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diff --git a/40549.txt b/40549.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 4548683..0000000 --- a/40549.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,12083 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Private Life of the Romans, by -Harold Whetstone Johnston - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Private Life of the Romans - -Author: Harold Whetstone Johnston - -Release Date: August 20, 2012 [EBook #40549] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PRIVATE LIFE OF THE ROMANS *** - - - - -Produced by Ron Swanson - - - - - -THE PRIVATE LIFE OF THE ROMANS - - -BY HAROLD WHETSTONE JOHNSTON - -PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN THE INDIANA UNIVERSITY - - - - -CHICAGO - -SCOTT, FORESMAN AND COMPANY - -1909 - - - - -BY THE SAME AUTHOR (_Scott, Foresman and Company_) - -SELECTED ORATIONS AND LETTERS OF CICERO - -LATIN MANUSCRIPTS - -THE METRICAL LICENSES OF VERGIL - - - - -COPYRIGHT, 1903, BY SCOTT, FORESMAN AND COMPANY - - - - -ROBT. O. LAW CO., PRINTERS AND BINDERS, CHICAGO. - -TYPOGRAPHY BY MARSH, AITKEN & CURTIS COMPANY, CHICAGO. - - - - -_CHARLES S. RANNELLS_ - - _MEMOR_ -_ACTAE NON ALIO REGE PUERTIAE_ - -_AMORIS CAUSA_ - -_D D D_ - - - - -PREFACE - - -In preparing this book I have had in mind the needs of three classes -of students. - -It is intended in the first place for seniors in high schools and -freshmen in colleges, and is meant to give such an account of the -Private Life of the Romans in the later Republic and earlier Empire as -will enable them to understand the countless references to it in the -Latin texts which they read in the class-room. It is hoped that the -book contains all that they will need for this purpose and nothing -that is beyond their comprehension. - -It is intended in the second place for more advanced college students -who may be taking lectures on the subjects of which it treats. The -work of both teacher and student will be made less irksome and more -effective if the student is aided in the taking of notes by even so -general a knowledge of the subject (previously announced to the class) -as is here given. This I know from actual experience with my own -classes. - -In the third place it is intended for readers and students of Roman -history, who are engaged chiefly with important political and -constitutional questions, and often feel the need of a simple and -compact description of domestic life, to give more reality to the -shadowy forms whose public careers they are following. Such students -will find the Index especially useful. - -The book is written as far as possible in English: that is, no great -knowledge of Latin is presumed on the part of the reader. I have tried -not to crowd the text with Latin words, even when they are immediately -explained, and those given will usually be found worth remembering. -Quotations from Latin authors are very few, and the references to -their works, fewer still, are made to well-known passages only. - -To every chapter are prefixed references to the standard secondary -authorities in English and German. Primary sources are not indicated: -they would be above the heads of the less advanced students, and to -the more advanced the lecturer will prefer to indicate the sources on -which his views are based. It is certain, however, that all these -sources are indicated in the authorities named, and the teacher -himself may occasionally find the references helpful. - -The illustrations are numerous and are intended to illustrate. Many -others are referred to in the text, which limited space kept me from -using, and I hope that Schreiber's Atlas, at least, if not -Baumeister's Denkmaeler, may be within the reach of students in -class-room or library. - -It goes without saying that there must be many errors in a book like -this, although I have done my best to make it accurate. When these -errors are due to relaxed attention or to ignorance, I shall be -grateful to the person who will point them out. When they are due to -mistaken judgment, the teacher will find in the references, I hope, -sufficient authorities to convince his pupils that he is right and I -am wrong. - -H. W. JOHNSTON. - -THE INDIANA UNIVERSITY, - -February, 1903. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - -INTRODUCTION.--Scope of the Book 1; Public and Private - Antiquities 2; Antiquities and History 4; Antiquities and - Philology 6; Sources 9; Reference Books 13; Systematic - Treatises 14; Encyclopedic Works 15; Other Books 16 - -I. THE FAMILY.--The Household 17; The Splitting Up of a House - 19; Other Meanings of _Familia_ 21; _Agnati_ and - _Cognati_ 23; _Adfines_ 26; The Family Cult 27; Adoption - 30; The _Patria Potestas_ 31; Limitations 32; Extinction - of the _Potestas_ 34; _Manus_ 35; _Dominica Potestas_ 37 - -II. THE NAME.--The Triple Name 38; The _Praenomen_ 41; The - _Nomen_ 46; The _Cognomen_ 48; Additional Names 51; - Confusion of Names 55; Names of Women 57; Names of Slaves - 58; Names of Freedmen 59; Naturalized Citizens 60 - -III. MARRIAGE AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN.--Early Forms of Marriage - 61; _Ius Conubii_ 64; _Nuptiae Iustae_ 67; Betrothals - 70; The Dowry 72; Essential Forms 73; The Wedding Day - 75; The Wedding Garments 76; The Ceremony 79; The - Wedding Feast 85; The Bridal Procession 86; The Position - of Women 90 - -IV. CHILDREN AND EDUCATION.--Legal Status 94; _Susceptio_ 95; - _Dies Lustricus_ 97; The _Bulla_ 99; Nurses 100; - Playthings 102; Pets and Games 103; Home Training 104; - Schools 108; Subjects Taught in Elementary Schools 110; - Grammar Schools 112; Schools of Rhetoric 115; Travel - 116; Apprenticeship 117; Remarks on the Schools 119; The - Teacher 121; Schooldays and Holidays 122; The - _Paedagogus_ 123; Discipline 124; End of Childhood 125; - The _Liberalia_ 127 - -V. DEPENDENTS: SLAVES AND CLIENTS. HOSPITES.--Growth of Slavery - 129; Numbers of Slaves 131; Sources of Supply 134; Sales - of Slaves 139; Prices of Slaves 140; Public and Private - Slaves 141; Private Slaves 142; Industrial Employment - 143; The _Familia Rustica_ 145; Farm Slaves 146; The - _Vilicus_ 148; The _Familia Urbana_ 149; Legal Status of - Slaves 156; The Treatment of Slaves 158; Food and Dress - 160; The _Peculium_ 162; Punishments 166; Manumission - 175; The Clients 176; The Old Clients 177; Mutual - Obligations 179; The New Clients 181; Duties and Rewards - 182; The _Hospites_ 183; _Hospitium_ 184; Obligations of - _Hospitium_ 185 - -VI. THE HOUSE AND ITS FURNITURE.--_Domus_ 186; The Development - of the House 188; The _Vestibulum_ 194; The _Ostium_ - 195; The _Atrium_ 196; The Change in the _Atrium_ 197; - The _Alae_ 200; The _Tablinum_ 201; The Peristyle 202; - Private Rooms 203; The House of Pansa 208; The Walls - 210; _Paries Caementicius_ 211; Wall Facings 212; Floors - and Ceilings 213; Roofs 214; The Doors 215; The Windows - 217; Heating 218; Water Supply 219; Decoration 220; - Furniture 222; Principal Articles 223; The Couches 224; - The Chairs 225; Tables 227; The Lamps 228; Chests and - Cabinets 230; Other Articles 232; The Street 233 - -VII. DRESS AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS.--_Indutus_: The _Subligaculum_ - 235; The Tunic 236; _Amictus_: The _Toga_ 240; Form and - Arrangement 241; Kinds of Togas 246; The _Lacerna_ 247; - The _Paenula_ 248; Other Wraps 249; Footgear: The - _Soleae_ 250; The _Calcei_ 251; Coverings for the Head - 252; The Hair and Beard 253; Jewelry 255; Dress of Women - 257; The _Tunica Interior_ 258; The _Stola_ 259; The - _Palla_ 261; Shoes and Slippers 262; Dressing of the Hair - 263; Accessories 266; Jewelry 267; Dress of the Children - and Slaves 268; Materials 269; Colors 270; Manufacture - 271 - -VIII. FOOD AND MEALS.--Natural Conditions 272; Fruits 274; - Garden Produce 275; Meats 277; Fowl and Game 279; Fish - 280; Cereals 282; Preparation of the Grain 283; - Breadmaking 287; The Olive 289; Olive Oil 291; Grapes - 293; Viticulture 294; Vineyards 295; Wine Making 296; - Beverages 298; Style of Living 299; Hours for Meals 301; - Breakfast and Luncheon 302; The Formal Meal 303; The - Dining Couch 304; Places of Honor 305; Other Furniture - 307; Courses 308; Bills of Fare 309; Serving the Dinner - 310; The _Comissatio_ 312; The Banquets of the Rich 315 - -IX. AMUSEMENTS; BATHS.--General 316; Sports of the Campus 317; - Games of Ball 318; Games of Chance 319; Knuckle-bones - 320; Dice 321; Public and Private Games 322; Dramatic - Performances 323; Staging the Play 324; The Early Theater - 325; The Later Theater 326; Roman Circuses 328; Plan of - the Circus 330; The Arena 332; The Barriers 333; The - _Spina_ and _Metae_ 335; The Seats 337; Furnishing the - Races 339; The Teams 340; The Drivers 341; Famous - _Aurigae_ 342; Other Shows of the Circus 343; - Gladiatorial Combats 344; Popularity of the Combats 346; - Sources of Supply 347; Schools for Gladiators 349; Places - of Exhibition 351; Amphitheaters at Rome 352; The - Amphitheater at Pompeii 353; The Coliseum 356; Styles of - Fighting 359; Weapons and Armor 360; Announcement of the - Shows 361; The Fight Itself 362; The Rewards 363; Other - Shows in the Amphitheater 364; The Daily Bath 365; - Essentials for the Bath 366; Heating the Bath 368; The - _Caldarium_ 369; The _Frigidarium_ and _Unctorium_ 370; A - Private Bathhouse 371; The Public Baths 372; Management - 373; Hours Opened 374; Accommodations for Women 375; - _Thermae_ 376; Baths of Diocletian 378 - -X. TRAVEL AND CORRESPONDENCE. BOOKS.--In General 379; By Water - 380; By Land 381; The Vehicles 382; Carriages 383; The - _Reda_ and _Cisium_ 384; The Roads 385; Construction - 387; The Inns 388; Speed 389; Sending Letters 390; - Writing the Letters 391; Sealing and Opening the Letters - 392; Books 393; Manufacture of Paper 394; Pens and Ink - 395; Making the Roll 396; Size of the Rolls 398; - Multiplication of Books 399; Commercial Publication 400; - Rapidity and Cost of Publication 401; Libraries 402 - -XI. SOURCES OF INCOME AND MEANS OF LIVING. THE ROMAN'S DAY.--In - General 403; Careers of the Nobles 404; Agriculture 405; - Political Office 406; The Law 407; The Army 408; Careers - of the Equites 409; The Soldiers 410; The Proletariate - 411; Professions and Trades 412; Business and Commerce - 413; The Civil Service 414; The Roman's Day 415; Hours - of the Day 417 - -XII. BURIAL-PLACES AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES.--Importance of Burial - 419; Interment and Cremation 420; Places of Burial 421; - The Tombs 422; The Potter's Field 423; Plan of Tombs and - Grounds 425; Exterior of the Tombs 427; The _Columbaria_ - 428; Burial Societies 430; Funeral Ceremonies 432; At - the House 433; The Funeral Procession 434; The Funeral - Oration 435; At the Tomb 436; After Ceremonies 437; - Memorial Festivals 438 - - - - -THE PRIVATE LIFE OF THE ROMANS - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -1. The topics that are discussed in this book have to do with the -everyday life of the Roman people. Such things will be considered as -the family, the Roman name, marriage and the position of women, -children and education, slaves, clients, the house and its furniture, -clothing, food and meals, amusements, travel and correspondence, -funeral ceremonies and burial customs, etc. These things are of -interest to us in the case of any ancient or foreign people; in the -case of the Romans they are of especial importance, because they help -to explain the powerful influence which that nation exerted over the -old world, and make it easier to understand why that influence is -still felt in some degree to-day. - -2. Public and Private Antiquities.--The subjects that have been named -above belong to what is called Classical Antiquities, taking their -place in the subdivision of Roman Antiquities as opposed to Greek -Antiquities. They are grouped loosely together as Private Antiquities -in opposition to what we call Public Antiquities. Under the latter -head we consider the Roman as a citizen, and we examine the several -classes of citizens, their obligations and their privileges; we study -the form of their government, its officers and machinery, its -legislative, judicial, and executive procedure, its revenues and -expenditures, etc. It is evident that no hard and fast line can be -drawn between the two branches of the subject: they cross each other -at every turn. One scarcely knows, for example, under which head to -put the religion of the Romans or their games in the circus. - -3. In the same way, the daily employment of a slave, his keep, his -punishments, his rewards, are properly considered under the head of -Private Antiquities. But the state undertook sometimes to regulate by -law the number of slaves that a master might have, the state regulated -the manumission of the slave and gave him certain rights as a -freedman, and these matters belong to Public Antiquities. So, too, a -man might or might not be eligible to certain state offices according -to the particular ceremony used at the marriage of his parents. It -will be found, therefore, that the study of Private Antiquities can -not be completely separated from its complement, though in this book -the dividing line will be crossed as seldom as possible.[1] - -[Footnote 1: Students in secondary schools will find useful for -preliminary reading the outline of the Roman Constitution in the -Introduction to the author's "Selected Orations and Letters of -Cicero." For more advanced students three books have lately appeared -on this subject: Abbott's "Roman Political Institutions," Granrud's -"Roman Constitutional History," and Greenidge's "Roman Public Life."] - -4. Antiquities and History.--It is just as impossible to draw the -boundary line between the subjects of Antiquities and History. The -older history, it is true, concerned itself little with the private -life of the people, almost solely with the rise and fall of dynasties. -It told us of kings and generals, of the wars they waged, the -victories they won, and the conquests they made. Then, in course of -time, institutions took the place of dynasties and parties the place -of heroes, and history traced the growth of great political ideas: -such masterpieces as Thirlwall's and Grote's histories of Greece are -largely constitutional histories. But changes in international -relations affect the private life of a people as surely, if not as -speedily, as they affect the machinery of government. You can not -bring into contact, friendly or unfriendly, two different -civilizations without a change in the peoples concerned, without -altering their occupations, their ways of living, their very ideas of -life and its purposes. These changes react in turn upon the temper and -character of a people, they affect its capacity for self-government -and the government of others, and in the course of time they bring -about the movements of which even the older history took notice. Hence -our recent histories give more and more space to the life of the -common people, to the very matters, that is, that were mentioned in -the first paragraph as belonging to Private Antiquities. This may be -seen in such titles as these: Green's "History of the English People," -McMaster's "History of the People of the United States." - -5. On the other hand it is equally true that a knowledge of political -history is necessary for the study of Private Antiquities. We shall -find the Romans giving up certain ways of living and habits of -thinking that seemed to have become fixed and characteristic. These -changes we could not explain at all, if political history did not -inform us that just before they took place the Romans had come into -contact with the widely different ideas and opposing civilizations of -other nations. The most important event of this sort was the -introduction of Greek culture after the Punic wars, and to this we -shall have to refer again and again. It follows from all this that -students who have had even the most elementary course in Roman history -have already some knowledge of Private Antiquities, and that those who -have not studied the history of Rome at all will find very helpful the -reading of even the briefest of our school histories. - -6. Antiquities and Philology.--The subject of Classical Antiquities -has always been regarded as a branch--"discipline" is the technical -word--of Classical Philology since Friedrich August Wolf (1759-1824) -made Philology a science. It is quite true that in the common -acceptation of the word Philology is merely the science of language, -but even here Antiquities has an important part to play. It is -impossible to read understandingly an ode of Horace or an oration of -Cicero, if one is ignorant of the social life and the political -institutions of Rome. But Classical Philology is much more than the -science of understanding and interpreting the classical languages. It -claims for itself the investigation of Greek and Roman life in all its -aspects, social, intellectual, and political, so far as it has become -known to us from the surviving literary, epigraphic, and monumental -records. Whitney puts it thus: Philology deals with human speech and -with all that speech discloses as to the nature and history of man. If -it is hard to remember these definitions one can hardly forget the -epigram of Benoist: Philology is the geology of the intellectual -world. Under this, the only scientific conception of Philology, the -study of Antiquities takes at once a higher place. It becomes the end -with linguistics the means, and this is the true relation between -them. - -7. But it happens that the study of the languages in which the records -of classical antiquity are preserved must first occupy the -investigator, and that the study of language as mere language, its -origin, its growth, its decay, is in itself very interesting and -profitable. It happens, moreover, that the languages of Greece and -Rome can not be studied apart from literatures of singular richness, -beauty, and power, and the study of literature has always been one of -the most attractive and absorbing to cultivated men. It is not hard to -understand, therefore, why the study of Antiquities has not been more -prominent in connection with philological training. It was the end to -which only the few pressed on. It was reserved, at least in systematic -form, for the trained scholar in the university. In the congested -condition of the old curricula in our colleges it was crowded out by -the more obvious, but not more essential or interesting, subjects of -linguistics and literary criticism, or it was presented at best in the -form of scrappy notes on the authors read in the classroom or in the -dismembered alphabetical arrangement of a dictionary. - -8. Within the last few years, however, a change has been taking place, -a change due to several causes. In the first place, the literary -criticism which was once taught exclusively in connection with -classical authors and which claimed so large a part of the time -allotted to classical study has found a more appropriate place in the -departments of English that were hardly known a generation ago. In the -second place, the superior preparation in the classics now demanded -for admission to our colleges has relieved their courses of much -elementary linguistic drill that was formerly necessary. In the third -place, the last half century has seen a greater advance in the -knowledge of Antiquities than all the years before, and it is now -possible to present in positive dogmatic form much that was recently -mere guesswork and speculation. Finally, modern theories of education, -which have narrowed the stream of classical instruction only to deepen -its channel and quicken its current, have caused more stress to be -laid upon the points of contact between the ancient and the modern -world. The teacher of the classics has come to realize that the -obligations of the present to the past are not to be so clearly -presented and so vividly appreciated in connection with the formal -study of art and literature as in the investigation of the great -social, political, and religious problems which throughout all the -ages have engaged the thought of cultivated men. - -9. Sources.--It has been already remarked (section 6) that Classical -Philology draws its knowledge from three sources, the literary, -epigraphic, and monumental remains of Greece and Rome. It is necessary -that we should understand at the outset precisely what is meant by -each of these. By literary sources we mean the writings of the Greeks -and Romans, that is, the books which they published, that have come -down to us. The form of these books, the way they were published and -have been preserved, will be considered later. For the present it is -sufficient to say that a mere fraction only of these writings has come -down to our day, and that of these poor remnants we possess no -originals but merely more or less imperfect copies. It is true, -nevertheless, that these form as a whole the most important of our -sources of information, largely because they have been most carefully -studied and are best understood. - -10. By epigraphic sources we mean the words that were written, -scratched, cut, or stamped on hard materials, such as metal, stone, or -wood, without thought of literary finish. These vary from single words -to records of very considerable extent, and are briefly called -inscriptions. The student may get a good idea of the most ancient and -curious by merely turning over a few pages of Ritschl's "Priscae -Latinitatis Monumenta Epigraphica" or of Egbert's "Latin -Inscriptions." Of one sort of great importance, the legends on coins -and medals, many have found their way into American museums. With -modern inscriptions on similar materials and for similar purposes -every student is, of course, familiar. - -11. By monumental evidence we mean all the things actually made by the -Greeks and Romans that have come down to us. These things are -collectively very numerous and of very many kinds: coins, medals, -pieces of jewelry, armor, pottery, statues, paintings, bridges, -aqueducts, fortifications, ruins of cities, etc. It is impossible to -enumerate them all. It is upon such remains as these that most of the -inscriptions mentioned above are preserved. Of the most importance for -the study of the private life of the Romans are the ruins of the city -of Pompeii preserved to us by the protection of the ashes that buried -it at the time of the eruption of Vesuvius in the year 79 A.D. - -12. It will be seen at once that the importance of these sources will -vary with the nature of the subject we are studying and the fullness -of their preservation. For example, we may read in a Roman poet a -description of an ornament worn by a bride. A painting of a bride -wearing such an ornament would make the description clearer, but any -doubt that might remain would be removed if there should be found in -the ruins of Pompeii a similar ornament with its character proved by -an inscription upon it. In this case the three sources would have -contributed to our knowledge. For other matters, especially intangible -things, we may have to rely solely upon descriptions, that is, upon -literary sources. But it may well happen that no Roman wrote a set -description of the particular thing that we are studying, or if he did -that his writings have been lost, so that we may be forced to build up -our knowledge bit by bit, by putting together laboriously the scraps -of information, mere hints perhaps, that we find scattered here and -there in the works of different authors, and these perhaps of very -different times. It is not hard to understand, therefore, that our -knowledge of some things pertaining to Roman antiquities may be fairly -complete, while of others we may have no knowledge at all. It may be -worth remarking of literary sources that the more common and familiar -a thing was to the ancients, the less likely is it that we shall find -a description of it in ancient literature. - -13. Reference Books.--The collecting and arranging of the information -gleaned from these sources has been the task of philologists from very -early times, but so much has been added to our knowledge by recent -discoveries that all but the latest books may be neglected by the -student. A very full list of books treating of Roman Antiquities may -be found in Hubner's "Bibliographie der klassischen -Altertumswissenschaft," and a convenient list in Professor Kelsey's -"Fifty Topics in Roman Antiquities with References," but the student -should not fail to notice at the head of each chapter the lists of -authorities to be consulted in the books specifically mentioned below. -These have been arranged in two classes, systematic treatises and -encyclopedic works, and the student who lacks time to consult all the -references should select one at least of the better and larger works -in each class for regular and methodical study. - -14. Systematic Treatises: - -Marquardt, Joachim, "Das Privatleben der Romer," 2d edition by A. Mau. -This is the seventh volume of the _Handbuch der romischen Alterthumer_ -by Marquardt and Mommsen. It is the fullest and most authoritative of -all the treatises on the subject and has a few illustrations. - -Voigt, Moritz, "Die Romischen Privataltertumer," 2d edition. This is a -part of the fourth volume of the _Handbuch der klassischen -Altertumswissenschaft_ by Iwan von Muller. It is the latest work on -the subject, especially rich in the citation of authorities. - -Guhl and Koner, "Leben der Griechen und Romer," 6th edition by -Engelmann. A standard and authoritative work enriched by copious -illustrations. There is an English translation of an earlier edition -which may be used by those who read no German. - -Becker, W. A., "Gallus oder romische Scenen aus der Zeit Augusts," new -edition by Hermann Goll. This is a standard authority in the form of a -novel. The story is of no particular interest, but the notes and -excursuses are of the first importance. There is an English -translation of the first edition which may be used with caution by -those who read no German. - -Friedlander, L., "Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms in der -Zeit von August bis zum Ausgang der Antonine," 6th edition. This is -the great authority for the time it covers and will be found to -include practically the history from the earliest times of all the -matters of which it treats. - -Blumner, Hugo, "Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Kunste -bei Griechen und Romern." The very best description of the arts and -industries of ancient Greece and Rome. - -Ramsay, William, "A Manual of Roman Antiquities," 15th edition, -revised and partly rewritten by Rodolfo Lanciani. This includes public -as well as private antiquities, but the revision seems to have been -but partial and the larger part of the book is hopelessly out of date. - -Wilkins, A. S., "Roman Antiquities," and Preston and Dodge, "The -Private Life of the Romans." Two little books, of which the former is -by a good scholar and is worth reading. - -15. Encyclopedic Works: - -Pauly-Wissowa, "Real-Encyclopadie der classischen -Altertumswissenschaft." A monumental work, destined to be for many -years the great authority upon the subject. Unfortunately it is -appearing very slowly and has reached only the word _Demodoros_. There -are a few illustrations. - -Smith, William, "A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities," revised -edition by Wayte and Marindin. This is the very best work of the sort -in English, the best possibly of similar size in any language. - -Baumeister, "Denkmaler des klassischen Altertums." The most richly -illustrated work on the subject, absolutely indispensable. - -"Harper's Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiquities." Largely -from Smith, but with valuable additions. - -Rich, "Dictionary of Roman and Greek Antiquities." A convenient manual -with many illustrations. Very good for ready reference. - -Schreiber, "Atlas of Classical Antiquities." A very copious collection -of illustrations bearing on Greek and Roman life. The illustrations -are accompanied by explanatory text. - -Seyffert-Nettleship, "Dictionary of Classical Antiquities." The -illustrations are numerous and the book is of some value on the side -of ancient art. - -Lubker, "Real-Lexicon des klassischen Altertums," 7th edition by Max -Erler. The best brief handbook for those who read German. It is -compact and accurate. - -16. Other Books.--Besides these, three books may be mentioned treating -of the discoveries at Pompeii, the importance of which has been -mentioned (section 11): - -Overbeck, J., "Pompeii," 4th edition by August Mau, the standard -popular work upon the subject, richly supplied with illustrations. - -Mau, August, "Pompeii, its Life and Art," translated by Kelsey. This -is the best account of the treasures of the buried city that has -appeared in English, at once interesting and scholarly. - -Gusman, Pierre, "Pompeii, the City, its Life and Art," translated by -Simmonds and Jourdain. The very best collection of illustrations, but -not so trustworthy in letterpress. - -Finally the student should be warned not to neglect a book merely -because it happens to be written in a language that he does not read -fluently: the very part that he wants may happen to be easy to read, -and many of these books contain illustrations that tell their own -story independently of the letterpress that accompanies them. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE FAMILY - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, pp. 1-6; Voigt, 307-311, 386-388; Goll, II. -1-4, 61-65, 187; Pauly-Wissowa, under _adfinitas_, _agnatio_, -_cognatio_; Smith, under _cognati_, _familia_, _patria potestas_; -Seyffert, under _agnatio_, _cognatio_, _familia_, _manus_; Lubker, -under _agnatio_, _cognatio_, _familia_, _manus_, _patria potestas_. - -Look up the word _familia_ in Harper's lexicon and notice carefully -its range of meanings. - -See also Muirhead, "Roman Law," pp. 24-33, and the paragraph on the -Quiritian Family in the article on Roman Law by the same writer in the -"Encyclopaedia Britannica," Vol. XX. - - -17. The Household.--If by our word family we usually understand a -group of husband, wife, and children, we may acknowledge at once that -it does not correspond exactly to any of the meanings of the Latin -_familia_, varied as the dictionaries show these to be. Husband, wife, -and children did not necessarily constitute an independent family -among the Romans, and were not necessarily members even of the same -family. Those persons made up the Roman _familia_, in the sense -nearest to its English derivative, who were subject to the authority -of the same Head of the House (_pater familias_). These persons might -make a host in themselves: wife, unmarried daughters, sons real or -adopted, married or unmarried, with their wives, sons, unmarried -daughters, and even remoter descendants (always through males), yet -they made but one _familia_ in the eyes of the Romans. The Head of -such a family--"household" or "house" is the nearest English word--was -always _sui iuris_ ("independent," "one's own master"), while the -others were _alieno iuri subiecti_ ("dependent"). - -18. The authority of the _pater familias_ over his wife was called -_manus_, over his descendants _patria potestas_, over his chattels -_dominica potestas_. So long as he lived and retained his citizenship, -these powers could be terminated only by his own deliberate act. He -could dispose of his property by gift or sale as freely as we do now. -He might "emancipate" his sons, a very formal proceeding -(_emancipatio_) by which they became each the Head of a new family, -though they were childless themselves or unmarried or even mere -children. He might also emancipate an unmarried daughter, who thus in -her own self became an independent family. Or he might give her in -marriage to another Roman citizen, an act by which she passed by early -usage (section 61) into the family of which her husband was Head, if -he was _sui iuris_, or of which he was a member, if he was still -_alieno iuri subiectus_. It must be carefully noticed, on the other -hand, that the marriage of a son did not make him a _pater familias_ -or relieve him in any degree from the _patria potestas_: he and his -wife and their children were subject to the same Head of the House as -he had been before his marriage. On the other hand, the Head of the -House could not number in his _familia_ his daughter's children: -legitimate children always followed the father, while an illegitimate -child was from the moment of birth in himself or herself an -independent family. - -19. The Splitting Up of a House.--Emancipation was not very common and -it usually happened that the household was dissolved only by the death -of the Head. When this occurred, as many new households were formed as -there were persons directly subject to his _potestas_ at the moment of -his death: wife, sons, unmarried daughters, widowed daughters-in-law, -and children of a deceased son. The children of a surviving son, it -must be noticed, merely passed from the _potestas_ of their -grandfather to that of their father. A son under age or an unmarried -daughter was put under the care of a guardian (_tutor_), selected from -the same _gens_, very often an older brother, if there was one. The -following diagram will make this clearer: - - 1Gaius (_pater familias_) = (died)2Gaia (_mater familias_) - | - ---------------------------------------------------------------- - | | | | | -3Faustus = 4Tullia (died)5Balbus = 6Licinia 7Publius 8Terentia | - | | 9Marcus = 10Terentia Minor - ----------- ------------ | - | | | | ------------ -11Titus 12Tiberius 13Quintus 14Sextius | | - 15Servius 16Decimus - -20. It is assumed that Gaius is a widower who has had five children, -three sons and two daughters. Of the sons, Faustus and Balbus married -and had each two children; Balbus then died. Of the daughters, -Terentia Minor married Marcus and became the mother of two children. -Publius and Terentia were unmarried at the death of Gaius, who had -emancipated none of his children. It will be noticed: - -1. The living descendants of Gaius were ten (3, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, -14, 15, 16), his son Balbus being dead. - -2. Subject to his _potestas_ were nine (3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, -14). - -3. His daughter Terentia Minor (10) had passed out of his _potestas_ -by her marriage with Marcus (9), and her children (15, 16) alone out -of all the descendants of Gaius had not been subject to him. - -4. At his death are formed six independent families, one consisting of -four persons (3, 4, 11, 12), the others of one person each (6, 7, 8, -13, 14). - -5. Titus and Tiberius (11, 12) have merely passed out of the -_potestas_ of their grandfather Gaius to come under that of their -father Faustus. - -21. Other Meanings of Familia.--The word _familia_ was also very -commonly used in a slightly wider sense to include in addition to the -persons named above (section 17) all the slaves and clients and all -the property real and personal belonging to the _pater familias_, or -acquired and used by the persons under his _potestas_. The word was -also used of the slaves alone, and rarely of the property alone. In a -still wider and more important sense the word was applied to a larger -group of related persons, the _gens_, consisting of all the -"households" (_familiae_ in the sense of section 17) who derived their -descent through males from a common ancestor. This remote ancestor, -could his life have lasted through all the intervening centuries, -would have been the _pater familias_ of all the persons included in -the _gens_, and all would have been subject to his _potestas_. -Membership in the _gens_ was proved by the possession of the _nomen_, -the second of the three names that every citizen of the Republic -regularly had (section 38). - -22. Theoretically this _gens_ had been in prehistoric times one of the -_familiae_, "households," whose union for political purposes had -formed the state. Theoretically its _pater familias_ had been one of -the Heads of Houses who in the days of the Kings had formed the -_patres_, or assembly of old men (_senatus_). The splitting up of this -prehistoric household in the manner explained in section 19, a process -repeated generation after generation, was believed to account for the -numerous _familiae_ who claimed connection with the great _gentes_ in -later times. The _gens_ had an organization of which little is known. -It passed resolutions binding upon its members; it furnished guardians -for minor children, and curators for the insane and for spendthrifts. -When a member died without leaving natural heirs, it succeeded to such -property as he did not dispose of by will and administered it for the -common good of all its members. These members were called _gentiles_, -were bound to take part in the religious services of the _gens_ -(_sacra gentilicia_), had a claim to the common property, and might if -they chose be laid to rest in the common burial ground. - -Finally, the word _familia_ was often applied to certain branches of a -_gens_ whose members had the same _cognomen_ (section 48), the last of -the three names mentioned in section 21. For this use of _familia_ a -more accurate word is _stirps_. - -23. Agnati.--It has been remarked (section 18) that the children of a -daughter could not be included in the _familia_ of her father, and -(section 21) that membership in the larger organization called the -_gens_ was limited to those who could trace their descent through -males. All persons who could in this way trace their descent through -males to a common ancestor, in whose _potestas_ they would be were he -alive, were called _agnati_, and this _agnatio_ was the closest tie of -relationship known to the Romans. In the list of _agnati_ were -included two classes of persons who would seem by the definition to be -excluded. These were the wife, who passed by _manus_ into the family -of her husband (section 18), becoming by law his agnate and the agnate -of all his agnates, and the adopted son. On the other hand a son who -had been emancipated (section 18) was excluded from _agnatio_ with his -father and his father's agnates, and could have no agnates of his own -until he married or was adopted into another _familia_. The following -diagram will make this clearer: - - 1Gaius (_pater familias_) = 2Gaia (_mater familias_) - | - ---------------------------------------------------------------- - | : | | | | -3Faustus = 4Tullia : 5Balbus = 6Licinia 7Publius 8Terentia | - | : [Emancipated]| [Emancipated] | - ----------- : ------------ 9Marcus = 10Terentia Minor - | | : | | | -11Titus 12Tiberius : 13Quintus 14Sextius ------------- - : | | - :[Servius adopted by Gaius] 15Servius 16Decimus - :.........................[Emancipated] - -24. It is supposed that Gaius and Gaia have five children (Faustus, -Balbus, Publius, Terentia, and Terentia Minor), and six grandsons -(Titus and Tiberius the sons of Faustus, Quintus and Sextius the sons -of Balbus, and Servius and Decimus the sons of Terentia Minor). Gaius -has emancipated two of his sons, Balbus and Publius, and has adopted -his grandson Servius, who had previously been emancipated by his -father Marcus. There are four sets of _agnati_: - -1. Gaius, his wife, and those whose _pater familias_ he is, viz.: -Faustus, Tullia the wife of Faustus, Terentia, Titus, Tiberius, and -Servius, a son by adoption (1, 2, 3, 4, 8, 11, 12, 15). - -2. Balbus, his wife, and their two sons (5, 6, 13, and 14). - -3. Publius, who is himself a _pater familias_, but has no _agnati_ at -all. - -4. Marcus, his wife Terentia Minor, and their child Decimus (9, 10, -16). Notice that the other child, Servius (15), having been -emancipated by Marcus is no longer agnate to his father, mother, or -brother. - -25. Cognati, on the other hand, were what we call blood relations, no -matter whether they traced their relationship through males or -females, and regardless of what _potestas_ had been over them. The -only barrier in the eyes of the law was loss of citizenship (section -18), and even this was not always regarded. Thus, in the table last -given, Gaius, Faustus, Balbus, Publius, Terentia, Terentia Minor, -Titus, Tiberius, Quintus, Sextius, Servius, and Decimus are all -cognates with one another. So, too, is Gaia with all her descendants -mentioned. So also are Tullia, Titus, and Tiberius; Licinia, Quintus, -and Sextius; Marcus, Servius, and Decimus. But husband and wife (Gaius -and Gaia, Faustus and Tullia, Balbus and Licinia, Marcus and Terentia -Minor) were not cognates by virtue of their marriage, though that made -them agnates. In fact public opinion discountenanced the marriage of -cognates within the sixth (later the fourth) degree, and persons -within this degree were said to have the _ius osculi_. The degree was -calculated by counting from one of the interested parties through the -common ancestor to the other and may be easily understood from the -table given in Smith's "Dictionary of Antiquities" under _cognati_, or -the one given here (Fig. 1). Cognates did not form an organic body in -the state as did the agnates (section 22), but the 22d of February was -set aside to commemorate the tie of blood (_cara cognatio_), and on -this day presents were exchanged and family reunions probably held. It -must be understood, however, that _cognatio_ gave no legal rights or -claims under the Republic. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 1. TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP] - -26. Adfines.--Persons connected by marriage only were called -_adfines_, as a wife with her husband's cognates and he with hers. -There were no formal degrees of _adfinitas_, as there were of -_cognatio_. Those adfines for whom distinctive names were in common -use were: _gener_, son-in-law; _nurus_, daughter-in-law; _socer_, -father-in-law; _socrus_, mother-in-law; _privignus_, _privigna_, -step-son, step-daughter; _ritricus_, step-father; _noverca_, -step-mother. If we compare these names with the awkward compounds that -do duty for them in English, we shall have additional proof of the -stress laid by the Romans on family ties: two women who married -brothers were called _ianitrices_, a relationship for which we do not -have even a compound. The names of blood relations tell the same -story: a glance at the table of cognates will show how strong the -Latin is here, how weak the English. We have "uncle," "aunt," and -"cousin," but between _avunculus_ and _patruus_, _matertera_ and -_amita_, _patruelis_ and _consobrinus_, we can distinguish only by -descriptive phrases. For _atavus_ and _tritavus_ we have merely the -indefinite "forefathers." In the same way the language testifies to -the headship of the father. We speak of the "mother country" and -"mother tongue," but to the Roman these were _patria_ and _sermo -patrius_. As the _pater_ stood to the _filius_, so stood the -_patronus_ to the _cliens_, the _patricii_ to the _plebeii_, the -_patres_ (=senators) to the rest of the citizens, and _Iupiter_ (Jove -the Father) to the other gods of Olympus. - -27. The Family Cult.--It has been said (section 23) that _agnatio_ was -the closest tie known to the Romans. The importance they attached to -the agnatic family is largely explained by their ideas of the future -life. They believed that the souls of men had an existence apart from -the body, but not in a separate spirit-land. They conceived of the -soul as hovering around the place of burial and requiring for its -peace and happiness that offerings of food and drink should be made to -it regularly. Should these offerings be discontinued, the soul would -cease to be happy itself, and might become perhaps a spirit of evil. -The maintenance of these rites and ceremonies devolved naturally upon -the descendants from generation to generation, whom the spirits in -turn would guide and guard. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 2. LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS] - -28. The Roman was bound, therefore, to perform these acts of affection -and piety so long as he lived himself, and bound no less to provide -for their performance after his death by perpetuating his race and the -family cult. A curse was believed to rest upon the childless man. -Marriage was, therefore, a solemn religious duty, entered into only -with the approval of the gods ascertained by the auspices. In taking a -wife to himself the Roman made her a partaker of his family mysteries, -a service that brooked no divided allegiance. He therefore separated -her entirely from her father's family, and was ready in turn to -surrender his daughter without reserve to the husband with whom she -was to minister at another altar. The _pater familias_ was the priest -of the household, and those subject to his _potestas_ assisted in the -prayers and offerings, the _sacra familiaria_. - -29. But it might be that a marriage was fruitless, or that the Head of -the House saw his sons die before him. In this case he had to face the -prospect of the extinction of his family, and his own descent to the -grave with no posterity to make him blessed. One of two alternatives -was open to him to avert such a calamity. He might give himself in -adoption and pass into another family in which the perpetuation of the -family cult seemed certain, or he might adopt a son and thus -perpetuate his own. He usually followed the latter course, because it -secured peace for the souls of his ancestors no less than for his own. - -30. Adoption.--The person adopted might be either a _pater familias_ -himself or, more usually, a _filius familias_. In the case of the -latter the process was called _adoptio_ and was a somewhat complicated -proceeding by which the natural parent conveyed his son to the other, -the effect being to transfer the adopted person from one family to the -other. The adoption of a _pater familias_ was a much more serious -matter, for it involved the extinction of one family (section 29) in -order to prevent the extinction of another. It was called _adrogatio_ -and was an affair of state. It had to be sanctioned by the -_pontifices_, the highest officers of religion, who had probably to -make sure that the _adrogatus_ had brothers enough to attend to the -interests of the ancestors whose cult he was renouncing. If the -_pontifices_ gave their consent, it had still to be sanctioned by the -_comitia curiata_, as the adrogation might deprive the _gens_ of its -succession to the property of the childless man (section 22). If the -_comitia_ gave consent, the _adrogatus_ sank from the position of Head -of a House to that of a _filius familias_ in the household of his -adoptive father. If he had wife and children, they passed with him -into the new family, and so did all his property. Over him the -adoptive father had _potestas_ as over a son of his own, and looked -upon him as flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone. We can have at -best only a feeble and inadequate notion of what adoption meant to the -Romans. - -31. The Patria Potestas.--The authority of the _pater familias_ over -his descendants was called usually the _patria potestas_, but also the -_patria maiestas_, the _patrium ius_, and the _imperium paternum_. It -was carried to a greater length by the Romans than by any other -people, a length that seems to us excessive and cruel. As they -understood it, the _pater familias_ had absolute power over his -children and other agnatic descendants. He decided whether or not the -newborn child should be reared; he punished what he regarded as -misconduct with penalties as severe as banishment, slavery, and death; -he alone could own and exchange property--all that his descendants -earned or acquired in any way was his: according to the letter of the -law they were little better than his chattels. If his right to one of -them was disputed, he vindicated it by the same form of action that he -used to maintain his right to a house or a horse; if one was stolen, -he proceeded against the abductor by the ordinary action for theft; if -for any reason he wished to transfer one of them to a third person, it -was done by the same form of conveyance that he employed to transfer -inanimate things. The jurists boasted that these powers were enjoyed -by Roman citizens only. - -32. Limitations.--But however stern this authority was theoretically, -it was greatly modified in practice, under the Republic by custom, -under the Empire by law. King Romulus was said to have ordained that -all sons should be reared and also all firstborn daughters; -furthermore that no child should be put to death until its third year, -unless it was grievously deformed. This at least secured life for the -child, though the _pater familias_ still decided whether it should be -admitted to his household, with the implied social and religious -privileges, or be disowned and become an outcast. King Numa was said -to have forbidden the sale into slavery of a son who had married with -the consent of his father. But of much greater importance was the -check put upon arbitrary and cruel punishments by custom. Custom, not -law, obliged the _pater familias_ to call a council of relatives and -friends (_iudicium domesticum_) when he contemplated inflicting severe -punishment upon his children, and public opinion obliged him to abide -by their verdict. Even in the comparatively few cases where tradition -tells us that the death penalty was actually inflicted, we usually -find that the father acted in the capacity of a magistrate happening -to be in office when the offense was committed, or that the penalties -of the ordinary law were merely anticipated, perhaps to avoid the -disgrace of a public trial and execution. - -33. So, too, in regard to the ownership of property the conditions -were not really so hard as the strict letter of the law makes them -appear to us. It was customary for the Head of the House to assign to -his children property, _peculia_ ("cattle of their own"), for them to -manage for their own benefit. And more than this, although the _pater -familias_ held legal title to all their acquisitions, yet practically -all property was acquired for and belonged to the household as a -whole, and he was in effect little more than a trustee to hold and -administer it for the common benefit. This is shown by the fact that -there was no graver offense against public morals, no fouler blot on -private character, than to prove untrue to this trust, _patrimonium -profundere_. Besides this, the long continuance of the _potestas_ is -in itself a proof that its rigor was more apparent than real. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 3. PUBLIUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS] - -34. Extinction of the Potestas.--The _patria potestas_ was -extinguished in various ways: - -1. By the death of the _pater familias_, as has been explained in -section 19. - -2. By the emancipation of the son or daughter. - -3. By the loss of citizenship by either father or son. - -4. If the son became a _flamen dialis_ or the daughter a _virgo -vestalis_. - -5. If either father or child was adopted by a third party. - -6. If the daughter passed by formal marriage into the power (_in -manum_) of a husband, though this did not essentially change her -dependent condition (section 35). - -7. If the son became a public magistrate. In this case the _potestas_ -was suspended during the period of office, but after it expired the -father might hold the son accountable for his acts, public and -private, while holding the magistracy. - -35. Manus.--The subject of marriage will be considered later; at this -point it is only necessary to define the power over the wife possessed -by the husband in its most extreme form, called by the Romans _manus_. -By the oldest and most solemn form of marriage the wife was separated -entirely from her father's family (section 28) and passed into her -husband's power or "hand" (_conventio in manum_). This assumes, of -course, that he was _sui iuris_; if he was not, then though nominally -in his "hand" she was really subject as he was to his _pater -familias_. Any property she had of her own, and to have had any she -must have been independent before her marriage, passed to him as a -matter of course. If she had none, her _pater familias_ furnished a -dowry (_dos_), which shared the same fate. Whatever she acquired by -her industry or otherwise while the marriage lasted also became her -husband's. So far, therefore, as property rights were concerned the -_manus_ differed in no respect from the _patria potestas_: the wife -was _in loco filiae_, and on the husband's death took a daughter's -share in his estate. - -36. In other respects _manus_ conferred more limited powers. The -husband was required by law, not merely obliged by custom, to refer -alleged misconduct of his wife to the _iudicium domesticum_, and this -was composed in part of her cognates (section 25). He could put her -away for certain grave offenses only; if he divorced her without good -cause he was punished with the loss of all his property. He could not -sell her at all. In short, public opinion and custom operated even -more strongly for her protection than for that of her children. It -must be noticed, therefore, that the chief distinction between _manus_ -and _patria potestas_ lay in the fact that the former was a legal -relationship based upon the consent of the weaker party, while the -latter was a natural relationship antecedent to all law and choice. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 4. LUCIUS CORNELIUS SULLA] - -37. Dominica Potestas.--The right of ownership in his property -(_dominica potestas_) was absolute in the case of a _pater familias_ -and has been sufficiently explained in preceding paragraphs. This -ownership included slaves as well as inanimate things, and slaves as -well as inanimate things were mere chattels in the eyes of the law. -The influence of custom and public opinion, so far as these tended to -mitigating the horrors of their condition, will be discussed later. It -will be sufficient to say here that there was nothing to which the -slave could appeal from the judgment of his master. It was final and -absolute. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE NAME - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 7-27; Voigt, 311, 316 f., 454; Pauly-Wissowa, -under _cognomen_; Smith, Harper, and Lubker, under _nomen_. - -See also: Egbert, "Latin Inscriptions," Chapter IV; Cagnat, "Cours -d'Epigraphie Latine," Chapter I; Hubner, "Romische Epigraphik," pp. -653-680 of Muller's _Handbuch_, Vol. I. - - -38. The Triple Name.--Nothing is more familiar to the student of Latin -than the fact that the Romans whose works he reads first have each a -threefold name, Caius Julius Caesar, Marcus Tullius Cicero, Publius -Vergilius Maro. This was the system that prevailed in the best days of -the Republic, but it was itself a development, starting with a more -simple form in earlier times and ending in utter confusion under the -Empire. The earliest legends of Rome show us single names, Romulus, -Remus, Faustulus; but side by side with these we find also double -names, Numa Pompilius, Ancus Marcius, Tullus Hostilius. It is possible -that single names were the earliest fashion, but when we pass from -legends to real history the oldest names that we find are double, the -second being always in the genitive case, representing the father or -the Head of the House: Marcus Marci, Caecilia Metelli. A little later -these genitives were followed by the letter _f_ (for _filius_ or -_filia_) or _uxor_, to denote the relationship. Later still, but very -anciently nevertheless, we find the freeborn man in possession of the -three names with which we are familiar, the _nomen_ to mark the clan -(_gens_), the _cognomen_ to mark the family, and the _praenomen_ to -mark the individual. The regular order of the three names is -_praenomen_, _nomen_, _cognomen_, although in poetry the order is -often changed to adapt the name to the meter. - -39. Great formality required even more than the three names. In -official documents and in the state records it was usual to insert -between a man's _nomen_ and _cognomen_ the _praenomina_ of his father, -grandfather, and great-grandfather, and sometimes even the name of the -tribe to which he belonged. So Cicero might write his name: M. Tullius -M. f. M. n. M. pr. Cor. Cicero; that is, Marcus Tullius Cicero, son -(_filius_) of Marcus, grandson (_nepos_) of Marcus, great-grandson -(_pronepos_) of Marcus, of the tribe Cornelia. See another example in -section 427. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 5. MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO] - -40. On the other hand even the triple name was too long for ordinary -use. Children, slaves, and intimate friends addressed the citizen, -master, and friend by his _praenomen_ only. Ordinary acquaintances -used the _cognomen_ with the _praenomen_ prefixed for emphatic -address. In earnest appeals we find the _nomen_ also used, with -sometimes the _praenomen_ or the possessive _mi_ prefixed. When two -only of the three names are thus used in familiar intercourse the -order varies. If the _praenomen_ is one of the two, it always stands -first, except in the poets for metrical reasons and in a few places in -prose where the text is uncertain. If the _praenomen_ is omitted, the -arrangement varies: the older writers and Cicero put the _cognomen_ -first, _Ahala Servilius_ (Cic. Milo, 3, 8: cf. _C. Servilius Ahala_, -Cat. I., 1, 3). Caesar puts the nomen first; Horace, Livy, and Tacitus -have both arrangements, while Pliny adheres to Caesar's usage. It will -be convenient to consider the three names separately, and to discuss -the names of men before considering those of the other members of the -_familia_. - -41. The Praenomen.--The number of names used as _praenomina_ seems to -us preposterously small as compared with our Christian names, to which -they in some measure correspond. It was never much in excess of -thirty, and in Sulla's time had dwindled to eighteen. The full list is -given by the authorities named above, but the following are all that -are often found in our school and college authors: _Aulus_ (_A_), -_Decimus_ (_D_), _Gaius_ (_C_), _Gnaeus_ (_CN_), _Kaeso_ (_K_), -_Lucius_ (_L_), _Manius_ (_M'_), _Marcus_ (_M_), _Publius_ (_P_), -_Quintus_ (_Q_), _Servius_ (_SER_), _Sextus_ (_SEX_), _Spurius_ -(_SP_), _Tiberius_ (_TI_), and _Titus_ (_T_). The forms of these names -were not absolutely fixed, and we find for _Gnaeus_ the forms -_Gnaivos_ (early), _Naevos_, _Naeus_, and _Gneus_ (rare); so also for -_Servius_ we find _Sergius_, the two forms going back to an ancient -_Serguius_. The abbreviations also vary: for _Aulus_ we find regularly -_A_, but also _AV_ and _AVL_; for _Sextus_ we find _SEXT_ and _S_ as -well as _SEX_, and similar variations are found in the case of other -names. - -42. But small as this list seems to us the natural conservatism of the -Romans found in it a chance to display itself, and the great families -repeated the names of their children from generation to generation in -such a way as to make the identification of the individual very -difficult in modern times. Thus the Aemilii contented themselves with -seven of these _praenomina_, _Gaius_, _Gnaeus_, _Lucius_, _Manius_, -_Marcus_, _Quintus_, and _Tiberius_, but used in addition one that is -not found in any other gens, _Mamercus_ (_MAM_). The Claudii used six, -_Gaius_, _Decimus_, _Lucius_, _Publius_, _Tiberius_, and _Quintus_, -with the additional name _Appius_ (_APP_), of Sabine origin, which -they brought to Rome. The Cornelii used seven, _Aulus_, _Gnaeus_, -_Lucius_, _Marcus_, _Publius_, _Servius_, and _Tiberius_. A still -smaller number sufficed for the Julian gens, _Gaius_, _Lucius_, and -_Sextus_, with the name _Vopiscus_, which went out of use in very -early times. And even these selections were subject to further -limitations. Thus, of the _gens Claudia_ only one branch (_stirps_), -known as the _Claudii Nerones_, used the names _Decimus_ and -_Tiberius_, and out of the seven names used in the _gens Cornelia_ the -branch of the Scipios (_Cornelii Scipiones_) used only _Gnaeus_, -_Lucius_, and _Publius_. Even after a _praenomen_ had found a place in -a given family, it might be deliberately discarded: thus, the Claudii -gave up the name _Lucius_ and the Manlii the name _Marcus_ on account -of the disgrace brought upon their families by men who bore these -names; and the Antonii never used the name _Marcus_ after the downfall -of the famous triumvir, Marcus Antonius. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 6. CAESAR] - -43. From the list of names usual in his family the father gave one to -his son on the ninth day after his birth, the _dies lustricus_. It was -a custom then, one that seems natural enough in our own times, for the -father to give his own _praenomen_ to his firstborn son; Cicero's name -(section 39) shows the name _Marcus_ four times repeated, and it is -probable that he came from a long line of eldest sons. When these -names were first given they must have been chosen with due regard to -their etymological meanings and have had some relation to the -circumstances attending the birth of the child: Livy in speaking of -the mythical Silvius Aeneas gives us to understand that he received -his first name because he was born in a forest (_silva_). - -44. So, _Lucius_ meant originally "born by day," _Manius_, "born in -the morning"; _Quintus_, _Sextus_, _Decimus_, _Postumus_, etc., -indicated the succession in the family; _Tullus_ was connected with -the verb _tollere_ in the sense of "acknowledge" (section 95), -_Servius_ with _servare_, _Gaius_ with _gaudere_. Others are -associated with the name of some divinity, as _Marcus_ and _Mamercus_ -with Mars, and _Tiberius_ with the river god Tiberis. But these -meanings in the course of time were forgotten as completely as we have -forgotten the meanings of our Christian names, and even the numerals -were employed with no reference to their proper force: Cicero's only -brother was called _Quintus_. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 7. AUGUSTUS] - -45. The abbreviation of the _praenomen_ was not a matter of mere -caprice, as is the writing of initials with us, but was an established -custom, indicating perhaps Roman citizenship. The _praenomen_ was -written out in full only when it was used by itself or when it -belonged to a person in one of the lower classes of society. When -Roman names are carried over into English, they should always be -written out in full and pronounced accordingly. In the same way, when -we read a Latin author and find a name abbreviated, the full name -should always be pronounced if we read aloud or translate. - -46. The Nomen.--This, the all-important name, is called for greater -precision the _nomen gentile_ and the _nomen gentilicium_. The child -inherited it, as one inherits his surname now, and there was, -therefore, no choice or selection about it. The _nomen_ ended -originally in _-ius_, and this ending was sacredly preserved by the -patrician families: the endings _-eius_, _-aius_, _-aeus_, and _-eus_ -are merely variations from it. Other endings point to a non-Latin -origin of the gens. Those in _-acus_ (_Avidiacus_) are Gallic, those -in _-na_ (_Caecina_) are Etruscan, those in _-enus_ or _-ienus_ -(_Salvidienus_) are Umbrian or Picene. Some others are formed from the -name of the town from which the family sprang, either with the regular -terminations _-anus_ and _-ensis_ (_Albanus_, _Norbanus_, -_Aquiliensis_), or with the suffix _-ius_ (_Perusius_, _Parmensius_) -in imitation of the older and more aristocratic use. Standing entirely -apart is the _nomen_ of the notorious _Gaius Verres_, which looks like -a _cognomen_ out of place (section 55). - -47. The _nomen_ belonged by custom to all connected with the gens, to -the plebeian as well as the patrician branches, to men, women, -clients, and freedmen without distinction. It was perhaps the natural -desire to separate themselves from the more humble bearers of their -_nomen_ that led patrician families to use a limited number of -_praenomina_, avoiding those used by their clansmen of inferior social -standing. At any rate it is noticeable that the plebeian families, as -soon as political nobility and the busts in their halls gave them a -standing above their fellows, showed the same exclusiveness in the -selection of names for their children that the patricians had -displayed before them (section 42). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 8. NERO] - -48. The Cognomen.--Besides the individual name and the name that -marked his _gens_, the Roman had often a third name, called the -_cognomen_, that served to indicate the family or branch of the _gens_ -to which he belonged. Almost all the great _gentes_ were thus divided, -some of them into numerous branches. The Cornelian gens, for example, -included the plebeian Dolabellae, Lentuli, Cethegi, and Cinnae, in -addition to the patrician Scipiones, Maluginenses, Rufini, etc. The -recognition of a group of clansmen as such a branch, or _stirps_, and -as entitled to transmit a common _cognomen_ required the formal -consent of the whole _gens_, and carried with it the loss of certain -privileges as _gentiles_ to the members of the _stirps_. - -49. From the fact that in the official name (section 39) the -_cognomen_ followed the name of the tribe, it is generally believed -that the oldest of these _cognomina_ did not go back beyond the time -of the division of the people into tribes. It is also generally -believed that the _cognomen_ was originally a nickname, bestowed on -account of some personal peculiarity or characteristic, sometimes as a -compliment, sometimes in derision. So, we find many pointing at -physical traits, such as _Albus_, _Barbatus_, _Cincinnatus_, -_Claudus_, _Longus_ (all originally adjectives), and the nouns _Naso_ -and _Capito_ ("the man with a nose," "with a head"); others refer to -the temperament, such as _Benignus_, _Blandus_, _Cato_, _Serenus_, -_Severus_; others still denote origin, such as _Gallus_, _Ligus_, -_Sabinus_, _Siculus_, _Tuscus_. These names, it must be remembered, -descended from father to son, and would naturally lose their -appropriateness as they passed along, until in the course of time -their meanings were entirely lost sight of, as were those of the -_praenomina_ (section 44). - -50. Under the Republic the patricians had almost without exception -this third or family name; we are told of but one man, Caius Marcius, -who lacked the distinction. With the plebeians the _cognomen_ was not -so common, perhaps its possession was the exception. The great -families of the Marii, Mummii, and Sertorii had none, although the -plebeian branches of the Cornelian gens (section 48), the Tullian -gens, and others, did. The _cognomen_ came, therefore, to be prized as -an indication of ancient lineage, and individuals whose nobility was -new were anxious to acquire it to transmit to their children. Hence -many assumed _cognomina_ of their own selection. Some of these were -conceded by public opinion as their due, as in the case of Cnaeus -Pompeius, who took _Magnus_ as his _cognomen_. Others were derided by -their contemporaries, as we deride the made-to-order coat of arms of -some nineteenth century upstart. It is probable, however, that only -nobles ventured to assume _cognomina_ under the Republic, though under -the Empire their possession was hardly more than the badge of freedom. - -51. Additional Names.--Besides the three names already described, we -find not infrequently, even in Republican times, a fourth or fifth. -These were also called _cognomina_ by a loose extension of the word, -until in the fourth century of our era the name _agnomina_ was given -them by the grammarians. They may be conveniently considered under -four heads: - -In the first place, the process that divided the gens into branches -might be continued even further. That is, as the _gens_ became -numerous enough to throw off a _stirps_, so the _stirps_ in process of -time might throw off a branch of itself, for which there is no better -name than the vague _familia_. This actually happened very frequently: -the _gens Cornelia_, for example, threw off the _stirps_ of the -_Scipiones_, and these in turn the family or "house" of the _Nasicae_. -So we find the quadruple name _Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica_, in -which the last name was probably given very much in the same way as -the third had been given before the division took place. - -52. In the second place, when a man passed from one family to another -by adoption (section 30) he regularly took the three names of his -adoptive father and added his own _nomen gentile_ with the suffix _- -anus_. Thus, Lucius Aemilius Paulus, the son of Lucius Aemilius Paulus -Macedonicus (see section 53 for the last name), was adopted by Publius -Cornelius Scipio, and took as his new name _Publius Cornelius Scipio -Aemilianus_. In the same way, when Caius Octavius Caepias was adopted -by Caius Julius Caesar, he became _Gaius Iulius Caesar Octavianus_, -and is hence variously styled Octavius and Octavianus in the -histories. - -53. In the third place, an additional name, sometimes called _cognomen -ex virtute_, was often given by acclamation to a great statesman or -victorious general, and was put after his _cognomen_. A well known -example is the name of Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, the last -name having been given him after his defeat of Hannibal. In the same -way, his grandson by adoption, the Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus -mentioned above, received the same honorable name after he had -destroyed Carthage, and was called _Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus -Aemilianus_. Such a name is Macedonicus given to Lucius Aemilius -Paulus for his defeat of Persens, and the title Augustus given by the -senate to Octavianus. It is not certainly known whether or not these -names passed by inheritance to the descendants of those who originally -earned them, but it is probable that the eldest son only was strictly -entitled to take his father's title of honor. - -54. In the fourth place, the fact that a man had inherited a nickname -from his ancestors in the form of a _cognomen_ (section 49) did not -prevent his receiving another from some personal characteristic, -especially as the inherited name had often no application, as we have -seen, to its later possessor. To some ancient Publius Cornelius was -given the nickname _Scipio_ (section 49), and in the course of time -this was taken by all his descendants without thought of its -appropriateness and became a _cognomen_; then to one of these -descendants was given another nickname for personal reasons, _Nasica_, -and in course of time it lost its individuality and became the name of -a whole family (section 51); then in precisely the same way a member -of this family became prominent enough to need a separate name and was -called _Corculum_, his full name being _Publius Cornelius Scipio -Nasica Corculum_. It is evident that there is no reason why the -expansion should not have continued indefinitely. Such names are -Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, Quintus Caecilius Metellus Celer, -and Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio. It is also evident that -we can not always distinguish between a mere nickname, one belonging -strictly to this paragraph, and the additional _cognomen_ that marked -the family off from the rest of the _stirps_ to which it belonged. It -is perfectly possible that the name Spinther mentioned above has as -good a right as Nasica to a place in the first division (section 51). - -55. Confusion of Names.--A system so elaborate as that we have -described was almost sure to be misunderstood or misapplied, and in -the later days of the Republic and under the Empire we find all law -and order disregarded. The giving of the _praenomen_ to the child -seems to have been delayed too long sometimes, and burial inscriptions -are numerous which have in place of a first name the word _pupus_ -(_PVP_) "child," showing that the little one had died unnamed. One -such inscription gives the age of the unnamed child as sixteen years. -Then confusion was caused by the misuse of the _praenomen_. Sometimes -two are found in one name, e.g., _Publius Aelius Alienus Archelaus -Marcus_. Sometimes words ending like the _nomen_ in _-ius_ were used -as _praenomina_: Cicero tells us that one _Numerius Quintius Rufus_ -owed his escape from death in a riot to his ambiguous first name. The -familiar Gaius must have been a _nomen_ in very ancient times. Like -irregularities occur in the use of the _nomen_. Two in a name were not -uncommon, one being derived from the family of the mother perhaps; -occasionally three or four are used, and fourteen are found in the -name of one of the consuls of the year 169 A.D. Then by a change, the -converse of that mentioned above, a word might go out of use as a -_praenomen_ and become a _nomen_: Cicero's enemy _Lucius Sergius -Catilina_ had for his gentile name _Sergius_, which had once been a -first name (section 41). The _cognomen_ was similarly abused. It -ceased to denote the family and came to distinguish members of the -same family, as the _praenomina_ originally had done: thus the three -sons of Marcus Annaeus Seneca, for example, were called _Marcus -Annaeus Novatus_, _Lucius Annaeus Seneca_, and _Lucius Annaeus Mela_. -So, too, a word used as a _cognomen_ in one name might be used as a -fourth element in another: for example in the names _Lucius Cornelius -Sulla_ and _Lucius Cornelius Lentulus Sura_ the third and fourth -elements respectively are really the same, being merely shortened -forms of _Surula_. Finally it may be remarked that the same name might -be arranged differently at different times: in the consular lists we -find the same man called _Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus Flavus_ and -_Lucius Lucretius Flavus Tricipitinus_. - -56. There is even greater variation in the names of persons who had -passed from one family into another by adoption. Some took the -additional name (section 52) from the _stirps_ instead of from the -_gens_, that is, from the _cognomen_ instead of from the _nomen_. A -son of Marcus Claudius Marcellus was adopted by a certain Publius -Cornelius Lentulus and ought to have been called _Publius Cornelius -Lentulus Claudianus_; he took instead the name _Publius Cornelius -Lentulus Marcellinus_, and this name descended to his children. The -confusion in this direction is well illustrated by the name of the -famous Marcus Junius Brutus. A few years before Caesar fell by his -hand, Brutus, as we usually call him, was adopted by his mother's -brother, Quintus Servilius Caepio, and ought to have been called -_Quintus Servilius Caepio Iunianus_. For some reason unknown to us he -retained his own _cognomen_, and even his close friend Cicero seems -scarcely to know what to call him. Sometimes he writes of him as -_Quintus Caepio Brutus_, sometimes as _Marcus Brutus_, sometimes -simply as _Brutus_. The great scholar of the first century, Asconius, -calls him _Marcus Caepio_. Finally it may be noticed that late in the -Empire we find a man struggling under the load of forty names. - -57. Names of Women.--No very satisfactory account of the names of -women can be given, because it is impossible to discover any system in -the choice and arrangement of those that have come down to us. It may -be said in general that the threefold name was unknown in the best -days of the Republic, and that _praenomina_ were rare and when used -were not abbreviated. We find such _praenomina_ as _Paulla_ and -_Vibia_ (the masculine forms of which early disappeared), _Gaia_, -_Lucia_, and _Publia_, and it is probable that the daughter took these -from her father. More common were the adjectives _Maxuma_ and _Minor_, -and the numerals _Secunda_ and _Tertia_, but these unlike the -corresponding names of men seem always to have denoted the place of -the bearer among a group of sisters. It was more usual for the -unmarried woman to be called by her father's _nomen_ in its feminine -form, _Tullia_, _Cornelia_, with the addition of her father's -_cognomen_ in the genitive case, _Caecilia Metelli_, followed later by -the letter _f_ (=_filia_) to mark the relationship. Sometimes she used -her mother's _nomen_ after her father's. The married woman, if she -passed into her husband's hand (_manus_, section 35) by the ancient -patrician ceremony, originally took his _nomen_, just as an adopted -son took the name of the family into which he passed, but it can not -be shown that the rule was universally or even usually observed. Under -the later forms of marriage she retained her maiden name. In the time -of the Empire we find the threefold name for women in general use, -with the same riotous confusion in selection and arrangement as -prevailed in the case of the names of men at the same time. - -58. Names of Slaves.--Slaves had no more right to names of their own -than they had to other property, but took such as their masters were -pleased to give them, and even these did not descend to their -children. In the simpler life of early times the slave was called -_puer_, just as the word "boy" was once used in this country for -slaves of any age. Until late in the Republic the slave was known only -by this name corrupted to _por_ and affixed to the genitive of his -master's first name: _Marcipor_ (=_Marci puer_), "Marcus's slave." -When slaves became numerous this simple form no longer sufficed to -distinguish them, and they received individual names. These were -usually foreign names, often denoting the nationality of the slave, -sometimes, in mockery perhaps, the high-sounding appellations of -eastern potentates, such names as Afer, Eleutheros, Pharnaces. By this -time, too, the word _servus_ had supplanted _puer_. We find, -therefore, that toward the end of the Republic the full name of a -slave consisted of his individual name followed by the _nomen_ and -_praenomen_ (the order is important) of his master and the word -_servus_: _Pharnaces Egnatii Publii servus_. When a slave passed from -one master to another he took the _nomen_ of the new master and added -to it the _cognomen_ of the old with the suffix _-anus_: when Anna the -slave of Maecenas became the property of Livia, she was called _Anna -Liviae serva Maecenatiana_. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 9. TRAJAN] - -59. Names of Freedmen.--The freedman regularly kept the individual -name which he had had as a slave, and was given the _nomen_ of his -master with any _praenomen_ the latter assigned him. Thus, Andronicus, -the slave of Marcus Livius Salinator, became when freed _Lucius Livius -Andronicus_, the individual name coming last as a sort of _cognomen_. -It happened naturally that the master's _praenomen_ was often given, -especially to a favorite slave. The freedman of a woman took the name -of her father, e.g., _Marcus Livius Augustae l Ismarus_; the letter -_l_ stands for _libertus_, and was inserted in all formal documents. -Of course the master might disregard the regular form and give the -freedman any name he pleased. Thus, when Cicero manumitted his slaves -Tiro and Dionysius he called the former in strict accord with custom -_Marcus Tullius Tiro_, but to the latter he gave his own _praenomen_ -and the _nomen_ of his friend Titus Pomponius Atticus, the new name -being _Marcus Pomponius Dionysius_. The individual names (Pharnaces, -Dionysius, etc.) were dropped by the descendants of freedmen, who were -anxious with good reason to hide all traces of their mean descent. - -60. Naturalized Citizens.--When a foreigner was given the right of -citizenship, he took a new name, which was arranged on much the same -principles as have been explained in the cases of freedmen. His -original name was retained as a sort of _cognomen_, and before it were -written the _praenomen_ that suited his fancy and the _nomen_ of the -person, always a Roman citizen, to whom he owed his citizenship. The -most familiar example is that of the Greek poet Archias, whom Cicero -defended under the name of _Aulus Licinius Archias_ in the well-known -oration. He had long been attached to the family of the Luculli and -when he was made a citizen took as his _nomen_ that of his -distinguished patron Lucius Licinius Lucullus; we do not know why he -selected the first name Aulus. Another example is that of the Gaul -mentioned by Caesar (B. G., I, 47), _Gaius Valerius Caburus_. He took -his name from Caius Valerius Flaccus, the governor of Gaul at the time -that he was given his citizenship. It is to this custom of taking the -names of governors and generals that is due the frequent occurrence of -the name Julius in Gaul, Pompeius in Spain, and Cornelius in Sicily. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -MARRIAGE AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 28-80; Voigt, 318, 449; Goll, II, 5 f.; -Friedlander, I, 451 f.; Ramsay, 293 f., 477; Preston, 8 f.; Smith, -_matrimonium_; Baumeister, 696 f.; Harper, _conubium_, _matrimonium_; -Lubker, 364; Pauly-Wissowa, _coemptio_, _confarreatio_, _conubium_. - - -61. Early Forms of Marriage.--Polygamy was never practiced at Rome, -and we are told that for five centuries after the founding of the city -divorce was entirely unknown. Up to the time of the Servian -constitution (date uncertain) the patricians were the only citizens -and intermarried only with patricians and with members of surrounding -communities having like social standing. The only form of marriage -known to them was the stately religious ceremonial called, as will be -explained hereafter, _confarreatio_. With the direct consent of the -gods, with the _pontifices_ celebrating the solemn rites, in the -presence of the accredited representatives of his _gens_, the -patrician took his wife from her father's family into his own (section -28), to be a _mater familias_, to rear him children who should -conserve the family mysteries, perpetuate his ancient race, and extend -the power of Rome. By this, the one legal marriage of the time, the -wife passed _in manum viri_, and the husband acquired over her -practically the same rights as he had over his own children (sections -35, 36) and other dependent members of his family. Such a marriage was -said to be _cum conventione uxoris in manum viri_ (section 35). - -62. During this period, too, the free non-citizens (sections 177, -178), the plebeians, had been busy in marrying and giving in marriage. -There is little doubt that their unions had been as sacred in their -eyes, their family ties as strictly regarded and as pure, as those of -the patricians, but these unions were unhallowed by the national gods -and unrecognized by the civil law, simply because the plebeians were -not yet citizens. Their form of marriage was called _usus_, and -consisted essentially in the living together of the man and woman as -husband and wife for a year, though there were, of course, -conventional forms and observances, about which we know absolutely -nothing. The plebeian husband might acquire the same rights over the -person and property of his wife as the patrician, but the form of -marriage did not in itself involve _manus_. The wife might remain a -member of her father's family and retain such property as he allowed -her (section 33) by merely absenting herself from her husband for the -space of a _trinoctium_ each year. If she did this the marriage was -_sine conventione in manum_, and the husband had no control over her -property; if she did not, the marriage like that of the patricians was -_cum conventione in manum_. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 10. HADRIAN] - -63. At least as far back as the time of Servius goes another Roman -form of marriage, also plebeian, though not so ancient as _usus_. It -was called _coemptio_ and was a fictitious sale, by which the _pater -familias_ of the woman, or her guardian (_tutor_) if she was _sui -iuris_, transferred her to the man _matrimonii causa_. This form must -have been a survival of the old custom of purchase and sale of wives, -but we do not know when it was introduced among the Romans. It carried -_manus_ with it as a matter of course and seems to have been regarded -socially as better form than _usus_. The two existed for centuries -side by side, but _coemptio_ survived _usus_ as a form of marriage -_cum conventione in manum_. - -64. Ius Conubii.--While the Servian constitution made the plebeians -citizens and thereby legalized their forms of marriage, it did not -give them the right of intermarriage with the patricians. Many of the -plebeian families were hardly less ancient than the patricians, many -were rich and powerful, but it was not until 445 B.C. that marriages -between the two orders were formally sanctioned by the civil law. The -objection on the part of the patricians was largely a religious one: -The gods of the state were patrician gods, the auspices could be taken -by patricians only, the marriages of patricians only were sanctioned -by heaven. Their orators protested that the unions of the plebeians -were no better than promiscuous intercourse, they were not _iustae -nuptiae_ (section 67); the plebeian wife was taken _in matrimonium_, -she was at best an _uxor_, not a _mater familias_; her offspring were -"mother's children," not _patricii_. - -65. Much of this was class exaggeration, but it is true that at this -early date the _gens_ was not so highly valued by the plebeians as by -the patricians, and that the plebeians assigned to cognates certain -duties and privileges that devolved upon the patrician _gentiles_. -With, the _ius conubii_ many of these points of difference -disappeared. New conditions were fixed for _iustae nuptiae_; -_coemptio_ by a sort of compromise became the usual form of marriage -when one of the parties was a plebeian; and the stigma disappeared -from the word _matrimonium_. On the other hand patrician women learned -to understand the advantages of a marriage _sine conventione_ and -marriage with _manus_ gradually became less frequent, the taking of -the auspices before the ceremony came to be considered a mere form, -and marriage began to lose its sacramental character, and with these -changes came later the laxness in the marital relation and the freedom -of divorce that seemed in the time of Augustus to threaten the very -life of the commonwealth. - -66. It is probable that by the time of Cicero marriage with _manus_ -was uncommon, and consequently that _confarreatio_ and _coemptio_ had -gone out of general use. To a limited extent, however, the former was -retained until Christian times, because certain priestly offices -(_flamines maiores_ and _reges sacrorum_) could be filled only by -persons whose parents had been married by the confarreate ceremony, -the one sacramental form, and who had themselves been married by the -same form. But so great became the reluctance of women to submit to -_manus_, that in order to fill even these few priestly offices it was -found necessary under Tiberius to eliminate _manus_ from the -confarreate ceremony. - -67. Nuptiae Iustae.--There were certain conditions that had to be -satisfied before a legal marriage could be contracted even by -citizens. It was required: - -1. That the consent of both parties should be given, or of the _pater -familias_ if one or both were _in potestate_. Under Augustus it was -provided that the _pater familias_ should not withhold his consent -unless he could show valid reasons for doing so. - -2. That both parties should be _puberes_; there could be no marriage -between children. Although no precise age was fixed by law, it is -probable that fourteen and twelve were the lowest limit for the man -and woman respectively. - -3. That both man and woman should be unmarried. Polygamy was never -practiced at Rome. - -68. 4. That the parties should not be nearly related. The restrictions -in this direction were fixed rather by public opinion than by law and -varied greatly at different times, becoming gradually less severe. In -general it may be said that marriage was absolutely forbidden between -ascendants and descendants, between other cognates within the fourth -degree (section 25), and the nearer _adfines_ (section 26). If the -parties could satisfy these conditions they might be legally married, -but distinctions were still made that affected the civil status of the -children, although no doubt was cast upon their legitimacy or upon the -moral character of their parents. - -69. If the husband and wife were both Roman citizens, their marriage -was called _iustae nuptiae_, which we may translate "regular -marriage," their children were _iusti liberi_ and were by birth _cives -optimo iure_, "possessed of all civil rights." - -If but one of the parties was a Roman citizen and the other a member -of a community having the _ius conubii_ but not the full _civitas_, -the marriage was still called _iustae nuptiae_, but the children took -the civil standing of the father. This means that if the father was a -citizen and the mother a foreigner, the children were citizens; but if -the father was a foreigner and the mother a citizen, the children were -foreigners (_peregrini_) with the father. - -But if either of the parties was without the _ius conubii_, the -marriage, though still legal, was called _nuptiae iniustae_ or -_matrimonium iniustum_, "an irregular marriage," and the children, -though legitimate, took the civil position of the parent of lower -degree. We seem to have something analogous to this in the loss of -social standing which usually follows the marriage of a person with -one of distinctly inferior position. - -70. Betrothals.--Betrothal (_sponsalia_) as a preliminary to marriage -was considered good form but was not legally necessary and carried -with it no obligations that could be enforced by law. In the -_sponsalia_ the maiden was promised to the man as his bride with -"words of style," that is, in solemn form. The promise was made, not -by the maiden herself, but by her _pater familias_, or by her _tutor_ -if she was not _in potestate_. In the same way, the promise was made -to the man directly only in case he was _sui iuris_, otherwise to the -Head of his House, who had asked for him the maiden in marriage. The -"words of style" were probably something like this: - -"_Spondesne Gaiam, tuam filiam_ (or if she was a ward: _Gaiam, Lucii -filiam_), _mihi_ (or _filio meo_) _uxorem dari?_" - -"_Di bene vortant! Spondeo._" - -"_Di bene vortant!_" - -71. At any rate the word _spondeo_ was technically used of the -promise, and the maiden was henceforth _sponsa_. The person who made -the promise had always the right to cancel it. This was usually done -through an intermediary (_nuntius_), and hence the formal expression -for breaking an engagement was _repudium renuntiare_, or simply -_renuntiare_. While the contract was entirely one-sided, it should be -noticed that a man was liable to _infamia_ if he formed two -engagements at the same time, and that he could not recover any -presents made with a view to a future marriage if he himself broke the -engagement. Such presents were almost always made, and while we find -that articles for personal use, the toilet, etc., were common, a ring -was usually given. The ring was worn on the third finger of the left -hand, because it was believed that a nerve ran directly from this -finger to the heart. It was also usual for the _sponsa_ to make a -present to her betrothed. - -72. The Dowry.--It was a point of honor with the Romans, as it is now -with some European nations, for the bride to bring to her husband a -dowry (_dos_). In the case of a girl _in potestate_ this would -naturally be furnished by the Head of her House; in the case of one -_sui iuris_ it was furnished from her own property, or if she had none -was contributed by her relatives. It seems that if they were reluctant -she might by process of law compel her ascendants at least to furnish -it. In early times, when marriage _cum conventione_ prevailed, all the -property brought by the bride became the property of her husband, or -of his _pater familias_ (section 35), but in later times, when _manus_ -was less common, and especially after divorce had become of frequent -occurrence, a distinction was made. A part of the bride's possessions -was reserved for her own exclusive use, and a part was made over to -the groom under the technical name of _dos_. The relative proportions -varied, of course, with circumstances. - -73. Essential Forms.--There were really no legal forms necessary for -the solemnization of a marriage; there was no license to be procured -from the civil authorities, the ceremonies simple or elaborate did not -have to be performed by persons authorized by the state. The one thing -necessary was the consent of both parties, if they were _sui iuris_, -or of their _patres familias_, if they were _in potestate_. It has -been already remarked (section 67, 1) that the _pater familias_ could -refuse his consent for valid reasons only; on the other hand, he could -command the consent of persons subject to him. It is probable that -parental and filial affection (_pietas_) made this hardship less -rigorous than it now seems to us (sections 32, 33). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 11. ANTONINUS PIUS] - -74. But while this consent was the only condition for a legal -marriage, it had to be shown by some act of personal union between the -parties; that is, the marriage could not be entered into by letter or -by the intervention of a third party. Such an overt act was the -joining of hands (_dextrarum iunctio_) in the presence of witnesses, -or the escorting of the bride to her husband's house, never omitted -when the parties had any social standing, or in later times the -signing of the marriage contract. It was never necessary to a valid -marriage that the parties should live together as man and wife, -though, as we have seen (section 62), this living together of itself -constituted a legal marriage. - -75. The Wedding Day.--It will be noticed that superstition played an -important part in the arrangements for a wedding two thousand years -ago, as it does now. Especial pains had to be taken to secure a lucky -day. The Kalends, Nones, and Ides of each month, and the day following -each of them, were unlucky. So was all of May and the first half of -June, on account of certain religious ceremonies observed in these -months, the Argean offerings and the _Lemuria_ in May and the _dies -religiosi_ connected with Vesta in June. Besides these the _dies -parentales_, February 13-21, and the days when the entrance to the -lower world was supposed to be open, August 24, October 5, and -November 8, were carefully avoided. One-third of the year, therefore, -was absolutely barred. The great holidays, too, and these were legion, -were avoided, not because they were unlucky, but because on these days -friends and relatives were sure to have other engagements. Women -marrying for the second time chose these very holidays to make their -weddings less conspicuous. - -76. The Wedding Garments.--On the eve of her wedding day the bride -dedicated to the _Lares_ of her father's house her _bulla_ (section -99) and the _toga praetexta_, which married women did not wear, and -also if she was not much over twelve years of age her childish -playthings. For the sake of the omen she put on before going to sleep -the _tunica recta_, or _regilla_, woven in one piece and falling to -the feet. A very doubtful picture is shown in Rich under the word -_recta_. It seems to have derived its name from having been woven in -the old-fashioned way at an upright loom. This same tunic was worn at -the wedding. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 12. DRESSING THE BRIDE] - -77. On the morning of the wedding day the bride was dressed for the -ceremony by her mother, and Roman poets show unusual tenderness as -they describe her solicitude. There is a wall painting of such a -scene, found at Pompeii and reproduced in Fig. 12. The chief article -of dress was the _tunica regilla_ already mentioned, which was -fastened around the waist with a band of wool tied in the knot of -Hercules (_nodus Herculaneus_), probably because Hercules was the -guardian of wedded life. This knot the husband only was privileged to -untie. Over the tunic was worn the bridal veil, the flame-colored veil -(_flammeum_), shown in Fig. 13. So important was the veil of the bride -that _nubere_, "to veil one's self," is the regular word for "marry" -when used of a woman. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 13. THE FLAMMEUM] - -78. Especial attention was given to the arrangement of the hair, but -unfortunately we have no picture preserved to us to make its -arrangement clear. We only know that it was divided into six locks by -the point of a spear, probably a reminiscence of the ancient marriage -by capture, and that these locks perhaps braided were kept in position -by ribbons (_vittae_). The bride had also a wreath of flowers and -sacred plants gathered by herself. The groom wore of course the toga -and had a similar wreath of flowers on his head. He was accompanied to -the home of the bride at the proper time by relatives, friends, and -clients, who were bound to do him every honor on his wedding day. - -79. The Ceremony.--The house of the bride's father, where the ceremony -was performed, was decked with flowers, boughs of trees, bands of -wool, and tapestries. The guests arrived before the hour of sunrise, -and even then the omens had been already taken. In the ancient -confarreate ceremony these were taken by the public augur, but in -later times, no matter what the ceremony, the haruspices merely -consulted the entrails of a sheep which had been killed in sacrifice. -When the marriage ceremonies are described it must be remembered that -only the consent was necessary (section 73) with the act expressing -the consent, and that all other forms and ceremonies were unessential -and variable. Something depended upon the particular form used, but -more upon the wealth and social position of the families interested. -It is probable that most weddings were a good deal simpler than those -described by our chief authorities. - -80. After the omens had been pronounced favorable the bride and groom -appeared in the atrium, the chief room, and the wedding began. This -consisted of two parts: - -1. The ceremony proper, varying according to the form used -(_confarreatio_, _coemptio_, or _usus_), the essential part being the -consent before witnesses. - -2. The festivities, including the feast at the bride's home, the -taking of the bride with a show of force from her mother's arms, the -escort to her new home (the essential part), and her reception there. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 14. A MARRIAGE SCENE] - -81. The confarreate ceremony began with the _dextrarum iunctio_. The -bride and groom were brought together by the _pronuba_, a matron -married to her first husband, and joined hands in the presence of ten -witnesses representing the ten _gentes_ of the _curia_. These are -shown on an ancient sarcophagus found at Naples (Fig. 14). Then -followed the words of consent spoken by the bride: _Quando tu Gaius, -ego Gaia_. The formula was unchanged, no matter what the names of the -bride and groom, and goes back to a time when _Gaius_ was a _nomen_, -not a _praenomen_ (section 55). It implied that the bride was actually -entering the _gens_ of the groom (sections 23, 28, 35), and was -probably chosen for its lucky meaning (section 44). Even in marriages -_sine conventione_ the old formula came to be used, its import having -been lost in lapse of time. The bride and groom then took their places -side by side at the left of the altar and facing it, sitting on stools -covered with the pelt of the sheep slain for the sacrifice. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 15. A CAMILLUS] - -82. A bloodless offering was then made to Jupiter by the _Pontifex -Maximus_ and the _Flamen Dialis_, consisting of the cake of spelt -(_farreum libum_) from which the _confarreatio_ got its name. With the -offering to Jupiter a prayer was recited by the Flamen to Juno as the -goddess of marriage, and to Tellus, Picumnus, and Pilumnus, deities of -the country and its fruits. The utensils necessary for the offering -were carried in a covered basket (_cumerus_) by a boy called -_camillus_ (Fig. 15), whose parents must have both been living at the -time (_patrimus et matrimus_). Then followed the congratulations, the -guests using the word _feliciter_. - -83. The _coemptio_ began with the fictitious sale, carried out in the -presence of no less than five witnesses. The purchase money -represented by a single coin was laid in the scales held by a -_libripens_. The scales, scaleholder, coin, and witnesses were all -necessary for this kind of marriage. Then followed the _dextrarum -iunctio_ and the words of consent, borrowed, as has been said, from -the confarreate ceremony. Originally the groom had asked the bride: -_An sibi mater familias esse vellet._ She assented, and put to him a -similar question: _An sibi pater familias esse vellet._ To this he too -gave the answer "Yes." A prayer was then recited and sometimes perhaps -a sacrifice offered, after which came the congratulations as in the -other and more elaborate ceremony. - -84. The third form, that is, the ceremonies preliminary to _usus_, -probably admitted of more variation than either of the others, but no -description has come down to us. We may be sure that the hands were -clasped, the words of consent spoken, and congratulations offered, but -we know of no special customs or usages. It was almost necessary for -the three forms to get more or less alike in the course of time, -though the cake of spelt could not be borrowed from the confarreate -ceremony by either of the others, or the scales and their holder from -the ceremony of _coemptio_. - -85. The Wedding Feast.--After the conclusion of the ceremony came the -wedding feast (_cena nuptialis_) lasting until evening. There can be -no doubt that this was regularly given at the house of the bride's -father and that the few cases when we know that it was given at the -groom's house were exceptional and due to special circumstances which -might cause a similar change to-day. The feast seems to have concluded -with the distribution among the guests of pieces of the wedding cake -(_mustaceum_), which was made of meal steeped in must (section 296) -and served on bay leaves. There came to be so much extravagance at -these feasts and at the _repotia_ mentioned below (section 89) that -under Augustus it was proposed to limit their cost by law to one -thousand sesterces ($50), a piece of sumptuary legislation as vain as -such restrictions have usually proved to be. - -86. The Bridal Procession.--After the wedding feast the bride was -formally taken to her husband's house. This ceremony was called -_deductio_, and as it was essential to the validity of the marriage -(section 74) it was never omitted. It was a public function, that is, -any one might join the procession and take part in the merriment that -distinguished it, and we are told that persons of rank did not scruple -to wait in the street to see the bride. As evening approached the -procession was formed before the house with torch bearers and flute -players at its head. When all was ready the marriage hymn -(_hymenaeus_) was sung and the groom took the bride with a show of -force from the arms of her mother. The Romans saw in this custom a -reminiscence of the rape of the Sabines, but it probably goes far back -beyond the founding of Rome to the custom of marriage by capture that -prevailed among many peoples. The bride then took her place in the -procession attended by three boys, _patrimi et matrimi_ (section 82); -two of these walked by her side, holding each a hand, while the other -carried before her the wedding torch of white thorn (_spina alba_). -Behind the bride were carried the distaff and spindle, emblems of -domestic life. The _camillus_ with his _cumerus_ also walked in the -procession. - -87. During the march were sung the _versus Fescennini_, abounding in -coarse jests and personalities. The crowd also shouted the ancient -marriage cry, the significance of which the Romans themselves did not -understand. We find it in at least five forms, all variations of the -name Talassius or Talassio, who was probably a Sabine divinity, though -his functions are unknown. Livy derives it from the supposed name of a -senator in the time of Romulus. The bride dropped on the way one of -three coins which she carried as an offering to the _Lares -compitales_; of the other two she gave one to the groom as an emblem -of the dowry she brought him, and one to the _Lares_ of his house. The -groom meanwhile scattered nuts through the crowd. This is explained by -Catullus as a token of his having become a man and having put away -childish things (section 103), but the nuts were rather a symbol of -fruitfulness. The custom survives in the throwing of rice in modern -times. - -88. When the procession reached the house, the bride wound the door -posts with bands of wool, probably a symbol of her own work as -mistress of the household, and anointed the door with oil and fat, -emblems of plenty. She was then lifted carefully over the threshold, -in order to avoid the chance of so bad an omen as a slip of the foot -on entering the house for the first time. Others, however, see in the -custom another survival of marriage by capture. She then pronounced -again the words of consent: _Ubi tu Gaius, ego Gaia_, and the doors -were closed against the general crowd; only the invited guests entered -with the pair. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 16. THE MARRIAGE COUCH] - -89. The husband met the wife in the atrium and offered her fire and -water in token of the life they were to live together and her part in -the home. Upon the hearth was ready the wood for a fire, and this the -bride kindled with the marriage torch which had been carried before -her. The torch was afterwards thrown among the guests to be scrambled -for as a lucky possession. A prayer was then recited by the bride and -she was placed by the _pronuba_ on the _lectus genialis_ (Fig. 16), -which always stood on the wedding night in the atrium. Here it -afterwards remained as a piece of ornamental furniture only. On the -next day was given in the new home the second wedding feast -(_repotia_) to the friends and relatives, and at this feast the bride -made her first offering to the gods as a _matrona_. A series of feasts -followed, given in honor of the newly wedded pair by those in whose -social circles they moved. - -90. The Position of Women.--With her marriage the Roman woman reached -a position unattained by the women of any other nation in the ancient -world. No other people held its women in so high respect; nowhere else -did they exert so strong and beneficent an influence. In her own house -the Roman matron was absolute mistress. She directed its economy and -supervised the tasks of the household slaves but did no menial work -herself. She was her children's nurse, and conducted their early -training and education. Her daughters were fitted under their mother's -eye to be mistresses of similar homes, and remained her closest -companions until she herself had dressed them for the bridal and their -husbands had torn them from her arms. She was her husband's helpmeet -in business as well as in household affairs, and he often consulted -her on affairs of state. She was not confined at home to a set of -so-called women's apartments, as were her sisters in Greece; the whole -house was hers. She received her husband's guests and sat at table -with them. Even when subject to the _manus_ of her husband the -restraint was so tempered by law and custom (section 36) that she -could hardly have been chafed by the fetters which had been forged -with her own consent (section 73). - -91. Out of the house the matron's dress (_stola matronalis_, section -259) secured for her the most profound respect. Men made way for her -in the street; she had a place at the public games, at the theaters, -and at the great religious ceremonies of state. She could give -testimony in the courts, and until late in the Republic might even -appear as an advocate. Her birthday was sacredly observed and made a -joyous occasion by the members of her household, and the people as a -whole celebrated the _Matronalia_, the great festival on the first of -March, and gave presents to their wives and mothers. Finally, if she -came of a noble family, she might be honored, after she had passed -away, with a public eulogy, delivered from the _rostra_ in the forum. - -92. It must be admitted that the education of women was not carried -far at Rome, and that their accomplishments were few, and rather -useful and homely than elegant. But the Roman women spoke the purest -and best Latin known in the highest and most cultivated circles, and -so far as accomplishments were concerned their husbands fared no -better. Respectable women in Greece were allowed no education at all. - -93. It must be admitted, too, that a great change took place in the -last years of the Republic. With the laxness of the family life, the -freedom of divorce, and the inflow of wealth and extravagance, the -purity and dignity of the Roman matron declined, as had before -declined the manhood and the strength of her father and her husband. -It must be remembered, however, that ancient writers did not dwell -upon certain subjects that are favorites with our own. The simple joys -of childhood and domestic life, home, the praises of sister, wife, and -mother may not have been too sacred for the poet and the essayist of -Rome, but the essayist and the poet did not make them their themes. -The mother of Horace must have been a singularly gifted woman, but she -is never mentioned by her son. The descriptions of domestic life, -therefore, that have come down to us are either from Greek sources, or -are selected from precisely those circles where fashion, profligacy, -and impurity made easy the work of the satirist. It is, therefore, -safe to say that the pictures painted for us in the verse of Catullus -and Juvenal, for example, are not true of Roman women as a class in -the times of which they write. The strong, pure woman of the early day -must have had many to imitate her virtues in the darkest times of the -Empire. There were mothers then, as well as in the times of the -Gracchi; there were wives as noble as the wife of Marcus Brutus. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -CHILDREN AND EDUCATION - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 80-134; Voigt, 322 f., 397 f., 455 f.; Goll, -"Gallus," II, 65-113; Friedlander, I, 456 f., III, 376 f.; Ramsay, 475 -f.; Smith, _ludus litterarius_; Harper, _education_; Baumeister, 237, -1588 f.; Schreiber, Pl. 79, 82, 89, 90; Lubker, _Erziehung_. - - -94. Legal Status.--The position of the children in the _familia_ has -been already explained (sections 31, 32). It has been shown that in -the eyes of the law they were little better than the chattels of the -Head of the House. It rested with him to grant them the right to live; -all that they earned was his; they married at his bidding, and either -remained under his _potestas_ or passed under another no less severe. -It has also been suggested that custom (section 32) and _pietas_ -(section 73) had made this condition less rigorous than it seems to -us. - -95. Susceptio.--The power of the _pater familias_ was displayed -immediately after the birth of the child. By invariable custom it was -laid upon the ground at his feet. If he raised (_tollere_, -_suscipere_) it in his arms, he acknowledged it as his own by the act -(_susceptio_) and admitted it to all the rights and privileges that -membership in a Roman family implied. If he refused to do so, the -child became an outcast, without family, without the protection of the -spirits of the dead (section 27), utterly friendless and forsaken. The -disposal of the child did not ordinarily call for any act of downright -murder, such as was contemplated in the case of Romulus and Remus and -was afterwards forbidden by Romulus the King (section 32). The child -was simply "exposed" (_exponere_), that is, taken by a slave from the -house and left on the highway to live or to die. When we consider the -slender chance for life that the newborn child has with even the -tenderest care, the result of this exposure will not seem doubtful. - -96. But there was a chance for life, and the mother, powerless to -interpose in her infant's behalf, often sent with it some trinkets or -trifling articles of jewelry that would serve perhaps to identify it, -if it should live. Even if the child was found in time by persons -disposed to save its life, its fate might be worse than death. Slavery -was the least of the evils to which it was exposed. Such foundlings -often fell into the hands of those whose trade was beggary and who -trained children for the same profession. In the time of the Empire, -at least, they cruelly maimed and deformed their victims, in order to -excite more readily the compassion of those to whom they appealed for -alms. Such things are still done in southern Europe. - -97. Dies Lustricus.--The first eight days of the life of the -acknowledged child were called _primordia_, and were the occasion of -various religious ceremonies. During this time the child was called -_pupus_ (section 55), although to weak and puny children the -individual name might be given soon after birth. On the ninth day in -the case of a boy, on the eighth in the case of a girl, the -_praenomen_ (section 43) was given with due solemnity. A sacrifice was -offered and the ceremony of purification was performed, which gave the -day its name, _dies lustricus_, although it was also called the _dies -nominum_ and _nominalia_. These ceremonies seem to have been private; -that is, it can not be shown that there was any taking of the child to -a _templum_, as there was among the Jews, or any enrollment of the -name upon an official list. In the case of the boy the registering of -the name on the list of citizens may have occurred at the time of -putting on the _toga virilis_ (section 127). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 17. CREPUNDIA] - -98. The _dies lustricus_ was, however, a time of rejoicing and -congratulation among the relatives and friends, and these together -with the household slaves presented the child with little metal toys -or ornaments in the form of flowers, miniature axes and swords, and -especially figures shaped like a half-moon (_lunulae_), etc. These, -called collectively _crepundia_, were strung together and worn around -the neck and over the breast (Fig. 17). They served in the first place -as playthings to keep the child amused, hence the name "rattles," from -_crepo_. Besides, they were a protection against witchcraft or the -evil eye (_fascinatio_), especially the _lunulae_. More than this, -they were a means of identification in the case of lost or stolen -children, and for this reason Terence calls them _monumenta_. Such -were the trinkets sometimes left with an abandoned child (section 96), -their value depending, of course, upon the material of which they were -made. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 18. THE BULLA] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 19. GIRL'S NECKLACE] - -99. The Bulla.--But of more significance than these was the _bulla -aurea_, which the father hung around the child's neck on this day, if -he had not done so at the time of the _susceptio_. It consisted of two -concave pieces of gold, like a watch case (Fig. 18), fastened together -by a wide spring of the same metal and containing an amulet as a -protection against _fascinatio_. It was hung around the neck by a -chain or cord and worn upon the breast. The _bulla_ came originally -from Etruria,[1] and for a long time the children of patricians only -were allowed to wear those of gold, the plebeians contenting -themselves with an imitation made of leather, hung on a leathern -thong. In the course of time the distinction ceased to be observed, as -we have seen such distinctions die out in the use of names and in the -marriage ceremonies, and by Cicero's time the _bulla aurea_ might be -worn by the child of any freeborn citizen. The choice of material -depended rather upon the wealth and generosity of the father than upon -his social position. The girl wore her _bulla_ (Fig. 19) until the eve -of her wedding day, laying it aside with other childish things, as we -have seen (section 76); the boy wore his until he assumed the _toga -virilis_, when it was dedicated to the _Lares_ of the house and -carefully preserved. If the boy became a successful general and won -the coveted honor of a triumph, he always wore his _bulla_ in the -triumphal procession as a protection against envy. - -[Footnote 1: The influence of Etruria upon Rome faded before that of -Greece (section 5), but from Etruria the Romans got the art of -divination, certain forms of architecture, the insignia of royalty, -and the games of the circus and the amphitheater.] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 20. CHILD IN LITTER] - -100. Nurses.--The mother was the child's nurse (section 90) not only -in the days of the Republic but even into the Empire, the Romans -having heeded the teachings of nature in this respect longer than any -other civilized nation of the old world. Of course it was not always -possible then, as it is not always possible now, for the mother to -nurse her children, and then her place was taken by a slave -(_nutrix_), to whom the name _mater_ seems to have been given out of -affection. In the ordinary care of the children, too, the mother was -assisted, but only assisted, by slaves. Under the eye of the mother, -slaves washed and dressed the child, told it stories, sang it -lullabies, and rocked it to sleep on the arm or in a cradle. None of -these nursery stories have come down to us, but Quintilian tells us -that Aesop's fables resembled them. For a picture of a cradle see -Smith under the words _cunae_ and _cunabula_; in Rich under _cunaria_ -is a picture of a nurse giving a baby its bath. The place of the -modern baby carriage was taken by a litter (_lectica_), and a terra -cotta figure has come down to us (Fig. 20) representing a child -carried in such a litter by two men. - -101. After the Punic wars (section 5) it became customary for the -well-to-do to select for the child's nurse a Greek slave, that the -child might acquire the Greek language as naturally as its own. In -Latin literature are many passages that testify to the affection felt -for each other by nurse and child, an affection that lasted on into -manhood and womanhood. It was a common thing for the young wife to -take with her into her new home, as her adviser and confidant, the -nurse who had watched over her in infancy. Faithfulness on the part of -such slaves was also frequently repaid by manumission. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 21. JOINTED DOLL] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 22. CHILDREN PLAYING BALL] - -102. Playthings.--But little is known of the playthings, pets, and -games of Roman children, because as has been said (section 93) -domestic life was not a favorite theme of Roman writers and no books -were then written especially for the young. Still there are scattered -references in literature from which we can learn something, and more -is known from monumental sources (section 10). This evidence shows -that playthings were numerous and of very many kinds. The _crepundia_ -have been mentioned already (section 98), and these miniature tools -and implements seem to have been very common. Dolls there were, too, -and some of these have come down to us, though we can not always -distinguish between statuettes and genuine playthings. Some were made -of clay, others of wax, and even jointed arms and legs were not -unknown (Fig. 21). Little wagons and carts were also common -(Schreiber, LXXXII, 10), and Horace speaks of hitching mice to toys of -this sort. There are numerous pictures and descriptions of children -spinning tops, making them revolve by blows of a whiplash, as in -Europe nowadays. Hoops also were a favorite plaything, driven with a -stick and having pieces of metal fastened to them to warn people of -their approach. Boys walked on stilts and played with balls (Fig. 22), -too, but as men enjoyed this sport as well, it may be deferred until -we reach the subject of amusements (section 318). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 23. BOY AND GOOSE] - -103. Pets and Games.--Pets were even more common then than now, and -then as now the dog was easily first in the affections of children -(Schreiber, LXXXII, 6). The cat, on the other hand, was hardly known -until very late in the history of Greece and Rome. Birds were very -commonly made pets, and besides the doves and pigeons which are -familiar to us as well, we are told that ducks, crows, and quail were -pets of children. So also were geese, odd as this seems to us, and the -statue of a child struggling with a goose as large as himself is well -known (Fig. 23). Monkeys were known, but could not have been common. -Mice have been mentioned already. Games of many kinds were played by -children, but we can only guess at the nature of most of them, as we -have hardly any formal descriptions. There were games corresponding to -our Odd or Even, Blindman's Buff, Hide and Seek, Jackstones (section -320), and Seesaw (Schreiber, LXXIX and LXXX). Pebbles and nuts were -used in games something like our marbles, and there were board-games -also. To these may be added for boys riding, swimming, and wrestling, -although these were taken too seriously, perhaps, to be called games -and belonged rather to their training for the duties of citizenship. - -104. Home Training.--The training of the children was conducted by the -father and mother in person. More stress was laid upon the moral than -upon the intellectual development: reverence for the gods, respect for -the law, unquestioning and instant obedience to authority, -truthfulness, and self-reliance were the most important lessons for -the child to learn. Much of this came from the constant association of -the children with their parents, which was the characteristic feature -of the home training of the Romans as compared with that of other -peoples of the time. The children sat at table with their elders or -helped to serve the meals. Until the age of seven both boys and girls -had their mother for their teacher. From her they learned to speak -correctly their native tongue, and Latin rhetoricians tell us that the -best Latin was spoken by the noble women of the great houses of Rome. -The mother taught them the elements of reading and writing and as much -of the simpler operations of arithmetic as children so young could -learn. - -105. From about the age of seven the boy passed under the care of -regular teachers, but the girl remained her mother's constant -companion. Her schooling was necessarily cut short, because the Roman -girl became a wife so young (section 67), and there were things to -learn in the meantime that books do not teach. From her mother she -learned to spin and weave and sew: even Augustus wore garments woven -by his wife. By her mother she was initiated into all the mysteries of -household economy and fitted to take her place as the mistress of a -household of her own, to be a Roman _matrona_, the most dignified -position to which a woman could aspire in the ancient world (sections -90, 91). - -106. The boy, except during the hours of school, was equally his -father's companion. If the father was a farmer, as all Romans were in -earlier times, the boy helped in the fields and learned to plow and -plant and reap. If the father was a man of high position and lived in -the capital, the boy stood by him in his hall as he received his -guests, learned to know their faces, names, and rank, and acquired a -practical knowledge of politics and affairs of state. If the father -was a senator, the boy, in the earlier days only it is true, -accompanied him to the senate house to hear the debates and listen to -the great orators of the time; and the son could always go with him to -the forum when he was an advocate or concerned in a public trial. - -107. Then as every Roman was bred a soldier the father trained the son -in the use of arms and in the various military exercises, as well as -in the manly sports of riding, swimming, wrestling, and boxing. In -these exercises strength and agility were kept in view, rather than -the grace of movement and symmetrical development of form, on which -the Greeks laid so much stress. On great occasions, too, when the -cabinets in the atrium were opened and the wax busts of their -ancestors displayed, the boy and girl of noble family were always -present and learned the history of the family of which they were a -part, and with it the history of Rome. - -108. Schools.--The actual instruction given to the children by the -father would vary with his own education and at best be subject to all -sorts of interruptions due to his private business or his public -duties. We find that this embarrassment was appreciated in very early -times, and that it was customary for a _pater familias_ who happened -to have among his slaves one competent to give the needed instruction, -to turn over to him the actual teaching of the children. It must be -remembered that slaves taken in war were often much better educated -than their Roman masters. Not all households, however, would include a -competent teacher, and it would seem only natural for the fortunate -owner of such a slave to receive into his house at fixed hours of the -day the children of his friends and neighbors to be taught together -with his own. - -109. For this privilege he might charge a fee for his own benefit, as -we are told that Cato actually did, or he might allow the slave to -retain as his _peculium_ (section 33) the little presents given him by -his pupils in lieu of direct payment. The next step, one taken in -times too early to be accurately fixed, was to select for the school a -more convenient place than a private house, one that was central and -easily accessible, and to receive as pupils all who could pay the -modest fee that was demanded. To these schools girls as well as boys -were admitted, but for the reason given in section 105 the girls had -little time for studying more than their mothers could teach them, and -those who did carry their studies further came usually of families who -preferred to educate their daughters in the privacy of their own homes -and could afford to do so. The exceptions to this rule were so few, -that from this point we may consider the education of boys alone. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 24. WAXED TABLETS AND STILUS] - -110. Subjects Taught in Elementary Schools.--In these elementary -schools the only subjects taught were reading, writing, and -arithmetic. In the first, great stress was laid upon the -pronunciation: the sounds were easy enough but quantity was hard to -master. The teacher pronounced first syllable by syllable, then the -separate words, and finally the whole sentence, the pupils pronouncing -after him at the tops of their voices. In the teaching of writing, wax -tablets (Fig. 24) were employed, much as slates were a generation ago. -The teacher first traced with a _stilus_ the letters that served as a -copy, then he guided the pupil's hand with his own until the child had -learned to form the letters independently. When some dexterity had -been acquired, the pupil was taught to use the reed pen and write with -ink upon papyrus. For practice, sheets were used that had had one side -written upon already for more important purposes. If any books at all -were used in these schools, the pupils must have made them for -themselves by writing from the teacher's dictation. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 25. ABACUS] - -111. In arithmetic mental calculation was emphasized, but the pupil -was taught to use his fingers in a very elaborate way that is not now -thoroughly understood, and harder sums were worked out with the help -of the reckoning board (_abacus_, Fig. 25). In addition to all this, -attention was paid to the training of the memory, and the pupil was -made to learn by heart all sorts of wise and pithy sayings and -especially the Twelve Tables of the Law. These last became a regular -fetich in the schools, and even when the language in which they were -written had become obsolete pupils continued to learn and recite them. -Cicero had learned them in his boyhood, but within his lifetime they -were dropped from the schools. - -112. Grammar Schools.--Among the results of contact with other peoples -that followed the Punic wars (section 5) was the extension of -education at Rome beyond these elementary and strictly utilitarian -subjects. The Greek language came to be generally learned (section -101) and Greek ideas of education were in some degree adopted. Schools -were established in which the central thing was the study of the Greek -poets, and these schools we may call Grammar Schools because the -teacher was called _grammaticus_. Homer was long the universal -text-book, and students were not only taught the language, but were -instructed in the matters of geography, mythology, antiquities, -history, and ethics suggested by the portions of the text which they -read. The range of instruction and its value depended entirely upon -the teacher, as does such instruction to-day, but it was at best -fragmentary and disconnected. There was no systematic study of any of -these subjects, not even of history, despite its interest and -practical value to a world-ranging people like the Romans. - -113. The Latin language was soon made the subject of similar study, at -first in separate schools. The lack of Latin poetry to work upon, for -prose authors were not yet made text-books, led to the translation by -a Greek slave, Livius Andronicus (3d century B.C.), of the Odyssey of -Homer into Latin Saturnian verses. From this translation, rude as the -surviving fragments show it to have been, dates the beginning of Latin -literature, and it was not until this literature had furnished poets -like Terence, Vergil, and Horace, that the rough Saturnians of Livius -Andronicus disappeared from the schools. - -114. In these Grammar Schools, Greek as well as Latin, great stress -seems to have been laid upon elocution, a thing less surprising when -we consider the importance of oratory under the Republic. The teacher -had the pupils pronounce after him first the words, then the clauses, -and finally the complete sentences. The elements of rhetoric were -taught in some of these schools, but technical instruction in the -subject was not given until the establishment at a much later period -of special schools of rhetoric. In the Grammar Schools were also -taught music and geometry, and these made complete the ordinary -education of boyhood. - -115. Schools of Rhetoric.--The Schools of Rhetoric were formed on -Greek lines and conducted by Greek teachers. They were not a part of -the regular system of education, but corresponded more nearly to our -colleges, being frequented by persons beyond the age of boyhood and -with rare exceptions, of the higher classes only. In these schools the -study of prose authors was begun, but the main thing was the practice -of composition. This was begun in its simplest form, the narrative -(_narratio_), and continued step by step until the end in view was -reached, the practice of public speaking (_declamatio_). One of the -intermediate forms was the _suasoria_, in which the students took -sides on some disputed point of history and supported their views by -argument. A favorite exercise also was the writing of a speech to be -put in the mouth of some person famous in legend or history. How -effective these could be made is seen in the speeches inserted in -their histories by Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus. - -116. Travel.--In the case of persons of the noblest and most wealthy -families, or those whose talents in early manhood promised a brilliant -future, the training of the schools was sure to be supplemented by a -period of travel and residence abroad. Greece, Rhodes, and Asia Minor -were the most frequently visited, whether the young Roman cared for -the scenes of great historical events and the rich collections of -works of literature and art, or merely enjoyed the natural charms and -social splendors of the gay and luxurious capitals of the east. For -the purposes of serious study Athens offered the greatest attractions -and might almost have been called the university of Rome, in this -respect standing to Italy much as Germany now stands to the United -States. It must be remembered, however, that the Roman who studied in -Athens was as familiar with Greek as with his native Latin and for -this reason was much better prepared to profit by the lectures he -heard than is the average American who now studies on the continent. - -117. Apprenticeship.--There were certain matters, a knowledge of which -was essential to a successful public life, for training in which no -provision was made by the Roman system of education. Such matters were -jurisprudence, administration and diplomacy, and war. It was -customary, therefore, for the young citizen to attach himself for a -time to some older man, eminent in these lines or in some one of them, -in order to gain an opportunity for observation and practical -experience in the performance of duties that would sooner or later -devolve upon him. So Cicero learned the civil law under Quintus Mucius -Scaevola, the most eminent jurist of the time, and in later years the -young Marcus Coelius Rufus in turn served the same voluntary -apprenticeship (_tirocinium fori_) under Cicero. This arrangement was -not only very advantageous to the young men but was considered very -honorable for those under whom they studied. - -118. In the same way the governors of provinces and generals in the -field were attended by a voluntary staff (_cohors_) of young men, whom -they had invited to accompany them at state expense for personal or -political reasons. These _tirones_ became familiar in this way -(_tirocinium militiae_) with the practical side of administration and -war, while at the same time they were relieved of many of the -hardships and dangers suffered by those, less fortunate, who had to -rise from the ranks. It was this staff of inexperienced young men who -hid in their tents or went back to Rome when Caesar determined to meet -Ariovistus in battle, although some of them, no doubt, made gallant -soldiers and wise commanders afterward. - -119. Remarks on the Schools.--Having considered the possibilities in -the way of education and training within the reach of the more favored -few, we may now go back to the Elementary and Grammar Schools to get -an idea of the actual school life of the ordinary Roman boy. While -these were not public schools in our sense of the word, that is, while -they were not supported or supervised by the state, and while -attendance was not compulsory, it is nevertheless true that the -elements at least of education, a knowledge of the three R's, were -more generally diffused among the Romans than among any other people -of the ancient world. The schools were distinctly democratic in this, -that they were open to all classes, that the fees were little more -than nominal, that so far as concerned discipline and the treatment of -the pupils no distinction was made between the children of the -humblest and of the most lordly families. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 26. A ROMAN SCHOOL] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 27: CARICATURE OF A SCHOOL] - -120. The school was usually in a _pergula_, a shedlike attachment to a -public building, roofed against the sun and rain, but open at the -sides and furnished merely with rough benches without backs. The -children were exposed, therefore, to all the distractions of the busy -town life around them, and the people living near were in turn annoyed -by the noisy recitations (section 110) and even noisier punishments. A -picture of a schoolroom from a wall painting in Herculaneum is shown -in Fig. 26 and an ancient caricature, by a schoolboy probably, in Fig. -27. - -121. The Teacher.--The teacher was originally a slave, perhaps usually -a freedman. The position was not an honorable one, though this -depended upon the character of the teacher himself, and while the -pupils feared the master they seem to have had little respect for him. -The pay he received was a mere pittance, varying from three dollars a -year for the elementary teacher (_litterator_, _magister litterarum_) -to five or six times that sum for a _grammaticus_ (section 112). In -addition to the fee, the pupils were expected to bring the master from -time to time little presents, a custom persisting probably from the -time when these presents were his only reward (section 109). The fees -varied, however, with the qualifications of the master, and some whose -reputations were established and whose schools were "fashionable" -charged no fees at all, but left the amount to be paid (_honorarium_) -to the generosity of their patrons. - -122. Schooldays and Holidays.--The schoolday began before sunrise, as -did all the work at Rome on account of the heat in the middle of the -day (cf. section 79). The students brought candles by which to study -until it became light, and the roof was soon black with the grime and -smoke. The session lasted until time for the noonday luncheon and -siesta (section 302), and was resumed in the afternoon. We do not know -definitely that there was any fixed length for the school-year. We -know that it regularly began on the 24th of March and that there were -numerous holidays, notably the Saturnalia in December and the -Quinquatria from the 19th to the 23rd of March. The great religious -festivals, too, especially those celebrated with games, would -naturally be observed by the schools, and apparently the market days -(_nundinae_) were also holidays. It was until lately supposed that -there was no school from the last of June until the first of November, -but this view rested upon an incorrect interpretation of certain -passages of Horace and Martial which are now otherwise explained. It -is certain, however, that the children of wealthy parents would be -absent from Rome during the hot season, and this would at least cut -down the attendance in some of the schools and might perhaps close -them altogether. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 28. PAEDAGOGUS] - -123. The Paedagogus.--The boy of good family was always attended by a -trustworthy slave (_paedagogus_), who accompanied him to school, -remained with him during the sessions, and saw him safely home again -when school was out. If the boy had wealthy parents, he might have, -besides, one or more slaves (_pedisequi_) to carry his satchel and -tablets. The _paedagogus_ was usually an elderly man, selected for his -good character and expected to keep the boy out of all harm, moral as -well as physical. He was not a teacher, despite the meaning of the -English derivative, except that after the learning of Greek became -general a Greek slave was usually selected for the position in order -that the boy might not forget what he had learned from his nurse -(section 101). The scope of his regular duties is clearly shown by the -Latin words used sometimes instead of _paedagogus_: _comes_, _custos_, -_monitor_, and _rector_. He was addressed by his ward as _dominus_, -and seems to have had the right to compel obedience by mild -punishments (Fig. 28). His duties ceased when the boy assumed the toga -of manhood, but the same warm affection often continued between them -as between the woman and her nurse (section 101). - -124. Discipline.--The discipline seems to have been really Roman in -its severity, if we may judge from the picture of a school above -referred to (section 120) and by the grim references to the rod and -ferule in Juvenal and Martial. Horace has given to his teacher, -Orbilius, a deathless fame by the adjective _plagosus_. From Nepos we -learn that then as now teachers might have appealed to the natural -emulation between well-bred boys, and we know that prizes, too, were -offered. Perhaps we may think the ferule well deserved when we read of -the schoolboy's trick immortalized by Persius. The passage (III, 44 -f.) is worth quoting in full: - - _Saepe oculos, memini, tangebam parvus olivo,_ - _Grandia si nollem morituri verba Catonis_ - _Discere et insano multum laudanda magistro!_[2] - -[Footnote 2: "Often, I remember, as a small boy I used to give my eyes -a touch with oil, if I did not want to learn Cato's grand dying -speech, sure to be rapturously applauded by my wrong-headed master."] - -125. End of Childhood.--There was no special ceremony to mark the -passing of girlhood into womanhood, but for the boy the attainment of -his majority was marked by the laying aside of the crimson-bordered -_toga praetexta_ and the putting on of the pure white _toga virilis_. -There was no fixed year, corresponding to the twenty-first with us, in -which the _puer_ became _iuvenis_; something depended upon the -physical and intellectual development of the boy himself, something -upon the will or caprice of his _pater familias_, more perhaps upon -the time in which he lived. We may say generally, however, that the -_toga virilis_ was assumed between the fourteenth and seventeenth -years, the later age belonging to the earlier time when citizenship -carried with it more responsibility than under the Empire and demanded -a greater maturity. - -126. For the classical period we may put the age required at sixteen, -and if we add to this the _tirocinium_ (section 117), which followed -the donning of the garb of manhood, we shall have the seventeen years -after the expiration of which the citizen had been liable in ancient -times to military duty. The day was even less precisely fixed. We -should expect the birthday at the beginning of the seventeenth year, -but it seems to have been the more usual, but by no means invariable, -custom to select for the ceremony the feast of Liber which happened to -come nearest to the seventeenth birthday. This feast was celebrated on -the 17th of March and was called the _liberalia_. No more appropriate -time could have been selected to suggest the freer life of manhood -upon which the boy was now about to enter. - -127. The Liberalia.--The festivities of the great day began in the -early morning, when the boy laid before the Lares of his house the -_bulla_ (section 99) and _toga praetexta_, called together the -_insignia pueritiae_. A sacrifice was then offered, and the _bulla_ -was hung over the hearth, not to be taken down and worn again except -on some occasion when the man who had worn it as a boy should be in -danger of the envy of men and gods. The boy then dressed himself in -the _tunica recta_ (section 76), having one or two crimson stripes if -he was the son of a senator or a knight, and over this was carefully -draped the _toga virilis_. This was also called in contrast to the -gayer garb of boyhood the _toga pura_, and with reference to the -freedom of manhood the _toga libera_. - -128. Then began the procession to the forum. The father had gathered -his slaves and freedmen and clients, had been careful to notify his -relatives and friends, and had used all his personal and political -influence to make the escort of his son as numerous and imposing as -possible. If the ceremony took place on the _liberalia_, the forum was -sure to be crowded with similar processions of rejoicing friends. Here -were extended the formal congratulations, and the name of one more -citizen was added to the official list. An offering was then made in -the temple of Liber on the Capitoline Hill, and the day ended with a -feast at the father's house. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -DEPENDENTS: SLAVES AND CLIENTS. HOSPITES - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 135-212; Goll, II, 114-212; Guhl and Koner, -764-772; Friedlander, I, 404 f.; Ramsay, 124 f.; Pauly-Wissowa, -_clientes_; Smith, _servus_, _libertus_, _cliens_, _clientela_, -_hospitium_; Harper, _servus_, _liberti_, _clientes_; Lubker, _servi_, -_libertinus_, _hospitium_, _patronus_. - - -129. Growth of Slavery.--So far as we may learn from history and -legend, slavery was always known at Rome. In the early days of the -Republic, however, the farm was the only place where slaves were -employed. The fact that most of the Romans were farmers and that they -and their free laborers were constantly called from the fields to -fight the battles of their country led to a gradual increase in the -number of slaves, until they were far more numerous than the free -laborers who worked for hire. We can not tell when the custom became -general of employing slaves in personal service and in industrial -pursuits, but it was one of the grossest evils resulting from Rome's -foreign conquests. In the last century of the Republic all manual -labor, almost all trades, and certain of what we now call professions -were in the hands of slaves. Not only were free laborers unable to -compete with slaves, but every occupation in which slaves engaged was -degraded in the eyes of freemen, until all labor was looked upon as -dishonorable. The small farms were gradually absorbed in the vast -estates of the rich, the sturdy yeomanry of Rome disappeared, and by -the time of Augustus the freeborn citizens of Italy who were not -soldiers were either slaveholders themselves or the idle proletariate -of the cities. - -130. Ruinous as were the economic results of slavery, the moral -effects were no less destructive. It is to slavery more than to -anything else that is due the change in the character of the Romans in -the first century of the Empire. With slaves swarming in their houses, -ministering to their luxury, pandering to their appetites, directing -their amusements, managing their business, and even educating their -children, it is no wonder that the old Roman virtues of simplicity, -frugality, and temperance declined and perished. And with the passing -of Roman manhood into oriental effeminacy began the passing of Roman -sway over the civilized world. - -131. Numbers of Slaves.--We have almost no testimony as to the number -of slaves in Italy, none even as to the ratio of the free to the -servile population. We have indirect evidence enough, however, to make -good the statements in the preceding paragraphs. That slaves were few -in early times is shown by their names (section 58): if it had been -usual for a master to have more than one slave, such names as -_Marcipor_, and Olipor would not have sufficed to distinguish them. An -idea of the rapid increase after the Punic wars may be gained from the -number of captives sold into slavery by successful generals. Scipio -Aemilianus is said to have disposed in this way of 60,000 -Carthaginians, Marius of 140,000 Cimbri, Aemilius Paulus of 150,000 -Greeks, Pompeius and Caesar together of more than a million of -Asiatics and Gauls. - -132. The very insurrections of the slaves, unsuccessful as they always -were, also testify to their overwhelming numbers. Of the two in -Sicily, the first lasted from 134 to 132 B.C., and the second from 102 -to 98; the last in spite of the fact that at the close of the first -the consul Rupilius had crucified 20,000, whom he had taken alive, as -a warning to others to submit in silence to their servitude. Spartacus -defied the armies of Rome for two years, and in the decisive battle -with Crassus (71 B.C.) left 60,000 dead upon the field. Cicero's -orations against Catiline show clearly that it was the calling out of -the hordes of slaves by the conspirators that was most dreaded in the -city. - -133. Of the number under the Empire we may get some idea from more -direct testimony. Horace tells us that ten slaves were as few as a -gentleman in even moderate circumstances could afford to own. He -himself had two in town and eight on his little Sabine farm, and he -was a poor man and his father had been a slave. Tacitus tells us of a -city prefect who had four hundred slaves in his mansion. Pliny says -that one Caius Caecilius Claudius Isodorus left at his death over four -thousand slaves. Athenaeus (170-230 A.D.) gives us to understand that -individuals owned as many as ten thousand and twenty thousand. The -fact that house slaves were commonly divided into "groups of ten" -(_decuriae_) points in the same direction. - -134. Sources of Supply.--Under the Republic the largest number of -slaves brought to Rome and offered there for sale were captives taken -in war, and an idea of the magnitude of this source of supply has -already been given (section 131). The captives were sold as soon as -possible after they were taken, in order that the general might be -relieved of the trouble and risk of feeding and guarding such large -numbers of men in a hostile country. The sale was conducted by a -quaestor, and the purchasers were the wholesale slave dealers that -always followed an army along with other traders and peddlers. The -spear (_hasta_), which was always the sign of a sale conducted under -public authority, was set up in the ground to mark the place, and the -captives had garlands on their heads as did the victims offered in -sacrifice. Hence the expression _sub hasta_ and _sub corona venire_ -came to have practically the same meaning. - -135. The wholesale dealers (_mangones_) assembled their purchases in -convenient depots, and when sufficient numbers had been collected -marched them to Rome, in chains and under guard, to be sold to local -dealers or to private individuals. The slaves obtained in this way -were usually men and likely to be physically sound and strong for the -simple reason that they had been soldiers. On the other hand they were -likely to prove intractable and ungovernable, and many preferred even -suicide to servitude. It sometimes happened, of course, that the -inhabitants of towns and whole districts were sold into slavery -without distinction of age or sex. - -136. Under the Empire large numbers came to Rome as articles of -ordinary commerce, and Rome became one of the great slave marts of the -world. The slaves were brought from all the provinces of the Empire: -blacks from Egypt; swift runners from Numidia; grammarians from -Alexandria; from Cyrene those who made the best house servants; from -Greece handsome boys and girls, and well-trained scribes, accountants, -amanuenses, and even teachers; from Epirus and Illyria experienced -shepherds; from Cappadocia the most patient and enduring laborers. - -137. Some of these were captives taken in the petty wars that Rome was -always waging in defense of her boundaries, but these were numerically -insignificant. Others had been slaves in the countries from which they -came, and merely exchanged old masters for new when they were sent to -Rome. Others still were the victims of slave hunters, who preyed on -weak and defenseless peoples two thousand years ago much as they are -said to do in Africa in our own time. These man-hunts were not -prevented, though perhaps not openly countenanced, by the Roman -governors. - -138. A less important source of supply was the natural increase in the -slave population as men and women formed permanent connections with -each other, called _contubernia_. This became of general importance -only late in the Empire, because in earlier times, especially during -the period of conquest, it was found cheaper to buy than to breed -slaves. To the individual owner, however, the increase in his slaves -in this way was a matter of as much interest as the increase of his -flocks and herds. Such slaves would be more valuable at maturity, for -they would be acclimated and less liable to disease, and besides would -be trained from childhood in the performance of the very tasks for -which they were destined. They would also have more love for their -home and for their master's family, for his children were often their -playmates. It was only natural, therefore, for slaves born in the -_familia_ to have a claim upon their master's confidence and -consideration that others lacked, and it is not surprising that they -were proverbially pert and forward. They were called _vernae_ as long -as they remained the property of their first master. The derivation of -the word is not certain, but it is probable that it has the same -origin as Vesta and means something like "born in the house." - -[Illustration: FIGURE 29. SALE OF A SLAVE] - -139. Sales of Slaves.--Slave dealers usually offered their wares at -public auction sales (Fig. 29). These were under the supervision of -the aediles, who appointed the place and made rules and regulations to -govern them. A tax was imposed on imported slaves and they were -offered for sale with their feet whitened with chalk; those from the -east had also their ears bored, a common sign of slavery among -oriental peoples. As bids were asked for each slave he was made to -mount a stone or platform, corresponding to the "block" familiar to -the readers of our own history. From his neck hung a scroll -(_titulus_), setting forth his character and serving as a warrant for -the purchaser. If the slave had defects not made known in this warrant -the vendor was bound to take him back within six months or make good -the loss to the buyer. The chief items in the _titulus_ were the age -and nationality of the slave, and his freedom from such common defects -as chronic ill-health, especially epilepsy, and tendencies to -thievery, running away, and suicide. In spite of the guarantee the -purchaser took care to examine the slaves as closely as possible. For -this reason they were commonly stripped, made to move around, handled -freely by the purchaser, and even examined by physicians. If no -warrant was given by the dealer, a cap (_pilleus_) was put on the -slave's head at the time of the sale and the purchaser took all risks. -The dealer might also offer the slaves at private sale, and this was -the rule in the case of all of unusual value and especially of marked -personal beauty. These were not exposed to the gaze of the crowd, but -were offered to those only who were likely to purchase. Private sales -and exchanges between citizens without the intervention of a regular -dealer were as common as the sales of other property, and no stigma -was attached to them. The trade of the _mangones_, on the other hand, -was looked upon as utterly disreputable, but it was very lucrative and -great fortunes were often made in it. Vilest of all the dealers were -the _lenones_, who kept and sold slaves for immoral purposes only. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 30. THE GAUL AND HIS WIFE] - -140. Prices of Slaves.--The prices of slaves varied as did the prices -of other commodities. Much depended upon the times, the supply and -demand, the characteristics and accomplishments of the particular -slave, and the requirements of the purchaser. Captives bought upon the -battlefield rarely brought more than nominal prices, because the sale -was in a measure forced (section 134), and because the dealer was sure -to lose a large part of his purchase on the long march home through -disease, fatigue, and especially suicide. There is a famous piece of -statuary representing a hopeless Gaul killing his wife and then -himself (Fig. 30). We are told that Lucullus once sold slaves in his -camp at an average price of eighty cents each. In Rome male slaves -varied in value from $100, paid for common laborers in the time of -Horace, to $28,000 paid by Marcus Scaurus for an accomplished -grammarian. Handsome boys, well trained and educated, sold for as much -as $4,000. Very high prices were also paid for handsome and -accomplished girls. The music girls in Plautus and Terence cost their -lovers from $500 to $700, but girls of the lowest class sold for as -little as $25. It seems strange to us that slaves were matched in size -and color as carefully as horses are now, and that a well-matched pair -of boys would bring a much larger sum when sold together than when -sold separately. - -141. Public and Private Slaves.--Slaves were called _servi publici_ -and _servi privati_ according as they were owned by the state or by -individuals. The condition of the former was considered the more -desirable: they were not so likely to be sold, were not worked so -hard, and were not exposed to the whims of a capricious master. They -were employed to take care of the public buildings and as servants of -the magistrates and priests. The quaestors and aediles had great -numbers of them in their service, and they were drilled as a corps of -firemen to serve at night under the _triumviri nocturni_. Others were -employed as lictors, jailers, executioners, etc. The number of public -slaves while considerable in itself was inconsiderable as compared -with that of those in private service. - -142. Private Slaves.--Private slaves either were employed in the -personal service of their master and his family or were kept for gain. -The former, known as the _familia urbana_, will be described later. -The latter may be classified according as they were kept for hire or -employed in the business enterprises of their master. Of these last -the most important as well as the oldest (section 129) class was that -of the farm laborers (_familia rustica_). Of the others, engaged in -all sorts of industries, it may be remarked that it was considered -more honorable for a master to employ his slaves in enterprises of his -own than to hire them out to others. At the same time slaves could -always be hired for any desired purpose in Rome or any other city. - -143. Industrial Employment.--It must be remembered that there were -practically no freeborn laborers left in the last century of the -Republic (section 129), and that much work was then done by hand that -is now done by machinery. In work of this sort were employed armies of -slaves fit only for unskilled labor: porters for the transportation of -materials and merchandise, stevedores for the lading and discharging -of vessels, men who handled the spade, pickax, and crowbar, men of -great physical strength but of little else to make them worth their -keep. Above these came artisans, mechanics, and skilled workmen of -every kind: smiths, carpenters, bricklayers, masons, seamen, etc. The -merchants and shopkeepers required assistants, and so did the millers -and bakers, the dealers in wool and leather, the keepers of lodging -houses and restaurants, all who helped to supply the countless wants -of a great city. Even the professions, as we should call them, were -largely in the hands of slaves. Books were multiplied by slaves. The -artists who carved wood and stone, designed furniture, laid mosaics, -painted pictures, and decorated the walls and ceilings of public and -private buildings were slaves. So were the musicians and the acrobats, -actors and gladiators who amused the people at the public games. So -too, as we have seen (section 121), were many of the teachers in the -schools, and physicians were usually slaves. - -144. And slaves did not merely perform these various functions under -the direction of their master or of the employer to whom he had hired -them for the time. Many of them were themselves captains of industry. -When a slave showed executive ability as well as technical knowledge, -it was common enough for his master to furnish him with the necessary -capital to carry on independently the business or profession which he -understood. In this way slaves were often the managers of estates, of -banks, of commercial enterprises, though these might take them far -beyond the reach of their masters' observation, even into foreign -countries. Sometimes such a slave was expected to pay the master -annually a fixed sum out of the proceeds of the business; sometimes he -was allowed to keep for himself a certain share of the profits; -sometimes he was merely required to repay the sum advanced with -interest from the time he had received it. In all cases, however, his -industry and intelligence were stimulated by the hope of acquiring -sufficient means from the venture to purchase his freedom and -eventually make the business his own. - -145. The Familia Rustica.--Under this name are comprised the slaves -that were employed upon the vast estates that long before the end of -the Republic had supplanted the small farms of the earlier day. The -very name points at this change, for it implies that the estate was no -longer the only home of the master. He had become a landlord, living -in the capital and visiting his lands only occasionally for pleasure -or for business. The estates may, therefore, be divided into two -classes: country seats for pleasure and farms or ranches for profit. -The former were selected with great care, the purchaser having regard -to their proximity to the city or other resorts of fashion, their -healthfulness, and the natural beauty of their scenery. They were -maintained upon the most extravagant scale. There were villas and -pleasure grounds, parks, game preserves, fish ponds and artificial -lakes, everything that ministered to open air luxury. Great numbers of -slaves were required to keep these places in order, and many of them -were slaves of the highest class: landscape gardeners, experts in the -culture of fruits and flowers, experts even in the breeding and -keeping of the birds, game, and fish, of which the Romans were -inordinately fond. These had under them assistants and laborers of -every sort, and all were subject to the authority of a superintendent -or steward (_vilicus_), who had been put in charge of the estate by -the master. - -146. Farm Slaves.--But the name _familia rustica_ is more -characteristically used of the drudges upon the farms, because the -slaves employed upon the country seats were more directly in the -personal service of the master and can hardly be said to have been -kept for profit. The raising of grain for the market had long ceased -to be profitable, but various industries had taken its place upon the -farms. Wine and oil had become the most important products of the -soil, and vineyards and olive orchards were found wherever climate and -other conditions were favorable. Cattle and swine were raised in -countless numbers, the former more for draft purposes and the products -of the dairy than for beef. Sheep were kept for the wool, and woolen -garments were worn by the rich and poor alike. Cheese was made in -large quantities, all the larger because butter was unknown. The -keeping of bees was an important industry, because honey served, so -far as it could, the purposes for which sugar is used in modern times. -Besides these things that we are even now accustomed to associate with -farming, there were others that are now looked upon as distinct and -separate businesses. Of these the most important, perhaps, as it was -undoubtedly the most laborious, was the quarrying of stone; another -was the cutting of timber and working it up into rough lumber, and -finally the preparing of sand for the use of the builder. This last -was of much greater importance relatively then than now, on account of -the extensive use of concrete at Rome. - -147. In some of these tasks intelligence and skill were required as -they are to-day, but in many of them the most necessary qualifications -were strength and endurance, as the slaves took the place of much of -the machinery of modern times. This was especially true of the men -employed in the quarries, who were usually of the rudest and most -ungovernable class, and were worked in chains by day and housed in -dungeons by night, as convicts have been housed and worked in much -later times. - -148. The Vilicus.--The management of such an estate was also intrusted -to a _vilicus_ (section 145), who was proverbially a hard taskmaster, -simply because his hopes of freedom depended upon the amount of -profits he could turn into his master's coffers at the end of the -year. His task was no easy one. Besides planning for and overseeing -the gangs of slaves already mentioned, he had under his charge another -body of slaves only less numerous, employed in providing for the wants -of the others. Everything necessary for the farm was produced or -manufactured on the farm. Enough grain was raised for food, and this -grain was ground in the farm mills and baked in the farm ovens by -millers and bakers who were slaves on the farm. The task of turning -the mill was usually given to a horse or mule, but slaves were often -made to do the grinding as a punishment. Wool was carded, spun, and -woven into cloth, and this cloth was made into clothes by the female -slaves under the eye of the steward's consort, the _vilica_. Buildings -were erected, and the tools and implements necessary for the work of -the farm were made and repaired. These things required a number of -carpenters, smiths, and masons, though they were not necessarily -workmen of the highest class. It was the touchstone of a good -_vilicus_ to keep his men always busy, and it is to be understood that -the slaves were alternately plowmen and reapers, vinedressers and -treaders of the grapes, perhaps even quarrymen and lumbermen, -according to the season of the year and the place of their toiling. - -149. The Familia Urbana.--The number of slaves kept by the wealthy -Roman in his city mansion was measured not by his needs, but by the -demands of fashion and his means. In the early days a sort of butler -(_atriensis_), or major domo, had relieved the master of his household -cares, had done the buying, had kept the accounts, had seen that the -house and furniture were in order, and had looked after the few -servants who did the actual work. Even under the Republic all this was -changed. Other slaves, the _procurator_ and _dispensator_, relieved -the _atriensis_ of the purchasing of the supplies and the keeping of -the accounts, and left to him merely the supervision of the house and -its furniture. The duties of the slaves under him were, in the same -way, distributed among a number many times greater. Every part of the -house had its special staff of servants, often so numerous as to be -distributed into _decuriae_ (section 133), with a separate -superintendent for each division: one for the kitchen, another for the -dining-rooms, another for the bedrooms, etc. - -150. The very entrance door had assigned to it its special slave -(_ostiarius_ or _ianitor_), who was often chained to it like a -watchdog, in order to keep him literally at his post. And the duties -of the several sets were again divided and subdivided, each slave -having some one office to perform, and only one. The names of the -various functionaries of the kitchen, the dining-rooms, and the -bedchambers are too numerous to mention, but an idea of the complexity -of the service may be gained from the number of attendants that -assisted the master and mistress with their toilets. The former had -his _ornator_, _tonsor_, and _calceator_ (who cared for the feet); the -latter her hairdressers (_ciniflones_ or _cinerarii_) and _ornatrix_; -and besides these each had no less than three or four more to assist -with the bath. The children, too, had each his or her own attendants, -beginning with the _nutrix_, and continuing in the case of the boy -with the _paedagogus_ and _pedisequi_ (section 123). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 31. LECTICA] - -151. When the master or mistress left the house a numerous retinue was -deemed necessary. If they walked, slaves went before to clear the way -(_anteambulones_), and pages and lackeys followed carrying wraps or -the sunshade and fan of the mistress, and ready to perform any little -service that might be necessary. The master was always accompanied out -of the house by his _nomenclator_, who prompted him in case he had -forgotten the name of any one who greeted him. If they did not walk, -they were carried in litters (_lecticae_, Fig. 31), something like -sedan chairs. The bearers were strong men, by preference Syrians or -Cappadocians (section 136), all carefully matched in size (section -140) and dressed in gorgeous liveries. As each member of the household -had his own litter and bearers, this one class of slaves made an -important item in the family budget. And even when they rode in this -way the same attendants accompanied them as when they walked. - -152. When the master dined at the house of a friend his slaves -attended him as far as the door at least. Some remained with him to -care for his sandals, and others (_adversitores_) returned at the -appointed hour to see him home. A journey out of the city was a more -serious matter and called for more pomp and display. In addition to -the horses and mules that drew the carts of those who rode, there were -mounted outriders and beasts of burden loaded with baggage and -supplies. Numerous slaves followed on foot, and a band of gladiators -not infrequently acted as escort and bodyguard. It is not too much to -say that the ordinary train of a wealthy traveler included scores, -perhaps hundreds, of slaves. - -153. Among the _familia urbana_ must be numbered also those who -furnished amusement and entertainment for the master and his guests, -especially during and after meals. There were musicians and readers, -and for persons of less refined tastes, dancers, jesters, dwarfs, and -even misshapen freaks. Under the Empire little children were kept for -the same purpose. - -154. Lastly may be mentioned the slaves of the highest class, the -confidential assistants of the master, the amanuenses who wrote his -letters, the secretaries who kept his accounts, and the agents through -whom he collected his income, audited the reports of his stewards and -managers, made his investments, and transacted all sorts of business -matters. The greater the luxury and extravagance of the house, the -more the master would need these trained and experienced men to -relieve him of cares which he detested, and by their fidelity and -skill to make possible the gratification of his tastes and passions. - -155. Such a staff as has been described belonged, of course, to a -wealthy and fashionable man. Persons with more good sense had only -such slaves as could be profitably employed. Atticus, the friend of -Cicero, a man of sufficient wealth and social position to defy the -demands of fashion, kept in his service only _vernae_ (section 138), -and had them so carefully trained that the meanest could read and -write for him. Cicero, on the other hand, could not think it good form -to have a slave do more than one kind of work, and Cicero was not to -be considered a rich man. - -156. Legal Status of Slaves.--The power of the master over the slave, -called _dominium_ (section 37), was absolute. He could assign him the -most laborious and degrading tasks, punish him even unto death at his -sole discretion, sell him, and kill him (or turn him out in the street -to die) when age or illness had made him incapable of labor. Slaves -were mere chattels in the eyes of the law, like oxen or horses. They -could not hold property, they could not make contracts, they could -testify in the courts only on the rack, they could not marry. The free -person _in potestate_ was little better off legally (section 31), but -there were two important differences between the son, for example, and -the slave. The son was relieved of the _potestas_ on the death of the -_pater familias_ (section 34), but the death of the master did not -make the slave free. Again, the condition of the son was ameliorated -by _pietas_ (section 73) and public opinion (sections 32, 33), but -there was no _pietas_ for the slave and public opinion hardly operated -in his behalf. It did enable him to hold as his own his scanty savings -(section 162), and it gave a sort of sanction to the permanent unions -of male and female slaves called _contubernium_, but in other respects -it did little for his benefit. - -157. Under the Empire various laws were passed that seemed to -recognize the slave as a person, not a thing: it was forbidden to sell -him for the purpose of fighting with wild beasts in the amphitheater; -it was provided that the slave should not be put to death by the -master simply because he was too old or too ill to work, and that a -slave "exposed" (section 95) should become free by the act; at last -the master was forbidden to kill the slave at all without due process -of law. As a matter of fact these laws were very generally -disregarded, much as are our laws for the prevention of cruelty to -animals, and it may be said that it was only the influence of -Christianity that at last changed the condition of the slave for the -better. - -158. The Treatment of Slaves.--There is nothing in the stern and -selfish character of the Roman that would lead us to expect from him -gentleness or mercy in the treatment of his slaves. At the same time -he was too shrewd and sharp in all matters of business to forget that -a slave was a piece of valuable property, and to run the risk of the -loss or injury of that property by wanton cruelty. Much depended, of -course, upon the character and temper of the individual owner, and -Juvenal gives us to understand that the mistress was likely to be more -spiteful and unreasonable than the master. But the case of Vedius -Pollio, in the time of Augustus, who ordered a slave to be thrown -alive into a pond as food for the fish because he had broken a goblet, -may be balanced by that of Cicero, whose letters to his slave Tiro -disclose real affection and tenderness of feeling. The passionate man -nowadays may kill or maim the dog or horse, although it has a money -value and he needs its services, and most of us know of worn-out -horses turned out upon the common to die. But these things are -exceptional, and if we consider the age in which the Roman lived and -pass for a moment the matter of punishments, we may say that he was -rather pitiless as a taskmaster than habitually cruel to his slaves. - -159. Of the daily life of the town slave we know but little except -that his work was light and he was the envy of the drudge upon the -farm. Of the treatment of the latter we get some knowledge from the -writings of the elder Cato, who may be taken as a fair specimen of the -rugged farmer of his time (234-149 B.C.). He held that slaves should -always be at work except in the hours, few enough at best, allowed -them for sleep, and he took pains to find plenty for his to do even on -the public holidays. He advised farmers to sell immediately worn-out -draft cattle, diseased sheep, broken implements, aged and feeble -slaves, "and other useless things." - -160. Food and Dress.--Slaves were fed on coarse food, but when Cato -tells us that in addition to the monthly allowance of grain (about a -bushel) they were to have merely the fallen olives, or, failing these, -a little salt fish and vinegar, we must remember that this was no less -and no worse than the common food of the poorer Romans. Every -schoolboy knows that grain was the only ration of the sturdy soldiers -that won Caesar's battles for him. A slave was furnished a tunic every -year, and a cloak and a pair of wooden shoes every two years. Worn-out -clothes were returned to the _vilicus_ to be made up into patchwork -quilts. We are told that this same _vilicus_ often cheated the slaves -by stinting their allowance for his own benefit, and we can not doubt -that he, a slave himself, was more likely to be brutal and cruel than -the master would have been. - -161. But entirely apart from the grinding toil and the harshness and -insolence of the master and the overseer, the mere restraint from -liberty was torture enough in itself. There was little chance of -escape by flight. The Greek slave might hope to cross the boundary of -the little principality in which he served, to find freedom and refuge -under the protection of an adjoining power. But Italy was not cut up -into hostile communities, and should the slave by a miracle reach the -Rubicon or the sea, no neighboring state would dare defend him or even -hide him from his Roman master. If he attempted flight, he must live -the life of an outlaw, with organized bands of slave hunters on his -track, with a reward offered for his return, and unspeakable tortures -awaiting him as a warning for others. It is no wonder, then, that vast -numbers of slaves sought rest from their labors by a voluntary death -(section 140). It must be remembered that many of them were men of -good birth and high position in the countries from which they came, -some of them even soldiers, taken on the field of battle with weapons -in their hands. - -162. The Peculium.--We have seen that the free man _in potestate_ -could not legally hold property, that all that he acquired belonged -strictly to his _pater familias_ (section 31). We have also seen that -he was allowed to hold, manage and use property assigned to him by the -_pater familias_, just as if it had been his own (section 33). The -same thing was true in the case of a slave, and the property was -called by the same name (_peculium_). His claim to it could not be -maintained by law, but was confirmed by public opinion and by -inviolable custom. If the master respected these, there were several -ways in which an industrious and frugal slave could scrape together -bit by bit a little fund of his own, depending in great measure, of -course, upon the generosity of his master and his own position in the -_familia_. - -163. If he belonged to the _familia rustica_, the opportunities were -not so good, but by stinting himself he might save something from his -monthly allowance of food (section 160), and he might, perhaps, do a -little work for himself in the hours allowed for sleep and rest, -tilling, for example, a few square yards of garden for his own -benefit. If he were a city slave there were besides these chances the -tips from his master's friends and guests, and perhaps a bribe for -some little piece of knavery or a reward for its success. We have -already seen that a slave teacher received presents from his pupils -(section 121). It was no uncommon thing either, as has been said, for -a shrewd master to teach a slave a trade and allow him to keep a -portion of the increased earnings which his deftness and skill would -bring. More rarely the master would furnish the capital and allow the -slave to start in business and retain a portion of the profits -(section 144). - -164. For the master the custom was undoubtedly profitable in the long -run. It stimulated the slave's energy and made him more contented and -cheerful. It also furnished a means of control more effective than the -severest corporal punishment, and that without physical injury to the -chattel. To the ambitious slave the _peculium_ gave at least a chance -of freedom, for he hoped to save enough in time to buy himself from -his master. Many, of course, preferred to use their earnings to -purchase little comforts and luxuries nearer than distant liberty. -Some upon whom a high price was set by their owners used their -_peculium_ to buy for themselves cheaper slaves, whom they hired out -to the employers of laborers already mentioned (section 143). In this -way they hoped to increase their savings more rapidly. The slave's -slave was called _vicarius_, and legally belonged to the owner of his -master, but public opinion regarded him as a part of the -slave-master's _peculium_. The slave had a life interest only in his -savings, that is, they did not pass to his heirs on his death, for a -slave could have no "heirs," and he could not dispose of them by will. -If he died in slavery his property went to his master. Public slaves -(section 141) were allowed as one of their greatest privileges to -dispose of one-half of their property by will. - -165. At the best the accumulation of a sum large enough (section 140) -to buy his liberty was pitifully slow and painful for the slave, all -the more because the more energetic and industrious he was, the higher -the price that would be set upon him. We can not help feeling a great -respect for the man who at so great a price obtained his freedom. We -can sympathize, too, with the poor fellows who had to take from their -little hoards to make to the members of their masters' families the -presents that were expected on such great occasions as the marriage of -one of them, the naming of a child (section 98), or the birthday of -the mistress (section 91). - -166. Punishments.--It is not the purpose of the following sections to -catalogue the fiendish tortures sometimes inflicted upon slaves by -their masters. They were not very common for the reason suggested in -section 158, and were no more characteristic of the ordinary -correction of slaves than lynching and whitecapping are characteristic -of the administration of justice in Georgia and Indiana. Certain -punishments, however, are so frequently mentioned in Latin literature, -that a description of them is necessary in order that the passages in -which they occur may be understood by the reader. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 32. FLAGELLUM] - -167. The most common punishment for neglect of duty or petty -misconduct was a beating with a stick or flogging with a lash. If the -picture of a Roman school already referred to (section 119) gives a -correct idea of the punishments inflicted upon a schoolboy with the -consent of his parents, we should expect that of a slave to be as -severe as regard for his usefulness afterwards would permit. Hence we -find that for the single rod or stick was often substituted a bundle -of rods, usually elm (_ulmi_) corresponding to the birch of England -and the hickory of America. For the lash or rawhide (_scutica_ or -_lorum_) was often used a sort of cat-o'-nine-tails, made of cords or -thongs of leather. When the offense was more serious, bits of bone -were attached to this, and even metal buttons, to tear the flesh, and -the instrument was called a _flagrum_ or _flagellum_ (Fig. 32). It -could not have been less severe than the knout of Russia, and we may -well believe that slaves died beneath its blows. To render the victim -incapable of resistance he was sometimes drawn up to a beam by the -arms, and weights were even attached to his feet, so that he could not -so much as writhe under the torture. - -168. In the comedies are many references to these punishments, and the -slaves make grim jests on the rods and the scourge, taunting each -other with the beatings they have had or deserve to have. Sometimes -the rods are parasites, who shave close the person to whom they attach -themselves; sometimes they are pens, the back of the culprit being the -copybook; sometimes they are catapults, dealing darts and death. -Sometimes the victim is a bottomless abyss of rods; sometimes he has -absorbed so much essence of elm that he is in danger of himself -becoming a tree; sometimes he is an anvil; sometimes he is a solid -melting under the blows; sometimes he is a garden well watered by -blows. Sometimes an entertainment is being prepared scot-free for his -back; and sometimes his back is a beautifully embroidered carpet. - -169. Another punishment for offenses of the same trivial nature -resembled the stocks of old New England days. The offender was exposed -to the derision of his fellows with his limbs so confined that he -could make no motion at all, could not so much as brush a fly from his -face. Variations of this form of punishment are seen in the _furca_ -and in the "making a quadruped out of a man." The latter must have -been something like the "bucking and gagging" used as a punishment in -the militia; the former was so common that _furcifer_ became a mere -term of abuse. The culprit carried upon his shoulders a log of wood, -shaped like a V, and had his arms stretched out before him with his -hands fastened to the ends of the fork. This log he had to carry -around in order that the other members of the _familia_ might see him -and take warning. Sometimes to this punishment was added a lashing as -he moved painfully along. - -170. Less painful and degrading for the moment, but far more dreaded -by the slave, was a sentence to harder labor than he had been -accustomed to perform. The final penalty for misconduct on the part of -a city slave, for whom the rod had been spoiled in vain, was -banishment to the farm, and to this might be added at a stroke the -odious task of grinding at the mill (section 148), or the crushing -toil of labor in the quarries. The last were the punishments of the -better class of farm slaves, while the desperate and dangerous class -of slaves who regularly worked in the quarries paid for their misdeeds -under the scourge and in heavier shackles by day and fewer hours of -rest by night. These may be compared to the galley slaves of later -times. Those utterly incorrigible might be sold for gladiators. - -171. For actual crimes, not mere faults or offenses, the punishments -were far more severe. Slaves were so numerous (section 131) and their -various employments gave them such free access to the person of the -master, that his property and very life were always at their mercy. It -was indeed a just and gentle master that did not sometimes dream of a -slave holding a dagger at his throat. There was nothing within the -confines of Italy so much dreaded as an uprising of the slaves. It was -simply this haunting fear that led to the inhuman tortures inflicted -upon the slave guilty of an attempt upon the life of his master or of -the destruction of his property. The Romans had not learned twenty -centuries ago, as some of our own citizens have not yet learned, that -crimes are not lessened by increasing the sufferings of the criminals. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 33. SLAVE'S COLLAR--_Servus sum dom(i)ni mei -Scholastici v(iri) sp(ectabilis). Tene me ne fugiam de domo -Pulverata._] - -172. The runaway slave was a criminal: he had stolen himself. He was -also guilty of setting a bad example to his fellow slaves; and, worst -of all, runaway slaves always became bandits (section 161) and they -might find a Spartacus to lead them (section 132). There were, -therefore, standing rewards for the capture of _fugitivi_, and there -were men who made it their business to track them down and return them -to their masters. The _fugitivus_ was brought back in shackles, and -was sure to be flogged within an inch of his life and sent to the -quarries for the rest of his miserable days. Besides this, he was -branded on the forehead with the letter F, for _fugitivus_, and -sometimes had a metal collar riveted about his neck. One such, still -preserved at Rome, is shown in Fig. 33, and another has the -inscription: - - FUGI. TENE ME. CUM REVOCAVERIS ME D. M. - ZONINO, ACCIPIS SOLIDUM.[1] - -[Footnote 1: I have run away. Catch me. If you take me back to my -master Zoninus you'll be rewarded.] - -173. For an attempt upon the life of the master the penalty was death -in its most agonizing form, by crucifixion. This was also the penalty -for taking part in an insurrection, witness the twenty thousand -crucified in Sicily (section 132) and the six thousand crosses that -Pompeius erected along the road to Rome, each bearing the body of one -of the survivors of the final battle in which Spartacus fell. And the -punishment was inflicted not only upon the slave guilty of his -master's life, but also upon the family of the slave, if he had wife -(section 156) and children. If the guilty man could not be found, his -punishment was made certain by the crucifixion of all the slaves of -the murdered man. Tacitus tells us that in the reign of Nero four -hundred slaves were executed for the murder of their master, Pedianus -Secundus, by one of their number undetected. - -174. The cross stood to the slave as the horror of horrors. The very -word (_crux_) was used among them as a curse, especially in the form -_ad (malam) crucem_. The various minor punishments were inflicted at -the order of the master or his representative by some fellow slave -called for the time _carnifex_ or _lorarius_, though these words by no -means imply that he was regularly or even commonly designated for the -disagreeable duty. Still, the administration of punishment to a fellow -slave was felt to be degrading, and the word _carnifex_ was apt to -attach itself to such a person and finally came to be a standing term -of abuse and taunt. It is applied to each other by quarreling slaves, -apparently with no notion of its literal meaning, as many vulgar -epithets are applied to-day. The actual execution of a death sentence -was carried out by one of the _servi publici_ (section 141) at a fixed -place of execution outside of the city walls. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 34. COIN, SHOWING THE PILLEUS] - -175. Manumission.--The slave might purchase his freedom from his -master by means of his savings, as we have seen (section 164), or he -might be set free as a reward for faithful service or some special act -of devotion. In either case it was only necessary for the master to -pronounce him free in the presence of witnesses, though a formal act -of manumission often took place before a praetor. The new-made -freedman set proudly on his head the cap of liberty (_pilleus_), often -seen on Roman coins (Fig. 34). He was now called _libertus_ in -reference to his master, _libertinus_ in reference to others; his -master was no longer _dominus_, but _patronus_. The relation that now -existed between them was one of mutual helpfulness. The patron -assisted the freedman in business, often supplying the means with -which he was to make a start in his new life. It the freedman died -first, the patron paid the expenses of a decent funeral and had the -body buried near the spot where his own ashes would be laid. He became -the guardian of the freedman's children, or if no heirs were left, he -himself inherited the property. The freedman was bound to show his -patron marked deference and respect on all occasions, to attend him -upon public occasions, to assist him in case of reverse of fortune, -and in short to stand to him in the same relation as the client had -stood to the patron in the brave days of old. - -176. The Clients.--The word _cliens_ (from _clueo_; therefore -"hearer," "one who obeys") is used in Roman history of two very -different classes of dependents, who are separated by a considerable -interval of time and may be roughly distinguished as the Old Clients -and the New. The former played an important part under the Kings, and -especially in the struggles between the patricians and plebeians in -the early days of the Republic, but had practically disappeared by the -time of Cicero. The latter are first heard of after the Empire was -well advanced, and never had any political significance. Between the -two classes there is absolutely no connection, and the student must be -careful to notice that the later is not a development of the earlier -class. - -177. The Old Clients.--Clientage (_clientela_) goes back beyond the -founding of Rome to the most ancient social institutions of the -Italian communities. The _gentes_ who settled on the hills along the -Tiber (section 22) had brought with them as a part of their _familiae_ -(section 21) numerous free retainers, who seem to have farmed their -lands, tended their flocks, and done them certain personal services in -return for protection against cattle thieves, raiders, and open -enemies. These retainers were regarded as inferior members of the -_gens_ to which they had severally attached themselves, had a share in -the increase of the flocks and herds (section 33, _peculia_), and were -given the clan name (section 47), but they had no right of marriage -with persons of the higher class and no voice in the government. They -were the original _plebs_, while the _gentiles_ (section 22) were the -_populus_ of Rome. - -178. Rome's policy of expansion soon brought within the city a third -element, distinct from both _gentiles_ and _clientes_. Conquered -communities, especially those dangerously near, were made to destroy -their own strongholds (_oppida_) and move in mass to the city. Those -who possessed already the gentile organization were allowed to become -a part of the _populus_, or governing body, and these, too, brought -their _clientes_ with them. Those who had no such organization either -attached themselves to the _gentes_ as clients, or preferring personal -independence settled here and there, in and about the city, to make a -living as best they might. Some were possessed of means as large -perhaps as those of the patricians; others were artisans and laborers, -hewers of wood and drawers of water; but all alike were without -political rights and occupied the lowest position in the new state. -Their numbers increased rapidly with the expansion of Roman territory, -and they soon outnumbered the patricians with their retainers, with -whom, of course, as conquered people they could have no sympathies or -social ties. To them also the name of _plebs_ was given, and the old -_plebs_, the _clientes_, began to occupy an intermediate position in -the state, though politically included with the plebeians. Many of -them, owing perhaps to the dying out of ancient patrician families, -gradually lost their dependent relation and became identified in -interests with the newer element. - -179. Mutual Obligations.--The relation between the patrician patrons -and the plebeian clients is not now thoroughly understood; the -problems connected with it seem beyond solution. We know that it was -hereditary and that the great houses boasted of the number of their -clients and were eager to increase them from generation to generation. -We know that it was regarded as something peculiarly sacred, that the -client stood to the patron as little less than a son. Vergil tells us -that a special punishment in the underworld awaited the patron who -defrauded a client. We read, too, of instances of splendid loyalty to -their patrons on the part of clients, a loyalty to which we can only -compare in modern times that of Highlanders to the chief of their -clan. But when we try to get an idea of the reciprocal duties and -obligations we find little in our authorities that is definite -(section 12, end). The patron furnished means of support for the -client and his family (section 177), gave him the benefit of his -advice and counsel, and assisted him in his transactions with third -parties, representing him if necessary in the courts. On the other -hand the client was bound to advance the interests of his patron in -every possible way. He tilled his fields, herded his flocks, attended -him in war, and assisted him in special emergencies with money. - -180. It is evident that the mutuality of this relation depended solely -upon the predominant position of the patron in the state. So long as -the patricians were the only full citizens, so long, that is, as the -plebeians had no civil rights, the client might well afford to -sacrifice his personal independence for the sake of the countenance -and protection of one of the mighty. In the case of disputes over -property, for example, the support of his patron would assure him -justice even against a patrician, and might secure more than justice -were his opponent a plebeian without another such advocate. It is -evident, too, that the relation could not long endure after the -equalization of the orders. For a generation or two the patron and the -client might stand together against their old adversaries, but sooner -or later the client would see that he was getting no equivalent for -the service he rendered, and his children or his children's children -would throw off the yoke. The introduction of slavery, on the other -hand, helped to make the patron independent of the client, and while -we can hardly tell whether its rapid growth (section 129) was the -cause or the effect of declining clientage, it is nevertheless -significant that the new relation of _patronus_ and _libertus_ -(section 175) marks the disappearance of that of _patronus_ and -_cliens_ in the old and better sense of the words. - -181. The New Clients.--The new clients need not detain us long. They -came in with the upstart rich, who counted a long train of dependents -as necessary to their state as a string of high-sounding names -(section 50), or a mansion crowded with useless slaves (section 155). -These dependents were simply obscure and needy men who toadied to the -rich and great for the sake of the crumbs that fell from their tables. -There might be among them men of perverted talents, philosophers or -poets like Martial and Statius, but they were all at best a swarm of -cringing, fawning, time-serving flatterers and parasites. It is -important to understand that there was no personal tie between the new -patron and the new client, no bond of hereditary association. No -sacrifice was involved on either side. The client did not attach -himself for life to one patron for better or for worse; he frequently -paid his court to several at a time and changed his masters as often -as he could hope for better things. The patron in like manner -dismissed a client when he had tired of him. - -182. Duties and Rewards.--The service, however mean and degrading, was -easy enough. The chief duty was the _salutatio_: the clients arrayed -in the toga, the formal dress for all social functions, assembled -early in the morning in the great man's hall to greet him when he -first appeared. This might be all required of them for the day, and -there might be time to hurry through the streets to another house to -pay similar homage to another patron, perhaps to others still, for the -rich slept late. On the other hand the patron might command their -attendance in the house or by his litter (section 151), if he was -going out, and keep them at his side the whole day long. Then there -was no chance to wait upon the second patron, but every chance to be -forgotten by him. And the rewards were no greater than the services. A -few coins for a clever witticism or a fulsome compliment; a cast-off -toga occasionally, for a shabby dress disgraced the levee; or an -invitation to the dinner table if the patron was particularly -gracious. One meal a day was always expected, and felt to be the due -of the client. But sometimes the patron did not receive and the -clients were sent empty away. Sometimes, too, after a day's attendance -the hungry and tired train were dismissed with a gift of cold food -distributed in little baskets (_sportulae_), a poor and sorry -substitute for the good cheer they had hoped for. From these baskets -the "dole," as we should call it now, came to be called _sportula_ -itself, and in the course of time an equivalent in money, fixed -finally at about thirty cents, took the place of this. But it was -something to be admitted to the familiar presence of the rich and -fashionable, there was always the hope of a little legacy, if the -flattery was adroit, and even the dole would enable one to live more -easily than by work, especially if one could stand well with several -patrons and draw the dole from each of them. - -183. The Hospites.--Finally we come to the _hospites_, though these in -strictness ought not to be reckoned among the dependents. It is true -that they were often dependent on others for protection and help, but -it is also true that they were equally ready and able to extend like -help and protection to others who had the right to claim assistance -from them. It is important to observe that _hospitium_ differed from -clientship in this respect, that the parties to it were actually on -the footing of absolute equality. Although at some particular time one -might be dependent upon the other for food or shelter, at another time -the relations might be reversed and the protector and the protected -change places. - -184. _Hospitium_, in its technical sense, goes back to a time when -there were no international relations, to the time when stranger and -enemy were not merely synonymous words, but absolutely the same word. -In this early stage of society, when distinct communities were -numerous, every stranger was looked upon with suspicion, and the -traveler in a state not his own found it difficult to get his wants -supplied, even if his life was not actually in danger. Hence the -custom arose for a man engaged in commerce or in any other occupation -that might compel him to visit a foreign country to form previously a -connection with a citizen of that country, who would be ready to -receive him as a friend, to supply his needs, to vouch for his good -intentions, and to act if necessary as his protector. Such a -relationship, called _hospitium_, was always strictly reciprocal: if A -agreed to entertain and protect B, when B visited A's country, then B -was bound to entertain and protect A, if A visited B's country. The -parties to an agreement of this sort were called _hospites_, and hence -the word _hospes_ has a double signification, at one time denoting the -entertainer, at another the guest. - -185. Obligations of Hospitium.--The obligations imposed by this -covenant were of the most sacred character, and any failure to regard -its provisions was sacrilege, bringing upon the offender the anger of -_Iuppiter Hospitalis_. Either of the parties might cancel the bond, -but only after a formal and public notice of his intentions. On the -other hand the tie was hereditary, descending from father to son, so -that persons might be _hospites_ who had never so much as seen each -other, whose immediate ancestors even might have had no personal -intercourse. As a means of identification the original parties -exchanged tokens _tesserae hospitales_, (see Rich and Harper, s. v.), -by which they or their descendants might recognize each other. These -tokens were carefully preserved, and when a stranger claimed -_hospitium_ his _tessera_ had to be produced and submitted for -examination. If it was found to be genuine, he was entitled to all the -privileges that the best-known guest-friend could expect. These seem -to have been entertainment so long as he remained in his host's city, -protection including legal assistance if necessary, nursing and -medical attendance in case of illness, the means necessary for -continuing his journey, and honorable burial if he died among -strangers. It will be noticed that these are almost precisely the -duties devolving upon members of our great benevolent societies at the -present time when appealed to by a brother in distress. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE HOUSE AND ITS FURNITURE - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 213-250, 607-645; Goll, II, 213-417; Guhl and -Koner, 556-580, 676-688, 705-725; Ramsay, 516-521; Pauly-Wissowa, -_atrium_, _compluvium_; Smith, Harper, Rich, under _domus_, _murus_, -_tegula_, and the other Latin words used in the text; Lubker, 507-509; -Baumeister, 1365 f., 631, 927 f., 1373 f.; Mau-Kelsey, 239-348, -361-373, 446-474; Overbeck, 244-376, 520-537; Gusman, 253-316. - - -186. Domus.--The house with which we are concerned is the residence -(_domus_) of the single household, as opposed to lodging houses or -apartment houses (_insulae_) intended for the accommodation of several -families, and the residence, moreover, of the well-to-do citizen, as -opposed on the one hand to the mansion of the millionaire and on the -other to the hovels of the very poor. At the same time it must be -understood that the Roman house did not show as many distinct types as -does the American house of the present time. The Roman was naturally -conservative, he was particularly reluctant to introduce foreign -ideas, and his house in all times and of all classes preserved certain -main features essentially unchanged. The proportion of these might -vary with the size and shape of the lot at the builder's disposal, the -number of apartments added would depend upon the means and tastes of -the owner, but the kernel, so to speak, is always the same, and this -makes the general plan much less complex, the description much less -confusing. - -187. Our sources of information are unusually abundant. Vitruvius, an -architect and engineer of the time of Caesar and Augustus, has left a -work on building, giving in detail his own principles of construction; -the works of many of the Roman writers contain either set descriptions -of parts of houses or at least numerous hints and allusions that are -collectively very helpful; and finally the ground plans of many houses -have been uncovered in Rome and elsewhere, and in Pompeii we have even -the walls of some houses left standing. There are still, however, -despite the fullness and authority of our sources, many things in -regard to the arrangement and construction of the house that are -uncertain and disputed (section 12, end). - -188. The Development of the House.--The primitive Roman house came -from the Etruscans. It goes back to the simple farm life of early -times, when all members of the household, father, mother, children, -and dependents, lived in one large room together. In this room the -meals were cooked, the table spread, all indoor work performed, the -sacrifices offered to the Lares (section 27), and at night a space -cleared in which to spread the hard beds or pallets. The primitive -house had no chimney, the smoke escaping through a hole in the middle -of the roof. Rain could enter where the smoke escaped, and from this -fact the hole was called the _impluvium_; just beneath it in later -times a basin (_compluvium_) was hollowed out in the floor to catch -the water for domestic purposes. There were no windows, all natural -light coming through the _impluvium_ or, in pleasant weather, through -the open door. There was but one door, and the space opposite it seems -to have been reserved as much as possible for the father and mother. -Here was the hearth, where the mother prepared the meals, and near it -stood the implements she used in spinning and weaving; here was the -strong box (_arca_), in which the master kept his valuables, and here -their couch -was spread. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 35. CINERARY URN] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 36. PLAN OF HOUSE] - -189. The outward appearance of such a house is shown in the Etruscan -cinerary urns (Fig. 35; see also Smith, I, 668; Schreiber, LIII, 5; -Baumeister, Fig. 146) found in various places in Italy. The ground -plan is a simple rectangle, as shown in Figure 36, without partitions. -This may be regarded as historically and architecturally the kernel of -the Roman house; it is found in all of which we have any knowledge. -Its very name (_atrium_), denoting originally the whole house, was -also preserved, as is shown in the names of certain very ancient -buildings in Rome used for religious purposes, the _atrium Vestae_, -the _atrium Libertatis_, etc., but afterwards applied to the -characteristic single room. The name was once supposed to mean "the -black (_ater_) room," but many scholars recognize in it the original -Etruscan word for house. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 37. PLAN OF HOUSE] - -190. The first change in the primitive house came in the form of a -shed or "lean-to" on the side of the _atrium_ opposite the door. It -was probably intended at first for merely temporary purposes, being -built of wooden boards (_tabulae_), and having an outside door and no -connection with the _atrium_. It could not have been long, however, -until the wall between was broken through, and this once done and its -convenience demonstrated, the partition wall was entirely removed, and -the second form of the Roman house resulted (Fig. 37). This -improvement also persisted, and the _tablinum_ is found in all the -houses from the humblest to the costliest of which we have any -knowledge. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 38. PLAN OF HOUSE] - -191. The next change was made by widening the _atrium_, but in order -that the roof might be more easily supported walls were erected along -the lines of the old _atrium_ for about two-thirds of its depth. These -may have been originally mere pillars, as nowadays in our cellars, not -continuous walls. At any rate, the _atrium_ at the end next the -_tablinum_ was given the full width between the outside walls, and the -additional spaces, one on each side, were called _alae_. The -appearance of such a house as seen from the entrance door must have -been much like that of an Anglican or Roman Catholic church. The open -space between the supporting walls corresponded to the nave, the two -_alae_ to the transepts, while the bay-like _tablinum_ resembled the -chancel. The space between the outside walls and those supporting the -roof was cut off into rooms of various sizes, used for various -purposes (Fig. 38). So far as we know they received light only from -the _atrium_, for no windows are assigned to them by Roman writers, -and none are found in the ruins, but it is hardly probable that in the -country no holes were made for light and air, however considerations -of privacy and security may have influenced builders in the towns. -From this ancient house we find preserved in its successors all -opposite the entrance door: the _atrium_ with its _alae_ and -_tablinum_, the _impluvium_ and _compluvium_. These are the -characteristic features of the Roman house, and must be so regarded in -the description which follows of later developments under foreign -influence. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 39. PLAN OF HOUSE] - -192. The Greeks seem to have furnished the idea next adopted by the -Romans, a court at the rear of the _atrium_, open to the sky, -surrounded by rooms, and set with flowers, trees, and shrubs. The open -space had columns around it, and often a fountain in the middle (Fig. -39). This court was called the _peristylum_ or _peristylium_. -According to Vitruvius its breadth should have exceeded its depth by -one-third, but we do not find these or any other proportions strictly -observed in the houses that are known to us. Access to the -_peristylium_ from the _atrium_ could be had through the _tablinum_, -though this might be cut off from it by folding doors, and by a narrow -passage[1] by its side. The latter would be naturally used by servants -and by others who did not wish to pass through the master's room. Both -passage and _tablinum_ might be closed on the side of the _atrium_ by -portieres. The arrangement of the various rooms around the court seems -to have varied with the notions of the builder, and no one plan for -them can be laid down. According to the means of the owner there were -bedrooms, dining-rooms, libraries, drawing-rooms, kitchen, scullery, -closets, private baths, together with the scanty accommodations -necessary even for a large number of slaves. But no matter whether -these rooms were many or few they all faced the court, receiving from -it light and air, as did the rooms along the sides of the _atrium_. -There was often a garden behind the court. - -[Footnote 1: This passage is called _fauces_ in the older books. Mau -has shown that the _fauces_ was on the entrance side of the _atrium_. -He calls the passage by the _tablinum_ the _andron_.] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 40. PLAN OF HOUSE] - -193. The next change took place in the city and town house only, -because it was due to conditions of town life that did not obtain in -the country. In ancient as well as in modern times business was likely -to spread from the center of the town into residence districts, and it -often became desirable for the owner of a dwelling-house to adapt it -to the new conditions. This was easily done in the case of the Roman -house on account of the arrangement of the rooms. Attention has -already been called to the fact that the rooms all opened to the -interior of the house, that no windows were placed in the outer walls, -and that the only door was in front. If the house faced a business -street, it is evident that the owner could, without interfering with -the privacy of his house or decreasing its light, build rooms in front -of the _atrium_ for commercial purposes. He reserved, of course, a -passageway to his own door, narrower or wider according to the -circumstances. If the house occupied a corner, such rooms might be -added on the side as well as in front (Fig. 40), and as they had no -necessary connection with the interior they might be rented as -living-rooms, as such rooms often are in our own cities. It is -probable that rooms were first added in this way for business purposes -by an owner who expected to carry on some enterprise of his own in -them, but even men of good position and considerable means did not -hesitate to add to their incomes by renting to others these -disconnected parts of their houses. All the larger houses uncovered in -Pompeii are arranged in this manner. One occupying a whole square and -having rented rooms on three sides is described in section 208. Such a -detached house was called an _insula_. - -194. The Vestibulum.--Having traced the development of the house as a -whole and described briefly its permanent and characteristic parts, we -may now examine these more closely and at the same time call attention -to other parts introduced at a later time. It will be convenient to -begin with the front of the house. The city house was built even more -generally than now on the street line. In the poorer houses the door -opening into the _atrium_ was in the front wall, and was separated -from the street only by the width of the threshold. In the better sort -of houses, those described in the last section, the separation of the -_atrium_ from the street by the row of stores gave opportunity for -arranging a more imposing entrance. A part at least of this space was -left as an open court, with a costly pavement running from the street -to the door, adorned with shrubs and flowers, with statuary even, and -trophies of war, if the owner was rich and a successful general. This -courtyard was called the _vestibulum_. The derivation of the word is -disputed, but it probably comes from _ve-_, "apart," "separate," and -_stare_ (cf. _prostibulum_ from _prostare_), and means "a private -standing place"; other explanations are suggested in the dictionaries. -The important thing to notice is that it does not correspond at all to -the part of a modern house called after it the vestibule. In this -_vestibulum_ the clients gathered, before daybreak perhaps (section -182), to wait for admission to the _atrium_, and here the _sportula_ -was doled out to them. Here, too, was arranged the wedding procession -(section 86), and here was marshaled the train that escorted the boy -to the forum the day that he put away childish things (section 128). -Even in the poorer houses the same name was given to the little space -between the door and the edge of the sidewalk. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 41. MOSAIC DOG] - -195. The Ostium.--The entrance to the house was called the _ostium_. -This includes the doorway and the door itself, and the word is applied -to either, though _fores_ and _ianua_ are the more precise words for -the door. In the poorer houses (section 194) the _ostium_ was directly -on the street, and there can be no doubt that it originally opened -directly into the _atrium_; in other words, the ancient _atrium_ was -separated from the street only by its own wall. The refinement of -later times led to the introduction of a hall or passageway between -the _vestibulum_ and the _atrium_, and the _ostium_ opened into this -hall and gradually gave its name to it. The threshold (_limen_) was -broad, the door being placed well back, and often had the word _salve_ -worked on it in mosaic. Over the door were words of good omen, _Nihil -intret mali_, for example, or a charm against fire. In the great -houses where an _ostiarius_ or _ianitor_ (section 150) was kept on -duty, his place was behind the door, and sometimes he had here a small -room. A dog was often kept chained in the _ostium_, or in default of -one a picture was painted on the wall or worked in mosaic on the floor -(Fig. 41) with the warning beneath it: _Cave canem!_ The hallway was -closed on the side of the _atrium_ with a curtain (_velum_). This -hallway was not so long that through it persons in the _atrium_ could -not see passers-by in the street. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 42. IMPLUVIUM IN TUSCAN ATRIUM] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 43. SECTION OF TUSCAN ATRIUM] - -196. The Atrium.--The _atrium_ (section 188) was the kernel of the -Roman house, and to it was given the appropriate name _cavum aedium_. -It is possible that this later name belonged strictly to the unroofed -portion only, but the two words came to be used indiscriminately. The -old view that the _cavum aedium_ was a middle court between the -_atrium_ and the _peristylium_ is still held by a few scholars, but is -not supported by the monumental evidence (section 187). The most -conspicuous features of the _atrium_ were the _impluvium_ and the -_compluvium_ (section 188). The water collected in the latter was -carried into cisterns; over the former a curtain could be drawn when -the light was too intense, as over a photographer's skylight nowadays. -We find that the two words were carelessly used for each other by -Roman writers. So important was the _impluvium_ to the _atrium_, that -the latter was named from the manner in which the former was -constructed. Vitruvius tells us that there were four styles. The first -was called the _atrium Tuscanicum_. In this the roof was formed by two -pairs of beams crossing each other at right angles, the inclosed space -being left uncovered and thus forming the _impluvium_ (Figs. 42, 43). -The name (section 188) as well as the simple construction shows that -this was the earliest form of the _atrium_, and it is evident that it -could not be used for rooms of very large dimensions. The second was -called the _atrium tetrastylon_. The beams were supported at their -intersections by pillars or columns. The third, _atrium Corinthium_, -differed from the second only in having more than four supporting -pillars. It is probable that these two similar styles came in with the -widening of the _atrium_ (section 191). The fourth was called the -_atrium displuviatum_. In this the roof sloped toward the outer walls, -as shown in the cinerary urn mentioned in section 189, and the water -was carried off by gutters on the outside, the _compluvium_ collecting -only so much as actually fell into it from the heavens. We are told -that there was another style of _atrium_, the _testudinatum_, which -was covered all over and had neither _impluvium_ nor _compluvium_. We -do not know how this was lighted; perhaps by windows in the alae. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 44. SMALL HOUSE AT POMPEII] - -197. The Change in the Atrium.--The _atrium_ as it was in the early -days of the Republic has been described in section 188. The simplicity -and purity of the family life of that period lent a dignity to the -one-room house that the vast palaces of the late Republic and Empire -failed utterly to inherit. By Cicero's time the _atrium_ had ceased to -be the center of domestic life; it had become a state apartment used -only for display. We do not know the successive steps in the process -of change. Probably the rooms along the sides (section 191) were first -used as bedrooms, for the sake of greater privacy. The need of a -detached room for the cooking must have been felt as soon as the -_peristylium_ was adopted (it may well be that the court was -originally a kitchen garden), and then of a dining-room convenient to -it. Then other rooms were added about this court and these were made -sleeping-apartments for the sake of still greater privacy. Finally -these rooms were needed for other purposes (section 192) and the -sleeping-rooms were moved again, this time to an upper story. When -this second story was added we do not know, but it presupposes the -small and costly lots of a city. Even the most unpretentious houses in -Pompeii have in them the remains of staircases (Fig. 44). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 45. ATRIUM IN HOUSE OF SALLUST IN POMPEII] - -198. The _atrium_ was now fitted up with all the splendor and -magnificence that the owner's means would permit. The opening in the -roof was enlarged to admit more light, and the supporting pillars -(section 196) were made of marble or costly woods. Between these -pillars and along the walls statues and other works of art were -placed. The _compluvium_ became a marble basin, with a fountain in the -center, and was often richly carved or adorned with figures in relief. -The floors were mosaic, the walls painted in brilliant colors or -paneled with marbles of many hues, and the ceilings were covered with -ivory and gold. In such a hall (Fig. 45) the host greeted his guests -(section 185), the patron received his clients (section 182), the -husband welcomed his wife (section 89), and here his body lay in state -when the pride of life was over. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 46. RUINS OF THE HOUSE OF THE POET IN POMPEII] - -199. Still some memorials of the older day were left in even the most -imposing _atrium_. The altar to the Lares and Penates remained near -the place where the hearth had been, though the regular sacrifices -were made in a special chapel in the _peristylium_. In even the -grandest houses the implements for spinning were kept in the place -where the matron had once sat among her maidservants (sections 86, -105), as Livy tells us in the story of Lucretia. The cabinets retained -the masks of simpler and may be stronger men (section 107), and the -marriage couch stood opposite the _ostium_ (hence its other name, -_lectus adversus_), where it had been placed on the wedding night -(section 89), though no one slept in the _atrium_. In the country much -of the old-time use of the _atrium_ survived even Augustus, and the -poor, of course, had never changed their style of living. What use was -made of the small rooms along the sides of the _atrium_, after they -had ceased to be bedchambers, we do not know; they served perhaps as -conversation rooms, private parlors, and drawing-rooms. - -200. The Alae.--The manner in which the _alae_, or wings, were formed -has been explained (section 191); they were simply the rectangular -recesses left on the right and left of the _atrium_, when the smaller -rooms on the sides were walled off. It must be remembered that they -were entirely open to the _atrium_, and formed a part of it, perhaps -originally furnishing additional light from windows in their outer -walls. In them were kept the _imagines_, as the wax busts of those -ancestors who had held curule offices were called, arranged in -cabinets in such a way that, by the help of cords running from one to -another and of inscriptions under each of them, their relation to each -other could be made clear and their great deeds kept in mind. Even -when Roman writers or those of modern times speak of the _imagines_ as -in the _atrium_, it is the _alae_ that are intended. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 47. VIEW FROM THE ATRIUM] - -201. The Tablinum.--The probable origin of the _tablinum_, has been -explained above (section 190), and its name has been derived from the -material (_tabulae_, "planks") of the "lean-to," perhaps a summer -kitchen, from which it developed. Others think that the room received -its name from the fact that in it the master kept his account books -(_tabulae_) as well as all his business and private papers. He kept -here also the money chest or strong box (_arca_), which in the olden -time had been chained to the floor of the _atrium_, and made the room -in fact his office or study. By its position it commanded the whole -house, as the rooms could be entered only from the _atrium_ or -_peristylium_, and the _tablinum_ was right between them. The master -could secure entire privacy by closing the folding doors which cut off -the private court, or by pulling the curtains across the opening into -the great hall. On the other hand, if the _tablinum_ was left open, -the guest entering the _ostium_ must have had a charming vista, -commanding at a glance all the public and semi-public parts of the -house (Fig. 47). Even when the _tablinum_ was closed, there was free -passage from the front of the house to the rear through the short -corridor (section 192) by the side of the _tablinum_. It should be -noticed that there was only one such passage, though the older -authorities assert that there were two. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 48. THE PERISTYLE FROM HOUSE IN POMPEII] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 49. ROOF OF PERISTYLE] - -202. The Peristyle.--The _peristylium_ or _peristylum_ was adopted, as -we have seen (section 192), from the Greeks, but despite the way in -which the Roman clung to the customs of his fathers it was not long in -becoming the more important of the two main sections of the house. We -must think of a spacious court (Fig. 48) open to the sky, but -surrounded by a continuous row of buildings, or rather rooms, for the -buildings soon became one, all facing it and having doors and latticed -windows opening upon it. All these buildings had covered porches on -the side next the court (Fig. 49), and these porches forming an -unbroken colonnade on the four sides were strictly the peristyle, -though the name came to be used of the whole section of the house, -including court, colonnade, and surrounding rooms. The court was much -more open to the sun than the _atrium_, and all sorts of rare and -beautiful plants and flowers bloomed and flourished in it, protected -by the walls from cold winds. Fountains and statuary adorned the -middle part; the colonnade furnished cool or sunny promenades, no -matter what the time of day or the season of the year. Loving the open -air and the charms of nature as the Romans did, it is no wonder that -they soon made the peristyle the center of their domestic life in all -the houses of the better class, and reserved the _atrium_ for the more -formal functions which their political and public position demanded -(section 197). It must be remembered that there was often a garden -behind the peristyle, and there was also very commonly a direct -connection with the street. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 50. KITCHEN RANGE] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 51. LATRINA] - -203. Private Rooms.--The rooms surrounding the court varied so much -with the means and tastes of the owners of the houses that we can -hardly do more than give a list of those most frequently mentioned in -literature. It is important to remember that in the town house all -these rooms received their light by day from the court (section 193), -while in the country there may well have been windows and doors in the -exterior wall (section 191). First in importance comes the kitchen -(_culina_), placed on the side of the court opposite the _tablinum_. -It was supplied with an open fireplace for roasting and boiling, and -with a stove (Fig. 50) not unlike the charcoal affairs still used in -Europe. Near it was the bakery, if the mansion required one, supplied -with an oven. Near it, too, was the bathhouse (_latrina_) with the -necessary closet, in order that all might use the same connection with -the sewer (Fig. 51). If the house had a stable, it was also put near -the kitchen, as nowadays in Latin countries. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 52. DINING-ROOM IN COURT] - -204. The dining-room (_triclinium_) may be mentioned next. It was not -necessarily in immediate juxtaposition to the kitchen, because the -army of slaves (section 149) made its position of little importance so -far as convenience was concerned. It was customary to have several -triclinia for use at different seasons of the year, in order that the -room might be warmed by the sun in winter, and in summer escape its -rays. Vitruvius thought that its length should be twice its breadth, -but the ruins show no fixed proportions. The Romans were so fond of -the air and the sky that the court must have often served as a dining- -room, and Horace has left us a charming picture of the master dining -under an arbor attended by a single slave. Such an outdoor dining-room -is found in the so-called House of Sallust at Pompeii (Fig. 52). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 53. BEDROOM] - -205. The sleeping-rooms (_cubicula_) were not considered so important -by the Romans as by us, for the reason, probably, that they were used -merely to sleep in and not for living-rooms as well. They were very -small and the furniture was scant (Fig. 53) in even the best houses. -Some of these seem to have had anterooms in connection with the -_cubicula_, which were probably occupied by attendants (section 150), -and in even the ordinary houses there was often a recess for the bed. -Some of the bedrooms seem to have been used merely for the midday -siesta (section 122), and these were naturally situated in the coolest -part of the court; they were called _cubicula diurna_. The others were -called by way of distinction _cubicula nocturna_ or _dormitoria_, and -were placed so far as possible on the west side of the court in order -that they might receive the morning sun. It should be remembered that -in the best houses the bedrooms were preferably in the second story of -the peristyle. - -206. A library (_bibliotheca_) had a place in the house of every Roman -of education. Collections of books were large as well as numerous, and -were made then as now by persons even who cared nothing about their -contents. The books or rolls, which will be described later, were kept -in cases or cabinets around the walls, and in one library discovered -in Herculaneum an additional rectangular case occupied the middle of -the room. It was customary to decorate the room with statues of -Minerva and the Muses, and also with the busts and portraits of -distinguished men. Vitruvius recommends an eastern aspect for the -_bibliotheca_, probably to guard against dampness. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 54. CHAPEL IN HOUSE] - -207. Besides these rooms, which must have been found in all good -houses, there were others of less importance, some of which were so -rare that we scarcely know their uses. The _sacrarium_ was a private -chapel (Fig. 54) in which the images of the gods were kept, acts of -worship performed, and sacrifices offered. The Lar or tutelary -divinity of the house seems, however, to have retained his ancient -place in the _atrium_. The _oeci_ were halls or saloons, corresponding -perhaps to our parlors and drawing-rooms, used occasionally, it may -be, for banquet halls. The _exedrae_ were rooms supplied with -permanent seats which seem to have been used for lectures and similar -entertainments. The _solarium_ was a place to bask in the sun, -sometimes a terrace, often the flat roof of the house, which was then -covered with earth and laid out like a garden and made beautiful with -flowers and shrubs. Besides these there were, of course, sculleries, -pantries, and storerooms. The slaves had to have their quarters -(_cellae servorum_), in which they were packed as closely as possible. -Cellars under the houses seem to have been rare, though some have been -found at Pompeii. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 55. HOUSE OF PANSA] - -208. The House of Pansa.--Finally we may describe a house that -actually existed, taking as an illustration one that must have -belonged to a wealthy and influential man, the so-called House of -Pansa at Pompeii (Fig. 55; and see also Overbeck's _Pompeii_, p. 325; -Harper, p. 549; Becker, II, p. 214; Smith, I, p. 681; Schreiber, LIII, -16; the various plans are slightly different). The house occupied an -entire square, facing a little east of south. Most of the rooms on the -front and sides were rented out for shops or stores; in the rear was a -garden. The rooms that did not belong to the house proper are shaded -in the plan here given. The _vestibulum_, marked 1 in the plan, is the -open space between two of the shops (section 193). Behind it is the -_ostium_ (1'), with a figure of a dog (section 195) in mosaic, opening -into the _atrium_ (2, 2) with three rooms on each side, the _alae_ -(2', 2') being in the regular place, the _compluvium_ (3) in the -middle, the _tablinum_ (4) opposite the _ostium_, and the passage on -the eastern side (5). The _atrium_ is of the _Tuscanicum_ style -(section 196), and is paved with concrete; the _tablinum_ and the -passage have mosaic floors. From these, steps lead down into the -court, which is lower than the _atrium_, measures 65 by 50 feet, and -is surrounded by a colonnade with sixteen pillars. There are two rooms -on the side next the _atrium_, one of these (6) has been called the -_bibliotheca_ (section 206), because a manuscript was found in it, but -its purpose is uncertain; the other (6') was possibly a dining-room. -The court has two projections (7', 7') much like the _alae_, which -have been called _exedrae_ (section 207); it will be noticed that one -of these has the convenience of an exit (section 202) to the street. -The rooms on the west and the small room on the east can not be -definitely named. The large room on the east (T) is the main dining- -room (section 204), the remains of the dining couches being marked on -the plan. The kitchen is at the northwest corner (13), with the stable -(14) next to it (section 203, end); off the kitchen is a paved yard -(15) with a gateway into the street by which a cart could enter. East -of the kitchen and yard is a narrow passage connecting the peristyle -with the garden (section 202). East of this are two rooms, the larger -of which (9) is one of the most imposing rooms of the house, 33 by 24 -feet in size, with a large window guarded by a low balustrade, and -opening into the garden. This was probably an _oecus_ (section 207). -In the center of the court is a basin about two feet deep, the rim of -which was once decorated with figures of water plants and fish. Along -the whole north end of the house ran a long veranda (16, 16), -overlooking the garden (11, 11) in which was a sort of summer house -(12). The house had an upper story, but the stairs leading to it are -in the rented rooms, suggesting that the upper floor was not occupied -by Pansa's family. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 56. SECTION OF THE HOUSE OF PANSA IN POMPEII] - -209. Of the rooms facing the street it will be noticed that one, -lightly shaded in the plan, is connected with the _atrium_; it was -probably used for some business conducted by Pansa himself (section -193, end), possibly with a slave (section 144) or a freedman (section -175) in immediate charge of it. Of the others the suites on the east -side (A, B) seem to have been rented out as living apartments. The -others were shops and stores. The four connected rooms on the west, -near the front, seem to have been a large bakery; the room marked C -was the salesroom, with a large room opening off of it containing -three stone mills, troughs for kneading the dough, a water tap with -sink, and a recessed oven. The uses of the others are uncertain. The -section plan (Fig. 56) represents the appearance of the house if all -were cut away on one side of a line drawn from front to rear through -the middle of the house. It is, of course, largely conjectural, but -gives a clear idea of the general way in which the division walls and -roof must have been arranged. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 57. WALL OF ROMULUS] - -210. The Walls.--The materials of which the wall (_paries_) was -composed varied with the time, the place, and the cost of -transportation. Stone and unburned bricks (_lateres crudi_) were the -earliest materials used in Italy, as almost everywhere else, timber -being employed for merely temporary structures, as in the addition -(section 190) from which the _tablinum_ developed. For private houses -in very early times and for public buildings in all times, walls of -dressed stone (_opus quadratum_) were laid in regular courses, -precisely as in modern times (Fig. 57). Over the wall was spread a -coating of fine marble stucco for decorative purposes, which gave it a -finish of dazzling white. For less pretentious houses, not for public -buildings, the sun-dried bricks were largely used up to about the -beginning of the first century B.C. These, too, were covered with the -stucco, for protection against the weather as well as for decoration, -but even the hard stucco has not preserved walls of this perishable -material to our times. In classical times a new material had come into -use, better than either brick or stone, cheaper, more durable, more -easily worked and transported, which was employed almost exclusively -for private houses, and very generally for public buildings. Walls -constructed in the new way (_opus caementicium_) are variously called -"rubble-work" or "concrete" in our books of reference, but neither -term is quite descriptive; the _opus caementicium_ was not laid in -courses, as is our rubble-work, while on the other hand larger stones -were used in it than in the concrete of which walls for buildings are -now constructed. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 58. METHOD OF CASTING CONCRETE WALLS] - -211. Paries Caementicius.--The materials varied with the place. At -Rome lime and volcanic ashes (_lapis Puteolanus_) were used with -pieces of stone as large or larger than the fist. Brickbats sometimes -took the place of stone, and sand (section 146) that of the volcanic -ashes; potsherds crushed fine were better than the sand. The harder -the stones the better the concrete; the very best was made with pieces -of lava, the material with which the roads were generally paved. The -method of forming the concrete walls was the same as that of modern -times, familiar to us all in the construction of sidewalks. It will be -easily understood from the illustration (Fig. 58). Upright posts, -about 5 by 6 inches thick, and from 10 to 15 feet in height, were -fixed about 3 feet apart along the line of both faces of the intended -wall. On the outside of these were nailed horizontally boards, 10 or -12 inches wide, overlapping each other. Into the intermediate space -the semi-fluid concrete was poured, receiving the imprint of posts and -boards. When the concrete had hardened, the frame-work was removed and -placed on top of it and the work continued until the wall had reached -the required height. Walls made in this way varied in thickness from a -seven-inch partition wall in an ordinary house to the eighteen-foot -walls of the Pantheon of Agrippa. They were far more durable than -stone walls, which might be removed stone by stone with little more -labor than was required to put them together; the concrete wall was a -single slab of stone throughout its whole extent, and large parts of -it might be cut away without diminishing the strength of the rest in -the slightest degree. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 59. WALL FACINGS] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 60. BRICK FOR FACING WALL] - -212. Wall Facings.--Impervious to the weather though these walls were, -they were usually faced with stone or kiln-burned brick (_lateres -cocti_). The stone employed was usually the soft tufa, not nearly so -well adapted to stand the weather as the concrete itself. The earliest -fashion was to take bits of stone having one smooth face but of no -regular size or shape and arrange them with the smooth faces against -the frame-work as fast as the concrete was poured in; when the frame- -work was removed the wall presented the appearance shown at A in Fig. -59. Such a wall was called _opus incertum_. In later times the tufa -was used in small blocks having the smooth face square and of a -uniform size. A wall so faced looked as if covered with a net (B in -Fig. 59) and was therefore called _opus reticulatum_. A section at a -corner is shown at C. In either case the exterior face of the wall was -usually covered with a fine limestone or marble stucco, which gave a -hard finish, smooth and white. The burned bricks were triangular in -shape, but their arrangement and appearance can be more easily -understood from the illustration (Fig. 60) than from any description -that could be given here. It must be noticed that there were no walls -made of _lateres cocti_ alone, even the thin partition walls having a -core of concrete. - -213. Floors and Ceilings.--In the poorer houses the floor (_solum_) of -the first story was made by smoothing the ground between the walls, -covering it thickly with small pieces of stone, bricks, tile, and -potsherds, and pounding all down solidly and smoothly with a heavy -rammer (_fistuca_). Such a floor was called _pavimentum_, and the name -came gradually to be used of floors of all kinds. In houses of a -better sort the floor was made of stone slabs fitted smoothly -together. The more pretentious houses had concrete floors, made as has -been described. Floors of upper stories were sometimes made of wood, -but concrete was used here, too, poured over a temporary flooring of -wood. Such a floor was very heavy, and required strong walls to -support it; examples are preserved of the thickness of eighteen inches -and a span of twenty feet. A floor of this kind made a perfect ceiling -for the room below, requiring only a finish of stucco. Other ceilings -were made much as they are now, laths being nailed on the stringers or -rafters and covered with mortar and stucco. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 61. HUT OF ROMULUS] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 62. TILE FOR ROOF] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 63. TILE ROOF] - -214. Roofs.--The construction of the roofs (_tecta_) differed very -little from the modern method, as may be seen in the illustration -shown in section 196. They varied as much as ours do in shape, some -being flat, others sloping in two directions, others in four. In the -most ancient times the covering was a thatch of straw, as in the so- -called hut of Romulus (_casa Romuli_) on the Palatine Hill preserved -even under the Empire as a relic of the past (Fig. 61). Shingles -followed the straw, only to give place in turn to tiles. These were at -first flat, like our shingles, but were later made with a flange on -each side (Fig. 62) in such a way that the lower part of one would -slip into the upper part of the one below it on the roof. The tiles -(_tegulae_) were laid side by side and the flanges covered by other -tiles, called _imbrices_ (Fig. 63) inverted over them. Gutters also of -tile ran along the eaves to conduct the water into cisterns, if it was -needed for domestic purposes. The appearance of the completed roof is -shown in Fig. 49, section 202. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 64. DOOR OF ROMAN HOUSE] - -215. The Doors.--The Roman doorway, like our own, had four parts: the -threshold (_limen_), the two jambs (_postes_), and the lintel (_limen -superum_). The lintel was always of a single piece of stone and -peculiarly massive. The doors were exactly like those of modern times, -except in the matter of hinges, for while the Romans had hinges like -ours they did not use them on their doors. The door-hinge was really a -cylinder of hard wood, a little longer than the door and of a diameter -a little greater than the thickness of the door, terminating above and -below in pivots. These pivots turned in sockets made to receive them -in the threshold and lintel. To this cylinder the door was mortised, -their combined weight coming upon the lower pivot. The cut (Fig. 64) -makes this clear, and reminds one of an old-fashioned homemade gate. -The comedies are full of references to the creaking of these doors. - -216. The outer door of the house was properly called _ianua_, an inner -door _ostium_, but the two words came to be used indiscriminately, and -the latter was even applied to the whole entrance (section 195). -Double doors were called _fores_, and the back door, usually opening -into a garden (section 208), was called the _posticum_. The doors -opened inwards and those in the outer wall were supplied with bolts -(_pessuli_) and bars (_serae_). Locks and keys by which the doors -could be fastened from without were not unknown, but were very heavy -and clumsy. Finally it should be noticed that in the interiors of -private houses doors were not nearly so common as now, the Romans -preferring portieres (_vela_, _aulaea_). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 65. WINDOW] - -217. The Windows.--In the principal rooms of the house the windows -opened on the court, as has been seen, and it may be set down as a -rule that in rooms situated on the first floor and used for domestic -purposes there were no windows opening on the street. In the upper -floors there must have been windows on the street in such apartments -as had no outlook on the court, as in those for example above the -rented rooms in the House of Pansa (section 208). Country houses may -also have had outside windows in the first story (section 203). All -the windows (_fenestrae_) were small (Fig. 65), hardly larger than -three feet by two. Some were provided with shutters, which were made -to slide backward and forward in a frame-work on the outside of the -wall. These shutters were sometimes in two parts moving in opposite -directions, and when closed were said to be _iunctae_. Other windows -were latticed, and others still were covered with a fine network to -keep out mice and other objectionable animals. Glass was known to the -Romans of the Empire but was too expensive for general use. Talc and -other translucent materials were also employed in window frames as a -protection against cold, but only in very rare instances. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 66. STOVE FOR HEATING] - -218. Heating.--Even in the mild climate of Italy the houses must often -have been too cold for comfort. On merely chilly days the occupants -probably contented themselves with moving into rooms warmed by the -direct rays of the sun (section 204), or with wearing wraps or heavier -clothing. In the more severe weather of actual winter they used -charcoal stoves or braziers of the sort that is still used in the -countries of southern Europe. They were merely metal boxes (Fig. 66) -in which hot coals could be put, with legs to keep the floors from -injury and handles by which they could be carried from room to room. -They were called _foculi_. The wealthy had furnaces resembling ours -under their houses, the heat being carried to the rooms by tile pipes; -in some instances the partitions and floors seem to have been made of -hollow tiles, through which the hot air circulated, warming the rooms -without being admitted to them. These furnaces had chimneys, but -furnaces were seldom used. - -219. Water Supply.--All the important towns of Italy had abundant -supplies of water piped from hills and brought sometimes from a -considerable distance. The Romans' aqueducts were among their most -stupendous and most successful works of engineering. Mains were laid -down the middle of the streets and from these the water was piped into -the houses. There was often a tank in the upper part of the house, -from which the water was distributed as it was needed. It was not -usually carried into many of the rooms, but there was always a jet or -fountain in the court (section 202), in the bathhouse, the garden, and -the closet. The bathhouse had a separate heating apparatus of its own, -which kept the room or rooms at the desired temperature and furnished -hot water as required. - -220. Decoration.--The outside of the house was left severely plain, -the walls being merely covered with stucco, as we have seen (section -212). The interior was decorated to suit the tastes and means of the -owner, not even the poorer houses lacking charming effects in this -direction. At first the stucco-finished walls were merely marked off -into rectangular panels (_abaci_), which were painted deep, rich -colors, reds and yellows predominating. Then in the middle of these -panels simple center-pieces were painted and the whole surrounded with -the most brilliant arabesques. Then came elaborate pictures, figures, -interiors, landscapes, etc., of large size and most skillfully -executed, all painted directly upon the wall, as in some of our public -buildings to-day. Illustrations of these decorations may be found in -Baumeister II, L, and LI, and in colors in Gusman IX-XI, Kelsey XI. A -little later the walls began to be covered with panels of thin slabs -of marble with a baseboard and cornice. Beautiful effects were -produced by combining marbles of different tints, and the Romans -ransacked the world for striking colors. Later still came raised -figures of stucco work, enriched with gold and colors, and mosaic -work, chiefly of minute pieces of colored glass which had a jewel-like -effect. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 67. MOSAIC THRESHOLD] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 68. CARVED DOORWAY] - -221. The doors and doorways gave opportunities for treatment equally -artistic. The doors were richly paneled and carved, or were plated -with bronze, or made of solid bronze. The threshold was often of -mosaic (see the example from Pompeii in Fig. 67). The _postes_ were -sheathed with marble elaborately carved, as in the example from -Pompeii, shown in Fig. 68. The floors were covered with marble tiles -arranged in geometrical figures with contrasting colors, much as they -are now in public buildings, or with mosaic pictures only less -beautiful than those upon the walls. The most famous of these, "Darius -at the Battle of Issus," is shown in black and white in all our -reference books (best in Baumeister under _Mosaik_, Fig. 1000, and in -colors in Overbeck after p. 612). It measures sixteen feet by eight, -but despite its size has no less than one hundred and fifty separate -pieces to each square inch. The ceilings were often barrel-vaulted and -painted brilliant colors, or were divided into panels (_lacus_, -_lacunae_), deeply sunk, by heavy intersecting beams of wood or -marble, and then decorated in the most elaborate manner with raised -stucco work, or gold or ivory, or with bronze plates heavily -gilded.[2] - -[Footnote 2: The magnificence of some of the great houses, even in -Republican times, may be inferred from the prices paid for them. -Cicero paid about $140,000 for his; the consul Messala the same price -for his; Clodius $600,000 for his, the most costly known to us. All -these were on the Palatine Hill, where ground was costly, too.] - -222. Furniture.--Our knowledge of Roman furniture is largely indirect, -because only such articles have come down to us as were made of stone -or metal. Fortunately the secondary sources are abundant and good. -Many articles are incidentally described in works of literature, many -are shown in the wall paintings mentioned above (section 220), and -some have been restored from casts taken in the hardened ashes of -Pompeii and Herculaneum. In general we may say that the Romans had -very few articles of furniture in their houses, and that they cared -less for comfort, not to say luxurious ease, than they did for costly -materials, fine workmanship, and artistic forms. The mansions on the -Palatine were enriched with all the spoils of Greece and Asia, but it -may be doubted whether there was a comfortable bed within the walls of -Rome. - -223. Principal Articles.--Many of the most common and useful articles -of modern furniture were entirely unknown to the Romans. No mirrors -hung on their walls, they had no desks or writing tables, no dressers -or chiffoniers, no glass-doored cabinets for the display of -bric-a-brac, tableware, or books, no mantels, no hat-racks even. The -principal articles found in even the best houses were couches or beds, -chairs, tables, and lamps. If to these we add chests or cabinets, an -occasional brazier (section 218), and still rarer water-clock, we -shall have everything that can be called furniture except tableware -and kitchen utensils. Still it must not be thought that their rooms -presented a desolate or dreary appearance. When one considers the -decorations (sections 220, 221), the stately pomp of the _atrium_ -(section 198), and the rare beauty of the peristyle (section 202), it -is evident that a very few articles of real artistic excellence were -more in keeping with them than would have been the litter and jumble -that we now think necessary in our rooms. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 69. THE LECTUS] - -224. The Couches.--The couch (_lectus_, _lectulus_) was found -everywhere in the Roman house, a sofa by day, a bed by night. In its -simplest form it consisted of a frame of wood with straps across the -top on which was laid a mattress. At one end there was an arm, as in -the case of our sofas; sometimes there was an arm at each end, and a -back besides. It was always provided with pillows and rugs or -coverlets. The mattress was originally stuffed with straw, but this -gave place to wool and even feathers. In some of the bedrooms of -Pompeii the frame seems to have been lacking, the mattress being laid -on a support built up from the floor (section 205). The couches used -for beds seem to have been larger than those used as sofas, and they -were so high that stools (Fig. 69) or even steps were necessary -accompaniments. As a sofa the _lectus_ was used in the library for -reading and writing, the student supporting himself on the left arm -and holding the book or writing with the right hand. In the -dining-room it had a permanent place, as will be described later. Its -honorary position in the great hall has been already mentioned -(section 199). It will be seen that the _lectus_ could be made highly -ornamental. The legs and arms were carved or made of costly woods, or -inlaid or plated with tortoise-shell or the precious metals. We even -read of frames of solid silver. The coverings were often made of the -finest fabrics, dyed the most brilliant colors and worked with figures -of gold. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 70. THE SELLA] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 71. CURULE CHAIRS] - -225. The Chairs.--The primitive form of seat (_sedile_) among the -Romans as elsewhere was the stool or bench with four perpendicular -legs and no back. The remarkable thing is that it did not give place -to something better as soon as means permitted. The stool (_sella_) -was the ordinary seat for one person (Fig. 70), used by men and women -resting or working, and by children and slaves at their meals as well. -The bench (_subsellium_) differed from the stool only in accommodating -more than one person. It was used by senators in the _curia_, by the -jurors in the courts, and by boys in the school (section 120), as well -as in private houses. A special form of the _sella_ was the famous -curule chair (_sella curulis_), having curved legs of ivory (Fig. 71). -The curule chair folded up like our camp-stools for convenience of -carriage and had straps across the top to support the cushion which -formed the seat. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 72. THE SOLIUM] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 73. CATHEDRA] - -226. The first improvement upon the _sella_ was the _solium_, a stiff, -straight, high-backed chair with solid arms, looking as if cut from a -single block of wood (Fig. 72), and so high that a footstool was as -necessary with it as with a bed (section 224). Poets represented gods -and kings as seated in such a chair, and it was kept in the _atrium_ -for the use of the patron when he received his clients (sections 182, -198). Lastly, we find the _cathedra_, a chair without arms, but with a -curved back (Fig. 73) sometimes fixed at an easy angle (_cathedra -supina_), the only approximation to a comfortable seat that the Romans -knew. It was at first used by women only, being regarded as too -luxurious for men, but finally came into general use. Its employment -by teachers in the schools of rhetoric (section 115) gave rise to the -expression _ex cathedra_, applied to authoritative utterances of every -kind, and its use by bishops explains our word cathedral. Neither the -_solium_ nor the _cathedra_ was upholstered, but with them both were -used cushions and coverings as with the _lecti_, and they afforded -like opportunities for skillful workmanship and lavish decoration. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 74. MENSA DELPHICA] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 75. ADJUSTABLE TABLE] - -227. Tables.--The table (_mensa_) was the most important article of -furniture in the Roman house whether we consider its manifold uses, or -the prices often paid for certain kinds. They varied in form and -construction as much as our own, many of which are copied directly -from Roman models. All sorts of materials were used for their supports -and tops, stone, wood, solid or veneered, the precious metals, -probably in thin plates only. The most costly, so far as we know, were -the round tables made from cross-sections of the citrus-tree, found in -Africa. The wood was beautifully marked and single pieces could be had -from three to four feet in diameter. For one of these Cicero paid -$20,000, Asinius Pollio $44,000, King Juba $52,000, and the family of -the Cethegi possessed one valued at $60,000. Special names were given -to tables of certain forms. The _monopodium_ was a table or stand with -but one support, used especially to hold a lamp or toilet articles. -The _abacus_ was a table with a rectangular top having a raised rim -and used for plate and dishes, in the place of the modern sideboard. -The _delphica_ (sc. _mensa_) had three legs, as shown in Fig. 74. -Tables were frequently made with adjustable legs, so that the height -might be altered; the mechanism is clearly shown in the cut (Fig. 75). -On the other hand the permanent tables in the _triclinia_ (section -204) were often built up from the floor of solid masonry or concrete, -having tops of polished stone or mosaic. The table gave a better -opportunity than even the couch or chair for artistic workmanship, -especially in the matter of carving and inlaying the legs and top. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 76. VARIOUS FORMS OF LAMPS] - -228. The Lamps.--The Roman lamp (_lucerna_) was essentially simple -enough, merely a vessel that would hold oil or melted grease with a -few threads twisted loosely together for a wick and drawn out through -a hole in the cover or top (Fig. 76). The light thus furnished must -have been very uncertain and dim. There was no glass to keep the flame -steady, much less was there a chimney or central draft. As works of -art, however, they were exceedingly beautiful, those of the cheapest -material being often of graceful form and proportions, while to those -of costly material the skill of the artist in many cases must have -given a value far above that of the rare stones or precious metals of -which they were made. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 77. BASES FOR LAMPS] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 78. CANDELABRA] - -229. Some of these lamps (cf. Fig. 76) were intended to be carried in -the hand, as shown by the handles, others to be suspended from the -ceiling by chains. Others still were kept on tables expressly made for -them, as the _monopodia_ (section 227) commonly used in the bedrooms, -or the tripods shown in Fig. 77. For lighting the public rooms there -were, besides these, tall stands, like those of our piano lamps, -examples of which may be seen in the last cut (Fig. 78). On some of -these, several lamps perhaps were placed at a time. The name of these -stands (_candelabra_) shows that they were originally intended to hold -wax or tallow candles (_candelae_), and the fact that these candles -were supplanted in the houses of the rich by the smoking and ill- -smelling lamp is good proof that the Romans were not skilled in the -art of making them. Finally it may be noticed that a supply of torches -(_faces_) of dry, inflammable wood, often soaked in oil or smeared -with pitch, was kept near the outer door for use upon the streets. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 79. STRONG BOX] - -230. Chests and Cabinets.--Every house was supplied with chests -(_arcae_) of various sizes for the purpose of storing clothes and -other articles not always in use, and for the safe keeping of papers, -money, and jewelry. The material was usually wood, often bound with -iron and ornamented with hinges and locks of bronze. The smaller -_arcae_, used for jewel cases, were often made of silver or even gold. -Of most importance, perhaps, was the strong box kept in the _tablinum_ -(section 201), in which the _pater familias_ stored his ready money. -It was made as strong as possible so that it could not easily be -opened by force, and was so large and heavy that it could not be -carried away entire. As an additional precaution it was sometimes -chained to the floor. This, too, was often richly carved and mounted, -as is seen in the illustration from Pompeii (Fig. 79). - -231. The cabinets (_armaria_) were designed for similar purposes and -made of similar materials. They were often divided into compartments -and were always supplied with hinges and locks. Two of the most -important uses of these cabinets have been mentioned already: in the -library (section 206) for the preserving of books against mice and -men, and in the _alae_ (section 200) for the keeping of the -_imagines_, or death-masks of wax. It must be noticed that they lacked -the convenient glass doors of the cabinets or cases that we use for -books and similar things, but they were as well adapted to decorative -purposes as the other articles of furniture that have been mentioned. - -232. Other Articles.--The heating stove, or brazier, has been already -described (section 218). It was at best a poor substitute for the -poorest modern stove. The place of our clock was taken in the court or -garden by the sun-dial (_solarium_), such as is often seen nowadays in -our parks, which measured the hours of the day by the shadow of a -stick or pin. It was introduced into Rome from Greece in 268 B.C. -About a century later the water-clock (_clepsydra_) was also borrowed -from the Greeks, a more useful invention because it marked the hours -of the night as well as of the day and could be used in the house. It -consisted essentially of a vessel filled at a regular time with water, -which was allowed to escape from it at a fixed rate, the changing -level marking the hours on a scale. As the length of the Roman hours -varied with the season of the year and the flow of the water with the -temperature, the apparatus was far from accurate. Shakspere's striking -of the clock in "Julius Caesar" (II, i, 192) is an anachronism. Of the -other articles sometimes reckoned as furniture, the tableware and -kitchen utensils, some account will be given elsewhere. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 80. A STREET IN POMPEII] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 81. A PUBLIC FOUNTAIN] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 82. STEPPING-STONES] - -233. The Street.--It is evident from what has been said that a -residence street in a Roman town must have been severely plain and -monotonous in its appearance. The houses were all of practically the -same style, they were finished alike in stucco (section 212), the -windows were few and in the upper stories only, there were no lawns or -gardens, there was nothing in short to lend variety or to please the -eye, except perhaps the decorations of the _vestibula_ (section 194), -or the occasional extension of one story over another (_maenianum_, -Fig. 80), or a public fountain (Fig. 81). The street itself was paved, -as will be explained hereafter, and was supplied with a footway on -either side raised from twelve to eighteen inches above its surface. -The inconvenience of such a height to persons crossing from one -footway to the other was relieved by stepping-stones (_pondera_) of -the same height firmly fixed at suitable distances from each other -across the street. These stepping-stones were placed at convenient -points on each street, not merely at the intersections of two or more -streets. They were usually oval in shape, had flat tops, and measured -about three feet by eighteen inches, the longer axis being parallel -with the walk. The spaces between them were often cut into deep ruts -by the wheels of vehicles, the distance between the ruts showing that -the wheels were about three feet apart. The arrangement of the -stepping-stones is shown clearly in Fig. 82, but it is hard to see how -the draft-cattle managed to work their way between them. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -DRESS AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 475-606; Voigt, 329-335, 404-412; Goll, III, -189-310; Guhl and Koner, 728-747; Ramsay, 504-512; Blumner, I, -189-307; Smith, Harper, Rich, under _toga_, _tunica_, _stola_, -_palla_, and the other Latin words in the text; Lubker, under -_Kleidung_; Baumeister, 574 f., 1822-1846; Pauly-Wissowa, under -_calcei_. - - -234. From the earliest to the latest times the clothing of the Romans -was very simple, consisting ordinarily of two or three articles only -besides the covering of the feet. These articles varied in material, -style, and name from age to age, it is true, but were practically -unchanged during the Republic and the early Empire. The mild climate -of Italy (section 218) and the hardening effect of the physical -exercise of the young (section 107) made unnecessary the closely -fitting garments to which we are accustomed, while contact with the -Greeks on the south and perhaps the Etruscans on the north gave the -Romans a taste for the beautiful that found expression in the graceful -arrangement of their loosely flowing robes. The clothing of men and -women differed much less than in modern times, but it will be -convenient to describe their garments separately. Each article was -assigned by Latin writers to one of two classes and called from the -way it was put on _indutus_ or _amictus_. To the first class we may -give the name of under garments, to the second outer garments, though -these terms very inadequately represent the Latin words. - -235. The Subligaculum.--Next the person was worn the _subligaculum_, -the loin-cloth familiar to us in pictures of ancient athletes and -gladiators (see Fig. 151, section 344, and the culprit in Fig. 26, -section 119), or perhaps the short drawers (trunks), worn nowadays by -bathers or college athletes. We are told that in the earliest times -this was the only under garment worn by the Romans, and that the -family of the Cethegi adhered to this ancient practice throughout the -Republic, wearing the toga immediately over it. This, too, was done by -individuals who wished to pose as the champions of old-fashioned -simplicity, as for example the younger Cato, and by candidates for -public office. In the best times, however, the _subligaculum_ was worn -under the tunic or replaced by it. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 83. THE TUNIC] - -236. The Tunic.--The tunic was also adopted in very early times and -came to be the chief article of the kind covered by the word -_indutus_. It was a plain woolen shirt, made in two pieces, back and -front, sewed together at the sides, and resembled somewhat the modern -sweater. It had very short sleeves, covering hardly half of the upper -arm, as shown in Fig. 83. It was long enough to reach from the neck to -the calf, but if the wearer wished for greater freedom for his limbs -he could shorten it by merely pulling it through a girdle or belt worn -around the waist. Tunics with sleeves reaching to the wrists (_tunicae -manicatae_), and tunics falling to the ankles (_tunicae talares_) were -not unknown in the late Republic, but were considered unmanly and -effeminate. - -237. The tunic was worn in the house without any outer garment and -probably without a girdle; in fact it came to be the distinctive -house-dress as opposed to the toga, the dress for formal occasions -only. It was also worn with nothing over it by the citizen while at -work, but he never appeared in public without the toga over it, and -even then, hidden by the toga though it was, good form required the -wearing of the girdle with it. Two tunics were often worn (_tunica -interior_, or _subucula_, and _tunica exterior_), and persons who -suffered from the cold, as did Augustus for example, might wear a -larger number still when the cold was very severe. The tunics intended -for use in the winter were probably thicker and warmer than those worn -in the summer, though both kinds were of wool. - -238. The tunic of the ordinary citizen was the natural color of the -white wool of which it was made, without trimmings or ornaments of any -kind. Knights and senators, on the other hand, had stripes of purple, -narrow and wide respectively, running from the shoulder to the bottom -of the tunic both behind and in front. These stripes were either woven -in the garment or sewed upon it. From them the tunic of the knight was -called _tunica angusti clavi_ (or _angusticlavia_), and that of the -senator _lati clavi_ (or _laticlavia_). Some authorities think that -the badge of the senatorial tunic was a single broad stripe running -down the middle of the garment in front and behind, but unfortunately -no picture has come down to us that absolutely decides the question. -Under this official tunic the knight or senator wore usually a plain -_tunica interior_. When in the house he left the outer tunic unbelted -in order to display the stripes as conspicuously as possible. - -239. Besides the _subligaculum_ and the _tunica_ the Romans had no -regular underwear. Those who were feeble through age or ill health -sometimes wound strips of woolen cloth (_fasciae_) around the legs for -the sake of additional warmth. These were called _feminalia_ or -_tibialia_ according as they covered the upper or lower part of the -leg. Such persons might also use similar wrappings for the body -(_ventralia_) and even for the throat (_focalia_), but all these were -looked upon as the badges of senility or decrepitude and formed no -part of the regular costume of sound men. It must be especially -noticed that the Romans had nothing corresponding to our trousers or -even long drawers, the _braccae_ or _bracae_ being a Gallic article -that was not used at Rome until the time of the latest emperors. The -phrase _nationes bracatae_ in classical times was a contemptuous -expression for the Gauls in particular and barbarians in general. - -240. The Toga.--Of the outer garments or wraps the most ancient and -the most important was the _toga_ (cf. _tegere_). Whence the Romans -got it we do not know, but it goes back to the very earliest time of -which tradition tells, and was the characteristic garment of the -Romans for more than a thousand years. It was a heavy, white, woolen -robe, enveloping the whole figure, falling to the feet, cumbrous but -graceful and dignified in appearance. All its associations suggested -formality. The Roman of old tilled his fields clad only in the -_subligaculum_; in the privacy of his home or at his work the Roman of -every age wore the comfortable, blouse-like _tunica_; but in the -forum, in the _comitia_, in the courts, at the public games, -everywhere that social forms were observed he appeared and had to -appear in the toga. In the toga he assumed the responsibilities of -citizenship (section 127), in the toga he took his wife from her -father's house to his (section 78), in the toga he received his -clients also toga-clad (section 182), in the toga he discharged his -duties as a magistrate, governed his province, celebrated his triumph, -and in the toga he was wrapped when he lay for the last time in his -hall (section 198). No foreign nation had a robe of the same material, -color, and arrangement; no foreigner was allowed to wear it, though he -lived in Italy or even in Rome itself; even the banished citizen left -the toga with his civil rights behind him. Vergil merely gave -expression to the national feeling when he wrote the proud verse (Aen. -I, 282): - - Romanos, rerum dominos, gentemque togatam.[1] - -[Footnote 1: The Romans, lords of deeds, the race that wears the -toga.] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 84. TIBERIUS IN THE TOGA] - -241. Form and Arrangement.--The general appearance of the toga is -known to every schoolboy; of few ancient garments are pictures so -common and in general so good (Becker, p. 203; Guhl and Koner, p. 729; -Baumeister, p. 1823; Schreiber, LXXXV, 8-10; Harper, Rich, and Smith, -s.v.). They are derived from numerous statues of men clad in it, which -have come down to us from ancient times, and we have besides full and -careful descriptions of its shape and of the manner of wearing it in -the works of writers who had worn it themselves. As a matter of fact, -however, it has been found impossible to reconcile the descriptions in -literature with the representations in art (Fig. 84) and scholars are -by no means agreed as to the precise cut of the toga or the way it was -put on. It is certain, however, that in its earlier form it was -simpler, less cumbrous, and more closely fitted to the figure than in -later times, and that even as early as the classical period its -arrangement was so complicated that the man of fashion could not array -himself in it without assistance. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 85. BACK OF TOGA] - -242. Scholars who lay the greater stress on the literary authorities -describe the cut and arrangement of the toga about as follows: It -consisted of one piece of cloth of semicircular cut, about five yards -long by four wide, a certain portion of which was pressed into long -narrow plaits. This cloth was doubled lengthwise, not down the center -but so that one fold was deeper than the other. It was then thrown -over the left shoulder in such a manner that the end in front reached -to the ground, and the part behind (Fig. 85) was in length about twice -a man's height. This end was then brought around under the right arm -and again thrown over the left shoulder so as to cover the whole of -the right side from the armpit to the calf. The broad folds in which -it hung over were thus gathered together on the left shoulder. The -part which crossed the breast diagonally was known as the _sinus_, or -bosom. It was deep enough to serve as a pocket for the reception of -small articles. According to this description the toga was in one -piece and had no seams. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 86. CUT OF TOGA] - -243. Those who attempt the reconstruction of the toga wholly or -chiefly from works of art find it impossible to reproduce on the -living form the drapery seen on the statues, with a toga of one piece -of goods or of a semicircular pattern. An experimental form is shown -in Fig. 86, and resembles that of a lamp shade cut in two and -stretched out to its full extent. The dotted line _GC_ is the straight -edge of the goods; the heavy lines show the shape of the toga after it -had been cut out, and had had sewed upon it the ellipse-like piece -marked _FRAcba_. The dotted line _GE_ is of a length equivalent to the -height of a man at the shoulder, and the other measurements are to be -calculated proportionately. When the toga is placed on the figure the -point _E_ must be on the left shoulder, with the point _G_ touching -the ground in front. The point _F_ comes at the back of the neck, and -as the larger part of the garment is allowed to fall behind the figure -the points _L_ and _M_ will fall on the calves of the legs behind, the -point _a_ under the right elbow, and the point _b_ on the stomach. The -material is carried behind the back and under the right arm and then -thrown over the left shoulder again. The point _c_ will fall on _E_, -and the portion _OPCa_ will hang down the back to the ground, as shown -in Fig. 85, section 242. The part _FRA_ is then pulled over the right -shoulder to cover the right side of the chest and form the _sinus_, -and the part running from the left shoulder to the ground in front is -pulled up out of the way of the feet, worked under the diagonal folds -and allowed to fall out a little to the front. The front should then -present an appearance similar to that shown in the figure in section -241. It will be found in practice, however, that much of the grace of -the toga must have been due to the trained _vestiplicus_, who kept it -properly creased when it was not in use and carefully arranged each -fold after his master had put it on. We are not told of any pins or -tapes to hold it in place, but are told that the part falling from the -left shoulder to the ground behind kept all in position by its own -weight, and that this weight was sometimes increased by lead sewed in -the hem. - -244. It is evident that in this fashionable toga the limbs were -completely fettered, and that all rapid, not to say violent, motion -was absolutely impossible. In other words the toga of the -ultrafashionable in the time of Cicero was fit only for the formal, -stately, ceremonial life of the city. It is easy to see, therefore, -how it had come to be the emblem of peace, being too cumbrous for use -in war, and how Cicero could sneer at the young dandies of his time -for wearing "sails not togas." We can also understand the eagerness -with which the Roman welcomed a respite from civic and social duties. -Juvenal sighed for the freedom of the country, where only the dead had -to wear the toga. Martial praises the unconventionality of the -provinces for the same reason. Pliny makes it one of the attractions -of his villa that no guest need wear the toga there. Its cost, too, -made it all the more burdensome for the poor, and the working classes -could scarcely have worn it at all. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 87. THE EARLIER TOGA] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 88. THE CINCTUS GABINUS] - -245. The earlier toga must have been simpler by far, but no certain -representation of it has come down to us. The Dresden statue, often -used to illustrate its arrangement (Smith, Fig. 7, p. 848_b_; -Schreiber LXXXV, 8; Marquardt, Fig. 2, p. 558; Baumeister, Fig. 1921), -is more than doubtful, the garment being probably a Greek mantle of -some sort. An approximate idea of it may be gained perhaps from a -statue in Florence of an Etruscan orator (Fig. 87), which corresponds -very closely with the descriptions of it in literary sources. At any -rate it was possible for men to fight in it by tying the trailing ends -around the body and drawing the back folds over the head. This was -called the _cinctus Gabinus_, and long after the toga had ceased to be -worn in war this _cinctus_ was used in certain ceremonial observances. -It is shown in Fig. 88, though the toga is one of later times. - -246. Kinds of Togas.--The toga of the ordinary citizen was, like the -tunic (section 238), of the natural color of the white wool of which -it was made, and varied in texture, of course, with the quality of the -wool. It was called _toga pura_ (or _virilis_, _libera_ section 127). -A dazzling brilliancy could be given to the toga by a preparation of -fuller's chalk, and one so treated was called _toga splendens_ or -_candida_. In such a toga all persons running for office arrayed -themselves, and from it they were called _candidati_. The curule -magistrates, censors, and dictators wore the _toga praetexta_, -differing from the ordinary toga only in having a purple border. It -was also worn by boys (section 127) and by the chief officers of the -free towns and colonies. The _toga picta_ was wholly of purple covered -with embroidery of gold, and was worn by the victorious general in his -triumphal procession and later by the Emperors. The _toga pulla_ was -simply a dingy toga worn by persons in mourning or threatened with -some calamity, usually a reverse of political fortune. Persons -assuming it were called _sordidati_ and were said _mutare vestem_. -This _vestis mutatio_ was a common form of public demonstration of -sympathy with a fallen leader. In this case curule magistrates -contented themselves with merely laying aside the _toga praetexta_ for -the _toga pura_, and only the lower orders wore the _toga pulla_. - -247. The Lacerna.--In Cicero's time there was just coming into -fashionable use a mantle called _lacerna_, which seems to have been -first used by soldiers and the lower classes and then adopted by their -betters on account of its convenience. These wore it at first over the -toga as a protection against dust and sudden showers. It was a woolen -mantle, short, light, open at the sides, without sleeves, but fastened -with a brooch or buckle on the right shoulder. It was so easy and -comfortable that it began to be worn not over the toga but instead of -it, and so generally that Augustus issued an edict forbidding it to be -used in public assemblages of citizens. Under the later Emperors, -however, it came into fashion again, and was the common outer garment -at the theaters. It was made of various colors, dark naturally for the -lower classes, white for formal occasions, but also of brighter hues. -It was sometimes supplied with a hood (_cucullus_), which the wearer -could pull over the head as a protection or a disguise. No -representation of the _lacerna_ in art has come down to us that can be -positively identified; that in Rich s.v. is very doubtful. The -military cloak, first called the _trabea_, then _paludamentum_ and -_sagum_, was much like the _lacerna_, but made of heavier material. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 89. THE PAENULA] - -248. The Paenula.--Older than the _lacerna_ and used by all sorts and -conditions of men was the _paenula_ (Fig. 89), a heavy coarse wrap of -wool, leather, or fur, used merely for protection against rain or -cold, and therefore never a substitute for the toga or made of fine -materials or bright colors. It seems to have varied in length and -fullness, but to have been a sleeveless wrap, made in one piece with a -hole in the middle, through which the wearer thrust his head. It was, -therefore, classed with the _vestimenta clausa_, or closed garments, -and must have been much like the modern poncho. It was drawn on over -the head, like a tunic or sweater, and covered the arms, leaving them -much less freedom than the _lacerna_ did. In those of some length -there was a slit in front running from the waist down, and this -enabled the wearer to hitch the cloak up over one shoulder, leaving -one arm comparatively free, but at the same time exposing it to the -weather. It was worn over either tunic or toga according to -circumstances, and was the ordinary traveling habit of citizens of the -better class. It was also commonly worn by slaves, and seems to have -been furnished regularly to soldiers stationed in places where the -climate was severe. Like the _lacerna_ it was sometimes supplied with -a hood. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 90. SOLDIER WEARING THE ABOLLA] - -249. Other Wraps.--Of other articles included under the general term -_amictus_ we know little more than the names. The _synthesis_ was a -dinner dress worn at table over the tunic by the ultrafashionable, and -sometimes dignified by the special name of _vestis cenatoria_, or -_cenatorium_ alone. It was not worn out of the house except on the -Saturnalia, and was usually of some bright color. Its shape is -unknown. The _laena_ and _abolla_ were very heavy woolen cloaks, the -latter (Fig. 90) being a favorite with poor people who had to make one -garment do duty for two or three. It was used especially by -professional philosophers, who were proverbially careless about their -dress. One is thought to be worn by the man on the extreme left, in -the picture of a school shown in section 119. The _endormis_ was -something like the modern bath robe, used by men after violent -gymnastic exercise to keep from taking cold, and hardly belongs under -the head of dress. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 91. SOLEAE] - -250. Footgear: the Soleae.--It may be set down as a rule that freemen -did not appear in public at Rome with bare feet, except as nowadays -under the compulsion of the direst poverty. Two styles of footwear -were in use, slippers or sandals (_soleae_) and shoes (_calcei_). The -slipper consisted essentially of a sole of leather or matting attached -to the foot in various ways (see the several styles in Fig. 91). -Custom limited its use to the house and it went characteristically -with the tunic (section 237), when that was not covered by an outer -garment. Oddly enough, it seems to us, the slippers were not worn at -meals. Host and guests wore them into the dining-room, but as soon as -they had taken their places on the couches (section 224) slaves -removed the slippers from their feet and cared for them until the meal -was over (section 152). Hence the phrase _soleas poscere_ came to mean -"to prepare to take leave." When a guest went out to dinner in a -_lectica_ (section 151) he wore the _soleae_, but if he walked he wore -the regular out-door shoes (_calcei_) and had his slippers carried by -a slave. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 92. ROMAN SHOES] - -251. The Calcei.--Out of doors the _calceus_ was always worn, although -it was much heavier and less comfortable than the _solea_. Good form -forbade the toga to be worn without the _calcei_, and they were worn -also with all the other garments included under the word _amictus_. -The _calceus_ was essentially our shoe, made on a last of leather, -covering the upper part of the foot as well as protecting the sole, -fastened with laces or straps. The higher classes had shoes peculiar -to their rank. The shoe for senators is best known to us (_calceus -senatorius_), and is shown in Fig. 92; but we know only its shape, not -its color. It had a thick sole, was open on the inside at the ankle, -and was fastened by wide straps which ran from the juncture of the -sole and the upper, were wrapped around the leg and tied above the -instep. The _mulleus_ or _calceus patricius_ was worn originally by -patricians only, but later by all curule magistrates. It was shaped -like the senator's shoe, was red in color like the fish from which it -was named, and had an ivory or silver ornament of crescent shape -(_lunula_) fastened on the outside of the ankle. We know nothing of -the shoe worn by the knights. Ordinary citizens wore shoes that opened -in front and were fastened by a strap of leather running from one side -of the shoe near the top. They did not come up so high on the leg as -those of the senators and were probably of uncolored leather. The -poorer classes naturally wore shoes of coarser material, often of -untanned leather (_perones_), and laborers and soldiers had half-boots -(_caligae_) of the stoutest possible make, or wore wooden shoes. No -stockings were worn by the Romans, but persons with tender feet might -wrap them with _fasciae_ (section 239) to keep the shoes and boots -from chafing them. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 93. THE CAUSIA] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 94. THE PETASUS] - -252. Coverings for the Head.--Men of the upper classes in Rome had -ordinarily no covering for the head. When they went out in bad weather -they protected themselves, of course, with the _lacerna_ and -_paenula_, and these, as we have seen (sections 247, 248), were -provided with hoods (_cuculli_). If they were caught without wraps in -a sudden shower they made shift as best they could by pulling the toga -up over the head, cf. Fig. 88 in section 245. Persons of lower -standing, especially workmen who were out of doors all day, wore a -conical felt cap called the _pilleus_, see the illustration in section -175. It is probable that this was a survival of what had been in -prehistoric times an essential part of the Roman dress, for it was -preserved among the insignia of the oldest priesthoods, the -Pontifices, Flamines, and Salii, and figured in the ceremony of -manumission. Out of the city, that is, while traveling or while in the -country, the upper classes, too, protected the head, especially -against the sun, with a broad-brimmed felt hat of foreign origin, the -_causia_ or _petasus_. They are shown in Figs. 93 and 94. They were -worn in the city also by the old and feeble, and in later times by all -classes in the theaters. In the house, of course, the head was left -uncovered. - -253. The Hair and Beard.--The Romans in early times wore long hair and -full beards, as did all uncivilized peoples. Varro tells us that -professional barbers came first to Rome in the year 300 B.C., but we -know that the razor and shears were used by the Romans long before -history begins. Pliny says that the younger Scipio (died 129 B.C.) was -the first of the Romans to shave every day, and the story may be true. -People of wealth and position had the hair and beard kept in order at -home by their own slaves (section 150), and these slaves, if skillful -barbers, brought high prices in the market. People of the middle class -went to public barber shops, and made them gradually places of general -resort for the idle and the gossiping. But in all periods the hair and -beard were allowed to grow as a sign of sorrow, and were the regular -accompaniments of the mourning garb already mentioned (section 246). -The very poor, too, went usually unshaven and unshorn, simply because -this was the cheap and easy fashion. - -254. Styles varied with the years of the persons concerned. The hair -of children, boys and girls alike, was allowed to grow long and hang -around the neck and shoulders. When the boy assumed the toga of -manhood the long locks were cut off, sometimes with a good deal of -formality, and under the Empire they were often made an offering to -some deity. In the classical period young men seem to have worn close -clipped beards; at least Cicero jeers at those who followed Catiline -for wearing full beards, and on the other hand declares that their -companions who could show no signs of beard on their faces were worse -than effeminate. Men of maturity wore the hair cut short and the face -shaved clean. Most of the portraits that have come down to us show -beardless men until well into the second century of our era, but after -the time of Hadrian (117-138 A.D.) the full beard became fashionable. -Figs. 2 to 11, sections 28-74, are arranged chronologically and will -serve to show the changes in styles. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 95. SEAL RINGS] - -255. Jewelry.--The ring was the only article of jewelry worn by a -Roman citizen after he reached the age of manhood (section 99), and -good taste limited him to a single ring. It was originally of iron, -and though often set with a precious stone and made still more -valuable by the artistic cutting of the stone, it was always worn more -for use than ornament. The ring was in fact in almost all cases a seal -ring, having some device upon it (Fig. 95) which the wearer imprinted -in melted wax when he wished to acknowledge some document as his own, -or to secure cabinets and coffers against prying curiosity. The iron -ring was worn generally until late in the Empire, even after the gold -ring had ceased to be the special privilege of the knights and had -become merely the badge of freedom. Even the engagement ring (section -71) was usually of iron, the setting giving it its material value, -although we are told that this particular ring was often the first -article of gold that the young girl possessed. - -256. Of course there were not wanting men as ready to violate the -canons of taste in the matter of rings as in the choice of their -garments or the style of wearing the hair and beard. We need not be -surprised, then, to read of one having sixteen rings, or of another -having six for each finger. One of Martial's acquaintances had a ring -so large that the poet advised him to wear it on his leg, and Juvenal -tells us of an upstart who wore light rings in the summer and heavy -rings in the winter. It is a more surprising fact that the ring was -worn on the joint, not pressed down as far as possible on the finger, -as we wear them now. If two were worn on the same finger they were -worn on separate joints, not touching each other. This fashion must -have seriously interfered with the movement of the finger. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 96. THE MAMILLARE] - -257. Dress of Women.--It has been remarked already (section 234) that -the dress of men and women differed less in ancient than in modern -times, and we shall find that in the classical period at least the -principal articles worn were practically the same, however much they -differed in name and probably in the fineness of their materials. At -this period the dress of the matron consisted in general of three -articles: the _tunica interior_, the _tunica exterior_ or _stola_, and -the _palla_. Beneath the _tunica interior_ there was nothing like the -modern corset-waist or corset, intended to modify the figure, but a -band of soft leather (_mamillare_) was sometimes passed around the -body under the breasts for a support (Fig. 96), and the _subligaculum_ -(section 235) was also worn by women. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 97. THE STROPHIUM] - -258. The Tunica Interior.--The _tunica interior_ did not differ much -in material or shape from the tunic for men already described (section -236). It fitted the figure more closely perhaps than the man's, was -sometimes supplied with sleeves, and as it reached only to the knee -did not require a belt to keep it from interfering with the free use -of the limbs. A soft sash-like band of leather (_strophium_), however, -was sometimes worn over it, close under the breasts, but merely to -support them, and in this case we may suppose that the _mamillare_ was -discarded. For this sash (Fig. 97) the more general terms _zona_ and -_cingulum_ are sometimes used. This tunic was not usually worn alone, -even in the house, except by young girls. - -259. The Stola.--Over the _tunica interior_ was worn the _tunica -exterior_, or _stola_, the distinctive dress of the Roman matron -(section 91). It differed in several respects from the tunic worn as a -house-dress by men. It was open at both sides above the waist and -fastened on the shoulders by brooches. It was much longer, reaching to -the feet when ungirded and having in addition a wide border or flounce -(_instita_) sewed to the lower hem. There was also a border around the -neck, which seems to have been usually of purple. The _stola_ was -sleeveless if the _tunica interior_ had sleeves, but if the tunic -itself was sleeveless the _stola_ had them, so that the arm was always -protected. These sleeves, however, whether in tunic or _stola_, were -open on the front of the upper arm and only loosely clasped with -brooches or buttons, often of great beauty and value. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 98. THE ZONA] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 99. STATUE OF THE YOUNGER FAUSTINA] - -260. Owing to its great length the _stola_ was always worn with a -girdle (_zona_) above the hips (Fig. 98), and through it the _stola_ -itself was pulled until the lower edge of the _instita_ barely cleared -the floor. This gave the fullness about the waist seen in the statue -of Faustina (Fig. 99), in which the cut of the sleeves can also be -seen. The _zona_ was usually entirely hidden by the overhanging folds. -The _stola_ was the distinctive dress of the matron, as has been said, -and it is probable that the _instita_ was its distinguishing feature; -that is, the _tunica exterior_ of the unmarried woman had no flounce -or border, though it probably reached to the floor. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 100. STATUE FROM HERCULANEUM] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 101. STATUE OF LIVIA] - -261. The Palla.--The _palla_ was a shawl-like wrap for use out of -doors. It was a rectangular piece of woolen goods, as simple as -possible in its form, but worn in the most diverse fashions in -different times. In the classical period it seems to have been wrapped -around the figure, much as the toga was. One-third was thrown over the -left shoulder from behind and allowed to fall to the feet. The rest -was carried around the back and brought forward either over or under -the right arm at the pleasure of the wearer. The end was then thrown -back over the left shoulder after the style of the toga, as in the -marble statue from Herculaneum shown in Fig. 100, or allowed to hang -loosely over the left arm, as in the statue of Livia (Fig. 101). It -was possible also to pull the _palla_ up over the head, and this -method of using it is supposed by some scholars to be shown in the -statue of Livia, while others see in the covering of the head some -sort of a veil. - -262. Shoes and Slippers.--What has been said of the footgear of men -(sections 250, 251) applies also to that of women. Slippers (_soleae_) -were worn in the house, differing from those of men only in being -embellished as much as possible, sometimes even with pearls. An idea -of their appearance may be had from the statue of Faustina (section -259). Shoes (_calcei_) were insisted upon for out-door use, and -differed from those of men, as they chiefly differ from them now, in -being made of finer and softer leather. They were often white, or -gilded, or of bright colors, and those intended for winter wear had -sometimes cork soles. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 102. STYLES OF DRESSING THE HAIR] - -263. Dressing of the Hair.--The Roman woman regularly wore no hat, but -covered the head when necessary with the _stola_ or with a veil. Much -attention was given to the arrangement of the hair, the fashions being -as numerous and as inconstant as they are to-day. For young girls the -favorite arrangement, perhaps, was to comb the hair back and gather it -into a knot (_nodus_) on the back of the neck. For matrons it will be -sufficient to call attention to the figures already given (sections -77, 259, 261), and to show from statues five styles (Fig. 102) worn at -different times under the Empire, all belonging to ladies of the -court. - -264. For keeping the hair in position pins were used of ivory, silver, -and gold, often mounted with jewels. Nets (_reticula_) and ribbons -(_vittae_, _taeniae_, _fasciolae_) were also worn, but combs were not -made a part of the head-dress. The Roman woman of fashion did not -scruple to color her hair, the golden-red color of the Greek hair -being especially admired, or to use false hair, which had become an -article of commercial importance early in the Empire. Mention should -also be made of the garlands (_coronae_) of flowers, or of flowers and -foliage, and of the coronets of pearls and other precious stones that -were used to supplement the natural or artificial beauty of the hair. -These are illustrated in Fig. 102 above. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 103. TOILET ARTICLES] - -265. The woman's hairdresser was a female slave (section 150), and -Juvenal tells us that she suffered cruelly from the impatience of her -mistress (section 158), who found the long hairpins shown in the -figure a convenient instrument of punishment, The _ornatrix_ was an -adept in all the tricks of the toilet already mentioned, and besides -used all sorts of unguents, oils, and tonics to make the hair soft and -lustrous and to cause it to grow abundantly. In Fig. 103 are shown a -number of common toilet articles: _a_, _b_, _c_, _h_, _i_, and _k_ are -hairpins, _d_ and _g_ are hand mirrors made of highly polished metal, -_f_ is a comb, and _e_ a box for pomatum or powder. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 104. THE PARASOL] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 105. FANS (See also Figure 73, section 226)] - -266. Accessories.--The parasol (_umbraculum_, _umbella_) was commonly -used by women at Rome at least as early as the close of the Republic, -and was all the more necessary because they wore no hats or bonnets. -The parasols were usually carried for them by attendants (section -151). From vase paintings we learn that they were much like our own in -shape (Fig. 104, see also Smith and Harper, s.v.; Baumeister, p. 1684; -Schreiber XCV, 9), and could be closed when not in use. The fan -(_flabellum_) was used from the earliest times and was made in various -ways (Fig. 105); sometimes of wings of birds, sometimes of thin sheets -of wood attached to a handle, sometimes of peacock's feathers -artistically arranged, sometimes of linen stretched over a frame. -These fans were not used by the woman herself, being always handled by -an attendant who was charged with the task of keeping her cool and -untroubled by flies (see Fig. 73 in section 226). Handkerchiefs -(_sudaria_), the finest made of linen, were used by both sexes, but -only for wiping the perspiration from the face or hands. For keeping -the palms cool and dry ladies seem also to have used glass balls, or -balls of amber, the latter, perhaps, for the fragrance also. - -267. Jewelry.--The Roman woman was passionately fond of jewelry, and -incalculable sums were spent upon the adornment of her person. Rings, -brooches, pins, jeweled buttons, and coronets have been mentioned -already, and besides these bracelets, necklaces, and ear-rings or -pendants were worn from the earliest times by all who could afford -them. Not only were they made of costly materials, but their value was -also enhanced by the artistic workmanship that was lavished upon them. -Almost all the precious stones that are known to us were familiar to -the Romans and were to be found in the jewel-casket (section 230) of -the wealthy lady. The pearl, however, seems to have been in all times -the favorite. No adequate description of these articles can be given -here; no illustrations can do them justice. It will have to suffice -that Suetonius says that Caesar paid six million sesterces (nearly -$300,000) for a single pearl, which he gave to Servilia, the mother of -Marcus Brutus, and that Lollia Paulina, the wife of the Emperor -Caligula, possessed a single set of pearls and emeralds which is said -by Pliny the elder to have been valued at forty million sesterces -(nearly $2,000,000). - -268. Dress of Children and Slaves.--The picture from Herculaneum -(section 119) shows that schoolboys wore the _subligaculum_ and -_tunica_, and it is probable that no other articles of clothing were -worn by either boys or girls of the poorer classes. Besides these, -children of well-to-do parents wore the _toga praetexta_ (section -246), which the girl laid aside on the eve of her marriage (section -76) and the boy when he reached the age of manhood (section 127). -Slaves were furnished a tunic, wooden shoes, and in stormy weather a -cloak, probably the _paenula_ (section 248). This must have been the -ordinary garb of the poorer citizens of the working classes, for they -would have had little use for the toga, at least in later times, and -could hardly have afforded so expensive a garment. - -269. Materials.--Fabrics of wool, linen, cotton, and silk were used by -the Romans. For clothes woolen goods were the first to be used, and -naturally so, for the early inhabitants of Latium were shepherds, and -woolen garments best suited the climate. Under the Republic wool was -almost exclusively used for the garments of both men and women, as we -have seen, though the _subligaculum_ was frequently, and the woman's -tunic sometimes, made of linen. The best native wools came from -Calabria and Apulia, that from near Tarentum being the best of all. -Native wools did not suffice, however, to meet the great demand, and -large quantities were imported. Linen goods were early manufactured in -Italy, but were used chiefly for other purposes than clothing until in -the Empire, and only in the third century of our era did men begin to -make general use of them. The finest linen came from Egypt, and was as -soft and transparent as silk. Little is positively known about the use -of cotton, because the word _carbasus_, the genuine Indian name for -it, was used by the Romans for linen goods also and when we meet the -word we can not always be sure of the material meant. Silk, imported -from China directly or indirectly, was first used for garments under -Tiberius, and then only in a mixture of linen and silk (_vestes -sericae_). These were forbidden for the use of men in his reign, but -the law was powerless against the love of luxury. Garments of pure -silk were first used in the third century. - -270. Colors.--White was the prevailing color of all articles of dress -throughout the Republic, in most cases the natural color of the wool, -as we have seen (section 246). The lower classes, however, selected -for their garments shades that required cleansing less frequently, and -found them, too, in the undyed wool. From Canusium came a brown wool -with a tinge of red, from Baetica in Spain a light yellow, from Mutina -a gray or a gray mixed with white, from Pollentia in Liguria the dark -gray (_pulla_) used, as has been said (section 246), for public -mourning. Other shades from red to deep black were furnished by -foreign wools. Almost the only artificial color used for garments -under the Republic was purple, which seems to have varied from what we -call crimson, made from the native trumpet-shell (_bucinum_ or -_murex_), to the true Tyrian purple. The former was brilliant and -cheap, but liable to fade. Mixed with the dark _purpura_ in different -proportions, it furnished a variety of permanent tints. One of the -most popular of these tints, violet, made the wool cost some $20 a -pound, while the genuine Tyrian cost at least ten times as much. -Probably the stripes worn by the knights and senators on the tunics -and togas were much nearer our crimson than purple. Under the Empire -the garments worn by women were dyed in various colors, and so, too, -perhaps, the fancier articles worn by men, such as the _lacerna_ -(section 247) and the _synthesis_ (section 249). The _trabea_ of the -augurs seems to have been striped with scarlet and purple, the -_paludamentum_ of the general to have been at different times white, -scarlet, and purple, and the robe of the _triumphator_ purple. - -271. Manufacture.--In the old days the wool was spun at home by the -maidservants working under the eye of the mistress (section 199), and -woven into cloth on the family loom, and this was kept up throughout -the Republic by some of the proudest families. Augustus wore these -home-made garments. By the end of the Republic, however, this was no -longer general, and while much of the native wool was worked up on the -farms by the slaves directed by the _vilica_ (section 148), cloth of -any desired quality could be bought in the open market. It was -formerly supposed that the garments came from the loom ready to wear, -but this is now known to have been incorrect. We have seen that the -tunic was made of two separate pieces sewed together (section 236), -that the toga had probably to be fitted as carefully as a modern coat -(section 243), and that even the coarse _paenula_ (section 248) could -not have been woven or knitted in one piece. But ready-made garments -were on sale in the towns as early as the time of Cato, though perhaps -of the cheaper qualities only, and in the Empire the trade reached -large proportions. It is remarkable that with the vast numbers of -slaves in the _familia urbana_ (section 149 f.) it never became usual -to have soiled garments cleansed at home. All garments showing traces -of use were sent by the well-to-do to the fullers (_fullones_) to be -washed (Fig. 106), whitened (or re-dyed), and pressed. The fact that -almost all were of woolen materials made skill and care all the more -necessary. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 106. FULLERS AT WORK] - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -FOOD AND MEALS - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 264-268, 300-340, 414-465; Voigt, 327-329, -401-404; Goll, 311-454; Guhl and Koner, 747-759, 702-704; Friedlander, -III, 29-56; Ramsay, 490-501; Pauly-Wissowa, _cena_, _comissatio_; -Smith, Harper, Rich, _cena_, _comissatio_, _olea_ (_oliva_), _vinum_; -Baumeister, 845, 2086; Lubker, 724 f.; Mau-Kelsey, 256-260, 267-270. - - -272. Natural Conditions.--Italy is blessed above all the other -countries of central Europe with the natural conditions that go to -make an abundant and varied supply of food. The soil is rich and -composed of different elements in different parts of the country. The -rainfall is abundant, and rivers and smaller streams are numerous. The -line of greatest length runs nearly north and south, but the climate -depends little upon latitude, being modified by surrounding bodies of -water, by mountain ranges, and by prevailing winds. These agencies in -connection with the varying elevation of the land itself produce such -widely different conditions that somewhere within the confines of -Italy almost all the grains and fruits of the temperate and subtropic -zones find the soil and climate most favorable to their growth. - -273. The early inhabitants of the peninsula, the Italian peoples, seem -to have left for the Romans the task of developing and improving these -means of subsistence. Wild fruits, nuts, and flesh have always been -the support of uncivilized peoples, and must have been so for the -shepherds who laid the foundations of Rome. The very word _pecunia_ -(from _pecus_; cf. _peculium_, section 162) shows that herds of -domestic animals were the first source of Roman wealth. But other -words show just as clearly that the cultivation of the soil was -understood by the Romans in very early times: the names Fabius, -Cicero, Piso, and Caepio are no less ancient than Porcius, Asinius, -Vitellius, and Ovidius.[1] Cicero puts into the mouth of the elder -Cato the statement that to the farmer the garden was a second meat -supply, but long before Cato's time meat had ceased to be the chief -article of food. Grain and grapes and olives furnished subsistence for -all who did not live to eat. These gave the wine that maketh glad the -heart of man, and oil to make his face to shine, and bread that -strengtheneth man's heart. On these three abundant products of the -soil the mass of the people of Italy lived of old as they still live -to-day. Something will be said of each below, after less important -products have been considered. - -[Footnote 1: The words are connected respectively with _faba_, a bean, -_cicer_, a chick-pea, _pistor_, a miller, _caepe_, an onion, _porcus_, -a pig, _asinus_, an ass, _vitellus_, a calf, and _ovis_, a sheep.] - -274. Fruits.--Besides the olive and the grape, the apple, pear, plum, -and quince were either native to Italy or were introduced in -prehistoric times. Careful attention had long been given to their -cultivation, and by Cicero's time Italy was covered with orchards and -all these fruits were abundant and cheap in their seasons, used by all -sorts and conditions of men. By this time, too, had begun the -introduction of new fruits from foreign lands and the improvement of -native varieties. Great statesmen and generals gave their names to new -and better sorts of apples and pears, and vied with each other in -producing fruits out of season by hothouse culture (section 145). -Every fresh extension of Roman territory brought new fruits and nuts -into Italy. Among the last were the walnut, hazelnut, filbert, almond, -and pistachio; the almond after Cato's time and the pistachio not -until that of Tiberius. Among the fruits were the peach (_malum -Persicum_), the apricot (_malum Armeniacum_), the pomegranate (_malum -Punicum_ or _granatum_), the cherry (_cerasus_), brought by Lucullus -from the town Cerasus in Pontus, and the lemon (_citrus_), not grown -in Italy until the third century of our era. And besides the -introduction of fruits for culture large quantities were imported for -food, either dried or otherwise preserved. The orange, however, -strange as it seems to us, was not grown by the Romans. - -275. Garden Produce.--The garden did not yield to the orchard in the -abundance and variety of its contributions to the supply of food. We -read of artichokes, asparagus, beans, beets, cabbages, carrots, -chicory, cucumbers, garlic, lentils, melons, onions, peas, the poppy, -pumpkins, radishes, and turnips, to mention those only whose names are -familiar to us all. It will be noticed, however, that the vegetables -most highly prized by us, perhaps, the potato and tomato, were not -known to the Romans. Of those mentioned the oldest seem to have been -the bean and the onion, as shown by the names Fabius and Caepio -already mentioned (section 273), but the latter came gradually to be -looked upon as unrefined and the former to be considered too heavy a -food except for persons engaged in the hardest toil. Cato pronounced -the cabbage the finest vegetable known, and the turnip figures in the -well-known anecdote of Manius Curius (section 299). - -276. The Roman gardener gave great attention, too, to the raising of -green stuffs that could be used for salads. Among these the sorts most -often mentioned are the cress and lettuce, with which we are familiar, -and the mallow, no longer used for food. Plants in great variety were -cultivated for seasoning. The poppy was eaten with honey as a dessert, -or was sprinkled over bread in the oven. Anise, cumin, fennel, mint, -and mustard were raised everywhere. And besides these seasonings that -were found in every kitchen garden, spices were imported in large -quantities from the east, and the rich imported vegetables of larger -sizes or finer quality than could be raised at home. Fresh vegetables -like fresh fruits could not be brought in those days from great -distances. - -277. Meats.--Besides the pork, beef, and mutton that we still use the -Roman farmer had goatsflesh at his disposal, and all these meats were -sold in the towns. Goatsflesh was considered the poorest of all, and -was used by the lower classes only. Beef had been eaten by the Romans -from the earliest times, but its use was a mark of luxury until very -late in the Empire. Under the Republic the ordinary citizen ate beef -only on great occasions when he had offered a steer or cow to the gods -in sacrifice. The flesh then furnished a banquet for his family and -friends, the heart, liver, and lungs (called collectively the _exta_) -were the share of the priest, and the rest was consumed on the altar. -Probably the great size of the carcass had something to do with the -rarity of its use at a time when meat could be kept fresh only in the -coldest weather; at any rate we must think of the Romans as using the -cow for dairy purposes and the ox for draft rather than for food. - -278. Pork was widely used by rich and poor alike, and was considered -the choicest of all domestic meats. The very language testifies to the -important place it occupied in the economy of the larder, for no other -animal has so many words to describe it in its different functions. -Besides the general term _sus_ we find _porcus_, _porca_, _verres_, -_aper_, _scrofa_, _maialis_, and _nefrens_. In the religious ceremony -of the _suovetaurilia_ (_sus_ + _ovis_ + _taurus_) it will be noticed -that the swine has the first place, coming before the sheep and the -bull. The vocabulary describing the parts used for food is equally -rich; there are words for no less than half a dozen kinds of sausages, -for example, with pork as their basis. We read, too, of fifty -different ways of cooking pork. - -279. Fowl and Game.--All the common domestic fowls, chickens, ducks, -geese, and pigeons, were used by the Romans for food, and besides -these the wealthy raised various sorts of wild fowl for the table, in -the game preserves that have been mentioned (section 145). Among these -were cranes, grouse, partridges, snipe, thrushes, and woodcock. In -Cicero's time the peacock was most highly esteemed, having at the -feast much the same place of honor as the turkey has with us, but -costing as much as $10 each. Wild animals were also bred for food in -similar preserves, the hare and the wild boar being the favorites. The -latter was served whole upon the table as in feudal times. As a -contrast in size may be mentioned the dormouse (_glis_), which was -thought a great delicacy. - -280. Fish.--The rivers of Italy and the surrounding seas must have -furnished always a great variety of fish, but in early times fish was -not much used as food by the Romans. By the end of the Republic, -however, tastes had changed, and no article of food brought higher -prices than the rarer sorts of fresh fish. Salt fish was exceedingly -cheap and was imported in many forms from almost all the Mediterranean -ports. One dish especially, _tyrotarichus_, made of salt fish, eggs, -and cheese, and therefore something like our codfish balls, is -mentioned by Cicero in about the same way as we speak of hash. Fresh -fish were all the more expensive because they could be transported -only while alive. Hence the rich constructed fish ponds on their -estates, a Marcus Licinius Crassus setting the example in 92 B.C., and -both fresh-water and salt-water fish were raised for the table. The -names of the favorite sorts mean little to us, but we find the mullet -(_mullus_; see section 251) and a kind of turbot (_rhombus_) bringing -high prices, and oysters (_ostreae_) were as popular as they are now. - -281. Before passing to the more important matters of bread, wine, and -oil, it may be well to mention a few articles that are still in -general use. The Romans used freely the products of the dairy, milk, -cream, curds, whey, and cheese. They drank the milk of sheep and goats -as well as that of cows, and made cheese of the three kinds of milk. -The cheese from ewes' milk was thought more digestible though less -palatable than that made of cows' milk, while cheese from goats' milk -was more palatable but less digestible. It is remarkable that they had -no knowledge of butter except us a plaster for wounds. Honey took the -place of sugar on the table and in cooking, for the Romans had only a -botanical knowledge of the sugar cane. Salt was at first obtained by -the evaporation of sea-water, but was afterwards mined. Its -manufacture was a monopoly of the government, and care was taken -always to keep the price low. It was used not only for seasoning, but -also as a preservative agent. Vinegar was made from grape juice. In -the list of articles of food unknown to the Romans we must put tea and -coffee along with the orange, tomato, potato, butter, and sugar -already mentioned. - -282. Cereals.--The word _frumentum_[2] was a general term applied to -any of the many sorts of grain that were grown for food. Of those now -in use barley, oats, rye, and wheat were known to the Romans, though -rye was not cultivated and oats served only as feed for cattle. Barley -was not much used, for it was thought to lack nutriment, and therefore -to be unfit for laborers. In very ancient times another grain, spelt -(_far_), had been grown extensively, but it had gradually gone out of -use except for the sacrificial cake that had given its name to the -confarreate ceremony of marriage (section 82). In classical times -wheat was the staple grain grown for food, not differing much from -that which we use to-day. It was usually planted in the fall, though -on some soils it would mature as a spring wheat. After the farming -land of Italy was diverted to other purposes (parks, pleasure grounds, -game preserves: see sections 145, 146), wheat had to be imported from -the provinces, first from Sicily, then from Africa and Egypt, the home -supply being inadequate to the needs of the teeming population. - -[Footnote 2: The word _frumentum_ occurs fifty-five times in the -"Gallic War," meaning any kind of grain that happened to be grown for -food in the country in which Caesar was campaigning at the time. The -word "corn" used to translate it in our school editions is the worst -possible, because to the schoolboy the word "corn" means a particular -kind of grain, and a kind at that which was unknown to the Romans. The -general word "grain" is much better for translation purposes.] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 107. POUNDING GRAIN] - -283. Preparation of the Grain.--In the earliest times the grain -(_far_) had not been ground, but merely pounded in a mortar (Fig. -107). The meal was then mixed with water and made into a sort of -porridge (_puls_, whence our word "poultice"), which long remained the -national dish, something like the oatmeal of Scotland. Plautus (died -184 B.C.) jestingly refers to his countrymen as "pulse-eaters." The -persons who crushed the grain were called _pinsitores_ or _pistores_, -whence the cognomen Piso (section 273) is said to be derived, and in -later times the bakers were also called _pistores_, because they -ground the grain as well as baked the bread. In the ruins of bakeries -we find mills as regularly as ovens. See the illustration in section -285. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 108. SECTION OF MILL] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 109. A POMPEIAN MILL WITHOUT ITS FRAME-WORK] - -284. The grinding of the grain into regular flour was done in a mill -(_mola_). This consisted of three parts, the lower millstone (_meta_), -the upper (_catillus_), and the frame-work that surrounded and -supported the latter and furnished the means to turn it upon the -_meta_. All these parts are shown distinctly in the cut (Fig. 108; see -also Rich, Harper, and Smith under _mola_; Guhl and Koner, p. 774; -Schreiber LXVII; Baumeister, p. 933), and require little explanation. -The _meta_ was, as the name suggests, a cone-shaped stone (_A_) -resting on a bed of masonry (_B_) with a raised rim, between which and -the lower edge of the _meta_ the flour was collected. In the upper -part of the _meta_ a beam (_C_) was mortised, ending above in an iron -pin or pivot (_D_) on which hung and turned the frame-work that -supported the _catillus_. The _catillus_ (_E_) itself was shaped -something like an hourglass, or two funnels joined at the neck. The -upper funnel served as a hopper into which the grain was poured; the -lower funnel fitted closely over the _meta_, the distance between them -being regulated by the length of the pin, mentioned above, according -to the fineness of the flour desired. The mill without frame-work is -shown in Fig. 109. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 110. HORSE AND MILL] - -285. The frame-work was very strong and massive on account of the -heavy weight that was suspended from it. The beams used for turning -the mill were fitted into holes in the narrow part of the _catillus_ -as shown in the cut. The power required to do the grinding was -furnished by horses or mules attached to the beams (Fig. 110), or by -slaves pushing against them. This last method was often used as a -punishment, as we have seen (sections 170, 148). Of the same form but -much smaller were the hand mills used by soldiers for grinding the -_frumentum_ furnished them as rations. Under the Empire water mills -were introduced, but they are hardly referred to in literature. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 111. BAKERY WITH MILLS] - -286. The transition from the ancient porridge (section 283) to bread -baked in the modern fashion must have been through the medium of thin -cakes baked in or over the fire. We do not know when bread baked in -ovens came into use. Bakers (section 283) as representatives of a -trade do not go back beyond 171 B.C., but long before this time, of -course, the family bread had been made by the _mater familias_, or by -a slave under her supervision. After public bakeries were once -established it became less and less usual for bread to be made in -private houses in the towns. Only the most pretentious of the city -mansions had ovens attached, as shown by the ruins. In the country, on -the other hand, the older custom was always retained (section 148). -Under Trajan (98-118) it became the custom to distribute bread to the -people daily, instead of grain once a month, and the bakers were -organized into a guild (_corpus_, _collegium_), and as a corporation -enjoyed certain privileges and immunities. In Fig. 111 are shown the -ruins of a Pompeian bakery with several mills in connection with it. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 112. OVEN FOR BREAD] - -287. Breadmaking.--After the flour collected about the edge of the -_meta_ (section 284) had been sifted, water and salt were added and -the dough was kneaded in a trough by hand or by a simple machine shown -in the cut in Schreiber LXVII. Yeast was added as nowadays and the -bread was baked in an oven much like those still found in parts of -Europe. One preserved in the ruins of Pompeii is shown in the cut -(Fig. 112): at _a_ is the oven proper, in which a fire was built, the -draft being furnished by the openings at _d_. The surrounding chamber, -_b_, is intended to retain the heat after the fire (usually of -charcoal) had been raked out into the ashpit, _e_, and the vents -closed. The letter _f_ marks a receptacle for water, which seems to -have been used for moistening the bread while baking. After the oven -had been heated to the proper temperature and the fire raked out, the -loaves were put in, the vents closed, and the bread left to bake. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 113. SALESROOM OF BAKERY] - -288. There were several qualities of bread, varying with the sort of -grain, the setting of the millstones (section 284) and the fineness of -the sieves (section 287). The very best, made of pure wheat-flour, was -called _panis siligneus_; that made of coarse flour, of flour and -bran, or of bran alone was called _panis plebeius_, _castrensis_, -_sordidus_, _rusticus_, etc. The loaves were circular and rather flat- --some have been found in the ruins of Pompeii--and had their surface -marked off by lines drawn from the center into four or more parts. The -wall painting (Fig. 113) of a salesroom of a bakery, also found in -Pompeii, gives a good idea of the appearance of the bread. Various -kinds of cakes and confections were also sold at these shops. - -289. The Olive.--Next in importance to the wheat came the olive. It -was introduced into Italy from Greece, and from Italy has spread -through all the Mediterranean countries; but in modern as well as in -ancient times the best olives are those of Italy. The olive was an -important article of food merely as a fruit, being eaten both fresh -and preserved in various ways, but it found its significant place in -the domestic economy of the Romans in the form of the olive oil with -which we are familiar. It is the value of the oil that has caused the -cultivation of the olive to become so general in southern Europe, and -it is claimed that its use is constantly widening, extending -especially northward, where wine and oil are said to be supplanting -the native beer and butter. Many varieties were known to the Romans, -requiring different climates and soils and adapted to different uses. -In general it may be said that the larger berries were better suited -for eating than for oil. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 114. PICKING OLIVES] - -290. The olive was eaten fresh as it ripened and was also preserved in -various ways. The ripe olives were sprinkled with salt and left -untouched for five days; the salt was then shaken off, and the olives -dried in the sun. They were also preserved sweet without salt in -boiled must (section 296). Half ripe olives were picked (Fig. 114) -with their stems and covered over in jars with the best quality of -oil; in this way they are said to have retained for more than a year -the flavor of the fresh fruit. Green olives were preserved whole in -strong brine, the form in which we know them now, or were beaten into -a mass and preserved with spices and vinegar. The preparation -_epityrum_ was made by taking the fruit in any of the three stages, -removing the stones, chopping up the pulp, seasoning it with vinegar, -coriander seeds, cumin, fennel, and mint, and covering the mixture in -jars with oil enough to exclude the air. The result was a salad that -was eaten with cheese. - -291. Olive Oil.--The oil was used for several purposes. It was -employed most anciently to anoint the body after bathing, especially -by athletes; it was used as a vehicle for perfumes, the Romans knowing -nothing of distillation by means of alcohol; it was burned in lamps -(section 228); it was an indispensable article of food. As a food it -was employed as butter is now in cooking or as a relish or dressing in -its natural state. The olive when subjected to pressure yields two -fluids. The first to flow (_amurca_) is dark and bitter, having the -consistency of water. It was largely used as a fertilizer, but not as -a food. The second, which flows after greater pressure, is the oil -(_oleum_, _oleum olivum_). The best oil was made from olives not fully -ripe, but the largest quantity was yielded by the ripened fruit. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 115. OLIVE MILL] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 116. VAULT FOR STORING OIL] - -292. The olives were picked from the tree (Fig. 114), those that fell -of their own accord being thought inferior (section 160), and were -spread upon sloping platforms in order that a part of the _amurca_ -might flow out by itself. Here the fruit remained until a slight -fermentation took place. It was then subjected to the action of a -machine (Fig. 115) that bruised and pressed it. The oil that flowed -out was caught in a jar and from it ladled into a receptacle (_labrum -fictile_), where it was allowed to settle, the _amurca_ and other -impurities falling to the bottom. The oil was then skimmed off into -another like receptacle and again allowed to settle, the process being -repeated (as often as thirty times if necessary) until all impurities -had been left behind. The best oil was made by subjecting the berries -at first to a gentle pressure only. The bruised pulp was then taken -out, separated from the stones or pits, and pressed a second or even a -third time, the quality becoming poorer each time. The oil was kept in -jars which were glazed on the inside with wax or gum to prevent -absorption, the covers were carefully secured and the jars stored away -in vaults (Fig. 116). - -293. Grapes.--Grapes were eaten fresh from the vines and were also -dried in the sun and kept as raisins, but they owed their real -importance in Italy as elsewhere to the wine made from them. The vine -was not native to Italy, as until recently it was supposed to be, but -was introduced, probably from Greece, long before history begins. The -earliest name for Italy known to the Greeks was _Oenotria_, "the land -of the vine-pole," and very ancient legends ascribe to Numa -restrictions upon the use of wine. It is probable that up to the time -of the Gracchi wine was rare and expensive. The quantity produced -gradually increased as the cultivation of cereals declined (section -146), but the quality long remained inferior, all the choice wines -being imported from Greece and the east. By Cicero's time, however, -attention was being given to viticulture and to the scientific making -of wines, and by the time of Augustus vintages were produced that vied -with the best brought in from abroad. Pliny, writing about the middle -of the first century of our era, says that of the eighty really choice -wines then known to the Romans two-thirds were produced in Italy, and -Arrian of about the same time says that Italian wines were famous as -far away as India. - -294. Viticulture.--Grapes could be grown almost anywhere in Italy, but -the best wines were made south of Rome within the confines of Latium -and Campania. The cities of Praeneste, Velitrae, and Formiae were -famous for the wines grown on the sunny slopes of the Alban hills. A -little farther south, near Terracina, was the _ager Caecubus_, where -was produced the Caecuban wine, pronounced by Augustus the noblest of -all. Then comes Mt. Massicus with the _ager Falernus_ on its southern -side, producing the Falernian wines, even more famous than the -Caecuban. Upon and around Vesuvius, too, fine wines were grown, -especially near Naples, Pompeii, Cumae, and Surrentum. Good wines but -less noted than these were produced in the extreme south, near -Beneventum, Aulon, and Tarentum. Of like quality were those grown east -and north of Rome, near Spoletium, Caesena, Ravenna, Hadria, and -Ancona. Those of the north and west, in Etruria and Gaul, were not so -good. - -295. Vineyards.--The sunny side of a hill was the best place for a -vineyard. The vines were supported by poles or trellises in the modern -fashion, or were planted at the foot of trees up which they were -allowed to climb. For this purpose the elm (_ulmus_) was preferred, -because it flourished everywhere, could be closely trimmed without -endangering its life, and had leaves that made good food for cattle -when they were plucked off to admit the sunshine to the vines. Vergil -speaks of "marrying the vine to the elm," and Horace calls the plane -tree a bachelor (_platanus coelebs_), because its dense foliage made -it unfit for the vineyard. Before the gathering of the grapes the -chief work lay in keeping the ground clear; it was spaded over once -each month through the year. One man could properly care for about -four acres. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 117. MAKING WINE] - -296. Wine Making.--The making of the wine took place usually in -September, the season varying with the soil and the climate. It was -anticipated by a festival, the _vinalia rustica_, celebrated on the -19th of August. Precisely what the festival meant the Romans -themselves did not fully understand, perhaps, but it was probably -intended to secure a favorable season for the gathering of the grapes. -The general process of making the wine differed little from that -familiar to us in Bible stories and still practiced in modern times. -After the grapes were gathered they were first trodden with the bare -feet (Fig. 117) and then pressed in the _prelum_ or _lorcular_. The -juice as it came from the press was called _mustum_, "new," and was -often drunk unfermented, as "sweet" cider is now. It could be kept -sweet from vintage to vintage by being sealed in a jar smeared within -and without with pitch and immersed for several weeks in cold water or -buried in moist sand. It was also preserved by evaporation over a -fire; when it was reduced one-half in this way it became a grape-jelly -(_defrutum_) and was used as a basis for various beverages and for -other purposes (section 290). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 118. WINE CELLAR] - -297. Fermented wine (_vinum_) was made by collecting the _mustum_ in -huge vat-like jars (_dolia_, shown in Fig. 116), large enough to hide -a man and containing a hundred gallons or more. These were covered -with pitch within and without and partially buried in the ground in -cellars or vaults (_vinariae cellae_), in which they remained -permanently. After they were nearly filled with the _mustum_, they -were left uncovered during the process of fermentation, which lasted -under ordinary circumstances about nine days. They were then tightly -sealed and opened only when the wine required attention[3] or was to -be removed. The cheaper wines were used directly from the _dolia_, but -the choicer kinds were drawn off after a year into smaller jars -(_amphorae_), clarified and sometimes "doctored" in various ways, and -finally stored in depositories often entirely distinct from the -cellars (Fig. 118). A favorite place was a room in the upper story of -the house, where the wine was artificially aged by the heat rising -from the furnace or even by the smoke escaping from the fire. The -_amphorae_ were sometimes marked with the name of the wine, and the -names of the consuls for the year in which they were filled. - -[Footnote 3: Spoiled wine was used as vinegar (_acetum_), and vinegar -that became insipid and tasteless was called _vappa_. This last word -was used also as a term of reproach for shiftless and worthless men.] - -298. Beverages.--After water and milk, wine was the ordinary drink of -the Romans of all classes. It must be distinctly understood, however, -that they always mixed it with water and used more water than wine. -Pliny mentions one sort of wine that would stand being mixed with -eight times its own bulk of water. To drink wine unmixed was thought -typical of barbarism, and among the Romans it was so drunk only by the -dissipated at their wildest revels. Under the Empire the ordinary -qualities of wine were cheap enough to be sold at three or four cents -a quart (section 388); the choicer kinds were very costly, entirely -beyond the reach, Horace gives us to understand, of a man in his -circumstances. More rarely used than wine were other beverages that -are mentioned in literature. A favorite drink was _mulsum_, made of -four measures of wine and one of honey. A mixture of water and honey -allowed to ferment together was called _mulsa_. Cider also was made by -the Romans, and wines from mulberries and dates. They also made -various cordials from aromatic plants, but it must be remembered -(section 281) that they had no knowledge of tea or coffee. - -299. Style of Living.--The table supplies of a given people vary from -age to age with the development of civilization and refinement, and in -the same age with the means and tastes of classes and individuals. Of -the Romans it may be said that during the early Republic, perhaps -almost through the second century B.C., they cared little for the -pleasures of the table. They lived frugally and ate sparingly. They -were almost strictly vegetarians (section 273), much of their food was -eaten cold, and the utmost simplicity characterized the cooking and -the service of their meals. Everything was prepared by the _mater -familias_ or by the maidservants under her supervision (section 90). -The table was set in the _atrium_ (section 188), and the father, -mother, and children sat around it on stools or benches (section 225), -waiting upon each other and their guests (section 104). Dependents ate -of the same food, but apart from the family. The dishes were of the -plainest sort, of earthenware or even of wood, though a silver -saltcellar was often the cherished ornament of the humblest board. -Table knives and forks were unknown, the food being cut into -convenient portions before it was served, and spoons being used to -convey to the mouth what the fingers could not manage. During this -period there was little to choose between the fare of the proudest -patrician and the humblest client. The Samnite envoys found Manius -Curius, the conqueror of Pyrrhus (275 B.C.), eating his dinner of -vegetables (section 275) from an earthen bowl. A century later the -poet Plautus calls his countrymen a race of porridge eaters -(_pultiphagonidae_, section 283), and gives us to understand that in -his time even the wealthiest Romans had in their households no -specially trained cooks. When a dinner out of the ordinary was given, -a professional cook was hired, who brought with him to the house of -the host his utensils and helpers, just as a plumber or surgeon -responds to a call nowadays. - -300. The last two centuries of the Republic saw all this changed. The -conquest of Greece and the wars in Asia Minor gave the Romans a taste -of eastern luxury, and altered their simple table customs, as other -customs had been altered by like contact with the outside world -(sections 5, 101, 112, 192). From this time the poor and the rich no -longer fared alike. The former constrained by poverty lived frugally -as of old: every schoolboy knows that the soldiers who won Caesar's -battles for him lived on grain (section 282 and note), which they -ground in their handmills and baked at their campfires. The very rich, -on the other hand, aping the luxury of the Greeks but lacking their -refinement, became gluttons instead of gourmands. They ransacked the -world[4] for articles of food, preferring the rare and the costly to -what was really palatable and delicate. They measured the feast by the -quantities they could consume, reviving the sated appetite by piquant -sauces and resorting to emetics to prolong the pleasures of the table -and prevent the effects of over-indulgence. The separate dining-room -(_triclinium_) was introduced, the great houses having two or more -(section 204), and the _oeci_ (section 207) were pressed into service -for banquet halls. The dining couch (section 224) took the place of -the bench or stool, slaves served the food to the reclining guests, a -dinner dress (section 249) was devised, and every _familia urbana_ -(section 149) included a high-priced chef with a staff of trained -assistants. Of course there were always wealthy men, Atticus, the -friend of Cicero, for example (section 155), who clung to the simpler -customs of the earlier days, but these could make little headway -against the current of senseless dissipation and extravagance. Over -against these must be set the fawning poor, who preferred the -fleshpots of the rich patron (sections 181, 182) to the bread of -honest independence. Between the two extremes was a numerous middle -class of the well-to-do, with whose ordinary meals we are more -concerned than with the banquets of the very rich. These meals were -the _ientaculum_, the _prandium_, and the _cena_. - -[Footnote 4: Gellius (2d century A.D.) gives a list from a satirical -poem of Varro: Peacock from Samos, heath-cock from Phrygia, crane from -Media, kid from Ambracia, young tunny-fish from Chalcedon, _murena_ -from Tartessus, cod (?) from Pessinus, oysters from Tarentum, scallop -from Chios (?), sturgeon (?) from Rhodes, _scarus_ from Cilicia, nuts -from Thasos, dates from Egypt, chestnuts (?) from Spain.] - -301. Hours for Meals.--Three meals a day was the regular number with -the Romans as with us, though hygienists were found then, as they may -be found nowadays, who believed two meals more healthful than three, -and then as now high livers often indulged in an extra meal taken late -at night. Custom fixed more or less rigorously the hours for meals, -though these varied with the age, and to a less extent with the -occupations and even with the inclinations of individuals. In early -times in the city and in all periods in the country the chief meal -(_cena_) was eaten in the middle of the day, preceded by a breakfast -(_ientaculum_) in the early morning and followed in the evening by a -supper (_vesperna_). In classical times the hours for meals in Rome -were about as they are now in our large cities: that is, the _cena_ -was postponed until the work of the day was finished, thus crowding -out the _vesperna_, and a luncheon (_prandium_) took the place of the -old-fashioned "noon dinner." The evening dinner came to be more or -less of a social function, guests being present and the food and -service the best the house could afford, while the _ientaculum_ and -_prandium_ were in comparison very simple and informal meals. - -302. Breakfast and Luncheon.--The breakfast (_ientaculum_ or -_iantaculum_) was eaten immediately after rising, the hour varying, of -course, with the occupation and condition of the individual. It -consisted usually merely of bread, eaten dry or dipped in wine or -sprinkled over with salt, though raisins, olives, and cheese were -sometimes added. Workmen pressed for time seem to have taken their -breakfast in their hands to eat as they went to the place of their -labor, and schoolboys often stopped on their way to school (section -122) at a public bakery (section 286) to buy a sort of shortcake or -pancake, on which they made a hurried breakfast. More rarely the -breakfast became a regular meal, eggs being served in addition to the -things just mentioned, and _mulsum_ (section 298) and milk drunk with -them. It is likely that such a breakfast was taken at a later hour and -by persons who dispensed with the noon meal. The luncheon (_prandium_) -came about eleven o'clock. It, too, consisted usually of cold food: -bread, salads (section 276), olives, cheese, fruits, nuts, and cold -meats from the dinner of the day before. Occasionally, however, warm -meat and vegetables were added, but the meal was never an elaborate -one. It is sometimes spoken of as a morning meal, but in this case it -must have followed at about the regular interval an extremely early -breakfast, or it must itself have formed the breakfast, taken later -than usual, when the _ientaculum_ for some reason had been omitted. -After the _prandium_ came the midday rest or siesta (_meridiatio_), -when all work was laid aside until the eighth hour, except in the law -courts and in the senate. In the summer, at least, everybody went to -sleep, and even in the capital the streets were almost as deserted as -at midnight. The _vesperna_, entirely unknown in city life, closed the -day on the farm. It was an early supper which consisted largely of the -leavings of the noonday dinner with the addition of such uncooked food -as a farm would naturally supply. The word _merenda_ seems to have -been applied in early times to this evening meal, then to refreshments -taken at any time (cf. the English "lunch"), and finally to have gone -out of use altogether. - -303. The Formal Meal.--The busy life of the city had early crowded the -dinner out of its original place in the middle of the day and fixed it -in the afternoon. The fashion soon spread to the towns and was carried -by city people to their country estates (section 145), so that in -classical times the late dinner (_cena_) was the regular thing for all -persons of any social standing throughout the length and breadth of -Italy. It was even more of a function than it is with us, because the -Romans knew no other form of purely social intercourse. They had no -receptions, balls, musicales, or theater parties, no other -opportunities to entertain their friends or be entertained by them. It -is safe to say, therefore, that when the Roman was in town he was -every evening host or guest at a dinner as elaborate as his means or -those of his friends permitted, unless, of course, urgent business -claimed his attention or some unusual circumstances had withdrawn him -temporarily from society. On the country estates the same custom -prevailed, the guests coming from neighboring estates or being friends -who stopped unexpectedly, perhaps, to claim entertainment for a night -as they passed on a journey to or from the city (section 388). These -dinners, formal as they were, are to be distinguished carefully from -the extravagant banquets of the ostentatious rich. They were in -themselves thoroughly wholesome, the expression of genuine -hospitality. The guests were friends, the number was limited, the wife -and children of the host were present, and social enjoyment was the -end in view. Before the meal itself is described something must be -said of the dining-room and its furniture. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 119. TABLE AND COUCHES] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 120. TABLE AND COUCHES] - -304. The Dining Couch.--The position of the dining-room (_triclinium_) -in the Roman house has been described already (section 204), and it -has been remarked (section 300) that in classical times the stool or -bench had given place to the couch. This couch (_lectus tricliniaris_) -was constructed much as the common _lecti_ were (section 224), except -that it was made broader and lower, had an arm at one end only, was -without a back, and sloped from the front to the rear. At the end -where the arm was, a cushion or bolster was placed, and parallel with -it two others were arranged in such a way as to divide the couch into -three parts. Each part was for one person, and a single couch would, -therefore, accommodate three persons. The dining-room received its -name (_triclinium_) from the fact that it was planned to hold three of -these couches ([Greek: _klinai_] in Greek), set on three sides of a -table, the fourth side of which was open. The arrangement varied a -little with the size of the room. In a large room the couches were set -as in Fig. 119, but if economy of space was necessary they were placed -as in Fig. 120, the latter being probably the more common arrangement -of the two. Nine may be taken, therefore, as the ordinary number at a -Roman dinner party. More would be invited only on unusual occasions, -and then a larger room would be used where two or more tables could be -arranged in the same way, each accommodating nine guests. In the case -of members of the same family, especially if one was a child, or when -the guests were very intimate friends, a fourth person might find room -on a couch, but this was certainly unusual; probably when a guest -unexpectedly presented himself some member of the family would -surrender his place to him. Often the host reserved a place or places -for friends that his guests might bring without notice. Such uninvited -persons were called _umbrae_. When guests were present the wife sat on -the edge of the couch (Fig. 121) instead of reclining, and children -were usually accommodated on seats at the open side of the table. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 121. WOMAN SITTING ON DINING COUCH] - -305. Places of Honor.--The guest approached the couch from the rear -and took his place upon it, lying on the left side, with his face to -the table, and supported by his left elbow, which rested on the -cushion or bolster mentioned above. The position of his body is -indicated by the arrows in the cut above (Fig. 119). Each couch and -each place on the couch had its own name according to its position -with reference to the others. The couches were called respectively -_lectus summus_, _lectus medius_, and _lectus imus_, and it will be -noticed that persons reclining on the _lectus medius_ had the _lectus -summus_ on the left and the _lectus imus_ on the right. Etiquette -assigned the _lectus summus_ and the _lectus medius_ to guests, while -the _lectus imus_ was reserved for the host, his wife, and one other -member of his family. If the host alone represented the family, the -two places beside him on the _lectus imus_ were given to the humblest -of the guests. - -306. The places on each couch were named in the same way, (_locus_) -_summus_, _medius_, and _imus_, denoted respectively by the figures -_1_, _2_, and _3_ in the cut. The person who occupied the place -numbered _1_ was said to be above (_super_, _supra_) the person to his -right, while the person occupying the middle place (_2_) was above the -person on his right and below (_infra_) the one on the left. The place -of honor on the _lectus summus_ was that numbered _1_, and the -corresponding place on the _lectus imus_ was taken by the host. The -most distinguished guest, however, was given the place on the _lectus -medius_ marked _3_, and this place was called by the special name -_locus consularis_, because if a consul was present it was always -assigned to him. It will be noticed that it was next the place of the -host, and besides was especially convenient for a public official; if -he found it necessary to receive or send a message during the dinner -he could communicate with the messenger without so much as turning on -his elbow. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 122. SIDEBOARD] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 123. SIDEBOARD] - -307. Other Furniture.--In comparison with the _lecti_ the rest of the -furniture of the dining-room played an insignificant part. In fact the -only other absolutely necessary article was the table (_mensa_), -placed as shown in the figures above between the three couches in such -a way that all were equally distant from it and free access to it was -left on the fourth side. The space between the table and the couches -might be so little that the guests could help themselves, or on the -other hand so great that slaves could pass between to serve the food. -The guests had no individual plates to be kept upon the table, so that -it was used merely to receive the large dishes in which the food was -served, and certain formal articles, such as the saltcellar (section -299) and the things necessary for the offering to the gods. The table, -therefore, was never very large (one such would be almost lost in a -modern dining-room), but it was often exceedingly beautiful and costly -(section 227). Its beauties were not hidden either by any cloth or -covering; the table-cloth, as we know it, did not come into use until -about the end of the first century of our era. The cost and beauty of -the dishes, too, were limited only by the means and taste of the -owner. Besides the couches and the table, sideboards (_abaci_) were -the only articles of furniture usually found in the _triclinium_. -These varied from a simple shelf to tables of different forms and -sizes and open cabinets, such as shown in Figs. 122 and 123 and in -Schreiber LXVII, 11. They were set out of the way against the walls -and served as do ours to display plate and porcelain when not in use -on the table. - -308. Courses.--In classical times even the simplest dinner was divided -into three parts, the _gustus_ ("appetizer"), the _cena_ ("dinner -proper"), and the _secunda mensa_[5] ("dessert"); the dinner was made -elaborate by serving each of the parts in several courses. The -_gustus_ consisted of those things only that were believed to excite -the appetite or aid the digestion: oysters and other shell-fish fresh, -sea-fish salted or pickled, certain vegetables that could be eaten -uncooked, especially onions, and almost invariably lettuce and eggs, -all with piquant sauces. With these appetizers _mulsum_ (section 298) -was drunk, wine being thought too heavy for an empty stomach, and from -the drink the _gustus_ was also called the _promulsis_; another and -more significant name for it was _antecena_. Then followed the real -dinner, the _cena_, consisting of the more substantial viands, fish, -flesh, fowl, and vegetables. With this part of the meal wine was -drunk, but in moderation, for it was thought to dull the sense of -taste, and the real drinking began only when the _cena_ was over. The -_cena_ almost always consisted of several courses (_mensa prima_, -_altera_, _tertia_, etc.), three being thought neither niggardly nor -extravagant; we are told that Augustus often dined on three courses -and never went beyond six. The _secunda mensa_ closed the meal with -all sorts of pastry, sweets, nuts, and fruits, fresh and preserved, -with which wine was freely drunk. From the fact that eggs were eaten -at the beginning of the meal and apples at the close came the -proverbial expression, _ab ovo ad mala_. - -[Footnote 5: This is the most common form, but the plural also occurs, -and the adjective may follow the noun.] - -309. Bills of Fare.--We have preserved to us in literature the bills -of fare of a few meals, probably actually served, which may be taken -as typical at least of the homely, the generous, and the sumptuous -dinner. The simplest is given by Juvenal (died 2d century A.D.): for -the _gustus_, asparagus and eggs; for the _cena_, young kid and -chicken; for the _secunda mensa_, fruits. Two others are given by -Martial (43-101 A.D.): the first has lettuce, onions, tunny-fish, and -eggs cut in slices; sausages with porridge, fresh cauliflower, bacon, -and beans; pears and chestnuts, and with the wine olives, parched -peas, and lupines. The second has mallows, onions, mint, elecampane, -anchovies with sliced eggs, and sow's udder in tunny sauce; the _cena_ -was served in a single course (_una mensa_), kid, chicken, cold ham, -haricot beans, and young cabbage sprouts; fresh fruits, with wine, of -course. The last we owe to Macrobius (died 5th century A.D.), who -assigns it to a feast of the pontifices during the Republic, feasts -that were proverbial for their splendor. The _antecena_ was served in -two courses: first, sea-urchins, raw oysters, three kinds of -sea-mussels, thrush on asparagus, a fat hen, panned oysters, and -mussels; second, mussels again, shell-fish, sea-nettles, figpeckers, -loin of goat, loin of pork, fricasseed chicken, figpeckers again, two -kinds of sea-snails. The number of courses in which the _cena_ was -served is not given: sow's udder, head of wild boar, panned fish, -panned sow's udder, domestic ducks, wild ducks, hares, roast chicken, -starch pudding, bread. No vegetables or dessert are mentioned by -Macrobius, but we may take it for granted that they corresponded to -the rest of the feast, and the wine that the pontifices drank was -famed as the best. - -310. Serving the Dinner.--The dinner hour marked the close of the -day's work, as has been said (section 301), and varied, therefore, -with the season of the year and the social position of the family. In -general it may be said to have been not before the ninth and rarely -after the tenth hour (section 418). It lasted usually until bedtime, -that is, for three or four hours at least, though the Romans went to -bed early because they rose early (sections 79, 122). Sometimes even -the ordinary dinner lasted until midnight, but when a banquet was -expected to be unusually protracted, it was the custom to begin -earlier in order that there might be time after it for the needed -repose. Such banquets, beginning before the ninth hour, were called -_tempestiva convivia_, the word "early" in this connection carrying -with it about the same reproach as our "late" suppers. At the ordinary -family dinners the time was spent in conversation, though in some good -houses (notably that of Atticus, cf. section 155) a trained slave read -aloud to the guests. At "gentlemen's dinners" other forms of -entertainment were provided, music, dancing, juggling, etc., by -professional performers (section 153). - -311. When the guests had been ushered into the dining-room the gods -were solemnly invoked, a custom to which our "grace before meat" -corresponds. Then they took their places on the couches (_accumbere_, -_discumbere_) as these were assigned them (section 306), their sandals -were removed (section 250), to be cared for by their own attendants -(section 152), and water and towels were carried around for washing -the hands. The meal then began, each course being placed upon the -table on a waiter or tray (_ferculum_), from which the dishes were -passed in regular order to the guests. As each course was finished the -dishes were replaced on the _ferculum_ and removed, and water and -towels were again passed to the guests, a custom all the more -necessary because the fingers were used for forks (section 299). -Between the chief parts of the meal, too, the table was cleared and -carefully wiped with a cloth or soft sponge. Between the _cena_ proper -and the _secunda mensa_ a longer pause was made and silence was -preserved while wine, salt, and meal, perhaps also regular articles of -food, were offered to the Lares. The dessert was then brought on in -the same way as the other parts of the meal. The signal to leave the -couches was given by calling for the sandals (section 250), and the -guests immediately took their departure. - -312. The Comissatio.--Cicero tells us of Cato and his Sabine neighbors -lingering over their dessert and wine until late at night, and makes -them find the chief charm of the long evening in the conversation. For -this reason Cato declares the Latin word _convivium_ "a living -together," a better word for such social intercourse than the one the -Greeks used, _symposium_, "a drinking together." The younger men in -the gayer circles of the capital inclined rather to the Greek view and -followed the _cena_ proper with a drinking bout, or wine supper, -called _comissatio_ or _compotatio_. This differed from the form that -Cato approved not merely in the amount of wine consumed, in the lower -tone, and in the questionable amusements, but also in the following of -certain Greek customs unknown among the Romans until after the second -Punic war and never adopted in the regular dinner parties that have -been described. These were the use of perfumes and flowers at the -feast, the selection of a Master of the Revels, and the method of -drinking. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 124. END OF DRINKING BOUT] - -313. The perfumes and flowers were used not so much on account of the -sweetness of their scent, much as the Romans enjoyed it, as because -they believed that the scent prevented or at least retarded -intoxication. This is shown by the fact that they did not use the -unguents and the flowers throughout the whole meal, but waited to -anoint the head with perfumes and crown it with flowers until the -dessert and the wine were brought on. Various leaves and flowers were -used for the garlands (_coronae convivales_) according to individual -tastes, but the rose was the most popular and came to be generally -associated with the _comissatio_. After the guests had assumed their -crowns (and sometimes garlands were also worn around the neck), each -threw the dice, usually calling as he did so upon his sweetheart or -some deity to help his throw. The one whose throw was the highest -(section 320) was forthwith declared the _rex_ (_magister_, _arbiter_) -_bibendi_. Just what his duties and privileges were we are nowhere -expressly told, but it can hardly be doubted that it was his province -to determine the proportion of water to be added to the wine (section -298), to lay down the rules for the drinking (_leges insanae_, Horace -calls them), to decide what each guest should do for the entertainment -of his fellows, and to impose penalties and forfeits for the breaking -of the rules. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 125. MIXING BOWL] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 126. DRINKING CUPS] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 127. CYATHUS] - -314. The wine was mixed under the direction of the _magister_ in a -large bowl (_crater_), the proportions of the wine and water being -apparently constant for the evening, and from the _crater_ (Fig. 125), -placed on the table in view of all, the wine was ladled by the -servants into the goblets (_pocula_, Fig. 126) of the guests. The -ladle (_cyathus_, Fig. 127) held about one-twelfth of a pint, or more -probably was graduated by twelfths. The method of drinking seems to -have differed from that of the regular dinner chiefly in this: at the -ordinary dinner each guest mixed his wine to suit his own taste and -drank as little or as much as he pleased, while at the _comissatio_ -all had to drink alike, regardless of differences in taste and -capacity. The wine seems to have been drunk chiefly in "healths," but -an odd custom regulated the size of the bumpers. Any guest might -propose the health of any person he pleased to name; immediately -slaves ladled into each goblet as many _cyathi_ (twelfths of a pint) -as there were letters in the given name, and the goblets had to be -drained at a draft. The rest of the entertainment was undoubtedly wild -enough (section 310); gambling seems to have been common, and Cicero -speaks of more disgraceful practices in his speeches against Catiline. -Sometimes the guests spent the evening roaming from house to house, -playing host in turn, and making night hideous as they staggered -through the streets with their crowns and garlands. - -315. The Banquets of the Rich.--Little need be said of the banquets of -the wealthy nobles in the last century of the Republic and of the rich -parvenus (section 181) who thronged the courts of the earlier -Emperors. They were arranged on the same plan as the dinners we have -described, differing from them only in the ostentatious display of -furniture, plate, and food. So far as particulars have reached us, -they were grotesque and revolting, judged by the canons of to-day, -rather than magnificent. Couches made of silver, wine instead of water -for the hands, twenty-two courses to a single cena, seven thousand -birds served at another, a dish of livers of fish, tongues of -flamingos, brains of peacocks and pheasants mixed up together, strike -us as vulgarity run mad. The sums spent upon these feasts do not seem -so fabulous now as they did then. Every season in our great capitals -sees social functions that surpass the feasts of Lucullus in cost as -far as they do in taste and refinement. As signs of the times, -however, as indications of changed ideals, of degeneracy and decay, -they deserved the notice that the Roman historians and satirists gave -them. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -AMUSEMENTS; BATHS - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 269-296, 834-861; Staatsverwaltung, III, -504-565; Goll, III, 455-480, 104-157; Guhl and Koner, 643-658, -804-829, 609-618; Friedlander, II, 295-637; Ramsay, 394-409; -Pauly-Wissowa, _amphitheatrum_, _calx_, _circus_, _Bader_; Smith, -Harper, Rich, _amphitheatrum_, _balneae_, _circus_, _gladiatores_, -_theatrum_, and other Latin words in text; Baumeister, 694, 241-244, -2089-2111; Lubker, 1073 f., 1199 f., 477 f., 1048 f., 185, 1213; -Kelsey-Mau, 135-161, 180-220. - - -316. After the games of childhood (sections 102, 103) were passed the -Roman seemed to lose all instinct for play. Of sport for sport's sake -he knew nothing, he took part in no games for the sake of excelling in -them. He played ball before his dinner for the good of the exercise, -he practiced riding, fencing, wrestling, hurling the discus (Fig. -128), and swimming for the strength and skill they gave him in arms, -he played a few games of chance for the excitement the stakes -afforded, but there was no "national game" for the young men, and -there were no social amusements in which men and women took part -together. The Roman made it hard and expensive, too, for others to -amuse him. He cared nothing for the drama, little for spectacular -shows, more for farces and variety performances, perhaps, but the one -thing that really appealed to him was excitement, and this he found in -gambling or in such amusements only as involved the risk of injury to -life and limb, the sports of the circus and the amphitheater. We may -describe first the games in which the Roman participated himself and -then those at which he was a mere spectator. In the first class are -field sports and games of hazard, in the second the public and private -games (_ludi publici et privati_). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 128. DISCUS THROWER] - -317. Sports of the Campus.--The Campus Martius included all the level -ground lying between the Tiber and the Capitoline and Quirinal hills. -The northwestern portion of this plain, bounded on two sides by the -Tiber, which here sweeps abruptly to the west, kept clear of public -and private buildings and often called simply the _Campus_, was for -centuries the playground of Rome. Here the young men gathered to -practice the athletic games mentioned above, naturally in the cooler -parts of the day. Even men of graver years did not disdain a visit to -the Campus after the _meridiatio_ (section 302), in preparation for -the bath before dinner, instead of which the younger men preferred to -take a cool plunge in the convenient river. The sports themselves were -those that we are accustomed to group together as track and field -athletics. They ran foot races, jumped, threw the discus (Fig. 128), -practiced archery, and had wrestling and boxing matches. These sports -were carried on then much as they are now, if we may judge by Vergil's -description in the Fifth Aeneid, but an exception must be made of the -games of ball. These seem to have been very dull and stupid as -compared with ours. It must be remembered, however, that they were -played more for the healthful exercise they furnished than for the joy -of the playing, and by men of high position, too--Caesar, Maecenas, -and even the Emperor Augustus. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 129. FOLLES] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 130. GAME OF BALL] - -318. Games of Ball.--Balls of different sizes are known to have been -used in the different games, variously filled with hair, feathers, and -air (_folles_, Fig. 129). Throwing and catching formed the basis of -all the games, the bat being practically unknown. In the simplest game -the player threw the ball as high as he could, and tried to catch it -before it struck the ground. Variations of this were what we should -call juggling, the player keeping two or more balls in the air (Fig. -130), and throwing and catching by turns with another player. Another -game must have resembled our handball, requiring a wall and smooth -ground at its foot. The ball was struck with the open hand against the -wall, allowed to fall back upon the ground and bound, and then struck -back against the wall in the same manner. The aim of the player was to -keep the ball going in this way longer than his opponent could. -Private houses and the public baths often had "courts" especially -prepared for this amusement. A third game was called _trigon_, and was -played by three persons, stationed at the angles of an equilateral -triangle. Two balls were used and the aim of the player was to throw -the ball in his possession at the one of his opponents who would be -the less likely to catch it. As two might throw at the third at the -same moment, or as the thrower of one ball might have to receive the -second ball at the very moment of throwing, both hands had to be used -and a good degree of skill was necessary. Other games, all of throwing -and catching, are mentioned here and there, but none is described with -sufficient detail to be clearly understood. - -319. Games of Chance.--The Romans were passionately fond of games of -chance, and gambling was so universally associated with such games -that they were forbidden by law, even when no stakes were actually -played for. A general indulgence seems to have been granted at the -Saturnalia in December, and public opinion allowed old men to play at -any time. The laws were hard to enforce, however, as such laws usually -are, and large sums were won and lost not merely at general gambling -resorts, but also at private houses. Games of chance, in fact, with -high stakes, were one of the greatest attractions at the men's dinners -that have been mentioned (section 314). The commonest form of gambling -was our "heads or tails," coins being used as with us, the value -depending on the means of the players. Another common form was our -"odd or even," each player guessing in turn and in turn holding -counters concealed in his outstretched hand for his opponent to guess. -The stake was usually the contents of the hand though side bets were -not unusual. In a variation of this game the players tried to guess -the actual number of the counters held in the hand. Of more interest, -however, were the games of knuckle-bones and dice. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 131. GIRLS PLAYING WITH KNUCKLE-BONES] - -320. Knuckle-bones.--Knuckle-bones (_tali_) of sheep and goats, and -imitations of them in ivory, bronze, and stone, were used as -playthings by children and for gaming by men. Children played our -"jackstones" with them, throwing five into the air at once and -catching as many as possible on the back of the hand (Fig. 131). The -length of the _tali_ was greater than their width and they had, -therefore, four long sides and two ends. The ends were rounded off or -pointed, so that the _tali_ could not stand on them. Of the four long -sides two were broader than the others. Of the two broader sides one -was concave, the other convex; while of the narrower sides one was -flat and the other indented. As all the sides were of different shapes -the _tali_ did not require marking as do our dice, but for convenience -they were sometimes marked with the numbers 1, 3, 4, and 6, the -numbers 2 and 5 being omitted. Four _tali_ were used at a time, either -thrown into the air with the hand or thrown from a dice-box -(_fritillus_), and the side on which the bone rested was counted, not -that which came up. Thirty-five different throws were possible, of -which each had a different name. Four aces were the lowest throw, -called the Vulture, while the highest, called the Venus, was when all -the _tali_ came up differently. It was this throw that designated the -_magister bibendi_ (section 313). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 132. PLAYING DICE] - -321. Dice.--The Romans had also dice (_tesserae_) precisely like our -own. They were made of ivory, stone, or some close-grained wood, and -had the sides numbered from one to six. Three were used at a time, -thrown from the _fritillus_, as were the knuckle-bones (Fig. 132), but -the sides counted that came up. The highest throw was three sixes, the -lowest three aces. In ordinary gaming the aim of the player seems to -have been to throw a higher number than his opponent, but there were -also games played with dice on boards with counters, that must have -been something like our backgammon, uniting skill with chance. Little -more of these is known than their names, but a board used for some -such game is shown in section 336 (Fig. 144). If one considers how -much space is given in our newspapers to the game of baseball, and how -impossible it would be for a person who had never seen a game to get a -correct idea of one from the newspaper descriptions only, it will not -seem strange that we know so little of Roman games. - -322. Public and Private Games.--With the historical development of the -Public Games this book has no concern (section 2). It is sufficient to -say that these free exhibitions, given first in honor of some god or -gods at the cost of the state and extended and multiplied for -political purposes until all religious significance was lost, had come -by the end of the Republic to be the chief pleasure in life for the -lower classes in Rome, so that Juvenal declares that the free bread -(section 286) and the games of the circus were the people's sole -desire. Not only were these games free, but when they were given all -public business was stopped and all citizens were forced to take a -holiday. These holidays became rapidly more and more numerous; by the -end of the Republic sixty-six days were taken up by the games, and in -the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-180) no less than one hundred and -thirty-five days out of the year were thus closed to business.[1] -Besides these standing games, others were often given for -extraordinary events, and funeral games were common when great men -died. These last were not made legal holidays. For our purposes the -distinction between public and private games is not important, and all -may be classified according to the nature of the exhibitions as, _ludi -scenici_, dramatic entertainments given in a theater, _ludi -circenses_, chariot races and other exhibitions given in a circus, and -_munera gladiatoria_, shows of gladiators usually given in an -amphitheater. - -[Footnote 1: There are sixty holidays annually in Indiana, for -example, and this is about the average for the United States.] - -323. Dramatic Performances.--The history of the development of the -drama at Rome belongs, of course, to the history of Latin literature. -In classical times dramatic performances consisted of comedies -(_comoediae_), tragedies (_tragoediae_), farces (_mimi_), and -pantomimes (_pantomimi_). The farces and pantomimes were used chiefly -as interludes and afterpieces, though with the common people they were -the most popular of all and outlived the others. Tragedy never had any -real hold at Rome, and only the liveliest comedies gained favor on the -stage. Of the comedies the only ones that have come down to us are -those of Plautus and Terence, all adaptations from Greek originals, -all depicting Greek life, and represented in Greek costumes (_fabulae -palliatae_). They were a good deal more like our comic operas than our -comedies, large parts being recited to the accompaniment of music and -other parts sung while the actor danced. They were always presented in -the daytime, as Roman theaters were provided with no means of -lighting, in the early period after the noon meal (section 301), but -by Cicero's time they had come to be given in the morning. The average -comedy must have required about two hours for the acting, with -allowance for the occasional music between the scenes. We read of a -play being acted twice in a day, but this must have been very -exceptional, as time had to be allowed for the other more popular -shows given on the same occasion. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 133. SCENE FROM A COMEDY] - -324. Staging the Play.--The play, as well as the other sports, was -under the supervision of the officials in charge of the games at which -it was given. They contracted for the production of the play with some -recognized manager (_dominus gregis_), who was usually an actor of -acknowledged ability and had associated with him a troupe (_grex_) of -others only inferior to himself. The actors were all slaves (section -143), and men took the parts of women. There was no limit fixed to the -number of actors, but motives of economy would lead the _dominus_ to -produce each play with the smallest number possible, and two or even -more parts were often assigned to one actor. The characters in the -comedies wore the ordinary Greek dress of daily life and the costumes -(Fig. 133) were, therefore, not expensive. The only make-up required -was paint for the face, especially for the actors who took women's -parts, and the wigs that were used conventionally to represent -different characters, gray for old men, black for young men, red for -slaves, etc. These and the few properties (_ornamenta_) necessary were -furnished by the _dominus_. It seems to have been customary also for -him to feast the actors at his expense if their efforts to entertain -were unusually successful. - -325. The Early Theater.--The theater itself deserved no such name -until very late in the Republic. During the period when the best plays -were being written (200-160 B.C.) almost nothing was done for the -accommodation of the actors or the audience. The stage was merely a -temporary platform, rather wide than deep, built at the foot of a hill -or a grass-covered slope. There were almost none of the things that we -are accustomed to associate with a stage, no curtains, no flies, no -scenery that could be changed, not even a sounding-board to aid the -actor's voice. There was no way either to represent the interior of a -house, and the dramatist was limited, therefore, to such situations as -might be supposed to take place upon a public street. This street the -stage represented; at the back of it were shown the fronts of two or -three houses with windows and doors that could be opened, and -sometimes there was an alley or passageway between two of the houses. -An altar stood on the stage, we are told, to remind the people of the -religious origin of the games. No better provision was made for the -audience than for the actors. The people took their places on the -slope before the stage, some reclining on the grass, some standing, -some perhaps sitting on stools they had brought from home. There was -always din and confusion to try the actor's voice, pushing and -crowding, disputing and quarreling, wailing of children, and in the -very midst of the play the report of something livelier to be seen -elsewhere might draw the whole audience away. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 134. EXTERIOR OF THEATER AT ORANGE] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 135. THEATER AT POMPEII] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 136. SECTION OF THEATER OF MARCELLUS (Restored)] - -326. The Later Theater.--Beginning about 145 B.C., however, efforts -were made to improve upon this poor apology for a theater, in spite of -the opposition of those who considered the plays ruinous to morals. In -that year a wooden theater on Greek lines provided with seats was -erected, but the senate caused it to be pulled down as soon as the -games were over. It became a fixed custom, however, for such a -temporary theater with special and separate seats for senators, and -much later for the knights, to be erected as often as plays were given -at public games, until in 55 B.C. Pompeius Magnus erected the first -permanent theater at Rome. It was built of stone after the plans of -one he had seen at Mytilene and seated at least seventeen thousand -people; Pliny says forty thousand. This theater showed two noteworthy -divergences from its Greek model. The Greek theaters were excavated -out of the side of the hill, while the Roman theater was erected on -level ground (that of Pompeius in the Campus Martius) and gave, -therefore, a better opportunity for exterior magnificence. The Greek -theater had a large circular space for choral performances immediately -before the stage; in the Roman theater this space, called the -orchestra then as now, was much smaller, and was assigned to the -senators. The first fourteen rows of seats rising immediately behind -them were reserved for the knights. The seats back of these were -occupied indiscriminately by the people, on the principle apparently -of first come first served. No other permanent theaters were erected -at Rome until 13 B.C., when two were constructed. The smaller had room -for eleven thousand spectators, the larger, erected in honor of -Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus, for twenty thousand. These improved -playhouses made possible spectacular elements in the performances that -the rude scaffolding of early days had not permitted, and these -spectacles proved the ruin of the legitimate drama. To make realistic -the scenes representing the pillaging of a city, Pompeius is said to -have furnished troops of cavalry and bodies of infantry, hundreds of -mules laden with real spoils of war, and three thousand mixing bowls -(section 314). In comparison with these three thousand mixing bowls, -the avalanches, runaway locomotives, sawmills in full operation, and -cathedral scenes of modern times seem poor indeed. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 137. PLAN OF THEATER] - -327. The general appearance of these theaters, the type of hundreds -erected later throughout the Roman world, may be gathered from Fig. -137, the plan of a theater on lines laid down by Vitruvius (section -187). GH is the front line of the stage (_proscaenium_); all behind it -is the _scaena_, devoted to the actors, all before it is the _cavea_, -devoted to the spectators. IKL in the rear mark the position of three -doors, for example, those of the three houses mentioned above (section -325). The semicircular orchestra CMD is the part appropriated to the -senators. The seats behind the orchestra, rising in concentric -semicircles, are divided by five passageways into six portions -(_cunei_), and in a similar way the seats above the semicircular -passage (_praecinctio_) shown in the figure are divided by eleven -passageways into twelve _cunei_. Access to the seats of the senators -was afforded by passageways under the higher seats at the right and -the left of the stage, one of which may be seen in Fig. 135, which -represents a part of the smaller of the two theaters uncovered at -Pompeii, built not far from 80 B.C. Over the vaulted passage will be -noticed what must have been the best seats in the theater, -corresponding in some degree to the boxes of modern times. These were -reserved for the emperor, if he was present, for the officials who -superintended the games and (on the other side) for the Vestals. -Access to the higher seats was conveniently given by broad stairways -constructed under the seats and running up to the passageways between -the _cunei_. These are shown in Fig. 136, a theoretical restoration of -the Marcellus theater mentioned above. Behind the highest seats were -broad colonnades, affording shelter in case of rain, and above them -were tall masts from which awnings (_vela_) were spread to protect the -people from the sun. The appearance of the stage end may be gathered -from Fig. 134, showing the remains of a Roman theater still existing -at Orange,[2] in the south of France. It should be noticed that the -stage was connected with the auditorium by the seats over the vaulted -passages to the orchestra, and that the curtain was raised from the -bottom, to hide the stage, not lowered from the top as ours is now. -Vitruvius suggested that rooms and porticos be built behind the stage, -like the colonnades that have been mentioned, to afford space for the -actors and properties and shelter for the people in case of rain. - -[Footnote 2: This theater has been restored and used for reproductions -of the Classical Drama. See the interesting account of it in the -"Century Magazine" for June, 1895. It is supposed to have been erected -in the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-180) and allowed to fall into -ruins in the fourth century A.D.] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 138. VICTORIOUS AURIGA] - -328. Roman Circuses.--The games of the circus were the oldest of the -free exhibitions at Rome and always the most popular. The word -_circus_ means simply a ring and the _ludi circenses_ were therefore -any shows that might be given in a ring. We shall see below (section -343) that these shows were of several kinds, but the one most -characteristic, the one that is always meant when no other is -specifically named, is that of chariot races. For these races the -first and really the only necessary condition is a large and level -piece of ground. This was furnished by the valley between the Aventine -and Palatine hills, and here in prehistoric times the first Roman race -course was established. This remained _the_ circus, the one always -meant when no descriptive term was added, though when others were -built it was called sometimes by way of distinction the Circus -Maximus. None of the others ever approached it in size, in -magnificence, or in popularity. - -329. The second circus to be built at Rome was the _circus Flaminius_, -founded in 221 B.C. by the same Caius Flaminius, who built the -Flaminian road. It was located in the southern part of the Campus -Martius (section 317), and like the Circus Maximus was exposed to the -frequent overflows of the Tiber. Its position is fixed beyond -question, but the actual remains are very scanty, so that little is -known of its size or appearance. The third to be established was that -of Caius (Caligula) and Nero, named from the two emperors who had to -do with its construction, and erected, therefore, in the first century -A.D. It lay at the foot of the Vatican hill, but we know little more -of it than that it was the smallest of the three. These three were the -only circuses within the city. In the immediate neighborhood, however, -were three others. Five miles out on the _via Portuensis_ was the -circus of the Arval Brethren. About three miles out on the Appian way -was the Circus of Maxentius, erected in 309 A.D. This is the best -preserved of all, and a plan of it is shown in the next paragraph. On -the same road, some twelve miles from the city, in the old town of -Bovillae, was a third, making six within easy reach of the people of -Rome. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 139. PLAN OF THE CIRCUS OF MAXENTIUS] - -330. Plan of the Circus.--All of the Roman circuses known to us had -the same general arrangement, which will be readily understood from -the plan of the Circus of Maxentius shown in Fig. 139. The long and -comparatively narrow stretch of ground which formed the race course -proper (_arena_) is almost surrounded by the tiers of seats, running -in two long parallel lines uniting in a semicircle at one end. In the -middle of this semicircle is a gate, marked _F_ in the plan, by which -the victor left the circus when the race was over. It was called, -therefore, the _porta triumphalis_. Opposite this gate at the other -end of the arena was the station for the chariots (_AA_ in the plan), -called _carceres_, "barriers," flanked by two towers at the corners -(_II_), and divided into two equal sections by another gate (_B_), -called the _porta pompae_, by which processions entered the circus. -There are also gates (_HH_) between the towers and the seats. The -exterior appearance of the towers and barriers, called together the -_oppidum_, is shown in Fig. 140. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 140. OPPIDUM OF A CIRCUS] - -331. The arena is divided for about two-thirds its length by a fence -or wall (_MM_), called the _spina_, "backbone." At the end of this -were fixed pillars (_LL_), called _metae_, marking the inner line of -the course. Once around the _spina_ was a lap (_spatium_, -_curriculum_), and the fixed number of laps, usually seven to a race, -was called a _missus_. The last lap, however, had but one turn, that -at the _meta prima_, the one nearest the _porta triumphalis_, the -finish being a straightaway dash to the _calx_. This was a chalk line -drawn on the arena far enough away from the second _meta_ to keep it -from being obliterated by the hoofs of the horses as they made the -turn, and far enough also from the _carceres_ to enable the driver to -stop his team before dashing into them. The dotted line (_DN_) is the -supposed location of the _calx_. It will be noticed that the important -things about the developed circus are the _arena_, _carceres_, -_spina_, _metae_, and the seats, all of which will be more -particularly described. - -332. The Arena.--The arena is the level space surrounded by the seats -and the barriers. The name was derived from the sand used to cover its -surface to spare as much as possible the unshod feet of the horses. A -glance at the plan will show that speed could not have been the -important thing with the Romans that it is with us. The sand, the -shortness of the stretches, and the sharp turns between them were all -against great speed. The Roman found his excitement in the danger of -the race. In every representation of the race course that has come -down to us may be seen broken chariots, fallen horses, and drivers -under wheels and hoofs. The distance was not a matter of close -measurement either, but varied in the several circuses, the Circus -Maximus being fully 300 feet longer than the Circus of Maxentius. All -seem to have had constant, however, the number of laps, seven to the -race, and this also goes to prove that the danger was the chief -element in the popularity of the contests. The distance actually -traversed in the Circus of Maxentius may be very closely estimated. -The length of the _spina_ is about 950 feet. If we allow fifty feet -for the turn at each _meta_, each lap makes a distance of 2,000 feet, -and six laps, 12,000 feet. The seventh lap had but one turn in it, but -the final stretch to the _calx_ made it perhaps 300 feet longer than -one of the others, say 2,300 feet. This gives a total of 14,300 feet -for the whole _missus_, or about 2.7 miles. Jordan calculates the -_missus_ of the Circus Maximus at 8.4 kilometers, which would be about -5.2 miles, but he seems to have taken the whole length of the arena -into account, instead of that merely of the _spina_. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 141. THE CARCERES] - -333. The Barriers.--The _carceres_ were the stations of the chariots -and teams when ready for the races to begin. They were a series of -vaulted chambers entirely separated from each other by solid walls, -and closed behind by doors through which the chariots entered. The -front of the chamber was formed by double doors, with the upper part -made of grated bars, admitting the only light which it received. From -this arrangement the name _carcer_ was derived. Each chamber was large -enough to hold a chariot with its team, and as a team was composed -sometimes of as many as seven horses the "prison" must have been -nearly square. There was always a separate chamber for each chariot. -Up to the time of Domitian the highest number of chariots was eight, -but after his time as many as twelve sometimes entered the same race, -and twelve _carceres_ had, therefore, to be provided, although four -chariots was the usual number. Half of these chambers lay to the -right, half to the left of the _porta pompae_. The appearance of a -section of the _carceres_ is shown in Fig. 141. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 142. BOX OF THE DATOR LUDORUM] - -334. It will be noticed from the plan (section 330) that the -_carceres_ were arranged in a curved line. This is supposed to have -been drawn in such a way that every chariot, no matter which of the -_carceres_ it happened to occupy, would have the same distance to -travel in order to reach the beginning of the course proper at the -nearer end of the _spina_. There was no advantage in position, -therefore, at the start, and places were assigned by lot. In later -times a starting line (_linea alba_) was drawn with chalk between the -second _meta_ and the seats to the right, but the line of _carceres_ -remained curved as of old. At the ends of the row of chambers, towers -were built which seem to have been the stands for the musicians; over -the _porta pompae_ was the box of the chief official of the games -(_dator ludorum_), and between his box and the towers were seats for -his friends and persons connected with the games. In Fig. 142 is shown -a victor pausing before the box of the _dator_ to receive a prize -before riding in triumph around the arena. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 143.] - -335. The Spina and Metae.--The _spina_ divided the race course into -two parts, making a minimum distance to be run. Its length was about -two-thirds that of the arena, but it started only the width of the -track from the _porta triumphalis_, leaving entirely free a much -larger space at the end near the _porta pompae_. It was perfectly -straight, but did not run precisely parallel to the rows of seats; at -the end B in the exaggerated diagram (Fig. 143) the distance BC is -somewhat greater than the distance AB, in order to allow more room at -the starting line (_linea alba_, section 334), where the chariots -would be side by side, than further along the course, where they would -be strung out. The _metae_, so named from their shape (section 284), -were pillars erected at the two ends of the _spina_ and -architecturally a part of it, though there may have been a space -between. In Republican times the _spina_ and the _metae_ must have -been made of wood and movable, in order to give free space for the -shows of wild beasts and the exhibitions of cavalry that were -originally given in the circus. After the amphitheater was devised the -circus came to be used for races exclusively and the _spina_ became -permanent. It was built up, of most massive proportions, on -foundations of indestructible concrete (section 210 f.) and was -adorned with magnificent works of art that must have entirely -concealed horses and chariots when they passed to the other side of -the arena. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 144. BOARD-GAME SHOWING SPINA] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 145. OBELISK ONCE IN CIRCUS MAXIMUS] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 146. A CANAL AS SPINA] - -336. A representation of a circus has been preserved to us in a board- -game of some sort found at Bovillae (section 329), which gives an -excellent idea of the _spina_, (Fig. 144). We know from various -reliefs and mosaics that the _spina_ of the Circus Maximus was covered -with a series of statues and ornamental structures, such as obelisks, -small temples or shrines, columns surmounted by statues, altars, -trophies, and fountains. Augustus was the first to erect an obelisk in -the Circus Maximus; it was restored in 1589 A.D., and now stands in -the Piazza del Popolo, measuring without the base about 78 feet in -height. Constantius erected another (Fig. 145) in the same circus, -which now stands before the Lateran church, measuring 105 feet. The -obelisk of the Circus of Maxentius now stands in the Piazza Navona. -Besides these purely ornamental features, every circus had at each end -of its _spina_ a pedestal supporting seven large eggs (_ova_) of -marble, one of which was taken down at the end of each lap, in order -that the people might know just how many remained to be run. Another -and very different idea for the _spina_ is shown in Fig. 146 from a -mosaic at Lyons. This is a canal filled with water, with an obelisk in -the middle. The _metae_ in their developed form are shown very clearly -in this mosaic, three conical pillars of stone set on a semicircular -plinth, all of the most massive construction. - -337. The Seats.--The seats around the arena in the Circus Maximus were -originally of wood, but accidents owing to decay and losses by fire -had led by the time of the Empire to reconstruction in marble except -perhaps in the very highest rows. The seats in the other circuses seem -to have been from the first of stone. At the foot of the tiers of -seats was a marble platform (_podium_) which ran along both sides and -the curved end, coextensive therefore with them. On this _podium_ were -erected boxes for the use of the more important magistrates and -officials of Rome, and here Augustus placed the seats of the senators -and others of high rank. He also assigned seats throughout the whole -_cavea_ to various classes and organizations, separating the women -from the men, though up to his time they had sat together. Between the -_podium_ and the track was a screen of open work, and when Caesar -showed wild beasts in the circus he had a canal ten feet wide and ten -feet deep dug next the _podium_ and filled with water as an additional -protection. Access to the seats was given from the rear, numerous -broad stairways running up to the _praecinctiones_ (section 327), of -which there were probably three in the Circus Maximus. The horizontal -spaces between the _praecinctiones_ were called _maeniana_, and each -of these was in turn divided by stairways into _cunei_ (section 327), -and the rows of seats in the _cunei_ were called _gradus_. The -sittings in the row do not seem to have been marked off any more than -they are now in the "bleachers" at our baseball grounds. When sittings -were reserved for a number of persons they were described as so many -feet in such a row (_gradus_) of such a section (_cuneus_) of such a -circle (_maenianum_). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 147. RESTORATION OF THE CIRCUS MAXIMUS] - -338. The number of sittings testifies to the popularity of the races. -The little circus at Bovillae had seats for at least 8,000 people, -according to Hulsen, that of Maxentius for about 23,000, while the -Circus Maximus, accommodating 60,000 in the time of Augustus, was -enlarged to a capacity of nearly 200,000 in the time of Constantius. -The seats themselves were supported upon arches of massive masonry; an -idea of their appearance from the outside may be had from the exterior -view of the Coliseum in section 356. Every third of these vaulted -chambers under the seats seems to have been used for a staircase, the -others for shops and booths and in the upper parts for rooms for the -employes of the circus, who must have been very numerous. Galleries -seem to have crowned the seats, as in the theaters (section 327), and -balconies for the emperors were built in conspicuous places, the ruins -not enabling their positions to be fixed precisely. An idea of the -appearance of the seats from within the arena may be had from an -attempted reconstruction of the Circus Maximus (Fig. 147), the details -of which are quite uncertain. - -339. Furnishing the Races.--There must have been a time, of course, -when the races in the circus were open to all who wished to show their -horses or their skill in driving them, but by the end of the Republic -no persons of repute took part in the games, and the teams and drivers -were furnished by racing syndicates (_factiones_), who practically -controlled the market so far as concerned trained horses and trained -men. With these syndicates the giver of the games contracted for the -number of races that he wanted (ten or twelve a day in Caesar's time, -later twice the number, and even more on special occasions), and they -furnished everything needed. These syndicates were named from the -colors worn by their drivers. We hear at first of two only, the red -(_russata_) and the white (_albata_); two more were added, the blue -(_veneta_) in the time of Augustus probably, and the green (_prasina_) -soon after, and finally Domitian added the purple and the gold. The -greatest rivalry existed between these organizations. They spent -immense sums of money on their horses, importing them from Greece, -Spain, and Mauritania, and even larger sums, perhaps, upon the -drivers. They maintained training stables on as large a scale as any -of which modern times can boast; a mosaic found in one of these -establishments in Algeria names among the attendants jockeys, grooms, -stable-boys, saddlers, doctors, trainers, coaches, and messengers, and -shows the horses covered with blankets in their stalls. This rivalry -spread throughout the city; each _factio_ had its partisans, and vast -sums of money were lost and won as each _missus_ was finished. All the -tricks of the ring were skillfully practiced; horses were hocused, -drivers hired from rival syndicates or bribed, and even poisoned, we -are told, when they were proof against money. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 148. RACING CHARIOT AND TEAM] - -340. The Teams.--The chariot used in the races was low and light, -closed in front, open behind, with long axles and low wheels to lessen -the risk of turning over. The driver seems to have stood well forward -in the car, there being no standing place behind the axle, as shown in -the cut (Fig. 148). The teams consisted of two horses (_bigae_), three -(_trigae_), four (_quadrigae_), and in later times six (_seiuges_) or -even seven (_septeiuges_), but the four-horse team was the most common -and may be taken as the type. Two of the horses were yoked together, -one on each side of the tongue, the others were attached to the car -merely by traces. Of the four the horse to the extreme left was the -most important, because the _meta_ lay always on the left and the -highest skill of the driver was shown in turning it as closely as -possible. The failure of the horse nearest it to respond promptly to -the rein or the word might mean the wreck of the car (by going too -close) or the loss of the inside track (by going too wide), and in -either case the loss of the race. Inscriptions sometimes give the -names of all the horses of the team, sometimes only the horse on the -left is mentioned. Before the races began lists of the horses and -drivers in each were published for the guidance of those who wished to -stake their money, and while no time was kept the records of horses -and men were followed as eagerly as now. From the nature of the course -(section 332) it is evident that strength and courage and above all -lasting qualities were as essential as speed. The horses were almost -always stallions (mares are very rarely mentioned), and were never -raced under five years of age. Considering the length of the course -and the great risk of accidents it is surprising how long the horses -lasted. It was not unusual for a horse to win a hundred races (such a -horse was called _centenarius_), and one Diocles, himself a famous -driver, owned a horse that had won two hundred (_ducenarius_). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 149. DRESS OF AN AURIGA] - -341. The Drivers.--The drivers (_agitatores_, _aurigae_) were slaves -or freedmen, some of whom had won their freedom by their skill and -daring in the course. Only in the most corrupt days of the Empire did -citizens of any social position take actual part in the races. The -dress of the driver is shown in Fig. 149; especially to be noticed are -the close fitting cap, the short tunic (always of the color of his -_factio_), laced around the body with leathern thongs, the straps of -leather around the thighs, the shoulder pads, and the heavy leather -protectors for the legs. Our football players wear like defensive -armor. The reins were knotted together and passed around the driver's -body. In his belt he carried a knife to cut the reins in case he -should be thrown from the car, or to cut the traces if a horse should -fall and become entangled in them. The races gave as many -opportunities then as now for skillful driving, and required even more -of strength and daring. What we should call "fouling" was encouraged. -The driver might turn his team against another, might upset the car of -a rival if he could; having gained the inside track he might drive out -of the straight course to keep a swifter team from passing his. The -rewards were proportionately great. The successful _auriga_, despised -though his station, was the pet and pride of the race-mad crowd, and -under the Empire at least he was courted and feted by high and low. -The pay of successful drivers was extravagant, the rival syndicates -bidding against each other for the services of the most popular. Rich -presents, too, were given them when they won their races, not only by -their _factiones_, but also by outsiders who had backed them and -profited by their skill. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 150. INSCRIPTION IN HONOR OF CRESCENS] - -342. Famous Aurigae.--The names of some of these victors have come -down to us in inscriptions (section 10) erected in their honor or to -their memory by their friends. Among these may be mentioned Publius -Aelius Gutta Calpurnianus (section 58) of the late Empire (1,127 -victories), Caius Apuleius Diocles, a Spaniard (in twenty-four years -4,257 races, l,462 victories, winning the sum of 35,863,120 sesterces, -about $1,800,000), Flavius Scorpus (2,048 victories at the age of -twenty-seven), Marcus Aurelius Liber (3,000 victories), Pompeius -Muscosus (3,559 victories). To these may be added Crescens, an -inscription[3] in honor of whom was found at Rome in 1878 and is shown -in Fig. 150. - -[Footnote 3: "Crescens, a driver of the blue syndicate, of the Moorish -nation, twenty-two years of age. He won his first victory as a driver -of a four-horse chariot in the consulship of Lucius Vipstanius -Messalla on the birthday of the deified Nerva in the twenty-fourth -race with these horses: Circius, Acceptor, Delicatus, and Cotynus. -From Messalla's consulship to the birthday of the deified Claudius in -the consulship of Glabrio he was sent from the barriers six hundred -and eighty-six times and was victorious forty-seven times. In races -between chariots with one from each syndicate he won nineteen times, -with two from each twenty-three times, with three from each five -times. He held back purposely once, took first place at the start -eight times, took it from others thirty-eight times. He won second -place one hundred and thirty times, third place one hundred and eleven -times. His winnings amounted to 1,558,346 sesterces (about $78,000)."] - -343. Other Shows of the Circus.--The circus was used less frequently -for other exhibitions than chariot races. Of these may be mentioned -the performances of the _desultores_, men who rode two horses and -leaped from one to the other while going at full speed, and of trained -horses who performed various tricks while standing on a sort of -wheeled platform which gave a very unstable footing. There were also -exhibitions of horsemanship by citizens of good standing, riding under -leaders in squadrons, to show the evolutions of the cavalry. The -_ludus Troiae_ was also performed by young men of the nobility, a game -that Vergil has described in the Fifth Aeneid. More to the taste of -the crowd were the hunts (_venationes_), when wild beasts were turned -loose in the circus to slaughter each other or be slaughtered by men -trained for the purpose. We read of panthers, bears, bulls, lions, -elephants, hippopotami, and even crocodiles (in artificial lakes made -in the arena) exhibited during the Republic. In the circus, too, -combats of gladiators sometimes took place, but these were more -frequently in the amphitheater. One of the most brilliant spectacles -must have been the procession (_pompa circensis_) which formally -opened some of the public games. It started from the capitol and wound -its way down to the Circus Maximus, entering by the _porta pompae_ -(named from it, section 330), and passed entirely around the arena. At -the head in a car rode the presiding magistrate, wearing the garb of a -triumphant general and attended by a slave who held a wreath of gold -over his head. Next came a crowd of notables on horseback and on foot, -then the chariots and horsemen who were to take part in the games. -Then followed priests, arranged by their colleges, and bearers of -incense and of the instruments used in sacrifices, and statues of -deities on low cars drawn by mules, horses, or elephants, or else -carried on litters (_fercula_) on the shoulders of men. Bands of -musicians headed each division of the procession, a feeble -reminiscence of which is seen in the parade through the streets that -precedes the performance of the modern circus. - -344. Gladiatorial Combats.--Gladiatorial combats seem to have been -known in Italy long before the founding of Rome. We hear of them first -in Campania and Etruria. In Campania the wealthy and dissolute nobles, -we are told, made slaves fight to the death at their banquets and -revels for the entertainment of their guests. In Etruria the combats -go back in all probability to the offering of human sacrifices at the -burial of distinguished men in accordance with the ancient belief that -blood is acceptable to the dead. The victims were captives taken in -war, and it became the custom gradually to give them a chance for -their lives by supplying them with weapons and allowing them to fight -each other at the grave, the victor being spared at least for the -time. The Romans were slow to adopt the custom, the first exhibition -being given in the year 264 B.C., almost five centuries after the -founding of the city. That they derived it from Etruria rather than -Campania is shown by the fact that the exhibitions were at funeral -games, the earliest at those of Brutus Pera in 264 B.C., Marcus -Aemilius Lepidus in 216 B.C., Marcus Valerius Lavinus in 200 B.C., and -Publius Licinius in 183 B.C. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 151. A "SAMNITE"] - -345. For the first one hundred years after their introduction the -exhibitions were infrequent as the dates just given show, those -mentioned being all of which we have any knowledge during the period, -but after this time they were given more and more frequently and -always on a larger scale. During the Republic, however, they remained -in theory at least private games (_munera_), not public games -(_ludi_); that is, they were not celebrated on fixed days recurring -annually, and the givers of the exhibitions had to find a pretext for -them in the death of relatives or friends, and to defray the expenses -from their own pockets. In fact we know of but one instance in which -actual magistrates (the consuls Publius and Manlius, 105 B.C.) gave -such exhibitions, and we know too little of the attendant -circumstances to warrant us in assuming that they acted in their -official capacity. Even under the Empire the gladiators did not fight -on the days of the regular public games. Augustus, however, provided -funds for "extraordinary shows" under the direction of the praetors. -Under Domitian the aediles-elect were put in charge of these -exhibitions which were given regularly in December, the only instance -known of fixed dates for the _munera gladiatoria_. All others of which -we read are to be considered the freewill offerings to the people of -emperors, magistrates, or private citizens. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 152. WEAPONS OF GLADIATORS] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 153. WOUNDED GLADIATOR] - -346. Popularity of the Combats.--The Romans' love of excitement -(section 316) made the exhibitions immediately and immensely popular. -At the first exhibition mentioned above, that in honor of Brutus Pera, -three pairs of gladiators only were shown, but in the three that -followed the number of pairs rose in order to twenty-two, twenty-five, -and sixty. By the time of Sulla politicians had found in the _munera_ -the most effective means to win the favor of the people, and vied with -one another in the frequency of the shows and the number of the -combatants. Besides this, the same politicians made these shows a -pretext for surrounding themselves with bands of bravos and bullies, -all called gladiators whether destined for the arena or not, with -which they started riots in the streets, broke up public meetings, -overawed the courts and even directed or prevented the elections. -Caesar's preparations for an exhibition when he was canvassing for the -aedileship (65 B.C.) caused such general fear that the senate passed a -law limiting the number of gladiators that a private citizen might -employ, and he was allowed to exhibit only 320 pairs. The bands of -Clodius and Milo made the city a slaughterhouse in 53 B.C., and order -was not restored until late in the following year when Pompey as "sole -consul" put an end to the battle of the bludgeons with the swords of -his soldiers. During the Empire the number actually exhibited almost -surpasses belief. Augustus gave eight _munera_, in which no less than -ten thousand men fought, but these were distributed through the whole -period of his reign. Trajan exhibited as many in four months only of -the year 107 A.D., in celebration of his conquest of the Dacians. The -first Gordian, emperor in 238 A.D., gave _munera_ monthly in the year -of his aedileship, the number of pairs running from 150 to 500. These -exhibitions did not cease until the fifteenth century of our era. - -347. Sources of Supply.--In the early Republic the gladiators were -captives taken in war, naturally men practiced in the use of weapons -(section 161), who thought death by the sword a happier fate than the -slavery that awaited them (section 140). This always remained the -chief source of supply, though it became inadequate as the demand -increased. From the time of Sulla training-schools were established in -which slaves with or without previous experience in war were fitted -for the profession. These were naturally slaves of the most -intractable and desperate character (section 170). From the time of -Augustus criminals were sentenced to the arena (later "to the lions"), -but only non-citizens, and these for the most heinous crimes, treason, -murder, arson, and the like. Finally in the late Empire the arena -became the last desperate resort of the dissipated and prodigal, and -these volunteers were numerous enough to be given as a class the name -_auctorati_. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 154. HELMETS OF GLADIATORS] - -348. As the number of the exhibitions increased it became harder and -harder to supply the gladiators demanded, for it must be remembered -that there were exhibitions in many of the cities of the provinces and -in the smaller towns of Italy as well as at Rome. The lines were, -therefore, constantly crossed, and thousands died miserably in the -arena whom only the most glaring injustice could number in the classes -mentioned above. In Cicero's time provincial governors were accused of -sending unoffending provincials to be slaughtered in Rome and of -forcing Roman citizens, obscure and friendless, of course, to fight in -the provincial shows. Later it was common enough to send to the arena -men sentenced for the pettiest offenses, when the supply of real -criminals had run short, and to trump up charges against the innocent -for the same purpose. The persecution of the Christians was largely -due to the demand for more gladiators. So, too, the distinction was -lost between actual prisoners of war and peaceful non-combatants; -after the fall of Jerusalem all Jews over seventeen years of age were -condemned by Titus to work in the mines or fight in the arena. Wars on -the border were waged for the sole purpose of taking men who could be -made gladiators, and in default of men, children and women were -sometimes made to fight. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 155. SCHOOL FOR GLADIATORS AT POMPEII] - -349. Schools for Gladiators.--The training-schools for gladiators -(_ludi gladiatorii_) have been mentioned already. Cicero during his -consulship speaks of one at Rome, and there were others before his -time at Capua and Praeneste. Some of these were set up by wealthy -nobles for the purpose of preparing their own gladiators for _munera_ -which they expected to give; others were the property of regular -dealers in gladiators, who kept and trained them for hire. The -business was almost as disreputable as that of the _lenones_ (section -139). During the Empire training-schools were maintained at public -expense and under the direction of state officials not only in Rome, -where there were four at least of these schools, but also in other -cities of Italy where exhibitions were frequently given, and even in -the provinces. The purpose of all the schools, public and private -alike, was the same, to make the men trained in them as effective -fighting machines as possible. The gladiators were in charge of -competent training masters (_lanistae_); they were subject to the -strictest discipline; their diet was carefully looked after, a special -food (_sagina gladiatoria_) being provided for them; regular gymnastic -exercises were prescribed, and lessons given in the use of the various -weapons by recognized experts (_magistri_, _doctores_). In their -fencing bouts wooden swords (_rudes_) were used. The gladiators -associated in a school were collectively called a _familia_. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 156. PLAN OF SCHOOL FOR GLADIATORS] - -350. These schools had also to serve as barracks for the gladiators -between engagements, that is, practically as houses of detention. It -was from the school of Lentulus at Capua that Spartacus had escaped, -and the Romans needed no second lesson of the sort. The general -arrangement of these barracks may be understood from the ruins of one -uncovered at Pompeii, though in this case the buildings had been -originally planned for another purpose, and the rearrangement may not -be ideal in all respects. A central court, or exercise ground (Figs. -155, 156) is surrounded by a wide colonnade, and this in turn by rows -of buildings two stories in height, the general arrangement being not -unlike that of the peristyle of a house (section 202). The dimensions -of the court are nearly 120 by 150 feet. The buildings are cut up into -rooms, nearly all small (about twelve feet square), disconnected and -opening upon the court, those in the first story being reached from -the colonnade, those in the second from a gallery to which ran several -stairways. These small rooms are supposed to be the sleeping-rooms of -the gladiators, each accommodating two persons. There are seventy-one -of them (marked _7_ on the plan), affording room for 142 men. The uses -of the larger rooms are purely conjectural. The entrance is supposed -to have been at _3_, with a room, _15_, for the watchman or sentinel. -At _9_ was an _exedra_, where the gladiators may have waited in full -panoply for their turns in the exercise ground, _1_. The guard-room, -_8_, is identified by the remains of stocks, in which the refractory -were fastened for punishment or safe-keeping. They permitted the -culprits to lie on their backs or sit in a very uncomfortable -position. At _6_ was the armory or property room, if we may judge from -articles found in it. Near it in the corner was a staircase leading to -the gallery before the rooms of the second story. The large room, -_16_, was the mess-room, with the kitchen, _12_, opening into it. The -stairway, _13_, gives access to the rooms above kitchen and mess-room, -possibly the apartments of the trainers and their helpers. - -351. Places of Exhibition.--During the Republic the combats of -gladiators took place sometimes at the grave or in the circus, but -regularly in the forum. None of these places was well adapted to the -purpose, the grave the least of all. The circus had seats enough, but -the _spina_ was in the way (section 335) and the arena too vast to -give all the spectators a satisfactory view of a struggle that was -confined practically to a single spot. In the forum, on the other -hand, the seats could be arranged very conveniently; they would run -parallel with the sides, would be curved around the corners, and would -inclose only sufficient space to afford room for the combatants. The -inconvenience here was due to the fact that the seats had to be -erected before each performance and removed after it, a delay to -business if they were constructed carefully and a menace to life if -they were put up hastily. These considerations finally led the Romans, -as they had led the Campanians half a century before, to provide -permanent seats for the _munera_, arranged as they had been in the -forum, but in a place where they would not interfere with public or -private business. To these places for shows of gladiators came in the -course of time to be exclusively applied the word _amphitheatrum_, -which had been previously given in its correct general sense to any -place, the circus for example, in which the seats ran all the way -around, as opposed to the theater in which the rows of seats were -broken by the stage. - -352. Amphitheaters at Rome.--Just when the first amphitheaters, in the -special sense of the word, were erected at Rome can not be determined -with certainty. The elder Pliny (died 79 A.D.) tells us that in the -year 55 B.C. Caius Scribonius Curio built two wooden theaters back to -back, the stages being, therefore, at opposite ends, and gave in them -simultaneous theatrical performances in the morning. Then, while the -spectators remained in their seats, the two theaters were turned by -machinery and brought together face to face, the stages were removed, -and in the space they had occupied shows of gladiators were given in -the afternoon before the united crowds. This story is all too -evidently invented to account for the perfected amphitheater of -Pliny's time, which he must have interpreted to mean "a double -theater." We are also told that Caesar erected a wooden amphitheater -in 46 B.C., but we have no detailed description of it, and no reason -to think that it was anything more than a temporary affair. In the -year 29 B.C., however, an amphitheater was built by Statilius Taurus, -partially at least of stone, that lasted until the great conflagration -in the reign of Nero (64 A.D.). Nero himself had previously erected -one of wood in the Campus. Finally, just before the end of the first -century of our era, was completed the _amphitheatrum Flavium_, later -known as the _colosseum_ or _coliseum_, which was large enough and -durable enough to make forever unnecessary the erection of other -similar structures in the city. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 157. EXTERIOR OF AMPHITHEATER AT POMPEII] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 158. INTERIOR OF AMPHITHEATER AT POMPEII] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 159. SECTION OF AMPHITHEATER AT POMPEII] - -353. The Amphitheater at Pompeii.--The essential features of an -amphitheater may be most easily understood from the ruins of the one -at Pompeii, erected about 75 B.C., almost half a century before the -first permanent structure of the sort at Rome (section 352), and the -earliest known to us from either literary or monumental sources. The -exterior is shown in Fig. 157 (see also Overbeck, pp. 176-180; Mau- -Kelsey, pp. 206-212) and a section in Fig. 159. It will be seen at -once that the arena and most of the seats lie in a great hollow -excavated for the purpose, thus making sufficient for the exterior a -low wall of hardly more than ten to thirteen feet in height. Even this -wall was necessary on only two sides, as the amphitheater was built in -the southeast corner of the city and its south and east sides were -bounded by the city walls. The shape is elliptical, the major axis -being 444 feet, the minor 342. The arena occupies the middle space. It -was encircled by thirty-five rows of seats arranged in three -divisions, the lowest (_infima_ or _ima cavea_) having five rows, the -second (_media cavea_) twelve, and the highest (_summa cavea_) -eighteen. A broad terrace ran around the amphitheater at the height of -the topmost row of seats. Access to this terrace was given from -without by the double stairway on the west, shown in Fig. 157, and by -single stairways next the city walls on the east and south (_10_ in -Fig. 160). Between the terrace and the top seats was a gallery, or row -of boxes, each about four feet square, probably for women. Beneath the -boxes persons could pass from the terrace to the seats. The -amphitheater had seating capacity for about 20,000 people. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 160. PLAN OF ARENA IN AMPHITHEATER AT POMPEII] - -354. The arena is shown in Fig. 158, its plan in Fig. 160. It was an -ellipse with axes of 228 and 121 feet. Around it ran a wall a little -more than six feet high, on a level with the top of which were the -lowest seats. For the protection of the spectators when wild animals -were shown, a grating of iron bars was put up on the top of the arena -wall. Access to the arena and to the seats of the _cavea ima_ and the -_cavea media_ was given by the two underground passageways, _1_ and -_2_ in Fig. 160, of which _2_ turns at right angles on account of the -city wall on the south. From the arena ran also a third passage, _5_, -low and narrow, leading to the _porta Libitinensis_, through which the -bodies of the dead were dragged with ropes and hooks. Near the mouths -of these passages were small chambers or dens, marked _4_, _4_, _6_, -the purposes of which are not known. The floor of the arena was -covered with sand, as in the circus (section 332), but in this case to -soak up the blood as well as to give a firm footing to the gladiators. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 161. BISELLIUM] - -355. Of the part of this amphitheater set aside for the spectators the -_cavea ima_ only was supported upon artificial foundations. All the -other seats were constructed in sections as means were obtained for -the purpose, the people in the meantime finding places for themselves -on the sloping banks as in the early theaters (section 325). The -_cavea ima_ was strictly not supplied with seats all the way around, a -considerable section on the east and west sides being arranged with -four low, broad ledges of stone, rising one above the other, on which -the members of the city council could place the seats of honor -(_bisellia_, Fig. 161) to which their rank entitled them. In the -middle of the section on the east the lowest ledge is made of double -width for some ten feet; this was the place set apart for the giver of -the games and his friends. In the _cavea media_ and the _cavea summa_ -the seats were of stone resting on the bank of earth. It is probable -that all the places in the lowest section were reserved for people of -distinction, that seats in the middle section were sold to the -well-to-do, and that admission was free to the less desirable seats of -the highest section. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 162. EXTERIOR OF THE COLISEUM] - -356. The Coliseum.--The Flavian amphitheater (section 352) is the best -known of all the buildings of ancient Rome, because to a larger extent -than others it has survived to the present day. For our purpose it is -not necessary to give its history or to describe its architecture; it -will be sufficient to compare its essential parts with those of its -modest prototype in Pompeii. The latter was built in the outskirts of -the city, in a corner in fact of the city walls (section 353); the -coliseum lay almost in the center of Rome, the most generally -accessible of all the public buildings. The interior of the Pompeian -structure was reached through two passages and by three stairways -only, while eighty numbered entrances made it easy for the Roman -multitudes to find their appropriate places in the coliseum. Much of -the earlier amphitheater was underground; all of the corresponding -parts of the coliseum were above the level of the street, the walls -rising to a height of nearly 160 feet. This gave opportunity for the -same architectural magnificence that had distinguished the Roman -theater from that of the Greeks (section 326). The general effect is -shown in Fig. 162, an exterior view of the ruins as they exist to-day. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 163. INTERIOR OF COLISEUM] - -357. The interior is shown in Fig. 163. The form is an ellipse with -axes of 620 and 513 feet, the building covering nearly six acres of -ground. The arena is also an ellipse, its axes measuring 287 and 180 -feet. The width of the space appropriated for the spectators is, -therefore, 166-1/2 feet all around the arena. It will be noticed, too, -that subterranean chambers were constructed under the whole building, -including the arena. These furnished room for the regiments of -gladiators, the dens of wild beasts, the machinery for the -transformation scenes that Gibbon has described in his twelfth -chapter, and above all for the vast number of water and drainage pipes -that made it possible to turn the arena into a lake at a moment's -notice and as quickly to get rid of the water. The wall that -surrounded the arena was fifteen feet high with the side faced with -rollers and defended like the one at Pompeii with a grating or network -of metal above it. The top of the wall was level with the floor of the -lowest range of seats, called the _podium_ as in the circus (section -337), and this had room for two or at the most three rows of marble -thrones. These were for the use of the emperor and the imperial -family, the giver of the games, the magistrates, senators, Vestal -virgins, ambassadors of foreign states, and other persons of -consequence. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 164. SECTION OF COLISEUM] - -358. The arrangement of the seats with the method of reaching them is -shown in the sectional plan, Fig. 164. The seats were arranged in -three tiers (_maeniana_, section 337) one above the other, separated -by broad passageways and rising more steeply the farther they were -from the arena, and were crowned by an open gallery. In the plan the -_podium_ is marked A. Twelve feet above it begins the first -_maenianum_, B, with fourteen rows of seats reserved for members of -the equestrian order. Then came a broad _praecinctio_ (section 327) -and after it the second _maenianum_, C, intended for ordinary -citizens. Back of this was a wall of considerable height and above it -the third _maenianum_, D, supplied with rough wooden benches for the -lowest classes, foreigners, slaves, and the like. The row of pillars -along the front of this section made the distant view all the worse. -Above this was an open gallery, E, in which women found an unwelcome -place. No other seats were open to them unless they were of sufficient -distinction to claim a place upon the _podium_. At the very top of the -outside wall was a terrace, F, in which were fixed masts to support -the awnings that gave protection against the sun. The seating capacity -of the coliseum is said to have been 80,000, and it had standing room -for 20,000 more. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 165. RETIARIUS AND SECUTOR] - -359. Styles of Fighting.--Gladiators fought usually in pairs, man -against man, but sometimes in masses (_gregatim_, _catervatim_). In -early times they were actually soldiers, captives taken in war -(section 347), and fought naturally with the weapons and equipment to -which they were accustomed. When the professionally trained gladiators -came in, they were given the old names, and were called Samnites, -Thracians, etc., according to their arms and tactics. In much later -times victories over distant peoples were celebrated with combats in -which the weapons and methods of war of the conquered were shown to -the people of Rome; thus, after the conquest of Britain _essedarii_ -exhibited in the arena the tactics of chariot fighting which Caesar -had described generations before in his Commentaries. It was natural -enough, too, for the people to want to see different arms and -different tactics tried against each other, and so the Samnite was -matched against the Thracian, the heavy armed against the light armed. -This became under the Empire the favorite style of combat. Finally -when people had tired of the regular shows, novelties were introduced -that seem to us grotesque; men fought blindfold (_andabatae_), armed -with two swords (_dimachaeri_), with the lasso (_laqueatores_), with a -heavy net (_retiarii_), and there were battles of dwarfs and of dwarfs -with women. Of these the _retiarius_ became immensely popular. He -carried a huge net in which he tried to entangle his opponent, always -a _secutor_ (see below), despatching him with a dagger if the throw -was successful. If unsuccessful he took to flight while preparing his -net for another throw, of if he had lost his net tried to keep his -opponent off with a heavy three-pronged spear (_fuscina_), his only -weapon beside the dagger (Fig. 165). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 166. THRAEX] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 167. VOTIVE GALERUS] - -360. Weapons and Armor.--The armor and weapons used in these combats -are known from pieces found in various places, some of which are shown -in Fig. 152, section 345, and from paintings and sculpture, but we are -not always able to assign them to definite classes of gladiators. The -oldest class was that of the Samnites (Fig. 151, section 344). They -had belts, thick sleeves on the right arm (_manica_), helmets with -visors, shown in Fig. 154, section 348, greaves on the left leg, short -swords, and the long shield (_scutum_). Under the Empire the name -Samnite was gradually lost and gladiators with equivalent equipment -were called _hoplomachi_ (heavy armed), when matched against the -lighter armed Thracians, and _secutores_, when they fought with the -_retiarii_. The Thracians (Fig. 166) had much the same equipment as -the Samnites, the mark of distinction being the small shield (_parma_) -in place of the _scutum_ and, to make up the difference, greaves on -both legs. They carried a curved sword. The Gauls were heavy armed, -but we do not know how they were distinguished from the Samnites. In -later times they were called _murmillones_, from an ornament on their -helmets shaped like a fish (_mormyr_). The retiarii had no defensive -armor except a leather protection for the shoulder, shown in Fig. 165. -Of course the same man might appear by turns as Samnite, Thracian, -etc., if he was skilled in the use of the various weapons; see the -inscription in section 363. - -361. Announcement of the Shows.--The games were advertised in advance -by means of notices painted on the walls of public and private houses, -and even on the tombstones that lined the approaches to the towns and -cities. Some are worded in very general terms, announcing merely the -name of the giver of the games with the date: - - A . SVETTI . CERTI - AEDILIS . FAMILIA . GLADIATORIA . PUGNAB . POMPEIS - PR . K . JVNIAS . VENATIO . ET . VELA . ERUNT[4] - -[Footnote 4: "On the last day of May the gladiators of the Aedile -Aulus Suettius Certus will fight at Pompeii. There will also be a hunt -and the awnings will be used."] - -Others promise in addition to the awnings that the dust will be kept -down in the arena by sprinkling. Sometimes when the troop was -particularly good the names of the gladiators were announced in pairs -as they would be matched together, with details as to their equipment, -the school in which each had been trained, the number of his previous -battles, etc. To such a notice on one of the walls in Pompeii some one -added after the show the result of each combat. The following is a -specimen only of this announcement: - - MVNUS . N... . IV . III - PRID . IDUS . IDIBUS . MAIS - T M O T - _v._ PUGNAX . NER . III _v._ CYCNVS . IVL . VIII - _p._ MVRRANVS . NER . III _m._ ATTICVS . IVL . XIV[5] - -[Footnote 5: "The games of N... from the 12th to the 15th of May. The -Thracian Pugnax, of the gladiatorial school of Nero, who has fought -three times will be matched against the _murmillo_ Murranus, of the -same school and the same number of fights. The _hoplomachus_ Cycnus, -from the school of Julius Caesar, who has fought eight times will be -matched with the Thracian Atticus of the same school and of fourteen -fights."] - -The letters in italics before the names of the gladiators were added -after the exhibition by some interested spectator, and stand for -_vicit_, _periit_, and _missus_ ("beaten, but spared"). Other -announcements added to such particulars as those given above the -statement that other pairs than those mentioned would fight each day, -this being meant to excite the curiosity and interest of the people. - -362. The Fight Itself.--The day before the exhibition a banquet (_cena -libera_) was given to the gladiators and they received visits from -their friends and admirers. The games took place in the afternoon. -After the _editor muneris_ had taken his place (section 355), the -gladiators marched in procession around the arena, pausing before him -to give the famous greeting: _morituri te salutant_. All then retired -from the arena to return in pairs according to the published -programme. The show began with a series of sham combats, the -_prolusio_, with blunt weapons. When the people had had enough of this -the trumpets gave the signal for the real exhibition to begin. Those -reluctant to fight were driven into the arena with whips or hot iron -bars. If one of the combatants was clearly overpowered without being -actually killed, he might appeal for mercy by holding up his finger to -the _editor_. It was customary to refer the plea to the people, who -waved cloths or napkins to show that they wished it to be granted, or -pointed their thumbs downward as a signal for death. The gladiator who -was refused release (_missio_) received the death blow from his -opponent without resistance. Combats where all must fight to the death -were said to be _sine missione_, but these were forbidden by Augustus. -The body of the dead man was dragged away through the _porta -Libitinensis_, sand was sprinkled or raked over the blood, and the -contests were continued until all had fought. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 168. TESSERA GLADIATORIA][6] - -[Footnote 6: _Lepidus Mummeiani s(ervus). Spectavit m(ense) Iunio, C. -Sentio Consule._] - - D . M . ET . MEMORIAE - AETERNAE . HYLATIS - DYMACHAERO . SIVE - ASSIDARIO . P . VII . RV . I - ERMAIS . CONIVX - CONIVGI . KARISSIMO - P . C . ET . S . AS . D[7] - -[Footnote 7: Inscription on tomb of a gladiator. "To the Gods Manes -and the lasting memory of Hylas, a dimachaerus or essedarius of seven -victories and head trainer. His wife Ermais erected this monument to -her beloved husband and dedicated it, reserving the usual rights."] - -363. The Rewards.--Before making his first public appearance the -gladiator was technically called a _tiro_. After his first victory he -received a token of wood or ivory (Fig. 168), which had upon it his -name and that of his master or trainer, a date, and the letters SP, -SPECT, SPECTAT, or SPECTAVIT, meaning perhaps _populus spectavit_. -When after many victories he had proved himself to be the best of his -class, or second best, in his _familia_, he received the title of -_primus_, or _secundus_, _palus_. When he had won his freedom he was -given a wooden sword (_rudis_). From this the titles _prima rudis_ and -_secunda rudis_ seem to have been given to those who were afterwards -employed as training masters (_doctores_, section 349) in the schools. -The rewards given to famous gladiators by their masters and backers -took the form of valuable prizes and gifts of money. These may not -have been so generous as those given to the _aurigae_ (section 341), -but they were enough to enable them to live in luxury the rest of -their lives. The class of men, however, who followed this profession -probably found their most acceptable reward in the immediate and -lasting notoriety that their strength and courage brought them. That -they did not shrink from the _infamia_ that the profession entailed is -shown by the fact that they did not try to hide their connection with -the amphitheater. On the contrary, their gravestones record their -classes and the number of their victories, and have often cut upon -them their likenesses with the _rudis_ in their hands. - -364. Other Shows in the Amphitheater.--Of other games that were -sometimes given in the amphitheaters something has been said in -connection with the circus (section 343). The most important were the -_venationes_, hunts of wild beasts. These were sometimes killed by men -trained to hunt them, sometimes made to kill each other. As the -amphitheater was primarily intended for the butchery of men, the -_venationes_ given in it gradually but surely took the form of -man-hunts. The victims were condemned criminals, some of them guilty -of crimes that deserved death, some of them sentenced on trumped up -charges, some of them (and among these were women and children) -condemned "to the lions" for political or religious convictions. -Sometimes they were supplied with weapons, sometimes they were exposed -unarmed, even fettered or bound to stakes, sometimes the ingenuity of -their executioners found additional torments for them by making them -play the parts of the sufferers in the tragedies of mythology. The -arena was well adapted, too, for the maneuvering of boats, when it had -been flooded with water (section 357), and naval battles -(_naumachiae_) were often fought within the coliseum as desperate and -as bloody as some of those that have given a new turn to the history -of the world. The earliest exhibitions of this sort were given in -artificial lakes, also called _naumachiae_. The first of these was dug -by Caesar, for a single exhibition, in 46 B.C. Augustus had a -permanent basin constructed in 2 B.C., measuring 1,800 by 1,200 feet, -and four others at least were built by later emperors. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 169. HALL IN THERMAE OF CARACALLA] - -365. The Daily Bath.--To the Roman of early times the bath had stood -for health and decency only. He washed every day his arms and legs, -for the ordinary costume left them exposed (section 239), his body -once a week. He bathed at home, using a very primitive sort of wash- -room, situated near the kitchen (section 203) in order that the water -heated on the kitchen stove might be carried into it with the least -possible inconvenience. By the last century of the Republic all this -had changed, though the steps in the change can not now be followed. -The bath had become a part of the daily life as momentous as the -_cena_ itself, which it regularly preceded. It was taken, too, by -preference in one of the public bathing establishments which were by -this time operated on a large scale in all parts of Rome and also in -the smaller towns of Italy and even in the provinces. These offered -all sorts of baths, plain, plunge, douche, with massage (Turkish), and -besides in many cases features borrowed from the Greek gymnasia, -exercise grounds, courts for various games, reading and conversation -rooms, libraries, gymnastic apparatus, everything in fact that our -athletic clubs now provide for their members. The accessories had -become really of more importance than the bathing itself and justify -the description of the bath under the head of amusements. In places -where there were no public baths, or where they were at an -inconvenient distance, the wealthy fitted up bathing places in their -houses, but no matter how elaborate they were the private baths were -merely a makeshift at best. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 170. TEPIDARIUM AT POMPEII] - -366. Essentials for the Bath.--The ruins of the public and private -baths found all over the Roman world, together with a dissertation by -Vitruvius, and countless allusions in literature, make very clear the -general construction and arrangement of the bath, but show that the -widest freedom was allowed in matters of detail. For the luxurious -bath of classical times four things were thought necessary: a warm -ante-room, a hot bath, a cold bath, and the rubbing and anointing with -oil. All these might have been had in a single room, as all but the -last are furnished in every modern bathroom, but as a matter of fact -we find at least three rooms set apart for the bath in very modest -private houses and often five or six, while in the public -establishments this number may be multiplied several times. In the -better equipped houses were provided: (1) A room for undressing and -dressing (_apodyterium_), usually unheated, but furnished with benches -and often with lockers for the clothes; (2) the warm ante-room -(_tepidarium_), in which the bather waited long enough for the -perspiration to start, in order to guard against the danger of passing -too suddenly into the high temperature of the next room; (3) the hot -room (_caldarium_) for the hot bath; (4) the cold room (_frigidarium_) -for the cold bath; (5) the _unctorium_, the room for the rubbing and -anointing with oil that finished the bath, from which the bather -returned into the _apodyterium_ for his clothes. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 171. STRIGILES] - -367. In the more modest houses space was saved by using a room for -several purposes. The separate _apodyterium_ might be dispensed with, -the bather undressing and dressing in either the _frigidarium_ or -_tepidarium_ according to the weather; or the _unctorium_ might be -saved by using the _tepidarium_ for this purpose as well as for its -own. In this way the suite of five rooms might be reduced to four or -three. On the other hand, private houses had sometimes an additional -hot room without water (_laconicum_), used for a sweat bath, and a -public bathhouse would be almost sure to have an exercise ground -(_palaestra_), with a pool at one side (_piscina_) for a cold plunge -and a room adjacent (_destrictarium_) in which the sweat and dirt of -exercise were scraped off with the _strigilis_ (Fig. 171) before and -after the bath. It must not be supposed that all bathers went the -round of all the rooms in the order given above, though that was -common enough. Some would dispense with the hot bath altogether, -taking instead a sweat in the _laconicum_, or failing that, in the -_caldarium_, removing the perspiration with the strigil, following -this with a cold bath (perhaps merely a shower or douche) in the -_frigidarium_ and the rubbing with linen cloths and anointing with -oil. Young men who deserted the campus and the Tiber (section 317) for -the _palaestra_ and the bath would content themselves with removing -the effects of their exercise with the scraper, taking a plunge in the -open pool, and then a second scraping and the oil. Much would depend -on the time and the tastes of individuals, and physicians laid down -strict rules for their patients to follow. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 172. SUSPENSURA] - -368. Heating the Bath.--The arrangement of the rooms, were they many -or few, depended upon the method of heating. This in early times must -have been by stoves placed in the rooms as needed, but by the end of -the Republic the furnace had come into use, heating the rooms as well -as the water with a single fire. The hot air from the furnace was not -conducted into the rooms directly, as it is with us, but was made to -circulate under the floors and through spaces between the walls, the -temperature of the room depending upon its proximity to the furnace. -The _laconicum_, if there was one, was put directly over the furnace, -next to it came the _caldarium_ and then the _tepidarium_, while the -_frigidarium_ and the _apodyterium_ having no need of heat were at the -greatest distance from the fire and without connection with it. If -there were two sets of baths in the same building, as there sometimes -were for the accommodation of both men and women at the same time, the -two _caldaria_ were put on opposite sides of the furnace (see the plan -in section 376) and the other rooms were connected with them in the -regular order, the two entrances being at the greatest distance apart. -The method of conducting the air under the floors is shown in Fig. -172. There were really two floors, the first being even with the top -of the firepot, the second (_suspensura_) with the top of the furnace. -Between them was a space of about two feet into which the hot air -passed. On the top of the furnace, just above the level, therefore, of -the second floor, were two kettles for heating the water. One was -placed well back, where the fire was not so hot, and contained water -that was kept merely warm; the other was placed directly over the fire -and the water in it, received from the former, was easily kept -intensely hot. Near them was a third kettle containing cold water. -From these three kettles the water was piped as needed to the various -rooms. The arrangement will be easily understood after a study of the -plans in sections 376, 378. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 173. SECTION OF CALDARIUM] - -369. The Caldarium.--The hot water bath was taken in the _caldarium_ -(_cella caldaria_), which served also as a sweat bath when there was -no _laconicum_. It was a rectangular room and in the public baths was -longer than wide (Vitruvius says the proportion should be 3:2) with -one end rounded off like an apse or bay window. At the other end stood -the large hot water tank (_alveus_), in which the bath was taken by a -number of persons at a time. The _alveus_ (Fig. 173) was built up two -steps from the floor of the room, its length equal to the width of the -room and its breadth at the top not less than six feet. At the bottom -it was not nearly so wide, the back sloping inward, so that the -bathers could recline against it, and the front having a long broad -step, for convenience of descent into it, upon which, too, the bathers -sat. The water was received hot from the furnace, and was kept hot by -a metal heater (_testudo_), opening into the _alveus_ and extending -beneath the floor into the hot air chamber. Near the top of the tank -was an overflow pipe, and in the bottom was an escape pipe which -allowed the water to be emptied on the floor of the _caldarium_, to be -used for scrubbing it. In the apse-like end of the room was a tank or -large basin of metal (_labrum_, _solium_), which seems to have -contained cool water for the douche. In private baths the room was -usually rectangular and then the _labrum_ was placed in a corner. For -the accommodation of those using the room for the sweat bath only, -there were benches along the wall. The air in the _caldarium_ would, -of course, be very moist, while that of the _laconicum_ would be -perfectly dry, so that the effect would not be precisely the same. - -370. The Frigidarium and Unctorium.--The _frigidarium_ (_cella -frigidaria_) contained merely the cold plunge bath, unless it was made -to do duty for the _apodyterium_, when there would be lockers on the -wall for the clothes (at least in a public bath) and benches for the -slaves who watched them. Persons who found the bath too cold would -resort instead to the open swimming pool in the _palaestra_, which -would be warmed by the sun. In one of the public baths at Pompeii a -cold bath seems to have been introduced into the _tepidarium_, for the -benefit, probably, of invalids who found even the _palaestra_ too cool -for comfort. The final process, that of scraping, rubbing, and oiling, -was exceedingly important. The bather was often treated twice, before -the warm bath and after the cold bath; the first might be omitted, but -the second never. The special room, _unctorium_, was furnished with -benches and couches. The scrapers and oils were brought by the -bathers, usually carried along with the towels for the bath by a slave -(_capsarius_). The bather might scrape (_destringere_) and oil -(_deungere_) himself, or he might receive a regular massage at the -hands of a trained slave. It is probable that in the large baths -expert operators could be hired, but we have no direct testimony on -the subject. When there was no special _unctorium_ the _tepidarium_ or -_apodyterium_ was made to do instead. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 174. BATH AT CAERWENT] - -371. A Private Bathhouse.--In Fig. 174 is shown the plan of a private -bath in Caerwent, Monmouthshire, England, the ruins of which were -discovered in the year 1855. It dates from about the time of -Constantine (306-333), and small though it is gives a clear notion of -the arrangement of the rooms. The entrance _A_ leads into the -_frigidarium B_, 10'6" x 6'6" in size, with a bath _C_, 10'6" x 3'3". -Off this is the _apodyterium D_, 10'6" x 13'3", which has the -apse-like end that the _caldarium_ ought to have. Next is the -_tepidarium E_, 12' x 12', which contrary to all the rules is the -largest instead of the smallest of the four main rooms. Then comes the -_caldarium F_, 12' x 7'6", with its _alveus G_, 6' x 3' x 2', but with -no sign of its _labrum_ left, perhaps because the basin was too small -to require any special foundation. Finally comes the rare _laconicum -H_, 8' x 4', built over one end of the furnace _I_, which was in the -basement room _KK_. The hot air passed as indicated by the arrows, -escaping through openings near the roof in the outside wall of the -_apodyterium_. It should be noticed that there was no direct passage -from the _caldarium_ to the _frigidarium_, no special entrance to the -_laconicum_, and that the _tepidarium_ must have served as the -_unctorium_. The dimensions of the bath as a whole are 31 x 34 feet. - -372. The Public Baths.--To the simpler bathhouse of the earlier times -as well as to the bath itself was given the name _balneum_ -(_balineum_), used often in the plural, _balnea_, by the dactylic -poets for metrical convenience. The more complex establishments of -later times were called _balneae_, and to the very largest with -features derived from the Greek gymnasia (section 365) the name -_thermae_ was finally given. These words, however, were loosely used -and often interchanged in practice. Public baths are first heard of -after the second Punic war. They increased in number rapidly, 170 at -least being operated in Rome in the year 33 B.C., and later there were -more than 800. With equal rapidity they spread through Italy and the -provinces, all the towns and many villages even having at least one. -They were public only in the sense of being open to all citizens who -could pay the modest fee demanded for their use. Free baths there were -none, except when some magistrate or public-spirited citizen or -candidate for office arranged to relieve the people of the fees for a -definite time by meeting the charges himself. So Agrippa in the year -33 B.C. kept open free of charge 170 establishments at Rome. The rich -sometimes provided free baths for the people in their wills, but -always for a limited time. - -373. Management.--The first public baths were opened by individuals -for speculative purposes. Others were built by wealthy men as gifts to -their native towns, as such men give hospitals and libraries now, the -administration being lodged with the town authorities who kept the -buildings in repair and the baths open with the fees collected. Others -were built by the towns out of public funds, and others still as -monuments by the later emperors. However started, the management was -practically the same for all. They were leased for a definite time and -for a fixed sum to a manager (_conductor_) who paid his expenses and -made his profits out of the fees which he collected. The fee -(_balneaticum_) was hardly more than nominal. The regular price at -Rome for men seems to have been a _quadrans_, less than a cent, the -bather furnishing his own towels, oil, etc., as we have seen (section -370). Women paid more, perhaps twice as much, while children up to a -certain age, unknown to us, paid nothing. Prices varied, of course, in -different places. It is likely that higher prices were charged in some -baths than in others in the same city, either because they were more -luxuriously equipped or to make them more exclusive and fashionable -than the rest, but we have no positive knowledge that this was done. - -374. Hours Opened.--The bath was regularly taken between the -_meridiatio_ and _cena_, the hour varying, therefore, within narrow -limits in different seasons and for different classes (section 310). -In general it may be said to have been taken about the eighth hour, -and at this hour all the _conductores_ were bound by their contracts -to have the baths open and all things in readiness. As a matter of -fact many people preferred to bathe before the _prandium_ (section -302), and some at least of the baths in the larger places must have -been open then. All were regularly kept open until sunset, but in the -smaller towns, where public baths were fewer, it is probable that they -were kept open later; at least the lamps found in large numbers in the -Pompeian baths seem to point at evening hours. It may be taken for -granted that the managers would keep the doors open as long as was -profitable for them. - -375. Accommodations for Women.--Women of respectability bathed in the -public baths, as they bathe in public places now, but with women only, -enjoying the opportunity to meet their friends as much as did the men. -In the large cities there were separate baths devoted to their -exclusive use. In the larger towns separate rooms were set apart for -them in the baths intended generally for men. Such a combination is -shown in the next paragraph and the arrangement has been explained in -section 368. In the very small places the bath was opened to men and -women at different hours. Late in the Empire we read of men and women -bathing together, but this was true of women only who had no claim to -respectability at all. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 175. THERMAE AT POMPEII] - -376. Thermae.--In Fig. 175 is shown a plan of the so-called Stabian -baths at Pompeii, which gives a correct idea of the smaller _thermae_ -and serves at the same time to illustrate the combination of baths for -men and women under the same roof. In the plan the unnumbered rooms -opening upon the surrounding streets were used for shops and stores -independent of the baths, those opening within were for the use of the -attendants or for purposes that can not now be determined. The main -entrance (_1_), on the south, opened upon the _palaestra_ (_2_), -surrounded on three sides by colonnades and on the west by a bowling -alley (_3_), where large stone balls were found. Behind the bowling -alley was the _piscina_ (_6_) open to the sun, with a room on either -side (_5_, _7_) for douche baths and a _destrictarium_ (_4_) for the -use of the athletes. There were two side entrances (_8_, _11_) at the -northwest, with the porter's room (_12_) and manager's office (_10_) -within convenient reach. The room (_9_) at the head of the bowling -alley was for the use of the players and may be compared with the -similar room for the use of the gladiators marked _9_ in Fig. 156 -(section 350). Behind the office was the _latrina_ (_14_). - -377. On the east are the baths proper, the men's to the south. There -were two _apodyteria_ (_24_, _25_) for the men, each with a separate -waiting-room for the slaves (_26_, _27_) with a door to the street. -Then come in order the _frigidarium_ (_22_), the _tepidarium_ (_23_), -and the _caldarium_ (_21_). The _tepidarium_, contrary to custom, had -a cold bath as explained in section 370. The main entrance to the -women's bath was at the northeast (_17_), but there was also an -entrance from the northwest through the long corridor (_15_), both -opening into the _apodyterium_ (_16_). This contained in one corner a -cold bath, there being no separate _frigidarium_ in the baths for -women. Then come in the regular position the _tepidarium_ (_18_) and -_caldarium_ (_19_). The furnace (_20_) was between the two _caldaria_, -and the position of the three kettles (section 368) which furnished -the water is clearly shown. It should be noticed that there was no -_laconicum_. It is possible that one of the waiting-rooms for men -(_24_) may have been used as an _unctorium_. The ruins show that the -rooms were most artistically decorated and there can be no doubt that -they were luxuriously furnished. The colonnades and the large waiting- -rooms gave ample space for the lounge after the bath, which the Roman -prized so highly. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 176. BATHS OF DIOCLETIAN] - -378. Baths of Diocletian.--The irregularity of plan and the waste of -space in the Pompeian _thermae_ just described are due to the fact -that it was rebuilt at various times with all sorts of alterations and -additions. Nothing can be more symmetrical than the _thermae_ of the -later emperors, as a type of which is shown in Fig. 176 the plan of -the Baths of Diocletian, dedicated in 305 A.D. They lay on the east -side of the city and were the largest and with the exception of those -of Caracalla the most magnificent of the Roman baths. The plan shows -the arrangement of the main rooms, all in the line of the minor axis -of the building; the uncovered _piscina_ (1), the _apodyterium_ and -_frigidarium_ (2), combined as in the women's baths at Pompeii, the -_tepidarium_ (3), and the _caldarium_ (4) projecting beyond the other -rooms for the sake of the sunshine. The uses of the surrounding halls -and courts can not now be determined, but it is clear from the plan -that nothing was omitted known to the luxury of the time. An idea of -the magnificence of the central room may be had from Fig. 169 (section -365), showing the corresponding room in the Baths of Caracalla. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -TRAVEL AND CORRESPONDENCE. BOOKS - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 469-474, 731-738, 799-833; Voigt, 359 f.; Goll, -II, 418-462, III, 1-45; Guhl and Koner, 538-544, 766 f., 783 f.; -Friedlander, II, 36-291; Ramsay, 76-78, 512-516; Pauly-Wissowa, -_carpentum_, _cisium_, _charta_, _Brief_, _Buch_, _Buchhandlung_, -_Bibliotheken_; Smith, Harper, Rich, Lubker, _viae_, _tabulae_, -_liber_, _bibliotheca_, and other Latin words in text; Baumeister, -2079 f., 354, 361-364; Blumner, I, 308-327; Johnston, Latin -Manuscripts, 13-21, 27-34, 36. - - -379. For our knowledge of the means of traveling employed by the -Romans we have to rely upon indirect sources (section 12), because if -any volumes of travel were ever written they have not come down to us. -We know, however, that while no distance was too great to be -traversed, no hardships too severe to be surmounted, for the sake of -fame or fortune, the Roman cared nothing for traveling in itself, for -the mere pleasure, that is, of sight-seeing. This was partly due to -his blindness to the charms of nature, more perhaps to his feeling -that to be out of Rome was to be forgotten. He made once in his life -the grand tour (section 116), he spent a year abroad in the train of -some general or governor (section 118), but this done, only the most -urgent private affairs or public duties could draw him from Italy. And -Italy was to him only Rome and his country estates (section 145). -These he visited when the hot months had closed the courts and -adjourned the senate, roaming restlessly from one to another, -impatient for his real life to begin again. Even when public or -private business called him from Rome, he kept in touch with affairs -by correspondence, expecting his friends to write him voluminous -letters, ready himself to return the favor when positions should be -reversed. So, too, the proconsul kept as near to Rome as the -boundaries of his province would permit; almost all the uprisings in -farther Gaul were due to Caesar's habit of hurrying off to Italy as -soon as winter had put an end to active operations in the field. - -380. By Water.--The means of travel were the same as our ancestors -used a century ago. By water the Roman used sailing vessels, rarely -canal boats; by land vehicles drawn by horses or mules, for short -distances sedan chairs or litters. There were, however, no -transportation companies, no lines of boats or vehicles, that is, -running between certain places and prepared to carry passengers at a -fixed price on a regular schedule. The traveler by sea whose means did -not permit him to buy or charter a vessel for his exclusive use had -therefore to wait at the port until he found a boat going in the -desired direction and then make such terms as he could for his -passage. And there were other inconveniences. The boats were small, -and this made them uncomfortable in rough weather; the lack of the -compass caused them to follow the coast as much as possible, and this -often increased the distance; in winter navigation was usually -suspended. Traveling by water was, therefore, avoided as much as -possible. Rather than sail to Athens from Ostia or Naples, for -example, the traveler would go by land to Brundisium, by sea across to -Dyrrachium, and continue the journey by land. Between Brundisium and -Dyrrachium boats were constantly passing, and the only delay to be -feared was that caused by bad weather. The short voyage, only 100 -miles, was usually made within twenty-four hours. - -381. By Land.--The Roman who traveled by land was distinctly better -off than Americans of the time of the Revolution. His inns were not so -good, it is true, but his vehicles and cattle were fully equal to -theirs, and his roads were the best that have ever been built. -Horseback riding was not a recognized mode of traveling (the Romans -had no saddles), but there were vehicles with two wheels and with -four, for one horse and for two or more, covered and uncovered. These -were kept for hire near the gates of all important towns, but the -price is not known. To save the trouble of loading and unloading the -baggage it is probable that persons going great distances took their -own vehicles and merely hired fresh horses from time to time. There -were, however, no postroutes, and no places where horses were changed -at the end of regular stages for ordinary travelers, though there were -such arrangements for couriers and officers of the government, -especially in the provinces. For short journeys and when haste was not -necessary travelers would naturally use their own horses as well as -their own carriages. Of the pomp that often accompanied such journeys -something has been said in section 152. - -382. The Vehicles.--The streets of Rome were so narrow (the widest not -over twenty-five feet, the average about fourteen) that wagons and -carriages were not allowed upon them at hours when they were likely to -be thronged with people. Throughout the Republic and for at least two -centuries afterwards the streets were closed to all vehicles during -the first ten hours of the day, with the exception of four classes -only: market wagons, which brought produce into the city by night and -were allowed to leave empty the next morning, transfer wagons -(_plaustra_) conveying material for public buildings, the carriages -used by the Vestals, _flamines_, and _rex sacrorum_ in their priestly -functions, and the chariots driven in the _pompa circensis_ (section -343) and in the triumphal processions. Similar regulations were in -force in almost all the Italian towns. This made general the use -within the walls of the _lectica_ and its bearers (section 151). -Besides the litter in which the passenger reclined a sedan chair was -common in which he sat erect. Both were covered and curtained. The -_lectica_ was sometimes used for short journeys, and in place of the -six or eight bearers, mules were sometimes put between the shafts, one -before and one behind, but not until late in the Empire. Such a litter -was called a _basterna_. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 177. CARPENTUM] - -383. Carriages.--The monuments show us rude representations of several -kinds of vehicles and the names of at least eight have come down to -us, but we are not able positively to connect the figures and the -names, and have, therefore, very general notions only of the form and -construction of even the most common. Some seem to have been of -ancient design and retained merely for use as state carriages in the -processions that have been mentioned. Such were the _pilentum_ and the -_carpentum_, the former with four wheels, the latter with two, both -covered, both drawn by two horses, both used by the Vestals and -priests. The _carpentum_ is rarely spoken of as a traveling carriage, -and its use for such a purpose was a mark of luxury. Livy makes the -first Tarquin come from Etruria to Rome in one, and it is generally -supposed that one is shown in an Etruscan painting reproduced here in -Fig. 177. The _petoritum_ was also used in the triumphal processions, -but only for the spoils of war. It was essentially a baggage wagon and -was occupied by the servants in a traveler's train. The _caruca_ was a -luxurious traveling van, of which we hear first in the late Empire. It -was furnished with a bed on which the traveler reclined by day and -slept by night. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 178. CISIUM] - -384. The Reda and Cisium.--The usual traveling vehicles, however, were -the _reda_ and the _cisium_. The former was large and heavy, covered, -had four wheels, and was drawn by two or four horses. It was regularly -used by persons accompanied by their families or having baggage with -them, and was kept for hire for this purpose. For rapid journeys, when -a man had no traveling companions and little baggage, the two-wheeled -and uncovered _cisium_ was the favorite vehicle. It was drawn by two -horses, one between shafts and the other attached by traces; it is -possible that three were sometimes used. The _cisium_ had a single -seat, broad enough to accommodate a driver also. It is very likely -that the cart on a monument found near Trieves (Fig. 178) is a -_cisium_, but the identification is not absolutely certain. Cicero -speaks of these carts making fifty-six miles in ten hours, probably -with one or more changes of horses. Other vehicles of the cart type -that came into use during the Empire were the _essedum_ and the -_covinus_, but we do not know how they differed from the _cisium_. -These carts had no springs, but the traveler took care to have plenty -of cushions. It is worth noticing that none of the vehicles mentioned -has a Latin name, all being Gallic with perhaps one exception -(_pilentum_). In like manner most of our own carriages have foreign -names. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 179. ROAD CUT THROUGH HILL] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 180. BRIDGE OVER STREAM] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 181. VIADUCT OVER MARSH] - -385. The Roads.--The engineering skill of the Romans and the lavish -outlay of money made their roads the best that the world has ever -known. They were strictly military works, built for strategic -purposes, intended to facilitate the despatching of supplies to the -frontier and the massing of troops in the shortest possible time. -Beginning with the first important acquisition of territory in Italy -(the _via Appia_ was built in 312 B.C.) they kept pace with the -expansion of the Republic and the Empire. In Italy they were built at -the cost of the state, in the provinces the conquered communities bore -the expense of construction and maintenance, but the work was done -under the direction of Roman engineers and often by the legions -between campaigns. They ran in straight lines between the towns they -were to connect, with frequent crossroads and branch roads only less -carefully constructed. No natural obstacles were permitted to change -their course. The grade was always easy, hills being cut through (Fig. -179), gorges and rivers crossed on arches of solid stone (Fig. 180), -and valleys and marshes spanned by viaducts of the same material (Fig. -181). - -386. Their surface was perfectly smooth and carefully rounded off and -there were gutters at the sides to carry off the rain and melted snow. -Regard was had for the comfort of all classes of travelers. Milestones -showed the distance from the starting point of the road and often that -to important places in the opposite direction, as well as the names of -the consuls or emperors under whom the roads were built (Fig. 182). -The roadbed was wide enough to permit the meeting and passing of the -largest wagons without trouble. For the pedestrian there was a -footpath on either side with frequent stepping-stones so he might -cross to the other side above the mud or dust of the wagon way, and -seats for him to rest upon were often built by the milestones. The -horseman found blocks of stone set here and there for his convenience -in mounting and dismounting. Where springs were discovered wayside -fountains for men and watering-troughs for cattle were constructed. -Such roads often went a hundred years without repairs, and some -portions of them have endured the traffic of centuries and are still -in good condition to-day. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 182. MILESTONE] - - L . CAECILI . Q . F - METEL . COS - CXIX - ROMA[1] - -[Footnote 1: Inscription on a milestone of the _via Salaria_. "Erected -by the consul (117 B.C.) Lucius Caecilius Metellus, etc. (section 39). -One hundred and nineteen (miles) from Rome."] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 183. EMBANKMENT AND CROSS-SECTION] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 184. CONSTRUCTION OF ROAD] - -387. Construction.--Our knowledge of the construction of the military -roads is derived from a treatise of Vitruvius on pavements and from -existing remains of the roads themselves. The Latin phrase for -building a road (_munire viam_) epitomizes the process exactly, for -throughout its full length, whether carried above the level of the -surrounding country (Fig. 183) or in a cut below it, the road was a -solid wall averaging fifteen feet in width and perhaps three feet in -height. The method followed will be easily understood from Fig. 184. A -cut (_fossa_) was first made of the width of the intended road and of -a depth sufficient to hold the filling which varied with the nature of -the soil. The earth at the bottom of the cut (E) was leveled and made -solid with heavy rammers (section 213). Upon this was spread the -_statumen_ (D), a foundation course of stones not too large to be held -in the hand, the thickness of the layer varying with the porosity of -the soil. Over this came the _rudus_ (C), a nine-inch layer of coarse -concrete or rubble (section 210) made of broken stones and lime. Over -this was laid the _nucleus_ (B), a six-inch bedding of fine concrete -made of broken potsherds and lime, in which was set the final course -(A) of blocks of lava or of other hard stone furnished by the adjacent -country. This last course (_dorsum_) made the roadway (_agger viae_) -and was laid with the greatest care so as to leave no seams or -fissures to admit water or to jar the wheels of vehicles. In the -diagram the stones are represented with the lower surface flat, but -they were commonly cut to a point or edge, as in Fig. 183, in order to -be held more firmly by the _nucleus_. The _agger_ was bounded on the -sides by _umbones_ (G,G), curbstones, behind which lay the footpaths -(F,F), _semitae_ or _margines_. On a subsoil of rocky character the -foundation course or even the first and second courses might be -unnecessary. On the less traveled branch roads the _agger_ seems to -have consisted of a thick course of gravel (_glarea_), well rounded -and compacted, instead of the blocks of stone, and the crossroads may -have been of still cheaper materials. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 185. PLAN OF INN] - -388. The Inns.--There were numerous lodging houses and restaurants in -all the cities and towns of Italy, but all of the meanest character. -Respectable travelers avoided them scrupulously, either possessing -stopping places of their own (_deversoria_) on roads that they used -frequently, or claiming entertainment from friends (section 303) and -_hospites_ (section 184), whom they would be sure to have everywhere. -Nothing but accident, stress of weather, or unusual haste could drive -them to places of public entertainment (_tabernae deversoriae_, -_cauponae_). The guests of such places were, therefore, of the lowest -class, and innkeepers (_caupones_) and inns bore the most unsavory -reputations. Food and beds were furnished the travelers, and their -cattle were accommodated under the same roof and in unpleasant -proximity. The plan of an inn at Pompeii (Fig. 185) may be taken as a -fair sample of all such houses. The entrance (_a_) is broad enough to -admit wagons into the wagon-room (_f_), behind which is the stable -(_k_). In one corner is a watering-trough (_l_), in another a -_latrina_ (_i_). On either side of the entrance is a wineroom (_b_, -_d_), with the room of the proprietor (_c_) opening off one of them. -The small rooms (_e_, _g_, _h_) are bedrooms, and others in the second -story over the wagon-room were reached by the back stairway. The front -stairway has an entrance of its own from the street and the rooms -reached by it had probably no connection with the inn. Behind this -stairway on the lower floor was a fireplace (_m_) with a water heater. -An idea of the moderate prices charged in such places may be had from -a bill which has come down to us in an inscription preserved in the -museum at Naples: a pint of wine with bread, one cent; other food, two -cents; hay for a mule, two cents. The corners of streets were the -favorite sites for inns, and they had signs (the elephant, the eagle, -etc.) like those of much later times. - -389. Speed.--The lack of public conveyances running on regular -schedules (section 380) makes it impossible to tell the speed -ordinarily made by travelers. It depended upon the total distance to -be covered, the degree of comfort demanded by the traveler, the -urgency of his business, and the facilities at his command. Cicero -speaks of fifty-six miles in ten hours by cart (section 384) as -something unusual, but on such roads it ought to have been possible to -go much faster, if fresh horses were provided at the proper distances, -and if the traveler could stand the fatigue. The sending of letters -gives the best standard of comparison. There was no public postal -service, but every Roman of position had among his slaves special -messengers (_tabellarii_), whose business it was to deliver important -letters for him. They covered from twenty-six to twenty-seven miles on -foot in a day, and from forty to fifty in carts. We know that letters -were sent from Rome to Brundisium, 370 Roman miles, in six days, and -on to Athens in fifteen more. A letter from Sicily would reach Rome on -the seventh day, from Africa on the twenty-first day, from Britain on -the thirty-third day, and from Syria on the fiftieth day. In the time -of Washington it was no unusual thing for a letter to take a month to -go from the eastern to the southern states in winter. - -390. Sending Letters.--For long distances, especially over seas, -sending letters by special messengers was very expensive, and, except -for the most urgent matters, recourse was had to traders and travelers -going in the desired direction. Persons sending messengers or -intending to travel themselves made it a point of honor to notify -their friends in time for letters to be prepared and also carried -letters for entire strangers, if requested to do so. There was great -danger, of course, that letters sent in this way might fall into the -wrong hands or be lost. It was customary, therefore, to send a copy of -an important letter (_litterae eodem exemplo_, _uno exemplo_), or at -least an abstract of its contents, by another person and if possible -by a different route. It was also customary to disguise the meaning by -the use of fictitious names known to the correspondents only or by the -employment of regular cypher codes. Suetonius tells us that Caesar -simply substituted for each letter the one that stood three places -lower in the alphabet: D for A, E for B, etc., but really elaborate -and intricate systems were in common use. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 186. CODICILLI] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 187. BRONZE STILUS] - -391. Writing the Letters.--The extensive correspondence carried on by -every Roman of position (section 379) made it impossible for him to -write any but the most important of his letters or those to his -dearest friends with his own hand. The place of the stenographer and -writing machine of to-day was taken by slaves or freedmen, often -highly educated (section 154), who wrote at his dictation. Such slaves -were called in general terms _librarii_, more accurately _servi ab -epistolis_, _servi a manu_, or _amanuenses_. Notes and short letters -were written on tablets (_tabellae_, Fig. 24, section 110) of firwood -or ivory of various sizes, often fastened together in sets of two or -more by wire hinges (_codicilli_, _pugillares_, Fig. 186). The inner -faces were slightly hollowed out and the depression was nearly filled -with wax, so as to leave merely a raised rim about the edges, much -like the frame of an old-fashioned slate. Upon the wax the letters -were traced with an ivory or metal tool (_stilus_, _graphium_) with -one end pointed, like a pencil, for writing, and the other made broad -and flat, like a paper cutter, for smoothing the wax (Fig. 187). With -the flat end mistakes could be corrected or the whole letter erased -and the tablets used again, often for the reply to the letter itself. -For longer communications the Romans used a coarse paper (_papyrus_), -the making of which will be described below. Upon it they wrote with -pens made of split reeds and with a thick ink made of soot (lampblack) -mixed with resinous gums. Paper, pens, and ink were so poor that the -bulky and awkward tablets were used by preference for all but the -longest letters. Parchment did not come into general use until the -fourth or fifth century of our era. - -392. Sealing and Opening the Letters.--For sealing the letter thread -(_linum_), wax (_cera_), and a seal (_signum_) were necessary. The -seal (section 255) not only secured the letter against improper -inspection, but also attested the genuineness of those written by the -_librarii_, as autograph signatures seem not to have been thought of. -The tablets having been put together face to face with the writing on -the inside, the thread was passed around them and through small holes -bored through them, and was then securely tied. Upon the knot softened -wax was dropped and to this the seal was applied. Letters written on -sheets of paper (_schedae_) were rolled longitudinally and then -secured in the same way. On the outside was written the name of the -person addressed with perhaps the place where he was to be found if -the letter was not sent by a special messenger. When the letter was -opened care was taken not to break the seal, the cutting of the thread -giving access to the contents. If the letter was preserved the seal -was kept attached to it in order to attest its authenticity. Cicero -describes the opening of a letter in the tenth paragraph of the Third -Oration against Catiline. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 188. FRAGMENT OF PAPYRUS ROLL FROM HERCULANEUM] - -393. Books.--Almost all the materials used by the ancients to receive -writing were known to the Romans and used by them for one purpose or -another, at one time or another. For the publication of works of -literature, however, during the period when the great classics were -produced, the only material was paper (_papyrus_), the only form the -roll (_volumen_). The book of modern form (_codex_), written on -parchment (_membranum_), played an important part in the preservation -of the literature of Rome, but did not come into use for the purpose -of publication until long after the canon of the classics had been -completed and the great masters had passed away. The Romans adopted -the papyrus roll from the Greeks; the Greeks had received it from the -Egyptians. When the Egyptians first made use of it we do not know, but -we have preserved to us Egyptian rolls that were written at least -twenty-five hundred years before the Christian era. The oldest Roman -books of this sort that have been preserved were found in Herculaneum, -badly charred and broken. Those that have been deciphered contain no -Latin author of any value. A specimen of the writing on one of these, -a mere fragment by an unknown author, is shown in Fig. 188. At the -time it was buried there were still to be seen rolls in the -handwriting of the Gracchi, and autographs of Cicero, Vergil, and -Horace must have been common enough. All these have since perished so -far as we know. - -394. Manufacture of Paper.--The papyrus reed had a jointed stem, -triangular in shape, and reached a maximum height of perhaps fourteen -feet with a thickness of four or five inches. The stem contained a -pith of which the paper was made by a process substantially as -follows: The stem was cut through at the joints, the hard rind -removed, and the pith cut into thin sections or strips as evenly as -possible. The first cut seems to have been made from one of the angles -to the middle of the opposite side, and the others parallel with it to -the right and left. The strips were then assorted according to width, -and enough of them were arranged side by side as closely as possible -upon a board to make their combined width almost equal to the length -of the single strip. Across these was laid another layer at right -angles, with perhaps a coating of glue or paste between them. The -mat-like sheet that resulted was then soaked in water and pressed or -hammered into a substance not unlike our paper, called by the Romans -_charta_. After the sheets (_schedae_) had been dried and bleached in -the sun, they were rid by scraping of rough places and trimmed into -uniform sizes, depending upon the length of the strips of pith. The -fewer the strips that composed each sheet, or in other words the -greater the width of each strip, the closer the texture of the -_charta_ and the better its quality. It was possible, therefore, to -grade the paper by its size, and the width of the sheet rather than -its height was taken as the standard. The best quality seems to have -been sold in sheets about ten inches wide, the poorest that could be -used to write upon, about six. The height in each case was perhaps one -inch to two inches greater. It has been calculated that a single -papyrus plant would make about twenty sheets of the size proportioned -to its height, and this number seems to have been made the commercial -unit of measure (_scapus_), by which the paper was sold in the market, -a unit corresponding roughly to our quire. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 189. INSTRUMENTS USED IN WRITING] - -395. Pens and Ink.--Only the upper surface of the sheet was commonly -written upon, the one formed by the horizontal layer of strips, and -these showing even after the process of manufacture served to guide -the pen of the writer. In the case of books where it was important to -keep the number of lines constant to the page, they were ruled with a -circular piece of lead. The pen (_calamus_) was made of a reed brought -to a point and cleft much as our quill pens are. For the black ink -(_atramentum_, section 391) was occasionally substituted the liquid of -the cuttlefish. Red ink was much used for headings, ornaments, and the -like, and in pictures the inkstand is generally represented with two -compartments (Fig. 189). The ink was more like paint than modern ink, -and could be wiped off when fresh with a damp sponge and washed off -even when it had become dry and hard. To wash sheets in order to use -them a second time was a mark of poverty or niggardliness, but the -reverse side of _schedae_ that had served their purpose was often used -for scratch paper, especially in the schools (section 110). - -396. Making the Roll.--A single sheet might serve for a letter or -other brief document, but for literary purposes many sheets would be -required. These were not fastened side by side in a back, as are the -separate sheets in our books, or numbered and laid loosely together, -as we arrange them in our letters and manuscripts, but after the -writing was done they were glued together at the sides (not at the -tops) into a long unwieldy strip, with the lines on each sheet running -parallel with the length of the strip, and with the writing on each -sheet forming a column perpendicular to the length of the strip. On -each side of the sheet, therefore, a margin was left as the writing -was done, and these margins overlapping and glued together made a -thick blank space, a double thickness of paper, between every two -sheets in the strip. Very broad margins, too, were left at the top and -bottom, where the paper would suffer from use a great deal more than -in our books. When the sheets had been securely fastened together in -the proper order a thin slip of wood was glued to the left (outer) -margin of the first sheet, and a second slip (_umbilicus_) to the -right (also outer) margin of the last sheet, much as a wall map is -mounted to-day. When not in use the volume was kept tightly rolled -about the _umbilicus_, and hence received its name (_volumen_). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 190. CAPSA] - -397. A roll intended for permanent preservation was finished with the -greatest care. The top and bottom (_frontes_) were trimmed perfectly -smooth, polished with pumice-stone, and often painted black. The back -of the roll was rubbed with cedar oil to defend it from moths and -mice. To the ends of the _umbilicus_ were added knobs (_cornua_), -sometimes gilded or painted a bright color. The first sheet would be -used for the dedication, if there was one, and on the back of it a few -words were frequently written giving a clue to the contents of the -roll; sometimes a portrait of the author graced this page. In many -books the full title and the name of the author were written only at -the end of the roll on the last sheet, but in any case to the top of -this sheet was glued a strip of parchment (_titulus_) with the title -and author's name upon it, which projected above the edge of the roll. -For every roll a parchment cover was made, cylindrical in form, into -which it was slipped from the top, the _titulus_ alone being visible. -If a work was divided into several volumes (see below), the rolls were -put together in a bundle (_fascis_) and kept in a wooden box (_capsa_, -_scrinium_) like a modern hat box. When the cover was removed the -_tituli_ were visible and the roll desired could be taken without -disturbing the others (Fig. 190). The rolls were kept sometimes in -cupboards (_armaria_, section 231), laid lengthwise on the shelves -with the _tituli_ to the front, as shown in the figure in the next -paragraph. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 191. READING A ROLL] - -398. Size of the Rolls.--When a volume was consulted the roll was held -in both hands and unrolled column by column with the right hand, while -with the left the reader rolled up the part he was done with on the -slip of wood fastened to the margin of the first sheet (Fig. 191). -When he had finished reading he rolled it back upon the _umbilicus_, -usually holding it under the chin and turning the _cornua_ with both -hands. In the case of a long roll this turning backward and forward -took much time and patience and must have sadly soiled and damaged the -roll itself. The early rolls were always long and heavy. There was -theoretically no limit to the number of sheets that might be glued -together, and consequently none to the size or length of the roll. It -was made as long as was necessary to contain the given work. In -ancient Egypt rolls were put together of more than fifty yards in -length, and in early times rolls of approximate length were used in -Greece and Rome. From the third century B.C., however, it had become -customary to divide works of great length into two or more volumes, -the division at first being purely arbitrary and made wherever it was -convenient to end the roll, no matter how much the unity of thought -was interrupted. A century later authors had begun to divide their -works into convenient parts, each part having a unity of its own, such -as the five "books" of Cicero's _De Finibus_, and to each of these -parts or "books" was given a separate roll. An innovation so -convenient and sensible quickly became the universal rule. It even -worked backward, some ancient works being divided into books, which -had not been so divided by their authors, e.g., Herodotus, Thucydides, -and Naevius. About the same time, too, it became the custom to put the -sheets upon the market already glued together, to the amount at least -of the _scapus_ (section 394). It was, of course, much easier to glue -two or three of these together, or to cut off the unused part of one, -than to work with the separate sheets. The ready-made rolls, moreover, -were put together in a most workmanlike manner. Even sheets of the -same quality (section 394) would vary slightly in toughness or finish, -and the manufacturers of the roll were careful to put the very best -sheets at the beginning, where the wear was the most severe, and to -keep for the end the less perfect sheets, which might sometimes be cut -off altogether. - -399. Multiplication of Books.--The process of publishing the largest -book at Rome differed in no important respect from that of writing the -shortest letter. Every copy was made by itself, the hundredth or the -thousandth taking just as much time and labor as the first had done. -The author's copy would be distributed among a number of _librarii_, -his own, if he were a man of wealth, a Caesar or a Sallust, his -patron's, if he were a poor man, a Terence or a Vergil. Each of the -_librarii_ would write and rewrite the portions assigned to him, until -the required number of copies had been made. The sheets would then be -arranged in the proper order and the rolls mounted as has been -described. Finally the books had to be looked through to correct the -errors that were sure to be made, a process much more tedious than the -modern proofreading, because every copy had to be corrected -separately, as no two copies would show precisely the same errors. -Books made in this way were almost exclusively for gifts, though -friends would exchange books with friends and a few might find their -way into the market. Up to the last century of the Republic, however, -there was no organized book trade, and no such thing as commercial -publication. When a man wanted a book, instead of buying it at a -bookstore he borrowed a copy from a friend and had his _librarii_ make -him as many more as he desired. In this way Atticus made for himself -and Cicero copies of all the Greek and Latin books on which he could -lay his hands, and distributed Cicero's own writings everywhere. - -400. Commercial Publication.--The publication of books at Rome as a -business began in the time of Cicero. There was no copyright law and -no protection therefore for author or publisher. The author's -pecuniary returns came in the form of gifts or grants from those whose -favor he had won by his genius; the publisher depended, in the case of -new books, upon meeting the demand before his rivals could market -their editions, and, in the case of standard books, upon the accuracy, -elegance, and cheapness of his copies. The process of commercial -publication was essentially the same as that already described, except -that larger numbers of _librarii_ would be employed and the copy would -be read to all at once to save them the trouble of handling the -awkward roll and keeping the place as they wrote. The publisher would -estimate as closely as possible the demand for any new work that he -had secured, would put as large a number of scribes upon it as -possible, and would take care that no copies should leave his -establishment until his whole edition was ready. After the copies were -once on sale they could be reproduced by anyone. The best houses took -all possible pains to have their books free from errors, having -competent correctors to read them copy by copy, but in spite of their -efforts blunders were legion. Authors sometimes corrected with their -own hands the copies intended for their friends. In the case of -standard works purchasers often hired scholars of reputation to revise -their copies for them, and copies of known excellence were borrowed or -hired at high prices for the purpose of comparison. - -401. Rapidity and Cost of Publication.--Cicero tells us of Roman -senators who wrote fast enough to take evidence _verbatim_, and the -trained scribes must have far surpassed them in speed. Martial tells -us that his second book could be copied in an hour. It contains five -hundred and forty verses, which would make the scribe equal to nine -verses to the minute. It is evident that a small edition, no larger, -for example, than twice or three times the number of the scribes, -could be put upon the market more quickly than it could be furnished -now. The cost of the books varied, of course, with their size and the -style of their mounting. Martial's first book, containing eight -hundred and twenty lines and covering twenty-nine pages in Teubner's -text, sold at thirty cents, fifty cents, and one dollar; his _Xenia_, -containing two hundred and seventy-four verses and covering fourteen -pages in Teubner's text, sold at twenty cents, but cost the publisher -less than ten. Such prices would hardly be considered excessive now. -Much would depend upon the reputation of the author and the consequent -demand, and high prices were put on certain books. Autograph -copies--Gellius (died about 180 A.D.) says that one by Vergil cost the -owner $100--and copies whose correctness was vouched for by some -recognized authority commanded extraordinary prices. - -402. Libraries.--The gathering of books in large private collections -began to be general only toward the end of the Republic. Cicero had -considerable libraries not only in his house at Rome, but also at -every one of his half-dozen country seats. Probably the bringing to -Rome of whole libraries from the East and Greece by Lucullus and Sulla -started the fashion of collecting books; at any rate collections were -made by many persons who knew and cared nothing about the contents of -the rolls, and every town house had its library (section 206) lined -with volumes. In these libraries were often displayed busts of great -writers and statues of the Muses. Public libraries date from the time -of Augustus. The first to be opened in Rome was founded by Asinius -Pollio (died 4 A.D.), and was housed in the _Atrium Libertatis_. -Augustus himself founded two others, and the number was brought up to -twenty-eight by his successors. The most magnificent of these was the -_Bibliotheca Ulpia_, founded by Trajan. Smaller cities had their -libraries, too, and even the little town of Comum boasted one founded -by the younger Pliny and supported by an endowment that produced -thirty thousand sesterces annually. The public baths often had -libraries and reading-rooms attached (section 365). - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -SOURCES OF INCOME AND MEANS OF LIVING. THE ROMAN'S DAY - - -403. It is evident from what has been said that abundant means were -necessary to support the state in which every Roman of position lived. -It will be of interest to see how the great mass of the people also -earned the scantier living with which they were forced to be content. -For the sake of this inquiry it will be convenient, if not very -accurate, to divide the people of Rome into the three great classes of -nobles, knights, and commons, into which political history has -distributed them. At the same time it must be remembered that there -was no hard and fixed line drawn between any two of these classes; a -noble might if he pleased associate himself with the knights, provided -only that he possessed the required sum of $20,000, and any freeborn -citizen might aspire to the highest offices of the state, however mean -the circumstances of his birth, however poor in pocket or in talent he -might be. - -404. Careers of the Nobles.--The nobles inherited certain of the -aristocratic notions of the old patriciate, which limited their -business activities and had much to do with the corruption of public -life in the last century of the Republic. Men in their position were -held to be above all manner of work, with the hands or with the head, -for the sake of sordid gain. Agriculture alone was free from debasing -associations, as it has been in England within our own time, and -statecraft and war were the only careers fit to engage their energies. -Even as statesmen and generals, too, they served their fellow citizens -without material reward, for no salaries were drawn by the senators, -none were attached to the magistracies or to positions of military -command. This theory had worked well enough in the time before the -Punic wars, when every Roman was a farmer, when the farm produced all -that he needed for his simple wants, when he left it only to serve as -a soldier in his young manhood or as a senator in his old age, and -returned to his fields, like Cincinnatus, when his services were no -longer required by his country. Under the aristocracy that supplanted -the pure democracy of the earlier time, it subverted every aim that it -was intended to secure. - -405. Agriculture.--The farm life that Cicero has described so -eloquently and praised so enthusiastically in his _Cato Maior_ would -have scarcely been recognized by Cato himself and had become a memory -or a dream long before Cicero wrote. The farmer no longer tilled his -fields, even with the help of his slaves. The yeoman class had -practically disappeared from Italy. The small holdings had been -absorbed in the vast estates of the wealthy landowners, and the aims -and methods of farming had wholly changed. Something has been said of -this already (section 146 f.), and it will be sufficient here to -recall the fact that grain was no longer raised for the market in -Italy, simply because the market could be supplied more cheaply from -over seas. The grape and the olive had become the chief sources of -wealth, and for them Sallust and Horace complain that less and less -space was being left by the parks and pleasure grounds (section 145). -Still, the making of wine and oil under the direction of a careful -steward (section 148) must have been very profitable in Italy and many -of the nobles had plantations in the provinces as well, the revenues -of which helped to maintain their state at Rome. - -406. Political Office.--Politics must have been profitable for those -only who played the game to the end. No salaries were attached to the -offices, and the indirect gains from one of the lower would hardly pay -the expenses necessary to secure the next in order. The gain came -always through positions in the provinces. The quaestorship might be -spent in one, the praetorship and the consulship were sure to be -followed by a year abroad. To honest men the places gave the -opportunity to learn of profitable investments, and a good governor -was often selected by a community to look after its interests in the -capital, and this meant an honorarium in the form of valuable presents -from time to time. Cicero's justice and moderation as quaestor in -Sicily earned him a rich reward when he came to prosecute Verres for -plundering that same province, and when he was in charge of the grain -supply during his aedileship. To corrupt officials the provinces were -gold mines. Every sort of robbery and extortion was practiced, and the -governor was expected to enrich not merely himself but also the -_cohors_ (section 118) that had accompanied him. Catullus bitterly -complains of the selfishness of Memmius, who had kept for himself all -the plunder of Bithynia. The story of Verres may be read in any -history of Rome; it differs from that of the average governor only in -the fate that overtook the offender. - -407. The Law.--Closely connected with the political career then as now -was that of the law, but Rome knew of no class of professional -advocates practicing for fees and living upon their practice. And -there were no conditions imposed for practicing in the courts, not -even the good moral character which is insisted upon in Indiana. -Anyone could bring suit against anyone else on any charge that he -pleased, and it was no uncommon thing for a young politician to use -this license for the purpose of gaining notoriety, even when he knew -there were no grounds for the charges he brought. On the other hand -the lawyer was forbidden to accept pay for his services. In olden -times the client had of his right gone to his patron for legal advice -(section 179), and the lawyer of later times was theoretically at -least at the service of all who applied to him. Men of the highest -character made it a point of honor to put their technical knowledge -freely at the disposal of their fellow citizens. At the same time the -statutes against fees were easily evaded. Grateful clients could not -be prevented from making valuable presents, and it was a very common -thing for generous legacies to be left to successful advocates. Cicero -had no other source of income, so far as we know, but while he was -never a rich man, he owned a house on the Palatine (section 221, note) -and half a dozen country seats, lived well, and spent money lavishly -on works of art (section 227) that appealed to his tastes, and on -books (section 402). Corrupt judges (_praetores_) could find other -sources of income then as now, of course, but we hear more of this in -relation to the jurors (_iudices_) than the judges, probably because -with a province before him the _praetor_ did not think it fitting to -stoop to petty bribetaking. - -408. The Army.--The spoils of war went nominally into the treasury of -the state. Practically they passed first through the hands of the -commanding general, who kept what he pleased for himself, his staff -(section 118), and his soldiers and sent the rest to Rome. The -opportunities were magnificent, and the Roman general understood how -to use them all. Some of them were legitimate enough according to the -usages of the time, the plunder of the towns and cities that were -taken, the ransom exacted from those that were spared, the sale of -captives as slaves (section 134). Entirely illegitimate, of course, -were the fortunes made by furnishing supplies to the army at -extravagant prices or diverting these supplies to private uses. The -reconstruction of the conquered territory brought in returns equally -rich; it is safe to say that the Aedui paid Caesar well for the -supremacy in central Gaul that he assured them after his defeat of the -Helvetii. The civil wars that cost the best blood of Italy made the -victors immensely rich. Besides the looting of the public treasury, -the estates of men in the opposing party were confiscated and sold to -the highest bidder. The proceeds went nominally to the treasury of the -new government, but the proceeds were infinitesimal in comparison with -the profits. After Sulla had established himself in Rome the names of -friends and foes alike were put on the proscription lists, and if -powerful influence was not exerted in their behalf they lost lives and -fortunes. For the influence they had to pay dearly. One example may be -cited. The estate of one Roscius of Ameria, valued at $300,000, was -bid in for $100 by Lucius Chrysogonus, a freedman of Sulla, because no -one dared bid against the creature of the dictator. The settling of -the soldiers on grants of land made good business for the three -commissioners who superintended the distribution of the land. The -grants were always of farms owned and occupied by adherents of the -beaten party, and the bribes came from both sides. - -409. Careers of the Equites.--The name of knight had lost its original -significance long before the time of Cicero. The equites had become -the class of capitalists who found in financial transactions the -excitement and the profit that the nobles found in politics and war. -It was the immense scale of their operations that relieved them from -the stigma that attached to working for gain, just as in modern times -the wholesale dealer may have a social position entirely beyond the -hopes of the small retailer. As a body the equites exerted -considerable political influence, holding in fact the balance of power -between the senatorial and the democratic parties. As a rule they -exerted this influence only so far as was necessary to secure -legislation favorable to them as a class, and to insure as governors -for the provinces men that would not look too closely into their -transactions there. For it was in the provinces that the knights as -well as the nobles found their best opportunities. Their chief -business was the farming of the revenues. For this purpose syndicates -were formed, which paid into the public treasury a lump sum, fixed by -the senate, and reimbursed themselves by collecting what they could -from the province. The profits were beyond all reason, and the word -publican became a synonym for sinner. Besides farming the revenues -they "financed" the provinces and allied states, advancing money to -meet the ordinary or extraordinary expenses. Sulla levied a -contribution of 20,000 talents (about $20,000,000) on Asia. The money -was advanced by a syndicate of Roman capitalists, and they had -collected the amount six times over when Sulla interfered, for fear -that there would be nothing left for him in case of further needs. -More than one pretender was set upon a puppet throne in the East in -order to secure the payment of sums previously loaned him by the -capitalists. Their operations as individuals were only less extensive -and profitable. The grain in the provinces, the wool, the products of -mines and factories could be moved only with the money advanced by -them. They ventured, too, to engage in commercial enterprises abroad -that were barred against them at home, doing the buying and selling -themselves, not merely supplying the means to others. They loaned -money to individuals, too, though at Rome money lending was -discreditable. The usual rate was twelve per cent, but Marcus Brutus -was loaning money at forty-eight per cent in Cilicia, when Cicero went -there as governor in 51 B.C., and expected Cicero to enforce his -contracts for him. - -410. The Soldiers.--The freeborn citizens of Rome below the nobles and -the knights may be roughly divided into two classes, the soldiers and -the proletariate. The civil wars had driven them from their farms or -had unfitted them for the work of farming, and the pride of race or -the competition of slave labor had closed against them the other -avenues of industry, numerous as these must have been in the world's -capital. The best of this class turned to the army. This had long -since ceased to be composed of citizen-soldiers, called out to meet a -special emergency for a single campaign, and disbanded at its close. -It was what we should call a regular army, the soldiers enlisting for -a term of twenty years, receiving stated pay and certain privileges -after an honorable discharge. In time of peace, when there was peace, -they were employed on public works (section 385). The pay was small, -perhaps forty or fifty dollars a year with rations in Caesar's time, -but this was as much as a laborer could earn by the hardest kind of -toil, and the soldier had the glory of war to set over against the -stigma of work, and hopes of presents from his commander and the -privilege of occasional pillage and plunder. After he had completed -his time he might if he chose return to Rome, but many had formed -connections in the communities where their posts were fixed and -preferred to make their homes there on free grants of land, an -important instrument in spreading Roman civilization. - -411. The Proletariate.--In addition to the idle and the profligate -attracted to Rome by the free corn and by the other allurements that -bring a like element into our cities now, large numbers of the -industrious and the frugal had been forced into the city by the loss -of their property during the civil wars and the failure to find -employment elsewhere. No exact estimate of the number of these -unemployed people can be given, but it is known that before Caesar's -time it had passed the mark of 300,000. Relief was occasionally given -by the establishing of colonies on the frontiers--in this way Caesar -put as many as 80,000 in the way of earning their living again, short -as was his administration of affairs at Rome--but it was the least -harmful element that was willing to emigrate and the dregs were left -behind. Aside from beggary and petty crimes their only source of -income was the sale of their votes, and this made them a real menace -to the Republic. Under the Empire their political influence was lost -and the state found it necessary to make distributions of money -occasionally to relieve their want. Some of them played client to the -upstart rich (section 181), but the most were content to be fed by the -state and amused by the constantly increasing shows and games (section -322). - -412. Professions and Trades.--The professions and trades, between -which the Romains made no distinction, in the last years of the -Republic were practically given over to the _libertini_ (section 175) -and to foreigners. Of some of these something has been said already. -Teachers were poorly paid (section 121), and usually looked upon with -contempt. Physicians were held in no higher esteem, but seem to have -been well paid, if we may judge from those that were attached to the -court. Two of these left a joint estate of $1,000,000, and another -received from the Emperor Claudius a yearly stipend of $25,000. In -knowledge and skill in both surgery and medicine they do not seem to -have been much behind the practitioners of two centuries ago. Bankers -united money changing with money loaning. The former was very -necessary in a city into which came all the coins of the known world; -the latter was never looked upon as entirely respectable for a Roman, -but there can be no doubt that many a Roman of the highest -respectability drew large profits from this business, carried on -discreetly in the name of a freedman. The trades were early organized -at Rome in guilds, but their only purpose seems to have been to hand -down and perfect the technique of the crafts; at least there was no -obstacle in the way of workmen not belonging to the guilds, and there -were no such things known as patents or special privileges in the way -of work. Eight of these guilds are older than history, those of the -fullers, cobblers, carpenters, goldsmiths, coppersmiths, potters, -dyers, and (oddly enough) the fluteblowers. Numerous others were -formed as knowledge of the arts advanced or the division of labor -proceeded. Special parts of the city seem to have been appropriated by -special classes of workmen, as like businesses are apt to be carried -on in the same neighborhood in our cities: Cicero speaks of a street -of the Scythemakers. - -413. Business and Commerce.--The commerce of Rome covered all lands -and seas. Pliny tells us that the trade with India and China took from -Rome $5,000,000 yearly. The wholesale trade was to a large extent in -the hands of the capitalist class, the retail business was conducted -by freedmen and foreigners. How large these businesses were we have no -means of telling. The supplying of the food to the city must have -given employment to thousands; the clothing trade has been mentioned -already (section 271). Building operations were carried on at an -immense cost and on the largest scale. All the public buildings and -many of the important private buildings were built by contract. There -can be little doubt that the letting of the contracts for the public -buildings was made very profitable for the officers who had it to do, -but it must be admitted on the other hand that the work was well done. -Crassus seems to have done a sort of salvage business. When buildings -seemed certain to be destroyed by fire he would buy them with their -contents at a nominal sum, and then fight the flames with gangs of -slaves that he had trained for the purpose. The slave trade itself was -very considerable and large fortunes were amassed in it (section 139). -The heavy work of ordinary laborers was performed almost entirely by -slaves (section 148), and it must be remembered that much work was -then done by hand that is now done by machinery. The book business has -been mentioned (section 400). Even the place of the modern newspaper -was taken by letters written as a business by persons who collected -all the news, gossip, and scandal of the city, had it copied by -slaves, and sent it to persons away from the city who did not like to -trouble their friends (section 379) and were willing to pay for -intelligence. - -414. The Civil Service.--The free persons employed in the offices of -the various magistrates were of the lowest class, mostly _libertini_. -They were paid by the state, and while appointed nominally for a year -only, they seem to have practically held their places during good -behavior. This was largely due to the shortness of the term of the -regular magistrates and the rarity of reelection. Having no experience -themselves in conducting their offices the magistrates would have all -the greater need of thoroughly trained and experienced assistants. The -highest class of these officials formed an _ordo_, the _scribae_, -whose name gives no adequate notion of the extent and importance of -their duties. All that is now done by cabinet officers, secretaries, -department heads, bureau chiefs, auditors, comptrollers, recorders, -and accountants, down to the work of the ordinary clerks and copyists, -was done by these "scribes." Below them came others almost equally -necessary but not equally respected, the lictors, messengers, etc. -These civil servants had special places at the theater and the circus. -The positions seem to have been in great demand, as such places are -now in France, for example. Horace is said to have been a department -clerk. - -415. The Roman's Day.--The way in which a Roman spent his day -depended, of course, upon his position and business, and varied -greatly with individuals and with the particular day. The ordinary -routine of a man of the higher class, the man of whom we read most -frequently in Roman literature, was something like this: The Roman -rose at a very early hour, his day beginning before sunrise, because -it ended so early. After a hurried breakfast (section 302) he devoted -such time as was necessary to his private business, looking over -accounts, consulting with his managers, giving directions, etc. Cicero -and Pliny found these early hours the best for their literary work. -Horace tells of lawyers giving free advice at three in the morning. -After his private business was despatched the Roman took his place in -the _atrium_ (section 198) for the _salutatio_ (section 182), when his -clients came to pay their respects, perhaps to ask for the help or -advice that he was bound to furnish them (section 179). All this -business of the early morning might have to be dispensed with, -however, if the Roman was asked to a wedding (section 79), or to be -present at the naming of a child (section 97), or to witness the -coming of age (section 128) of the son of a friend, for all these -semi-public functions took place in the early morning. But after them -or after the levee the Roman went to the forum attended by his clients -and carried in his litter (section 151) with his _nomenclator_ at his -elbow. The business of the courts and of the senate began about the -third hour, and might continue until the ninth or tenth, that of the -senate was bound to stop at sunset. Except on extraordinary occasions -all business was pretty sure to be over before eleven o'clock, and at -this time the lunch was taken (section 302). - -416. Then came the midday siesta, so general that the streets were as -deserted as at midnight, and one of the Roman writers fixes upon this -as the proper time for a ghost story. Of course there were no sessions -of the courts or meetings of the senate on the public holidays, and -then the hours generally given to business might be spent at the -theater or the circus or other games. As a matter of fact the Romans -of the better class rather avoided these shows, unless they were -officially connected with them, and many of them devoted the holidays -to visiting their country estates. After the siesta, which lasted for -an hour or more, the Roman was ready for his regular athletic exercise -and bath, either in the Campus and the Tiber (section 317) or in one -of the public bathing establishments (section 365). The bath proper -(section 367) was followed by the lounge (section 377), perhaps a -promenade in the court, which gave him a chance for a chat with a -friend, or an opportunity to hear the latest news, to consult business -associates, in short to talk over any of the things that men now -discuss at their clubs. After this came the great event of the day, -the dinner (section 303), at his own house or at that of some friend, -followed immediately by retirement for the night. Even on the days -spent in the country this programme would not be materially changed, -and the Roman took with him into the provinces the customs of his home -life so far as possible. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 192. ANCIENT CALENDAR] - -417. Hours of the Day.--The day itself was divided into twelve hours -(_horae_), each being one-twelfth of the time between sunrise and -sunset and varying therefore with the season of the year. The length -of the day and hour at Rome in different times of the year is shown in -the following table: - - Month Length Length | Month Length Length - and Day of Day of Hour | and Day of Day of Hour - Hr. Min. | Hr. Min. - --------------------------------+-------------------------------- - Dec. 23 8 54' 44' 30" | June 25 15 6' 1 15' 30" - Feb. 6 9 50' 49' 10" | Aug. 10 14 10' 1 10' 50" - March 23 12 00' 1 00' 00" | Sept. 25 12 00' 1 00' 00" - May 9 14 10' 1 10' 50" | Nov. 9 9 50' 49' 10" - -418. Taking the days of June 25 and December 23 as respectively the -longest and shortest of the year, the following table gives the -conclusion of each hour for summer and winter: - - Time Summer Winter - ----------------------------------------- - Sunrise 4 27' 00" 7 33' 00" - 1st Hour 5 42' 30" 8 17' 30" - 2d Hour 6 58' 00" 9 02' 00" - 3d Hour 8 13' 30" 9 46' 30" - 4th Hour 9 29' 00" 10 31' 00" - 5th Hour 10 44' 30" 11 15' 30" - 6th Hour 12 00' 00" 12 00' 00" - 7th Hour 1 15' 30" 12 44' 30" - 8th Hour 2 31' 00" 1 29' 00" - 9th Hour 3 46' 30" 2 13' 30" - 10th Hour 5 02' 00" 2 58' 00" - 11th Hour 6 17' 30" 3 42' 30" - 12th Hour 7 33' 00" 4 27' 00" - -In the same way the hours may be calculated for any given day, the -length of the day and the hour of sunrise being known, but for all -practical purposes the old couplet will serve: - - The English hour you may fix, - If to the Latin you add six. - -When the Latin hour is above six it will be more convenient to -subtract than to add. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -BURIAL-PLACES AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES - -REFERENCES: Marquardt, 340-388; Voigt, 319-322, 396, 455; Goll, -480-547; Guhl and Koner, 580-595, 857-863; Friedlander, III, 125-137; -Ramsay, 479-482; Pauly-Wissowa, _cenotaphium_, _columbarium_; Smith, -Harper, Rich, _columbarium_, _funus_, _sepulcrum_; Lubker, -_Bestattung_, _sepulcrum_; Baumeister, 308-311, 604-609, 1520 f.; -Mau-Kelsey, 399-428; Gusman, 44-54; Egbert, Latin Inscriptions, -230-242; Lanciani, Ancient Rome, 64, 129 f. - - -419. Importance of Burial.--The Romans' view of the future life -explains the importance they attached to the ceremonial burial of the -dead. The soul, they thought, could find rest only when the body had -been duly laid in the grave; until this was done it haunted the home, -unhappy itself and bringing unhappiness to others. To perform the -funeral offices (_iusta facere_) was, therefore, a solemn religious -duty, devolving upon the surviving members of the family (section 28), -and the Latin words show that these marks of respect were looked upon -as the right of the dead. In the case of a body lost at sea, or for -any other reason unrecovered, the ceremonies were just as piously -performed, an empty tomb (_cenotaphium_) being erected sometimes in -honor of the dead. And these same rites the Roman was bound to -perform, if he came anywhere upon the unburied corpse of a citizen, -because all were members of the greater family of the commonwealth. In -this case the scattering of three handfuls of dust over the body was -sufficient for ceremonial burial and the happiness of the troubled -spirit, if for any reason the body could not actually be interred. - -420. Interment and Cremation.--Burial was the way of disposing of the -dead practiced most anciently by the Romans, and even after cremation -came into very general use it was ceremonially necessary that some -small part of the remains, usually the bone of a finger, should be -buried in the earth. Burning was practiced before the time of the -Twelve Tables, for it is mentioned together with burial in them, but -we do not know how long before. Hygienic reasons had probably -something to do with its general adoption, and this implies, of -course, cities of considerable size. By the time of Augustus it was -all but universal, but even in Rome the practice of burial was never -entirely discontinued, for cremation was too costly for the very -poorest classes, and some of the wealthiest and most aristocratic -families held fast to the more ancient custom. The Cornelii, for -example, always buried their dead until the dictator required his body -to be burned for fear that his bones might be disinterred and -dishonored by his enemies, as he had dishonored those of Marius. -Children less than forty days old were always buried, and so, too, -slaves whose funeral expenses were paid by their masters. After the -introduction of Christianity burial came again to be the prevailing -use, largely because of the increased expense of burning. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 193. TOMB OF PLANCUS] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 194. TOMB OF CESTIUS] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 195. STREET OF TOMBS AT POMPEII] - -421. Places of Burial.--The most ancient place of burial, at least for -the head of the house, was beneath the hearthstone in the _atrium_ of -his house, later in the garden behind his house, but this had ceased -to be the custom long before history begins, and the Twelve Tables -forbade the burial or even the burning of the dead within the walls of -the city. For the very poor, places of burial were provided in remote -localities outside the walls, corresponding in some degree to the -Potter's Field of modern cities. The well-to-do made their burial- -places as conspicuous as their means would permit, with the hope that -the inscriptions upon the monuments would keep alive the names and -virtues of the dead, and with the idea, perhaps, that they still had -some part in the busy life around them. To this end they lined the -great roads on either side for miles out of the cities with rows of -tombs of the most elaborate and costly architecture. In the vicinity -of Rome the Appian way as the oldest (section 385) showed the -monuments of the noblest and most ancient families, but none of the -roads lacked similar memorials. Many of these tombs were standing in -the sixteenth century, a few still remain. The same custom was -followed in the smaller towns, and an idea of the appearance of the -monuments may be had from the so-called "Street of Tombs" in Pompeii -(Fig. 195). There were other burial-places near the cities, of course, -less conspicuous and less expensive, and on the farms and country -estates like provision was made for persons of humbler station. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 196. EXTERIOR OF TOMB AT POMPEII] - -422. The Tombs.--The tombs, whether intended to receive the bodies or -merely the ashes, or both, differed widely in size and construction -with the different purposes for which they were erected. Some were for -individuals only, but these in most cases were strictly public -memorials as distinguished from actual tombs intended to receive the -remains of the dead. The larger number of those that lined the roads -were family tombs, ample in size for whole generations of descendants -and retainers of the family, including guest-friends (section 185), -who had died away from their own homes, and freedmen (section 175). -There were also the burial-places of the _gentes_ (section 21), in -which provision was made for all, even the humblest and poorest, who -claimed connection with the _gens_ and had had a place in its formal -organization (section 22). Others were erected on a large scale by -speculators who sold at low prices space enough for an urn or two to -persons too poor to erect tombs of their own and without any claim on -a family or gentile burying-place. In imitation of these structures -others were erected on the same plan by burial societies formed by -persons of the artisan class, and others still by benevolent men, as -we have seen baths (section 373) and libraries (section 402) erected -and maintained for the public good. Something will be said of the -tombs of all these kinds after the public burying-places have been -described. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 197. SECTIONS OF TOMB SHOWN IN FIGURE 196] - -423. The Potter's Field.--During the Republic the Esquiline Hill, or -at least the eastern part of it, was the place to which was carted all -the refuse of the city that the sewers would not carry away. Here, -too, were the gravepits (_puticuli_) for the pauper class. They were -merely holes in the ground, about twelve feet square, without lining -of any kind. Into them were thrown the bodies of the friendless poor, -and along with them and over them the carcasses of dead animals and -the filth and scrapings of the streets. The pits were kept open, -uncovered apparently even when filled, and the stench and the -disease-breeding pollution made the hill absolutely uninhabitable. -Under Augustus the danger to the health of the whole city became so -great that the dumping grounds were moved to a greater distance, and -the Esquiline, covered over pits and all with pure soil to the depth -of twenty-five feet, was made a park, known as the _Horti Maecenatis_. - -424. It is not to be understood, however, that the bodies of Roman -citizens were ordinarily disposed of in this revolting way. Faithful -freedmen were cared for by their patrons, the industrious poor made -provision for themselves in cooperative societies mentioned above, and -the proletariate class (section 411) was in general saved from such a -fate by gentile relations, by patrons (section 181), or by the -benevolence of individuals. Only in times of plague and pestilence, it -is safe to say, were the bodies of known citizens cast into these -pits, as under like circumstances bodies have been burned in heaps in -our own cities. The uncounted thousands that peopled the Potter's -Field of Rome were the riffraff from foreign lands, abandoned slaves -(section 156), the victims that perished in the arena (section 362), -outcasts of the criminal class, and the "unidentified" that are buried -nowadays at public expense. Criminals put to death by authority were -not buried at all; their carcasses were left to birds and beasts of -prey at the place of execution near the Esquiline gate. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 198. INTERIOR OF TOMB AT POMPEII] - -425. Plan of Tombs and Grounds.--The utmost diversity prevails in the -outward form and construction of the tombs, but those of the classical -period seem to have been planned with the thought that the tomb was to -be a home for the dead and that they were not altogether cut off from -the living. The tomb, therefore, whether built for one person or for -many, was ordinarily a building inclosing a room (_sepulcrum_), and -this room was really the important thing. Attention has already been -called (section 189) to the fact that even the urns had in ancient -times the shape of the house of one room. The floor of the _sepulcrum_ -was quite commonly below the level of the surrounding grounds and was -reached by a short flight of steps. Around the base of the walls ran a -slightly elevated platform (_podium_, cf. sections 337, 357) on which -were placed the coffins of those who were buried, while the urns were -placed either on the platform or in niches in the wall. An altar or -shrine is often found, at which offerings were made to the _manes_ of -the departed. Lamps are very common and so are other simple articles -of furniture, and the walls, floors, and ceilings are decorated in the -same style as those of houses (section 220 f.). Things that the dead -liked to have around them when living, especially things that they had -used in their ordinary occupations, were placed in the tomb at the -time of burial, or burned with them on the funeral pyre, and in -general an effort was made to give an air of life to the chamber of -rest. The interior of a tomb at Pompeii is shown in Fig. 198, and -sections of another in Fig. 197, section 423. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 199. PLAN OF GROUNDS ABOUT TOMB] - -426. The monument itself was always built upon a plot of ground as -spacious as the means of the builders would permit, sometimes several -acres in extent. In it provision was made for the comfort of surviving -members of the family, who were bound to visit the resting-place of -their dead on certain regularly recurring festivals (section 438). If -the grounds were small there would be at least a seat, perhaps a -bench. On more extensive grounds there were places of shelter, arbors, -or summer houses. Dining-rooms, too, in which were celebrated the -anniversary feasts, and private _ustrinae_ (places for the burning of -bodies) are frequently mentioned. Often the grounds were laid out as -gardens or parks, with trees and flowers, wells, cisterns or -fountains, and even a house, with other buildings perhaps, for the -accommodation of the slaves or freedmen who were in charge. A plan of -such a garden is shown in Fig. 199. In the middle of the garden is the -_area_, the technical word for the plot of ground set aside for the -tomb, with several buildings upon it, one of which is a storehouse or -granary (_horreum_); around the tomb itself are beds of roses and -violets, used in festivals (section 438), and around them in turn are -grapes trained on trellises. In the front is a terrace (_solarium_, -cf. section 207), and in the rear two pools (_piscinae_) connected -with the _area_ by a little canal, while at the back is a thicket of -shrubbery (_harundinetum_). The purpose of the granary is not clear as -no grain seems to have been raised on the lot, but it may have been -left where it stood before the ground was consecrated. A tomb -surrounded by grounds of some extent was called a _cepotaphium_. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 200. RUINS OF COLUMBARIUM OF LIVIA] - -427. Exterior of the Tombs.--An idea of the exterior appearance of -monuments of the better sort may be had from Figs. 193-196. The forms -are very many, those of the altar and temple are the most common, -perhaps, but memorial arches and niches are often found, and at -Pompeii the semicircular bench that was used for conversation out of -doors occurs several times, covered and uncovered. Not all of the -tombs have the sepulchral chamber, the remains being sometimes -deposited in the earth beneath the monument. In such cases a tube or -pipe of lead ran from the receptacle to the surface, through which -offerings of wine and milk could be poured (sections 429, 438). In -Fig. 193, section 420, is shown the round monument at Caieta of Lucius -Munatius Plancus, one of Caesar's marshals (_legati_) in Gaul, the -inscription[1] on which recounts the positions he had filled and the -work he had done. In Fig. 194, section 420, is shown the pyramid -erected at Rome in honor of Caius Cestius by his heirs, one of whom -was Marcus Agrippa. According to the inscription on it the monument -was completed in 330 days. The most imposing of all was the mausoleum -of Hadrian (Fig. 205, section 438) at Rome, now the castle of St. -Angelo. A less elaborate exterior is that of the "tomb with the marble -door" at Pompeii, given in Fig. 196, section 422. - -[Footnote 1: Inscription on the tomb of Plancus: "Lucius Munatius -Plancus, son, etc. (section 39), consul, censor, twice imperator, -member of the board of seven in charge of sacrificial feasts. He -celebrated a triumph over the people of Raetia. From the spoils of war -he erected a temple to Saturn. In Italy he assigned lands about -Beneventum. In Gaul he planted colonies at Lugdunum and Raurica."] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 201. GROUND PLAN OF COLUMBARIUM OF LIVIA] - -[Illustration: FIGURE 202. SARCOPHAGUS OF SCIPIO] - -428. The Columbaria.--From the family tombs were developed the immense -structures mentioned in section 422 intended to receive great numbers -of urns. They began to be erected in the time of Augustus and seem to -have been confined to Rome, where the high price of land made the -purchase of private burial-grounds impossible for the poorer classes. -An idea of their interior arrangements may be had from the ruins (Fig. -200) of one erected on the Appian way for the freedmen of Livia, the -wife of Augustus. From their resemblance to a dovecote or pigeon house -they were called _columbaria_. They are usually partly underground, -rectangular in form, with great numbers of the niches (also called -_columbaria_) running in regular rows horizontally (_gradus_) and -vertically (_ordines_). In the larger _columbaria_ provision was made -for as many as a thousand urns. Around the walls at the base was a -_podium_, on which were placed the sarcophagi of those whose remains -had not been burned, and sometimes chambers were excavated beneath the -floor for the same purpose. In the _podium_ were also niches that no -space might be lost. If the height of the building was great enough to -warrant it, wooden galleries ran around the walls. Access to the room -was given by a stairway in which were niches, too; light was furnished -by small windows near the ceiling, and walls and floors were -handsomely finished and decorated. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 203. AEDICULA IN COLUMBARIUM] - -429. The niches were sometimes rectangular in form, but more commonly -half round, as shown in Figs. 200 and 203. Some of the _columbaria_ -have the lower rows rectangular, those above arched. They contained -ordinarily two urns (_ollae_, _ollae ossuariae_) each, arranged side -by side, that they might be visible from the front. Occasionally the -niches were made deep enough for two sets of urns, those behind being -elevated a little over those in front. Above or below each niche was -fastened to the wall a piece of marble (_titulus_) on which was cut -the name of the owner. If a person required for his family a group of -four or six niches, it was customary to mark them off from the others -by wall decorations to show that they made a unit; a very common way -was to erect pillars at the sides so as to give the appearance of the -front of a temple (Fig. 203). Such groups were called _aediculae_. The -value of the places depended upon their position, those in the higher -rows (_gradus_) being less expensive than those near the floor, those -under the stairway the least desirable of all. The urns themselves -were of various materials (section 437) and usually cemented to the -bottom of the niches. The tops could be removed, but they, too, were -sealed after the ashes had been placed in them, small openings being -left through which offerings of milk and wine could be poured. On the -urns or their tops were painted the names of the dead with sometimes -the day and the month of death. The year is almost never found. Over -the door of such a _columbarium_ on the outside was cut an inscription -giving the names of the owners, the date of erection, and other -particulars. - -[Illustration: FIGURE 204. CINERARY URNS] - -430. Burial Societies.--Early in the Empire associations were formed -for the purpose of meeting the funeral expenses of their members, -whether the remains were to be buried or cremated, or for the purpose -of building _columbaria_, or for both. These cooperative associations -(_collegia funeraticia_) started originally among members of the same -guild (section 412) or among persons of the same occupation. They -called themselves by many names, _cultores_ of this deity or that, -_collegia salutaria_, _collegia iuvenum_, etc., but their objects and -methods were practically the same. If the members had provided places -for the disposal of their bodies after death they now provided for the -necessary funeral expenses by paying into the common fund weekly a -small fixed sum, easily within the reach of the poorest of them. When -a member died a stated sum was drawn for his funeral from the -treasury, a committee saw that the rites were decently performed, and -at the proper seasons (section 438) the society made corporate -offerings to the dead. If the purpose of the society was the building -of a _columbarium_, the cost was first determined and the sum total -divided into what we should call shares (_sortes viriles_), each -member taking as many as he could afford and paying their value into -the treasury. Sometimes a benevolent person would contribute toward -the expense of the undertaking, and then such a person would be made -an honorary member of the society with the title of _patronus_ or -_patrona_. The erection of the building was intrusted to a number of -_curatores_, chosen by ballot, naturally the largest shareholders and -most influential men. They let the contracts and superintended the -construction, rendering account for all the money expended. The office -of the curators was considered very honorable, especially as their -names appeared on the inscription without the building, and they often -showed their appreciation of the honor done them by providing at their -own expense for the decoration of the interior, or by furnishing all -or a part of the _tituli_, _ollae_, etc., or by erecting on the -surrounding grounds places of shelter and dining-rooms for the use of -the members, like those mentioned in section 426. - -431. After the completion of the building the _curatores_ allotted the -niches to the individual members. The niches were either numbered -consecutively throughout or their position was fixed by the number of -the _ordo_ and _gradus_ (section 428) in which they were situated. -Because they were not all equally desirable, as has been explained, -the curators divided them into sections as fairly as possible and then -assigned the sections (_loci_) by lot to the shareholders. If a man -held several shares of stock he received a corresponding number of -_loci_, though they might be in widely different parts of the -building. The members were allowed freely to dispose of their holdings -by exchange, sale, or gift, and many of the larger stockholders -probably engaged in the enterprise for the sake of the profits to be -made in this way. After the division was made the owners had their -names cut upon the _tituli_, and might put up the columns to mark the -_aediculae_, set up statues, etc., if they pleased. Some of the -_tituli_ give besides the name of the owner the number and position of -his _loci_ or _ollae_. Sometimes they record the purchase of _ollae_, -giving the number bought and the name of the previous owner. Sometimes -the names on the _ollae_ do not correspond with that over the niche, -showing that the owner had sold a part only of his holdings, or that -the purchaser had not taken the trouble to replace the _titulus_. The -expenses of maintenance were probably paid from the weekly dues of the -members, as were the funeral benefits. - - L . ABVCIVS . HERMES . IN . HOC - ORDINE . AB . IMO . AD . SVMMVM - COLVMBARIA . IX . OLLAE . XVIII - SIBI . POSTERISQVE . SVIS[2] - -[Footnote 2: Titulus in Columbarium: "Lucius Abucius Hermes (has -acquired) in this row, running from the ground to the top, nine niches -with eighteen urns for (the ashes of) himself and his descendants."] - -432. Funeral Ceremonies.--The detailed accounts of funeral ceremonies -that have come down to us relate almost exclusively to those of -persons of high position, and the information gleaned from other -sources (section 12) is so scattered that there is great danger of -confusing usages of widely different times. It is quite certain, -however, that very young children were buried at all times simply and -quietly (_funus acerbum_), that no ceremonies at all attended the -burial of slaves (section 420) when conducted by their masters -(nothing is known of the forms used by the burial societies mentioned -above), and that citizens of the lowest class were laid to rest -without public parade (_funus plebeium_). It is also known that -burials took place by night except during the last century of the -Republic and the first two centuries of the Empire, and it is natural -to suppose that, even in the case of persons of high position, there -was ordinarily much less of pomp and parade than on occasions that the -Roman writers thought it worth while to describe. This has been found -true in the matter of wedding festivities (section 79). It will be -convenient to take in order the proceedings at the house, the funeral -procession, and the ceremonies at the place of burial. - -433. At the House.--When the Roman died at home surrounded by his -family, it was the duty of his oldest son to bend over the body and -call him by name, as if with the hope of recalling him to life. The -formal performance of the act (_conclamatio_) he announced immediately -with the words: _conclamatum est_. The eyes of the dead were then -closed, the body was washed with warm water and anointed, the limbs -were straightened, and if the deceased had held a curule office a wax -impression of his features was taken. The body was then dressed in the -toga (section 240) with all the insignia of rank that the dead had -been entitled to wear in life, and was placed upon the funeral couch -(_lectus funebris_) in the _atrium_ (section 198), with the feet to -the door, to lie in state until the time of the funeral. The couch was -surrounded with flowers, and incense was burned about it. Before the -door of the house were set branches of pine or cypress as a warning -that the house was polluted by death. The simple offices that have -been described were performed in humble life by the relatives and -servants, in other cases by professional undertakers (_libitinarii_), -who also embalmed the body and superintended all the rest of the -ceremonies. Reference is made occasionally to the kissing of the dying -person as he breathed his last, as if this last breath was to be -caught in the mouth of the living, and in very early and very late -times it was undoubtedly the custom to put a small coin between the -teeth of the dead with which to pay his passage across the Styx in -Charon's boat. Neither of these formalities seems to have obtained -generally in classical times. - -434. The Funeral Procession.--The funeral procession of the ordinary -citizen was simple enough. Notice was given to neighbors and friends, -and surrounded by them and by the family, carried on the shoulders of -the sons or other near relatives, with perhaps a band of musicians in -the lead, the body was borne to the tomb. The procession of one of the -mighty, on the other hand, was marshaled with all possible display and -ostentation. It occurred as soon after death as the necessary -preparations could be made, there being no fixed intervening time. -Notice was given by a public crier in the ancient words of style: -_Ollus Quiris leto datus. Exsequias, quibus est commodum, ire iam -tempus est. Ollus ex aedibus effertur._[3] Questions of order and -precedence were settled by one of the undertakers (_designator_). At -the head went a band of musicians, followed at least occasionally by -persons singing dirges in praise of the dead, and by bands of buffoons -and jesters, who made merry with the bystanders and imitated even the -dead himself. Then came the imposing part of the display. The wax -masks of the dead man's ancestors had been taken from their place in -the _alae_ (section 200) and assumed by actors in the dress -appropriate to the time and station of the worthies they represented. -It must have seemed as if the ancient dead had returned to earth to -guide their descendant to his place among them. Servius tells us that -six hundred _imagines_ were displayed at the funeral of the young -Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus. Then followed the memorials of the -great deeds of the deceased, if he had been a general, as in a -triumphal procession, and then the dead himself, carried with face -uncovered on a lofty couch. Then came the family, including freedmen -(especially those made free by the testament of their master) and -slaves, and then the friends, all in mourning garb (sections 246, -254), and all freely giving expression to the emotion that we try to -suppress on such occasions. Torch-bearers attended the train, even by -day, as a remembrance of the older custom of burial by night. - -[Footnote 3: "This citizen has been surrendered to death. For those -who find it convenient it is now time to attend the funeral. He is -being brought from his house."] - -435. The Funeral Oration.--The procession passed from the house -directly to the place of interment, unless the deceased was a person -of sufficient consequence to be honored by public authority with a -funeral oration (_laudatio_) in the forum. In this case the funeral -coach was placed before the _rostra_, the men in the masks took their -places on curule chairs (section 225) around it, the general crowd was -massed in a semicircle behind, and a son or other near relative -delivered the address. It recited the virtues and achievements of the -dead and recounted the history of the family to which he belonged. -Like such addresses in more recent times it contained much that was -false and more that was exaggerated. The honor of the _laudatio_ was -freely given in later times, especially to members of the imperial -family, including women. Under the Republic it was less common and -more highly prized, and so far as we know the only women so honored -belonged to the _gens Iulia_. It will be remembered that it was -Caesar's address on the occasion of the funeral of his aunt, the widow -of Marius, that pointed him out to the opponents of Sulla as a future -leader. When the address in the forum was not authorized, one was -sometimes given more privately at the grave or at the house. - -436. At the Tomb.--When the train reached the place of burial the -proceedings varied according to the time, but all provided for the -three things ceremonially necessary: the consecration of the -resting-place, the casting of earth upon the remains, and the -purification of all polluted by the death. In ancient times the body, -if buried, was lowered into the grave either upon the couch on which -it had been brought to the spot, or in a coffin of burnt clay or -stone. If the body was to be burned a shallow grave was dug and filled -with dry wood, upon which the couch and body were placed. The pile was -then fired and when wood and body had been consumed, earth was heaped -over the ashes into a mound (_tumulus_). Such a grave in which the -body was burned was called _bustum_, and was consecrated as a regular -_sepulcrum_ by the ceremonies mentioned below. In later times the -body, if not to be burned, was placed in a sarcophagus (Fig. 203) -already prepared in the tomb (section 425). If the remains were to be -burned they were taken to the _ustrina_ (section 426), which was not -regarded as a part of the _sepulcrum_, and placed upon the pile of -wood (_rogus_). Spices and perfumes were thrown upon it, together with -gifts (section 425) and tokens from the persons present. The pyre was -then lighted with a torch by a relative, who kept his face averted -during the act. After the fire had burned out the embers were -extinguished with water or wine and those present called a last -farewell to the dead. The water of purification was then thrice -sprinkled over those present, and all except the immediate family left -the place. The ashes were then collected in a cloth to be dried, and -the ceremonial bone (section 420), called _os resectum_, was buried. A -sacrifice of a pig was then made, by which the place of burial was -made sacred ground, and food (_silicernium_) was eaten together by the -mourners. They then returned to the house which was purified by an -offering to the _Lares_, and the funeral rites were over. - -437. After Ceremonies.--With the day of the burial or burning of the -remains began the Nine Days of Sorrow, solemnly observed by the -immediate family. Some time during this period, when the ashes had had -time to dry thoroughly, members of the family went privately to the -_ustrina_, removed them from the cloth, placed them in an _olla_ (Fig. -204) of earthenware, glass, alabaster, bronze, or other material, and -with bare feet and loosened girdles carried them into the _sepulcrum_ -(section 425). At the end of the nine days the _sacrificium -novendiale_ was offered to the dead and the _cena novendialis_ was -celebrated at the house. On this day, too, the heirs formally entered -upon their inheritance and the funeral games (section 344) were -originally given. The period of mourning, however, was not concluded -on the ninth day. For husband or wife, ascendants, and grown -descendants mourning was worn for ten months, the ancient year; for -other adult relatives, eight months; for children between the ages of -three and ten years, for as many months as they were years old. - -438. Memorial Festivals.--The memory of the dead was kept alive by -regularly recurring days of obligation of both public and private -character. To the former belong the _parentalia_, or _dies parentales_ -(section 75), lasting from the 13th to the 21st of February, the final -day being especially distinguished as the _feralia_. To the latter -belong the annual celebration of the birthday (or the burial-day) of -the person commemorated, and the festivals of violets and roses -(_violaria_, _rosaria_), about the end of March and May respectively, -when violets and roses were distributed among the relatives and laid -upon the graves or heaped over the urns. On all these occasions -offerings were made in the temples to the gods and at the tombs to the -_manes_ of the dead, and the lamps were lighted in the tombs (section -425), and at the tombs the relatives feasted together and offered food -to their dead (section 426). - -[Illustration: FIGURE 205. HADRIAN'S TOMB] - - - - -INDEX - -References are to Paragraphs. An asterisk denotes a cut. - - -A - -a manu, 391. - -abacus, reckoning board, 111*; - panels in wall decorations, 220; - sideboard, 227, 307*. - -ABBREVIATIONS in names, 41. - -ab epistolis, 391. - -abolla, cloak, 249*. - -ab ovo ad mala, 308. - -ACTORS, slave, men only, 324. - -ad (malam) crucem, 174. - -ADDITIONAL names, 51. - -ADDRESS of letters, 392. - -adfines, blood relations, 26. - -ADJUSTABLE tables, 227*. - -adoptio, see ADOPTION. - -ADOPTION, two kinds, 29; - of a filius familias, 30; - of a pater familias, 30; - name given adopted person, 52, 56. - -adrogatio, see ADOPTION. - -adversitores, 152. - -ADVERTISEMENTS of gladiators, 361*. - -aediculae, in columbaria, 429*. - -AFFECTION for nurses, 101; - for pedagogues, 123. - -agger viae, 387. - -agitatores, drivers of chariots, 341. See aurigae. - -agnati, related through males, 23. - -AGRICULTURE, honorable occupation, 404. - -alae, in house, 191; - later, 200. - -alieno iuri subiectus, 17. - -alveus, in bath, 369*. - -amictus, outer garments, 240*-249*. - -AMPHITHEATER, meaning of word, 351; - early at Rome, 352; - at Pompeii, 353*, 354*, 355*; - the coliseum, 356*, 357*, 358*. - -amphitheatrum, see AMPHITHEATER. - -amphorae, for wine, 297. - -amurca, bitter fluid of olives, 291. - -AMUSEMENTS, Chap. IX. See Table of Contents. - -andabatae, blindfold gladiators, 359. - -andron, formerly called fauces, 192 note. - -Andronicus, 113. - -anteambulones, outriders, 151. - -antecena, appetizer, 308. - -ANTIQUITIES, public and private distinguished, 2; - and history, 4; - private defined, 1; - in philology, 6, 7; - recent interest, 8. - -apodyterium, 366; - makeshift for, 367; - usually unheated, 368; - one heated, 378*; - in thermae, 376*, 377*. - -APPIAN WAY, as burial-place, 421; - construction, 385 f. - -APPRENTICESHIP in education, 117. - -arbiter bibendi, toast master, 313. - -arca, strong box, 188, 201, 230*. - -Archias, name explained, 60. - -area, ground for tomb, 426. - -arena, circus, 330*, 332; - amphitheater (Pompeii), 354*, (Rome), 357*. - -ARITHMETIC, in the schools, 111*. - -armaria, cabinets, 231. - -ARMY, as a career, (for nobles), 408, (for commons), 410. - -ARRANGEMENT of hair, 263; - of hair of bride, 78; - of couches in dining-room, 304*. - -ATHENS, university of Rome, 116. - -ATHLETIC sports and games, 316*, 317*, 318*. - -atriensis, butler, 149. - -atrium, in primitive house, 188; - meaning, 189; - the developed atrium, 196, 197, 198*; - burial-place of Head of House, 421. - -Atticus, 155, 300, 310, 399. - -auctorati, volunteer gladiators, 347. - -aulaea, portieres, 216. - -aurigae, chariot drivers, (Figs. 138, 142), 341*, 342. - - -B - -BAKERIES, 286*. - -BAKERS, as a guild, 286. - -BALL, played by children, 102*; - by men, 318*. - -balneae, meaning, 372. See BATHS. - -balneaticum, bath fee, 373. - -balneum, meaning, 372. See BATHS. - -BANKING, as profession, 412. - -BANQUETS, 315. - -BARBER shops, 253. - -BARRIERS, in circus, 330*, 333*. - -basterna, litter drawn by mules, 382. - -BATH, in early times, 365; - public and private, 365; - essentials for, 366; - rooms combined, 367; - heating, 368; - caldarium, 369; - frigidarium, 370; - unctorium, 370; - private bathhouse, 371*; - public baths, 372; - time opened, 374; - fees, 373; - for women, 375; - thermae, 376*, 377*. - -BATHHOUSE, in Caerwent, 371*; - in Pompeii, 376*; - in Rome, 377*. - -BATHROOMS, in residences, 203, 367, 371*. - -BEANS, considered heavy food, 275. - -BEARDS, fashions in, 254. - -BEEF, rarely used, 277. - -Benoist, his definition of Philology, 6. - -BETROTHALS, 70. - -BEVERAGES, 298. - -bibliotheca, 206, 402. - -BILLS of fare, 308, 309. - -BOOKS, ancient forms, 393; - materials, 394, 395; - making, 396; - finish of, 397; - size, 398; - publishing, 399, 400; - cost, 401; - libraries, 402. - -"BOOKS," divisions of literary work, 398. - -BOXES, in theater, 327; - in circus, 334; - in amphitheater, 353. - -BOY, named, 97; - home training, 104, 106; - athletics, 107; - education, see SCHOOL; - coming of age, 125; - given citizenship, 128. - -bracatae, wearing trousers, 239. - -BRAZIERS, 218*. - -BREAD, 286 f.; - making, 287; - kinds of, 288. - -"Bread and the Games of the Circus," 322. - -BREAKFAST, 302. - -BREAKING promise of marriage, 71. - -BRICKS, 212*. - -bulla, 99*. - -BURIAL-places and ceremonies, Chapter XII. See Table of Contents. - -BURIAL SOCIETIES, 430. - -BUSINESS rooms added to houses, 193; - interests at Rome, 413. - -BUTTER, not a food, 281. - - -C - -CABINETS, 231. - -calamus (scriptorius), 395. - -calceator, 150. - -calcei, 251*, 262; - senatorii, 251; - patricii, 251. - -caldarium, 366; - near furnace, 368; - furniture, 369; - other uses of, 369; - in plans, 371*, 376*, 378*. - -caligae, half-boots, 251. - -calx, in circus, 331*. - -camillus, 82*. - -campus Martius, 317. - -candelabra, 229. - -CANDIDATES' dress, 235, 246. - -candidati, 246. - -CANDLES, ill made, 229. - -CAP, of liberty, 175*, 252. - -CAPITALISTS, their field, 409, 413. - -capsa, 397*. - -capsarius, 370. - -Caracalla, hall in baths of, 365*. - -cara cognatio, feast of, 25. - -carceres, in circus, 330*, 333*. - -carnifex, term of abuse, 174. - -carpentum, traveling carriage, 383*. - -CARRIAGES, for travel, 383*. - -caruca, sleeping car, 383. - -casa Romuli, 214*. - -cathedra, easy chair, 226*. - -catillus, outer part of mill, 284*. - -Cato (234-149), treatment of slaves, 159; - opinion of cabbage, 275; - word for dinner, 312. - -causia, hat, 252*. - -cavea, in theater, 327; - in circus, 337; - in amphitheater (Pompeii), 353*, (Rome), 358*. - -cavum aedium, 196. - -CEILINGS, construction, 213. - -cellae, servorum, 207; - vinariae, 297*; - oleariae, 292*. - -cena, in early times, 301; - in the city, 303-311; - hours, 303; - importance in social life, 303; - bills of fare, 308, 309; - service, 310, 311; - libera, 362; - nuptialis, 85. - -cena, "dinner proper," 308. - -cenotaphium, empty tomb, 419. - -centenarius, winner of 100 races, 340. - -cepotaphium, tomb with grounds, 426. - -cera, for sealing letter, 392. - -cerasus, cherry, 274. - -CEREALS for food, 282. - -Cestius, tomb of, (420*), 427. - -CHAIRS, 225*, 226*. - -CHALKED FEET, 139. - -CHARIOT RACES, 330 f.; - number of chariots, 333; - racing syndicates, 339; - teams, 340; - drivers, 341. - -charta, paper, see papyrus. - -CHEESE, 281. - -CHESTS, 230*. - -CHILDHOOD, see CHILDREN; - end of, 125. - -CHILDLESSNESS, a reproach, 28. - -CHILDREN, rights of, see potestas; - property of, see peculium; - civil position of, 69, 94; - acknowledgment of, 95; - exposure of, 96; - maiming of, 96; - games, etc., 102, 103; - home training, 104; - punishment of, 120*, 124; - in the dining-room, 304; - burial of young children, 420. - -Chrysogonus and Roscius, 408. - -CHURCH, like Roman house, 191. - -Cicero (106-43), number of his slaves, 155; - names of his freedmen, 59; - goodness to slaves, 158; - his books, 399, 402; - income, 407. - -CINERARY urns, 189*, 428, 437. - -ciniflones, hairdressers, 150. - -CIRCUS at Rome, 328 f.; - plan, 330*; - arena, 332*; - carceres, 333*, 334*; - spina, metae, 335*, 336*; - seats, 337*; - capacity, 338; - races in, 339 f. - -circus Flaminius, 329. - -circus Maxentii, 329; - plan of, 330*; - arena, 332; - obelisk in, 336; - seating capacity, 338. - -circus Maximus, 328; - missus in, 332; - spina in, 336; - obelisk in 336*; - seats in, 337, 338*; - reconstruction, 338*. - -cisium, two-wheeled cart, 384*. - -CIVIL SERVICE, 414. - -clepsydra, water-clock, 232. - -clientela, clientage, 177. - -CLIENTS, Chap. V. See Table of Contents. - -CLIMATE of Italy, 272. - -CLOCKS, 232. - -CLOTHING, Chap. VII. See Table of Contents; - colors worn, 270; - manufacture of, 271; - cleaning, 271*. - -codicilli, set of writing tablets, 391*. - -coemptio, plebeian form of marriage, 63; - implying manus, 66; - ceremony of, 83. - -COFFINS, 425, 436. - -COGNATES, defined, 25; - importance among plebeians, 65; - degrees between, 25, 68. - -cognati, see COGNATES. - -cognatio, see COGNATES. - -cognomen, before nomen, 40; - marking family, 48; - age of, 49; - nickname, 49; - indication of lineage, 50; - ex virtute, 53; - differing in same family, 55; - as fourth element in name, 55. - -COLISEUM, date of, 352; - plan, 356*; - arena, 357*; - seats, 358*. - -collegia, funeraticia, iuvenum, salutaria, 430. - -COLONIES, 411. - -COLORS, of articles of dress, 270; - of racing syndicates, 339. - -columbaria, 428*-431*. - -COMIC OPERAS, 323. - -COMMERCE, 413. - -comissatio, drinking bout, 312*, 313. - -COMMON PEOPLE, employments of, 410 f. - -compluvium, 188, 191, 196, 198. - -compotatio, drinking bout, 312*. - -conclamatio, cry of farewell, 433. - -CONCRETE, extensive use, 146; - method of making, 211*; - in roads, 387. - -conductor, manager of baths, 373. - -confarreatio, 61; - religious aspect, 64; - implying manus, 66; - ceremony of, 81. - -CONFISCATION of property, 408. - -CONFUSION of names, 55. - -CONSENT necessary to marriage, 74. - -Constantius (Emperor 337-361 A.D.), 338. - -CONSTRUCTION of house, 210* f.; - mill, 284*; - roads, 387*. - -contubernia, unions of slaves, 138, 156. - -conventio in manum, 35; - cum conventione, 61; - sine conventione, 62. - -convivia, dinners, 312; - convivia tempestiva, 310. - -COOKS, hired in early times, 299. - -Cornelii, buried their dead, 420. - -coronae convivales, 313. - -CORRESPONDENCE, 391. - -COST, of baths, 373; - books, 401; - meals (inns), 388; - slaves, 140; - tables, 227; - wines, 298. - -COTTON goods, 269. - -COUCHES, sofas or beds, 224*; - dining, 304*. - -COVERINGS for the head, men, 252*; - women, 263. - -covinus, two-wheeled cart, 384. - -Crassus, in salvage business, 413. - -crater, mixing bowl, 314*. - -CREMATION, introduced at Rome, 420. - -crepundia, child's rattle, 98*. - -Crescens, famous driver, 342. - -CRIMSON or purple, 270. - -CRUCIFIXION of slaves, 173. - -cubicula, bedrooms, 205. - -cucullus, hood, 247, 248, 252. - -culina, kitchen, 203*. - -cumerus, 82*. - -cunei, in theater, 327; - circus, 337. - -curatores, of burial societies, 430. - -Curius and his dinner, 299. - -curriculum, lap in race, 331. - -CURTAIN in later theater, 327. - -CURULE chair, 225*. - -cyathus, ladle, 314*. - -CYPHER correspondence, 390. - -CYPRESS, as emblem of death, 433. - - -D - -DAIRY products, 281. - -DANCERS, 153. - -dator ludorum, giver of games, 334. - -DAY, a Roman's, 415. - -declamatio, public speaking, 115. - -DECORATION of houses, 220 f.; - walls, 220*; - doors, 221*; - floors, 221*; - of tombs, 425*, 428*, 430*. - -decuriae, of slaves, 133. - -defrutum, grape jelly, 296. - -delphica (mensa), 227*. - -designator, funeral director, 434. - -destrictarium, in baths, 367, 376*. - -desultores, circus riders, 343. - -DEVELOPMENT of the house, 188*. - -dextrarum iunctio, in marriage, 81*. - -DICE, gaming with, 321*. - -dies, lustricus, 97; - parentales, 75, 438; - religiosi, 75. - -dimachaeri, gladiators with two swords, 359. - -DINING-ROOM, 204, 304*. - -DINNER, in the city, 303-311; - early times, 301; - hour, 310; - bill of fare, 309; - order of courses, 308; - places of honor, 306. - -Diocletian (Emperor 284-305 A.D.) baths of, 378*. - -discus, throwing the, 316*. - -dispensator, steward, 149. - -diurna cubicula, 205. - -DIVORCE, 72, 93. - -DOG, as pet, 103; - in hallway, 195*. - -dolia, for oil, 292*; - for wine, 297. - -dominica potestas, 37. - -dominus gregis, head actor, 324. - -Domitian (Emperor 81-96 A.D.), 339. - -domus, 186; - see HOUSE. - -DOORS, construction, 215* f.; - names, 216. - -dormitoria, 205. - -dorsum, top course in road, 387. - -dos, dowry, 72. - -DOWRY, 72. - -DRAMATIC performances, 323 f. - -DRESS, Chap. VII. See Table of Contents. - -DRINKING bouts, 312*. - -DRIVERS, chariot races, 341*. - -ducenarius, horse of 200 victories, 340. - -DWARFS, kept for amusement, 153. - - -E - -"EARLY DINNERS," 310. - -EARLY FORMS, of marriage, 61; - of names, 38, 57, 58; - of table customs, 299; - of toga, 245; - of theater, 325; - of baths, 365; - of gladiatorial shows, 345. - -EARLY HOURS at Rome, 79, 415. - -EARS of slaves bored, 139. - -EDUCATION, Chap. IV. See Table of Contents. - -ELM TREE, for grapes, 295; - for switches, 167; - "essence of elm," 168. - -editor munerum, giver of gladiatorial show, 362. - -ELOCUTION in schools, 114. - -EMANCIPATION, of a son, 18; - of a slave, 175. - -endormis, bath robe, 249. - -ENGAGEMENTS, marriage, 71. - -EPIGRAPHIC sources, 10. - -epityrum, olive salad, 290. - -equites, career of, 409. - -ERRORS in manuscript books, 399. - -Esquiline Hill, as burial-place, 423. - -essedarii, chariot fighters, 359; - spelled assidarii, 362. - -ESSENTIALS for the bath, 366; - for burial, 436. - -EXAGGERATION in satire, 93. - -ex cathedra, official utterance, 226. - -exedrae, reception halls, 207. - -exponere, "expose," of children, 95. - -EXPOSURE of children, 32, 95; - slaves, 157. - -exta, of the sacrifices, 277. - -EXTINCTION of the potestas, 34; - of a family, 30. - See ADOPTION. - - -F - -f., abbreviation in names, 39, 57; - for fugitivus, 172. - -fabulae palliatae, 323. - -faces, torches kept in doorways, 229. - -factiones, racing syndicates, 339. - -familia, meanings, 17, 21; - =stirps, 22; - gladiatoria, 349; - rustica, 142, 145; - urbana, 149. - -FAMILY, Chap. I. See Table of Contents; - defined, 17; - splitting up of, 19; - cult, 27. - -FANS, 266*. - -far, early sort of grain, 282. - -FARMING of revenues, 409. - -FARM slaves, see familia rustica; - work, 148. - -fasciae, wrappings of cloth, 239. - -fascinatio, evil eye, 98, 99. - -fascis, a set of books, 397. - -FASTENINGS for doors, 216. - -FATHER, see pater familias; - as companion of his sons, 106. - -fauces, in a house, 192, note. - -FEES, in schools, 109, 119; - baths, 373. - -feliciter, in congratulations, 82. - -feminalia, wrappings for legs, 239. - -fenestrae, windows, 217*. - -feralia, 438. - -Fescinnini versus, 87. - -FESTIVALS, cara cognatio, 25; - feralia, 438; - matronalia, 91; - liberalia, 127; - rosaria, 438; - Saturnalia, 319; - vinalia rustica, 296; - violaria, 438. - -FESTIVITIES, wedding, 80, 85, 86, 89; - coming of age, 127. - -FIREMEN, slaves as, 141. - -FISH, as food, 280. - -fistuca, heavy rammer, 213. - -flabellum, fan, 266*. - -flagrum, scourge, 167*. - -flammeum, bridal veil, 77*. - -Flavium amphitheatrum, see COLISEUM. - -FLOORS, construction, 213. - -FLOWERS, at feasts, 313; - at tombs, 438. - -focalia, wrappings for throat, 239. - -foculi, heating stoves, 218*. - -folles, balls filled with air, 318*. - -FOOD, Chap. VIII. See Table of Contents. - -FORBIDDEN DEGREES of kinship, 25, 68. - -fores, double doors, 195, 216. - -FORKS, not used, 299. - -forum, place of early shows, 351. - -FOUNDLINGS, fate of, 96. - -FOWLS, domestic, 279. - -FREEDMAN, name, 59; - relation to patron, 175. - -frigidarium, 366; - other uses, 367; - position, 368; - furnishings, 370; - shown on plans, 371*, 376*, 377*. - -fritillus, dice box, 321. - -frontes, of papyrus rolls, 397. - -FRUITS, known to Romans, 274. - -frumentum, grain, 282, and note. - -fugitivi, 172. - -fullones, as cleaners, 271*. - -FUNERAL games, 344, 345; - ceremonies, Chap. XII. See Table of Contents. - -funus, acerbum, plebeium, 432. - -furca, as punishment, 169. - -FURNACE for houses, 218; - for baths, 368. - -FURNITURE, 222 f.; - modern lacking, 223; - couches, 224*; - chairs, 225*; - tables, 227*; - lamps, 228*; - chests and cabinets, 230*; - other articles, 232. - - -G - -Gaius, meaning, 44, 81; - as a nomen, 55, 81; - in the marriage ceremony, 81, 88. - -GAME, wild, for table, 279. - -GAMES, of children, 103, 320*; - public and private, see AMUSEMENTS. Chap. IX; - of ball for men, 318*; - of chance, 319*, 320*, 321*; - funeral, 344, 345. - -GARDEN, behind the peristyle, 202; - produce, 275, 276. - -GARLANDS worn by slaves, 134; - by bride and groom, 78; - by women, 264; - at feasts by men, 313. - -GEESE as pets, 103*. - -gens, theory of, 22; - marked by nomen, 38; - burial-places of, 422. - -gentiles, 22; - at the confarreate ceremony, 81*. - -"GENTLEMEN'S DINNERS," 310 f. - -GIRL, named, 97; - home training, 104, 105; - married at early age, 67, 105; - admitted to schools, 109. - -GLADIATORS, 344 f.; - in Etruria and Campania, 344; - first shows at Rome, 344; - in theory private shows, 345; - numbers exhibited, 346; - whence obtained, 347; - innocent and guilty, 348; - training, 349; - fashions and tactics, 359; - armor, 360; - the fight, 362; - rewards, 363; - bravos and bullies, 346. - -GLASS, for windows, 217; - balls for hands, 266. - -gradus, rows of seats, 337; - of urns, 428. - -GRAMMAR schools, 112. - -grammaticus, of a teacher, 112. - -GRAPES, 293; - where grown, 294; - how grown, 295; - jelly, 296. - -GREEK, place in schools, 112; - nurses, 101; - teachers, 115; - taught to children, 101, 116, 123. - -GROUNDS, about tombs, 426*. - -GUARDIANS, of women, 19, 70; - of children, 22. - -gustus, first course at dinner, 308. - - -H - -Hadrian (Emperor 117-138 A.D.), tomb, 427, 438*. - -HAIR, arrangement, men, 254; - women, 263; - of a bride, 78. - -HANDBALL, 318. - -HANDKERCHIEFS, 266. - -HARD LABOR, as punishment, 170. - -hasta, sign of auction, 134. - -HATS, 252. - -HEAD of the House, see pater familias. - -HEATING houses, 218; - baths, 368*, 369. - -HINGES of doors, 215*. - -HISTORY, and antiquities, 4; - not taught systematically in schools, 112. - -HOLIDAYS, numerous, 322; - school, 122; - avoided as wedding days, 75; - spent in country, 416. - -HOME training, 104. - -HONEY, used for sugar, 281. - -hoplomachi, later name for "Samnites," 360, 344*. - -Horace, (65-8 B.C.), his slaves, 133. - -HORSES, in chariot races, 339, 340; - in other shows, 343. - -Horti Maecenatis, 423. - -hospites, 183 f. - -hospitium, 184. - -HOURS, of the day, 417, 418; - for meals, 301; - for baths, 374; - all semi-public functions, 415. - -HOUSE, dwelling, Chap. VI. See Table of Contents; - =familia, see FAMILY; - Head of House, see pater familias; - house slaves, 149. - -HOUSE of Pansa, 208*; - of Sallust, court, 204*; - of the poet, ruins, 199*. - -HOUSEHOLD, translation of familia, 17. - -HUMAN sacrifices, 344. - -HUT, of Romulus, 214*; - early Romans, 189*. - -hymenaeus, marriage hymn, 86. - - -I - -ianitor, chained to post, 150, 195. - -iantaculum, breakfast, 302. - -ianua, distinguished from ostium, 216. - -ientaculum, breakfast, 302. - -imagines, kept in alae, 200; - in funeral processions, 434. - -imbrices, tiles for roof, 214*. - -imperium paternum, 31. - -impluvium, 188, 191, 196*. - -INCOME, sources of, Chap. XI. See Table of Contents. - -INDUSTRIAL employment of slaves, 143. - -indutus, clothing, 234. - -INK, INKSTANDS, etc., 395*. - -INNS, 388*. - -INSCRIPTIONS, importance of, 10; - of a fugitivus, 172; - of Crescens, 342; - gladiatorial show, 361; - of Hylas, 362; - milestone, 386; - in columbaria, 431; - of Plancus, 427, note, 420*. - -instita, flounce of stola, 260. - -INSURRECTIONS of slaves, 132. - -INTERMENT, see BURIAL. - -iudicium domesticum, 32. - --ius, original in nomen, 46; - in other names, 55. - -ius conubii, 64; - osculi, 25; - patrium, 31. - -iusti liberi, rightful children, 69. - - -J - -JACKSTONES, 103, 320*. - -JESTERS, 153. - -JEWELRY worn by men, 255; - women, 267. - -JOINING hands in marriage ceremony, 74. - -Juvenal (about 67-127 A.D.), on the toga, 244; - "bread and games," 322. - - -K - -KITCHEN, 203. - -KNIGHTS, income of, 409. - -KNIVES and forks, 299. - -KNUCKLE-BONES, 320*. - - -L - -l., abbreviation for libertus, 59. - -labrum, basin in bath, 369, 376, 377. - -lacerna, cloak, 247. - -laconicum, dry sweat bath, 367, 371*. - -laena, woolen cloak, 249. - -LAMPS, 228, 229*. - -LAND, travel by, 381. - -lanista, trainer of gladiators, 349. - -laqueatores, gladiators with lassos, 359. - -lares, compitales, gods of crossroads, 87; - of the house, 199. - -LATER theater, 326 f. - -lateres cocti, 212*; - crudi, 210. - -LATIN in schools, 113; - best spoken by women, 92. - -latrina, toilet room, 203*. - -laudatio funebris, funeral address, 435. - -LAW, practice of, 407. - -lectica, and bearers, 151*; - on journeys, 382. - -lectus, see COUCHES; - adversus, 199. - -LEGAL status of children, 94; - slaves, 156; - women, 35, 36, 90. - -lenones, 139. - -LETTERS, writing of, 391; - sending, 390; - speed, 389; - sealing and opening, 392; - the address, 392. - -libera cena, feast for gladiators, 362. - -Liberalia, 127. - -libertini, in business, 412 f. - -libertus, opposed to libertinus, 175; - relation to patron, 175. - -LIBERTY, cap of, 175*. - -libitinarii, undertakers, 433. - -LIBRARIES, 206, 402. - -librarii, copyists, 391, 399, 401. - -limen, threshold, 195, 215; - superum, 215. - -LIMITATIONS of patria poteatas, 32, 33; - of manus, 36; - of dominica potestas, 156, 157. - -LINEN goods, 269. - -linum, 392. - -LITERARY sources, 9. - -litterae, see LETTERS; - eodem exemplo, 390. - -Livia, columbarium of, 428*. - -LOAVES of bread, 288*. - -locus, consularis, 306; - in columbarium, 431. - -lorarius, executioner, 174. - -lucerna, lamp, 228*, 229*. - -ludi, circenses, 328 f.; - scenici, 323 f.; - gladiatorii (schools), 349*, 350. - -ludus, see SCHOOLS; - ludus Troiae, 343. - -LUNCHEON, 302. - -lunula, ornament, 98; - for shoe, 251. - - -M - -M. and M', in names, 41. - -m., for missus, of pardoned gladiator, 361. - -Maecenas, gardens of, 423. - -maeniana, sections of seats, 337, 358. - -maenianum, projecting second story, 233*. - -magister bibendi, master of revels, 313. - -maiestas patria, 31. - -malum, Armeniacum, granatum, Persicum, Punicum, 274. - -mamillare, 257*. - -mangones, 135. - -MANHOOD, when reached, 126. - -MANUFACTURE of clothing, 271. - -MANUMISSION of slaves, 175. - -manus, defined, 35; - limited, 36; - unpopular, 65, 66; - when necessary, 66. - -Marcellus, theater of, 327*. - -MARRIAGE, Chap. III. See Table Of Contents; - by capture, 78, 86, 88; - hymn, 86; - cry, 87; - torch, 86, 89; - religious duty, 28. - -Martial (43-101 A.D.) and the toga, 244; - and cost of books, 401. - -MASTER, heir of his slaves, 164. - -MATERIALS for clothing, 269. - -MATCHED PAIRS of slaves, 140. - -matrimonium, motherhood, 64; - iniustum, 69. - -matrimus, with a living mother, 82. - -matronalia, 91. - -MEALS, Chap. VIII. See Table of Contents. - -MEANINGS of names, 44. - -MEAT, early food of Italians, 273; - various kinds, 277. - -MEMORIAL festivals, 438. - -mensa, table in general, 227; - dining, 307. - -mensa prima, first course, 308. - -mensa secunda, dessert, 308, 309, 311. - -MENU, of dinner, 309. - -merenda, irregular meal, 302. - -meridiatio, noonday rest, 302. - -meta, of a grain mill, 284*. - -metae, in a circus, 331*, 335. - -MILESTONES, 386*. - -MILL, for grain, 284*; - for olives, 292*; - as a punishment, 148, 171. - -missus, seven laps in a race, 331; - "spared," of a gladiator, 361. - -MIXING BOWLS, 314*; - three thousand of Pompeius, 326; - mixing wine, 314. - -mola, mill, 284*, 285*. - -monopodium, table with one support, 227*. - -MONUMENTAL sources, 11. - -"Morituri te salutant," 362. - -MOSAICS, 221. - -MOTHER, as nurse, 100; - as teacher, 104, 105. - -MOURNING, signs of, 246, 253; - periods of, 437. - -mulleus, patrician shoe, 251. - -mulsa, water and honey, 298. - -mulsum, wine and honey, 298. - -munera, opposed to ludi, 345; - gladiatoria, Chap. IX. See Table of Contents. - -munire viam, of road building, 387. - -murmillones, class of gladiators, 360. - -mustaceum, wedding cake, 85. - -mustum, new wine, 296. - -MUTUAL obligations, of patron and freedman, 175; - patrician patron and client, 179; - later patron and client, 182; - of hospites, 185. - - -N - -NAME, Chap. II. See Table of Contents. - See also praenomen, nomen, cognomen. - -narratio, narration, taught in schools, 115. - -NATURALIZED citizens, names of, 60. - -naumachiae, naval battles, 364. - -NETS, for the hair, 264. - -NEW clients, 181. - -NEWSPAPER, substitute for, 413. - -NICKNAMES, 54; - See also cognomen. - -NIGHT for burial, 432. - -NOBLES, debarred from business careers, 404; - funerals of, 433 f. - -nodus Herculaneus, 77. - -nomen, before and after cognomen, 40; - endings of, 46; - sign of gens, 21, 47; - two or more in one name, 55; - used as praenomen, 55. - -nomenclator, 151, 415. - -nominalia, 97. - -novendiale, 437. - -nubere, meaning, 77. - -nucleus, in roads, 387. - -NUMERALS as praenomina, 44; - as names of women, 57. - -nuptiae iustae, 67; - iniustae, 69. - -NURSERY stories, 100. - -NURSES, 100; - Greek preferred, 101. - -NUTS, in wedding festivities, 87; - for marbles, 103; - grown in Italy, 274. - - -O - -OBELISKS in the circuses, 336*. - -OCCUPATIONS of slaves, 143. - -oeci, rooms in house, 207. - -OLD and new clients, 176 f. - -oleum olivum, olive oil, 291. - -OLIVE, uses, 289 f.; - preserved, 290; - oil, uses, 291; - manufacture, 292. - -ollae, urns for ashes of dead, 428, 429, 430*, 431, 437. - -ollus quiris leto datus, 434. - -ONION, unrefined, 275. - -oppidum, in circus, 330*. - -opus, caementicium, 210, 211*; - incertum, 212*; - quadratum, 210*; - reticulatum, 212*. - -Orange, theater at, 327*. - -ORANGE, not grown in Italy, 274. - -ordo, in columbarium, 428, 431; - scribarum, 414. - -ornamenta, theatrical properties, 324. - -ornator, valet, 150. - -ornatrix, ladies' maid, 150, 265. - -os resectum, bone for burial, 436. - -ostium, door, 195. - -ova, in the circus, 336. - -OVEN, for bread, 287*. - - -P - -p., for periit, of gladiators, 361. - -paedagogus, 123*. - -paenula, cloak, 248*. - -palaestra, exercise ground, 367, 376*. - -palla, woman's robe, 261. - -paludamentum, general's cloak, 247. - -palus, with primus or secundus, 363. - -papyrus, manufacture, 394; - rolls, 396. - -PARASOL, 266*. - -parentalia, festival of, 438. - -paries, house wall, 210. - -pater and derivatives, 26. - -pater familias, defined, 17; - powers, see potestas; - adopted into another family, 30. - -patria potestas, see potestas. - -patricii, sons of fathers, 64. - -patrimonium profundere, 33. - -patrimus, with a living father, 82. - -patronus, derivation of word, 26; - and libertus, 175; - patrician and client, 179; - and client of later times, 182. - -PAUPERS, burial of, 423. - -PAVEMENT, construction, 387. - -pavimentum, floor, 213. - -PAY of teachers, 121; - of chariot drivers, 342; - of soldiers, 410. - -peculium, defined, 33; - of slaves, 162. - -pecunia, meaning, 273. - -pedisequi, lackeys, 123, 150. - -PENS, 395. - -peregrinus, foreigner, 69. - -PERFUMES at feasts, 313. - -PERISTYLE, 192, 202*; - perhaps a kitchen garden originally, 197. - -pero, shoe of untanned leather, 251. - -Persius (34-62 A.D.) as a schoolboy, 124. - -pessuli, bolts for doors, 216. - -petasus, hat, 252*. - -petoritum, baggage wagon, 383. - -PETS for children, 103. - -PHILOLOGY, defined, 6. - -PHYSICIANS, income and attainments, 412. - -pietas, affection, 73. - -pilentum, state carriage, 383. - -pilleus, cap of liberty, 175*, 252. - -piscina, plunge bath, 367, 370, 376*, 377*. - -pistores, millers and bakers, 283. - -PLACES, of honor at dinner, 305*; - in the theater, 326; - in the circus, 337; - in the amphitheater (Pompeii), 355, (Rome), 358; - where gladiators were shown, 356; - of burial, 421. - -PLAN, of theater after Vitruvius, 327; - circus of Maxentius, 330; - of gladiatorial school at Pompeii, 349; - of houses, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193; - of house of Pansa, 208; - of baths, 371, 376, 378; - of inn, 388; - of tombs and grounds, 425, 426. - -Plancus, tomb of, 420*, 427. - -Plautus (died 184 B.C.) on puls, 283. - -PLAYTHINGS for children, 102*. - -PLEBEIANS, marriages of, 62; - importance of cognates, 65; - gain right of marriage, 64; - old plebeians, 177; - new, 178. - -plebs, see PLEBEIANS. - -Pliny, the elder (died 79 A.D.), 352. - -pocula, goblets, 314*. - -podium, in circus, 337; - in amphitheater, 357; - in tombs, 425. - -POLITICS, as a career, 406. - -Pollio, Vedius, cruelty of, 158. - -POLYGAMY unknown at Rome, 61. - -pompa circensis, parade in circus, 343. - -Pompeii, importance of discoveries at, 11, 12; - house plans, 187 f.; - business rooms in private house, 194; - small house at, 197*; - house of poet, 199*; - of Pansa, 208*; - smaller theater at, 327*; - ludi gladiatorii, 350*; - amphitheater, 353*; - thermae, 376*; - street of tombs, 421*; - tomb with marble door, 427*. - -pondera, stepping-stones, 233*. - -pontifex maximus, in marriage ceremony, 82. - -POOR, burial of, 428. - -por, for puer in names, 58. - -PORK, favorite meat, 278. - -PORRIDGE, 283, 286, 299. - -porta triumphalis in circus, 330; - pompae, 330; - Libitinensis, 354. - -POSITION of women, 90. - -POSTAL service, 389. - -posticum, garden door, 216. - -potestas, patria, 31; - limitations, 32, 73; - extinguished, 34; - suspension of, 34; - dominica, 37. - -POTTER's FIELD at Rome, 423. - -praecinctio, in theater, 327; - in circus, 337; - in coliseum, 358. - -praenomen, first name, 41; - number, 41; - abbreviations, 41, 45; - limited in certain families, 42; - given to firstborn son, 43; - meanings of, 44; - two in one name, 55. - -prandium, luncheon, 302. - -PRICES, of baths, 373; - books, 401; - houses, 221, note; - meals, 388; - slaves, 140; - tables, 227; - wines, 298. - -PRIMITIVE house, 188. - -primus palus, title of honor, 363. - -PRIVATE, antiquities, 2; - slaves, 142 f.; - bathhouse at Caerwent, 371*; - games, 322; - rooms in house, 203. - -PROCESSION, bridal, 86; - in circus, 343; - in the amphitheater, 362. - -procurator, steward, 149. - -PROFESSIONS in hands of freedmen and foreigners, 412; - even of slaves, 143. - -PROLETARIATE, 411. - -prolusio, sham fight, 362. - -promulsis, appetizer, 308. - -pronuba, matron of honor, 81. - -PROVINCES, corruption in, 406, 409. - -PUBLIC, antiquities, 2; - baths, 372 f., 376*, 377*; - fountains, 233*; - games, 322; - opinion, in case of children, 32, 33; - in case of slaves, 156. - -"PUBLICANS and sinners," 409. - -PUBLICATION of books, 400. - -puer, for servus, 58; - written por, 58. - -pugillares, writing tablets in sets, 391*. - -puls, ancient national diet, 283. - -pultiphagonidae, 299. - -PUNISHMENTS of schoolboys, 120*, 124; - of slaves, 166 f. - -pup(us), of unnamed child, 55. - -PURPLE or crimson, 270. - -puticuli, gravepits, 423. - - -Q - -quadrans, regular bath charge, 373. - -quadrigae, in races, 340. - - -R - -RACEHORSES, 339 f. - -RACES in circus, 339 f.; - teams, 340; - drivers, 341; - syndicates, 339. - -RACING syndicates, 339. - -RAPE of the Sabines, 86, 87. - -READING, how taught, 110. - -reda, carriage, 384. - -REFERENCE books, 13. - -RELATIONSHIPS, agnati, 23; - cognati, 25; - adfines, 26. - -renuntiare, break an engagement to marry, 71. - -repotia, 85, 89. - -repudium renuntiare, see renuntiare. - -retiarii, gladiators with nets, 359, 360*. - -reticula, nets for the hair, 264. - -REWARDS of aurigae, 341; - of gladiators, 363. - -rex bibendi, lord of the feast, 313. - -RICE in modern wedding festivities, 87. - -RINGS, engagement, 71; - men's, 255; - women's, 267; - worn on joint, 256. - -ROADS, 385*-387*. - -Romulus, legislation of, 32, 95; - wall of, 210*; - hut of, 214*. - -ROOF, of peristyle, 202*; - construction of, 214*. - -rosaria, feast of roses, 438. - -rudes, fencing swords, 349; - with prima or secunda, 363. - -rudus, in roads, 387*. - -RUNAWAY slaves, 161, 172*. - - -S - -sacra gentilicia, 22. - -sacrarium, private chapel, 207*. - -SADDLES, not used by Romans, 381. - -sagina gladiatoria, training food, 349. - -sagum, military cloak, 247. - -SALADS, 276. - -SALES of captives, 134; - of slaves, 139. - -SALTCELLAR of silver, 299; - always on table, 307. - -salutatio, morning levee, 182. - -"Samnites," name for gladiators, 359, 360*; - later called secutores or hoplomachi, 360. - -SANDALS, see SLIPPERS. - -sarcophagus 436*, 428. - -SAVINGS of slaves, 162-164. - -SCALES, in marriage ceremony, 83. - -scapus, fixed quantity of paper, 394, 398. - -schedae, sheets of paper, 395. - -SCHOOLS, Chap. IV. See Table of Contents. - -SCHOOLS for gladiators, 349*. - -scribae, in civil service, 414; - as copyists, see librarii. - -scrinium, case for books, 397*. - -SEALS, 255*, 392. - -SEATS, in theater, of classes, 326; - arrangement, 327; - in circus, 337; - in amphitheater (Pompeii), 355, (Rome), 358. - -secunda mensa, 308, 309, 311. - -secutores, later name for "Samnites," 360. - -SEDAN CHAIRS, in travel, 382. - -sella curulis, 225*. - -semitae, sidewalks, 387. - -sepulcrum, 425, 436. - -serae, bars, 216. - -Servius and Sergius, derivation, 41. - -Servius, grammarian (4th cent. A.D.), 434. - -SEVENTEEN, time of coming of age, 126. - -SHIPS, travel by, 380. - -SHOES, 251*, 262*. - -SHOWS of gladiators. See munera. - -SHUTTERS for windows, 217. - -SIDEWALKS, 233. - -SIGNS of mercy in amphitheater, 362. - -silicernium, funeral feast, 436. - -SILK goods, 269. - -sine missione, "to the death," 362. - -SIZE of books, 398. - -SLAVEHUNTERS, 161. - -SLAVERY and clientage, 180. - -SLAVES, Chap. V. See Table of Contents. - -SLEEPING rooms, 205. - -SLIPPERS, 250*, 262*. - -SMOKE to ripen wine, 297. - -solarium, place to take the sun, 207, 426; - sun-dial, 232. - -SOLDIERS, career, 410. - -soleae, 250*, 262*; - soleas poscere, "to take leave," 250. - -solium, chair, 226*; - basin in bath, 369. - -solum, floor, 213. - -sordidati, in mourning garb, 246. - -sortes virilis, a shareholder's part, 430. - -SOURCES of philological knowledge, literary, 9; - epigraphic, 10; - monumental, 11. - -Sp., abbreviation for Spurius, 41. - -sp., abbreviation for spectavit populus, 363. - -Spartacus, 132, 172. - -spatium, lap in circus, 331. - -SPEED, in travel, 389; - in writing, 401. - -spina in circus, 331*, 336*. - -spina alba, of wedding torch, 86. - -SPINNING wheel, 199. - -SPLITTING up of a house, 19. - -spondeo, technical word in contract, 71. - -sponsa, of a girl betrothed, 71. - -sponsalia, ceremony of betrothal, 70. - -SPORT, Roman idea of, 316. - -SPORTS of the campus, 317; - of children, 102, 103. - -sportula, the clients' dole, 182. - -STAGE, early, 325; - later, 326 f.; - of Vitruvius, 327*. - -STAGING a play, 324. - -statumen in roads, 387. - -STEPPING-STONES in streets, 233*. - -stilus, for writing, 391. - -stola, 259, 260*; - matronalis, 91. - -STOOLS, 225*. - -STOVE, for cooking, 203*; - for heating, 218*. - -STREET, appearance, 233*; - construction, 387; - closed to vehicles, 382; - of tombs at Pompeii, 421*. - -strigiles, flesh scrapers, 367*, 370. - -strophium, girdle, 258. - -STUCCO, as finish for exterior wall, 212. - -STYLE of living, 299; - of bathing, 367. - -Styx, passage of, 433. - -suasoria, debates in schools, 115. - -sub hasta venire, auction sale, 134. - -SUBJECTS taught in schools, Chap. IV. - -subligaculum, loin cloth, 235, 257. - -subucula, under-tunic, 237. - -sudaria, handkerchiefs, 266. - -Suetonius (about 75-160), 390. - -SUICIDE of captives and slaves, 140*, 161. - -sui iuris, independent, 17. - -Sulla and Sura, derivation, 55. - -SUPPLY of gladiators, 347; - of slaves, 134; - of horses for racing, 339. - -Sura, derivation, 55. - -susceptio, acknowledgment of children, 95. - -SUSPENSION of potestas, 34. - -suspensura, elevated floor of bath room, 368*. - -SWEAT bath, dry, 367; - moist, 369. - -synthesis, dinner dress, 249. - - -T - -tabellae, for writing, 110*, 391*. - -tabellarii, letter carriers, 389. - -TABLE knives and forks unknown, 299. - -TABLES, cost, kinds, materials, 227*. - -tablinum, in early house, 190; - in later house, 201; - meaning of word, 201. - -Tacitus (about 55-117) on the toga, 133. - -Talassio, marriage cry, 87. - -tali, knuckle-bones, 320*. - -TEACHERS, 121. - -tecta, roofs, 214. - -tegulae, tiles, 214*. - -tepidarium, purpose, 366; - other uses, 367; - position, 368; - unusual size, 371*; - several in one bath, 376*; - in the large thermae, 377; - with cold bath, 370. - -tessera gladiatoria, 363*; - hospitalis, 185. - -THEATER, early, 325; - later, 326; - of Vitruvius, 327*; - at Pompeii, 327*; - at Orange, 327*; - of Pompeius, 326. - -thermae, meaning, 372; - plan of small, 376*; - of large, 378*. - -THIRD FINGER for engagement ring, 71. - -"Thracians," gladiators, 360*, 361. - -"THUMBS down," signal for death, 362. - -Tiberius (Emperor, 14-37 A.D.), 274. - -tibialia, wrappings for the legs, 239. - -TILES, for roofs, etc., 214*. - -tirocinium fori, 117; - militiae, 118. - -tirones, of untrained gladiators, 118. - -titulus, description of slave, 139; - in columbaria, 429, 431*. - -TOAST-MASTER, 313. - -TOASTS, 314. - -TOGA, material and use, 240; - appearance, 241*; - in literature, 242*; - on the monuments, 243*; - cumbrous and uncomfortable, 244; - earlier toga, 245*; - kinds of, 246; - see also the Latin word below. - -toga, see the English word above; - candida, 246; - libera, 127; - picta, 246; - pulla, 246; - pura, 246; - praetexta, 76, 125, 246; - splendens, 246; - virilis, 125. - -TOILET articles, 265*. - -tollere, acknowledge a child, 44, 95. - -TOMBS, 422 f. - -tonsor, barber and barber-shop, 254. - -TORCHES, at funerals, 434; - weddings, 86, 89. - -"To the lions," 364. - -TOWN-SLAVES, 159. - -trabea, cloak for men, 247. - -TRADES, 412. - -TRAINERS of gladiators, 349, 363. - -TRAVEL, Chap. X. See Table of Contents. - -TRAVELING cloak, 248. - -TREADING grapes for wine, 296*. - -TREATMENT of slaves, 158. - -triclinium, dining-room, 204, 304*; - in court, 204*. - -trigon, three handed ball, 318. - -TRIPLE name, 38; - expanded, 39; - shortened, 40. - -Tullus, meaning, 44. - -TUNIC, 236*. - -tunica, 236*; - angusti clavi, 238; - lati clavi, 238; - exterior (men's), 237; - (women's), 259*; - interior, 237, 258; - manicata, 237; - talaris, 239; - recta, 76; - regilla, 76. - -Tuscanicum atrium, 196. - -tutor, guardian, 19, 70. - -TWELVE TABLES (450 B.C.), in the schools, 111; - mention both burial and burning of dead, 420. - -tyrotarichus, a dish of cheese and salt fish, 280. - - -U - -umbella, parasol, 266*. - -umbilicus, of a papyrus roll, 397. - -umbones, of a road, 387. - -umbraculum, parasol, 266*. - -umbrae, unexpected guests, 304. - -unctorium, use, 366; - makeshift for, 367. - -UNLUCKY days, 75. - -URNS, for ashes of dead, see ollae. - -ustrina, place for private cremation, 426. - -usus, of marriage, definition, 62; - ceremony of, 84. - - -V - -v., for vicit, of gladiators, 361. - -vappa, term of reproach, 297, note. - -Varro (116-28 B.C.), 253. - -VEGETABLES grown by Romans, 275. - -VEGETARIANS, early Romans, 299. - -VEHICLES, used for travel, 382 f. - -vela, portieres, 216; - awnings, 358, 361. - -venationes, hunts in circus and amphitheater, 343, 364. - -ventralia, wrappings for the body, 239. - -Venus, the high throw, 320. - -vernae, slaves born in the house, 138; - of Atticus, 155. - -Verres, as a nomen, 46; - the governor of Sicily, 406. - -vesperna, evening meal in country, 302. - -Vestales, special seats in theater, 327; - in amphitheater, 357; - allowed carriages in the city, 382. - -vestibulum, space before the door, 194. - -via Appia, 385*, 387*. - -vicarius, a slave's slave, 164. - -vilicus, overseer, 145, 148; - cheats slaves, 160. - -VILLAS of the rich, 145, 379, 416. - -vinalia rustica, festival, 296. - -VINEGAR, 281, 297, note. - -VINEYARD, 295. - -vinum, fermented wine, 297. - -violaria, feast of violets, 438. - -VITICULTURE, 293, 294. - -Vitruvius, architect of the first century, 187, 327, 366, 387. - -volumen, papyrus roll, 396. See BOOKS. - -VULTURE, the lowest throw, 320. - - -W - -WALL, of house, 210 f.; - facing for, 212*; - around arena, 354*, 357*. - -WATER, supply for houses, 219; - for baths, 368; - traveling by, 380. - -WAX masks, of the dead, 433. - -WEDDING, see MARRIAGE; - day, 75; - feast, 85; - garments, 76; - torch, 86, 89; - procession, 86. - -Whitney (1827-1894), definition of Philology, 6. - -WINDOWS, 217*. - -WINE, in Italy, 293; - districts, 294; - making, 296*; - vaults, 297*; - jars, 297 (Fig. 116); - drunk diluted, 298; - cost, 298. - -WOMEN, names of, 57; - position of, 90; - education of, 92; - dress of, 257 f.; - at table, 302, 304*; - at amphitheater, 353, 358; - at baths, 375. - -WOOL for clothing, 269. - -WORDS of style in contracts, 70; - at funerals, 434. - -WRITING, how taught, 110; - of books, 398. - - -Z - -zona, girdle, 260*. - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Private Life of the Romans, by -Harold Whetstone Johnston - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PRIVATE LIFE OF THE ROMANS *** - -***** This file should be named 40549.txt or 40549.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/0/5/4/40549/ - -Produced by Ron Swanson - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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