, and corrected it not exactly." He was likewise unable to -add the English column to the dialogues, a task which was undertaken by -the corrector of the press. In the case of the second edition, however, -he attended "three times a day at the Presse," that he might correct it -according "to the expectation of those who will honour it with their -reading." He called it _Mr. Mauger's French Grammar_, and this was the -title under which it continued to be published. - -Mauger dedicated the second edition to Colonel Bullar, mentioning the -many favours heaped upon him by that officer. He again addresses French -verses to numerous English ladies, his pupils. The grammar rules are -much the same; the chief change in this part is the addition of a Latin -translation to the English, "for to render it generally useful to -strangers" visiting London, "which is this day accounted one of the most -glorious cities of the world." That Mauger provided for the teaching of -French to foreign visitors to England shows how important a place the -study of the language held in our country, and we know that he numbered -a few foreigners among his many students of the language. In this second -edition he attempted, as Holyband had done before him, to adapt the -orthography to the pronunciation, but without success. [Header: MAUGER'S -FRENCH GRAMMAR] "I had thought," he writes, "for your greater advantage, -to have fitted the writing to the pronunciation, but having found that -I could not do so, without an absolute totall subverting of the -foundations of the language, I had rather teach you to read and speak -together than to show you how to speak without being able to read, or to -read without knowing how to speak. They might say nevertheless that it -would prevent many difficultyes if we did write as we speak." Mauger -decided to follow the rules of the French Academy, instead of his own -_caprichio_ which would "teach you to speak French without being able to -read any other book than that I should present you with": for "our -language," he said, "which is so highly esteemed by all strangers for -its noble etymologies of Greeke and Latine, will not suffer itself to be -so dismembered by the ignorance of those which profess it, not having -one letter which doth not distinguish one word from another, the -singular number from the plurall, the masculine gender from the -foeminine, or which makes not a syllable long or short." - -The dialogues are new, but very similar to those of the first edition, -the chief change being the introduction of a long and "exact account of -the state of France, ecclesiastical, civil, and military as it -flourisheth at present under King Louis XIV.," which was brought up to -date in each subsequent edition. - -In following years the dialogues become more numerous; they number -eighty in the sixth edition (1670). Each new issue promises additions, -"of the last concern to the reader." A new feature in the sixth and -seventh editions is a versified rendering of the grammar rules, entitled -_Le Parterre de la langue francoise_. The verses were written at the -request of the Duke of Mecklenburg, his former pupil, and arranged in -the form of a dialogue between Mauger and the Duke, who first addresses -his master: - - Le Langage francois est si plein de merveilles - Que ses charmans appas, ravissans nos oreilles, - Nous jettent sur vos bords pour gouster ses douceurs, - Et pour en admirer les beautez et les fleurs. - Mais, pour nous l'acquerir il faut tant d'artifice, - Qu'en ses difficultes il estreint nos delices, - Estouffe nos desseins, traverse le plaisir - Qui flatoit nostre espoir d'y pouvoir reussir. - Les articles _de la_, _de_, _du_, sont difficiles. - Si vous ne les monstrez par vos reigles utiles, - Ils nous font begayer presques a tous momens, - Et ternissent l'eclat de nos raisonnemens. - -And Mauger answers him with an invitation to take what he will from the -"parterre." - -Additional matter was introduced in 1673 in the shape of short rules for -the pronunciation of English, which in the following editions were -developed into a short English grammar, written in French dialogues. -Later Mauger modified the arrangement of his French grammar rules, -giving them in parallel columns of French and English, in the form of -question and answer. The section dealing with the parts of speech is -recast in the form of a conversation between a French master and his -lady pupil. As to the dialogues, which are all "modish"--there is not a -word in them but is "elegant"--they were divided into two categories, -one elementary and the other advanced. In the twelfth edition, for -instance, we have forty-six dialogues, in the style of those of the -earlier editions, and then ten longer and more difficult ones. Mauger -made hardly any changes in the issues that followed the twelfth, and in -this shape it passed down to the eighteenth century. In the course of -its development it had grown to nearly twice its original size. - -Mauger's popularity as a teacher of French grew apace with his grammar. -The commendatory poems, one by John Busby, which are prefixed to the -first two editions, show that even at that early date he was held in -high esteem by many influential Englishmen; and each new edition was -offered to some new patron. - -Mauger also published a collection of letters in French and English, -which he considered "a great help to the learner of the French tongue," -for "those who understand it with the help of the English, are capable -of explaining afterwards any French author, being written on several -subjects." The _Lettres Francoises et Angloises de Claude Mauger sur -Toutes sortes de sujets grands et mediocres_ were dedicated to Sir -William Pulteney. They were first issued in 1671, and again in 1676, -with the addition of fifty letters. Many are addressed to gentlemen of -note who had been his students at Blois, and continued to correspond -with him for the purpose of practice in French. "Puisque vous desirez -que je continue a vous ecrire des Lettres Francoises," he wrote to the -Count of Praghen in 1668, "pour vous exercer en cette langue qui est -tant usitee dans toutes les cours de l'Europe, je recois vos ordres avec -joye." Others are addressed to pupils in London, including some of his -large clientele of ladies. [Header: MAUGER'S FRENCH AND ENGLISH LETTERS] -For instance, he writes to a certain Mrs. Gregorie: - - Ayant oui dire que vous estes allee a la campagne pour quinze - jours, durant cette belle saison en laquele la nature deploye ce - qu'elle a de plus beau, j'ay pris la hardiesse de vous ecrire cette - lettre en Francois pour vous exercer en cette langue que vous - apprenez avec tant de diligence. Je suis bien aise que vous vous y - adonniez si bien, car, comme vous avez la memoire admirable, vous - en viendriez bien tost a bout. - -He seems to have made a regular practice of exercising his pupils' -French by writing to them in the language.[815] Among his young English -pupils was William Penn, the Quaker, to whom he wrote a letter dated -1670: - - Je n'entendrois pas bien mes interests si Dieu m'ayant fait si - heureux de vous monstrer le Francois que vous apprenez si bien, je - n'en temoignois de la joye, en faisant voir a tout le Monde, que - l'honneur que vous me faites de vous servir de moy, pour vous - l'acquerir est tres grand. En effet monsieur, n'est-ce pas un - bon-heur? Car je perdrois mon credit si Dieu ne me suscitoit de - tems en tems des personnes comme vous, qui par leur diligence et - capacite avec l'aide de ma methode le soutiennent. . . . J'ay bien - de la satisfaction qu'elle [_i.e._ l'Angleterre] scache que vous - m'avez choisy pour vous donner la connaissance d'une langue qui - vous manquoit, qui est si estimee, et si usitee par toute la Terre. - Terre. . . . - -Whether these letters were ever actually sent to his pupils is a -question of some uncertainty, which we are inclined to answer in the -affirmative. In any case, they provided him with an excellent -opportunity of advertising himself by calling attention to some of his -well-known pupils. Many were addressed to friends in France, where he -seems to have had a very good connexion. He closes his collection with a -short selection of commercial letters. - -Mauger was the author of several other short works--a _Livre d'Histoires -curieuses du Temps_, destined for his pupils' reading; a _Tableau du -jugement universal_ (1675), which sold so well that there were very few -copies left at the end of the year; and a Latin poem of one hundred and -four lines, entitled _Oliva Pacis_, celebrating the declaration of peace -between Louis X. of France and Philip II. - -Besides many influential friends, he seems to have had several relatives -in London.[816] One of these was a Master Keyser, his brother-in-law, a -Dutch gentleman and painter, who lived in "Long Aker between the -Maidenhead and the Three Tuns Tavern," and acted as a sort of agent for -Claude. Mauger himself lived "in Great Queen Street, over against Well's -Street, next door to the strong water shop," in 1670. Before 1673 he had -moved to "within two doors of Master Longland, a Farrier in Little Queen -St., over against the Guy of Warwick near the King's Gate in Holborn"; -and in 1676 to "Shandois Street, over against the Three Elmes, at Master -Saint Andre's." It was probably about the year 1670 that he began to -teach English to foreigners visiting England. He had the honour "of -helping a little to the English tongue both the French ambassadors, -Ladyes, ambassadresses and several great Lords, who come daily from the -court of France to the court of England." With many of these he had much -familiar intercourse, and it was at their request that he wrote his -rules for the English language. One of his letters is addressed to the -sharp-witted Courtin, and others to the Marquis de Sande and Monseigneur -Colbert's surgeon. Some of the numerous French nobility, "who come daily -from the court of France to the court of England," attracted by the gay -and Frenchified court of Charles II., also studied English under Mauger. - -He describes his method of teaching as discursive, "avec raisonnement." -Practice and reading are the chief exercises. In one of his dialogues a -lady pupil describes her French lesson;[817] it consisted in reading, -with special attention to the pronunciation, and telling a story in -French, no doubt a repetition of the matter read. For the pronunciation, -Mauger considered "the living voice of a master better than all that can -be set down in writing"; but none the less he provided rules for -acquiring the true accent of Blois. He took little interest in grammar, -but fully realized the necessity of guiding rules; "some man perhaps," -he writes, "will answer me that he speaketh his naturall tongue well -enough, without all these rules. I confesse he may speak reasonably -well, because it is a natural thing for him to do. But you needs must -confesse that a Latine schollar, who hath been acquainted with all such -rules of grammar, speaketh better than such a one." Mauger would have -the student first master his rules, and then begin "by all means" to -read, "pour joindre la pratique a la speculation des regles." [Header: -MAUGER'S METHOD OF TEACHING] He no doubt intended the student to attempt -to speak at the outset with the guidance of a French master, whom he -held absolutely indispensable. The following talk between two students -throws light on the practical methods advocated: - - Apprenez-vous encore le francois? Do you learn French still? - Ouy, je n'y suis pas encore parfait. Yes, I am not yet perfect in it. - Et moi je continue aussi. And I continue also. - Je commence a l'entendre. I begin to understand it. - J'entens tout ce que je lis. I understand all I read. - Avez vous un valet de pie francois? Have you a French foot boy? - Ouy, monsieur. Yes, Sir. - L'entendez-vous bien? Do you understand him well? - Fort bien. Very well. - Quel Autheur lisez vous? What author do you read? - Je lis l'_Histoire de France_. I read the _French History_. - L'avez-vous leuee? Have you read it? - Je l'ay leuee en Anglois. I have read it in English. - Je l'acheteray. I will buy it. - Ou la pourray-je trouver? Where shall I find it? - Partout. Everywhere. - Avez-vous leuee l'_Illustre Have you read the _Illustrious - Parisienne_? Parisien_? - Allez-vous au sermon? Do you go to sermon? - Ouy, Monsieur. Yes, Sir. - Qui est-ce qui preche? Who preaches? - C'est un habile homme. 'Tis an able man. - Avez-vous le Dictionnaire de Miege?[818] Have you Miege's Dictionary? - Ouy, je l'ay. Yes, I have it. - Voulez-vous me le preter? Will you lend it me? - Il est a votre service. It is at your service. - Je vous remercie. I thank you. - La langue francoise n'est-elle pas Is not the French tongue - belle? fine? - Je l'aime fort. I love it extreamly. - Elle est fort a la mode. 'Tis very modish. - -"My dialogues," writes Mauger, "are so useful and so fit to learn to -speak, that one may easily attain the French tongue by the assistance of -a Master, if he will take a little pains on his side." He also advises -his pupils to read the lengthy heroical romances so popular at the -time--_L'Astree_, and the enormous folios of De Gomberville, La -Calprenede, Mlle. de Scudery, and other romances of the same type--as -well as the works of Corneille, Balzac, and Le Grand. With Antoine le -Grand, Mauger claims personal acquaintance, and recommends his works -with special emphasis, giving his pupils notice of a book newly -published by him: "There is a French book newly printed at Paris called -_L'Epicure spirituel_, written in good French by M. Antony le Grand, -Author of _L'Homme sans passions_. You may have it at Mr. Martyn's shop -[Mauger's publisher] at the sign of the Bell in St. Paul's Churchyard." -He also advocates, for purposes of translation, the reading of the Bible -and Common Prayers in French, books specially suitable owing to the ease -with which English renderings could be found; and adds further that "at -Mr. Bentley's shop, in Russel St. in Covent Garden, you may be furnished -with French Bibles, French Common Prayers, French Testaments, and French -Psalms." These would be of special use to his own students, as he -encouraged them to frequent the French Church for the benefit of hearing -the language. As for Mauger himself, although he appears to have -professed the Protestant religion and to have come first to England as a -refugee for the sake of his principles, he does not seem to have given -much attention to religious matters. Neither does he manifest any -particular interest in the French Church,[819] other than as an -excellent place for his pupils to accustom themselves to the sounds of -the French language. - -After he had spent some thirty years in England we find him moving to -Paris, where he was constantly with "some of the ablest gentlemen of -Port Royal," who assured him that his French Grammar and his Letters in -French and English were in their library. This break in Mauger's long -teaching career in England occurred some time about 1680, after the -appearance of the eighth edition of his grammar in 1679. He now took up -his residence in the fashionable quarter of Paris, usually frequented by -foreigners, the Faubourg St. Germain, where he taught French to English -travellers, and English to any one wishing to learn it. This change of -abode modified his exclusive attitude towards the Blois accent. At an -earlier date he had acknowledged that "after Blois the best -pronunciation is got at Orleans, Saumur, Tours, and the Court," and in -1676 he writes, "Je suys exactement le plus beau stile de la Cour," and -tells us that he had daily intercourse with French courtiers "tant -ambassadeurs qu'autres grands seigneurs, a qui j'ay aussi l'honneur de -monstrer la langue angloise." He also read all the latest books, and -carried on a correspondence with learned men in Paris, among others -Antoine le Grand. But in the same year that he was praising the French -of Paris, he wrote, encouraging a noble Englishman to take up the study -of French in England: [Header: MAUGER IN PARIS] "Si vos affaires ne -vous permettent pas d'aller a Paris, pour vous y adonner, de quoy vous -souciez-vous si vous avez Blois dans Londres qui est la source? En effet -sa prononciation ne change jamais: de plus a cause du commerce qu'il y a -entre les deux cours, l'une communique a l'autre sa purete. Et je dy -assurement qu'il y a icy quantite de personnes qui parlent aussi bien a -la mode qu'au Faubourg Saint Germain. Et comme les fonteines font couler -leurs eaux bien loin par de bons canaux sans se corrompre, vous -trouverez des Maitres en cette ville qui vous enseigneront aussi -purement que sur les lieux." However, when he had himself spent two -years in Paris, he gave up praising the merits of Blois, and always -describes himself as "late professor of languages at Paris," which he -now called "the centre of the purity of the French Tongue, where the -true French phrase is to be found." From this time on his grammar claims -to contain everything that can be desired in order to learn French as -spoken at the Court of France, and "all the improvements of that Famous -Language as it is now flourishing at the Court of France." - -During his stay at Paris, which extended from about 1680 to 1688, the -popularity of his grammar in England did not diminish. Four editions -were printed in London after having been corrected by himself at -Paris--the ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth. The last was dedicated -to the young Earl of Salisbury, who had studied French with Mauger when -on the usual continental tour. - -Three motives, he states, induced him to return to England, "after -having gathered the finest flowers of the French tongue at Paris to -enrich my workes withall for the better satisfaction of those that learn -it: The first the extream love which I bear to this generous -country,[820] that has obliged me so much as to approve so generally of -my books, that for her sake they are received very well beyond Sea, and -especially in France. The second, to correct the thirteenth edition my -self exactly, many faults of printing having crept into the four last -editions which were Printed here in my absence though I corrected them -at Paris. The third to see my relations and friends." - -After his return to England, he composed his _Book of Curious stories of -the Times_ in French and English for the use of his pupils. The new -editions of his grammar, however, are identical with the thirteenth, -which itself bears very great resemblance to the twelfth issued while -Mauger was still at Paris. How many years he continued to superintend -the new issues of his grammar is not certain; the nineteenth edition of -1702 is the last described as "corrected and enlarged by the Author." - -Again and again he refers to the popularity of his book in England, and -the "unexpressible courtesies" he received at the hands of his English -patrons. "This grammar sells so well," he wrote in the sixth edition -(1670), "as you may see, being printed so often, and many thousands -every time, that I cannot but acknowledge the kindness of this generous -nation towards me in raising its credit both at home and abroad, in so -much that other Nations, following the general approbation concerning it -of so wise a people, use it as commonly everywhere beyond the Sea, as -they do here in London, and in all the dominions of his majesty of Great -Britain." It was also looked on with much favour in France. In 1689 a -French edition, called the thirteenth, was printed at Bordeaux. But it -was in the Netherlands that the grammar received almost as warm a -welcome as in England. The book thus forms another link between the -study of French in England and the Low Countries. In 1693 this Dutch -edition of the grammar was issued for the thirteenth time, and in 1707 -for the fifteenth, both at the Hague. It was usually published with an -English grammar of more importance than the short one added by Mauger to -the English editions--that of Festeau, Mauger's friend and -fellow-townsman. Their combined work was known as the _Nouvelle double -grammaire Francoise-Angloise et Angloise-Francoise par messieurs Claude -Mauger et Paul Festeau, Professeurs de Langues a Paris et a Londres_. -The two grammars are followed by Mauger's dialogues and a collection of -twenty-one "plaisantes et facetieuses Histoires pour rire," in French -and English, entitled _l'Ecole pour rire_. The growing popularity of -English from the beginning of the reign of William of Orange, the editor -tells us in 1693, induced him to add the English grammar to the French -grammar of Mauger, and he chose Festeau's because it was in as high -favour for learning English as Mauger's was for learning French. - -[Header: PAUL FESTEAU] - -Paul Festeau was the author of a French as well as an English -grammar,[821] and, like Mauger, he taught English to foreign visitors in -London, as well as French to English people. Indeed his career bears a -close resemblance to that of Mauger, of whom he seems to have been a -sort of protege. Like Mauger he had taught at Blois, and the two -teachers probably came to England together; at any rate they arrived at -much the same time. He enjoyed a greater popularity than Mauger as a -teacher of English, and was also looked upon with respect as a teacher -of French.[822] - -Festeau's French Grammar, first published in 1667, occupies an important -second place among the French text-books produced in the third quarter -of the seventeenth century. It was dedicated to Colonel Russel, of the -King's Guard, who had learnt French under Festeau's guidance. As a -grammar it is fuller and more clearly arranged than Mauger's, and, in -main outline, there is much similarity between the two. The rules, which -occupy the first two hundred pages, are written in English and provide -information on pronunciation and on each part of speech in turn. Each is -accompanied by a considerable number of illustrative examples, which, -Festeau thought, were of great help in impressing the rule on the -memory, and of more use than dialogues. He also included dialogues in -his work, and was attacked on account of their prolixity. He argued, in -reply, that "if the reader pleases to consider the store of phrases in -the body of the Work amongst the Rules which do contain near two hundred -pages, he will very well apprehend that, when a scholar hath learnt all -these Phrases without book in learning the rules, he needs not at all -burden his memory with many dialogues: for ... I have found by -experience that those who have learned them were able afterwards to -translate French into English, with the aid of a dictionary and I do -maintain that it is not necessary to learn such abondance of Dialogue by -heart, it is enough to read and English them, and next to that to -explain them from English into French, and so doing the words and -phrases do insensibly make an impression in the memory and the discreet -scholar goeth forward with a great deal of ease. As for young children I -yield that it is good they should continue the Dialogues: but after they -have learned short phrases, they must of necessity learn long ones, -otherwise they could never attain to the capacity of joyning words -together. Beside when a master doth teach his scholar, he must not ask -him a whole long phrase at once, he must divide it in parts according to -the distinction of points. As for instance, if I will ask this long -phrase of a child | Quand on a gaigne une fois | le jeu attire -insensiblement | en esperance de gaigner davantage |. I will ask it him -at three several times." Festeau gives the pupil the English in three -separate phrases, and requires him to give the French rendering. "Them -that will take the pains to peruse it," to use Festeau's own words in -describing his grammar, "will observe a very new method, clear and -intelligible Rules to the least capacities, fine remarks upon all the -parts of speech and particularly upon the gender of nouns, and the use -of moods and tenses. They will find the difficulties of the particles, -_en_, _on_, and _que_ explained, which give commonly so much trouble to -the learner, they will see the use and good order of impersonal verbs, -as well active as passive, likewise also of the reciprocal and reflected -verbs. Finally they will see familiar dialogues on divers sorts of -subjects, very useful and profitable for them that desire to speak -properly: no barbarous kind of words and phrases as are found in some -other grammars, by reason that the Author professes to speak and to -write his own language well." A vocabulary of thirty pages, in the style -of Mauger's, and rules for the accents and the length of the vowels fill -the rest of the volume. This was how the work stood in the third -edition, which, Festeau explains, "might rightly be said the fourth, -seeing that there was fifteen hundred copies drawn off the second -edition, and two thousand of this, whereas they use to draw but a -thousand at most: and considering the time it first came out, it seems -that it sells pretty well. If some other former grammars have had more -editions, it cannot be inferred thence that this comes short of them: we -can buy nothing at market but what is to be sold, and when this hath -been in the light as long, no doubt but (especially being better known) -it may have as many editions." [Header: PIERRE LAINE] Possibly he was -referring to Mauger's popularity, and the two friends may have become -rivals during the latter part of their stay in England. On similar -grounds he claimed that the sixth edition might be called the tenth, as -two thousand copies were drawn of the four last editions. Mauger, -however, states that "many thousand" copies of his grammar were drawn at -every edition. - -By this time Festeau's grammar had acquired a considerable reputation. -"The approbation that it hath received," he writes, "of the most learned -of the nation, who have esteemed it the neatest, the easiest and most -correct, is not a small advantage to it: It is that which hath -encouraged me to bring it to a better perfection." There is, however, -very little difference between the half score or so editions which were -issued. - -Like Mauger, Festeau soon began to modify his attitude towards the Blois -accent. In 1679, while still advertising himself proudly as a "native of -Blois, where the true tone of the French Tongue is found by the -unanimous consent of all Frenchmen," he claims to teach the "Elegancy -and Purity of the French Tongue as it is now spoken at the Court of -France." However, it is uncertain whether Festeau went to Paris or not. -At the time when he first wrote of Court French he was teaching in -London, and we are informed that "if any gentleman have occasion for the -author of this grammar, his Lodging is in the Strand near St. Clement's, -at Mr. John King's house, at the sign of the wounded heart." He was -still there in 1693. In 1675 we see him requesting any "gentleman or -others desiring to speak with him to inquire for him in Haughton Street, -next door to the Joyner's Arms, near Claire Market," or at Mr. Loundes, -his bookseller and publisher. At about this time he began to teach -mathematics as well as, and by means of French; he was prepared to -instruct gentlemen in all its branches. It was at the request of several -gentlemen, with whom he "did often discourse of the same in French," -that he added to the fourth edition of his grammar a long dialogue -covering the whole field of mathematics, and giving "a clear and fair -idea thereof." - -Another French tutor who flourished at the same time as Mauger, and who -wrote a French grammar which, like his, appeared during the -Commonwealth, was Peter Laine. Laine is not very communicative as -regards himself; he does not even tell us from what part of France he -came. All we know of him is that he was a protege of Robert Paston, to -whom he dedicated his book, and who, no doubt, had been his pupil for -French. Of his grammar he writes, "I here expose to thy view a work -which might rather be counted an Errata than a book"--a state of things -for which both himself and the printer were to blame. For his part, he -says, he does not write for the sake of seeing his name in print, or -because he fancies he excels others. "I rather count myself inferior to -the least of them. But the urgent importunities of some persons whom I -have had, and still have the honour to inform in French, have made me -undertake it to satisfie their desires, and my gratitude." - -His sympathy with the Protestants emerges clearly from the contents of -his grammar. Apparently he did not belong to the Blois group. He differs -from them in adopting the new orthography in which many of the unsounded -letters were omitted. It was a pity to spoil the purity and elegance of -the pronunciation by the old orthography, he thought; moreover the clear -resemblance between the orthography and the pronunciation renders the -language easier to foreigners; "seeing that we both write and speak any -vulgar Tongue to be understood and to entertain Society, it is in my -judgement, not only convenient but even necessary to bring as near a -conformity betwixt the Tongue and the Pen, as may without prejudice to -the material grounds of our language, afford all the facility that is -possible to those that are strangers to it." It is curious to recall -that Peletier, and other earlier writers, had, on the contrary, retained -the etymological consonants of the old orthography, with the idea that -the foreigner's Latin would thereby be of greater service to him. - -Laine's _Compendious Introduction to the French Tongue, teaching with -much ease, facility and delight, how to attain briefly and most exactly -to the true and modern pronunciation thereof_, is very similar to -Mauger's grammar in the distribution of the matter. Rules for the -pronunciation, which as usual are briefly explained by means of -comparison with English sounds, are followed by observations on each -part of speech in turn;[823] finally come familiar phrases "to be used -at the first learning of French," ten long dialogues, and a vocabulary, -all in French and English. [Header: LAINE'S DIALOGUES] The book closes -with what Laine calls "an alphabetical rule for the true and modern -orthography of that French now spoken, being a catalogue of very -necessary words never before printed"--an alphabetical list of words. -The grammatical section of the work is written in English. In the -dialogues he purposely adapts the English to the French phrase. "I have -been more careful," he explains, "in the whole course of the treatise, -to observe the French, then the English phrase: to the end I might make -its signification more intelligible, to vary less from the sense, and to -afford most delight and more facility to the learner." - -According to him, the first thing to be learned by the student of French -are the sounds of the language. He should commit to memory as many of -the familiar phrases as he can easily retain, and from them pass to the -"dialogical discourses." Their substance is much the same as in -Mauger--polite and gallant conversations mainly between students of -French, talk and guidance for travellers in France, etc. The following -specimen is from a dialogue between an English gentleman and his -language master: - - Quel beau livre est-ce la? What fine book is that? - Mons., c'est le romant comique. Sir, it is the comic romance. - Qui en est l'autheur? Who is the author of it? - Mons. C'est Mons. Scarron. Sir, it is Mr. Scarron. - Est-il fort celebre? Is he very famed? - Est il fort estime? Is he much esteemed? - Mons., c'est un esprit sublime et Sir, it is a sublime and - transcendant. transcendant wit. - De quoi traite cet ouvrage? What doth this work deal on? - Mons., il n'est plein que Sir, it is full but - de drolleries facesieuses. . . . of pleasant drolleries.... - Lisons un peu: faites moi Let us read a little: do me - la faveur de m'antandre the favour to understand me - lire. read. - Prononcez hardiment; Pronounce boldly; - Observez vos accents. Observe your accents. - Ne prenez point de mauvaise habitude. Take no ill habit. - Lises distinctement. Read distinctly. - Vou lisez trop vite. You read too fast. - Notre langue est ennemi de la Our tongue is enemy to - precipitation. precipitation. - -Laine evidently intended that the dialogues, at least some of them, -should be committed to memory, as well as read and translated; "after -that," he continues, "as his sufficiency shall permit, he may proceed to -Reading any Histories, among which the Holy Writ ought to have the -pre-eminence, had not divine Providence, and the Eternal Spirit that -dictated it, purposely rejected the affected smoothness and polishedness -of the style." We recall, as we reflect on this strange reason for -rejecting the Holy Scriptures as reading material, the unenviable -reputation the refugees themselves had as regards literary style. As the -Bible is left us "for divine study only," Laine advises his pupils to -make use of moral histories for purposes of reading. Many, he says, have -been produced of late years. Nor did he limit his pupils' choice to -these; he encouraged them to read the heroic romances so popular at the -time--_Artamene ou le grand Cyrus_ and _Clelie_ by Mlle. de Scudery, -_Cassandre_ and _Cleopatre_ by La Calprenede; also the _Poesies -spirituelles_ of Corneille, the commentaries of Caesar in French, and -Scarron's _Roman comique_. Lighter fare could be found in the _Gazette -francoise_. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[813] "Which city, lying in the very middle of France, is the most -famous for the true pronunciation of the language." - -[814] "What are you doing? You must not render this in French, _qu'estes -vous en faisant?_ but thus, _Que faites-vous?_" ... and so on. - -[815] The practice was a common one at the time. Thus Sir Charles -Cotterel wrote in Italian to Mrs. Katherine Philipps, who thanks him for -the care he takes to improve her in Italian by writing to her in that -language. Letter of April 12, 1662, in _Letters of Orinda to -Poliarchus_, 1705. - -[816] One of his letters (No. 18) is addressed to Adrien Mauger (1675), -Bachelor of Divinity, Claude's nephew, whom he calls the head of the -family, and who apparently lived at Blois. - -[817] His fee was 40s. a month, for three lessons a week. - -[818] Cp. p. 383, _infra._ - -[819] The names Mauger and Maugier occur frequently in the Registers of -the Threadneedle Street Church, but none can be connected with Claude. - -[820] "L'Angleterre que j'aime infiniment," he writes in his twelfth -edition. - -[821] The first edition appeared in 1672. The second edition was -advertised in 1678 (Arber, _Term Catalogues_, i. 323). - -[822] - - "De tous les professeurs de la langue francoyse, - Festeau c'est de toi seul dont je fais plus de cas. - Si tu es eloquent dans nostre langue angloise, - Dans la tienne, pourquoy ne le serois-tu pas?" - -Thus wrote one of his pupils, Mr. P. Hume, probably the famous statesman -and Covenanter. - -[823] Pp. 48-130. Laine retains the usual six Latin cases; the verbs are -divided into four conjugations; the indeclinables are given in lists. A -vocabulary of nouns which have two meanings according as they are -masculine or feminine is included. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - - THE FRENCH TEACHING PROFESSION AND METHODS OF STUDYING THE LANGUAGE - - -From their very first appearance the voluminous French romances of the -time enjoyed great popularity in England,[824] partly, perhaps, on -account of the lack of a supply of similar works in the vernacular. -Several English translations appeared, but many preferred to read them -in the original. Their importance in the eyes of the French teachers may -also have increased their vogue. They were especially affected by -Charles I.; and when on the eve of his death, he was distributing a few -of his favourite possessions among his friends, he left the volumes of -La Calprenede's _Cassandre_ to the Earl of Lindsey.[825] Later on, Pope -describing, in his _Rape of the Lock_, the adventurous baron in quest of -the much-coveted lock, pictures him imploring Love for help, and -declares he - - to Love an altar built - Of twelve vast French Romances neatly gilt. - -Among the most eager readers of French romances was Dorothy Osborne. We -are enabled to trace part of her course in reading from the charming -letters she wrote to Sir William Temple, her future husband. They are -full of references to things French, and replete with French words; she -uses English words in a French sense: _injury_ with her means _insult_; -and she writes to explain that when she said _maliciously_ she really -meant "a French _malice_, which you know does not signify the same -thing as an English one." A little note sent to Temple when she was in -London, shortly before their marriage, evidently in answer to one from -him, may be quoted as a specimen of her French, and her total disregard -of spelling and grammar: - - Je n'ay guere plus dormie que vous et mes songes n'ont pas estres - moins confuse, au rest une bande de violons que sont venue jouer - sous ma fennestre m'ont tourmentes de tel facon que je doubt fort - si je pourrois jamais les souffrire encore; je ne suis pourtant pas - en fort mauvaise humeur et je m'en voy ausi tost que je serai - habillee voire ce qu'il est posible de faire pour vostre - satisfaction; apres je viendre vous rendre conte de nos affairs et - quoy qu'il en sera vous ne scaurois jamais doubte que je ne vous - ayme plus que toutes les choses du monde.[826] - -The French romances were Dorothy's constant companions, and her letters -are full of criticisms of and references to her favourite passages. She -sent the volumes to Temple by instalments,[827] as she finished them, -pressing him for his opinion. _Le Grand Cyrus_ seems to have been her -favourite. She had also a great admiration for _Ibraham ou l'Illustre -Bassa_, which, like _Polexandre et Cleopatre_ and the four volumes of -_Prazimene_, was her "old acquaintance." _Parthenissa_, the English -romance in the French style by Lord Broghill, did not meet with her -approval. "But," she confides to Temple, "perhaps I like it worse for -having a piece of _Cyrus_ by me that I am highly pleased with, and that -I would fain have you read. I'll send it you." As for the English -translations of her favourites, she had no patience with them. They are -written in a language half French and half English, and so changed that -Dorothy, their old friend, hardly recognizes them in this strange garb. - -French romances were not the only French interest Dorothy Osborne and -Temple had in common. They had first become acquainted while travelling -to France, the Osbornes on their way to join their father at St. Malo, -and Temple setting out on the usual "tour." Temple, apparently, lingered -with his new friends in France, until his father, hearing of this, -ordered him to Paris.[828] There he evidently acquired the knowledge of -French which Dorothy playfully declares a necessary qualification for -_her_ husband: for she could not marry one who "speaks the French he -has picked up out of the old Laws"; [Header: PEPYS'S FRENCH BOOKS] or, -the other extreme, the "travelled monsieur whose head is all feather -inside and out, that can talk of nothing but dances and duels, and has -courage enough to wear slashes when every one else dies with cold to see -him."[829] - -Another instance of the popularity of these romances and other French -writings is found in Pepys's _Diary_.[830] Both Pepys and more -particularly his wife, who was the daughter of a French refugee, were -great readers of the romances. Pepys himself seems to have found them a -little tiresome, and relates how on a certain occasion Mrs. Pepys -wearied him by telling him long stories out of the _Grand Cyrus_, and -how he hurt her feelings by checking her outpourings. She would sit up -till past midnight reading _Cyrus_ or _Polexandre_. He would often stop -at his bookseller's to buy French books for his wife, including -_L'Illustre Bassa_ in four volumes, and _Cassandre_. One evening she -read to him the epistle of _Cassandre_, which he pronounced "very good -indeed." When they went to see Dryden's _Evening Love, or the Mock -Astrologer_, Mrs. Pepys recognized at once its debt to _L'Illustre -Bassa_, and on the following afternoon "she read in the _L'Illustre -Bassa_ the plot of yesterday's play, which is exactly the same." - -His French books seem to have been a great source of interest to Pepys, -and to have served him on many occasions. Being ill, "taking physique -all day," he beguiled the time by reading "little French romances." He -appears to have been particularly attracted by Sorbiere's _Voyage en -Angleterre_, which on its appearance caused some indignation at the -English Court. Pepys read the book in the year of its publication -(1664).[831] Unfortunately he has not left us a very full account of the -other French books he knew. However, on the 1st May 1666, he writes that -he went "by water to Redriffe, reading a new French book my Lord -Bruncker did give me to-day, _L'Histoire Amoureuse des Gaules_" [by the -Comte de Bussy], "being a pretty libel against the amours of the Court -of France." Another volume which pleased Pepys was a "pretty" work, _La -Nouvelle allegorique_, "upon the strife between rhetorique and its -enemies, very pleasant." His choice of French literature was wide, -ranging from Du Bartas, which he judged "very fine as anything he had -seen," to Helot's "idle roguish book," _L'Eschole des Filles_, which he -burnt, "that it might not stand in the list of books, nor among them to -disgrace them if it be found."[832] - -At both Allestry's and Martin's, Pepys's booksellers, there was a great -variety of French and foreign books, which often tempted him. "To my new -bookseller's, Martin's," he writes on the 10th January 1667-8, "and -there did meet with Fournier the Frenchman, that hath wrote of the sea -and navigation,[833] and I could not but buy him." He was much -interested in French treatises on music,[834] and sent to France for -Mersenne's _L'Harmonie Universelle_, which he could not get at his -bookseller's. Pepys's friend, William Batelier, brought him "one or two -printed musick books of songs"[835] from France, among other French -books. "Home," he again notes, on the 26th January 1668, "and there I -find Will Batelier hath also sent the books which I made him bring me -out of France, among others _L'Estat de France_, _Marnix_, _etc._,[836] -to my great content, and so I was well pleased with them and shall take -a time to look them over ... but my eyes are now too much out of tune to -look upon them with any pleasure." And when his failing eyesight -prevented him from reading with ease, his wife, Batelier, and his -brother-in-law, Balty St. Michel, would read to him in French as well as -in English. He got Balty to read to him out of Sorbiere's _Voyage en -Angleterre_, and under the date the 30th of January 1668-9 we find this -entry: "I spent all the afternoon with my wife and Will Batelier -talking, and then making them read, and particularly made an end of Mr. -Boyle's _Book of Formes_, which I am glad to have over, and then fell to -read a French discourse which he hath brought over with him for me." - -[Header: POLITE CONVERSATION FASHIONABLE] - -No doubt the polite French literature which the French teachers -recommended so strongly to their pupils had some influence on the -character of the dialogues which form part of their manuals. Mauger, -Festeau, and Laine all include polite conversations in their dialogues, -and leave the old familiar subjects of buying and selling, wayside and -tavern talk. Polite conversation was the fashion, and coteries for -fostering it grew up in England on the model of those in France. Mrs. -Katherine Philipps, generally known as "the matchless Orinda," is -perhaps the most prominent of the ladies who tried, without any -permanent success it is true, to introduce the refinements of the French -_salons_ into England.[837] Each member of the "Society of Friendship" -she gathered round her assumed fanciful names in the style of those -affected by the adherents of the Parisian salons. "Orinda" was of course -a great reader of French literature, and knew French perfectly. She is -chiefly remembered for her translations of some of Corneille's plays -into English.[838] French books of conversation, such as Mlle. de -Scudery's _Conversations sur divers sujets_[839] or the similar volume -by Clerombault, which was rendered into English by a "person of honour" -[1672], also give some clue to the tastes and tendencies of the time, -though they had no direct influence on the dialogues specially written -for students of French. But, like them, they turn on such subjects as -the pleasures, the passions, the soul, love, beauty, merit, and so -forth. Thus the French teachers of the time, in introducing a new style -into their dialogues, undoubtedly yielded, to some extent at all events, -to the tastes of their numerous lady pupils. A large proportion of -Mauger's pupils were ladies. He praised their accent, and considered it -clearer and more correct than that of their brothers. And in the later -editions of his treatise the grammar rules are given in the form of a -conversation between a lady and her French master. Another French -teacher of the time, the author of a collection of dialogues in which -the new style is the dominating feature, also shows a decided preference -for his lady pupils. This writer was William or Guillaume Herbert, the -author of the _French and English dialogues in a more exact and -delightful method then any yet extant_. - -The thirty-four dialogues contained in this collection are all, with the -exception of the first which is autobiographical, written in the -_precieux_ style, full of points and conceits,[840] and all, with the -same exception, are very alike and a little wearisome. Herbert says he -does not write for every one, but for "les plus subtils." And in his -first dialogue, which gives a free account of his condition and -opinions, he proceeds to ridicule the traditional style of the French -and English dialogues. A stranger addresses a friend of the author: - - Pourquoi ne parle-t-il point de vendre et d'acheter? - - Parce qu'il n'a rien a vendre et que fort peu d'argent pour - acheter; et que les autres faiseurs de livres Francois en ce pais - ont tout vendu et tout achete avant qu'il allat au marche. - - Pourquoi ne dit-il rien du Manger et du Boire? - - Pour tant qu'il y prend fort peu de plaisir, faute d'appetit, et - que quelques-uns de ceux qui l'ont precede l'ont fait pour lui, - nommant fidelement toutes les viandes qu'ils ont portees a la table - de leurs maitres. Qui leche les plats, en peut bien parler. - - Pourquoi ne parle-t-il point des Habits, et de La Mode, du Lever et - du Coucher, de la Chambre et du Lit? - - Parce que nos maitres, qui ont ete valets de chambre ou laquais, - lui ont epargne ce travail, comme leur etant plus propre qu'a lui. - - Pourquoi se tait-il des Merciers, des Tailleurs et des Cordonniers? - - Parce qu'ils aiment mieux argent contant que des paroles et que - n'etant point dans leurs livres il ne se souvient guere d'eux et - s'en soucie encore moins. - - Pourquoi laisse-t-il les Ministres, les Medecins et les - Jurisconsultes, sans faire attention d'eux? - - Parce qu'ils ont assez d'esprit pour ne s'oublier pas: et assez de - langue pour parler pour eux-memes. Et toutefois il en parle a la - derobee, sans leur donner un discours a part, quoiqu'il honore ces - professions-la, et aime fort passionement plusieurs personnes de - ces trois etats, pour leurs rares merites. - - N'a-t-il rien des Apoticaires, des Chirurgiens et des Barbiers? - - Pas un seul mot, monsieur, parce qu'il se sert rarement des - premiers, et que, par la grace de Dieu, il n'a ni playes ni ulceres - ni verole pour les seconds, et que, les derniers le tenant a la - gorge, il n'oseroit parler. - - Il pourroit dire quelque chose des Parens et des Alliez. - - Qu'en diroit-il, les siens lui etant si peu courtois? S'il parloit - d'eux, ce seroit moyen de renouveler ses douleurs. - -[Header: STATE OF THE TEACHING PROFESSION] - -Herbert, it will be seen, had not a very high opinion of the social -origin or ability of the majority of his fellow-teachers. He was a very -unwilling member of the profession. He does not style himself "Professor -of the French Language" on the title-page of his dialogues, although he -taught both in his house and away from home, because few people care to -boast of their cross, and his cross was--to be reduced to belong to a -profession "que tant de valets, de mecaniques, et d'ignorants rendent -tous les jours meprisable." He draws a far from flattering picture of -the common sort of French teacher. He is a "brouillon," a shuffling -fellow, who boasts, dresses well, and intrudes everywhere, cringing and -offering his services at a cheaper price than the genuine teachers. He -can hardly write seven or eight lines of French correctly. Yet men such -as this, says Herbert, pass for first-class teachers, and some take upon -themselves to correct and write books. What is more, they count many -pupils, even among the nobility. - -Yet another cause of annoyance to Herbert was what seemed to him the -presumption of the Blois fraternity. It is the fashion, he remarks -scornfully, to say you come from Blois. And you do so if you happen to -come from Normandy. He is not ashamed of his province, though he takes -good care not to advertise it needlessly; Brittany (of which he was -evidently a native) is better than Blois, according to him. Thus we may -conclude that Herbert was one of the 'enemies' to whom members of the -Blois group frequently allude. Festeau refers to them as being ignorant -and envious persons, while Mauger describes them foaming with envy and -jealousy, and trying to harm him in the eyes of his pupils, as well as -casting aspersions on his grammar;[841] but he did not regard what they -said, England having raised his grammar so high that "their envy cannot -reach to it." And Mauger goes on to censure a certain section of the -French teaching profession, "broken Frenchmen," who make their pupils -speak rapidly, but not distinctly. "Have a speciall care," he exclaims, -"that you have not to do with those that are not true Frenchmen as your -Normans or Gascons. I confesse that a Norman that is a man of some -quality or one that hath seen the world or that is a good scholar may -possibly have the right accent, but any other that hath not such parts -can never give the true accent." Herbert retorted that the Blois clique -tried to persuade every one that Bretons and Normans cannot speak -correct French. He naturally resented such assertions, and was not -himself nearly so exclusive in the list of those who were not "good -Frenchmen." He merely states that the English are greatly mistaken in -their estimation of the French living here, "considering as such all -those that speak their tongue, so that the high Germans, Switzers of the -French tongue, Danes, Swedes, Dutch, Walloons, and those of Geneva pass -for good French in the opinion of many, although in truth there are not -here two naturall French 'mongst ten, which are taken for such, and who -for their profit would gladly go for such." - -There was every need, thought Herbert, of protecting the profession from -these incompetent teachers. Before a tutor is engaged he should be made -to translate a passage from a good author from English into French, and -then from French into English, and both the pieces should be examined by -competent judges of both languages; for, according to him, a teacher -must know English, or some other language with which the scholar is -acquainted, such as Latin, so that there may be some foundation on which -to build the new edifice. - -Beyond the importance he attached to translation, we know little of -Herbert's ideas on the teaching of French. He devotes more space to -criticizing the teachers. He does tell us, however, that French -orthography is best learnt by transcribing French passages, by which -operation it impresses itself on the mind without effort. He was also an -advocate of much and careful reading. Grammatical rules he considered -necessary, and he had intended to publish a grammar together with his -dialogues, but he was prevented from doing so by illness. He hoped, -however, to issue it a few months later, but apparently he was again -prevented from carrying out his design. [Header: GUILLAUME HERBERT] Yet -two years after the appearance of his dialogues he published another -work but of quite a different character--_Considerations on the behalf -of Foreiners which reside in England, and of the English who are out of -their own country, to allay the tempest which is too often raised in the -minds of the vulgar sort, and to sweeten the bitterness of a bilious or -cholerick humour against strangers_, in which he showed "that of all the -Nations of Europe, the English and French should love one another best, -as well for their vicinity as for the great commerce that is 'mongst -them in time of peace, and for their consanguinitie, there being in this -country thousands of families which are descended from the French, and -as many or more in France whose progenitours are English." These -'considerations,' twenty in number, are mainly a plea in favour of the -foreign churches in England and of the liberty of aliens to trade and -work in this country, with an allusion to the "good usage of -neighbouring Nations" towards the English fugitives of Mary's reign. -They are dated from the Charterhouse, June 1662, and appear to have been -the only work Herbert published after his _Dialogues_. He had, however, -previously shown his interest in the teaching of French by editing in -1658 the fourth edition of Cogneau's _Sure Guide to the French -Tongue_,[842] which consisted largely of the style of dialogue which he -ridiculed at a later date. - -Herbert had had a long career in England before we first hear of him as -a teacher of French. He had composed treatises in French and in English, -both of which he wrote with equal facility. His language gives no clue -to his nationality, but, as we saw, we may conclude from his -autobiographical dialogue that he was a native of Brittany. He was, no -doubt, the William Herbert, native of France, who received a grant of -letters of denization in 1636. At that date he was living at -Pointington, Somerset, and was married to an Englishwoman, Frances -Sedgwicke. In the previous year he had prepared for the press a work in -French called _La Mallette de David_.[843] How he spent his time in -Pointington is not clear, but in 1640 he was tutor to the sons of -Montague Bertie, second Earl of Lindsey. On the death of his wife in -1645 he moved to London, and published a number of devotional works in -English, which he had composed at Pointington, chiefly for the benefit -of his wife and children. He refers to the unfavourable reception of -these compositions in his French and English dialogues, which he hoped -would meet with a better fate. - -Herbert also took a great interest in the foreign churches of London. He -dedicated his _Quadripartit Devotion_ of 1648 to the "learned, pious, -and reverend Pastors, Elders, and Deacons of all the French and Dutch -congregations in England." At a later date he published a biting -pamphlet against a French Pastor, Jean Despagne,--the _Reponse aux -Questions de Mr. Despagne adressees a l'Eglise Francoise de Londres_ -(1657), accusing "le ridicule Despagne" of blasphemy and immorality, as -well as criticising his French. In this work Herbert agrees with Laine -in omitting a number of superfluous letters, with the intention of -facilitating reading for foreigners, though he was opposed to too many -changes, for fear of offending the partisans of the old orthography. The -_Dialogues_ and the _Considerations in behalf of Strangers_ were the two -works issued subsequently to the attack on Despagne, and with them ends -all we know of the career of Herbert, critic of the French teaching -profession, and earliest advocate of the "registration" of teachers. - -The Jean Despagne attacked so bitterly by Herbert was none the less a -welcome guest in this country, and was the only truly French minister in -London during the Commonwealth. English as well as French, attracted by -his excellent sermons, gathered round him. Thus he co-operated in a -sense, and no doubt unconsciously, with Mauger and the other French -teachers of the time, who were busy encouraging their pupils to attend -the French church. Despagne was minister, not of the old church of -Threadneedle Street, but of a new congregation in Westminster, which met -at first in Durham House in the Strand, and when that was pulled down, -at the chapel in Somerset House (1653).[844] He held aloof from the -older church, and went so far as to criticise Calvin. He was attacked -and accused of schism, but was protected by his powerful patrons, chief -among whom was the Earl of Pembroke. An important group of the royalist -English nobility and gentry found in Despagne a means of satisfying -their religious needs when the Anglican church was in abeyance. Among -them was the diarist John Evelyn, who heard Despagne preach in the -Savoy church. [Header: THE FRENCH CHURCHES] Another adherent, and a very -faithful one, was a certain Henry Brown, who, in his English translation -of one of Despagne's works,[845] speaks of the great resort of the -English nobility and gentry to the "excellent sermons and Doctrines" of -the French pastor. Many continued to attend after the Restoration, -Evelyn among others; as late as 1670 he remarks that "a 'stranger' -preached at the Savoy French church, the liturgie of the Church of -England being now used altogether, as translated into French by Dr. -Durell." - -The Savoy church had been authorized by Charles II. at the Restoration -on condition that the English Liturgy in French should be used. The -Threadneedle Street church, on the contrary, continued to use the -Calvinistic 'discipline,' and regarded with jealousy and suspicion the -church rising in Westminster. It refused all co-operation, and -endeavoured to bring about the suppression of the new church. The Savoy -church benefited on account of its situation in the fashionable -residential quarter, while Threadneedle Street was away in the city. -Consequently many members of the English aristocracy and gentry -continued to frequent the Westminster church even after the Restoration. -The use of the Anglican Liturgy was no doubt an additional attraction. -When service was opened there in 1661, by J. Durel,[846] among the -English present were the Duke and Duchess of Ormond, the Countess of -Derby and her daughters, the Earl of Stafford, and the Dukes of -Newcastle and Devonshire. Indeed the English gentry seem to have -occupied the attention of the French churches just as much as the -refugees themselves. The Threadneedle Street church felt the advantages -of its Westminster rival in this respect, and at the Restoration, -offered to establish a French Sabbath Lecture at Westminster for those -of the English gentry and French Protestants who found Threadneedle -Street too remote, hoping by this means to prevent division by having a -separate church there.[847] The Threadneedle Street church, however, was -not without its English adherents. Pepys went from time to time to both -French churches, but more frequently to Threadneedle Street, as far as -can be gathered from his diary, where he does not always specify which -of the churches is meant. "At last I rose," he writes on the 28th -September 1662, "and with Tom to the French church at the Savoy, where I -never was before; a pretty place it is; and there they have the Common -Prayer Book read in French, and which I never saw before, the minister -do preach with his hat off, I suppose in further conformity with our -Church." Pepys as a rule went to the Anglican church in the morning, and -to the French in the afternoon. He usually has a very good word for the -sermon, though on one occasion it was so "tedious and long that they -were fain to light candles to baptize the children by." There were also -services held at the French ambassador's, which many of the nobility -attended, as well as French sermons at Court from time to time. Evelyn -was present on one of these occasions: "At St. James's chapel preached, -or rather harangued, the famous orator, Monsieur Morus, in French. There -were present the King, the Duke, the French ambassador Lord Aubigny, the -Earl of Bristol, and a world of Roman Catholics, drawn thither to hear -this eloquent Protestant." This was on the 12th of January 1662. At a -much later date, September 1685, he heard another Frenchman, "who -preached before the King and Queene in that splendid chapell next St. -George's Hall." - -It appears therefore that the practice, common among French teachers, of -urging their pupils to go to the French church, met with some response, -as did their advice as regards the reading of French literature. On both -these points the teachers of the middle of the seventeenth century are -at one with those of the sixteenth, and, as a general rule, there is -very little difference between the methods used in the two centuries. -Reading remained the basis of the teaching; dialogues were committed to -memory and translated into English, less importance being attached to -retranslation into French in later times. As for pronunciation, the -teachers of the seventeenth century realised the inadequacy of teaching -it by comparison with English sounds; they laid all the more emphasis on -the services of a good tutor, continuing, none the less, to supply -certain rules, though not without a warning. As time went on, more -importance was attached to the grammar, which, though still limited in -theory to essential general rules, was often studied in the first place, -and not left till need for it arose in practice. The general opinion is -thus expressed by James Howell: "What foundations are to material -fabriques the same is grammar to a language. [Header: FRENCH BY "GRAMMAR -AND ROTE"] If the foundation be not well laid, 'twill be but a poor -tottring superstructure; if grammatical rules go not before, there is no -language can be had in perfection. Yet there are no precepts so -punctuall, but much must be left to observation, which is the grand -Mistresse that guides and improves the understanding in the research and -poursute of all humane knowledge, _Quod deficit in praecepto, suppleat -observatio._" Students who learnt on this method, called a combination -of "grammar and rote," would read aloud with their tutor, chiefly for -practice in pronunciation; study the principal grammar rules and commit -to memory the vocabulary of familiar phrases, and a few short dialogues; -read and translate[848] French dialogues, and then pass to the favourite -French authors; sometimes they would translate from English into French, -or write French letters; finally they would converse as much as possible -with their tutor, repeat stories they had read in French, and seize -every opportunity of speaking the language and hearing it spoken. - -Such was the method employed by the more serious French teachers of the -time. There were, however, others, and apparently very many, who taught -"by rote" alone without any grammar rules--a common method of learning -modern languages. "In England, the French, Spanish, and Italian -Languages are not the languages of our country, and spoke only by few -Persons, yet 'tis evident they are taught in London, and several other -places in the Kingdom, purely by conversation." "For it is well known," -argues a writer on education,[849] "that there are Grammars writ for the -French, Italian, and Spanish languages, and yet notwithstanding, these -Languages are learned by Conversation ... little children, who know not -what Grammar means, are bred up to speak foreign languages fluently and -correctly.... There are some indeed, in England that teach Modern -Languages by Grammar. But this is not at all necessary, as is -unanswerably evident from those Persons who perfectly learn them without -it. However, those who reach the Modern Languages by Grammar only teach -their scholars so much of it as to know how to decline Nouns and Verbs -and understand some few rules. For as for the Languages themselves, they -are generally taught not by Books but Conversation, which is found by -experience to be much the readiest, easiest, and best Method of teaching -them.... Some by great application have learn'd French or Italian in -half a year's time by conversation, and indeed any foreign Tongue is -ordinarily taught in a year or a year and a half. And such as are two -years in learning any of them are accounted either very negligent or -else very incapable of retaining them.... Men who know little or nothing -of French, Italian, or Spanish, quickly learn any one of these languages -only by going twice or thrice a week to a club where they are obliged to -speak it." - -How common such practical methods of learning French were may be -gathered from the fact that the few memoirs and similar writings which -give any detail on the subject invariably mention them. For instance, -the mother of Mrs. Hutchinson, the wife of the regicide and Governor of -Nottingham, was sent to board in the house of a refugee minister in -order to learn French.[850] As to Mrs. Hutchinson herself, she had a -French nurse, and was taught to speak English and French together.[851] -Others had tutors. Thus the mother of Lady Anne Halkett, the royalist -and writer on religious subjects, paid masters to teach Lady Anne and -her sister "to write, speak French, play on the lute and virginals and -dance";[852] and Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, held up by -Mrs. Makin as an example to "all ingenious and Vertuous Ladies," also -had tutors for the polite accomplishments, and refers to her language -lessons as "prating."[853] She acquired a good knowledge of French, -became attendant to Queen Henrietta Maria, and accompanied her in her -exile in France. - -[Header: FRENCH BY CONVERSATION] - -An example of the opportunities of acquiring a knowledge of French, "in -any leisure hour," as Milton said of Italian, is found in the Letters of -Robert Loveday, the translator of part of La Calprenede's _Cleopatre_. -Loveday lived during the Commonwealth as a dependent in the house of -Lady Clinton at Nottingham, where, he says, French "was familiarly -spoken by the best sort of the family."[854] He therefore had every -opportunity of learning the language, and was much helped by an old -Italian gentleman, skilled in French, who was living in the house on the -same footing as himself. As a result of his application he was able to -translate several French works into English "in those empty spaces of -time which were left by those that command me at my disposall." He -procured a copy of Cotgrave's dictionary and asked a friend in London to -make enquiries at the booksellers if there was "any new French book of -indifferent volume that was worth the translating and not enterprised by -any other."[855] Loveday hoped by this means to give "larger scope to -(his) narrow condition" at Nottingham. One of his first enterprises was -the translation of a "mad fantastick Dream" he met with in Sorel's -_Francion_, which he sent to his brother; but his chief work was a -rendering of the first three parts of _Cleopatre_, which was hardly of -the "indifferent size" he writes of. The several parts appeared in 1652, -1654, and 1655 respectively, under the title of _Hymen's Praeludia, or -Love's Masterpiece_, and were dedicated to his "ever-honoured lady" Lady -Clinton. In the complete version, the fourth, fifth, and sixth parts are -also ascribed to Loveday. - -Thus practical methods gained a firm hold in the teaching of French; -when grammar was studied, it was within limited boundaries, and only so -far as desirable for practical purposes. In the teaching of Latin, on -the other hand, more and more importance was attached to the study of -grammar, which took the foremost place, literature being regarded as -little more than a collection of illustrative examples of the -rules.[856] Grammar had become "a full swolen and overflowing stream, -which, by a strong hand, arrogates to itself (and hath well-nigh gotten) -the whole traffic in learning, especially of languages."[857] The use -of the Grammar and reading books in Latin alone was another practice -which engaged the attention of the reformers.[858] "A book altogether in -Latin is a mere Barbarian to our children," wrote Charles Hoole,[859] -who published many of the popular Latin school-books with English -translations, in the style of those which are always present in the -French text-books. His opinion was that "no language is more readily got -than by familiar discourse in it, and ability therein is in no way -sooner gained then by comparing the tongue we learn with that we know, -and asking how they call this or how they say that in another language, -which we are able to express in our own." A writer of the time[860] thus -describes "that wild goose chase usually led": "ordinarily boys learn a -leaf or two of the Pueriles, twenty pages of Corderius, a part of Esop's -Fables, a piece of Tullie, a little of Ovid, a remnant of Virgil, -Terence, etc. ... to read the accidence, to get it without book, is -ordinarily the work of one whole year. To construe the Grammar and to -get it without book is at least the task of two years more, and then, it -may be, it is little understood until a year or two more is spent in -making plain Latin ... when it is all done, besides declining nouns and -forming verbs and getting a few words, there is very little advantage to -the child." And a French teacher,[861] writing at about the same time, -has left a very similar picture. [Header: GRAMMATICAL STUDY OF -LANGUAGES] He describes how the child slaves till the age of fifteen or -sixteen, forced to learn against his will a little Latin and Greek, with -little result after seven or eight years of hardship. "Not 10 per cent -really know either; they are buried under a _fatras_ of words and rules, -which stun the memory and overturn the judgment, and all under the rule -of the rod." Such is the learning of a foreign language "by grammar." - -The feeling of dissatisfaction with the usual method of teaching Latin -in grammar schools, however, seems to have been general in the -seventeenth century, and many were the protests and appeals for reform. -"No man can run speedily to the mark of languages that is shackled and -ingiv'd with grammar precepts," wrote Joseph Webbe,[862] who draws a -careful distinction between the grammar-Latin thus acquired and what he -calls Latin-Latin,[863] that is, "Such as the best approved authors -wrote and left us in their books and monuments of use and custom," as -distinct from "that Latin which we now make by grammar rules, and their -collection out of that custom and those authors was to make us write and -speak such Latin as that custom and those authors did, which was -Latin-Latin, but it succeeded not." - -Consequently there arose a belief that "practice"--in speaking, reading, -and writing the language--should take its place by the side of grammar. -Writers pleaded, in the style of Elyot and Ascham, for the teaching of -Latin on more practical lines, quoting Montaigne's experience.[864] -Thomas Grantham[865] opened a private school, in which he sought to -deliver youth from their "great captivity" and the hardship and -uselessness of learning grammar word for word without book and in Latin, -which the boy does not understand, "just as if a man should teach one an -art in French when he understands not French." Grantham, on the -contrary, taught his scholars to understand the rules first, and by -repeatedly applying them they came to know them without book, whether -they would or no. Similar was the method of the French teachers, who -often carried the idea further, and taught their pupils the rules as -need for them arose in practice. - -John Webster thus puts the case for and against learning by "rule." "As -for grammar," he says,[866] "which hath been invented for the more -certain and facile teaching and obtaining of languages, it is very -controvertible whether it perform the same in the surest, easiest and -shortest way or not, since hundreds speak their mother tongue and other -languages very perfectly, use them readily, and understand them -excellent well, and yet never knew or were taught any grammar rules, nor -followed the wayes of Conjugations and Declensions, Noun or Verb. And it -is sufficiently known that many men, by their own industry, without the -method or rules of grammar, have gotten a competent understanding in -divers languages: and many unletter'd persons will, by use and exercise, -without Grammar rules, learn to speak and understand some languages in -far shorter time than any do learn them by method and rule, as is -clearly manifest by those that travel.... And again, if we conceive that -languages learnt by use and exercise render men ready and expert in the -understanding and speaking of them, without any aggravating or pushing -the intellect and memory, when that which is gotten by rule and method, -when we come to use and speak it, doth exceedingly rack and excruciate -the intellect and memory: which are forced at the same time, not only to -find fit words agreeable to the present matter discoursed of, and to put -them into a good Rhetorical order, but must at the same instant of -speaking, collect all the numerous rules of number, case ... as into one -centre, where so many rayes are united and yet not confounded, which -must needs be very perplexive and gravaminous to memorative faculty: and -therefore none that attains languages by grammar do ever come to speak -and understand them perfectly and readily, until they come to a perfect -habit in the exercitation of them, and so thereby come to lose and leave -the use of those many and intricate rules, which have cost us so many -pains to attain to them, and so to justifie the saying that we do but -_discere dediscenda_." Those who learn by "use and exercitation," on the -other hand, acquire languages more quickly and with better results. If -the study of grammar is insisted on, it should be made very brief. The -indeclinables require no rules, but are learnt by use. [Header: LOCKE -ON THE TEACHING OF FRENCH] Of the declinables the only ones that present -any difficulties are the noun and the verb, regular and irregular. As to -the irregulars, they are best learnt by "use," as rules only "render the -way more perplexed and tedious. And the way of the regulars is facile -and brief, being but one rule for all." - -Many others wrote in a similar strain,[867] advocating the teaching of -Latin on lines widely used in the teaching of French. Several actually -specified the modern language, which was first mentioned in books on -education in this connexion. Thomas Grantham, in his _Brain Breaker's -Breaker_ (1644), points out that many young gentlemen and ladies learn -to speak French in half a year without grammar, and argues that the same -purpose could be achieved with Latin and Greek in a twelvemonth. -Similarly George Snell argued that Latin might be learnt "in as short a -time as a Monsieur can teach French,"[868] for the pronunciation, so -great a task in learning the living tongue, is of no importance in the -dead language. At a somewhat later date, when French had made more -headway in the scholastic world, Locke plainly states that people are -accustomed to the right way of teaching French, "which is by talking it -into children by constant conversation, and not by Grammatical -Rules,"[869] and proposes that the same method should be applied to -Latin. "When we so often see a Frenchwoman teach an English girl to -speak and read French perfectly in a year or two, without any rule of -grammar, or anything else but prattling to her, I cannot but wonder how -gentlemen have overseen this way for their sons, and thought them more -dull and incapable than their daughters."[870] Elsewhere Locke again -draws comparisons between the teaching of Latin and that of French,[871] -and a French teacher of the early part of the eighteenth century -recognized the importance of this tribute when he published a grammar -intended to confirm the knowledge acquired by "practice."[872] - -Yet all these proposals and protests do not seem to have had much effect -on the teaching of Latin. In a few cases, however, experiments were -attempted, usually in connexion with French. Several were made with the -_Janua_ of Comenius, which had early been adapted to the teaching of -French as well as Latin. The theories of Comenius himself had no doubt -inspired the English reformers. He had written that rules are thorns to -the understanding, that no one ever mastered a language by precept -alone, though it is often done by practice; rules, however, should not -be entirely discarded.[873] - -J. T. Philipps, who was later tutor to the Duke of Cumberland, son of -George II., relates[874] how he taught both Latin and French on -practical lines with the help of Comenius. His pupil first got a good -notion of the Latin tongue by studying the verbs and nouns, and then -learning the Latin column of the _Janua Linguarum_. "I likewise at som -leisure Hours," continues Philipps, "taught him to read French and when -he had good the pronunciation, he labour'd for some time, as he did -before in the Latin, to make himself Master of the French Verbs and -Nouns, and then began to learn the sentences in another column of the -_Janua Linguarum_, which, by the assistance of the Latin, he mastered in -a very short time. So that before the end of the first year, he could -read Fontaine's _Fables_ from French into English, and give me an -account of the French Minister's text which he heard, and part of the -sermon; [Header: LANGUAGES LEARNT WITHOUT GRAMMAR] for I charg'd him -never to miss the French Church, that he might the better accustom -himself to the true Accent of that Tongue.... I spent an hour every -Sunday Morning all the time the Boy was with me, to read over several -short Catechisms or systems in Divinity both in French and Latin."[875] - -The learned Mrs. Bathsua Makin, who had been governess to the daughters -of Charles I., and later kept a school at Tottenham High Cross, also -advocated the use of the _Janua Linguarum_ for learning Latin and -French. The young ladies of her school learnt ten Latin sentences of the -_Janua_ a day thoroughly, spending "but six hours a day in their books." -By the end of six months they had a fair knowledge of the language, and -turned to French: "If the Latin tongue may be learnt in 6 months, where -most of the words are new, then the French may be learnt in three, by -one that understands Latin and English, because there is not above one -word of ten of the French Tongue, that may not fairly, without force, be -reduced to the Latin or English."[876] - -We are also told[877] of a boy of seven who spoke Latin, French, and -English with equal facility, "by reason that his father talked to him in -nothing but Latin, and his mother, who was a Frenchwoman, in nothing but -French, and the rest of the family in nothing but English." And the Rev. -Henry Wotton of Corpus Christi, Cambridge, has left an account of how, -when he undertook the education of his son, "leaving off the Accidence -in that Method that ordinarily children are trained up in, (he) -immediately thought with (him)self to make an experiment whether -children of his years might not be taught the Latin Tongue as ordinarily -children are taught the French and Italian, and without the torture of -grammar, to make them, by reading a Latin book, to understand Nouns and -Verbs, Declensions and Moods, and that without the vast circuit, that -ordinarily takes up 3 or 4 years, as preparatory to read any Latin -author."[878] Evelyn bears witness to the success of Wotton's -experiment. He saw the young William Wotton in London at the age of -eleven, and pronounced him "a miracle."[879] To Evelyn also we are -indebted for an account of another case of similar precocity due to the -same method. He relates how he and Pepys saw a child of twelve, the son -of one Dr. Clench, "who was perfect in the Latine authors, spake French -naturally, and possessed amazing knowledge. His tutor was a Frenchman, -who had not troubled him to learn even the rules of grammar by heart, -but merely read to him, first in French, and then in Latin."[880] - -In no case, however, was the contrast between the prevalent methods of -teaching Latin and French so marked as in the learning of Latin in -Grammar Schools, and of French in France by "rote" or with the help of a -few general grammar rules; the older the student, the more necessary -were grammar rules considered. Richard Carew, for instance, was struck -by the fact that he learnt more French without rules in three-quarters -of a year in France than he had learnt Latin in more than thirteen -years' strenuous study of grammar. He had gone to France on leaving the -university. On his arrival he was at a loss for words, knowing nothing -of the language; but after a short stay, spent in the midst of French -people, talking and reading nothing but French, he surmounted the -difficulties of the language with surprising ease, and wished students -of Latin to benefit by his experience.[881] The two languages, indeed, -were not infrequently studied together by the considerable number of -English children who were sent to France for purposes of education. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[824] "It is most astonishing that there ever could have been people -idle enough to write and read such endless heaps of the same stuff. It -was, however, the occupation of thousands in the last century, and is -still the private though disavowed amusement of young girls and -sentimental ladies," wrote Chesterfield in the eighteenth century -(_Letters to his Son_, 1774, p. 242). Even Johnson read and enjoyed -these lengthy romances. - -[825] Jusserand, _The English Novel in the Time of Shakespeare_, p. 381. - -[826] _Letters from Dorothy Osborne to Sir Wm. Temple, 1652-54_, London, -1888, p. 318. - -[827] He in turn passed them on to Lady Diana Rich. - -[828] T. P. Courtney, _Memoirs of the Life, Works and Correspondence of -Sir Wm. Temple_, London, 1836, i. p. 5. - -[829] _Letters_, p. 172; ep. Goldsmith, _Essay on the Use of Language_: -"If again you are obliged to wear a flimsy stuff in the midst of winter, -be the first to remark that stuffs are very much worn at Paris." - -[830] Pepys used Cotgrave's Dictionary; _Diary_, February 26, 1660-1. - -[831] This book was very widely read in England. But there does not seem -to have been an English translation of it before 1709 (Pepys's _Diary_, -Oct. 13, 1664, ed. Wheatley, 1904). - -[832] _Diary_, Jan. 13, Feb. 8 and 9, 1667-8. - -[833] _L'Hydrographie contenant la theorie et la pratique de toutes les -parties de la navigation_, 1643. - -[834] He read Descartes's _Musicae Compendium_, but did not think much -of it. - -[835] Pepys relates how one evening Penn and he fell to discoursing -about some words in a French song Mrs. Pepys was singing--_D'un air tout -interdict_: "wherein I laid twenty to one against him, which he would -not agree to with me, though I know myself in the right as to the sense -of the word, and almost angry we were, and were an houre and more upon -the dispute, till at last broke up not satisfied, and so home." - -[836] _Les Resolutions Politiques ou Maximes d'Etat_, par Jean de -Marnix, Baron de Potes, Bruxelles, 1612. - -[837] Cp. E. Gosse, _Seventeenth Century Studies_, 1897; J. J. -Jusserand, _The English Novel in the Time of Shakespeare_, p. 373. - -[838] D. Canfield, _Corneille and Racine in England_, 1904. How common -was the presence of Frenchmen in English families of high standing may -be gathered from Orinda's statement that "one, Legrand, a Frenchman -belonging to the Duchess of Ormond, has by her order set the fourth -[song in _Pompey_ to music], and a Frenchman of my Lord Orrery's the -second" (_Letters of Orinda to Poliarchus_, London, 1705, Letter dated -Jan. 31, 1663). - -[839] Fifth ed., Amsterdam, 1686. Translated into English by F. Spence, -London, 1683. Queen Henrietta Maria had done much to foster the spirit -of the _Astree_ and the Hotel de Rambouillet in England: cp. J. B. -Fletcher, "Precieuses at the Court of Charles I.," in the _Journal of -Comparative Philology_, vol. i. 1903. - -[840] Between ladies and "cavaliers." Herbert explains that by -"cavalier" he means _galant homme_. Here is a specimen of their style: -"_Cavalier_: La voila, je la vois.--_Dame_: Que voyez-vous, mons.?--Je -vois la Gloire du beau sexe, l'Ornement de ce siecle, et l'Objet de mes -affections.--Vous voyez ici bien des choses.--Toutes ces choses sont en -une.--C'est donc une merveille.--Dites, ma chere Dame, la merveille des -merveilles.--Je le pourrois dire apres vous, car votre bel esprit ne se -sauroit tromper.--Il se peut bien tromper, mais non pas en ceci.--Je -veux qu'il soit infaillible en ceci: il faut pourtant que je voye cette -Gloire, cet Ornement et cet Objet, pour en pouvoir juger.--Vous ne les -sauriez voir que par reflexion.--Je ne vous entens pas.--Approchez-vous -de ce miroir, et vous verrez ce que je dis. Qu'y voyez-vous, ma -Belle?--Je vous y vois, monsieur.--Voila une belle reponse.--Belle ou -laide, elle est vraye.--Elle l'est effectivement: mais n'y voyez-vous -rien que moi?--Je m'y vois aussi bien que vous.--Vous voyez donc cette -illustre merveille, etc." - -[841] "Il y a des particuliers qui ne sont pas dans mes interets, qui -les (_i.e._ his works) decrient hautement, non pas tant par malice que -par jalousie, quelques-uns etant des personnes interessees qui sont de -ma profession, ou des critiques ignorans qui trouvent a redire a tout ce -que les autres font, pour faire paroitre ce qu'ils n'ont point, -s'imaginant qu'on les prend pour des hommes d'esprit, quand on les -entend reprendre les choses les mieux faites." - -[842] See p. 290, _supra_. - -[843] Arber, _Stationers' Register_, iv. 333. - -[844] Schickler, _Eglises du Refuge_, ii. pp. 148-9, and 153. Despagne -became a denizen in 1655 (Hug. Soc. Pub. xviii.). Cp. also Haag, _La -France protestante_, ad nom., and the _Bulletin de la societe de -l'Histoire du Protestantisme francais_, viii. pp. 369 _et seq._ He died -in 1658. - -[845] _Harmony of the Old and New Testament_, 1682, Brown's preface. - -[846] Schickler, _op. cit._ ii. p. 224. - -[847] _Cal. of State Papers, Dom., 1660-61_, p. 277. - -[848] That translation was not always the means of interpretation is -shown by the following passage from Mauger; a stranger questions one of -his pupils: - - Entendez-vous tout ce que vous lises? - J'en entends une partie. - Entendez-vous bien le sens? - Fort bien, monsieur. - -Probably French was not 'construed' word for word, as Latin was, the -clause, on the contrary, being made the starting-point. "Construing word -for word is impossible in any language," wrote Joseph Webbe in his -_Petition to the High Court of Parliament_, quoting as an example the -"barbarous English of the Frenchman, '_I you pray, sir_,' for _Je vous -prie, monsieur_." - -[849] _An Essay on Education_, London, 1711. - -[850] _Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson_, ed. C. H. Firth, -London. 1885, i. p. 16. - -[851] _Ibid._ p. 23. - -[852] _Autobiography of Lady Anne Halkett, 1622-1699, 1701_, Camden -Society, 1875, p. 2. - -[853] _The Lives of Wm., Duke of Newcastle and of his wife Margaret ... -written by the thrice noble and illustrious princess Margaret, Duchess -of Newcastle_, ed. M. A. Lower, 1872, p. 271. - -[854] _Loveday's Letters, Domestick and forrain to several persons ..._, -London, 1659, p. 31. - -[855] _Letters_, p. 105. Cp. also pp. 26, 47, 79, 135, etc. It is -evident from the letter of Dorothy Osborne quoted above, p. 320, that -she had learnt French chiefly by ear. Several of the inaccuracies, such -as the use of the past participle for the infinitive, would not be -noticeable in pronunciation. - -[856] F. Watson, _Grammar Schools_, pp. 276 _sqq._ - -[857] J. Webbe, _An Appeale to Truth in the Controversie between Art and -Verse about the best and most expedient course in languages_, 1622. - -[858] There was a strong feeling at this period in favour of a freer use -of English in the teaching of Latin, chiefly on account of the time such -a course would save. Thus Milton recognized the mistake of spending a -great number of years in learning one language "making two labours of -one by learning first the accidence, then the grammar in Latin, ere the -language of those rules be understood." The remedy, he thought, was the -use of a grammar in English (A. F. Leach, "Milton as Schoolboy and -Schoolmaster," _Proceedings of the British Academy_, iii. 1908). Snell -(_Right Teaching of Useful Knowledge_, 1649), Mrs. Makin or M. Lewis (?) -(_Essay to Revive the Antient Education of Gentlewomen_, 1671), and -others also argued that English should be the groundwork of the teaching -of Latin. Most of the English grammars produced in the seventeenth -century claim to be useful to scholars as an introduction to the -rudiments of Latin; and it was on this footing, no doubt, that English -grammar first made its way into the schools. Chief among these, perhaps, -was J. Poole's _English Accidence for attaining more speedily the Latin -Tongue, so that every young child, as soon as he can read English, may -by it turn any sentence into Latin. Published by Authority, and -commended as generally necessary to be made use of in all schooles of -this commonwealth_, London, 1655. For a list of English grammars cp. F. -Watson, _Modern Subjects_, chap. i. Lily's Grammar came to be almost -always used with the English rendering by Wm. Hume. Cp. Watson, _Grammar -Schools_, p. 296. - -[859] _An advertisement ... touching school books_, 1659. - -[860] _An Essay to Revive the Antient Education of Gentlewomen_, London, -1673 (by Mrs. Makin or Mark Lewis). - -[861] G. Miege, _A New French Grammar_, 1678, p. 377. - -[862] _Appeale to Truth_, 1622, p. 41. - -[863] _Petition to the High Court of Parliament, in behalf of auncient -and authentique Authours, for the universall and perpetuall good of -every man_, 1623. - -[864] _Essais_, liv. i., ch. xxv. - -[865] Cp. _The Brain Breaker's Breaker, or the Apologie of Th. Grantham -for his Method of Teaching_, 1644. - -[866] _The Examination of Academies, wherein is discussed ... the -Matter, Method and Customes of Academick and Scholastick Learning, and -the insufficiency thereof discovered and laid open_, 1653, p. 21. - -[867] Thus Sir Wm. Petty, in his _Advice to S. Hartlib for the -advancement of some particular parts of learning_ (1648), argues that -languages should be taught by "incomparably more easy wayes then are now -usuall." An anonymous "Lover of his Nation" proposed that children -should learn Latin as they do English, by having no other language -within their hearing for two years; and similarly with other languages -(Watson, _Modern Subjects_, p. 482). Ch. Hoole, teacher at a private -grammar school in London, also proposes that Latin should be learnt by -speaking and hearing it spoken, and attributes the unsatisfactory -knowledge of the language to the too frequent use of English in schools -(_New Discoverie of the old art of Teaching Schooll_, 1660). The French -teacher Miege suggests that Latin should be taught in special schools, -on the same lines as French was taught in the French ones (_French -Grammar_, 1678). In 1685 was published _The Way of Teaching the Latin -Tongue by use to those that have already learn'd their Mother Tongue_; -and in 1669 had appeared a work translated from the French, called _An -Examen of the Way of Teaching the Latine Tongue to little children by -use alone_. Among other publications of similar import are: _An Essay on -Education, showing how Latin, Greek, and other Languages may be learn'd -more easily, quickly and perfectly than they commonly are_, 1711; and -_An Essay upon the education of youth in Grammar Schools in which the -Vulgar Method of Teaching is examined, and a new one proposed for the -more easy and speedy training up of Youth, to the knowledge of the -Learned Languages ..._, by J. Clarke, Master of the Public Grammar -School in Hull (London, 1720). - -[868] _Right Teaching of Useful Knowledge to fit scholars for some -honest Profession_, London, 1649, p. 186. - -[869] Locke, _Some thoughts concerning Education_ (1693), ed. J. W. -Adamson, in _Educational Writings of Locke_, London, 1912, p. 125. - -[870] _Op. cit._ p. 127. - -[871] "Why does the Learning of Latin and Greek need the rod, when -French and Italian need it not?" (_op. cit._ p. 69). And again, "Those -who teach any of the modern languages with success never amuse their -scholars to make speeches or verses either in French or Italian, their -business being language barely and not invention" (_op. cit._ p. 71). - -[872] J. Palairet, _New Royal French Grammar_, The Hague, 1738. - -[873] Languages, he held, were best learnt by rules of a simple nature, -comparison of the points of difference and resemblance between the known -and unknown language, and exercises on familiar subjects. - -[874] _A compendious way of teaching Ancient and Modern Languages ..._, -2nd edition, London, 1723, pp. 45 _et seq._ - -[875] He would then learn Italian and Spanish on the same plan. - -[876] _An Essay to Revive the Antient Education of Gentlewomen ..._, -1673. - -[877] _Essay on Education_, 1711. The case of Queen Elizabeth, who is -said to have learnt only one or two Latin rules, is also quoted. - -[878] _An Essay on the education of children in the first rudiments of -learning, together with a narrative of what knowledge Wm. Wotton, a -child of 6 years of age, had attained unto upon the Improvement of those -Rudiments in the Latin, Greek and Hebrew Tongues._ Reprinted, London, -1753, p. 38. - -[879] _Diary_, July 6, 1679. - -[880] _Ibid._, Jan. 27, 1688. - -[881] For this purpose he wrote _The True and readie way to learne the -Latin Tongue, expressed in an answer to the Question whether the -ordinary way of teaching Latin by Rules of Grammar be best_, 1654. - - - - -CHAPTER V - - THE TOUR IN FRANCE - - And now methinks I see a youth advance - Ready prepared to make the tour of France. - - _Satire against the French_, 1691. - - -When, in the middle of the seventeenth century, England was torn in -twain by civil war and party quarrels, even the Puritans willingly sent -their children to be brought up in France. It was at this period that -Thomas Grantham, a severe critic of the usual method of teaching Latin -in Grammar Schools,[882] wrote this significant passage: "Let a boy of -seven or eight years of age be sent out of England into France: he shall -learn in a twelvemonth or less to write and speak the French tongue -readily, although he keep much company with English, read many English -books, and write many English letters home, and all this with pleasure -and delight." The number of English children in France at this period -was considerable.[883] At St. Malo, for instance, when proceedings were -taken against the English in the town, the chief victims were the -"English boys sent to learn French."[884] - -The memoirs of the Verney family afford a detailed picture of one of the -numerous families of royalist sympathies, cut off from English public -school and university life, and brought up in France. Sir Ralph Verney -had taken the side of Parliament in the long struggle, but in 1643 went -into voluntary exile in France rather than sign the Covenant. He -settled at Blois with his family, and procured French tutors for his -boys. Apparently he had some trouble at first, one of the tutors being -dismissed "for drinking, lying and seeking to proselytise." Finally the -education of the boys was entrusted to the Protestant pastor, M. -Testard, who received foreign pupils. The young students worked hard at -Latin and French under the minister's supervision. Testard reported of -Edmund, the elder, "Il fait merveille. . . . Je luy raconte une histoire -en francais, il me la rend extempore en Latin."[885] And one day Mme. -Testard found the young John hard at work in bed in the early morning -with two books in French and Latin. The children wrote in French to -their mother when she was absent in England making valiant and finally -successful attempts to get the sequestration taken off Sir Ralph's -estate. And when, after her death, Sir Ralph sought to divert his mind -by travelling in Italy, Edmund,[886] then aged thirteen, wrote this -letter--which shows clearly the dangers of a purely oral method: - - Plust a Dieu qu'il vous donnast la pensee de retourner a Blois. Les - jours me semblent des annees tant il m'ennuye d'ettre icy comme - dans un desert de solitude; car quoy est cequi me peut desormais - plaire dans cette ville, comment est ceque cette lumiere de la vie, - et cette respiration de l'air me peuvent-elle estre agreeables, - puisqu'y ayant perdu cequi m'estoit le plus au Monde et qu'il - m'interesse plus q'une seule personne dont je suis prive de - l'honneur de sa presence, au reste, graces a Dieu, nous nous porte - fort bien et pourcequi et de moy je vous asseure que je ne - manqueray jamais a mon devoir, c'espourquoy finissant je demeure et - demeureray aternellement, - - Votre tres humble et fidel fils, - - EDMOND VERNEY. - -Sir Ralph had also in his charge two girls, his young cousins, whom -their mother had entrusted to him: "Sweet nephew, I have after A long -debate with my selfe sent my tow gurles where I shall desier youre care -of them, that they may be tought what is fite for them as the reding of -the french tong, and to singe, and to dance and to right and to playe of -the gittar."[887] - -Sir Ralph regarded France as "the fittest place to breed up youth." -[Header: SIR RALPH VERNEY'S VIEWS] "I wish peace in France for my -children's sake," he wrote to M. Du Val, a French tutor. After bringing -up his own family there, he would have liked to send his grandchildren -to France with a sober and discreet governor, rather than to any school -in England; but his son Edmund thought the advantage of learning to -speak French fluently did not compensate for the loss of English public -school life, which he himself had never enjoyed. Sir Ralph soon became a -versatile source of information to parents desiring details of the cost -of living and education in France. He considered L200 a year a proper -allowance for an English youth to be boarded in a good French family, -and that homes in which there were children were best, on account of the -continual prattle of the young inmates. The families of French pastors -were naturally preferred; and as the pastors were in the habit of taking -French pupils also,[888] no doubt the young English boys found suitable -companions. - -The Protestant schools,[889] established wherever possible by the French -reformers in the vicinity of their churches, were also in favour with -English parents. These schools, in which the subjects usually taught -were reading, writing, arithmetic, and the catechism, were for obvious -reasons looked on with suspicion by the Government; one by one they were -dispersed, especially when the feeling against the Protestants became -more acute towards the middle of the seventeenth century. Thus the -schools of Rouen were closed in 1640; and shortly afterwards Sir Ralph -Verney wrote, in reply to an inquiry about a school, that Rouen is a -very unfit place, as no Protestant masters are allowed to keep school -there; moreover, living is dear in the town, and the accent of the -inhabitants bad. In some cases, when the schools had been closed or -converted into Jesuit establishments, the ejected schoolmasters gave -private lessons, or received a few _pensionnaires_ in their homes. Even -this was forbidden in 1683. And two years later the Revocation of the -Edict of Nantes dealt the severest blow of all. - -Regarding the Protestant Academies,[890] Sir Ralph sent the following -report to his friends in England: "There are divers Universities at -Sedan, Saumur, Geneva and other fine places, as I am told at noe -unreasonable rate, and not only Protestant schoolmasters, but whole -colleges of Protestants."[891] Many young Englishmen were sent to one or -other of these towns, either to attend lectures at the Academies, or, -more often, to study French and the "exercises" privately, in a -Protestant atmosphere. Sir Orlando Bridgman, a friend of Sir Ralph -Verney, after letting his son study with two other English boys under a -M. Cordell at Blois, intended to send him either to Saumur or Poitiers, -then to Paris, and so to the Inns of Court,[892] and Sir Thomas Cotton -sent his sons to Saumur to perfect themselves in French.[893] In the -middle of the seventeenth century, Sir Joseph Williamson, the future -statesman and diplomat of the reign of Charles II., was living at Saumur -with several young Englishmen in his care.[894] After graduating at -Oxford, he had left England in the capacity of tutor to a young man of -quality, possibly one of the sons of the Marquis of Ormonde. At Saumur, -Williamson kept a book of notes relating to the studies of his pupils -and containing the letters which he wrote to their parents in answer to -inquiries concerning their progress. He and his pupils lived _en -pension_ in a private house in the town, "with very civil company,"--"the -best way to get the language which is much desired." On the whole -Williamson's pupils do not seem to have made as rapid progress as either -he himself or their parents desired. One anxious father writes to ask -Williamson to let his son practise writing French daily; another exhorts -his son to devote himself seriously to learning French by reading good -authors and conversing. The Academies of Montauban and Sedan, though -they never attained a popularity equal to that of Saumur, were not -neglected, and attracted many foreign students. The Academy at Montauban -was moved to Puy Laurens in 1659, where it remained until its -suppression at the time of the Revocation. In 1678 Henry Savile, English -ambassador at Paris, informed his brother, Lord Halifax, that there are -only two Protestant Universities in France, at Saumur and Puy Laurens, -and that of these Saumur is beyond dispute the better.[895] [Header: -TRAVELLERS AT FRENCH UNIVERSITIES] From this we see that these two -Academies were then the best known;[896] no doubt the rest, which had -never been quite so popular, were much enfeebled by the hostile edicts -which preceded the Revocation. Lord Halifax at first intended to send -his sons to the College at Chastillon. Savile, however, stopped them -when they arrived at Paris, as he had heard that the only teaching given -at the College was reading, writing, and the catechism--the curriculum -of the Protestant schools. In the end the boys were sent with their -governor to the Academy at Geneva. On their return to England in 1681, -one of them went to complete his education at the University and the -other to the academy which was opened that year by the Frenchman M. -Foubert, who had set up as a teacher of the "exercises" in London. - -Other travellers spent some time at one of the French Universities. The -University of Paris usually counted a considerable number of English -among its students, and Clarendon tells us that those who have been -there "mingle gracefully in all companies." The Universities of -Bordeaux, Poitiers, and Montpellier were also favourite resorts. -Montpellier particularly, with its "gentle salutiferous air," attracted -those suffering from the "national complaint."[897] When Will Allestry -was there in 1668, he spent the greater part of his time learning -French, and what leisure he had he employed in studying the -Institutions.[898] Orleans, famous for the study of law, was also much -patronised. The custom of studying in French Universities, however, did -not meet with general approval in England. Sir Balthazar Gerbier -pronounced it "no less than abusing the Universities of Oxford and -Cambridge and the famous free schools of this realme to withdraw from -them the sons of Noble families and those that are lovers of vertue." -The same opinion is voiced by Samuel Penton, Master of Exeter Hall, -Oxford, who did not omit even the Protestant Academies from his -condemnation. "The strangeness of New Faces, Language, Manners and -Studies may prove perhaps uneasie, and then their great want of -discipline to confine him to Prayers, Exercises and Meals is dangerous: -all he will have to do is to keep in touch with a Lecturer, and what is -learned from him, most young Gentlemen are so civil as to leave behind -them when they return."[899] - -The governors who usually accompanied young travellers, especially those -of high birth, were not infrequently Frenchmen. We are told that it was -a rare sight to see a young English nobleman at a foreign court with a -governor of his own nation,[900] though some preferred an English -governor, and cautioned travellers against foreign tutors. Samuel Penton -warns us that if the young traveller is committed, for cheapness or -curiosity, to a foreigner instead of an English governor, "there are -some in the world who without a fee will tell you what that is like to -come to."[901] One of the English governors, J. Gailhard, who was tutor -abroad to several of the nobility and gentry, including the Earl of -Huntingdon, Lord Hastings, and Sir Thomas Grosvenor, lays down "a method -of travel" which is of special interest, as it is the one which he -followed with his own pupils.[902] His view was that, if possible, the -traveller should have some knowledge of French before setting out on his -travels. The first thing he should do on arriving at Paris is to go to -the famous Protestant temple at Charenton, and there give thanks for his -safe journey so far--whether he understand French or not. He will do -well to make but a short stay at Paris, where his progress will be -hindered by the great number of his countrymen there. The best places to -reside in are the towns along the valley of the Loire, where there are -plenty of good masters to be had. Perhaps Angers is the best. The -student is further urged to keep a diary, and talk as much as -possible--"with speaking we learn to speak." The masters for the riding -and fencing exercises, dancing and music, are to be looked upon as so -many additional language teachers. Although "of ten words he could not -speak two right, yet let him not be ashamed and discouraged at it: for -it is not to be expected he should be a Master before he hath been a -scholar." The language master should teach his pupil to read, write and -spell correctly, and to speak properly. [Header: GUIDE-BOOKS FOR -TRAVELLERS] The material for reading must be carefully chosen; romances, -such as those of Scudery, are often dangerous; it is better to use books -which give instruction in such subjects as history, morality, and -politics. Every evening there should be a repetition of what has been -learnt during the day. Gailhard also draws attention to the necessity of -respecting and observing the customs of the places visited: "Here in -England, the manner is for the master of the House to go in before a -stranger, this would pass for a great incivility in France; so here the -Lady or Mistress of the House uses to sit at the upper end of the Table, -which in France is given to Strangers. So if we be many in a company we -make no scruple to drink all out of a glass, or a Tankard, which they -are not used to do, and if a servant would offer to give them a glass -before it was washed every time they drink, they would be angry at it. -Here when a man is sneezing we say nothing to him, but there they would -look upon't as a want of civility. Again, we in England upon a journey, -use to ask one another how we do, but in France they do no such -thing--amongst them that question would answer to this, 'what aileth you -that you look so ill?'" - -The attitude of the French teachers in England towards the foreign tour -gradually changed. They no longer saw in it a rival institution, -depriving them of many of their pupils, but, on the contrary, a means of -giving the finishing touch to the results of their own efforts in -England. All strongly advise their pupils to go to France, and most of -them add directions for travel in their text-books.[903] Mauger's -dialogues include "most exact instructions for travel, very useful and -necessary for all gentlemen that intend to travel into France," and -Laine's grammar is "enriched with choice dialogues useful for persons of -quality that intend to travel into France, leading them as by the hand -to the most noted and principal places of the kingdom." - -As the tour in France increased in popularity, the directions furnished -by French teachers were supplemented by guide-books properly so called; -towards the end of the seventeenth century books such as _The Present -State of France_ and _The Description of Paris_ were to be had at every -bookseller's in London.[904] As early as 1604 Sir Robert Dallington had -written his _View of France_, in which he refers to a book called the -_French Guide_, which "undertaketh to resemble eche countrie to some -other thing, as Bretaigne to a horse-shoe, Picardy to a Neat's toung -etc., which are but idle and disproportioned comparisons." Peter Heylyn, -chaplain at the Courts of Charles I. and Charles II., was the author of -two popular books of this type: _France painted to the Life by a learned -and impartial Hand_,[905] and _A Full relation of two Journeys, the one -in the mainland of France, the other in some of the adjacent -Islands_.[906] Some of these guides are descriptions of the country, -others are relations of journeys made there; to the first category -belongs _A Description of France in its several governments by J. S. -Gent_ (1692), and to the second, _A Journey to Paris in the year 1698 by -Dr. Martin Lister_. Some include advice as to the course of study to be -followed. And as Italy was still frequently included in the tour, -travellers were sometimes supplied with information regarding that -country.[907] - -So popular did the tour in France become in the seventeenth century that -guide-books for travellers were produced on the spot. The earliest -French books of this kind had not been specially designed for the use of -foreign visitors; they were as a rule descriptions of the towns and -their geographical positions, or notices on their history and -antiquities.[908] In time, however, they assumed a character more -particularly adapted to strangers.[909] [Header: ROUTES USUALLY -FOLLOWED] One of the best known and most popular was _Le Voyage de -France, dresse pour l'instruction et commodite tant des Francais que des -etrangers_, first published in 1639. The author, C. de Varennes, gives -directions for the study of French. He thinks Oudin's Grammar the most -profitable, on account of the manner in which it deals with the chief -difficulties of foreigners, and Paris and Orleans the best towns for -study. For the rest, the help of a tutor should be enlisted, and the -student should converse as much as possible with children, and with -persons of learning and ability; he should also read widely, preferably -dialogues in familiar style and the latest novels; and write French, for -which exercise he will find much help in the _Secretaire de la Cour_ and -the _Secretaire a la mode_,[910] collections of letters and -"compliments," which, we may say incidentally, enjoyed a popularity -greatly exceeding their merit. - -The short tour in France grew in popularity as the seventeenth century -advanced, and many were content to spend the whole of their sojourn -abroad there, without undertaking the longer continental tour. Others -went to France to prepare themselves for the longer tour. Naturally the -tour in France alone engaged the attention of French teachers. We are -told that the cost of a tour of three months need not be more than L50. -"If you take a friend with you 'twill make you miss a thousand -opportunities of following your end: you go to get French, and it would -be best if you could avoid making an acquaintance with any Englishman -there. To converse with their learned men will be beside your purpose -too, if you go for so short a time: they talk the worst for conversation -and you had rather be with the ladies."[911] - -The chief routes which French masters in England advised their pupils to -take were those from Dover to Boulogne and from Rye to Dieppe, whence it -was usual to proceed through Rouen to Paris.[912] Locke, for instance, -landed at Boulogne when on his way to the South of France; thence he -made his way to Paris, chiefly on foot.[913] "If Paris be heaven (for -the French with their usual justice, extol it above all things on -earth)," he writes after a night spent at Poy, "Poy certainly is -purgatory on the way to it." His impressions of Tilliard were more -favourable: "Good mutton, and a good supper, clean linen of the country, -and a pretty girl to lay it (who was an angel compared with the fiends -of Poy) made us some amends for the past night's suffering." It was on -the same route to Paris that the Norman Claude du Val, afterwards -notorious on the English highways, first came into contact with the -English as he was journeying to Paris to try his fortune there. At Rouen -he met a band of young Englishmen on their way to Paris with their -governors, to learn the exercises and to "fit themselves to go a-wooing -at their return home; who were infinitely ambitious of his company, not -doubting but in those two days' travel (from Rouen to Paris) they should -pump many considerable things out of him, both as to the language and -customs of France: and upon that account they did willingly defray his -charges." When the young Englishmen arrived at Paris and settled in the -usual quarter, the Faubourg St. Germain, Du Val attached himself to -their service, and betook himself to England on the Restoration, which -drained Paris of many of its English inhabitants.[914] - -Many travellers, however, agreed with the French teachers that Paris was -not a suitable place for serious study of French, both on account of the -many distractions it offered and of the great number of English people -resident there. It therefore became customary with the more -serious-minded to retire for a time to some quiet provincial town where -the accent was good. The French teacher Wodroeph tells us as much: -"Mais, Monsieur, je vois bien que vous estes estranger et vous allez a -la cour a Paris pour y apprendre nostre langue francoise. Mais mieux il -vous vaut d'aller a Orleans plustost que d'y aller pour hanter la cour -et baiser les Dames et Damoiselles. . . . Parquoy je vous conseille -mieux vous en esloigner et d'aller a Orleans la ou vous apprendrez la -vraye methode de la langue vulgaire."[915] The towns in the valley of -the Loire were favourite resorts for purposes of study.[916] Orleans, -Blois, and Saumur seem to have been the most popular. [Header: LOIRE -TOWNS FAVOURED] For instance, James Howell, after spending some time in -Paris, where he lodged near the Bastille--"the part furthest off from -the quarters where the English resort," for he wished "to go on to get a -little language"[917] as soon as he could--went to Orleans to study -French; he describes it as "the most charming town on the Loire, and the -best to learn the language in the purity." The town was never without a -great abundance of strangers.[918] The fame of Blois and its teachers -was widespread; and Bourges, Tours, Angers, and Caen were noted for the -purity of their French. Saumur and other towns in which the Protestants -were powerful were also much frequented. John Malpet, afterwards -Principal of Gloucester Hall, Oxford, spent two years in France with his -pupil, Lord Falkland, visiting Orleans, Blois, and Saumur.[919] John -Evelyn visited Paris, Blois, Orleans, and Lyons, and finally settled at -Tours, where he engaged a French master and studied the language -diligently for nineteen weeks. - -While studying in one or other of these towns, English travellers -usually lodged in hotels, _auberges_, or _pensions_,[920] and sometimes -with French families. One of their chief difficulties appears to have -been to avoid their fellow-countrymen in such places. Gabriel Du Gres -suggests that when English students are thus thrown together they should -come to an agreement that any one who spoke his native tongue should pay -a fine. A further though less serious impediment was the speaking of -Latin, still considered necessary to the traveller by scholars such as -John Brinsley.[921] For this reason travellers "for language" are -advised to frequent the company of women and children, and "polite" -society, rather than that of scholars. It is a great inconvenience, -observes Du Gres, if your landlord can speak Latin. The majority of -travellers, however, do not appear to have experienced any embarrassment -in this respect; on the contrary, those with little previous knowledge -of French found their Latin of use in their first French lessons if they -studied the language "grammatically" with a master. French teachers in -England usually recommended suitable _pensions_ to their students. -Gabriel Du Gres, for instance, gives a list of such lodgings at Saumur, -his native town; Mauger, of those of Blois, Orleans, and other towns in -the Loire valley.[922] In like manner they addressed their pupils to -recommendable academies for instruction in the polite accomplishments -and military exercises. However, for the most part they advised their -pupils to go to private masters, who would attend to their French as -well as the "exercises." The house of M. Doux, who had a riding school -at Blois, was considered a particularly appropriate residence for those -desiring to learn French, on account of his daughters, who spoke -"wondrously well," as was also that of a certain M. Dechausse, who kept -an academy for teaching young gentlemen to ride. - -What is more, French teachers in England, no longer regarding their -fellow-workers in France as rivals but rather as collaborators, as we -have seen, not infrequently entertained friendly relations with them, -and even went so far as to direct pupils to them. Claude Mauger, for -instance, sent as many of his pupils as possible to M. Gaudrey at Paris, -the author of verses in praise of Mauger's _Tableau du Jugement -Universel_. This change of attitude is probably explained by the fact -that in the seventeenth century French was studied more seriously in -England than in the sixteenth century; and students on their arrival in -France had often had preliminary instruction under the care of a French -tutor in England; Clarendon significantly states that in France "we -quickly _renew_ the acquaintance we have had with the language by the -practice and custom of speaking it." Students going abroad for purposes -of study are therefore addressed to M. Nicolas, an excellent master at -Paris, M. le Fevre, an _avocat en parlement_ at Orleans, and others. We -are also informed that _abbes_ were fond of teaching their language to -strangers, especially the English.[923] Moreover, several French -teachers in England had previously exercised their profession in France. -The most popular of all, Claude Mauger, had spent seven years teaching -French at Blois. [Header: FRENCH GRAMMARS FOR TRAVELLERS] Many years -later, when he had made his reputation as a successful teacher of -French in London, he went for a time to Paris, where he settled in the -Faubourg St. Germain, and was busily occupied in teaching French to -travellers, among others to the Earl of Salisbury. He also tells us that -his books were very popular in France, and used by the great majority of -English students there. - -Several of the French teachers in France wrote books for the use of -their pupils. Mauger himself quotes the authority of "all French -Grammarians that are Professors in France for the teaching of travellers -the language." Yet in the seventeenth century, when the French language -became one of the chief preoccupations of polite society as well as of -scholars, many grammars paid no attention to teaching the language to -foreigners. There were, however, several well-known teachers of -languages at Paris who wrote grammars specially for their use. Alcide de -St. Maurice, the author of the _Guide fidelle des estrangers dans le -voyage de France_ (1672), composed a grammar called _Remarques sur les -principales difficultez de la langue francoise_ (1674), which has little -value, and is compiled chiefly from Vaugelas and Menage. His chief aim -was to overcome the usual difficulties--pronunciation and orthography. -Several years previously he had written a collection of short stories -inspired by the _Decameron_. The _Fleurs, Fleurettes et passetemps ou -les divers caracteres de l'amour honneste_, as he called them, were -published at Paris in 1666, and were no doubt intended as reading matter -for his pupils. - -A work called the _Nova Grammatica Gallica_, written in Latin and French -for the use of foreigners, appeared at Paris in 1678. It is mainly -compiled from Chiflet and other French grammarians. A certain M. -Mauconduy was responsible for the grammar, which was on much the same -lines as that of Maupas. The French theologian M. de Saint-Amour, of the -Sorbonne, addressed several foreigners to Mauconduy, who issued for -their use daily _feuillets volants_, containing remarks on the language. -His pupils made rapid progress, and usually knew French fairly well in -three months, we are told. - -Another of these teachers, Denys Vairasse d'Allais,[924] lived, like -Mauger, in the Faubourg St. Germain, and like him taught English as well -as French. He had spent some time in England in his youth, and perhaps -taught French there. He also corresponded with Pepys, the famous -diarist. Vairasse had a particular affection for his English pupils, -and they appear to have been in the majority. He was a strong advocate -of the study of grammar, and condemned attempts to learn French "by -imitation" alone. His _Grammaire Methodique contenant en abrege les -principes de cet art et les regles les plus necessaires de la langue -francoise dans un ordre claire et naturelle_ appeared at Paris in -1682.[925] In it he criticizes severely all the French grammars for the -use of strangers produced either in France or in foreign countries. -Shortly afterwards the grammar was abridged and translated into English -as _A Short and Methodical Introduction to the French Tongue composed -for the particular benefit of the English_, printed at Paris in 1683. -This French grammar published in English at Paris is a striking -testimony to the importance of the English as students of French. - -Rene Milleran, like Vairasse d'Allais, taught English as well as French. -He was a native of Saumur, but spent most of his life at Paris teaching -languages, and for a time acted as interpreter to the king. He composed -for the use of his pupils a French grammar entitled _La Nouvelle -Grammaire Francoise, avec le Latin a cote des exemples devisee en deux -parties_ (Marseilles, 1692), which is no doubt a first edition of his -_Les deux Gramaires Fransaizes_ (Marseilles, 1694), in which he expounds -his new system of orthography. His collection of letters, _Lettres -Familieres Galantes et autres sur toutes sortes de sujets, avec leurs -responses_, of which the third edition appeared in 1700, enjoyed a great -popularity, like most similar collections at this time: successive -editions appeared right into the eighteenth century. This, he says, was -the first work which won for him the favour of so many foreign noblemen. -His method was to give the students copies of the letters in either -Latin or their own language, and to let them translate them into French. -He announced an edition of the letters with English, German, and Latin -translations for the use of his pupils, but it does not appear to have -been published. Like most writers connected with the Court, Milleran -calls attention to the purity of his style, and announces that no other -books give such exact rules for the language of the Court. A special -feature of his work was the selection of letters by members of the -French Academy. [Header: HOWELL'S ADVICE TO TRAVELLERS] Nor was the -more familiar side neglected: there are numerous letters to and from -students of French, reporting on their progress in the language, with -mutual congratulations on improvement in style, etc. It is said of -Milleran's compositions that their chief merit is their scarcity, and -few will agree with De Liniere, the satirist and enemy of Boileau, who -wrote in praise of Milleran: - - Cet homme en sa Grammaire etale - Autant de scavoir que Varron, - Et dans ses Lettres il egale - Balzac, Voiture et Ciceron. - -Not a few English travellers dispensed with the services of a tutor in -France. Among these was James Howell, who studied French at Paris, -Orleans, and Poissy, where he endangered his health by too close -application; he acted for a time as travelling tutor to the son of Baron -Altham. He put his knowledge of French to the test by translating his -own first literary production, _Dodona's Grove_. This, he says, he -submitted to the new _Academie des beaux esprits_, founded by Richelieu, -which gave it a public expression of approbation.[926] The translation -was printed at Paris in 1641 under the title of _Dendrologie ou la Foret -de Dodone_. Howell left instructions for travellers, based on his own -experience of study abroad, and typical of the theories current at the -time. He advises[927] the student who has settled in some quiet town to -choose a room looking on to the street, "to take in the common cry and -language"; to keep a diary during the day, and in the evening to write -an essay from this material, "for the penne maketh the deepest furrowes, -and doth fertilize and enrich the memory more than anything else." He -should avoid the company of his countrymen, "the greatest bane of -English Gentlemen abroad," and frequent cafes and ordinaries,[928] and -engage a French page-boy "to parley and chide withal, whereof he shall -have occasion enough."[929] Howell strongly felt the necessity of -travelling in France at an early age in order to gain a good -pronunciation, "hardly overcome by one who has past the minority ... -the French tongue by reason of the huge difference betwixt their writing -and speaking will put one often into fits of despair and passion." He -draws a grotesque picture of "some of the riper plants" who "overact -themselves, for while they labour to _trencher le mot_, to cut the word -as they say, and speake like naturall Frenchmen, and to get the true -genuine tone ... they fall a lisping and mincing, and so distort and -strain their mouths and voyce so that they render themselves fantastique -and ridiculous: let it be sufficient for one of riper years to speak -French intelligibly, roundly, and congruously, without such forced -affectation." It is equally important to avoid bashfulness in speaking: -"whatsoever it is, let it come forth confidently whether true or false -sintaxis; for a bold vivacious spirit hath a very great advantage in -attaining the French, or indeed any other language." - -The student will also do well to repair sometimes "to the Courts of -pleading and to the Publique Schools. For in France they presently fall -from the Latine to dispute in the vulgar tongue." He should also combine -the study of grammar--that of Maupas is the best--with his practical -exercises, and begin a course of reading, making notes as he goes on. -The most suitable books are those dealing with the history of France, -such as Serres and D'Aubigne. Much judgment is needed in the choice of -books on other subjects, "especially when there is such a confusion of -them as in France, which, as Africk, produceth always something new, for -I never knew week pass in Paris, but it brought forth some new kinds of -authors: but let him take heed of tumultuary and disjointed Authors, as -well as of the frivolous and pedantique." However, "there be some French -poets will affoord excellent entertainment specially Du Bartas, and -'twere not amisse to give a slight salute to Ronsard and Desportes, and -the late Theophile.[930] And touching poets, they must be used like -flowers, some must only be smelt into, but some are good to be thrown -into a limbique to be Distilled." - -The student is likewise admonished to make a collection of French -proverbs, and translate from English into French--the most difficult -task in learning the language, "for to translate another tongue into -English is not hard or profitable." [Header: USUAL COURSE] Finally, "for -Sundayes and Holydayes, there bee many Treasuries of Devotion in the -French Tongue, full of patheticall ejaculations, and Heavenly raptures, -and his closet must not be without some of these.... Peter du Moulin -hath many fine pieces to this purpose, du Plessis, Allencour and others. -And let him be conversant with such bookes only on Sundayes and not -mingle humane studies with them. His closet must be his Rendez-vous -whensoever hee is surprized with any fit of perverseness, as thoughts of -Country or Kindred will often affect one." - -Having acquired some knowledge of French in this retirement, "hee may -then adventure upon Paris, and the Court, and visit Ambassadours," and -go in the train of some young nobleman. In addition he should enter into -the life of the town, read the weekly gazettes and newspapers, "and it -were not amisse for him to spend some time in the New Academy, erected -lately by the French Cardinall Richelieu, where all the sciences are -read in the French tongue which is done of purpose to refine and enrich -the Language." He may also frequent one of the divers Academies in -Paris, for private gentlemen and cadets. - -It was also customary to make either the _Grand_ or the _Petit Tour_ of -France, after the period of studious retirement. The _Grand Tour_ -included Lyons, Marseilles, Toulouse, Bordeaux, and Paris; the _Petit -Tour_, Paris, Tours, and Poitiers.[931] Paris, we can guess, was the -chief attraction to most young Englishmen of family and fortune. Dryden -thus describes the education of a young gentleman of fashion:[932] "Your -father sent you into France at twelve years old, bred you up at Paris, -first at a college and then at an Academy." Much importance was attached -to a course of study at the University there, and many recognized the -advantages gained therefrom. But on the other hand there were not a few -complaints of the dangers of lack of discipline and the company of -dissolute scholars, and still more, of the neglect of all serious study. -Clarendon[933] assures us that many English travellers never saw the -University nor knew in what part of Paris it stood; but "dedicate all -that precious season only to Dancing and other exercises, which is -horribly to misspend it"; with the result that when such a traveller -returns to England, all his learning consists in wearing his clothes -well, and he has at least one French fellow to wait upon him and comb -his periwig. He is a "most accomplish'd Harlequin:"[934] - - Drest in a tawdrey suit, at Paris made, - For which he more than twice the value paid. - French his attendants, French alone his mouth - Can speak, his native language is uncouth. - If to the ladies he doth make advance, - His very looks must have the air of France. - -Such being the case, Admiral Penn thought well to send his son William -to France[935] in the hope that the brilliant life there would make him -forget the Quaker sympathies formed at Oxford.[936] The plan succeeded -for the time being; Penn returned "a most modish person, a fine -Gentleman, with all the latest French fashions," and Pepys[937] reports -that he perceived "something of learning he hath got, but a great deale, -if not too much of the vanity of the French garbe and affected manner of -speech and gait. I fear all real profit he hath made of his travel will -signify little." - -No doubt many "raw young travellers" did "waste their time abroad in -gallantry, ignorant for the most part of foreign languages, and no -recommendation to their own country."[938] Costeker in _The Compleat -Education of a Young Nobleman_ pictures what the young traveller abroad -often is, and what he might be. To begin with, "the utmost of his -thoughts and ideas are confined to the more fashionable part of dress." -Then, "according to custom, our Beau is designed to Travel; the Tour -proposed is to France, Italy and Spain. Were I to act the part of an -impartial Inquisitor I would ask for what? Why, most undoubtedly, I -might expect to be answered, to see the World again and perfect his -Studies, and by that means compleat the fine Gentleman. Thus equiped -with a fine Estate, little Learning, and less Sense, and intirely -ignorant of all Languages but his own, he launches into a foreign -Nation, without the least knowledge of his own, where the sharpers will -find him out, discover his Intellects, and make the most of him; they -besiege him with fulsome Adulation, against which his feminine refined -Understanding is too weak to resist. [Header: SIR JOHN RERESBY IN -FRANCE] I will not dwell long upon the subject of his stay there, -supposing he has made his Tour, and seen all the most remarkable and -wondrous curiosities of those Nations, he returns a little better than -he went, except for smattering a little of the tongues, and can give us -but as bad and imperfect an Account of their nation as he was capable of -giving them of ours; all the Advantage he brings from thence is their -Modes and Vices ... the incommoding a French Peruke unmans the Bow at -once."[939] And next to himself he "loves best anyone who will call him -a _Bel Esprit_." How different a picture from that of the traveller -which is painted as a model to young Englishmen: at the age of twenty he -goes abroad for two years, after having acquired a true knowledge of his -own nation and made himself master of French and Latin. He is capable of -learning more in a month than another ignorant of languages can in -twelve. "I am confident were all our young Noblemen educated in this -manner the French Court would no longer bee esteem'd the Residence of -Politeness and Belles Lettres but must then yield to the British one in -many degrees, by reason our young Gentlemen would not only be perfect -Masters in their exterior but intellectual Perfections, and England will -then be fam'd for the Excellency of Manners and Politeness as it is now -for the incomparable Beauty of the Ladies."[940] - -Sir John Reresby's account of how he spent his time abroad may be given -as a fairly typical example.[941] He went to France, in company with Mr. -Leech, his governor, in 1654. They travelled from Rye to Dieppe, and -thence to Paris, passing through Rouen. Their stay at Paris was very -short, as Reresby found the great resort of his countrymen there a great -"prevention" to learning the language. "I stayed no longer in Paris," he -tells us, "than to get my clothes, and to receive my bills of exchange, -and so went to live in a pension or boarding house at Blois.... I -employed my time here in learning the language, the guitar and dancing, -till July, and then, there having been some likelihood of a quarrel -between me and a Dutch gentleman in the same house, my governour -prevailed with me to go and live at Saumur[942].... At Saumur in -addition to the exercises I learnt at Blois, I learned to fence, and to -play of the lute. Besides that I studied philosophy and the -mathematicks, with my governor, who read lectures of each to me every -other day. After eight months' stay I had got so much of the language to -be able to converse with some ladies of the town, especially the -daughters of one M. du Plessis.... In the month of April I began to make -the little tour or circuit of France, and returned to Saumur after some -six weeks' absence. In July, I went (desirous to avoid much English -company resident at Saumur) to Le Mans, the capital town of Mayence, -with the two Mr. Leeches and one Mr. Butler. We lodged, and were in -pension at the parson's or minister's house; there were there no -strangers. There were several French persons of quality that lived there -at that time, as the Marquis de Cogne's widow, the Marquis de Verdun, -and several others, who made us partakers of the pastimes and diversions -of the place. All that winter few weeks did pass, that there were not -balls three times at the least, and we had the freer access by reason -that the women were more numerous than the men. I stayed there till -April 1656, and then returned to Saumur with my Governor alone." After -staying there for some time, Reresby dismissed his governor and made a -tour in Italy. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[882] _Discourse in derision of the Teaching in Free Schools_, 1644. - -[883] One John Gifford, for instance, obtained permission to spend seven -years in France in order to educate his family there (_Cal. State -Papers, Dom., 1623-25_, p. 282). Mr. Storey sent his grandson Starky to -France to learn the language (_ibid., 1649-50_, p. 535). - -[884] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1654_, p. 427. Care was taken to prevent -English students abroad from going to Roman Catholics; in 1661 Francis -Cottington made a successful application for the remission of a -forfeiture he incurred by going to Paris without a licence and living -three months in the house of a Papist (_Cal. State Papers, Dom., -1661-62_, p. 566). - -[885] _Memoirs of the Verney Family_, i. pp. 477, 497. - -[886] Among the books he read were Monluc's _Commentaires_, the -_Secretaire a la mode_, and the _Secretaire de la cour_ (_Memoirs of the -Verney Family_, iii. p. 80). - -[887] _Memoirs_, iii. p. 66. - -[888] An Edict of 1683 restricted the number of such pupils allowed to -French pastors to two. - -[889] An account of the schools of the French Protestants is given by M. -Nicolas in the _Bulletin de l'Histoire du Protestantisme francais_, vol. -iv. pp. 497 _et seq._ - -[890] Cp. pp. 233 _sqq._, _supra_. The names of many famous families are -found in the registers of Geneva University--the Pembrokes, Montagus, -Cavendishes, Cecils, etc. Borgeaud, _L'Academie de Geneve_, p. 442. - -[891] _Memoirs_, i. p. 358. - -[892] _Verney Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 358. - -[893] _Cal. of State Papers, Dom., 1661-62_, p. 283. - -[894] _Ibid., 1656-56_, pp. 182, 188, 281, 288, 316. - -[895] _Savile Correspondence_, Camden Society, 1858, pp. 80, 71 _sqq._, -228. - -[896] When the Academy of Saumur was suppressed in 1684, the town lost -about two-thirds of its inhabitants. - -[897] Locke was one of those who went to the South of France "carrying a -cough with him"; cp. his Journal in King, _Life of Locke ... with -Extracts from his ... Journal_, 1830, i. pp. 86 _sqq._, Nov. 1675-March -1679. - -[898] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1667-68_, p. 69. - -[899] _New Instructions to the Guardian_, 1694, p. 101. - -[900] Cooper, _Annals of Cambridge_, iv. 184. - -[901] _New Instructions to the Guardian_, 1694, p. 101. - -[902] _The Compleat Gentleman or Directions for the Education of Youth -as to their breeding at home and Travelling Abroad_, 1687, pp. 33 _sqq._ - -[903] Eliote seems to have been the first to have described the Grand -Tour--in his grammar, _Ortho-Epia Gallica_ (1593). Sherwood followed his -example in 1625. After the middle of the century such dialogues assume a -more educational and guide-like and less descriptive form. - -[904] Lister, _A Journey to Paris in the year 1698_, p. 2. Lister had -previously visited France in about 1668. In 1698 he visited the aged -Mlle. de Scudery and the Daciers, and frequented the French theatres. - -[905] Second edition, 1657. - -[906] London, 1656. Another edition appeared in 1673, entitled _The -Voyage of France, or a compleat Journey through France_. - -[907] As in _A Tour in France and Italy made by an English Gentleman_ -(J. Clenchy), 1675 and 1676, reprinted in _A Collection of Voyages_, -1745, vol. i.; and _Remarks on the Grand Tour of France and Italy lately -performed by a person of quality_ (W. Bromley), 1692 and 1693 (when it -was entitled _Remarks made in Travels through France and Italy with many -public inscriptions. Lately undertaken by a Person of Quality_). Cp. pp. -220 _sqq._, supra. - -[908] For instance: _Le Guide des chemins pour aller et venir par tous -les pays et contrees du Royaume de France . . . par C. Estienne_, Paris, -1552, 1553; Lyons, 1556. _Les Antiquitez et Recherches des Villes, -chasteaux, et places plus remarquables de toute la France_, 6e ed., -1631. L. Coulon, _Le fidele conducteur pour le voyage de France montrant -exactement les Routes et choses remarquables qui se trouvent en chaque -ville, et les distances d'icelles avec un denombrement des Batailles qui -s'y sont donnees_, Paris, 1654. - -[909] As _Le Guide Fidelle des etrangers dans le voyage de France_, -Paris, 1672 (by Aloide de St. Maurice); _Les Delices de la France ou -description des provinces et villes capitales d'icelles_, Leyde, 1685; -_Le Gentilhomme etranger voyageant en France, par le baron G.D.N._, -1699--borrowed, without acknowledgement, from _Le Guide Fidelle_ of -1672. Cp. A. Babeau, _Les Voyageurs en France depuis la Renaissance -jusqu'a la Revolution_, Paris, 1885, chapter v. - -[910] By La Serre. The former, which first appeared in 1625, went -through fifty editions. - -[911] Lockier, in Spense's _Anecdotes_, 1820, p. 75. - -[912] _Journal_, p. 89. - -[913] Riding on horseback was the more usual mode of travelling, the -horses being hired from town to town; cp. Locke's _Journal_, p. 149. -Wherever possible, travellers went from one town to another by water--as -from one of the Loire towns to another. - -[914] _The Memoirs of M. du Val ... intended as a severe reflexion on -the too great fondness of English ladies towards French valets which at -that time was a common complaint_, London, 1670, Harleian Miscellany, -iii. p. 308. - -[915] _Spared Houres of a Souldier_, 1623. - -[916] Moryson mentions Orleans as a good town; Edward Leigh, Blois and -Orleans (_Foelix Consortium_, 1663); Evelyn, Blois and Bourges; Lookier, -Orleans and Caen. - -[917] _Epistolae Ho-Elianae_, 9th ed., 1726, p. 38. - -[918] Heylyn, _Voyage of France_, 1673, p. 294. - -[919] He kept a diary in Latin (1648-50); cf. Wood, _Athenae Oxon._ -(Bliss), iii. 901. - -[920] Gailhard, _The Compleat Gentleman_, 1678. - -[921] Who, in his _Ludus Literarius_, urges boys to practise speaking -Latin "to fit them if they shall go beyond the seas, as Gentlemen who go -to travel, Factors for merchants, and the like." - -[922] He tells us that at Rouen the English usually went to an inn kept -by a certain Mr. Madde; at Dieppe, Madame Godard's house was very -popular; at Paris, the best hotel was the "Ville de Venize." At Orleans, -good lodging was found at the "Croix Blanche," kept by one M. Richard, -and at the house of M. Marishall Laisne. - -[923] J. Rutledge, _Memoire sur le caractere, et les moeurs des Francais -compares a ceux des Anglais_, 1776, p. 55. - -[924] Vairasse was born _c._ 1630, probably at Allais. - -[925] Another grammar of similar intent was that of Ruau, _La vraie -methode d'enseigner la langue francoise aux estrangers expliquee en -Latin_, Paris, 1687. - -[926] _Epistolae Ho-Elianae_, 9th ed., 1726, p. 283. - -[927] _Instructions for forreine travel_, 1642, ed. Arber, 1869, pp. 19 -_sqq._ - -[928] Bacon had many years before advised the traveller to keep a diary: -and further "let him sequester himself from the company of his -countrymen, and diet in such places where there is a good company of the -nation where he travaileth" (_Essay on Travel_). - -[929] A Huguenot boy of about sixteen was considered a suitable valet -(Laine, _French Grammar_, 1650). - -[930] _I.e._ Theophile de Viau. - -[931] St. Maurice, _Guide Fidelle_, 1672. - -[932] _Limberman or the Kind Keeper_, Act I. Sc. 1. - -[933] _On Education._ Miscellaneous Works, 1751, pp. 322-3. - -[934] _Satire against the French_, 1691. - -[935] Webb, _The Penns and Penningtons of the Seventeenth Century in -their Domestic and Religious Life_, 1867, p. 154. - -[936] Gibbon, on the contrary, was sent to the house of a pastor of -Lausanne, in the hope that he would abjure the doctrines of Roman -Catholicism, which he had affected at the same University. - -[937] _Diary_, August 26 and 27, 1664; August 30, 1664. - -[938] D. Fordyce, _Dialogues on Education_, 1745, i. p. 417. - -[939] _The Compleat Education of a Young Nobleman_, 1723, pp. 13 and 14. - -[940] Costeker, _op. cit._ pp. 50-51. - -[941] _Memoirs of Sir John Reresby, 1634-1689_, London, 1875, pp. 26 -_sqq._, and _Memoirs and Travels of Sir John Reresby_, London, 1904, p. -21. - -[942] Travelling by boat on the Loire, as was usual, and passing by -Tours. They were accompanied by a band of French men and women who, says -Reresby, tried to make the journey more pleasant by singing, and made it -less so. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - - GALLOMANIA AFTER THE RESTORATION - - -The French teachers of London at the time of the Restoration, chief -amongst whom were Claude Mauger, Paul Festeau, Pierre Laine, and -Guillaume Herbert, all urged students to travel in France as a means of -completing the knowledge of French acquired in England; yet at the same -time they naturally and in their own interests lay emphasis on the -facilities for learning the language in England, especially after the -Restoration, when, to use Mauger's words, there was a little France in -London, as well as a little England in Paris; "there being so great a -correspondence between the two Courts of England and France that we see -here continually the Lords of the latter, as they see at Paris persons -of quality of the former, besides an infinity of others going and coming -from thence." This indeed was the period in which Francomania reached -its height in England. During the Commonwealth the English Court and -many of the nobility and gentry had sojourned in France, and returned -thence imbued with admiration for everything French. This admiration was -intensified by the universal popularity of the French language and -French fashions. Gentlemen from all parts of Europe repaired to France -to learn the language and "frenchify" their manners. France was the -country to which English gentlemen resorted "to get their breeding"; and -the Chancellor Clarendon held that their manners were much improved by -the contact. On the other hand, French men and women of the same class -came to the English Court in larger numbers than ever before. Some -returned with their English friends at the Restoration. Others followed -later, for the English Court offered more attractions to -pleasure-seekers than did the French Court, now under the influence of -Madame de Maintenon. - -The indignation and dismay aroused in France by the execution of -Charles I.[943] made the welcome offered to the royalist emigrants all -the warmer in the first instance. We are told that Paris, and indeed all -France, was full of loyal fugitives.[944] The exiled English Court was -sheltered at the Louvre and the Palais Royal in turn.[945] The queen -arrived in her native land in 1644, and shortly afterwards came Prince -Charles, then about sixteen years old, and James, the young Duke of -York. Mlle. de Montpensier, the grand-daughter of Henry IV., remarks on -the French of the two young princes. James, she thought, spoke the -language with ease, and very well indeed, and Mademoiselle was no -lenient critic.[946] But Charles had not drawn as much profit from the -lessons received in England.[947] He found the pronunciation an almost -insuperable difficulty, stammered and hesitated, and during the early -part of his stay remained almost mute for want of words. Mademoiselle -says he could not utter one intelligible sentence in French, though he -understood all she said to him. Charles, however, soon felt the benefit -of his sojourn abroad. When he returned to France from Holland in 1648, -he had already made much progress and answered the French king readily -in French, when that monarch inquired about the horses and dogs of the -Prince of Orange. He was ready enough to talk of hunting in French, but -when the queen wished to know about the progress of his affairs, and to -talk of serious matters, he excused himself, declaring he could not -speak French.[948] He would also sit silent for long periods in Mlle. de -Montpensier's presence, and only ventured to convey his compliments to -her through Lord Jermyn, one of the chief counsellors of Charles I., who -remained in the service of the queen during her exile in France. -[Header: THE ENGLISH COURT IN FRANCE] But the princess was delighted to -see a great improvement in his speaking of the language at the time of -his return from the expedition into Scotland, and the fatal battle of -Worcester. He forgot his shyness and spoke French well, relating to her -the thrilling story of his escape, and how he was "furieusement ennuye" -in Scotland, where they think it a sin to listen to a violin. He was -also able to make the princess very pretty compliments in French, and on -these occasions, she remarks, he spoke the language particularly -well.[949] - -Charles is even said to have gone incognito to several French reformed -churches during his stay in France. The presence of Cromwell's -ambassador prevented his going to the famous church of Charenton, but he -went to others. On one occasion he listened to the sermon in the -Protestant church of La Rochelle, in company with the Duke of Ormond, -and expressed his satisfaction to one or two of the congregation to whom -he revealed his identity.[950] - -Many other Englishmen improved their French during their enforced stay -on the Continent. Most of the high officials of the Court of Charles I., -the courtiers, nobles, and gentlemen round the king, spent the greater -part of the interregnum in Paris, although some of them were disturbed -by the French understanding with Cromwell in 1656. John Evelyn[951] -enumerates most of the distinguished Englishmen he met in France,[952] -and remarks on the number of French courtiers who paid their respects to -the king (Charles II.); he himself kissed His Majesty's hand at St. -Germain's. French courtiers had free intercourse with the English at -concerts, festivals, and other entertainments.[953] They also met at the -Academies so fashionable at the time. On the 13th March 1650, for -instance, Evelyn witnessed a "triumph" in Mr. Del Campo's Academy, where -"divers of the French and English noblesse, especially my Lord of -Ossory, and Richard, sons to the Marquis of Ormond (afterwards Duke), -did their exercises on horseback in noble equipage before a world of -spectators and great persons, men and ladies." And again, on the 24th of -May, he writes, "we were invited by the Noble Academies to a running, -where were many brave horses, gallants and ladies, my Lord Stanhope -entertaining us with a collation." The king's brother, the young Duke of -Gloucester, set the example by daily attending one of these academies. -Sir John Reresby, that time-serving politician, has also left an account -of his journey in France during the Commonwealth. On his arrival at -Paris in 1654 he saw the king, the Duke of York, and Prince Rupert -playing at billiards in the Palais Royal; "but was incognito, it being -crime sufficient the waiting upon His Majesty to have caused the -sequestration of his estates."[954] Reresby was again in France in 1659, -and was well received by Henrietta Maria. Almost alone of the English -exiles, Sir Edward Hyde, the Chancellor, who found the discomforts of -the exiled Court very great, failed to become a fluent speaker of -French, chiefly because he was unable to overcome the difficulties of -the pronunciation. After the Restoration he was the one high official of -the English Court who did not speak the language with fluency. It was -not till the time of his exile in France, after his disgrace in 1668, -that he mastered the language sufficiently to read its literature; but -he still found "many inconveniences" in speaking it.[955] - -Men of letters formed a considerable section of the English colony in -France. Waller, Denham, Cowley, Davenant, Hobbes, Killigrew, Shirley, -Fanshawe, Crashaw, etc., and later Roscommon, Rochester, Buckingham, -Wycherley, Vanbrugh, and others lived in France, and some mixed freely -in French literary circles, then centring round the Hotel de -Rambouillet, and such names as those of Malherbe, Vaugelas, Corneille, -Bossuet, Scudery, La Calprenede. English literature of the Restoration -gives ample proof of their familiarity with both the language and -literature of their hosts.[956] Waller, for instance, after spending -some time at Rouen, moved to Paris, where he lived "in great splendour -and hospitality."[957] [Header: ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS IN FRANCE] -Cowley, who had followed the queen to Paris, became secretary to Lord -Jermyn, afterwards Earl of St. Albans, and deciphered the letters which -passed between the king and queen of England. The dramatist Davenant was -twice in France, where he remained several years on his second visit. -Hobbes, who for many years acted as a travelling tutor, made his mark in -the philosophic circles of Paris, and knew Mersenne, Sorbiere, and -Gassendi. He fled to Paris during the civil wars, and for a time was -engaged in teaching arithmetic to the Prince of Wales.[958] - -Among the many children sent to France for education during the Civil -War and Commonwealth were several future literary men. Both Vanbrugh and -Wycherley were brought up in this way. At the age of fifteen Wycherley -was "sent for education to the Western parts of France, either to -Saintonges or the Angoumois. His abode there was either upon the Banks -of the Charente, or very little remov'd from it. And he had there the -Happiness to be in the neighbourhood of one of the most accomplish'd -Ladies of the Court of France, Mme. de Montausier, whom Voiture has made -famous by several very ingenious letters, the most of which were writ to -her when she was a Maid, and call'd Mlle. de Rambouillet. I have heard -Mr. Wycherley say he was often admitted to the Conversation of that -lady, who us'd to call him the Little Hugenot: and that young as he was, -he was equally pleased with the Beauty of her Mind, and with the Graces -of her person."[959] - -One of the young royalists who received his education in France during -the Commonwealth so completely mastered the French language that he -gained an important place among French men of letters: the famous -Anthony Hamilton, the author of short stories in French[960]--masterpieces -in the light vein[961]--and of the well-known life of his -gallant brother-in-law, the Comte de Grammont, which gives a -vivid picture of the life at the Court of Charles II. Hamilton has -been placed second only to Voltaire as a representative of the _esprit -francais_.[962] - -At the Restoration, Hamilton returned to England with the rest of the -English emigrants, together with a considerable number of Frenchmen who -had attached themselves to the English Court. He was followed two years -later by the hero of his _Memoires_,[963] the Comte de Grammont, who -pronounced the English Court so like that of France in manners and -conversation that he could hardly realize he was in another -country.[964] French was the language freely used by the English -emigrants on their return to London, and by others in imitation of them. -"French is the most in use," wrote William Higford in the year of the -Restoration, "a most sweet tongue called the Woman's tongue, and as I -think for the address from the servant to the mistress, and from the -servant to the soveraigne, there is no sweeter nor more civil."[965] The -use of the French language was spreading all over Europe, but nowhere -was it so popular as in England: "indeed it is most alamode and best -pleases the ladies and we cannot deny but Messieurs of France are -excellent wits."[966] - -The presence of so many of these _messieurs_ in London intensified the -already strong French atmosphere. Several famous names occur in the list -of French ladies and gentlemen who took up their abode in England at -this time. Shortly before De Grammont, St. Evremond had arrived in -England, where he spent over thirty years, and died in 1703. Both played -important parts in the social life of the time. De Grammont especially -was very popular. [Header: FRENCH COURTIERS IN LONDON] He received a -warm welcome at Court, where he met many old friends and was overwhelmed -with hospitality; to make an engagement with him it was necessary to see -him a fortnight beforehand. He himself added to the Court festivities by -giving French entertainments in the Parisian style. - -At the numerous festivities held in honour of De Grammont, St. -Evremond[967] was almost invariably one of the guests. He soon became -the centre of a _coterie_, half English and half French, including his -literary companion the Dutchman Vossius, Canon of Windsor, the French -doctor Le Fevre, professor of chemistry to Charles II.,[968] and the -learned Huguenot Henri Justel, who had charge of the royal library at -St. James's. What contributed most to reconcile St. Evremond to his life -in England, however, was the arrival of Hortense Mancini, Duchesse de -Mazarin, niece of the cardinal. The French ambassador Courtin said -England was the refuge of French wives who had quarrelled with their -husbands, and the Duchesse was one of these.[969] In her _salon_ St. -Evremond met the most distinguished Englishmen and foreign ministers of -the day. He saw her daily, and she inspired much of his best work. -There, too, met French Catholics, Huguenots, and Englishmen, free from -all religious prejudice, and talked of the subjects which interested -them most. Another of Mazarin's nieces, the Duchesse de Bouillon,[970] -was also in London for a time, and received in her _salon_ Waller, St. -Evremond, and others; at one time there was a possibility of La Fontaine -joining her circle. La Fontaine seems to have felt some interest in -England and the English, who, he says, - - pensent profondement; - Leur esprit, en cela, suit leur temperament, - Creusant dans les sujets, et forts d'experiences, - Ils etendent partout l'empire des sciences. - -To Mrs. Harvey, sister of Lord Montagu and friend of the Duchess of -Mazarin, he dedicated his fable _Le Renard Anglais_. - -Both St. Evremond and the Duchess of Mazarin ended their days in -England.[971] St. Evremond enjoyed the favour of three English kings. -Charles II. gave him a pension, and when William III. dined with one of -his courtiers, he is said to have always stipulated that the French -writer should be of the party, as he took great delight in his -conversation. Though St. Evremond received permission in 1689 to return -to his native land, he did not avail himself of the offer, preferring to -remain in the midst of his English friends, who were accustomed to his -ways and manners and his peculiarities.[972] But during the whole of his -thirty years' stay in England he made no attempt to speak English. -French was the language in which he and the rest of his countrymen -carried on their daily intercourse with their hosts. - -Pepys also refers frequently to the Frenchmen he met in London.[973] On -one occasion at the Cockpit his attention was diverted from the stage by -a group of loquacious Frenchmen in a box, who, not understanding -English, were amusing themselves by asking a pretty lady, who knew both -languages, what the actors said. "Lord! what sport they made!" says -Pepys. On another occasion at Whitehall he met a very communicative -Frenchman with one eye, who shared a coach with him, and told him the -history of his own life "without asking." - -Covent Garden, we are told, was the favourite resort of the French -residents, "nearer the Court, than the Exchange."[974] Their presence, -however, was not confined to Court circles; for the French were -beginning to take an interest in England and to visit the country,[975] -although, as yet, their curiosity had not extended to the language. In a -few cases English was studied. Mauger even tells us that several of his -contemporaries learnt it in France. It is certain that some employed the -services of the French teachers of London, who were willing to teach -their newly acquired language to their countrymen; for this purpose the -practice of attaching English grammars to French ones--a combination -first instituted by Mauger, who urged the French and English to avail -themselves of this opportunity of exchanging lessons--became more and -more common as the seventeenth century drew to its close. [Header: -FRENCH VALETS AND "FEMMES DE CHAMBRE"] In the meanwhile guide-books[976] -and relations of travel in England appeared. The writer of one of these, -M. Payen,[977] remarks on the great number of strangers, especially -Frenchmen, in London.[978] At the time of the Restoration, however, the -chief significance of their presence lies in the need they created for -the English to speak French. - -The great demand for everything French, including the language, offered -an opening for many Frenchmen in London; for all the men and women of -fashion were not in the position of De Grammont, who sent his valet, -Thermes, to France every week to bring back the latest fashions from -Paris. "Nothing will go down with the town now," writes a contemporary -author, "but French fashions, French dancing, French songs, French -servants, French wines, French kickshaws, and now and then French sawce -come in among them, and so no doubt but French doctors may be in esteem -too."[979] In almost every book written at the time there is some -reference to the mania for French fashions. And some time later the Abbe -Le Blanc relates how, on one occasion in England, a self-satisfied -Englishman taunted him thus: "Il faut que votre pays soit bien pauvre, -puisque tant de gens sont obliges de le quitter pour chercher a vivre en -celui-ci. C'est vous qui nous fournissez de Maitres a danser, de -Perruquiers, de Tailleurs, et de Valets de chambre: et nous vous devons -cette justice, pour la Frisure ou pour le Menuet, les Francois -l'emportent sur toutes les autres Nations. Je ne comprens pas comment on -aime si fort la Danse dans un Pays ou l'on a si peu sujet de rire. -N'est-il pas triste, par exemple, de ne cultiver vos Vignes que pour -nous?"[980] - -Regarding the French _valets_ and _femmes de chambre_ in London, the -Abbe writes: "Il n'est pas etonnant que l'on trouve en Angleterre tant -de Domestiques Francois. A Londres on se plait a parler notre Langue, on -copie nos usages, on imite nos moeurs: ils entretiennent du moins dans -nos manieres ceux qui les aiment: et les Anglois les payent a -proportion de l'utilite qu'ils en retirent."[981] We are told that the -French lackey was "as mischievous all the year as a London apprentice on -Shrove Tuesday";[982] yet he was indispensable: - - His Lordship's Valet must be bred in France, - Or else he is a clown without Pretence: - The English Blockheads are in dress so coarse, - They're fit for nothing but to rub a horse. - Her Ladyship's ill manner'd or ill bred, - Whose Woman Confident or Chamber Maid, - Did not in France suck in her first breath'd Air, - Or did not gain her education there.[983] - -French cooks were also in great demand, and it was a point of gentility -to dine at one of the French ordinaries. Thus Briske, in Shadwell's -_Humourists_, is condemned as "a fellow that never wore a noble or -polite garniture, or a white periwig, one that has not a bit of interest -at Chatelin's, or ever ate a good fricacy, sup, or ragoust in his life"; -for now, "like the French we dress, like Frenchmen eat." "Substantial -beef" is "boil'd in vain," and "our boards are profaned with -fricassee":[984] - - Our cooks in dressing have no skill at all, - French cooks are only of the modish stamp. - -Pepys did not care for the new French restaurants. At the most popular, -Chatelin's,[985] he says, they serve a "damned base dinner at the charge -of 8s. 6d." He preferred the old English ordinaries where English food -was given a French name. Yet he admits that at the French houses the -table is covered and the glasses clean, all in the French manner; and -when he dined with his patrons of the Admiralty, he usually was given a -"fine French dinner."[986] - -[Header: THE FRENCH TAILOR] - -As to the French dancing-master, he is a "very Paladin of France when -he comes into England once, where he has the Regimen of the Ladies leges -and is the sole Pedagoge of their feet, teaching them the French -Language, as well as the French Pace."[987] French music was also the -vogue. We are told that during the reign of Charles II. "all musick -affected by the beau mond ran in the ffrench way."[988] John Bannester, -the first violin to the king, is said to have lost his post[989] for -having upheld, within the hearing of His Majesty, that the English -musicians were superior to the French. Soon after the Restoration, -Charles on one occasion gave great umbrage to the English musicians by -making them stop their performance and bidding the French music play -instead. - -In the same way the French tailor is "the King of Fashions and Emperor -of the Mode, not onely in France, but most of its Neighboring Nations, -and his Laws are received where the King of France's will not -pass";[990] and thus the French - - Now give us laws for pantalons, - The length of breeches and the gathers, - Port-cannons, periwigs and feathers.[991] - -There was a French peddling woman at Court, Mlle. Le Boord, who "us'd to -bring peticoates, and fanns and baubles out of France to the -Ladys,"[992] and whose opinion had great weight. De Grammont won the -favour of the English ladies by having French trinkets sent them from -France. "Let the fashion be French, 'tis no matter what the cloth -be."[993] Travellers from France were beset with questions as to the -latest mode. Some devotees were said to receive weekly letters from -France providing information on this subject.[994] At one moment -Charles protested against the rage for French fashions by adopting a -simple garment after the Persian style, which was first worn at Court on -the 18th October 1666. Divers gentlemen went so far as to wager that His -Majesty would not persist in this change; and when Louis XIV. retorted -by ordering his pages to be attired in the same Persian garb, Charles -withdrew. "It was a comely and manly attire," writes Evelyn, "too good -to hold, it being impossible for us in good earnest to leave the -Monsieurs' vanities long."[995] - -Francomania indeed was carried to extremes: - - And as some pupils have been known - In time to put their tutors down, - So ours are often found t'ave got - More tricks than ever they were taught.[996] - -We are told of an "English captain that threw up his commission because -his company would not exercise after the French Discipline."[997] Dryden -even accuses the French of influencing the course of English -politics:[998] - - The Holy League - Begot our Cov'nant; Guisards got Whig, - Whate'er our hot-brain'd sheriffs did advance, - Was like our fashions, first produced in France, - And when worn out, well scourg'd and bannish'd there. - Sent over, like their godly Beggars, here. - -A French patent was said to authorize any crime.[999] "Now what a Devil -'tis should make us so dote on these French," says Flecknoe,[1000] and -another writer adds:[1001] - - Our native speech we must forget e'er long - To learn the French that much more modish Tongue. - Their language smoother is, hath pretty Aires, - But ours is Gothick if compar'd with theirs. - The French by arts of smooth insinuation - Are now become the Darlings of the Nation. - -[Header: FRENCH SPOKEN AT COURT] - -The example was set at Court, where French was commonly in use, and -where to be able to speak it well was a necessity and proof of good -breeding. "Mark then, I makes 'em both speak French to show their -breeding," says the author Boyes of his two kings in Buckingham's -_Rehearsal_.[1002] Sir John Reresby first attracted notice at Court by -his fluent French. "It was this summer," he writes in 1661, "that the -Duke of York first took any particular notice of me. I happened to be in -discourse with the French Ambassador and some other gentlemen of his -nation, in the presence at Whitehall, and the Duke joined us, he being a -great lover of the French tongue and kind to those who spoke it. The -next night he talked with me a long while as he was at supper with the -king."[1003] And Reresby, with a keen eye for his own advancement, took -advantage of this to secure the patronage of the Duke. He also tells us -that the King, Duke, and French ambassador were very often merry and -intimate together at Louise de Kerouaille's (now Duchess of Portsmouth) -lodgings,[1004] where French alone would be used, for it was an unknown -thing for a French ambassador to speak English. There was not a -courtier[1005] who did not speak French with ease, Clarendon alone -excepted. - -The ladies of the Court were equally well versed in the language. When -De Grammont, who had made the acquaintance of most of the courtiers in -France, came to make that of the ladies, he needed no interpreter, for -all knew French--"assez pour s'expliquer et toutes entendaient le -francois assez bien pour ce qu'on avait a leur dire."[1006] Amongst them -was Miss Hamilton, Anthony's sister, who became De Grammont's -wife,[1007] and was much admired at the Court of Louis XIV. The -accomplishments of Miss Stuart may be quoted as typical of the rest: -"elle avoit de la grace, dansoit bien, parloit francois mieux que sa -langue naturelle: elle etoit polie, possedoit cet air de parure apres -lequel on court et qu'on n'attrappe gueres a moins de l'avoir pris en -France des sa jeunesse."[1008] The least gifted lady of the Court was -Miss Blake, who "n'entendoit presque point le francois." When the -Countess of Berkshire recommended one of her near relatives as one of -the queen's dressers, the fact that she had been twelve years in France, -and could speak French exceedingly well, was mentioned as her chief -qualification.[1009] The Portuguese queen[1010] was indeed out of place -in her Frenchified Court. She could not speak French, and Spanish was -her means of intercourse with Charles II. and the Duke of York, who both -spoke this language fairly well, and were able to act as interpreters -between their French mother and the young queen. Catherine's Portuguese -attire was the subject of much amusement, and her efforts to induce the -ladies of the Court to adopt it were of no avail. James II., when he was -an exile in France for the second time, told the nuns of Chaillot that -she had endeavoured to prevail on King Charles to use his influence with -them: "but the ladies dressed in the French fashions and would not hear -of any other, constantly sending artificers and dressmakers to Paris to -import the newest modes, as they do to this very day."[1011] The country -ladies caught the fashion as it was going out in London.[1012] - -In many cases the passion for all things French became a mania with the -ladies, as is frequently pictured in the drama of the time.[1013] A -Frenchified lady would have a French maid, "born and bred in France, who -could speak English but brokenly," with whom she would talk a mixture of -broken French and English; while many a one like Melantha of Dryden's -_Marriage a-la-mode_,[1014] doted on any new French word: "as fast as -any bullion comes out of France, she coins it into English, and runs -mad in new French words."[1015] [Header: THE FRENCHIFIED LADY] She -importunes those returned from the tour in France, or who have -correspondence with Parisians, to know the latest words used in Paris. -Her maid supplies her daily with a store of French words: - - _Melantha._ ... You _sot_ you, come produce your Morning's work.... - O, my Venus! 14 or 15 words to serve me a whole day! Let me die, at - this rate I cannot last till night! Come read your words.... - - _Philotis._ _Sottises._ - - _Melantha._ _Sottises, bon._ That's an excellent word to begin withal: - as for example, he or she said a thousand _sottises_ to me. Proceed. - - _Philotis._ _Figure_: as what a _Figure_ of a man is there! _Naive_ - and _Naivete_. - - _Melantha._ _Naive!_ as how? - - _Philotis._ Speaking of a thing that was naturally said: it was so - _naive_. Or such an innocent piece of simplicity: 'twas such a - _Naivete_. - -And as Melantha becomes excited with her new acquisitions, she bestows -gifts on her maid at each new word. - -A new catechism[1016] for the ladies was invented on these lines: - - --Of what Nation are you? - --English by birth: my education _a la mode de France_. - --Who confirms you? - --Mademoiselle the French Mantua maker. - -We are told that the Frenchified lady was educated in a French -boarding-school, by a French dancing master, a French singing master, -and a French waiting woman. "Before I could speak English plain," she -tells us, "I was taught to jabber French: and learnt to dance before I -could go: in short I danced French dances at 8, sang French at 10, spoke -it at 13, and before 15 could talk nothing else." - -Among the gentlemen _a la mode_, "to speak French like a magpie" was -also the fashion: - - We shortly must our native speech forget - And every man appear a French coquett. - Upon the Tongue our English sounds not well, - But--oh, monsieur, la langue francoise est belle;[1017] - -wrote a satirist of the time. And so the Francomaniacs, designated as -_beaux_ or English _monsieurs_, became the subject for satire and -ridicule. Their French was often not of a very high standard. Pepys met -one of the _monsieurs_, "full of his French," and pronounced it "not -very good." Many, no doubt, had to be content "t' adorn their English -with French scraps." - - And while they idly think t' enrich, - Adulterate their native speech: - For, though to smatter ends of Greek - Or Latin be the rhetorique - Of pedants counted and vainglorious, - To smatter French is meritorious, - And to forget their mother tongue - Or purposely to speak it wrong.[1018] - -Butler says that "'tis as ill breeding now to speak good Englis, as to -wrote good Englis,[1019] good sense or a good hand," and "not to be able -to swear a French oath, nor use the polite French word in conversation," -debarred one from polite society. The town spark or _beau garzion_ is -frequently introduced in the comedies of the time. Not being master of -his own language, he intermingles it with scraps of French that the -ladies may take him for a man of parts and a true linguist.[1020] Such -is Sir Foppington, who walks with one eye hidden under his hat, with a -toothpick in prominence, and a cane dangling at his button;[1021] and -Sir Novelty Fashion, who prefers the title of _Beau_ to that of Right -Honourable;[1022] and the _Monsieur_ of Paris of Wycherley's _Gentleman -Dancing Master_, "mightily affected with French Language and Fashions," -preferring the company of a French valet to that of an English squire, -and talking "agreeable ill Englis." Etherege's Sir Fopling Flutter[1023] -presents us with a telling picture of what was considered good breeding -and wit at the Court of Charles II. [Header: THE ENGLISH "MONSIEUR"] Sir -Fopling is "a fine undertaking French fop, arrived piping hot from -Paris," bent on imitating the people of quality in France and on -speaking a mixture of French and English. "His head stands for the most -part on one side, and his looks are more languishing than a lady's when -she lolls at stretch in her coach, or leans her head carelessly against -the side of a box in the playhouse." He judges everything according to -what is done at Paris, and English music and dancing make him shudder. -And as it was _a la mode_ to be - - Attended by a young petit garcon - Who from his cradle was an arch Fripon,[1024] - -he walks about with a train of French valets. Mr. Frenchlove of James -Howard's "English Monsieur" (1674) is likewise "a Frenchman in his -second nature, that is in his fashion, discourse and clothes"; he cannot -discover a _divertissement_ in the whole of London, but finds "some -comfort that in this vast beef-eating city, a French house may be found -to eat at." - -The French ordinaries held an important place in the daily round of the -_beau_. His toilet occupied the whole of the early part of the day. He -would then go to the French ordinary,[1025] where he boasts of his -travels to the untravelled company, and if they receive this well, plies -them with "more such stuff, as how he, simple fellow as he seems to be, -had interpreted between the French King and the Emperor." Or, if his -accomplishments will not stand this strain, "flings some fragments of -French or small parcels of Italian about the table."[1026] He may then -take the promenade or _Tour a la Mode_, where he salutes with _bon -meen_, and has a hundred _jolly rancounters_ on the way.[1027] He -usually ended his day at the play. - -And here again he would find the desired French atmosphere. Many -translations or adaptations of French plays were acted,[1028] and the -English drama of the period is so full of French words and phrases that -it is hardly intelligible to any one without a good knowledge of -French.[1029] The Frenchified Gallants and Ladies, the French Valets, -and other French characters introduced so freely into the plays, offered -ample opportunity for the use of French words.[1030] Dryden, alone, is -responsible for the introduction of more than a hundred such -words.[1031] As literature was fashionable at the time, most of the -dramatic authors were themselves gentlemen _a la mode_ with strong -French tastes. Sedley, for instance, had a great reputation in the world -of fashion. Wycherley and Vanbrugh had both been educated in France. -Etherege had probably resided many years in Paris. Cibber, who always -played the part of the fop in his own plays, went twice to France -specially to study the airs and graces of the French _petit-maitre_,--at -no better place, however, than a _table d'Auberge_, the Abbe Le Blanc -tells us:[1032] "Il faut lui pardonner ses erreurs sur ses modeles, il -n'etoit a portee d'en voir d'autres: si meme il n'a pas aussi bien imite -ceux-ci que les Anglois se le sont persuade, je n'en suis pas surpris: -il m'a avoue de bonne foi qu'il n'entend pas assez notre langue pour -suivre la conversation." It is unlikely, however, that Cibber's French -was as scanty as the _abbe_ reports. At any rate his daughter Charlotte, -afterwards Mrs. Clarke, tells us that she understood the alphabet in -French before she was able to speak English.[1033] - -The prologues and epilogues of the Restoration plays are frequently -addressed to the gallants, and often in a language which would appeal to -them; for instance, a French Marquis speaks the epilogue in Farquhar's -_Constant Couple_: - - ... Vat have you English, dat you call your own, - Vat have you of grand plaisir in dis towne, - Vidout it come from France, dat will go down? - Picquet, basset: your vin, your dress, your dance, - 'Tis all, you zee, tout a-la-mode de France. - -[Header: FRENCH PLAYS IN LONDON] - -The Francomaniacs of the time would find still more to their taste at -the French play. During nearly twenty years after the Restoration, -London was hardly ever without a company of French players. The beaux -and gallants flocked to see "a troop of frisking monsieurs," and cry -"Ben" and "keep time to the cadence of the French verses":[1034] - - Old English authors vanish and give place - To these new conquerors of the Norman race, - -wrote Dryden, protesting against the caprice of the town for the French -comedians; and he adds elsewhere:[1035] - - A brisk French troop is grown your dear delight, - Who with broad bloody bills, call you each day, - To laugh and break your buttons at their play. - -There was a great rush to the French plays, both tragedies and comedies. -Valets went hours in advance to reserve a place for their masters. There -is no need, says Dryden, to seek far for the reason of their -popularity,--they are French, and that is enough. People go to show -their breeding and try to laugh at the right moment. The English -dramatist insinuates that the comedians let in their own countrymen free -of charge that they might lead the applause, and give the cue to the -ladies. - -The English Court and its followers had evidently acquired a taste for -French plays during their sojourn abroad. Immediately after the -Restoration a French company settled in London, and the king became -their special patron and protector. In 1661 he made a grant of L300 to -Jean Channoveau to be distributed among the French comedians,[1036] and -in 1663 they obtained permission to bring from France their stage -decorations and scenery. It seems to have always been the king's -"pleasure" that "the clothes, vestments, scenes, and other ornaments -proper for and directly designed for their own use about the stage -should be imported customs free."[1037] The earliest troupe of French -actors, under Jean Channoveau, acted at the Cockpit in Drury Lane; and -there, on the 30th August 1661, Pepys took his wife to see a French -comedy. He carried away a very bad impression of the play, describing -it as "ill done, the scenes and company and everything else so nasty and -out of order and poor, that (he) was sick all the while in (his) mind to -be there." He vented his ill humour on a friend of Mrs. Pepys whom she -had met in France; and "that done, there being nothing pleasant but the -foolery of the farce, we went home." - -French comedies were also acted at Court. Evelyn, who went very little -to the theatre, witnessed one of these on the 16th December 1662, but -makes no observation on it. In the _Playhouse to be let_ of Davenant, -who directed the Duke's company playing at Dorset Gardens,[1038] figures -a Frenchman who has brought over a troupe of his countrymen to act a -farce. The French actor Bellerose is said to have made a fortune by -playing in London.[1039] Another of these actors who ventured to London -was Henri Pitel, sieur de Longchamp, who came in 1676 with his wife and -two daughters.[1040] He stayed nearly two years in England, and shone at -the Court of Charles II. Charles himself is said not to have missed one -of the French plays,[1041] at which his mistress, Louise de Kerouaille, -Duchess of Portsmouth, Mme. Mazarin, the French ambassador, and many -courtiers were always present. In 1684 the "Prince's French players" -were again expected in England,[1042] no doubt the same troupe, directed -by Pitel and known as _Les comediens de son Altesse serenissime M. le -Prince_. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[943] Expressed in the _Lettres_ of Guy Patin, and numerous pamphlets -published at the time. - -[944] Evelyn, _Diary_, Sept. 1, 1650. - -[945] In the _Journal de voyage de deux jeunes Hollandais a Paris, -1656-58_ (ed. A. P. Faugere, 2nd ed., Paris, 1899), there is some -information concerning the exiled Court. The teacher Laine mentions a -lady in the suite of the exiled queen in his _Dialogues_. - -[946] _Memoires_, 4 vols., Paris, 1859, i. pp. 102, 137, 225, etc. - -[947] _Supra_, pp. 262 _sqq._ - -[948] After the Restoration he would also try to get out of a difficult -situation on the same plea. He talked French freely to Mlle. de -Kerouaille. However, when the French Ambassador, Courtin, wished to -discuss with him the negotiations with the Dutch, he excused himself on -the ground that he had forgotten nearly all his French since his return -to England, and asked for delay to reflect on anything proposed in that -language. He offered the same excuse for his Council, but Courtin -retorted that many of them spoke French as well as English. Cp. J. J. -Jusserand, _A French Ambassador at the Court of Charles II._, London, -1892, p. 143. - -[949] "Il me disoit des douceurs, a ce que m'ont dit les gens qui nous -ecoutoient et parloit si bien francois, en tenant ces propos-la, qu'il -n'y a personne qui ne doive convenir que l'Amour etoit plutot francois -que de toute autre nation. Car, quand le roi parloit sa langue (la -langue de l'amour) il oublioit la sienne et n'en perdoit l'accent -qu'avec moi: car les autres ne l'entendirent pas si bien" (_Memoires_, -_ed. cit._ i. p. 322). - -[950] _Lettre de M. de L'Angle a un de ses amis touchant la religion du -serenissime roy d'Angleterre_, Geneva?, 1660, p. 18. - -[951] Evelyn was in France in 1643, on his way to study anatomy at -Padua, and again in 1646-7 on his return, and yet again in 1649. - -[952] Lord High Treasurer Cottington, Sir Ed. Hyde, etc.; cp. _Diary_, -Aug. 1 and 18, Sept. 7, 12, 13, Oct. 2, 7, 1649, etc. - -[953] Thus the King invited the Prince of Conde to supper at St. Cloud -... "where I saw a famous (tennis) match betwixt Mons. Saumaurs and -Colonel Cooke, and so returned to Paris." Evelyn, _Diary_, Sept. 13, -1649. - -[954] _Memoirs of Sir John Reresby of Thribergh, Bart., M.P. for York, -etc., 1634-1689_, ed. J. J. Cartwright, London, 1875, pp. 26, 42 (cp. -pp. 359 _sqq._, supra). - -[955] Sir Henry Craike, _Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon_, 1911, ii. -pp. 321 _sqq._ - -[956] W. Harvey-Jellie, _Les Sources du Theatre anglais a l'epoque de la -Restauration_, Paris, 1906, pp. 37 _sqq._ - -[957] Evelyn visited Waller several times. - -[958] Evelyn met Hobbes at Paris in September 1650. - -[959] Dennis, _Original Letters, familiar, moral and critical_, London, -1723, i. p. 215. At a later date he was again in France for reasons of -health. The king gave him L500 to pay the expenses of a journey to the -South of France. He was at Montpellier from the winter of 1678 to the -spring of 1679. - -[960] ". . . cette langue dont il savait toutes les plus delicates -ressources en grace, en malice plaisante et en ironie." Cf. Sayous, -_Histoire de la litterature francaise a l'etranger_. - -[961] "Hamilton dans le conte (says Sayous, _op. cit._) l'emporte sur -Voltaire qui eut ete le premier, si au lieu de se jeter dans les -allegories philosophiques il s'etait abandonne, comme notre Ecossais, au -plaisir plus innocent de laisser courir son imagination et sa plume." - -[962] The Scotch Chevalier de Ramsay (1686-1743), the friend of Fenelon, -also wrote French with remarkable purity. His best known work is _Les -Voyages de Cyrus avec un discours sur la mythologie_ (Paris, 1727; -London, 1730). At a later date Thomas Hales (1740?-1780), known as -d'Hele, d'Hell, or Dell, a French dramatist of English birth, also made -himself a name in French literature (Sylvain van de Weyer, _Les Anglais -qui ont ecrit en francais_, Miscellanies, Philobiblon Soc., 1854, vol. -i.). - -[963] Hamilton, _Memoires du Comte de Grammont. Histoire amoureuse de -la Cour de Charles II_, ed. B. Pifteau, Paris, 1876, Preface. Voltaire -often quoted the beginning of _Le Belier_ as a model of style. - -[964] "Il trouvoit si peu de difference aux manieres et a la -conversation de ceux qu'il voyoit le plus souvent, qu'il ne lui -paroissoit pas qu'il eut change de pais. Tout ce qui peut occuper un -homme de son humeur s'offroit partout aux divers penchans qui -l'entrainoient, come si les plaisirs de la cour de France l'eussent -quitte pour l'accompagner dans son exil" (_Memoires_, _ed. cit._ p. 83). -Grammont had been banished from the French Court on account of a -presumptuous love affair. - -[965] _Institution of a Gentleman_, London, 1660, p. 88. The book first -appeared as _Institutions, or Advice to his Grandson_, in 1658. - -[966] J. Smith, _Grammatica Quadralinguis_, 1674. - -[967] Sayous, _op. cit._ ii. ch. iv. - -[968] Evelyn once accompanied His Majesty "to M. Favre to see his -preparation for the composition of Sir Walter Raleigh's rare cordial," -when the chemist made a learned discourse in French on the nature of -each ingredient. - -[969] _Revue Historique_, xxix., Sept.-Oct. 1885, p. 25. - -[970] J. J. Jusserand, _Shakespeare in France_, London, 1899, pp. 132, -135, 136. Mme. d'Aulnoy, the fairy-tale writer and authoress of the -_Memoires de la cour d'Angleterre_, was also among the French ladies in -London at this time. - -[971] St. Evremond was buried at Westminster at the age of ninety-one. -The Duchess died at Chelsea in 1699. - -[972] In a letter to Justel he spoke of the Thames as "nostre Thamise." - -[973] Evelyn's Diary, likewise, is full of mentions of meetings with -Frenchmen. - -[974] Sorbiere, _Relation d'un voyage en Angleterre . . ._, Paris, 1664, -p. 32. - -[975] Cp. Ch. Bastide, _Anglais et Francais du 17e siecle_, Paris, 1912. - -[976] Jusserand, _Shakespeare in France_, p. 136, note 2. - -[977] _Les Voyages de M. Payen_, Paris, 1667. - -[978] Mauger calls London "une des merveilles du monde. On y vient de -tous cotez, pour admirer sa magnificence." - -[979] _The Ladies' Catechism_, 1703. - -[980] J. B. Le Blanc, _Lettres d'un Francais_, a La Haye, 1745, iii. p. -67. - -[981] _Ibid._ i. p. 145. Mrs. Pepys assisted Lady Sandwich to find a -French maid (_Diary_, Nov. 15, 1660), and was herself very desirous of -one. - -The prejudiced Rutledge writes nearly a century later: "As the lower -classes of the French are so completely qualified for Domestics, it is -not surprising that such numerous colonies of French _valets de -chambre_, cooks and footmen are planted all over Europe: and that the -nobility and fashionable people of so many countries shew an avowed -Propensity to Prefer them even to their fellow natives" (_Account of the -Character and Manners of the French_, 1770, pt. ii. p. 172). - -[982] Flecknoe, _Characters ..._ (1665), London, 1673, p. 8. "They (the -French) have gained so much influence over the English Fops that they -furnish them with their French Puppydogs for _Valets de Chambre_" -(_French Conjuror_, 1678). Addison (_Spectator_, No. 45) says he -remembers the time when some well-bred Englishwomen kept a _valet de -chambre_ "because, forsooth, they were more handy than one of their own -sex." - -[983] _Satire on the French_, 1691. Reprinted as the _Baboon a la Mode_, -1701. - -[984] _Satirical Reflections_, 1707, 3rd pt. - -[985] Cp. Wycherley, _Country Wife_, Act I. Sc. 1. - -[986] _Diary_, Oct 19, 1663; May 30, 1665; May 12, 1667; Feb. 18, March -13 and 26, 1668. - -[987] Flecknoe, _Characters_, p. 12. Pepys describes a French dance at -Court (_Diary_, Nov. 15, 1666), which was "not extraordinarily -pleasing." He much admired the dancing of the young Princess Mary, -taught by a Frenchman (_Diary_, March 2, 1669). The _maitres d'armes_ -were often Italians and Spaniards. There were protests against the -French and Italian singing and dancing "taught by the dregs of Italy and -France" (_Satirical Reflections_, 1707). - -[988] Pepys's _Diary_, ed. H. B. Wheatley, v. p. 332, note, and vi. p. -187. - -[989] A Frenchman was appointed in his place; cp. _Cal. of State Papers, -1660-61_, p. 7; _1663-64_, pp. 214, 607. Children were sent to France to -learn music. Pepys did not like the "French airs" (_Diary_, July 27, -1661; June 18, 1666). - -[990] Flecknoe, _Characters_, p. 48. French gardeners (_Cal. State -Papers, 1661-62_, pp. 175, 294) and French barbers were also in favour. -Pepys went to the French pewterer's (March 13, 1667-8). - -[991] S. Butler, _Hudibras_. - -[992] Evelyn, _Diary_, March 1671. - -[993] Vincent, _Young Gallants' Academy_, 1674. - -[994] Cp. Sedley, _Mulberry Garden_ (Sir J. Everyoung: "Which is the -most a la mode right revered spark? points or laces? girdle or shoulder -belts? What say your letters out of France?"). There is hardly a comedy -of the time without some such references to French fashions; cp. -Etherege, _Sir Fopling Flutter_; Shadwell, _Humours of the Army_, etc. - -[995] Evelyn, _Diary_, Oct. 18, 1666. Evelyn had himself written a -pamphlet called _Tyrannus or the Mode_, an invective against "our -overmuch affecting of French fashion," in which he praised the -comeliness and usefulness of the Persian style of clothing. This he had -presented to the king: "I do not impute to this discourse the change -whiche soone happen'd, but it was an identity that I could not but take -notice of" (_Diary_, Oct. 18 and 30, 1666). - -[996] Butler, _Satire on our ridiculous imitation of the French_; "A -l'etranger on prend plaisir a encherir sur toutes les Nouveautez qui -leur viennent de France. . . ." Muralt (_Lettres_, 1725). - -[997] _French Conjuror_, 1678. - -[998] _Duc de Guise_, Prologue; cp. Prologue to _Albion and Albanius_: - - "Then 'tis the mode of France without whose Rules - None must presume to set up here as fools." - -[999] French money was said to be most successful in bribes. Farquhar, -_Constant Couple_, iv. 2. - -[1000] Flecknoe, _Characters_, p. 12. - -[1001] _Satire against the French_, 1691. - -[1002] Acted 1671; Act II. Sc. 2. - -[1003] _Memoires_, _ed. cit._ pp. 51-52. - -[1004] _Ibid._ p. 143. - -[1005] Lord Rutherford, for instance, begs pardon for his English, being -more accustomed to the French tongue (_Cal. of State Papers, 1661-62_, -p. 4). - -[1006] Hamilton, _op. cit._ p. 82. - -[1007] The story goes that Grammont was leaving England without marrying -Miss Hamilton, when her brother overtook him and told him he had -forgotten something, whereat he realized his oversight and returned to -repair it. It is said that this incident supplied Moliere with the -subject of his _Mariage force_. - -[1008] Hamilton, _op. cit._ p. 82. - -[1009] _Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1661-62_, p. 28. - -[1010] Two grammars for teaching Portuguese greeted the new queen. One -was a _Portuguese Grammar_ in French and English by Mr. La Molliere, a -French gentleman, 1662 (_Register of the Company of Stationers_, ii. -307); and the other, J. Howell's _Grammar for the Spanish or Castilian -tongue with some special remarks on the Portuguese Dialect_, with a -description of Spain and Portugal by way of guide. It was dedicated to -the queen. - -[1011] Fragment of the Journal of the Convent of Chaillot, in the secret -archives of France, Hotel de Soubise. Quoted by Strickland in _Lives of -the Queens_, 1888, iv. p. 383. - -[1012] Cp. Sedley, _Mulberry Garden_. - -[1013] Such as Lady Lurewell of Farquhar's _Constant Couple_; Lady -Fanciful in Vanbrugh's _Provoked Wife_; Brome's _Damoiselle_ (1653); or -Mrs. Rich in _The Beau Defeated_ (1700?). - -[1014] _The Frenchified Lady never in Paris_ was the name given her by -Henry Dell in his play, based on Dryden's and printed 1757 and 1761. - -[1015] There is a book called _The Art of Affectation_ teaching ladies -to speak "in a silly soft tone of voice and use all the foolish French -words which will infallibly make your person and conversation charming" -(Etherege, _Sir Fopling Flutter_). - -[1016] _The Ladies' Catechism_, 1703? - -[1017] _Satire against the French_, 1691, p. 14. - -[1018] _Satire on our ridiculous imitation of the French_; Chalmers, -_English Poets_, viii. p. 206. - -[1019] Cp. Swift, _Poem written in a Lady's Ivory Table Book_ (1698): - - "Here you may read, - Here in beau-spelling--tru tel deth." - -[1020] _Character of the Beau_, 1696. - -[1021] Cibber, _Careless Husband_, Act I. Sc. 1. - -[1022] Cibber, _Love's last shift or the Fool in fashion_. Sedley's Sir -Charles Everyoung, Ned Estridge, and Harry Modish are all "most -accomplished monsieurs," as are Clodis in Cibber's _Love Makes a Man or -the Fop's Fortune_; Sir Harry Wildair in Farquhar's play of that name; -Lord Foppington of Vanbrugh's _Relapse or Virtue in Danger_; Bull Junior -in Dennis's _A Plot and no Plot_; Clencher, senior, the Prentice turned -Beau in Farquhar's _Constant Couple_; Mrs. Behn's _Sir Timothy Tawdry_; -Crowne's _Sir Courtly Nice_, etc. In 1697 appeared a work called _The -Compleat Beau_. - -[1023] _Sir Fopling Flutter or the Man of Mode_, 1676. Supposed to be a -portrait of the then notorious Beau Hewitt. - -[1024] _Satire against the French_, 1691. - -[1025] _Character of the Beau_, 1691. Most of the accomplished -"monsieurs" frequented the French houses (Sedley, _Mulberry Garden_). -Act II. Sc. 2 of Wycherley's _Love in a Wood_, and Act II. Sc. 2 of his -_Gentleman Dancing Master_, both take place in a French house. Cp. -_Character of the Town Gallant_, 1675. - -[1026] Vincent, _Young Gallants' Academy_, 1674, p. 44. - -[1027] Flecknoe, _Characters_, 1673. The 1665 edition of his -_Aenigmatical Characters ..._, 1665, contains a description in French of -the _Tour a la Mode_: ". . . C'est une bataille bien rangee ou l'on ne -tire que des coups d'Oeillades, et ou les premiers ayant fait leur -descharge, ilz s'en vont pour donner place aux autres" . . ., etc. (p. -21). - -[1028] Charles II. openly avowed his preference for the French drama. -Dryden wrote his _Essay of Dramatic Poesy_, "to vindicate the Honour of -our English writers from the censure of those who unjustly prefer the -French before them." Pepys saw many of the French plays acted in -English. Cp. H. McAfee, _Pepys on the Restoration Stage ..._, Yale Univ. -Press, 1916. - -[1029] A. Beljame, _Le Public et les hommes de lettres au 18e siecle_, -Paris, 1897, p. 139. - -[1030] As in Etherege's _Comical Revenge or Love in a Tub_, _Sir Fopling -Flutter_, and the plays of Cibber, Vanbrugh, Mrs. Behn, Shadwell, -Farquhar, Wycherley, etc.; _The French Conjuror_, 1678; _The Beau -Defeated_, 1700?, etc. - -[1031] A. Beljame, _Quae e Gallicis verbis in Anglicam linguam Johannes -Dryden introduxerit_, Paris, 1881. On French influence in Restoration -Drama, see Charlanne, _L'Influence francaise en Angleterre_, pp. 64 -_sqq._ - -[1032] _Lettre a M. de la Chaussee_: _Lettres_, 1745, ii. p. 240. - -[1033] _Narrative of her Life, written by Herself_, pub. in series of -Autobiographies, London, 1826, vol. vii. p. 12. Most of the writers of -the time were able to write some French. Flecknoe, for instance, wrote -some of his _Characters_ in the language, and wrote a French dedication -of his Poems (1652), "a la plus excellente de son sexe." - -[1034] Dryden, "Prologue spoken at the opening of the new house, 26 -March, 1674," _Works_, ed. Scott and Saintsbury, x. p. 320. - -[1035] "Prologue to Arviragus and Phihera by L. Carlell, revival," -_Works_, x. 405. - -[1036] Shaw, _Calendar of Treasury Books, 1660-67_, p. 311. - -[1037] _Ibid., 1672-75_, pp. 14, 24, 29, etc.; _1677-78_ (vol. v.), pp. -692, 803; _1684_ (vol. vii.), p. 1444. - -[1038] Charles had granted two privileges: one to Henry Killigrew, who -directed the King's company acting at Drury Lane, and the other to Sir -William Davenant, who directed the Duke's company. The rival companies -united in 1682. - -[1039] Chardon, _La troupe du roman comique devoilee et les comediens de -la campagne au 17e siecle_, Le Mans, 1876, p. 47. - -[1040] Chardon, _op. cit._ p. 98. - -[1041] _Revue Historique_, xxix., Sept.-Oct. 1858, p. 23. - -[1042] _Historical MSS. Commission Reports_, v. p. 186. French dancers -and singers also attracted the English from the performances of their -own actors; cp. Cibber, Epilogue to _The Careless Husband_, and -Farquhar, Preface to _The Inconstant_. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - - THE TEACHING OF FRENCH AND ITS POPULARITY AFTER THE RESTORATION - - -In the meantime French grammars were being published in England in -considerable numbers.[1043] So plentiful were they that there was -"scarce anything to be seen anywhere but French grammars." The manuals -of Mauger and Festeau were still in vogue, and that of Mauger was -frequently reedited. Among new grammarians figures the tutor to the -children of the Duke of York (James II.), Pierre de Laine, who may -possibly have been identical with the Pierre Laine who published a -grammar in 1655.[1044] His French grammar, written in the first place -for the Lady Mary (afterwards Mary II.), was published in 1667,[1045] -when the princess was about five years old. It was subsequently placed -at the service of the Lady Anne, afterwards queen, and a second edition -appeared in 1677, with the title: _The Princely Way to the French Tongue -as it was first compiled for the use of her Highness the Lady Mary and -since taught her royal sister the Lady Anne etc. by P. D. L. Tutor for -the French to both their Highnesses_.[1046] - -"Before you begin anything of Letters or rules," says Laine, "you may -Learn how to call in French these few things following. - - Ma Tete, say maw tate my Head - Mes Cheveuz, say maysheveu my Hair," - -and so on for the parts of the body, the numbers, days, and months, with -similar guides to pronunciation. He then proceeds to treat of the -sounds of letters and syllables, based on comparison with English. These -rules occupy less than a fifth of the book; the remainder contains -practical exercises. First come familiar phrases and dialogues, strongly -religious in tone, including prayers, the catechism, commandments, etc., -and conversation specially suited to royal princesses. A chronological -abridgement of the sacred scriptures by way of dialogue is followed by -rules of grammar, likewise in dialogue form. Lastly come the _Fables_ of -Aesop put into "burlesque French" for the use of her Highness the Lady -Mary when a child, and models of letters suitable for children, and -accompanied by answers. - -In later years Laine spent some time at Paris as secretary[1047] to Sir -Henry Savile, the English envoy at the French Court, who did so much to -prepare a favourable reception in England for the refugees at the time -of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.[1048] Laine was the first -teacher to receive a grant of letters of denization under the Order in -Council of the 28th July 1681.[1049] Shortly afterwards the same -privilege was bestowed on Francis Cheneau, whose _French Grammar, -enrich'd with a compendious and easie way to learne the French tongue in -a short time_, was licensed for printing in 1684.[1050] For many years -Cheneau continued to teach French, and in time added Latin, English, and -Italian to his repertory. He describes himself as a native of Paris, -"formerly slave and Governor of the Isles of Nacsia and Paros in the -Archipelago." At the time of the appearance of his second work on the -French language, in 1716, he was "living in his House in Old Fish St. -next door to the Faulcon in London," where could be seen his short -grammars for Latin, Italian, and English. - -The most versatile compiler of French manuals at this period was Guy -Miege, a native of Lausanne, who came to England at the time of the -Restoration. For two years he was employed in the household of Lord -Elgin, and was then appointed under-secretary to the Earl of Carlisle, -ambassador extraordinary to Russia, Sweden, and Denmark. After spending -three years abroad with the embassy, he travelled in France on his own -account from 1665 till 1668, preparing a _Relation of the Three -Embassies_ in which he had taken part. [Header: THE DICTIONARIES OF GUY -MIEGE] His book was published in 1669, on his return to London. He then -settled in England as a teacher of French and geography, and wrote many -works for teaching the language. The first was _A New Dictionary French -and English and English and French_ (1677), dedicated to Charles Lennox, -Duke of Richmond. As usual, this French-English Dictionary is based on a -French-Latin one--in this case that of Pomey. Miege was also closely -acquainted with Howell's edition of Cotgrave's dictionary, last -published in 1670; but he held it very defective in retaining so many -obsolete words, and in not being adapted to the "present use and modern -orthography--which indeed is highly pretended to in the last edition -thereof, but so performed that the title runs away with all the credit -of it." He looked upon Cotgrave "as a good help indeed for reading of -old French books (a thing which few people mind)." For his own part, his -design was to teach the latest Court French, and he made a point of -omitting all the provincial and obsolete words Cotgrave had searched out -so carefully, words "that offend the eyes and grate the ears, but the -Rubbish of the French Tongue." To "season the naturall dulness of the -work" he included many proverbs, descriptions, and observations in both -the English and French parts. - -Considering that "the way to understand the bottom of a language is to -learn how the derivatives are formed from their primitives and the -compounds from their simples,"[1051] he arranged all the derivatives -after their respective primitives; that nothing might be wanting, -however, he placed them in their alphabetic order also, with a reference -to the necessary primitive. - -Miege's innovation in excluding all obsolete terms from his dictionary -raised such a storm at its first appearance[1052] that he felt himself -bound to yield to public opinion by making a separate collection of such -words, which he called _A Dictionary of barbarous French or A -Collection, by way of Alphabet, of Obsolete, Provincial, misspelt, and -Made Words in French, taken out of Cotgrave's dictionary with some -additions_. It was, he said, "performed for the satisfaction of such as -read old French." By the time of its publication in 1679, however, the -storm raised by his first work had died away. - -Miege continued his lexicographical labours. In 1684 appeared _A Short -French Dictionary English and French, with another in French and -English_, a work of no ambitious aims, containing a list of words pure -and simple, with no descriptions or observations, intended for -beginners, travellers, and those who could not afford the price of the -larger one, and, above all, for foreigners reading English. The English -were too eager and advanced in the study of French to find much help in -so slight a work, but foreigners evidently adopted the dictionary; -editions appeared at the Hague in 1691, 1701 (the fifth), and -1703;[1053] another was issued at Rotterdam as late as 1728. - -For the use of English students and those desiring to study either -language more thoroughly, Miege prepared, during many years of hard -work, an enlarged edition of his first French dictionary of 1677, which, -he tells us, was compiled under great disadvantages; "the Publick was in -haste for a French Dictionary, and they had it accordingly, hurried from -the design to the composition, and from under my pen to the press." The -new work, on a much larger scale, was known as _The Great French -Dictionary, in two parts_, and published in 1688, eleven years after the -appearance of its nucleus, the _New French Dictionary_ (1677). It gives -words according to both their old and modern orthography, "by which -means the reader is fitted for any sort of French book," and, writes -Miege, "although I am not fond of obsolete and barbarous words, yet I -thought fit to intersperse the most remarkable of them, lest they should -be missed by such as read old Books." Each word is accompanied by -explanations, proverbs, phrases, "and as the first part does, here and -there, give a prospect into the constitution of the kingdom of France, -so the second does afford to foreiners what they have hitherto very much -wanted, to wit, an Insight into the Constitution of England...." In the -_Great Dictionary_ Miege abandoned his plan of arranging the derivatives -under their primitives, because it had made his former work "swarm with -uneasy references"; he followed the alphabetical order strictly, "but in -such a manner that, where a derivative is remote from its primitive, I -show its extraction within a Parenthesis." [Header: MIEGE'S FRENCH -GRAMMARS] Each of the two sections of the _Great Dictionary_ is preceded -by a grammar of the language concerned. First comes the _Grounds of the -French Tongue_, before the French-English Dictionary, and then a -_Methode abregee pour apprendre l'Anglois_. This French grammar was a -reprint of one of those which Miege had compiled while working at his -dictionaries. - -In 1684 Miege tells us that he had "put forth two French grammars, both -of them well approved by all unprejudiced persons. The one is short and -concise, fitted for all sorts of learners, but especially new beginners; -the other is a large and complete piece, giving a curious and full -account of the French Tongue. To this is annexed a copious vocabulary -and a long Train of useful Dialogues." The more advanced of these -grammars was the first to appear, being published in 1678 under the -title of _A New French Grammar, or a New Method for learning the French -Tongue_. After dealing with pronunciation, he passes to the accidence -and syntax, with special attention to his favourite theory of the -importance of a knowledge of primitives and derivatives. He is much -indebted to the grammars of Vaugelas and Chiflet, especially in his -observations on letter-writing, on repetition of words, and on style. -The second half of the book contains a vocabulary, arranged under the -usual headings, and familiar dialogues, without which he dare not offer -the work to a public "so well convinced of their Usefulness, as to the -speaking part of a Language"; therefore, "though it were something -against the grain," he included such exercises, "exceeding even Mr. -Mauger's in number." The one hundred and fifteen familiar dialogues are -followed by four more advanced ones in French alone, "for proficient -learners to turn into English." The first deals with the education of -children, and the others with geography, a subject Miege taught in -either French or English "as might be most convenient." - -The elementary grammar had been issued about 1682[1054] as _A short and -easie French Grammar fitted for all sorts of learners; according to the -present use and modern orthography of the French with some Reflections -on the ancient use thereof_. In 1682 the vocabulary and dialogues of the -earlier grammar were, each of them, issued separately, probably to -facilitate their use with this second grammar. - -In 1687 appeared the _Grounds of the French Tongue or a new French -Grammar_,[1055] which Miege incorporated in his _Great French -Dictionary_ in the following year. In general outline its contents -resemble those of the grammar which had appeared ten years before. It -is, however, an entirely new work. Most of the rules differ,[1056] and -the vocabulary and dialogues are new. He breaks away from the old -tradition of introducing the Latin declension of nouns into French -grammars.[1057] The _Grounds of the French Tongue_ is about a hundred -pages shorter than the grammar of 1678, and on the whole it is less -interesting from the point of view of the student of French. The second -part, called the _Nouvelle Nomenclature Francoise et Angloise_, which -might be obtained apart from the grammar, had originally appeared in -1685 as part of Miege's _Nouvelle methode pour apprendre -l'Anglois_.[1058] Consequently the dialogues are more suited to the -student of English than to the student of French, as they deal chiefly -with life in England and the impressions of a Frenchman in London, -including an account of the coffee-houses, the penny post, the churches, -English food and drink, and so forth. - -Lastly, in about 1698,[1059] appeared _Miege's last and best French -Grammar, or a new Method to learn French, containing the Quintessence of -all other Grammars, with such plain and easie rules as will make one -speedily perfect in that famous language_. A second edition was issued -in 1705. The work was based on his first grammar (1678), which thus -benefited by his long experience as a writer on the French language and -teacher of that tongue. - -Miege held that French was best learnt by a combination of the methods -of rote and grammar, either being insufficient without the other; as for -attempting to learn foreign languages at home by rote, "'tis properly -building in the air. [Header: BEST METHOD OF STUDY] For whatever -progress one makes that way, unless he sticks constantly to it, the -Language steals away from him, and, like a Building without a -foundation, it falls insensibly." Englishmen who learn French by ear in -France soon find the fluency of which they are so proud slipping away -from them after their return to England;[1060] and even Frenchmen who -have never studied their language grammatically begin to lose the purity -of phrase after they have been some time in England. - -Accordingly "a great care ought to be taken to pitch upon the best sort -of Grammar and to make choice of a skilful Master. Now a skilful master -must be first such a one as can speak the true modern French: A Thing -few people can boast of, besides courtiers and scholars, so nice a -language it is." Therefore the student should not waste his time, as -many do, with the common sort of teachers, who speak, for the most part, -but a corrupt and provincial French, and yet are patronized by many. In -the second place, the teacher should be a man of some learning; and in -the third, he should have "some skill in the English tongue, not that he -should use much English with his scholars,[1061] but because, without -it, 'tis impossible he can teach by the grammar, or explain the true -meaning of words." Lastly, he should himself be thoroughly acquainted -with the grammar, and be able to find out what should be learnt "by -rote, what by heart, and what passages need not at all be learnt." But, -when all is done, "there is an art in teaching not to be found amongst -all men of knowledge." - -Thus the right use of a grammar depends much on the skill and judgement -of the teacher. Miege declares against overburdening the memory with -abstruse and difficult rules. In most cases it is enough if the learner -understands the rule; there is no need to confine him to the author's -words or to make him learn long lists of exceptions. "The best thing to -exercise his memory in, besides the general and most necessary rules, is -to learn a good store of words with their signification. And then, -whether he comes to read French, or to hear it spoke, one word doth so -help another, that by degrees, he will find out the meaning." As for the -dialogues, only a few, and those of a familiar type, should be learnt -"without book." "An analysis is the best use they can be put to, but -some teachers will find it too hard a task." - -The best way, therefore, is "to lay a good foundation with grammar -rules, and to raise the Superstructure by Practice"; the more -adventurous the learner is in speaking French the better. If, however, -"one be so very averse from Grammar rules as to look upon them as so -many Bug bears, my opinion is that he may begin by Rote, provided he -make good at last his Proficiency that Way, with the help of a choice -Grammar. And then the Rules will appear to him very plain, easy and -delectable." - -In 1678 Miege was receiving pupils for French and geography at his -lodging in Penton Street, Leicester Square, and we are told that in 1693 -he was taking in _pensionnaires_ in Dean's Yard, near Westminster Abbey. -Towards the end of his teaching career in England he appears to have -been on very friendly terms with another teacher of French, Francesco -Casparo Colsoni, an Italian minister, who also taught Italian and -English. Colsoni wrote a book for teaching the three languages,[1062] -called _The New Trismagister_ (1688), in which he drew freely from the -works of Mauger, Festeau, and his friend Miege. In the meantime other -manuals appeared, including a translation of a grammar which was first -published at Paris in 1672[1063]--_A French Grammar, teaching the -knowledge of that language.... Published by the Academy for the -reformation of the French Tongue_ (1674), printed in parallel columns of -English and the original French. _A Very easie Introduction to the -French Tongue_ was published in about 1673, which claimed to be "proper -for all persons who have bad memories." A certain John Smith, M.A., J. -G. D'Abadie, formerly of the Royal Musketeers and for a time teacher of -French at Oxford, Jacob Villiers, who had a French school at Nottingham, -and Jean de Kerhuel, a French minister,[1064] all published grammars at -about the same time.[1065] - -[Header: PIERRE BERAULT] - -Among the more interesting French teachers of the period is Pierre -Berault, a French monk who was converted to Protestantism when he was -on the point of setting out for England to work among the refugees as a -Jesuit emissary.[1066] On the 2nd of April 1671 he "abjured all the -errors of the Church of Rome" in the French Church of the Savoy, London, -and subsequently devoted himself to teaching French. Until nearly the -end of the century he lived in various parts of London, "waiting upon -any Gentlemen or Gentlewomen who have a mind to learn French," and -using, according to his own account, a very sound method. At the same -time he was busy with his pen. He began with a compilation setting forth -his religious principles,[1067] and with books on moral and religious -subjects, in French and English for the benefit of learners.[1068] Later -he wrote _A New, plain, short and compleat French and English grammar_ -(1688), which had an "extraordinary sale and reception," and passed -through numerous editions. Berault's motto as regards the teaching of -French was _omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci_,--a fit -combination of grammar rules and practical exercises. The grammar, which -occupies less than half the book, begins with an explanation of -grammatical terms for the benefit of those ignorant of Latin; it then -deals shortly with the pronunciation and the declinable parts of -speech;[1069] lastly come a few rules of syntax and short vocabularies -of the indeclinables. The reading exercises open with the catechism, -creeds, commandments, and prayers. The dialogues, accompanied, contrary -to custom, by an interlinear translation, are at first very simple, and -arranged in syllables for the benefit of beginners, but they become more -difficult. The following is a dialogue between a French tutor and his -scholar: - - Good morrow, Sir, how do you do? - Bonjour, Monsieur, comment vous portez vous? - - Very well to serve you. - Fort bien pour vous servir. - - Do you teach the French tongue? - Enseignez-vous la langue Francoise? - - Yes sir, and the Latin also. - Ouy, monsieur, et aussi la Latine. - - Will you teach me these two tongues? - Voulez vous m'enseigner ces deux langues? - - I will do it willingly. - Je le feray volontiers. - - * * * * * - - What method do you hold? - Quel methode voulez-vous tenir? - - Because you understand Latin - Parce que vous entendez la langue Latine - - I will begin by the pronunciation - Je commenceray par la prononciation - - Which you can learn in two lessons. - Que vous pouvez apprendre en deux lecons. - - Then I will teach you the nouns, - Puis je vous enseigneray les noms, - - Pronouns, verbs and other parts of speech. - Pronoms, verbes et autres parties d'oraison. - - And afterwards the rules of syntax. - Et ensuite les regles de Composition. - - How long will I be in learning all that? - Combien seray-je a apprendre tout cela? - - But little time if you will follow me. - Peu de temps si vous voulez me suivre. - -Berault added a selection of Cordier's Colloquies in French and English -to his work, as well as the usual proverbs, idioms and polite letters, -and a vocabulary. The letters have no English translation, Berault -believing that "whoso will peruse this grammar, he will not only be able -to explain them but any other French book whatsoever." Accordingly he -supplied a list of what he considered suitable modern French books, all -of which could be obtained from one or other of the French booksellers -in London. - -In the second half of the seventeenth century the position of the French -language in England was further strengthened by its growing popularity -all over Europe. "I have visited," wrote the dramatist Chappuzeau in -1674,[1070] "every part of Christendom with care. [Header: FRENCH AND -LATIN] It has been easy for me to observe that to-day a prince with only -the French language which has spread everywhere, has the same advantages -that Mithridates had with twenty-two." The French language was regarded -as "one of the chiefest qualifications of accomplished persons," and -"the common language of all well-bred people, and the most generally -used in the commerce of civil life." Bayle states that in many parts of -Europe there were people who spoke and wrote French as purely as the -French themselves, and that in many foreign towns all the men and women -of quality and many of the common people spoke French with ease. Writers -of the time are unanimous in describing French as the universal -language; and most French teachers write in the style of Guy Miege to -the effect that "the French tongue is in a manner grown universal in -Europe ... and of all the parts of Europe next to France none is more -fond of it than England." - -Thus, in the second half of the seventeenth century, French was in a -position to dispute its ground with Latin. France herself set the -example. French was the language used at Court, while Latin was used -only by scholars. Significant it is that in 1676 Louis XIV., in -consequence of Charpentier's _Defense de la langue francoise pour -l'inscription de l'arc de Triomphe_, replaced the Latin inscriptions on -his triumphal arches by others in French. Replying to Charpentier's -essay, a Jesuit, P. Lucus, wrote a treatise in defence of Latin.[1071] -Charpentier retorted by two laboured volumes, _De l'excellence de la -langue francoise_ (1683), and finally won the day. In this he refers to -the universality of French, and draws attention to the advantages which -would result to science if it were studied in that language. The long -Quarrel of the Ancients and Moderns, which first reached England from -France, also shows the spirit of the times. And Bayle asserts as -evidence of the supremacy of French that: "Veut-on qu'un libelle courre -bien le monde, aussitot on le traduit en francois, lors meme que -l'original est en Latin: tant il est vrai que le latin n'est pas si -commun en Europe aujourd'hui que la Langue francoise."[1072] - -In England French had long been a rival to Latin as the most commonly -used foreign tongue, and after the Restoration it was generally -recognized, among courtiers, men of fashion, ministers of state, and -diplomats, as the more convenient means of intercourse. Only scholars -and the universities continued to uphold the traditional supremacy of -the Latin tongue, and even at the universities Latin had passed out of -colloquial use before the Restoration, though still used in disputations -and other prescribed exercises.[1073] The victory of French in the world -of fashion was an easy one. It had "long since chased Latin from the -gallant's head," declares Sedley,[1074] and Ravenscroft in his prologue -to the _English Lawyer_,[1075] in which a jargon made up of Latin and -English predominates, thus addresses the gallants: - - Gallants, pray what do you doe here to-day? - Which of you understands a Latine play?... - This age defies th' accomplishments of Schools, - The Town breeds Wits, the Colleges make Fools. - -Samuel Vincent,[1076] instructing the gallant how to behave at an -ordinary, warns him to "beware how (he) speaks any Latin there: your -ordinaries most commonly have no more to do with Latin, than a desparate -town or Garrison hath."[1077] - -Latin also lost what ground it held as the official language. Milton had -been Latin secretary during the Commonwealth, but after the Restoration -French was the language used. "Since Latin hath ceased to be a Language, -if ever it was any, which I am not sure of, at least in this present -age," wrote Lord Chancellor Clarendon,[1078] "the French is almost -naturalised through Europe, and understood and spoken in all the -Northern Courts and hath nearly driven the Dutch out of its own country, -and almost sides the Italian in the Eastern Parts, where it was scarce -known in the last Age." French, therefore, had little to fear from Latin -as the language of intercourse with ambassadors and other foreigners in -England; and still less from English, which was not to receive any -recognition at the hands of foreigners for years to come. [Header: -FRENCH IN THE SCHOLASTIC WORLD] Considering the almost universal -popularity of French, and the general neglect of English, most -Englishmen were obliged to agree with Clarendon that it was "too late -sullenly to affect an ignorance" of that language because the French -"will not take the Pains to understand ours," and we may gain much by -being conversant in theirs. He adds "it would be a great Dishonour to -the court if, when Ambassadors come thither from Neighbour Princes, no -body were able to treat with them, or converse with those who accompany -them in no other language but English, of which not one of them -understand one word; not to mention how the king shall be supplied with -Ministers, or Secretaries of State, or with Persons fit to be sent -Ambassadors abroad," if those who aspire to such rank are not acquainted -with the necessary foreign language. - -Before the Restoration, French, in spite of the important place it held -in the world of polite education, had received very little recognition -at the hands of educational writers. Cleland alone, in his _Institution -of a Nobleman_ (1607), had treated it seriously. After 1660, however, -its widespread use and popularity rendered this omission no longer -possible, and at this time occurs a break in the tradition of classical -scholarship.[1079] The case for French was put most forcibly and with -greatest effect by Locke in his _Thoughts on Education_. Referring to -the young scholar, he writes: "As soon as he can speak English, 'tis -time for him to learn some other Language. This no body doubts of, when -French is proposed ... because French is a living language, and to be -used more in speaking, that should be first learned, that the yet pliant -Organs of Speech might be accustomed to a due formation of those sounds -and he get the habit of pronouncing French well, which is the harder to -be done the longer it is delay'd. When he can speak French well, (which -on conversational methods is usually in a year or two), he should -proceed to Latin."[1080] For the same reasons Clarendon would have -French learnt first, by "rote," "without the Formality or Method of -grammar."[1081] - -Even in the world of scholarship the traditional deference shown to -ancient learning received some check, and the educational value of the -ancient languages was called in question. Some believed that "a -gentleman might become learned by the only assistance of modern -languages." Evelyn wrote a discourse on the subject at the request of -Sir Samuel Tuke for the Duke of Norfolk; unfortunately it was lost, "to -his griefe"[1082] and ours. It contained, he told Pepys, "a list of -Authors and a method of reading them to advantage ... nor was [he] -without some purpose of one day publishing it, because 'twas written -with a vertuous designe of provoking our court fopps and for -encouragement of illustrious persons who have leisure and inclinations -to cultivate their minds beyond a farce, a horse, a whore and a dog, -which, with very little more are the confines of the knowledge and -discourse of most of our fine gentlemen and beaux." Learning, he felt, -would assume a more attractive form in the eyes of the majority, if it -were attained through modern languages. Defoe likewise thought Latin and -Greek were not indispensable to scholarship, and considered it a pity to -lock up all learning in the dead languages.[1083] Hobbes even went so -far as to suggest in his _Behemoth_ (_c._ 1668) that it would be well to -substitute French, Dutch, and Italian for Latin, Greek, and Hebrew at -the universities. Others recommended that the classics should be read in -French translations, and it is probable that men of fashion at the time -read them in this form, if at all. Sedley implies that to read Terence -in Latin was a mark of ill-breeding.[1084] The fashionable Etherege, who -knew neither Latin nor Greek, had a large number of French translations -of classical plays amongst his books.[1085] And at a somewhat later date -the Abbe Le Blanc remarks[1086] that the English have become so fond of -French that they prefer to read even Cicero in that language. He writes -to tell Olivet how eagerly his translations are received in England. -"Celle des Tusculanes que vous venez de publier de concert avec M. Le -Pere Bouhour a ete goutee en Angleterre de tous ceux qui sont en etat de -juger des Beautes de l'Original et de la fidelite avec laquelle chacun -de vous les a rendues." - -The readiness with which the English read French books also attracted -the Abbe's attention.[1087] [Header: PROPOSALS FOR REFORMED SCHOOLS] It -was no new thing for French literature to be widely appreciated in -England. But before the Restoration it had received but little -recognition as a profitable subject of study, except for students of -statecraft and military tactics. In 1673, however, one writer[1088] -takes a new step in stating that "all learning is now in French," and -goes on to say that if it were in English "those dead languages would be -of little use, only in reference to the scriptures." Similarly Mary -Astell, the author of _A Serious Proposal to the Ladies_ (1694), urges -the ladies, who most of them know French, to study French Philosophy, -Descartes and Malebranche, rather than restrict themselves to idle -novels and romances. And when Locke was in Paris in 1677 he bought the -best class-books and manuals in French and Latin for the use of Lord -Shaftesbury's grandson. The many English gentlemen who had French tutors -were frequently taught not only the French language, but other subjects -from French text-books. - -There were, moreover, several proposals for reformed schools,[1089] in -which French was given a place by the side of Latin. In the ideal school -as pictured by Clarendon, the master is well acquainted with the French -language; and "those that teach the exercises" are Frenchmen, both that -the scholars "may be accustomed to that language, and retain what they -are supposed to have learnt before, and because they do teach all -Exercises best."[1090] Thomas Tryon, the "Pythagorean," proposed a -school in which there was to be a tutor for French and Latin, or one for -each language, and a music master.[1091] The scholars should begin at an -early age, and nothing but French and Latin be spoken in their hearing. -The school should stand apart, so that the pupils have no intercourse -with "wild" children. In about a year they learn French and Latin by -conversation, and then other subjects with the help of these languages. -Newcomers soon pick up a colloquial knowledge of the language by mixing -with their schoolfellows. When they speak the languages perfectly, then -is the time, says Tryon, to study the grammar; "for to speak is one -thing, and the Art or Reason of speaking is another. The first must be -done by Imitation and Practice, the other is the Work of time, and must -be improved by degrees. They that learn the Art of speaking before they -can speak invert the true Method ... for the Reason and Philosophy of -speaking is a great Art and the work of Time, and not at all to be -taught to children." Before studying rules the learners should not only -speak, but read perfectly. After learning the letters they should read -daily for two or three hours, "in any book that treats of Temperance and -Vertue." - -Notwithstanding the increased importance attached to French in all -spheres, the modern language received no status in the grammar schools, -where the sole aim pursued was "to make good Latin and Greek scholars -and minute philosophers."[1092] On the other hand, the private -institutions in which the language was taught naturally increased very -greatly in number. Many Huguenot refugees opened schools in and about -London, and one French observer was struck by their number.[1093] Some -arose in provincial towns. At Nottingham, for instance, an Englishman, -Jacob Villiers, had a school of some importance. Villiers himself was a -well-known citizen. His name appears in the Charter of 1682 as one of -the chief councillors of the town; and he was one of "the council of -eighteen" who were displaced by an order of the Privy Council of 10th -February 1688.[1094] He was described on his gravestone in St. Mary's -Churchyard as a descendant of a collateral branch of the family of the -great favourite of James I. and Charles I. The family "continued still -in Nottingham" in the middle of the eighteenth century.[1095] - -Villiers's French school was flourishing some years before the first -mention of him as a public character. [Header: FRENCH SCHOOL AT -NOTTINGHAM] He had acquired his knowledge of French abroad, having -travelled for many years in France[1096] and Germany, where he gave -English lessons and received favours from the Prince Elector Palatine, -elder brother of Prince Rupert. It was no doubt after his return that he -opened his school for gentlemen and ladies. He also completed a book on -the French and English languages, which was published in London in 1680, -"to gratify the ladies and gentlemen his scholars, and all such who have -a mind so to be." His chief aim was to encourage the French and English -to learn each other's language by pointing out the close affinity -between them. The _Vocabularium Analogicum, or the Englishman speaking -French, and the Frenchman speaking English, Plainly shewing the nearness -or affinity betwixt the English, French and Latin_,[1097] contains a -vocabulary of similar words in the three languages--"a verbal eccho -repeating words thrice and that without any considerable -variation"--which occupies the main part of the work.[1098] It is -preceded by rules for pronouncing French, taken, without acknowledgement, -chiefly from Wodroeph, and followed by selections from Pierre de Laine's -_Royal French Grammar_ of 1667. Learners of French are advised to master -the pronunciation first, and to engage a French master. A collection -of familiar phrases and commendatory and other French verses, some -of them also taken from Wodroeph, close the volume. - -Several schools or academies in which young ladies studied French, as -well as philosophy and other serious subjects, were started at this -time, such as that kept by Mrs. Bathsua Makin, a learned Englishwoman of -the day, who for some time was governess to the daughters of Charles I. -Subsequently she opened a school for gentlewomen, first at Putney (1649) -and afterwards at Tottenham High Cross, "where, by the blessing of God, -Gentlewomen may be instructed in the Principles of Religion, and in all -manner of sober and vertuous education. More particularly in all things -ordinarily taught in other schools as works of all sorts, dancing, -musick, singing etc." Half their time was employed in acquiring these -arts and the other half in learning the Latin and French tongues. -"Gentlewomen of eight or nine years old, that can read well, may be -instructed in a year or two, according to their parts, in the Latin and -French tongues, by such plain and short rules, accommodated to the -grammar of the English Tongue, that they may easily keep what they have -learned, and recover what they shall lose." Those wishing to pursue -their studies further could learn other languages, Greek, Hebrew, -Italian, or Spanish, or could study astronomy, geography, and other -subjects. The usual fee was L20 a year, but more was charged if the -pupil made good progress. Parents were advised to apply for details at -Mr. Mason's Coffee House in Cornhill, near the Royal Exchange, on -Tuesday, or on Thursdays at the Bolt and Tun in Fleet Street, from three -to six in the afternoon.[1099] - -Mary Astell, another learned Englishwoman, to whom we have already -alluded, came forward with a proposal advocating a scheme of study for -women, in the retirement of an establishment "more academic than -monastic." She urges her sex to study rhetoric, logic, and philosophy, -and, as most of them know French, to read Descartes and Malebranche, and -not idle novels and romances. The project ultimately fell to the ground, -however, chiefly on account of the opposition of Bishop Burnet, who -condemned it as a popish design. Shortly afterwards Defoe, who "would -deny women no sort of learning," proposed an academy for women,[1100] in -which they should be taught "all sorts of breeding suitable to both -their genius and their quality, and in particular music and dancing, -which it would be cruelty to bar the sex of, because they are their -darlings: but besides this they should be taught languages, as -particularly French and Italian; and I would venture the injury of -giving a woman more tongues than one." As to reading, history is the -best subject. - -There are traces of other academies in which modern languages and the -"exercises" were the chief studies.[1101] At the end of _Musick or a -Parley of Instruments_, a musical entertainment performed by the -students of one of these academies, is an advertisement of the -curriculum; instruction in French and Italian was given by foreigners, -and mathematics, music, and the "exercises" received attention. [Header: -FRENCH IN PRIVATE INSTITUTIONS] Mark Lewis, the friend of Mrs. -Makin,[1102] taught like her in a school or "gymnasium" at Tottenham -High Cross, where "any person, whether young or old, as their Quality -is, may be perfected in the Tongues by constant conversation." The -school flourished about 1670, and there was then "an apartment for -French," while Italian and Spanish were "to receive attention -hereafter."[1103] Lewis's method of teaching so pleased the Earl of -Anglesey, then Lord Privy Seal, that he sent his grandsons to the -school, and enabled Lewis to secure letters patent for his method. A -similar academy was kept by a certain Mr. Banister in Chancery Lane near -the Pump. There was a wide choice of studies, including Latin, Greek, -and French, for the languages, and the usual "exercises." Any person -that desired could be accommodated in Mr. Banister's house "with diet -and lodging at reasonable Rates, ... or they may come thither at set -times and be Instructed in the things before mentioned." The academy -kept by Thomas Watts in Little Tower Street differed from the majority -in aiming at qualifying young gentlemen for business. Writing, -arithmetic, and merchants' accounts were taught, as well as mathematics -and experimental philosophy: a master resident in the house gave lessons -in French, a language absolutely necessary to business men, and "so far -universal that the place is not known where 'tis not spoken." -Accordingly it received special attention; and "as a just notion of -grammar, so the opportunity of frequent conversation, is absolutely -necessary, if one would ever arrive at any Perfection in this Language," -Watts, therefore, not only "fix'd on a Master capable of doing the -first, but entertained him constantly in his house, where all those -young gentlemen that learn French are obliged always to speak it, and -have their master daily to converse with."[1104] Some academies confined -themselves chiefly to the exercises. But even then the atmosphere was -French. Such was the academy opened in London in 1682 by M. Foubert, a -Frenchman lately come from Paris. He was helped by a royal grant, and -seems to have been fairly successful. On his arrival his goods were -delivered at the house of M. Laine,[1105] probably the French teacher of -that name. - -As time went on such schools became more and more numerous and the -demand for instruction in French increased. The language was no longer -limited chiefly to certain classes: the gentry, merchants, soldiers, and -others requiring it for practical purposes. It came to be regarded as a -necessary part of a liberal education. The ever-growing call for -teachers of French was met by the great invasion of Protestant refugees -caused by the renewal of the fierce persecutions which culminated in the -Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. The reception of the -fugitives was doubtful under James II., who looked upon them with -disfavour, but could not, for political reasons, refuse them -hospitality. With the advent of William of Orange in 1689, however, -their position was assured, and they became ardent supporters of the new -monarch. They arrived in such multitudes, says a contemporary, that it -was impossible to calculate their number; there was hardly an English -family of standing in which one or more refugees did not find a -home--often a permanent one. - -From this time dates a new period in the teaching of French in England, -dominated by the influence of these refugees, from whose ranks the chief -tutors and schoolmasters were recruited, and whose French grammars and -manuals continued, in some cases, to be used till the end of the -eighteenth century, and even later. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1043] A play called _The French Schoolmaster_ appeared in 1662 (Fleay, -_Chronicle of English Drama_, 1891, ii. p. 338). - -[1044] There are, however, no points of resemblance between that work -and the grammar which appeared about twelve years later. - -[1045] Catalogue of the Library of Dean Smallwood, 1684. - -[1046] Cp. Arber, _Term Catalogues_, i. 269. Anne was three years -younger than Mary. - -[1047] Schickler, _Les Eglises du Refuge_, ii. p. 311. - -[1048] _Savile Correspondence_, Camden Society, 1856, _passim_. - -[1049] Huguenot Society Publications, xviii. p. 138. - -[1050] _Stationers' Register_, iii. p. 277. - -[1051] Such was also the opinion of J. Minsheu, author of the _Ductor in -Linguas_ (1617): "I have always found that the true knowledge and sure -holding of them in our memories, consisted in the knowing of them by -their causes, originalls and etymologies, that is by their reasons and -derivations." - -[1052] His work suffered in having to strive against Cotgrave's long -settled reputation. - -[1053] The third edition appeared, like the first, at London, 1690. - -[1054] Arber, _Term Catalogues_, i. 477. - -[1055] 8vo: pp. 168, 142. Printed for Th. Bassett.... - -[1056] For instance, that for the gender of nouns, in 1678, states that -those ending in "e" or "x" are masculine, and the rest feminine; in -1687, those ending in "e" and "ion" are feminine and the rest masculine; -in both cases long lists of exceptions are given. - -[1057] "To follow the old road I should now decline a noun or two with -these articles, and six cases to be sure, to wit, the nominative, -accusative, dative, vocative, and ablative, whether our language can -afford them or not. But why should I perplex the learned with so -improper and needless a thing? For the distinction of cases is come from -the variable termination of one and the same noun. A thing incident (I -confess) to the Latine tongue, but not to our vulgar speech." - -[1058] A second edition of Miege's English Grammar appeared in 1691. - -[1059] Arber, _Term Catalogues_, iii. 67, 487. - -[1060] But if they have been grounded in the principles before -travelling, they make quicker progress, and do not lose their knowledge. - -[1061] "Car il n'y a rien de tel pour apprendre une langue que de -l'entendre parler." - -[1062] Later he added rules for Spanish to his work. Colsoni also wrote -_Le Guide de Londres pour les Estrangers_ (1st edition, 1693), and -several works chiefly on topical subjects, of little interest. In 1694 -his _Guide_ was followed by Richard Baldwin's _Booke for Strangers_. - -[1063] And again in 1679. - -[1064] Who translated one of Tillotson's sermons into French (1673). - -[1065] See Bibliography. - -[1066] Schickler, _op. cit._ ii. p. 282. - -[1067] _The Church of Rome evidently proved Heretick_ (1680); _The -Church of England evidently proved the holy catholick Church_ (1682). -Towards the end of his career he wrote a _Discourse of the Trinitie ... -etc._ (1700). Berault calls himself a French minister, and he served as -chaplain on several of His Majesty's ships during the war with France at -the end of the century. - -[1068] _Le Veritable et assure Chemin du Ciel en Francois et en Anglois_ -(1681), and the _Bouquet ou un Amas de plusieurs veritez Theologiques_ -(1685), dedicated to Anne Stuart, afterwards queen. - -[1069] Berault is behind the times in retaining most of the Latin cases -and tenses. His grammar, on the whole, is fuller and more detailed than -most of its kind. - -[1070] _Le Theatre francois_ (1674). ed. Monval, 1876, p. 62. Jean -Blaeu, in translating from English into French Ed. Chamberlain's -_Present State of England_ (1669), states: "Je ne l'ay pas sitost veu en -Anglois que j'ay juge qu'il meritoit de paroistre dans la langue -francoise, comme estant plus universelle dans la chrestiente qu'aucune -autre" (1671). Jusserand, _Shakespeare in France_, p. 20, note. - -[1071] _De monumentis publicis latine inscribendis._ Goujet, -_Bibliotheque francoise_ (1740-56), i. p. 13. - -[1072] Bayle, _Oeuvres_, iv. p. 190, quoted by Charlanne, _L'Influence -francaise en Angleterre_, pt. ii. p. 202. - -[1073] F. Watson, _Grammar Schools_, p. 312. - -[1074] Epilogue to _Bellamira_. - -[1075] London, 1678. - -[1076] _Young Gallants' Academy_, 1674, p. 44. - -[1077] A little later Swift wrote that "the current opinion prevails -that the study of Latin and Greek is loss of time...." (_Works_, 1841, -ii. p. 291). - -[1078] _A Dialogue ... concerning Education_, Miscellaneous Works, -London, 1751, p. 338. - -[1079] Even the universities had to give some recognition to the modern -language. A Professorship of Modern History and Modern Languages was -founded at both universities in 1724. Cp. Cooper, _Annals of Cambridge_, -iv. 128. - -[1080] "Some Thoughts," _Educational Writings of Locke_, 1912, p. 125. - -[1081] The same opinions are voiced by later writers, such as Costeker, -_Education of a Young Nobleman_, 1723, p. 18; and the author of a -pamphlet _On Education_, 1734. - -[1082] Evelyn, _Diary_, Dec. 6, 1681. - -[1083] _The Compleat Gentleman_ (1728), ed. K. D. Buelbring, 1890. - -[1084] Epilogue to _Bellamira_. - -[1085] _Works_, ed. A. Wilson, Verity, London, 1888, Preface. - -[1086] Le Blanc, _Lettres d'un Francais_, a la Haye, 1745, ii. p. 1. - -[1087] He tells Maupertuis of the great success of his _De la Figure de -la Terre_ (1738) in England, where it was awaited with impatience and -received with acclamation (_Lettres_, ii. 244). - -[1088] _An Essay to revive the antient Education of Gentlewomen_ (Mrs. -Makin or Mark Lewis). - -[1089] French no doubt often reached grammar school boys indirectly. -Thus Charles Hoole in 1660 (_A New Discoverie of the old Art of Teaching -School_) recommends the Dialogues of Du Gres for their private reading; -perhaps, however, he was thinking more of the Latin than of the French -part. - -[1090] _Miscellaneous Works_, 1751, pp. 320-1. - -[1091] _A New Method of Educating Children ..._, 1695. - -[1092] Th. Sheridan, _Plan of Education_, 1769, p. 42. - -[1093] M. Misson, _Memoires et Observations d'un voyageur en -Angleterre_, a la Haye, 1698, p. 99. - -[1094] Information supplied by J. Potter Briscoe, Esq., of Nottingham. - -[1095] C. Deering, _An Historical Account of the ancient and present -State of the Town of Nottingham_, Nottingham, 1751, p. 32. - -[1096] He remarks on the desire to learn English expressed by several -French persons he met, chiefly Huguenots. - -[1097] Printed by J. D. for Jonathan Robinson at the Golden Lion, and -George Wells, at the Sun in Paul's Churchyard. 8vo, pp. 224. - -[1098] Pp. 17-132. - -[1099] _An Essay to revive the Antient Education of Gentlewomen ..._, -London, 1673. - -[1100] _Essay on Projects_ (1697), London, 1887, pp. 164 _sqq._ - -[1101] Cp. Loveday, _Letters_, 1639, p. 178. - -[1102] Lewis also interviewed parents any Thursday in the afternoon -between three and six o'clock, at the Bolt and Tun in Fleet Street. - -[1103] _Model for a school for the better education of Youth_, and -Advertisement at the end of his _Plan and Short Rules for pointing -periods ..._ (_c._ 1670). - -[1104] Advertisement in _An Essay on the Proper Method for forming the -Man of Business_, 4th ed., 1722, pp. 44-45. - -[1105] _Calendar of State Papers, Treasury Books, 1679-80_, pp. 132, -140. - - - - -APPENDICES - - - - -APPENDIX I - - CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF MANUALS AND GRAMMARS FOR TEACHING FRENCH TO THE - ENGLISH - - -I - -The Middle Ages - -_A. Manuscripts_ - -* Indicates that there are also other manuscripts of later date. - - Henry III. (1216-1272): - - _c._ 1250 Short Treatise on French Verbs (Trinity College, - Cambridge, R. 3, 56). - - Edward I. (1272-1307): - - * Le treytyz ke moun sire Gautier de Bibelesworthe - fist a ma dame Dionisie de Mounchensy pur aprise de - langwage (ed. T. Wright, "Volume of Vocabularies," - 1857). - - * Tractatus Orthographiae of T. H. Parisii Studentis - (ed. M. K. Pope, "Modern Language Review," April 1910). - - _c._ 1300 * Orthographia Gallica (ed. J. Stuerzinger, - "Altfranzoesische Bibliothek," viii., Heilbronn, 1884). - - Edward II. and Edward III. (1307-1377): - - Commentaries in French on the Orthographia Gallica - (ed. Stuerzinger, _ut supra_). - - Epistolaries, or Collections of model letters (MSS. - Harl. 4971, Harl. 3988, Addit. 17716 Brit. Mus.; Ee 4, - 20, Camb. Univ. Libr.; B 14. 39, 40, Trinity Col. Camb.; - 182, All Souls, Oxon.; 188, Magdalen Col.). - - Cartularies, or Collections of Bills, Indentures, etc. - (Harl. 4971; Ee 4, 20, Camb. Univ. Libr.; Addit. - 17716). - - Undated Vocabularies and Verb Tables and Fragments - on Grammar (Ee 4, 20, Camb. Univ. Libr.; Harl. 4971, - Addit. 17716, Brit. Mus.; 188, Magdalen Col., Oxon.). - - _c._ 1340 Nominale sive Verbale in Gallicis cum expositione - eiusdem in Anglicis (ed. Skeat, "Transactions of the - Philological Soc.," 1903-1906). - - Richard II. (1377-1399): - - Tractatus Orthographiae of Coyfurelly, Doctor in Law - of Orleans (ed. Stengel, "Zeitschrift fuer - neufranzoesische Sprache und Literatur," vol. i., 1878). - - 1396 * Maniere de Language (ed. P. Meyer, "Revue critique," - 1873). - - 1399 Petit Livre pour enseigner les enfanz de leur entreparler - comun francois (ed. Stengel, _op. cit._). - - _c._ 1409 Donait francois pur briefment entroduyr les Anglois - et la droit language de Paris et de pais la d'entour - fait aus despenses de Johan Barton par pluseurs bons - clercs du language avandite (ed. Stengel, _op. cit._). - - Conjugation of Verbs, by R. Dove. Le Donait soloum - douce franceis de Paris (Sloane MSS. 513). - - _c._ 1415 Liber Donati (MSS. Dd 12, 23, Gg 6, 44, Camb. Univ. - Libr.; Addit. 17716 Brit. Mus.). - - Femina. Liber iste vocatur Femina, quia sicut Femina - docet infantemloqui maternam, sic docet iste liber - iuvenes rethorice loqui Gallicum prout infra patebit - (ed. W. A. Wright, Roxburghe Club, 1907). - - 1415 Maniere de Language (ed. P. Meyer, "Romania," xxxii., - 1903). - - John Lydgate, Praeceptiones linguae gallicae, li. 1. - (Bale, "Scriptores Britanniae," fol. 203.) - - _c._ 1500? Dialogues in French and English (MS. Ii. 6, 17, Camb. - Univ. Libr.). - - -_B. Printed Books_ - - _c._ 1483 Tres bonne doctrine pour aprendre briefment francoys - et engloys. Printed by William Caxton. B.L. 4to. (Ed. - H. Bradley, "Early English Text Society," extra series, - lxxix., 1900.) - - Another edition. Fragment of one leaf in the Bodleian. - - _c._ 1492? Here is a good boke to lerne to speke French. B.L. - 4to. Colophon: Per me Richardum Pynson. - - _c._ 1498? Here beginneth a Lytell treatyse for to lerne - Englisshe and Frensshe. B.L. 4to. Colophon: Here endeth - a lytyll treatyse for to lerne Englysshe and Frensshe. - Emprinted at Westmynster by my Wynken de Worde. - - Another edition. Fragment of one leaf in the British - Museum. B.L. 4to. - - -II - -TUDOR AND STUART TIMES - - 1521 BARCLAY. The introductorie to wryte and to pronounce frenche. - - ? VALENCE. Introductions in frensche.... - - 1528 Fragment of grammar in Lambeth Library. - - 1530 PALSGRAVE. Lesclarcissement de la langue francoyse. - - _c._ 1534 DUWES. An introductorie for to lerne ... french trewly. - - _c._ 1535 DUWES. An introductorie for to lerne ... french trewly. - - _c._ 1547 DUWES. An introductorie for to lerne ... french trewly. - - 1552 VERON. Dictionariolum puerorum.... - - 1553? DU PLOICH. A Treatise in English and Frenche.... - - 1553? Traicte pour apprendre a parler francoys et angloys. - - 1557 G. MEURIER. La Grammaire Francoise. . . . - - 1557 (BARLEMENT.) A Boke intituled Italion, Frynsshe, Englysshe Latin. - - 1559 Ane A.B.C. for Scottes men to read the frenche toung.... - - 1563 MEURIER. Communications familieres. - - 1565 HOLYBAND. The French Schoolemaister. - - 1566 HOLYBAND. The French Littleton. - - 1568 (BARLEMENT.) A Boke intituled Ffrynshe, Englysshe and Duche. - - 1571 A Dictionarie french and english. - - 1572 HIGGINS. Huloets dictionarie ... the French thereunto annexed. - - 1573 HOLYBAND. The French Schoolemaister. - - 1574 BARET. An Alvearie ... in Englishe, Latin and French. - - 1575 * A plaine pathway to the French Tongue. - - 1576 LEDOYEN DE LA PICHONNAYE. A Plaine Treatise to larne ... French. - - 1578 BELLOT. The French Grammer. - - 1578 DU PLOICH. A Treatise in English and Frenche, new ed. - - 1578 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1578 (BARLEMENT.) Dictionaire . . . en quattre Langues. - - ? HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1580 HOLYBAND. A Treatise for Declining of Verbs. - - 1580 HOLYBAND. De Pronuntiatione Linguae Gallicae. - - 1580 HOLYBAND. The Treasurie of the French Tong. - - 1581 BARET. Alvearie ... New ed. - - 1581 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1581 BELLOT. Le Jardin de Vertu. - - 1582 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1583 HOLYBAND. Campo di Fior. - - 1585 HIGGINS. The Nomenclator or Remembrancer of Adrianus Junius. - - 1588 BELLOT. The French Methode. - - ? HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1590 DE CORRO. The Spanish Grammer with certeine Rules teaching ... - French. - - 1591 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1591 CORDERIUS. Dialogues in French and English. - - 1592 DE LA MOTHE. The French Alphabet. - - 1593 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1593 HOLYBAND. A Dictionarie French and English. - - 1593 ELIOTE. Ortho-Epia Gallica. - - 1595 E. A. Grammaire Angloise et Francoise. - - 1595 DE LA MOTHE. French Alphabet. - - 1596 MORLET. Janitrix ... ad perfectam Linguae Gallicae cognitionem. - - 1597 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1598 The Necessary ... Education of a Young Gentlewoman, Italian, - French and English. - - 1599 HOLYBAND. A Treatise for Declining of Verbs. - - 1602 A Short Syntaxis of the French Tongue. - - 1602 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1604 SANFORD. Le Guichet Francois. - - 1605 SANFORD. A Briefe Extract of the former grammar ... in English. - - 1605 ERONDELL. The French Garden. - - 1606 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1607 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1611 COTGRAVE. A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues. - - 1612 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1615 The Declining of Frenche Verbes (HOLYBAND?). - - 1615 The French A.B.C. - - 1615 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1617 JEAN BARBIER. Janua Linguarum Quadralinguis. - - 1618 FARREAR. A Brief Direction to the French Tongue. - - 1619 LAUR DU TERME. The Flower de Luce. - - 1619 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1620 COLSON. The First Part of the French Grammar. - - 1623 WODROEPH. The spared Houres of a souldier in his Travels. - - 1623 J. S. A Shorte Method for the Declyning of Ffrench Verbes. - - 1625 SHERWOOD. The French Tutour. - - 1625 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1625 DE LA MOTHE. French Alphabet. - - 1625 WODROEPH. The True Marrow of the French Tongue. - - 1625 L'ISLE. Part of Du Bartas, French and English. - - 1625 Grammaire Angloise et Francoise. - - 1630 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1631 ANCHORAN. Comenius's Janua Linguarum. - - 1631 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1631 DE LA MOTHE. French Alphabet. - - 1632 COTGRAVE. French-English Dictionary, with SHERWOOD'S - English-French Dictionary. - - 1633 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1633 DE LA MOTHE. French Alphabet. - - 1633 ANCHORAN. Comenius's Janua Linguarum. - - 1633 SALTONSTALL. Clavis ad Portam. - - 1633 DE GRAVE. The Pathway to the Gate of Tongues. - - 1634 SHERWOOD. The French Tutour, 2nd ed. - - 1634 AUFEILD. A French Grammar and Syntaxe. - - 1635 COGNEAU. A Sure Guide to the French Tongue. - - 1636 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1636 DU GRES. Breve et accuratum grammaticae gallicae Compendium. - - 1637 (BARLEMENT.) The English, Latine, French, Dutch Scholemaster. - - 1637 BENSE. Analogo Diaphora ... trium Linguarum, Gallicae, Hispanicae - et Italicae. - - 1637 ANCHORAN. Comenius's Janua. - - 1639 DE LA MOTHE. French Alphabet. - - 1639 HOLYBAND. French Littleton. - - 1639 Grammaire Angloise et Francoise. - - 1639 DU GRES. Dialogi Gallico-Anglico-Latini. - - 1639 ANCHORAN. Comenius's Janua. - - 1639 (BARLEMENT.) New Dialogues or Colloquies ... - - 1641 MEURIER. A treatise for to learne to speake Frenshe and Englishe. - - 1641 HOLYBAND. Treatise for Declining of French Verbs. - - 1641 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1643 GOSTLIN. Aurisodinae Linguae Gallicae. - - 1645 COGNEAU. Sure Guide ... - - 1647 DE LA MOTHE. French Alphabet. - - 1648 GERBIER. An Introduction of the French Tongue. - - 1649 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1650 COTGRAVE. French Dictionary. - - 1651 COGNEAU. Sure Guide. - - 1652 DU GRES. Dialogi ... - - 1653 MAUGER. True Advancement of the French Tongue. - - 1655 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1655 LAINE. A Compendious Introduction to the French Tongue. - - 1656 MAUGER. French Grammar, 2nd ed. - - 1658 COGNEAU. Sure Guide. - - 1658 MAUGER. French Grammar, 3rd ed. - - 1659 LEIGHTON. Linguae Gallicae addiscendae Regulae. - - 1660 DU GRES. Dialogi ... - - 1660 COTGRAVE. Dictionary. - - 1660 HERBERT. French and English Dialogues. - - 1660 HOWELL. Lexicon Tetraglotton. - - 1662 MAUGER. French Grammar, 4th ed. - - 1662 LEIGHTON. ... Regulae. - - 1666 AEsop's Fables in English, French and Latine. - - ? Castellion's Sacred Dialogues ... French and English. - - 1667 MAUGER. French Grammar, 5th ed. - - 1667 FESTEAU. French Grammar. - - 1667 DE LAINE. Princely Way to the French Tongue. - - 1668 HOLYBAND. French Schoolemaister. - - 1668 Grammaire Francoise et Angloise. - - 1668 Grammaire Francoise et Angloise. - - 1670 MAUGER. Grammar, 6th ed. - - 1671 MAUGER. Lettres francoises et angloises. - - 1671 FESTEAU. Grammar, 2nd ed. - - 1673 MAUGER. Grammar, 7th ed. - - 1673 COTGRAVE. Dictionary. - - 1674 A French Grammar ... Published by the Academy. - - 1674 SMITH. Grammatica Quadralinguis. - - 1674 A very easie Introduction to the French Tongue. - - 1675 FESTEAU. Grammar, 3rd ed. - - 1676 D'ABADIE. A New French Grammar. - - 1676 MAUGER. Grammar (the English edition). - - 1676 MAUGER. Lettres, 2nd ed. - - 1677 DE LAINE. Princely Way, 2nd ed. - - 1677 Grammaire francoise et angloise. - - 1677 MIEGE. A New Dictionary, French and English. - - 1678 MIEGE. A New French Grammar. - - 1679 MAUGER. Grammar, 8th ed. - - 1679 FESTEAU. Grammar, 4th ed. - - 1679 Grammaire Francoise et Angloise. - - 1679 MIEGE. Dictionary of Barbarous French. - - 1680 VILLIERS. Vocabularium Analogicum. - - 1681 BERAULT. Chemin du Ciel. - - 1682 MAUGER. Grammar, 10th ed. - - 1682 MIEGE. Short and Easie French Grammar. - - 1683 VAIRESSE D'ALLAIS. Short and Methodical Introduction. - - 1684 MIEGE. A Short French Dictionary. - - 1684 KERHUEL. Grammaire Francoise. - - 1684 MAUGER. Grammar, 11th ed. - - 1684 CHENEAU. French Grammar. - - 1685 FESTEAU. Grammar, 5th ed. - - 1685 BERAULT. Bouquet . . . de Plusieurs Veritez Theologiques. - - 1686 MAUGER. Grammar, 12th ed. - - 1687 AEsop's Fables in English, French and Latine. - - 1687 MIEGE. Grounds of the French Tongue. - - 1688 MIEGE. Great French Dictionary. - - 1688 BERAULT. New ... French and English Grammar. - - 1688 COLSONI. The New Trismagister. - - 1689 MAUGER. Grammar, 13th ed. - - 1690 MIEGE. Short French Dictionary, 3rd ed. - - 1690 MAUGER. Grammar, 14th ed. - - 1690 COLSONI. A new Grammar of three languages. - - 1691 MIEGE. Short French Dictionary. - - 1691 BERAULT. Grammar, 2nd ed. - - _c._ 1691 LANE. French Grammar. - - ? GROLLEAU. Compleat French Tutor. - - 1693 FESTEAU. Grammar, 6th ed. - - 1693 BERAULT. Grammar, 3rd ed. - - 1693 Eloquent Master of Languages. - - 1694 BOYER. Compleat French Master. - - 1694 MAUGER. Grammar, 16th ed. - - 1695 COLSONI. New and Accurate Grammar [new edition]. - - 1698 MIEGE. Last and Best French Grammar. - - 1698 BERAULT. French and English Grammar. - - 1698 MAUGER. French Grammar. - - 1699 MAUGER. French Grammar [new edition]. - - 1699 BOYER. French Master, 2nd ed. - - ? VASLET. Nomenclator Trilinguis. - - 1699 BOYER. Royal French Dictionary. - - - - -APPENDIX II - - BIBLIOGRAPHY, ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY, OF MANUALS FOR TEACHING THE - FRENCH LANGUAGE TO THE ENGLISH, FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH - CENTURY TO THE END OF THE STUART PERIOD - - -A., E.: - - Grammaire Angloise et Francoise pour facilement et promptement - aprendre la langue Angloise et Francoise. Revue et corrigee tout de - nouveau d'une quantite de fautes qui etoient aux precedentes - impressions par E. A. Augmentee en cette derniere edition d'un - vocabulaire Anglois et Francois. Rouen, 1595. Cp. sub "Anonymous - Works," Grammaire Angloise et Francoise. - -AESOP: Cp. CODRINGTON. - -ANCHORAN, J. A.: - - Porta Linguarum Trilinguis reserata et aperta, sive seminarium - linguarum et scientiarum omnium, hoc est compendiaria Latinam, - Anglicam, Gallicam (et quamvis aliam) Linguam una cum artium et - scientiarum fundamentis sesquianni spatio ad summum docendi et - perdiscendi methodus sub titulis centum periodis mille comprehensa. - The Gate of Tongues unlocked and opened.... London, George Millar - for Michael Sparke, 1631. - - Another issue, George Millar for the Author, 1631. - - Another ed.: Porta linguarum ... J. A. Anchorani ... Th. Cotes - sumptibus M. Sparke, 1633. - - 3rd ed. Anna Griffin sumptibus M. Sparke. London, 1637. - - 4th ed. E. Griffin for M. Sparke, 1639. - -ANONYMOUS WORKS (Arranged chronologically): - - De la Prosodie, etc. (Fragment in the Lambeth Library dated 1528.) - - (BARLEMENT.) A boke intituled Italion, Frynsshe, Englysshe and - Laten. London, Ed. Sutton, 1557. - - Another ed.: A Boke intituled Ffrynsshe, Englysshe and Duche. - London, John Alde, 1569. - - Another ed.: Dictionaire, Colloques ou Dialogues en Quattre - langues, Flamen, Ffrancoys, Espaignel et Italien, with the Englishe - to be added thereto. George Bishop, 1578. - - Another ed.: - The English}{French - Latine }{Dutch Scholemaster, or an Introduction to teach young - Gentlemen and Merchants to travell or trade. Being the only helpe - to attaine to those Languages. London, for Michael Sparke, 1637. - - Another ed.: New Dialogues or Colloquies and a little Dictionary of - eight Languages. A Booke very necessary for all those that study - these tongues either at home or abroad, now perfected and made fit - for travellers, young merchants and seamen, especially those that - desire to attain to the use of the tongues. London, Printed for - Michael Sparke, 1639. - - Ane A, B, C for Scottes men to read the frenche toung with ane - exhortatioun to the noblis of Scotland to favour thair ald - friendis. Licensed to Wm. Nudrye, 1559. - - A Dictionarie french and english. 1571. Col.: Imprinted at London - by Henry Bynneman for Lucus Harrison. An. 1570.[1106] - - A plaine pathway to the French Tongue, very profitable for - Marchants and also all other which desire the same, aptly devided - into nineteen chapters. The contents whereof appear in the next - Page. Printed in London by Thomas East, 1575. - - Another ed. Newly corrected. London, by Th. East (date unknown). - - Corderius. Dialogues in French and English. John Wyndet, 1591. - - Grammaire Angloise et Francoise . . . Revue et corrigee . . . par - E. A. (_q.v. sub_ A., E.) - - Another ed.: Grammaire Angloise pour facilement et promptement - apprendre la langue angloise. Qui peut aussi aider aux Anglois pour - apprendre la langue Francoise. Alphabet anglois contenant la - prononciation des Lettres avec les declinaisons et conjugaisons. - Paris, 1625. - - Another ed. Rouen, 1639. - - Another ed. Rouen, 1662. - - Another ed. Rouen, 1670. - - Another edition. London, 1677. - - The Necessary, fit and convenient Education of a young Gentlewoman, - Italian, French and English. Adam Islip, 1598. - - A Short Syntaxis in the French Tongue. 12º. London, 1602. - - The French A. B. C. Licensed to Rd. Field, 1615. - - The Declining of Frenche Verbes. Rd. Field, 1615 (another edition - of Holyband's Treatise for declining of Verbs?). - - (Sebastien Chateillon.) Sacred Dialogues translated out of Latin - into French and English for the benefit of youth. Sold by R. Hom - and J. Sims. (Date unknown, between 1666 and 1668?) - - A French Grammar Teaching the knowledge of that language, how to - read and write it perfectly without any other precedent Study than - to have learnt to Read only. Published by the Academy for - Reformation of the French Tongue. London. Printed by W. G. for Wm. - Copper at the sign of the Pelican in Little Britain, 1674. - - A very easie Introduction to the French Tongue, or A very brief - Grammar, proper for all persons who have bad memories. Containing - all the principal grounds for the more speedy practice of - discourse. Also many peculiar phrases; with a very useful Dialogue - for young factors. 8vo. Sold by J. Sims at the King's Head in - Cornhill, _c._ 1673. - -AUFEILD, WILLIAM: - - A French Grammar and Syntaxe contayning most exact and certaine - rules for the pronunciation, orthography, construction and use of - the French Language. Written in French by Charles Maupas, of Bloys. - Translated into English with additions and explications peculiarly - useful to us English; together with a preface and an Introduction - wherein are contained divers necessary instructions for the better - understanding of it, by W. A. London, printed for Rich. Mynne, - dwelling in little Britaine at the signe of St. Paul, 1634. - -BARBIER, JEAN: - - Janua Linguarum Quadralinguis, or The Gate to the Latine, English, - Frenche and Spanish Tongues. London, 1617.[1107] - -BARCLAY, ALEXANDER: - - Here begynneth the introductory to wryte and to pronounce frenche, - compyled by Alexander Barclay, compendiously at the commandement of - the right hye excellent and myghty prynce Thomas, duke of - Northfolke. [Col.] Imprynted at London in the Flete strete at the - sygne of the rose Garlande by Robert Coplande, 1521, the yere of - our lord MCCCCCXXI ye XXII day of Marche. - -BARET, JOHN: - - An Alvearie or triple Dictionarie in Englishe, Latin, and French. - Very profitable for all such as be desirous of any of those three - languages. Also by the two tables at the ende of this booke they - may contrariwise finde the most necessarie Latin or French words, - placed after the order of an Alphabet, whatsoever are to be found - in any other Dictionarie. And so to turne them backwardes againe - into Englishe when they reade any Latin or French authors and doubt - of any harde worde therein. London, Henry Denham, 1574. - - A new edition: An Alvearie or quadruple dictionarie containing four - sundrie tongues, namelie, Englishe, Latine, Greeke and Frenche. - Newlie enriched with a varietie of wordes, phrases, proverbs and - divers lightsome observations of Grammar. By the Tables you may - contrariwise finde out the most necessarie wordes placed after the - Alphabet, whatsoever are to be found in any other dictionarie. - Which Tables also serving for lexicons, to lead the learner unto - the English of such hard wordes as are often read in Authors, being - faithfullie examined, are truelie numbered. Verie profitable for - such as be desirous of anie of those languages. London, Henry - Denham, 1581. - -BARLEMENT. Cp. Entry under "Anonymous Works." - -BELLOT, JACQUES: - - The French Grammer, or an Introduction orderly and Methodically, by - ready rules, playne preceptes and evident examples, teachinge the - Frenche Tongue: Made and very commodiously set forth for their - sakes that desire to attayne the Perfecte knowledge of the same - Language, by James Bellot, Gentleman of Caen in Normandy. Imprinted - at London in Fleet Street by Th. Marshe, 1578. - - Le jardin de vertu et bonnes moeurs, plain de plusieurs belles - fleurs et riches sentences avec le sens d'icelles recueillies de - plusieurs autheurs, et mises en lumiere par J. B. gent. Cadomois. - Imprime a Londres par Th. Vautrollier, 1581. - - The French Methode. London, 1588. - -BENSE, PIERRE: - - Analogo Diaphora seu Concordantia Discrepans et Discrepantia - Concordans trium linguarum Gallicae, Hispanicae et Italicae. Unde - innotescat, quantum quaque a Romanae linguae, unde ortum duxere, - idiomate deflexerit; earum quoque ratio et natura dilucide et - succinte delineantur. Opera et studio Petri Bense, Parisini, apud - Oxon. has linguas profitentis. Oxoniae. Excudebat Guilielmus Turner - impensis authoris, 1637. - -BERAULT, PIERRE: - - A new, plain, short and compleat French and English Grammar. Wherby - the learner may attain in few months to speak and write French - correctly as they do now in the Court of France, and wherein all - that is dark, superfluous and deficient in other grammars is plain, - short and methodically supplied. Also very useful to strangers that - are desirous to learn the English tongue: for whose sake is added a - short but very exact English Grammar. Omne tulit punctum qui - miscuit utile dulce. London, 1688. - - Second edition, _c._ 1691. - - Third edition, with additions, 1693. - - Fourth edition, 1700. - - Another edition: A New and Compleat French and English Grammar, - plainly showing the shortest and easiest way to understand, speak, - and write spedily those Languages, but especially the French. - Containing above twenty pleasant and useful Dialogues translated - into English by Sir R. L'Estrange, and here rendered into French - with several others, almost word for word. To which is added a - short but exact English Grammar. Also a French and English - Dictionary, where the parts of speech are ranged separately. - Comprehending all that's necessary for any Persons that have a - desire to learn either Language, by Peter Berault, French - Minister, lately chaplain of Her Majesty's ships Kent, Victory, - Scarborough, and Dunkirk. London, 1707. - - Le Veritable et assure chemin du ciel en Francois et en Anglois. - London, 1680. - - Bouquet ou un amas de plusieurs veritez theologiques propres pour - instruire toutes sortes de personnes, particulierement pour - consoler une ame dans ses Troubles. London, 1685. - -BEYER, GUILLAUME: - - La vraye instruction des trois langues la Francoise, l'Angloise et - la Flamende. Proposee en des regles fondamentales et succinctes. Un - assemblage des mots les plus usites, et des colloques utiles et - recreatifs; ou hormis d'autres discours curieus, le gouvernement de - la France se reduit. Historiquement et Politiquement mise en trois - langues. Seconde ed. augmentee. Dordrecht, 1681. (Date of first - edition unknown.) - -CHATEILLON (or CASTELLION), S. Cp. entry under "Anonymous Works." - -CHENEAU, FRANCOIS: - - Francis Cheneau's French Grammar, enrich'd with a compendious and - easie way to learne the French Tongue in a very short time. - Licensed to Ch. Mearne, _c._ 1684. - - The Perfect French Master teaching in less than a month to turn any - English into French by Rule and Figure, Alphabetically, in a Method - hitherto altogether unknown in Europe. With the regular and - irregular Verbs. By Mr. Cheneau of Paris, Professor of the Latin, - English, French, Italian Tongues, formerly slave and Governor of - the Isles of Nacsia and Paros in the Archipelago, now living in his - house in Old Fish St. next door to the Faulcon in London. Where may - be seen his short grammars for all these tongues, after the same - way. W. Botham for the author. London, 1716. - -CODRINGTON, ROBERT: - - AEsop's Fables, With his life in English, French and Latine. The - English by Tho. Philipott, Esq., the French and Latine by Rob. - Codrington, M.A. Illustrated with one hundred and ten sculptures. - By Francis Barlow, and are to be sold at his House, The Golden - Eagle in New Street near Shoe Lane, 1665-6. - - Another ed. London, 1687. - - Another ed. [London], 1703. - -COGNEAU, PAUL: - - A Sure Guide to the French Tongue, teaching by a most easy way to - pronounce it naturally, to reade it perfectly, write it truly and - speke it readily. Together with the Verbes personal and impersonal - and useful sentences added to some of them, most profitable for all - sorts of people to learn. Painfully gathered and set in order after - the alphabetical way, for the better benefit of those that are - desirous to learn the French, by me Paul Cogneau. London, 1635. - - Another ed. [London] 1645. - - Another ed. [London] 1651. - - Fourth ed., exactly corrected, much amplified, and better ordered. - (By Wm. Herbert, _q.v._) London, 1658. - -COLSON, WILLIAM: - - The First Part of the French Grammar, Artificially reduced into - Tables by Arte locall, called the Arte of Memorie. Contayning - (after an extraordinary and most easy method) the Pronunciation and - Orthographie of the French Tongue according to the new manner of - writing, without changing the originall or old, for the - understanding of both by a reformed alphabet of twenty-six letters - and by a triple distinction of characters (Roman, Italian and - English) representing unto the eye three sorts of pronunciation - distinguished by them. Proper, signified by a Roman character: - Improper, noted by an Italian: and superfluous, marked by an - English.... And as most amply is declared in the explication of the - foresaid reformed alphabet, and letters in it otherwise ordered, - and named then heretofore, and two otherwise shaped ... for _j_ and - _v_ consonants. In which is taught, the universall knowledge of the - four materiall parts of Grammar ... for the better understanding of - the rules of the triple pronunciation aforesaid. Also the - Artificiall and generall declination terminative of Nounes and - Verbes. Lately compiled by William Colson of London, Professor of - Litterall and Liberall Sciences. London, Printed by W. Stansby, - 1620. - -COLSONI, FRANCISCO CASPARO: - - The New Trismagister. Or the New Teacher of three Languages by whom - an Italian, an English and a French Gentleman may learn to - discourse together, each in their several languages: in four parts. - (I.) The Italian learns to speak English. (II.) The English and - Italian Gentlemen learn to speak French. (III.) The French and the - English Gentlemen learn to speak Italian. (IV.) The Frenchman - learns to speak English. 1688. - - Another edition: A New and Accurate Grammar whereby French and - Italian, the Spaniard and the Portuguese may learn to speak English - well, with rules for the learning of French, Italian, and Spanish. - Nouvelle et curieuse Grammaire par laquelle. . . . Par F. Colsoni, - M.(A). et Maitre des dites Langues demeurant dans Falcon Court en - Lothbury. 8vo. Printed for S. Manship at the Ship in Cornhill, _c._ - 1695. - -COMENIUS. Cf. entry under "Anonymous Works." - -CORDERIUS. Cf. entry under "Anonymous Works." - -CORRO, ANTONIO DE: - - The Spanish Grammer, with certeine Rules teaching both the Spanish - and French tongues. By which they that have some knowledge in the - French tongue may the easier attaine to the Spanish, and likewise - they that have the Spanish with more facilitie learne the French: - and they that are acquainted with neither of them, learne either or - both. Made in Spanish by M. Anthonie de Corro, translated by John - Thorius, Graduate in Oxeford. London, 1590. - -COTGRAVE, RANDLE: - - A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues, compiled by Randle - Cotgrave. London, 1611. - - Another ed. ... Whereunto is also annexed a most copious dictionary - of the English set before the French, by R. S. L. (Robert Sherwood, - Londoner, _q.v._) London, 1632. - - Another ed. ... Whereunto are newly added the animadversions and - Supplements of James Howell, Esquire. Inter Eruditos Cathedram - habeat Polyglottes. London, 1650. - - Another ed. ... Whereunto are added sundry Animadversions, with - supplements of many hundreds of words never before printed: with - accurate castigations throughout the whole work, and distinctions - of the obsolete words from those that are now in use. Together with - a large Grammar, a dialogue consisting of all Gallicisms, with - additions of the most significant proverbs, with other refinements - according to Cardinal Richelieu's late Academy. For the furtherance - of young learners, and the advantage of all others that endeavour - to arrive to the most exact knowledge of the French Language, this - work is exposed to publick, by James Howell, Esqr. London, 1660. - - Another ed. London, 1673. - -D'ABADIE, J.G.: - - A new French Grammar, containing at large the principles of that - tongue, or the most exact rules, criticall observations, and fit - examples for teaching with a good method and attaining the French - Tongue as the Witts or the Gentlemen of the French Academy speak - and pronounce it at this present time. Composed for the use of the - English gentry by J.G. d'Abadie, Esq. Oxford, Printed by H. Hall, - Printer to the University, for J. Crosby, 1676. - -DE GRAVE, JEAN: - - The Pathway to the Gate of Tongues, being the first instruction for - little children, with A short manner to conjugate French Verbes. - Ordered and made Latine, French and English by Jean de Grave, - Professor of the French Tongue in the City of London. Oxford, 1633. - (Bound with second ed. of Comenius's Porta Linguarum. London, - 1633.) - -DE LA MOTHE, N., G.: - - The French Alphabet, teaching in a very short time, and by a most - easie way, to pronounce French naturally, to read it perfectly, to - write it truly and to speak it accordingly. Together with the - treasure of the French tongue, containing the rarest sentences, - proverbs, parobles, similies, apothegmes, and Golden sayings of the - most excellent French Authors, as well Poets as Oratours. The one - diligently compiled and the other painfully gathered and set in - order, after the alphabetical maner, for the benefit of those that - are desirous of the French tong. Printed by E. Alde, and are to be - solde by H. Jackson, dwelling in Fleet Street, beneath the Conduit - at the sign of St. John Evangelist, 1595. - - First edition. London, Richard Field, 1592 (no copy known). - - Another edition. London, Geo. Miller, 1625. - - Another edition. London, Geo. Miller, 1631. - - Another edition. London, Geo. Miller, 1633. - - Another edition. London, Geo. Miller, 1639. - - Another edition. London, A. Miller, 1647. - -DE LA PICHONNAYE, LEDOYEN: - - A Plaine Treatise to larne in a shorte space of the French Tongue. - London, H. Denham, 1576. - -DE SAINLIENS, CLAUDE. Cf. HOLYBAND. - -DU GRES, GABRIEL: - - Breve et Accuratum grammaticae Gallicae Compendium in quo superflua - rescinduntur et necessaria non omittuntur, per Gabrielem du Gres, - Gallum, eandem linguam in celeberrima Cantabrigiensi Academia - edocentem. Cantabrigiae. Impensis Authoris amicorum gratia. 1636. - - Dialogi Gallico-Anglico-Latini, per Gabrielem Dugres Linguam - Gallicam in illustrissima et famosissima Oxoniensi Academia (haud - ita pridem privatim) edocentem. Oxoniae, L. Lichfield, 1639. - - Editio secunda, priori emendatior. Oxoniae, 1652. - - Editio tertia. Oxoniae, 1660. - -DU PLOICH, PIERRE: - - A Treatise in English and Frenche right necessary and proffitable - for al young children (the contentes whereof apere in a table at - the ende of this boke), made by Peter du Ploiche, teacher of the - same dwelling in Trinitie lane at the signe of the Rose. Richard - Grafton, [1553?] - - Another ed. Imprime a Londre par Jean Kingston, La xiiii. Auvril, - 1578. - -DU TERME, LAUR: - - The Flower de Luce, planted in England, or a short Treatise and - brieffe compendium wherein is contained the true and lively - pronunciation and understanding of the French tongue. Compiled by - Laur du Terme, Teacher of the same. London, Printed by Nicholas - Okes, 1619. - -DUWES, GILES: - - An Introductorie for to lerne to rede, to pronounce, and to speke - Frenche trewly, compyled for the right high excellent and most - vertuous lady, the lady Mary of Englande, daughter to our most - gracious soverayn Lorde Kyng Henry the Eight. Printed at London by - Thomas Godfray, cum privilegio a rege indulto, [1533?] - - Another ed. Printed at London by Nicolas Bourman for John Reyns in - Paules churchyarde at the signe of the George. [1534?] - - Another ed., newly corrected and amended. Printed by John Waley, - [1546?] - -ELIOTE, JOHN: - - Ortho-Epia Gallica. Eliot's Fruits for the French. Enterlaced with - a double new invention, which teacheth to speke truely, speedily - and volubly the French Tongue. Pend for the practice, pleasure and - profit of all English Gentlemen who will endevour by their owne - paine, studie and dilligence to attaine the naturall accent, the - true pronunciation, and swift and glib Grace of that noble, famous - and courtly Language. Natura et Arte. London, Printed by John - Wolfe, 1593. - -ERONDELL, PIERRE: - - The French Garden for English Ladyes and Gentlewomen to walke in or - a sommer dayes labour. Being an instruction for the attayning unto - of the French tongue: wherein for the practise thereof are framed - thirteene dialogues in French and English, concerning divers - matters, from the rising in the morning till Bedtime. Also the - Historie of the Centurion mencioned in the Gospell: in French - Verses. Which is an easier and shorter Methode then hath beene yet - set forth to bring the lovers of the French tongue to the - perfection of the same. By Peter Erondell, Professor of the same - language. London, Printed for Ed. White, 1605. - - Cf. HOLYBAND, French Schoolemaister. - -FARREAR, ROBERT: - - A brief Direction to the French Tongue. Oxford, 1618. - -FESTEAU, PAUL: - - A new and Easie French Grammar, or a Compendious way how to Read, - Speak and Write French exactly, very necessary for all Persons - whatsoever. With variety of Dialogues. Whereunto is added a - Nomenclature English and French. London. Printed for Th. - Thornycroft and are to be sold at the Eagle and Child near - Worcester House in the Strand, 1667. - - Second ed., c. 1671. - - [Another ed.]: Paul Festeau's French Grammar, being the newest and - exactest Method now extant for the attaining to the purity of the - French Tongue. Augmented and enriched with several choice and new - dialogues.... The third ed., Diligently corrected, amended and much - enlarged with the Rules of the Accent, by the Author, Native of - Blois, and now Professor of the French Tongue in London. London, - 1675. - - [Another ed.]: Paul Festeau's French Grammar being the newest and - exactest method ... for the attaining of the Elegancy and Purity of - the French Tongue as it is now spoken at the Court of France. - Augmented and enriched with several choice and new Dialogues, - furnished with rich phrases, proverbs and sentences, profitable and - necessary for all persons. Together with a Nomenclature English and - French, and the Rules of Quantity. The fourth ed., Diligently - corrected, amended and very much enlarged by the author, native of - Blois, a city in France where the true tone of the French tongue is - found by the Unanimous consent of all Frenchmen. London, 1679. - - Fifth ed. 1685. - - Another ed., _c._ 1688. - - Another ed. 1693. - - Another ed., _c._ 1699. - - Another ed., corrected and enlarged by the author, _c._ 1701. - -GERBIER, SIR BALTHAZAR: - - An Introduction of the French tongue, (in) "The Interpreter of the - Academie for forrain languages and all noble sciences and - exercises." The first part. London, 1648. - -GIFFARD, JAMES. Cf. HOLYBAND, French Schoolemaister. - -GOSTLIN: - - Aurisodinae linguae Gallicae. 8vo. London, 1643. - -GRAVE. Cf. DE GRAVE. - -GROLLEAU: - - Grolleau's Compleat French Tutor. (Date unknown, some time after - 1685.) - -HERBERT, WILLIAM: - - French and English Dialogues. In a more exact and delightful method - then any yet extant. London, 1660. Cf. COGNEAU. - -HIGGINS, JOHN: - - Huloet's Dictionarie, corrected and amended and set in order and - enlarged with many names of men, townes, beastes, foules, fishes, - trees, shrubbes, herbes, fruites, places, instrumentes, etc. In - eche place fit phrases gathered out of the best Latin authors. Also - the French thereunto annexed, by which you may finde the Latin or - Frenche of anye Englishe woorde you will. By John Higgins, late - student in Oxeforde. Londoni, in aedibus Thomae Marshij, anno 1572. - - The Nomenclator or Remembrancer of Adrianus Junius, Physician, - divided into two Tomes, conteining proper names, and apt termes for - all thinges under their convenient Titles, which within a few - leaves doe follow. Written by the said Adrianus Junius in Latine, - Greek, French, and other forrein tongues, and now in English by - John Higgins. With a full supplie of all such words as the last - inlarged edition affoorded; and a dictional index, conteining above - 1400 principall words with their numbers directly leading to their - interpretations. Of special use for all scholars and learners of - the same languages. London, 1585. - -HOLYBAND, CLAUDE, or DE SAINLIENS: - - The French Schoolemaistr, wherein is most plainlie shewed the true - and most perfect way of pronouncinge of the French tongue, without - any helpe of Maister or Teacher: set foorthe for the furtherance of - all those whiche doo studie privately in their owne study or - houses: Unto the which is annexed a Vocabularie for al such woordes - as bee used in common talkes: by M. Claudius Hollybande, professor - of the Latin, French and Englishe tongues. Imprinted at London, by - William How for Abraham Veale, 1573. - - First ed. 1565 (no copy known). - - Another ed. (Date unknown; after 1580.) - - Another ed.: The French Schoolemaister of Claudius Hollybande. - Newly corrected.... London, 1582. - - Another ed. Newly corrected by C. Hollyband. London. (Date - unknown.) - - Another ed.: The French Schoolemaister, wherein is most plainely - shewed the true and perfect way of pronouncing the French tongue, - to the furtherance of all those which would gladly learne it. First - collected by Mr. C. H., and now newly corrected and amended by P. - Erondelle, Professor of the said tongue. London, 1606. - - Another ed. London, 1612. - - Another ed. London, 1615. - - Another ed. London, 1619. - - Another ed.: The French Schoolemaister.... First collected by Mr. - C. H. ... and now ... corrected ... by James Giffard. London, 1631. - - Another ed. ... newly corrected and amended by James Giffard, - Professor of the said tongue. London, 1636. - - Another ed. ... new corrected, amended and much enlarged, with - severall quaint Proverbes and other necessary rules, by James - Giffard, Professor of the said Tongue. London, 1641. - - Another ed. London, 1649. - - Another ed. London, 1655. - - Another ed.: The French Schoolmaster teaching easily that language. - London, 1668. - - The French Littelton, A most easie, perfect and absolute way to - learne the Frenche tongue. Newly set forth by Claude Holliband, - teaching in Paules Churchyarde by the signe of the Lucrece. Let the - reader peruse the epistle to his owne instruction. Imprinted by T. - Vautrollier: London, 1566. - - Another ed. London, 1578. - - Another ed. London, 1579. - - Another ed.: Set forth by Claudius Holliband, teaching in Pauls - Churchyard at the sign of the Golden Ball. London, 1581. - - Another ed. ... London, 1591. - - Another ed. ... by Claudius Holliband, Gentilhomme Bourbonnois. - London, 1593. - - Another ed. London, 1597. - - Another ed. London, 1602. - - Another ed. London, 1607. - - Another ed. London, 1609. - - Another ed. London, 1625. - - Another ed. London, 1630. - - Another ed. London, 1633. - - Another ed. London, 1639. - - A Treatise for Declining of Verbs which may be called the second - chiefest worke of the frenche tongue: Set forthe by Claudius - Hollyband, teaching at the signe of the Golden Ball in Paules - Church Yarde. London, 1580. - - Another ed. London, 1599. - - Another ed. London, 1641. - - De Pronuntiatione. Claudii a Sancto Vinculo de pronuntiatione - linguae Gallicae libri duo. Ad illustrissimam simulq doctissimam - Elizabetham Anglorum Reginam. T. Vautrollerius; Londoni. 1580. - - The Treasurie of the French Tong: teaching the waye to varie all - sortes of verbes. Enriched so plentifully with wordes and phrases - (for the benefit of the studious in that language) as the like hath - not before bin published. Gathered and set forth by C. Hollyband. - For the better understanding of the order of the dictionarie peruse - the Preface to the reader. London, 1580. - - Campo di Fior, or the Flowery Field of four languages, Italian, - Latin, French and English. London, 1583. - - A Dictionarie French and English. Published for the benefite of the - studious in that language. Gathered and set forth by Claudius - Hollyband. London, 1593. - -HOWELL, JAMES: - - Lexicon Tetraglotton, and English, French, Italian, Spanish - Dictionary. Whereunto is adjoined a large nomenclature of the - proper terms (in all four) belonging to several arts and sciences, - to recreations, to professions both liberal and mechanick etc. - Divided into fifty-two sections. With another Vocabulary of the - choicest Proverbs.... London. Printed by J. G. for Cornelius Bee at - the King's Arms in Little Brittaine, 1660. - - Cf. COTGRAVE. - -HULOET. Cf. HIGGINS. - -KERHUEL, JEAN DE: - - Grammaire Francoise, composee par Jean de Kerhuel, Professeur de la - ditte Langue. A French Grammar.... 8vo. Printed for J. Wickins at - the Miter in Fleet Street, 1684. - -LAINE, PIERRE: - - A compendious Introduction to the French Tongue. Teaching with much - ease, facility and delight, how to attain and most exactly to the - true and modern pronunciation thereof. Illustrated with several - elegant expressions and choice Dialogues, useful for persons of - Quality that intend to travel into France, leading them, as by the - hand, to the most noted and principal places of that Kingdom. - Whereunto is annexed an alphabetical Rule for the true and modern - orthography of that French now spoken, being a catalogue of very - necessary words never before printed. By Peter Laine, a teacher of - the said tongue now in London. London. Printed by T. N. for Anthony - Williamson at the Queen's Arms in St. Paul's Churchyard, near the - West End. 1655. - -LAINE, PIERRE DE: - - The Princely way to the French Tongue, as it was first compiled - for the use of her Highness the Lady Mary and since taught her - royal sister the Lady Anne. To which is added a Chronological - abridgement of the sacred scriptures by way of dialogue. Together - with a longer explication of the French Grammar, Choice fables of - AEsop in Burlesque French, and lastly some models of letters French - and English, by P.D.L. 2nd ed. London. Printed by J. Macock for H. - Herrington etc., 1677. - - First ed. 1667. (No copy known.) - -LEIGHTON, HENRY: - - Linguae Gallicae addiscendae regulae. Collectae opera et industria H. - Leighton, A.M. Hanc linguam in celeberrima Academia Oxoniensi - edocentis. Oxoniae, 1659. - - Another ed. 1662. - -LISLE OF WILBRAHAM, WM.: - - Part of Du Bartas, English and French, and in his owne kinde of - verse, so near the French Englished, as may teach an Englishman - French, or a Frenchman English. Sequitur Victoria Junctos. By Wm. - L'isle of Wilburgham, Esquier for the King's Body. London. Printed - by John Hoviland, 1625. - -MAUGER, CLAUDE: - - The true advancement of the French Tongue, or A new Method, and - more easie directions for the attaining of it, then ever yet have - been published. Whereunto are added many choice and select - dialogues, containing not onely familiar discourses, but most exact - Instructions for Travell, in a most elegant style and phrase, very - useful and necessary for all gentlemen that intend to travel into - France. Also a chapter of Anglicismes, wherein those errors which - the English usually commit in speaking French are demonstrated and - corrected. By Claudius Mauger, late professor of the French Tongue - at Blois, and now teacher of the said Tongue here in London. - London. Printed by Tho. Roycroft for J. Martin and J. Allestry at - the Bell in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1653. - - Another ed.: Mr. Mauger's French Grammar. Enriched with severall - choise Dialogues containing an exact account of the State of - France, Ecclesiastical, civil, and Military, as it flourisheth at - present under King Louis the xivth. Also a chapter of Anglicisims, - with instructions for travellers into France. The second edition, - enlarged and most exactly corrected by the Authour, late professor - at Blois. London. Printed by R. D. for John Martin and J. Allestree - at the Bell in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1656. - - Third ed. London, 1658. - - Another ed. ... enriched with 50 new short dialogues. Containing - for the most part an exact account of England's Triumphs, with the - state of France ... as it flourisheth now since Cardinal Mazarin's - death. With a most curious and most ingenious addition of 700 - French verses upon the rules. Also a Chapter of Anglicisms, with - instructions for Travellers into France. Fourth ed. Exactly - corrected, enlarged and perused by the great care and diligence of - the author, late publick Professor of Blois, in France, for all - Travellers. London. Printed for John Martin ... 1662. - - Fifth ed. London, 1667. - - Another ed. ... Enlarged and Enriched with 80 new dialogues, both - familiar and high with compliments, and the exact pronunciation. - All digested in a most admirable order, with the State of - France.... Also a chapter of Anglicisms and Francisms. With 700 - French verses containing all the rules of the French Tongue. As - likewise the Generall Rules of the English Pronunciation. Sixth ed. - Exactly corrected by the author.... London. Printed for J. Martin - at the sign of the bell, and James Allestry at the Rose and Crown - in Paul's Churchyard, 1670. - - Another ed.: La Grammaire francoise de Claude Mauger expliquee en - Anglois, Latin et en Francois, enrichie de regles plus courtes et - plus substantielles qu'auparavant, comme du regime des verbes, de - la conjugaison de tous les irreguliers par toutes leurs personnes, - d'un Traite de l'accent etc. Et a la fin, d'un abrege des regles - generales de la Langue Angloise, en dialogues francois, outre ce - qui etoit dans la sixieme edition. La 7e. ed. Reveue et corrigee - par l'autheur . . . a Londres. Londres. Imprimee par T. Roycroft - pour Jean Martin et se vendent a l'enseigne de la cloche au - cymitiere de Sainct Paul. 1673. Claudius Mauger's French Grammar, - etc. - - Another ed., with additions: The "English Edition." London, Printed - by John Martyn, c. 1676. - - Eighth ed. Londres, J. Martyn, 1679. - - Tenth ed. Corrected by the author, now professor of the Languages - at Paris. London, 1682. - - Eleventh ed. London, T. Harrison, c. 1683. - - Twelfth ed. . . . avec des augmentations de Mots a la Mode d'une - nouvelle Methode et de tout ce qu'on peut souhaiter pour s'acquirir - ce beau Language comme on le parle a present a la cour de France. - Ou on voit un ordre extraordinaire et methodique pour l'acquisition - de cette langue, scavoir, une tres parfaite pronuntiation, la - conjugaison de tous les Verbes irreguliers, des Regles courtes et - substantielles, ausquelles sont ajoutez un Vocabulaire et une - nouvelle Grammaire Angloise pour l'utilite de tant d'estrangers qui - ont envie de l'apprendre. La douzieme edition exactement corrigee - par l'autheur a present Professeur des Langues a Paris. Londres. R. - E. pour R. Bently et S. Magnes demeurant dans Russel St. au Covent - Gardin. 1686. - - Thirteenth ed. ... Corrected by the author, late at Paris and now - at London. London, 1688. - - Fourteenth ed. ... Corrected and Enlarged by the author. London. - Sold by T. Guy at the Oxford Arms in Lombard Street. 1690. - - Sixteenth ed. ... exactly corrected and Enlarged by the Authour. - Late Professor of the Languages at Paris. London. R. E. for R. - Bently in Russel St. in Covent Gardin, 1694. - - Eighteenth ed. ... corrected and enlarged by the author. London, - for T. Guy, 1698. - - Nineteenth ed. ... corrected and enlarged by the Author, late - professor of the Languages at Paris. London, R. Wellington, 1702. - - Twentieth ed. ... Faithfully corrected from all the errors in the - former by a French Minister. London, R. Wellington, 1705. - - Twenty-first ed. ... with additions. London, R. Wellington, 1709. - - Mauger's Letters. Written upon several subjects, faithfully - translated into English, for the greater facility of those who have - a desire to learn the French Tongue. Corrected and Revised by the - author, formerly professor of French at Bloys, now at London. - London, 1671. - - Another ed.: Lettres Francoises et Angloises de Claud Mauger sur - Toutes sortes de sujets grands et mediocres avec augmentation de 50 - lettres nouvelles, dont il y en a plusieurs sur les dernieres et - grandes Revolutions de l'Europe. Tres exactement corrigee, polies - et ecrites, dans le plus nouveau stile de la cour, dans lesquelles - la purete et l'elegance des deux langues s'accordent mieux - qu'auparavant. Tres utiles a ceux qui aspirent au beau language, et - sont curieux de scavoir de quelle maniere ils doivent parler aux - personnes de quelque qualite qu'elles soient. Outre Quantite de - Billets a la fin du Livre, qui sont tres necessaires pour le - commerce. La seconde edition. Londres, imprimee par Tho. Roycroft - et se vendent chez Samuel Lowndes vis a vis de l'Hostel d'Exeter - dans la Strand. 1676. - -MEURIER, GABRIEL: - - La Grammaire Francoise contenante plusieurs belles reigles propres - et necessaires pour ceulx qui desirent apprendre la dicte langue - par Gabriel Meurier. . . . Anvers, 1557. - - Traicte pour apprendre a parler Francoys et Angloys. Rouen, Etienne - Colas, 1553. - - Communications familieres non moins propres que tresutiles a la - nation Angloise desireuse et diseteuse du langage Francois, par G. - Meurier. Familiare Communications no leasse proppre then verrie - proffytable to the Inglis nation desirous and nedinge the ffrenche - language, by Gabriel Meurier. En Anvers. . . . Chez Pierre de - Keerberghe sus le Cemitiere nostre Dame a la Croix d'or. 1563. - - Another ed.: Traite pour apprendre a parler Francois et Anglois: - ensemble un Formulaire de faire missives, obligations, Quittances, - Lettres de Change, necessaire a tous marchands qui veulent - trafiquer. A Treatise for to learne to speake Frenshe and - Englische, together with a form of making letters, indentures, and - obligations, quittances, letters of exchange, verie necessarie for - all Marchants that do occupy trade of Marchandise. A Rouen, chez - Jacques Cailloue, tenant sa boutique dans la Court du Palais. 1641. - -MIEGE, GUY: - - A New Dictionary French and English with another English and French - according to the present use and modern orthography of the French, - inrich'd with new words, choice phrases and apposite proverbs. - Digested into a most accurate method and contrived for the use of - both English and Foreiners, by Guy Miege, Gent. London. Printed by - T. Dawks for T. Basset at the George near Clifford's Inn in Fleet - Street, 1677. - - A New French Grammar or a New Method for learning of the French - Tongue. To which are added for a help to young beginners a large - vocabulary, and a store of familiar Dialogues, besides Four curious - discourses of Cosmography in French for proficient learners to turn - into English. By Guy Miege, Gent., author of the New French - Dictionary, professor of the French Tongue and of Geography. - London. Th. Basset.... 1678. - - A Dictionary of Barbarous French or a Collection by Way of Alphabet - of Obsolete, Provincial, Misspelt and Made Words in French. Taken - out of Cotgrave's Dictionary with some additions. A work much - desired and now performed for the satisfaction of such as read old - French. By Guy Miege, Gent., author of the New French Dictionary. - London, for Th. Basset, 1679.[1108] - - A Short and Easie French Grammar, fitted for all sorts of learners: - according to the present use and modern orthography of the French, - with some Reflections on the ancient use thereof. London, Th. - Basset, 1682. - - A Large Vocabulary English and French for the use of such as learn - French or English. London, Th. Basset, 1682. - - One Hundred and Fifteen Dialogues French and English fitted for the - use of learners. London, Th. Basset, 1682. - - A Short French Dictionary, English and French with another in - French and English, according to the present use and modern - orthography, by Guy Miege, Gent. London, for Th. Basset, 1684. - - Another ed. London, 1690. - - Another ed. The Hague, 1691. - - Fifth ed. The Hague, 1701. - - Another ed. 1703. - - Another ed. Rotterdam, 1728. - - The Grounds of the French Tongue, or a new French Grammar according - to the present use and modern orthography. Digested into an easy, - short and accurate Method with a Vocabulary and Dialogues. London, - for Th. Basset, 1687. - - The Great French Dictionary in two parts. The first part French and - English. The second English and French. According to the ancient - and modern orthography: wherein each language is set forth in its - greatest latitude. The various senses of words both proper and - figurative are orderly digested, and illustrated with apposite - phrases and proverbs. The hard words explained: and the proprieties - adjusted. To which are prefixed the Grounds of both Languages in - two Discourses, the one English, the other French, by Guy Miege, - Gent. London, for Th. Basset, 1688. - - Miege's last and best French Grammar, or a new Method to learn - French, containing the Quintessence of all other Grammars, with - such plain and easie rules as will make one speedily perfect in - that famous language.... London, W. Freeman and A. Roper, 1698. - - Another ed., the second. London, J. Freeman, 1705. - -MORLET, PIERRE: - - Janitrix sive Institutio ad perfectam linguae Gallicae cognitionem - acquirendam. Authore Petro Morleto Gallo. Oxoniae, excudebat - Josephus Barnesius, 1596. - -PALSGRAVE, JOHN: - - Lesclarcissement de la langue francoyse compose par maistre Jehan - Palsgrave Angloys natyf de Londres et gradue de Paris. 1530. [Col.] - The printing fynysshed by Johan Hawkyns, the xviii daye of July. - The yere of our lorde God M.C.C.C.C.C. and XXX. - -S., J.: - - A short method for the Declyning of Ffrench Verbes etc., by J. S., - _c._ 1623. - -SALTONSTALL, WYE: - - Clavis ad Portam, or a key fitted to the gates of tongues. Wherein - you may readily find the Latine and French for any English word, - necessary for all young schollers. [Oxford?] Printed by Wm. Turner, - 1634. (Bound with the 1633 edition--London--of Anchoran's - Comenius.) - -SANFORD, JOHN: - - Le Guichet Francois. Sive janicula et brevis introductio ad linguam - Gallicam. Oxoniae. Excudebat Josephus Barnesius, 1604. - - A briefe extract of the former Latin Grammar, done into English for - the easier instruction of the Learner. At Oxford. Printed by Joseph - Barnes, and are to be sold in Paules Churchyard at the signe of the - Crowne by Simon Waterson. 1605. - -SHERWOOD, ROBERT: - - The Frenche Tutour, London, Humphrey Lownes, 1625 (no copy known). - - The French Tutour by way of grammar exactly and fully Teaching all - the most necessary Rules for the attaining of the French tongue, - whereunto are also annexed three Dialogues; and a touch of French - compliments all for the furtherance of Gentlemen, Schollers and - others desirous of the said language. Second ed. carefully - corrected and enlarged by Robert Sherwood, Londoner. London, - Printed by Robert Young, 1634. - - Dictionnaire Anglois-Francois. 1632. Cf. COTGRAVE. - -SMITH, J.: - - Grammatica Quadrilinguis, or brief Instructions for the French, - Italian, Spanish and English Tongues, with the Proverbs of each - Language fitted for those who desire to perfect themselves therein. - By J. Smith, M.A. Printed for J. Clarke at the Star, in Little - Britain, and J. Lutton at the Anchor in Poutry. London, 1674. - -THORIUS, J. Cf. CORRO. - -VAIRASSE D'ALLAIS, DENYS: - - A short and methodical introduction to the French tongue, composed - for the particular benefit and use of the English. Paris, 1683. - -VALENCE, PIERRE: - - Introductions in Frensche for Henry the Yonge Erle of Lyncoln - (childe of greate esperaunce), sonne of the most noble and - excellente pryncesse Mary (by the grace of God queene of France - etc.). [No date or place.] - -VERON, JOHN: - - Dictionariolum puerorum, tribus linguis, Latina, Anglica et Gallica - conscriptum. Latino gallicum nuper ediderat Rob. Stephanus - Parisiis, cui Anglicam interpretationem adiecit Joannes Veron. - London, John Wolfe, 1552. - -VILLIERS, JACOB: - - Vocabularium Analogicum, or the Englishman speaking French, and the - Frenchman speaking English. Plainly showing the nearness or - affinity betwixt the English, French and Latin. Alphabetically - digested. With new and easy directions for the attaining of the - French tongue, comprehended in rules of pronouncing, rules of - accenting and the like. To which is added the explanation of - Mounsieur de Laine's French Grammar by way of dialogue set forth - for the special use and encouragement of such as desire to be - proficients in the same language. The like not extant. By Jacob - Villiers, Master of a French School in Nottingham. London, printed - by J. D. for Jonathan Robinson, at the Golden Lion, and George - Wells, at the Sun in St. Paul's Church yard, 1680. - -WODROEPH, JOHN: - - The spared houres of a souldier in his travels, or The true marrowe - of the French Tongue, wherein is truly treated (by ordre) the nine - parts of speech, together with two rare and excellent bookes of - Dialogues, the one presented to that illustrious prince Count Henry - of Nassau, in his younger yeares for his Furtherance in this - tongue, newly reviewed and put in pure French Phrase (easie and - delightfull) from point to point; and the other formed and made - (since) by the Authour himselfe. Added yet an excellent worke, very - profitable for all the ages of man, called the Springwell of Honour - and Vertue, gathered together very carefully, both by ancient and - Moderne Philosophers of our Tyme. With many Godly songs, sonets, - Theames, Letters missives, and sentences proverbiales: so orderly, - plain and pertinent, as hath not (formerly) beene seene in the - most famous Ile of great Britaine. By John Wodroephe, Gent. Les - Heures de relasche. . . . Imprime a Dort, Par Nicolas Vincentz, - Pour George Waters, Marchant Libraire, demeurant pres le Marche au - Poisson, a l'Enseigne des Manchettes dorees. 1623. - - Second edition: The Marrow of the French Tongue, containing: - - 1. Rules for the true pronunciation of every letter as it is - written or spoken. - - 2. An exact Grammar containing the nine parts of speech of the - French Tongue. - - 3. Dialogues on French and English, fitted for all kind of - discourse for courtiers, citizens, and countrymen, in their affairs - at home or travelling abroad. - -With variety of other helps to the learner as Phrases, Letters missive, -sentences, proverbes, Theames, and in both languages. So exactly -collected and compiled by the great paines and industry of M. John -Wodroephe, that the meanest capacity either French or Englishman, that -can but reade, may in a short time by his owne industry without the -helpe of any Teacher attaine to the perfection of both languages. Ce -livre est aussi utile pour le Francois d'apprendre l'Anglois que pour -l'Anglois d'apprendre le Francois. The second edition. Reviewed and -purged of much gross English, and divers errors committed in the former -edition printed at Dort. London. Printed for Rd. Meighen at the signe of -the Leg in the Strand, and in St. Dunstan's Churchyard in Fleet Street, -1625. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1106] Licensed to Harrison (Arber, _Stationers' Register_, i. 364); -assigned over to Th. Woodcock by Harrison's widow, 1578 (_ibid._ ii. -331). - -[1107] Based on Bathe's _Janua Linguarum_ in Latin and Spanish, 1611. - -[1108] Sometimes bound with the Dictionary of 1677. - - - - -INDEX - - -_The names of those who taught French or wrote French grammars are -marked with an asterisk._ - - *A., E., 277, 280 - - *Abadie, J. G. d', 388 - - A B C of Geneva, 132 - - _A B C for Scottes men_, 154 - - Academie francaise, 110 _n._, 192, 193, 305, 354, 355, 357, 388 - - Academies, 120 _sq._, 231, 296 _sq._, 345, 397 _sq._; - academies in France, 352, 357, 363 _sq._; - Protestant academies in France, 232 _sq._, 343 _sq._ - - Addison, Joseph, 218, 220, 370 _n._ - - Aesop, in French, 294, 382 - - Aimar de Ranconnet, 190, 230 _n._ - - Alexander, Sir Wm., 250, 255 - - Alexandre, Pierre, 118 - - Alexis, Guillaume, 101 - - Allen, Cardinal, 217 - - _Amadis de Gaule_, 85, 194 _n._, 196, 223 - - Amyot, Jacques, 196, 199 - - *Anchoran, J. A., 295 - - Ancients and Moderns, quarrel of, 391 - - *Andre, Bernard, 68, 75, 76 - - Angers, 205, 346, 351 - - Anglo-French, 18 _sq._, 26 - - Anne, Queen of England, 381, 389 _n._ - - Anne of Cleves, 72 - - Anvers, 241 _sq._, 244, 245, 279 - - Arithmetic, 139, 154, 399 - - Ascham, Roger, 64, 73, 120, 146, 182, 183, 184, 216, 275 _n._, 286, 335 - - Ashley, Robert, 151, 129 - - Astell, Mary, 395, 398 - - Aubigne, Agrippa d', 65 _n._, 197, 356 - - *Aufeild, Wm., 260 _n._, 284 _sq._, 292 - - Aulnoy, Mme. d', 367 _n._ - - Auteuil, 201 - - - Bacon, Anthony, 234 - - Bacon, Francis, 66, 118 _n._, 194 _n._, 212, 219, 221 _n._, 224, 273, - 275, 288, 355 _n._ - - Bacon, Nicholas, 118 _n._, 120 - - Balzac, Guez de, 309, 355 - - Banister's Academy, 399 - - *Barbier, Jean, 294 - - *Barclay, Alexander, 4, 34, 62, 65, 69 _n._, 77 _sq._, 123, 144, 237, - 240 - - *Baret, James, 187 _sq._, 189, 192 - - Barkley, Lady Elizabeth, 268 - - *Barlement, Noel de, 241 _sq._, 246, 279 - - Baro, Pierre, 119 - - *Barton, Jehan, 27 _n._, 32 _sq._, 38, 78 - - Basset, James, 213, 214 - - *Baudouin, Jean, 275 - - Bayle, Pierre, 391 - - Baynton, Andrew, 87 _n._, 91, 96, 100, 105, 106 - - Beal, Sir Robert, 201 - - _Beau, Character of the_, 376 _n._, 377 _n._ - - _Beau, The Compleat_, 376 - - _Beau, The Defeated_, 374 _n._, 378 _n._ - - Beaux, 235 _sq._, 247, 321, 357 _sq._, 370 _n._, 375 _sq._, 378, 394 - - Belleau, Remi, 174 - - Belleforest, Francois de, 196 - - *Bellemain, Jean, 107 _sq._, 112, 113 - - Bellerose, 380 - - *Bellot, Jacques, 156 _sq._, 168, 172, 185, 186 _n._, 196, 202, 265, - 266, 277, 280 - - *Bense, Pierre, 204 - - *Berail, Gilles, 156 - - *Berault, Pierre, 300, 388 _sq._ - - Beze, Theodore de, 196, 197, 202, 234 - - *Bibbesworth, Walter de, 11 _sq._, 16, 28, 38, 40, 264 - - Bignon, Jerome, 66 _n._, 273 - - Blois, 218, 227 _sq._, 235, 241, 282, 284, 301 _sq._, 325, 342, 344, - 350, 351, 352, 359 - - Blount, Th., 263 - - *Bod, Charles, 155 _n._ - - Bodin, Jean, 197, 199. 273 _n._ - - Bodley, Sir Th., 234 - - Boiasteau, Pierre, 195, 196 - - Boileau, 218, 220 _n._, 355 - - Boisrobert, 259 _n._, 273 _n._ - - Boleyn, Anne, 71, 72, 83, 95 - - Booksellers and French teachers, 129, 138, 163 - - Bossuet, 364 - - Bouhours, le Pere, 220 _n._, 394 - - Bouillon, Duchesse de, 367 - - *Bourbon, Nicolas, 83, 89 - - Bourges, 241, 351 - - *Boy, Francis, 149 - - Boyle, Richard, 200 - - Bozon, Nicolas, 8 _n._ - - Brantome, 273 _n._ - - Bretons: teach French, 325, 326 - - Brinsley, John, 179 _n._, 351 - - Brome, Rd., 298, 374 _n._ - - Buck _Third Universitie_, 169 _n._ - - Buckingham, George Villiers, first Duke, 227, 262, 285, 298, 396; - second Duke, 364, 373 - - Bullar, Colonel, 304 - - Burghley, Wm. Cecil, Lord, 119, 121, 123, 187, 191, 211, 215, 217 - - Burgundians, 115, 119, 145, 168 _sq._, 241 - - Busby, John, 306 - - *Bushell, Abraham, 155 - - Bussy, le Comte de, 321 - - Butler, Mr., 360 - - Butler, Samuel, 371 _n._, 372 _n._, 376 _n._ - - - Caen, 156, 159, 239, 351 - - Calvin, Jean, 66, 84, 107, 108, 112, 195, 328 - - Camden, Wm., 66, 71, 194 _n._, 212, 274, 276 - - Cameron, John, 249 - - _Campo di Fior_, 143 _n._, 145, 159, 185 - - Canterbury, French school at, 120 _sq._ - - Capell, Sir Arthur, 216 - - Carew, Richard, 212, 340 - - Carleton, Dudley, 217, 247 - - Cartularies, 42 - - Casaubon, Isaac, 118, 150, 234 _sq._, 259, 273 _n._ - - Castellion, dialogues of, 182, 294 - - Castiglione, Baptista, 73 _n._ - - Catechism, in French, 130, 147, 153, 295, 339, 382, 389 - - _Catechism, The Ladies'_, 369 _n._, 375 - - Caxton, Wm., 42 _sq._, 47, 48, 54, 55, 56, 201, 246, 279 - - Chamberlain, John, 247 - - _Champ fleury_, 100 - - Chappuzeau, 390 - - Charenton, 259, 346, 363 - - Charles I., 170, 185, 194 _n._, 203, 207, 248, 255, 261 _sq._, 271, - 272, 276, 280, 296, 298, 319, 323 _n._, 339, 348, 362, 363, 396, 397 - - Charles II., 70 _n._, 205, 207, 262, 263, 272, 295, 298, 308, 329, 330, - 344, 348, 362 _sq._, 366, 367, 368, 371, 372, 373, 374, 376, 377 _n._, - 380 - - Charpentier, 391 - - Chartier, Alain, 101 - - Chaucer, Geoffrey, 18, 19 - - Cheking, John, 105 - - *Chemin, Nicholas, 149 - - *Cheneau, Francis, 382 - - Chesterfield, Lord, 319 _n._ - - *Chevallier, A. R., 112, 119, 150 _n._ - - *Chiflet, Laurent, 230 _sq._, 353, 385 - - Children and study of French, 12, 32, 38 _sq._, 52, 55, 212 _sq._, 239, - 242, 295 _sq._, 331, 338 _sq._, 340, 341 _sq._, 357, 365, 371 _n._, - 382, 395 - - Church, use of French in the, 24 - - Churches: foreign, in England: Dutch, 116 _sq._; - French, 116 _sq._, 145 _sq._, 151, 155 _sq._, 159, 167, 169, 295, - 299, 309, 310, 328 _sq._, 339, 389; - Italian, 146; - Walloon, 117; - Protestant, in France, 363. _See_ Charenton - - Cibber, Colley, 376 _n._, 378, 380 _n._ - - Clarendon, Ed. Hyde, Earl of, 209, 210 _n._, 218, 345, 352, 357, 361, - 364, 373, 392, 393, 395 - - Cleland, James, 182, 197, 293, 393 - - Clinton, Lady, 333 - - *Codrington, Rt., 294, 295 - - *Cogneau, Paul, 289 _sq._, 327 - - *Cokele, John, 149 - - Colet, John, 62, 182, 183, 215 - - College de Navarre, 213, 276 - - Colleges: in France, 357; - English Roman Catholic, in France, 232; - Protestant, in France, 232, 345 - - Collet, Claude, 196 - - *Colson, Wm., 282 _sq._ - - *Colsoni, F. C., 388 - - Comedians. _See_ Theatre - - Comenius, 293, 294 _sq._, 338, 339 - - Commercial French, 42, 53, 65, 169 _n._, 243, 245, 307, 399. _See_ - Merchants - - Commines, Philippe de, 196, 197, 199 - - Commonwealth, 262, 296, 298, 315, 333, 341, 361, 366 - - Coningsby, Sir Th., 247 - - Cooks, French, 370 - - Cordano, Girolamo, 62, 72 _n._ - - *Cordell, M., 220 - - Cordier, Mathurin, 181, 255, 294, 334, 390 - - Corneille, Pierre, 220 _n._, 271, 273, 293, 309, 323, 364 - - Corneille, Th., 318 - - Cornwallis, Sir Wm., 127, 284 - - Correspondence: use of French in, 17, 23, 66, 69, 71 _sq._, 108, 259, - 260, 262, 299 _n._, 319 _sq._, 342, 353 - - *Corro, Antonio de, 202 - - Coryat, Tom, 63, 221, 235 - - Cosmo III. of Tuscany, 63 - - Costeker, J. L., 358, 393 - - *Cotgrave, Randle, 190 _sq._, 240, 245, 275, 281, 285, 288, 321 _n._, - 333, 383 - - Cotterel, Sir Ch., 307 _n._ - - Courtesy book, 47, 52 - - Courtin, French ambassador, 308, 362 _n._, 367 - - Cowley, 364, 365 - - Coxe, Leonard, 100 - - *Coyfurelly, Canon, 10, 35, 38 - - Cranmer, 83, 112, 118, 120 - - Cromwell, Secretary, 81, 83, 98, 105, 119, 120 - - Cromwell, Gregory, 80, 105, 119 - - *Curlew, Nicholas, 149 - - - Daines, Simon, 275 _n._, 278 - - Dallington, Sir Rt., 65 _n._, 221 _n._, 222 _sq._, 225, 226, 231, 261 - _n._, 348 - - Dancing, 94, 137, 209, 231, 232, 261, 267, 282, 298, 299, 303, 332, - 342, 346, 357, 359, 369, 371, 397, 398 - - Dancing-master: French, 369, 370, 375, 376 - - Danneau, Lambert, 77 - - *Darvil d'Arras, Ch., 155 _n._ - - Davenant, Sir Wm., 263 _n._, 364, 365, 380 - - Defoe, Daniel, 225 _n._, 394, 398 - - *Deger, Anness, 170 - - *De la Barre, 246 _n._ - - *De la Mare, 299 - - *De la Mothe, G., 119, 161 _sq._, 183, 184, 186, 200, 225, 265, 279, - 290, 291, 292 - - De la Porte: epithets, 117 - - *Denisot, Nicolas, 83 _sq._, 89, 293 - - Descartes, 395, 398 - - Despagne, Jean, 328, 329 - - Desportes, 174, 250, 356 - - Dialects, French, 27, 28, 54, 144, 145, 169, 241, 326 - - Dialogues: French, 36 _sq._, 43 _sq._, 48 _sq._, 93, 102, 124, 130 - _sq._, 135, 137 _sq._, 164 _sq._, 176, 193, 206, 241 _sq._, 254, 267, - 282, 291, 294, 299 _n._, 302 _sq._, 305, 309, 313 _sq._, 317, 324, 347, - 349, 385, 386, 389; - Latin, 145, 181, 185, 294 - - Dictionaries: French and English, 95, 122, 141, 168, 187 _sq._, 192, - 199, 253, 281, 383 _sq._; - Latin, influence on French, 122, 187, 189, 190, 293, 383 - - Digby, Sir John, 203 - - Diplomacy: use of French in, 7, 22, 23, 65, 67, 70 _n._, 169 _n._, - 260, 392, 393 - - Doctors, French, 259 _n._, 369 - - _Donait_, 30 _sq._, 33 - - Douay, 129, 217 _n._, 232 - - Doujat, Jean, 273 - - *Dove, R., 31 - - Drama: French influence, 364, 378 - - Drummond of Hawthornden, 195, 220 _n._ - - Dryden, 321, 357, 372, 374, 378, 379 - - Du Bartas, 65 _n._, 151, 174, 175, 177, 185, 186, 196, 250, 276, 322, - 356 - - Du Bellay, 84, 196 - - *Du Buisson, 148 - - *Du Gres, Gabriel, 205 _sq._, 351, 352, 395 _n._ - - Du Moulin, Pierre, senior, 207, 259 - - Du Moulin, Pierre, junior, 200, 357 - - Du Perron, Cardinal, 259 - - *Du Plantin, 149, 150 - - Du Plessis, 360 - - Duplessis-Mornay, 66 _n._, 233, 357 - - *Du Ploich, 129 _sq._, 143, 145, 200, 225, 240, 243 - - Dutch, 115 _sq._, 119, 169 _n._, 209, 227, 240 _sq._, 280, 326, 394. - _Cp._ Netherlands - - _Dutch Tutor_, 169 _n._ - - *Du Terme, Laur, 288 _sq._, 290, 291 - - Du Val, Claude, 350 - - *Du Val, J. B., 230 - - *Du Val, M., 343 - - Du Val, Pierre, 213 - - *Duwes, Giles, 4, 77, 86 _sq._, 113, 123, 132 _n._, 133, 144, 171, 264 - - - Edward VI., King, 66, 72, 83, 107 _sq._, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 118, - 123, 130, 134, 180, 212 _n._ - - Effiat, Marquis d', 66 - - _Elementarie_, 62 _n._, 184, 278 - - Eliot, Sir John, 217 - - *Eliote, John, 65, 127 _sq._, 179, 180, 232, 288 _n._, 347 _n._ - - Elizabeth, Queen, 64 _n._, 66, 67, 73, 74, 95, 108 _sq._, 110 _sq._, - 113, 115, 117, 123, 140, 141, 146, 147, 151, 156, 160, 196, 215, 240, - 247, 277, 287, 339 _n._ - - Elizabeth Stuart, Princess, 151, 175, 249, 260 - - Ellwood, Th., 298 - - Elyot, Sir Th., 92, 182, 183, 184, 187 _n._, 335 - - English language, 4, 7, 18, 21, 23, 48, 62, 66, 89, 129, 141, 145, 171, - 192, 241 _sq._, 262, 264, 269, 270, 272 _sq._, 281, 288, 308, 310, 334 - _n._, 368, 384, 390 _n._, 392, 397; - taught in France, 353, 354, 397; - broken English, 171, 236 _sq._, 374, 376, 378; - grammars of the, 159, 276 _sq._, 281, 306, 312, 334 _n._, 385, 386, - 389 - - English literature, 190 _n._, 274 _sq._ - - Englishmen: judged by foreigners, 20, 117 _sq._, 367; - write in French, 365, 366 _n._, 378 _n._ - - English teachers of French, 99, 123, 144, 152, 159, 168, 171 _sq._, - 180, 283 - - Epistolaries, 17 _sq._, 35, 42 - - *Erail, Evrard, 155 _n._ - - Erasmus, 62, 64 _n._, 65 _n._, 104, 112 - - *Erondell, Pierre, 196, 264 _sq._, 269 _n._, 277 _n._, 292 - - _Esclarcissement, l'_, 3, 61, 78 _n._, 86 _sq._, 190, 264. - _See_ Palsgrave - - Essex, Rt. Devereux, Earl of, 234 - - Estienne, H., 66 _n._, 273 _n._ - - Estienne, Rt., 122, 189 - - Etherege, Sir George, 371 _n._, 374 _n._, 376, 378, 394 - - Eton, 120 - - _Euphues_, 216 _n._, 263 - - Evelyn, John, 218, 221, 264, 293, 294, 328, 329, 330, 340, 350 _n._, - 351, 362 _n._, 363, 365 _n._, 367 _n._, 368 _n._, 371 _n._, 372, 380, - 394 - - "Exercises," 231, 352, 395, 398 - - Expenses of travellers, 232, 343, 349 - - - *Fabre, John, 268 - - *Fabri, Philemon, 207 - - Farquhar, George, 208, 372 _n._, 374 _n._, 376 _n._, 378, 380 _n._ - - *Farrear, Rt., 204 - - Fashions, French, 68, 71, 236 _sq._, 303, 321 _n._, 358. 361, 369, 371, - 372, 373, 376, 377 - - Fees of French teachers, 139, 179, 206 _n._, 308 _n._ - - _Femina_, 28 _sq._, 39 _n._, 40, 52 - - Fencing, 231, 232, 282, 346, 360, 371 _n._ - - *Festeau, Paul, 299, 301, 304, 312 _sq._, 323, 325, 361, 381, 388 - - Field, Rd., 162, 163 - - Finett, Sir John, 260 - - Flecknoe, Rd., 370 _n._, 371 _n._, 372, 377 _n._, 378 _n._ - - Flemings, 115, 127, 152 _n._, 169, 241, 255. _Cp._ Netherlands - - Flemish, 45, 62, 241 _sq._, 246, 260, 280 - - *Florio, John, 65, 127, 201, 239 _n._, 254, 261, 275, 276 _n._ - - *Fontaine, Rt., 155 _n._, 156, 168 - - Foreigners visit England, 6, 61, 63, 66, 74, 114 _sq._, 124 _sq._, 259, - 277 _sq._, 281, 304, 308, 313, 327, 368 _sq._ - - Foubert's Academy, 345, 399 - - _France, Survey of_, 177 - - Francois I. of France, 68, 69, 71, 73, 93 - - Francois de Valois, 159 - - _Frans and Englis_, 201 - - _French Alphabet_, 162 _sq._, 184, 225 _n._, 265, 279, 290, 292 - - _French Conjuror_, 370 _n._, 372 _n._, 378 _n._ - - _French Garden_, 264 _sq._ - - _French Littleton_, 136 _sq._, 141, 142 _sq._, 160, 277, 290, 292 - - _French Methode_, 161, 266 _n._ - - _French Schoolemaister_, 135 _sq._, 140, 142 _sq._, 199, 246, 268, 269, - 277, 290, 292 - - _French Schoolmaster_, 381 _n._ - - _French Tutor_, 168 - - _French Tutour_, 281 _sq._ - - Froissart, 21, 23, 101, 196 - - - Gailhard, J., 219, 224 _n._, 346, 351 _n._ - - _Galaunt, Treatyse of a_, 237 - - Gallants. _See_ Beaux - - *Ganeur, Onias, 155 _n._ - - Garlande, John de, 5, 7, 24 - - Garnier, Jean, 201 - - Garnier, Philippe, 230 - - Garnier, Robert, 194 _n._ - - Gascoigne, George, 142 - - Gascons, 326 - - Geneva, 233 _sq._, 249, 326, 343 _n._, 344, 345 - - _Gentleman's Companion_, 219 - - Geography, 383, 385, 388, 398 - - *Gerbier, Sir Balthazar, 222 _n._, 260 _n._, 275 _n._, 297, 345 - - German language, 62, 73 _n._, 121, 169 _n._, 230 _n._, 236, 242 _sq._, - 279, 295, 354 - - Germans, 123 _n._, 326 - - Germany, 211, 219, 220 - - Gibbon, 358 _n._ - - *Giffard, James, 292 - - Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 121 - - Glapthorne: _The Ladies' Privilege_, 237 - - Goldsmith, 321 _n._ - - Gomberville, de, 309 - - _Good Boke to lerne Frenshe_, 47 _sq._, 54 _sq._ - - Governors. _See_ Tutors - - _Governour, The_, 92, 182, 183 _n._ - - Gower, 18, 19 - - Grammar: rules of French, 9, 10, 13, 31 _sq._, 77 _sq._, 80, 82, 88 - _n._, 89 _sq._, 92, 132, 143 _sq._, 157 _sq._, 265 _sq._, 286, 288, - 290, 305, 386 - - Grammont, le Comte de, 366, 369, 371, 373 - - Grantham, Th., 335, 337, 341 - - *Grave, Jean de, 295 _sq._ - - Greek, 64 _n._, 73, 74, 84, 88, 92, 120, 121, 153, 188, 190, 210, 239, - 276, 293, 298, 305, 335 _n._, 337, 338 _n._, 394, 398, 399 - - Greene, Rt., 178, 194 _n._, 215, 275 - - Grelot, Jerome, 260 - - Grenville, Fulke, 128 - - Grevin, Jacques, 65 _n._, 273 _n._ - - Grey, Lady Jane, 64 _n._, 73 _n._ - - Grey, Lord of Wilton, 202, 208 - - Grocyn, 62 - - Guide-books for travellers: in England, 273 _n._, 321, 369, 388, 396 - _n._; - in France, 221 _sq._, 347 _sq._ - - - *H. T., Parisiis Studentis, 11, 35 - - Hainault, 38, 145, 241 - - Hakluyt, Rd., 269 - - Halkett, Lady Anne, 332 - - Hall (chronicler), 236 - - Hall, Joseph, 216, 237 _n._, 238, 274 - - Hamilton, Anthony, 365 _sq._, 373 - - Hamilton, Miss, 373 - - Harley, Lady Brilliana, 195, 210 - - Harrison (chronicler), 64 _n._, 216 - - Harrison, Lucus, 187, 188 - - Harvey, Gabriel, 199 - - Hawes, Stephen, 68 - - *Hawmells, Gouvert, 169 - - Hebrew, 153, 169 _n._, 398 - - Henrietta Maria, 261 _sq._, 269 _sq._, 276, 280, 323 _n._, 332, 362, - 364 - - Henry III. of France, 159 - - Henry IV. of France, 66, 235, 247, 260, 261, 274, 362 - - Henry VII. of England, 68, 75, 103 - - Henry VIII. of England, 4, 22, 62, 66, 68 _sq._, 71, 72, 75, 76, 86, - 90, 96, 97, 101, 103, 112, 114, 130, 212, 213, 237 _n._ - - Henry Stuart (Prince), 186, 191, 260 _sq._, 298 - - *Henry, Jean, 140 - - Hentzner (traveller), 74, 112 _n._ - - Herberay des Essarts, 85, 194 _n._, 196, 223 - - Herbert, George, 238 - - *Herbert, Guillaume, 291, 324 _sq._, 361 - - Herbert, Sir Henry, 271, 272 - - Herbert, Wm. (poet), 268 - - Herbert of Cherbury, Lord, 186, 187, 194, 199, 218, 220, 224, 235, 271 - - Herbert of Swansea, Lord, 142 - - Heylyn, Peter, 348, 351 _n._ - - Higden: _Polychronicon_, 15, 24 - - Higford, Wm., 209, 210 _n._, 216 _n._, 366 - - *Higgins, John, 189 _sq._, 192 - - Hobbes, 220, 264, 265, 394 - - *Holyband, 56, 119, 134 _sq._, 156, 157, 159, 160, 162 _n._, 163, 164 - _n._, 166, 168, 169, 171, 176, 179 _n._, 183, 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, - 195, 196, 197, 199, 202, 204, 225, 240, 241, 246, 250, 253, 264, 265, - 268, 269, 277, 280, 281, 283, 285, 290, 292, 293, 301, 304 - - Hoole, Charles, 182 _n._, 186, 189, 334, 337 _n._, 395 _n._ - - Hotman, Francois, 66 - - *Hotman, Jean, 200 - - Howard, Katherine, 72 - - Howell, James, 192 _sq._, 197, 212 _n._, 218 _n._, 221 _n._, 240, 285, - 330, 351, 355, 374 _n._, 383 - - Huguenot. _See_ Refugees - - _Huloet's Dictionarie_, 189 - - Hume, P., 313 - - Humphrey: _The Nobles_, 115 _n._, 118, 238 _n._ - - Hutchinson, Mrs., 332 - - - Inns of Court, 188, 203, 209, 210, 219, 344 - - _Institution of a Gentleman_ (Higford), 209, 210 _n._, 216 _n._, 366 - - _Institution of a Nobleman_ (Cleland), 182, 197, 293, 393 - - Institutions, educational. _See_ Academies, Colleges, Schools, - Universities - - Italian, 64, 65, 68, 73, 74, 84, 88, 112, 120, 121, 145, 165, 169 _n._, - 171, 185, 186, 192, 195, 199, 201, 203 _n._, 204, 209, 212, 217, 218, - 220, 230 _n._, 236 _sq._, 241 _sq._, 254, 261, 263 _sq._, 273, 276 - _n._, 279, 280, 286, 296, 307 _n._, 331, 333, 338 _n._, 339, 371 _n._, - 377, 382, 388, 392, 394, 398, 399 - - Italy, 211, 212, 213, 215, 216 _sq._, 219, 220, 221, 236, 244, 348, - 358, 360 - - - James I., 151, 186, 190 _n._, 232 _n._, 249, 259 _sq._, 275 _n._, 298, - 396 - - James II., 248 _n._, 262, 362, 373, 374, 381, 400 - - _Jardin de Vertu_, 160, 185, 186 _n._ - - Jermyn, Lord, Earl of St. Albans, 362, 365 - - Jodelle, Etienne, 196 - - Jonson, Ben, 220, 237, 278 - - Justel, Henri, 367, 368 _n._ - - - Katherine of Aragon, 71, 73 - - Katherine of Braganza, 374 - - *Kerhuel, Jean de, 388 - - Kerouaille, Mlle. de, Duchess of Portsmouth, 362 _n._, 373, 380 - - Killigrew, Henry, 364, 380 _n._ - - Kilvert, Mrs., 300, 302, 303 - - Kynaston, Sir Francis, 296 - - - La Bruyere, 275 - - La Calprenede, 309, 318, 320, 321, 333, 364 - - La Fontaine, 338, 367 - - *Laine, Pierre, 315 _sq._, 323, 328, 347, 355 _n._, 361, 362 _n._ - - *Laine, Pierre de, 381 _sq._, 397, 399 - - Lake, Sir Th., 151 - - Lambeth fragment, 81 _sq._, 132 _n._ - - La Mothe le Vayer, 273, 293 _n._ - - Langland, Wm., 19 - - *Langlois or Inglishe, 153 _sq._, 156 _n._ - - Languet, Hubert, 63, 66 _n._, 217, 221 - - La Serre, 342 _n._, 349 - - Latimer, 62, 63 - - Latin and French, 4, 5, 8, 9, 24, 33, 42, 87, 89, 104, 153, 180 _sq._, - 201, 212, 213, 221, 227, 228, 231, 236, 241 _sq._, 246, 248, 263, 276, - 284, 286, 287, 288, 292 _sq._, 296, 305, 316, 326, 331 _n._, 333 _sq._, - 335, 337 _sq._, 341, 342, 351, 353, 354, 376, 386, 390, 391 _sq._, 394, - 395, 397; - use and study of, 62 _sq._, 65, 66, 68, 72, 73, 74, 88, 92, 106, 111, - 112, 119, 120, 121, 127, 130, 132, 139, 151, 171, 198, 208, 210, 234, - 239, 259 _sq._, 273, 298, 351, 356, 376, 382, 397, 399; - text-books, 5 _n._, 106, 139, 145, 181, 185, 279, 293, 334 - - Latini, Brunetto, 7, 26 - - Law French, 22, 30, 61, 64, 165, 321 - - Le Blanc, Abbe, 23 _n._, 369, 378, 394 - - Le Fevre (chemist), 367 - - Le Fevre, Raoul, 46 - - Le Grand, Antoine, 309, 310 - - *Le Grys, Sir Rt., 263 - - Leicester, Rt. Dudley, Earl of, 83, 172, 200 - - Leicester, Countess of, 262 - - Leigh, Ed., 204, 350 _n._ - - *Leighton, Hy., 203 _sq._, 208 - - *Lemaire, Mary, 170 - - Lemaire de Belges, 101 - - Le Mans, 360 - - *Le Moyne, Guy, 207, 262, 285 _n._ - - *Le Pipre, Paul, 148 _sq._ - - Le Roy, Louis, 151 - - Letters: model French, 17, 35, 245, 255, 306 _sq._, 331, 349, 354, 390 - - Lewis, Mark, 334 _n._, 395 _n._, 398 _n._, 399 - - Lewisham, French school at, 140 - - _Liber Donati_, 30 _sq._ - - Lily's Grammar, 181, 334 _n._ - - Linacre, 62, 215 - - Lincoln, Earl of, 80 - - Lindsey, Montagu Bertie, Earl of, 327 - - Lisle, Lady, 213, 214, 237 _n._ _See_ Basset - - Lisle of Wilbraham, 185 - - Lister, Martin, 348 - - Literature, French, study of, 24, 57, 101, 174, 194 _sq._, 199, 220 - _n._, 221, 223, 229, 231, 248, 250, 261, 267, 289, 309, 317, 319 _sq._, - 330, 333, 342, 347, 349, 356, 390, 395, 398 - - _Livre des Mestiers_, 45 _sq._ - - Locke, 219, 337, 338, 345 _n._, 349, 393, 395 - - L'Oiseau de Tourval, 190, 275 - - Lorris, G. de, 101 - - Louis XII. of France, 70, 104 - - Louis XIII. of France, 274, 372 - - Louis XIV. of France, 230 _n._, 305, 373 - - *Louveau, Jean, Sieur de la Porte, 150 - - *Love, John, 129, 170 - - Loveday, Rt., 333, 398 - - *Lydgate, John, 34 - - Lyly, John, 216, 263 - - - Maids, French, 264, 303, 332, 369, 370, 374, 375 - - Maintenon, Mme. de, 361 - - Makin, Mrs. Bathsua, 332, 334 _n._, 339, 395 _n._, 397, 398 - - Malebranche, 218, 395, 398 - - Malherbe, 364 - - Malpet, John, 351 - - _Maniere de Langage_, 26 _n._, 35 _sq._, 38, 39, 40, 42, 47, 52 - - Margaret of Navarre, 71, 74, 84, 111 - - Margaret of Savoy, 69 - - Margaret of Scotland, 101 - - Marie de Medicis, 230, 262 - - Marillac (ambassador), 72, 73 - - Marot, Clement, 83, 174, 196 - - Marseilles, 357 - - Marsilliers, Pierre de, 153 - - *Martin, Martin, 149 - - Mary I. of England, 72, 73, 86, 89, 90, 93 _sq._, 101 _sq._, 109, 112, - 113, 115, 116, 156, 233, 327 - - Mary II. of England, 371 _n._, 381, 382 - - Mary Tudor, Queen of France, 69, 70, 71, 80, 81, 86, 94, 101, 104, 105 - - *Mason, Baudouin, 155 _n._, 156 _n._ - - Mason, George, 279 - - *Masset, Jean, 230 - - *Massonnet, Peter, 262 _sq._ - - Mathematics, 283, 315, 360, 398, 399 - - *Mauconduy, 353 - - *Mauger, Claude, 246, 300, 301 _sq._, 313, 314, 315, 317, 323, 325, - 326, 328, 331 _n._, 347, 352, 353, 361, 368, 370 _n._, 381, 385, 388 - - *Maupas, Charles, 227 _sq._, 230, 282, 284 _sq._, 287, 301, 302, 353, - 356 - - *Maupas, junior, 228 _sq._ - - Maupertuis, 395 _n._ - - Mayerne, Theodore, 259 _n._ - - Mazarin, Duchesse de, 367, 380 - - Mecklenburg, Duke of, 301, 305 - - Meigret, Louis, 110 _n._, 226 - - Melville, James, 153 - - Melville, Sir James, 73, 212 _n._ - - Menage, Gilles, 353 - - Merchants: study of French by, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41 _sq._, 49, 50, 53, - 55, 124, 137, 141, 169 _n._, 239 _sq._, 253, 299, 400 - - Meschinot, Jean, 101 - - Meteren, Immanuel von, 62 - - Methods of studying French, 56, 82, 90 _sq._, 133, 139, 143 _sq._, 166 - _sq._, 177, 179 _sq._, 184 _sq._, 195, 206, 222 _sq._, 225 _sq._, 228, - 231, 250 _sq._, 267, 283, 286 _sq._, 289, 290 _sq._, 296, 308 _sq._, - 314, 317, 326, 330 _sq._, 346, 349, 354, 355 _sq._, 386 _sq._, 395 - _sq._ - - *Meurier, Gabriel, 244 _sq._, 273 _n._, 279, 280 - - Middleton, Th., 263 _n._ - - *Miege, Guy, 309, 334 _n._, 337 _n._, 382 _sq._, 388, 391 - - *Milleran, Rene, 354 _sq._ - - Milton, 64, 194, 214, 264, 298, 333, 334 _n._, 392 - - Minsheu, J., 169 _n._, 383 _n._ - - Misson, M., 396 _n._ - - Moliere, 373 - - Monluc, 197, 342 _n._ - - Montaigne, 20, 127, 183, 261, 335 - - Montauban, 232, 233, 249, 344 - - Montausier, Mme. de., 365 - - Montchretien, 259, 268 - - Montjoy, Christopher, 125, 162 - - Montpellier, 232, 233, 234, 345, 365 _n._ - - Montpensier, Mlle. de, 262, 263 - - More, Sir Th., 62, 83, 104, 105, 120, 236, 274 - - *Morlet, Pierre, 201, 202, 205 - - Morrice, Th., 171, 212, 292 - - Moryson, Fynes, _Itinerary_, 198, 214, 221, 223 _sq._, 225, 235, 237 - _n._, 239, 350 _n._ - - Motteville, Mme. de, 262 _n._ - - Mulcaster, Rd., 62 _n._, 64 _n._, 142, 184, 188, 216 _n._, 225, 275, - 278 - - Muralt, 230, 372 _n._ - - Music, 94, 120, 121, 147, 209, 214, 267, 299, 303, 322, 332, 342, 346, - 359, 371; - French music, 395, 397, 398 - - - Nantes, Edict of, 170, 233, 343, 345, 382, 400 - - Nash, 236, 237 _n._, 238 - - Neckam, Alexander, 5, 7, 24 - - Netherlands, 45, 75, 76 _n._, 115, 211, 239, 249, 283, 312; - French taught in the Netherlands, 240 _sq._; - teachers from the Netherlands, 152, 169 - - Newcastle, Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of, 329, 332 - - New Testament: in French, 130, 137, 153, 167, 186, 195, 196, 197, 222, - 268, 289, 298, 310, 317, 318, 382 - - Newton, Th., 156 - - Nicot, 189, 190, 230 _n._, 244 _n._ - - Nimes, 232, 233, 234 - - _Nomenclator_, of Adrian Junius, 189 - - _Nominale_, 16, 28 - - Normans in England, 47, 81, 112, 145, 146, 156, 161, 265, 326 - - Norton, Th., 268 - - Nottingham: French school at, 396 - - Nucius, Nicander, 62, 66, 117 - - - Ordinaries, 355, 370, 377, 392 - - Orleans, 27, 35, 37, 38, 221, 226, 230, 232, 235, 241, 301, 310, 345, - 350, 351, 352, 355 - - _Orthographia Gallica_, 8 _sq._, 38 - - Orthography, French, 8 _sq._, 10 _sq._, 31, 35, 78, 87, 109 _sq._, 137, - 165, 283, 305, 316, 326, 328, 354, 383, 384 - - Osborne, Dorothy, 318 _sq._, 333 _n._ - - Osborne, Francis, 197, 218, 223 _n._, 245, 276 - - Ossory, Lord, Duke of Ormond, 120, 364 - - *Oudin, Antoine, 229 _sq._, 249 - - Oudin, Cesar, 229 - - Overbury, Sir Th., 221, 237 _n._, 238 _n._ - - - *Palairet, J., 338 - - Palmer, Herbert, 207 - - Palmer, T., 221 - - *Palsgrave, J., 3 _sq._, 57, 61, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 86 _sq._, 123, - 128, 153, 166, 171, 176 _n._, 177, 180, 190, 212, 232, 264, 293 - - *Papillon, 300 - - Parker, Matthew, 119 - - Parr, Katherine, 64 _n._, 72, 108, 111, 112 - - Pasqualigo, Piero, 68 - - Pasquier, Etienne, 75, 154 _n._, 192 - - Passports, 215, 216, 219 _n._ - - Paston, Rt., 316 - - Pastors: French, 116, 150, 328, 332, 342, 343, 360, 388, 389 _n._ - - Patin, Guy, 362 _n._ - - Peacham, Th., 213 - - Peiresc, 66 _n._ - - Peletier du Mans, 66, 110 _n._, 175, 227, 316 - - Penn, Wm., 307, 322 _n._, 358 - - *Penson, M., 301 - - Penton, Samuel, 216 _n._, 224 _n._, 345, 346 - - Pepys, Samuel, 23 _n._, 208, 321 _sq._, 330 _sq._, 340, 353, 358, 370, - 371 _n._, 375, 377 _n._, 379, 394 - - Pepys, Mrs., 209, 321, 380 - - Perlin, Etienne, 81, 116 _n._, 117, 118 _n._, 210 _n._ - - Pettie, George, 237 _n._ - - Petty, Sir. Wm., 239, 337 _n._ - - *Philippe, J. T., 338 - - Philipps, Katherine, 307 _n._, 323 - - Pibrac, 66 _n._, 186, 196, 250, 261 - - Picard, 103, 144, 169 - - Pillot, 202, 227 - - Pleiade, 84, 158 - - Poitiers, 344, 345, 357 - - Pope, Alex., 319 - - Port Royal, 310 - - Portuguese grammar, 374 _n._ - - _Positions_, 64 _n._, 216 _n._, 225 _n._ - - Poulet, Sir Amias, 65, 200, 212, 215 - - *Poullain, Valerand, 150 - - Prayers in French, 130, 135, 137, 153, 268, 295, 310, 382, 389 - - Precieuses, 323, 324 - - *Preste, John, 156 _n._ - - *Primont, Vincent, 148, 149 - - Pronunciation, of French, 8 _sq._, 28 _sq._, 33, 79, 82, 87, 89, 110, - 132, 137, 141, 143, 157, 164 _sq._, 175 _sq._, 206, 224, 227, 228, 231, - 236, 253, 265 _sq._, 283, 285, 288, 290, 302, 305, 316, 330 _sq._, 355, - 381, 390 - - Protestants. _See_ Refugees - - Proverbs, 107, 124, 135, 137, 166, 180, 356, 384, 390 - - _Purchas Pilgrimes_, 212, 221, 237 _n._ - - Purfoote, Th., 138, 141 - - Puttenham _Arte of Poesie_, 70 _n._ - - Pynson, Rd., 47 _sq._, 53 _sq._, 56, 94 _sq._, 97 _sq._, 201, 279 - - - Rabelais, 83, 174, 176, 273 - - Racine, 220 - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, 217 _n._, 220, 367 _n._ - - Rambouillet, Mlle. de, 365 - - Rambouillet, Hotel de, 364 - - Ramus, Petrus, 175, 202 - - Ramsay, Chevalier de, 366 _n._ - - Ravenscroft, Ed., 392 - - Readers: in French and English, 134, 160, 185, 186 _n._, 187, 276, 306, - 307, 311, 353, 389 _n._ - - Reading. _See_ Methods - - Refugees, 61, 75, 114 _sq._, 122, 125, 129, 146 _sq._, 149, 153, 155 - _sq._, 161, 169 _sq._, 173, 200, 207, 240 _sq._, 301, 329, 396, 400 - - Register of aliens, 159, 163, 170 - - Regnier-Desmarais, 273 - - Religious Houses: use of French in, 23, 61 - - Religious instruction in French, 147, 181. _Cp._ New Testament, Prayers - - Reresby, Sir John, 220, 224, 298, 359, 364, 373 - - Rheims, 232 - - Rhetoriqueurs, 158 - - Richelieu, Cardinal, 192, 206, 357 - - Richmond, Hy. Fitzroy, Duke of, 105, 212 - - Riding, 231, 261, 282, 346 - - *Rieu, Pierre de, 149 - - *Robone, Jean, 148, 149 - - *Rolland, Alexander, 154 - - Roman Catholics (teachers), 115, 129, 169, 170 - - _Roman de Jehan et Blonde_, 21 - - _Roman de la Rose_, 98, 101 - - _Roman de Renart_, 20, 21 - - Romances, French, 120, 193, 195, 264, 309, 318, 319 _sq._, 346, 349, - 395, 398 - - Ronsard, 65 _n._, 84, 174, 196, 273 _n._, 356 - - Rouen, 156 _n._, 244, 245, 247, 277, 280, 343, 349, 350, 359, 364 - - Rowe, John, 152 - - *Rowland, Francis, 149 - - *Rowsignoll, Nicholas, 149 - - Russel, Colonel, 313 - - Rutland, Roger, 5th Earl of, 234 - - Rutledge, J., 352 _n._, 370 _n._ - - Rutter, Joseph, 293 - - - Sackville, Rt., 140, 200 - - Saint Amant, 259 _n._, 273 _n._ - - Saint Amour, M. de, 353 - - Saint Gelais, Octovian de, 101 - - Saint Evremond, 366, 367 _sq._ - - Saint Malo, 341 - - *Saint Maurice, Alcide de, 348 _n._, 353, 357 _n._ - - St Paul's Churchyard, 129, 135, 138, 140, 156, 159, 161, 163, 168, 170, - 202, 225, 301 - - Salons, 323, 367 - - *Saltonstall, Wye, 203, 295 - - *Sanford, J., 202 _sq._, 208 - - *Saravia, Adrian, 150 _sq._, 239 - - Saumur, 205, 232, 233, 249, 310, 344, 345, 350, 351, 352, 354, 359 - _sq._ - - Savile, Sir Hy., 221, 344 _sq._, 382 - - Scaliger, 63, 65 _n._ - - Scarron: _Roman Comique_, 317, 318 - - Schelandre, Jean de, 259 _n._, 273 _n._ - - Scholars: attitude to French, 63, 128, 198 _sq._, 208, 271, 337, 392, - 393 _sq._ - - _Scholemaster, The_, 146 _n._, 182, 183 _n._, 216 _n._, 275 _n._, 287 - _n._ - - _Schoolmasters, Apologie for._ _See_ Morrice - - Schoolmistresses, 170 - - Schools: Grammar Schools and French, 4, 5, 15, 24, 40, 127 _sq._, 149, - 152 _sq._, 171, 180, 182, 189, 209, 210, 292, 335, 341, 395 _n._, 396; - private schools and French, 40, 219, 298, 335, 339, 395 _sq._, 397 - _sq._; - French schools, 129 _sq._, 134 _sq._, 150 _sq._, 153 _sq._, 179 _n._, - 183, 192, 225, 243, 247, 255, 281, 299, 375, 396; - French Church Schools, 145 _sq._, 150; - Protestant Schools in France, 232, 343, 345; - Scotch Schools and French, 152 _sq._ - - Scotland: French in schools of Scotland, 152 _sq._; - tutors, 212 _n._; - French Grammars in Scotland, 154, 288 - - Scudery, Georges de, 193, 271, 299 _n._ - - Scudery, Mlle, de, 309, 318, 320, 321, 323, 347, 348 _n._, 364 - - Sedley, Ch., 371 _n._, 374 _n._, 376 _n._, 377 _n._, 378, 392 _n._, 394 - - Selden, John, 66 _n._, 274 - - Seymour, Anne, Jane, and Margaret, 84 - - Seymour, Jane (Queen), 72, 95, 214 - - Shadwell, Th., 370, 371 _n._, 378 _n._ - - Shakespeare, 64, 65, 69, 125 _sq._, 162, 194 _n._, 209 _n._, 236, 237, - 255, 272 _n._ - - Sheridan, 396 _n._ - - *Sherwood, Rt., 192, 278, 281 _sq._, 285, 298, 347 _n._ - - Shrewsbury School, 128, 224 - - Sidenham, Sir Humphrey, 248 - - Sidney, Sir Philip, 63, 128, 129, 197, 213, 217, 220 _sq._, 224, 247, - 275 - - Singing, 69, 267, 300, 342, 369, 371 _n._, 397 - - Singing-master, French, 375 - - Smith, Hy., 208 - - *Smith, John, M.A., 388 - - Smith, Sir Th., 124, 277 _n._ - - Snell, George, 334 _n._, 337 - - Soldiers and French, 197, 238, 246 _sq._, 260, 400 - - Somerset, Protector, 66, 84, 105, 107, 112 - - Sorbiere: _Voyage en Angleterre_, 321, 322, 364, 368 _n._ - - Sorel: _Francion_, 333 - - Southampton: French School at, 150 - - Spain, 215, 217, 358 - - Spaniards, 371 _n._ - - Spanish, 64, 65, 72 _sq._, 121, 164, 169 _n._, 171, 186, 192, 199 _n._, - 202, 203 _n._ 204, 209, 212, 218, 220, 230 _n._, 236 _sq._, 241 _sq._, - 263, 273, 279, 280, 294, 331, 374, 388 _n._, 399 - - Stanhope, Sir Michael, 284 - - Strafford, Lord, 264 - - Suffolk, Brandon, Duke of, 69, 80, 81, 94, 105 - - Swift, 22, 376 _n._, 392 _n._ - - Swiss teachers, 326, 382 - - Sylvester, Joshua, 151, 186, 194 _n._, 237 _n._, 239 - - Sylvius, 4 _n._, 76, 110 _n._, 137 _n._, 226 - - - Tailors, French, 369, 371 - - Teachers of French criticised, 173, 250, 266, 325 _sq._, 387 - - Temple, Sir Wm., 318, 320 - - Theatre: French comedians in England, 68, 270 _sq._, 379; - Frenchmen at the Cockpit, 368; - English players abroad, 274 - - Thierry, J., 189 - - *Thorius, 202 - - Torriano, 64 _n._, 286 - - Tory, Geoffrey, 100 - - Toulouse, 357 - - Tours, 310, 351, 357, 359 _n._ - - Townsend, A., 220, 235 - - _Tractatus Orthographiae_, 10, 11 - - Translations: French, of English and Latin writings, 178, 194, 269, - 277 _n._, 319, 320, 323, 355, 390 _n._, 394 - - Travel and Travellers, 35 _sq._, 43, 51, 137, 169 _n._, 210, 211 _sq._, - 242 _sq._, 247, 282, 284, 287, 317, 320, 336, 340, 341 _sq._, 359, 361, - 363 _sq._, 371, 384, 387 _n._, 397 - - *Tresol, Adrian, 155 _n._, 156 _n._ - - *Tressol, A., 156 _n._ - - Trevisa, John of, 24 - - Tryon, Th., 395 _sq._ - - Turberville, S., 299 - - Turler, Jerome: _Traveiles_, 221 _n._ - - Turner, Dr. Wm., 64 _n._ - - Tutors, travelling, 212, 215, 219, 220, 222, 224, 231, 248, 346, 355, - 359 - - - Udal, Nicholas, 64 _n._ - - Universities, English: and the French language, 6, 7, 15, 24, 40 _n._, - 75, 118, 186, 195, 198 _sq._, 261, 262, 281, 295, 296, 345, 388, 392, - 393 _n._, 394 - - Universities, French: English students at, 5, 6, 27, 77, 104, 172, 210, - 213, 226, 232, 345, 357 - - Utenhove, John, 150 - - - *Vairasse d'Allais, Denys, 353 _sq._ - - *Valence, Pierre, 77, 80 _sq._, 205 _n._ - - Valets, French, 309, 350, 355, 358, 359, 369, 370, 376, 377, 378, 379 - - Vanbrugh, Sir John, 364, 365, 374 _n._, 376 _n._, 378 - - Vaquerie, Jean, 155 _n._ - - *Varennes, C. de, 349 - - Vaugelas, 353, 364, 385 - - Vaughan, Stephen, 98 - - Vautrollier, Th., 160, 162, 163, 245 _n._ - - Verneuil, Jean, 200 _n._ - - Verney, Sir Ralph, 220, 248, 264, 298, 341 _sq._ - - Veron, John, 122, 150 _n._, 187, 189 - - Verone, John, 122 - - Versification, French, 158 - - Viau, Theophile de, 259 _n._, 356 - - Villars, Marechal de, 273 - - *Villiers, Jacob, 388, 396 _sq._ - - Vincent, Samuel, 371 _n._, 377 _n._, 392 - - Vives, 145, 175, 181, 185, 268 _n._ - - Vocabularies, 5, 11 _sq._, 16, 28, 36, 38, 40, 52, 88, 91, 135, 137, - 177, 241 _sq._, 245 _n._, 279, 280, 302, 304, 314, 316, 385, 390, 397 - - Voiture, 259 _n._, 273 _n._, 355, 365 - - Voltaire, 117, 365 _n._, 366 - - Vossius, 367 - - - Waddington, Ralph, 187 - - Wadington, Wm. of, 19 - - Waiting-women, French. _See_ Maids - - Walker, O.: _Of Education_, 220 _n._, 221 _n._ - - Waller, Edmund, 364, 367 - - Walloons, 115, 127, 144, 168, 254, 326 - - Wallop, Sir Hy., 123, 162 - - Walsingham, 119, 211, 213 - - Watts, Th., 399 - - Webbe, Joseph, 331, 334 _n._, 335 - - Webster, John, 336 - - Wenman, Sir Rd., 162, 200 - - Wharton, Sir Philip, 123, 156 - - William III., 312, 368, 400 - - William of Wykeham, 23 - - Williamson, Sir Joseph, 207, 208, 344 - - Wilson: _Arte of Rhetorique_, 120, 238 _n._ - - Withers, Hy., 234 - - *Wodroeph, 225 _n._, 240, 246, 248 _sq._, 276, 298, 350, 397 - - Wolley, Ed., D.D., 298 - - Wolsey, Cardinal, 69, 70, 94, 104 - - Women, and study of French, 12, 22, 27, 64 _n._, 70, 214, 225, 239, - 244, 263 _sq._, 299, 304, 306, 308, 323, 324, 334 _n._, 337, 339, - 342, 373 _sq._, 378, 395, 397 _sq._; - the Frenchified lady, 22, 374 _sq._ - - Wood, Anthony A., 200, 204 - - Wotton, Sir Henry, 120, 234 - - *Wotton, Rev. Henry, 339 - - Writing, 119, 130, 139, 147, 262, 298, 299, 332, 399 - - Wroth, Sir Th., 157 - - Wuertemberg, Duke of, 66, 74 - - Wycherley, 364, 365, 370 _n._, 376, 377 _n._, 378 - - Wykeham, Wm. de, 23 - - Wynkyn de Worde, 47 _sq._, 53 _sq._, 56, 201, 237, 279 - - - Yver, Jacques, 196 - - - Zouche, Lord, 142 _sq._, 234 - - -THE END - - - _Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_. - - - - -FRENCH - -MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY FRENCH SERIES - - -No. I. LES OEUVRES DE GUIOT DE PROVINS. POETE LYRIQUE ET SATIRIQUE - - Edited by JOHN ORR, M.A., _Professor of French Language, University - of Manchester_. Demy 8vo. =10s. 6d. net.= - - "This is an excellent edition of the complete works of a French - poet of the time of Philippe Auguste.... If we mistake not, this - edition is the first old French text published in England having no - immediate bearing upon English history. There have been some such - texts published ... elsewhere, but none, I believe, of this - importance, nor any edited with this degree of thoroughness or this - wealth of illustrative commentary."--Professor T. A. JENKINS, - Chicago, in _Modern Philology_. - -No. II. OEUVRES POETIQUES DE JEAN DE LINGENDES - - Edited by E. T. GRIFFITHS, M.A., _Late Lecturer in French Language - and Literature in the University of Manchester_. Crown 8vo. Cloth. - =6s. net.= - - "Cette reimpression fait honneur aux publications de l'Universite - de Manchester, et l'execution typographique merite les memes eloges - que l'information savante de l'editeur."--L. ROUSTAN in _Revue - critique d'histoire et de litterature_. - -No. III. THE TEACHING AND CULTIVATION OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN ENGLAND -DURING TUDOR AND STUART TIMES, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER ON THE -PRECEDING PERIOD - - By KATHLEEN LAMBLEY, M.A., _Sometime Assistant Lecturer in French - in the University of Manchester; Lecturer in French in the - University of Durham_. =14s. net.= - - - THE MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS - 12 LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD - LONGMANS, GREEN & COMPANY - LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, ETC. - - - - -_MODERN LANGUAGE TEXTS_ - - -_FRENCH SERIES_ - -ROUSSEAU. DU CONTRAT SOCIAL. Edited by Emeritus Professor C. E. VAUGHAN, -M.A. Paper, 5s. net; cloth, 6s. net. - -ALFRED DE VIGNY. POEMES CHOISIS. Edited by E. ALLISON PEERS, M.A. Paper, -3s. 6d. net; cloth, 4s. 6d. net. - -PASCAL. LETTRES PROVINCIALES. Edited by H. F. STEWART, D.D. Paper, 7s. -6d. net; cloth, 8s. 6d. net. _Also an edition de luxe on hand-made -paper._ 21s. net. - -B. CONSTANT. ADOLPHE. Edited by Professor G. RUDLER, D. es L. Paper, 6s. -net; cloth, 7s. 6d. net. _Also an edition de luxe on hand-made paper._ -21s. net. - -LE MYSTERE D'ADAM. Edited by Professor PAUL STUDER, M.A., D.Litt. Paper, -4s. 6d. net; cloth, 5s. 6d. net. - -AUCASSIN ET NICOLETE. (_Third edition._) Edited by F. W. BOURDILLON, -M.A. Paper, 4s. 6d. net; cloth 5s. 6d. net. - -A. DUMAS pere. HENRI III. Edited by J. G. ANDERSON, B.A. [In Preparation. - -PAUL-LOUIS COURIER. A SELECTION FROM THE WORKS. Edited by Professor E. -WEEKLEY, M.A. Paper, 5s. net; cloth, 6s. net. - -P. CORNEILLE. LA GALERIE DU PALAIS. Edited by Professor T. B. -RUDMOSE-BROWN, M.A. [_In the Press._ - -E. VERHAEREN. SELECTIONS FROM THE POEMS. Edited by Dr. F. POLDERMANN. -[_In Preparation._ - -LAMARTINE. A SELECTION FROM THE POEMS. Edited by Professor A. BARBIER, -L. es L. [_In Preparation._ - -GUIBERT D'ANDRENAS. A CHANSON DE GESTE OF THE CYCLE DE GUILLAUME. Edited -by JESSIE CROSLAND, M.A. [_In Preparation._ - -MONTAIGNE. A SELECTION FROM THE ESSAYS. Edited by A. TILLEY, M.A., -D.Litt. [_In Preparation._ - - -_ENGLISH SERIES_ - -EDWARD YOUNG. CONJECTURES ON ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. Edited by Professor -EDITH J. MORLEY. 4s. 6d. net. - -THE ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE. Edited by E. CLASSEN, M.A., Ph.D. [_In the -Press._ - -WARTON'S ESSAY ON POPE. Edited by Professor EDITH J. MORLEY. [_In the -Press._ - - -_GERMAN SERIES_ - -GOETHE. TORQUATO TASSO. Edited by Professor J. G. ROBERTSON, M.A., Ph.D. -Paper, 4s. net; cloth, 5s. net. - -HEINE. BUCH DER LIEDER. Edited by JOHN LEES, M.A., Ph.D. [_In the Press._ - - - THE MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS - 12 LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD - LONGMANS, GREEN & COMPANY - LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, ETC. - - - - -Transcriber's notes: - -Corrections: - -"Lord Burghly" which appears from p. 211 to p. 217 was normalised to -"Lord Burghley" as elsewhere in the book. - -The first line indicates the page or the note number and original text, -the second the corrected text. - - p. x: Travelers at the French Universities - Travellers at the French Universities. - - p. 37: il dira tout courtoisenent - il dira tout courtoisement. - - p. 39: le roy d'Angliterre est oste - le roy d'Angleterre est oste. - - p. 39: Maris, oy, il y avoit tant de presse - Marie, oy, il y avoit tant de presse. - - p. 160: a wastefull, a riotious and - and an outrageous spender - - a wastefull, a riotious and - an outrageous spender. - - p. 166: deligently gathered and faithfully set - diligently gathered and faithfully set. - - p. 176: Qe-heur et-til? - Qel-heur et-til? - - p. 237: a thing easily gotton - a thing easily gotten. - - p. 239: For instance Sir Willam Petty - For instance Sir William Petty. - - p. 241: Lesquelles choses considererees - Lesquelles choses considerees. - - p. 252: de leurs prouesses, entreprinses - de leurs prouesses, entreprises. - - p. 398: accomodated to the grammar - accommodated to the grammar. - - p. 411: Qui peut aissi - Qui peut aussi. - - p. 414: of Nacsia and Paros in the Archipeligo - of Nacsia and Paros in the Archipelago. - - p. 414: ou hormis d'autres discours curieus - ou hormis d'autres discours curieus. - - p. 423: se vendent a l'enseigne - se vendent a l'enseigne. - - n. 126: E. J. Furnival - E. J. Furnivall. - - n. 433: the Picard or Bourgonions - the Picard or Bourgignions. - - n. 671: H. Glapthorne, "The Ladies Privilege" - H. Glapthorne, "The Ladies' Privilege." - - - Errata list: - - p. 41: "pernes" should be "prenez" ("Sir pernes le hanappe"). - - p. 43: "comnencier" should be "commencier" ("Veul comnencier"). - - p. 92, n. 230: "The Boke of the Governour" appears as "The Boke named - the Governour" in n. 462. - - p. 104: "Sir Thomas More, writing to Erasmus in 1617" should be "Sir - Thomas More, writing to Erasmus in 1517." - - p. 137-138: the small cross below the unsounded letters in the - quotation does not always correspond to modern pronunciation. The - original has been retained. - - p. 283, n. 361: Liege should be Liege. - - p. 293: "to read an script" should be "to read a script." - - n. 126, 313: Author "E. J. Furnivall" should be "F. J. Furnivall." - - n. 276: "congnoissance" should be "cognoissance" ("la congnoissance - des histoires"). - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Teaching and Cultivation of the -French Language in England during Tudor and Stuart Times, by Kathleen Lambley - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TEACHING AND CULTIVATION *** - -***** This file should be named 40617.txt or 40617.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/0/6/1/40617/ - -Produced by Ian Deane, Ethan Kent, Eleni Christofaki and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive/American -Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, -set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to -copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to -protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project -Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you -charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you -do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the -rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose -such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and -research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do -practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is -subject to the trademark license, especially commercial -redistribution. - - - -*** START: FULL LICENSE *** - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at -http://gutenberg.org/license). - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy -all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. -If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the -terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or -entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" -or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the -collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from -copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative -works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg -are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project -Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by -freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of -this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with -the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by -keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project -Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning -the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United -States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate -access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently -whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, -copied or distributed: - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived -from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is -posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied -and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees -or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work -with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the -work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 -through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the -Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or -1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional -terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked -to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the -permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), -you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a -copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon -request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other -form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided -that - -- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is - owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he - has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the - Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments - must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you - prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax - returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and - sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the - address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to - the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." - -- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or - destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium - and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of - Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any - money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days - of receipt of the work. - -- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set -forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from -both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael -Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the -Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm -collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain -"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or -corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual -property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a -computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by -your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. -To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 -and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at -http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent -permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. -Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at -809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email -business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact -information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official -page at http://pglaf.org - -For additional contact information: - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To -SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any -particular state visit http://pglaf.org - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. -To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. -unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily -keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. - - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - http://www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |