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diff --git a/40537-8.txt b/40537-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c50fe25..0000000 --- a/40537-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,12568 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of Chivalry, by G. P. R. James - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The History of Chivalry - -Author: G. P. R. James - -Release Date: August 19, 2012 [EBook #40537] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF CHIVALRY *** - - - - -Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive.) - - - - - - - - - - THE HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. - - - BY G. P. R. JAMES, ESQ., - AUTHOR OF "DE L'ORME," "DARNLEY," "RICHELIEU," ETC. - - - NEW YORK: - HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, - 82 CLIFF STREET. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -In writing the pages which follow this Preface, I have had to encounter -the difficulty of compressing very extensive matter into an extremely -limited space. As the subject was, in my eyes, a very interesting one, and -every particular connected with it had often been food for thought and -object of entertainment to myself, the task of curtailing was the more -ungrateful: nor should I have undertaken it, had I not been convinced by -my publisher that one volume would be as much as the public in general -would be inclined to read. I wished to write upon Chivalry and the -Crusades, because I fancied that in the hypotheses of many other authors I -had discovered various errors and misstatements, which gave a false -impression of both the institution and the enterprise; and I have -endeavoured, in putting forth my own view of the subject, to advance no -one point, however minute, which cannot be justified by indisputable -authority. A favourite theory is too often, in historical writing like the -bed of the ancient Greek; and facts are either stretched or lopped away to -agree with it: but to ensure as much accuracy as possible, I have taken -pains to mark in the margin of the pages the different writers on whose -assertions my own statements are founded, with a corresponding figure, by -which each particular may be referred to its authority. - -In regard to these authors themselves, it seems necessary here to give -some information, that those persons who are inclined to inquire beyond -the mere surface may know what credit is to be attached to each. - -On the first crusade we have a whole host of contemporary writers, many of -whom were present at the events they describe. Besides these are several -others, who, though they wrote at an after-period, took infinite pains to -render their account as correct as possible. The authors I have -principally cited for all the earlier facts of the Holy War are, William -of Tyre, Albert of Aix, Fulcher of Chartres, Raimond of Agiles, Guibert of -Nogent, Radulph of Caën, and Robert, surnamed the Monk. - -William of Tyre is, beyond all doubt, the most illustrious of the many -historians who have written on the crusades. Born in Palestine, and though -both educated for the church and raised step by step to its highest -dignities, yet mingling continually in the political changes of the Holy -Land--the preceptor of one of its kings--frequently employed in embassies -to Europe, and ultimately Archbishop of Tyre and Chancellor of the kingdom -of Jerusalem, William possessed the most extensive means of gathering -materials for the great work he has left to posterity. He brought to his -task, also, a powerful mind, as well as considerable discrimination; and -was infinitely superior in education and every intellectual quality to the -general chroniclers of his age. He was not born, however, at the time of -the first crusade; and consequently, where he speaks of the events of -that enterprise, we may look upon him as an historian, clear, talented, -elegant, and not extremely credulous; but we must not expect to find the -vivid identity of contemporaneous writing. In regard to the history of his -own days he is invaluable, and in respect to that of the times which -preceded them, his work is certainly superior, as a whole, to any thing -that has since been written on the subject. - -A much more vivid and enthusiastic picture of the first crusade is to be -found in Albert of Aix, from whom William of Tyre borrowed many of his -details; but the Syrian Archbishop, living long after, saw the events he -recounted as a whole, rejected much as false that Albert embraced as true, -and softened the zealous fire which the passions and feelings of the -moment had lighted up in the bosom of the other. Albert himself was not -one of the crusaders; but living at the time, and conversing continually -with those who returned from the Holy Land, he caught, to an extraordinary -extent, the spirit of the enterprise, and has left behind him a brilliant -transcript of all the passed-by dreams and long-extinguished enthusiasms -of his day. - -Thus, as a painting of manners and customs, the _Chronicon -Hierosolymitanum_ is one of the most valuable records we possess, and the -account there given of Peter the Hermit and _Gautier sans avoir_ is in -many points more full and comprehensive than any other. - -Fulcher of Chartres set out for the Holy Land with Stephen, Count of -Blois, one of the first crusaders. He soon after became chaplain to -Baldwin, the brother of Godfrey de Bouillon, and ended his days a canon of -the Holy Sepulchre. His relation is useful in many respects, especially in -regard to the march of the crusaders through Italy--the proceedings of -Baldwin at Edessa, and the history of Jerusalem for several years after -its conquest. His style, however, is tumid and circumlocutory, and his -credulity equal to that of Raimond d'Agiles. - -Raimond d'Agiles accompanied the Count of Toulouse on the first crusade, -in quality of chaplain. Superstitious to the most lamentable degree, and -as bigoted in party politics as in religion, he wrote as he lived, like a -weak and ignorant man. Nevertheless there is, in his account, much -excellent information, detailed with simplicity; and very often, through -the folly of the historian, we arrive at truths which his prejudices -concealed from himself. - -Guibert of Nogent did not visit the Holy Land; but he lived during the -first crusade, and, in common with all Europe, felt deeply interested in -the fate of that expedition. He examined and noted with accuracy all the -anecdotes which reached Europe, and painted, with great vivacity, scenes -that he had not himself witnessed. In his account of the crusade many -circumstances, evincing strongly the spirit of the age, are to be met with -which do not appear elsewhere; and, as we have every reason to feel sure -of his general accuracy, it is but fair to suppose that these are well -founded. - -Radulph, or Raoul, of Caën, is inflated in style, and often inexact; but -he is perhaps less superstitious than any other chronicler of the -crusades. By poetical exaggeration, he often renders his narrative -doubtful; yet, as the biographer of Tancred, he tends to elucidate much -that would otherwise have remained in darkness. Robert, called the Monk, -was present at the council of Clermont, at which the first crusade was -determined; and, though he did not immediately take the Cross, he set out -for the Holy Land not long after, and was present at the siege of -Jerusalem. He is, in general, accurate and precise; and, though not a -little credulous in regard to visions, apparitions, and such imaginations -of the day, he is on the whole more calm, clear, and exact than any other -contemporary author. - -Besides these writers, I have had occasion to cite several others of less -authority. Of these, Baldric bears the highest character; and, -notwithstanding the fact of his not having been present at the crusade, he -is in general accurate. Tudebodus is both brief and imperfect. Matthew of -Edessa deserves little or no credit; and the part of the Alexiad which -refers to the first crusade is far more likely to mislead than to assist. -The most important part, of the whole work, as it is published at present, -consists in the notes of Ducange. William of Malmsbury is more useful, but -still his account is merely a repetition of what we find in other sources. -For all the affairs of Normandy, I have consulted Orderic, Vital, and -William of Jumieges. - -The history of William of Tyre was afterward continued by several writers, -the chief of whom is an author taking the title of Bernard the Treasurer. -A Latin version of his book was published by Muratori: Martenne, however, -has since printed a work from an old French manuscript, the identity of -which with the account of Bernard the Treasurer has been proved by Mansi. -This work is one of the most interesting extant; for although it wants -entirely either the power or the grace of William of Tyre's composition, -and is full of errors, in respect to every thing beyond the immediate -limits of the Holy Land, yet there is a simple and interesting -minuteness--an individuality of tone through the whole, where it relates -to the affairs of Syria, which could not have been given but by an -eyewitness. Even the old French in which it is written, slightly different -from the exact language of France at the same period, gives it a peculiar -character, and stamps it as the work of a Syrian Frank. Another -continuation of William of Tyre is extant, by a Suabian of the name of -Herold. This, however, is a much later composition, and possesses few of -the qualities of the other. The Cardinal de Vitry also wrote an -abbreviated history of the Crusades, bringing it down to his own time A. -D. 1220. His work is principally to be consulted for the account it gives -of the events which passed under the author's own eyes, while Bishop of -Acre, and for a great many curious particulars concerning the manners and -customs of the Saracens, which are to be found in no other work. The -second book of the Cardinal de Vitry's History has been omitted, I cannot -conceive why, in the Gesta Dei per Francos. It is, nevertheless, -infinitely valuable, as showing the horrible state of the Christians of -Palestine, and displaying those vices and weaknesses which eventually -brought about the ruin of the Latin kingdom. - -The authorities for the second crusade are lamentably few, and by their -very paucity show what a change had come over the spirit of the age in the -short space of fifty years. The only eyewitnesses who have written on the -subject, as far as I can discover, are Odo, a priest of Deuil, or -Diagolum, in the neighbourhood of Paris, and Otho, Bishop of Freysinghen. -The first of these authors followed Louis VII. to the Holy Land as his -chaplain, and his account is, more properly speaking, an epistle to the -famous Suger, Abbot of St. Denis, than a chronicle. - -Otho of Freysinghen was nearly related to the emperor Conrad, whom he -accompanied on his unfortunate expedition. Both these authors, therefore, -had the best means of obtaining information; and in the writings of each -there is an air of truth and sincerity, which does much towards -conviction. I have had occasion in speaking of this crusade to cite -casually a number of authors, of whom it is not necessary to give any very -detailed account. Their works are to be found in the admirable collections -of Dom Bouquet, Duchesne, Martenne, or Muratori. - -Wherever I have been obliged to quote from any of the Arabian writers, I -am indebted to the extracts of Monsieur Reinaud. - -In regard to the crusade of Richard Coeur de Lion and Philip Augustus; for -the history of the first, I have borrowed from Benedict of Peterborough, -from Hovedon, and especially from Vinesauf, whose work is inestimable. -These, with the other English authorities I have cited, are too well known -to need comment. Having some time ago written a romance, not yet -published, on the history of Philip Augustus, I had previously studied -almost all the old chroniclers who speak of that monarch. The most -important treatise on his reign is the work of Rigord, who was at once -monk, physician, and historiographer at the court of Philip. William the -Breton, one of the king's chaplains, continued his history in prose, from -the period where Rigord abandoned the task. He also wrote a bombastic poem -on the reign of his patron, which, however exaggerated and absurd, is -useful as an historical document, and a painting of the manners and -customs of the time. On the taking of Constantinople by the French, I have -found no want of authorities. Villehardouin, one of the principal actors -in the scenes he describes, has been my chief source of information. I -have also met with much in Nicetas, who was present; and I have confirmed -the evidence of other writers, by the chronicle in the Rouchy dialect, -published by Monsieur Buchon, and by the metrical chronicle of Philippe -Mouskes in the same collection. I need hardly say that the works of -Ducange have proved invaluable in every part of my inquiry, and that his -history of Constantinople under its French monarchs both gave me facts and -led me to authorities. - -Joinville is the principal writer on the crusade of St. Louis. He was an -eyewitness, a sufferer, and a principal actor in the scenes he describes. -Of all old chroniclers, with the exception, perhaps, of Froissart, -Joinville offers the most original, simple, and delightful painting of -times and manners long gone by. With the notes of Ducange, his work is an -erudite repertory for antique manners and usages, and may be read and -reread with gratification, and studied deeply with advantage. - -The folio edition in my own library comprises the Observations, and -Dissertations of Ducange, and the Commentaries of Claud Menard; together -with the Establishments of St. Louis, and a curious treatise upon the -ancient law of France, by Pierre de Fontaines. All these works afford a -great insight into the spirit of that day; and many other particulars are -to be found in the _Branche aux royaux Lignages_, and in the Sermon of -Robert de Sainceriaux. Besides the authors I have here particularized, I -have had occasion to cite casually a great number of others, whose names, -with some account of the works of each, may be found in the _Manuel_ of -Brunet. Vertot also has furnished us with much information concerning the -Knights of St. John; and Dupuy, Raynouard, &c. have spoken largely of the -Templars. I cannot close the enumeration of authors to whom I am under -obligations for information or instruction without mentioning M. Guizot, -one of the most clearsighted and unprejudiced of all modern historians. -His views of causes I have often adopted, sometimes with very slight -modifications, and sometimes with none; and, in all instances to which his -writings extend, I have been indebted to him for light to conduct me -through the dark sanctuary of past events, to the shrine of Truth, even -where he has not unveiled the deity herself. I can only regret that his -essays did not embrace more of the very comprehensive subject on which I -was called to treat. - -Several motives have impelled me to give this long account of my -authorities; one of which motives was, that often, in reading works on -history, I have myself wished that the sources from which facts were -derived had been laid open to my examination; but still, my principal view -in the detail was, to show the ground on which I had fixed opinions -directly opposed to those of several other authors. In many cases, the -aspect under which I have seen the events of the Crusades has been -entirely different from that under which Mills has regarded them, and I -felt myself called upon not to attack any position of a clever writer and -a learned man, without justifying myself as completely as possible. - -In regard to my own work I shall say nothing, but that I have spared -neither labour nor research to make it as correct as if it had appeared -under a much more imposing form. In space, I have been confined; and in -time, I have been hurried: but I have endeavoured to remedy the one -inconvenience, by cutting off all superfluous matter; and to guard against -evil consequences from the other, by redoubling my own exertions. Whether -I have succeeded or not the world must judge; and if it does judge with -the same generous lenity which it has extended to my other productions, I -shall have every reason to be both satisfied and grateful. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - Page - - CHAPTER I. - - A Definition, with Remarks and Evidence--An Inquiry into the - Origin of Chivalry--Various Opinions on the Subject--Reasons - for doubting the great Antiquity of Chivalry, properly so - called--The State of Society which preceded it, and of that - which gave it Birth--Its Origin and early Progress. 17 - - - CHAPTER II. - - Of Chivalrous Customs--Education--Grades--Services on the - Reception of a Knight--On Tournaments--Jousts--Combats at - Outrance--Passages of Arms--The Round Table--Privileges of - Knighthood--Duties of Knighthood. 31 - - - CHAPTER III. - - The Progress of Chivalry in Europe--Exploits--That some great - Enterprise was necessary to give Chivalry an extensive and - permanent Effect--That Enterprise presented itself in the - Crusades--Pilgrimage to Jerusalem--Haroun Al Raschid-- - Charlemagne--Cruelties of the Turks--Pilgrimages continued-- - Peter the Hermit--Council of Clermont. 53 - - - CHAPTER IV. - - The Effects of the Council of Clermont--State of France-- - Motives of the People for embracing the Crusade--Benefits - produced--The Enthusiasm general--Rapid Progress--The first - Bodies of Crusaders begin their March--Gautier sans avoir-- - His Army--Their Disasters--Reach Constantinople--Peter the - Hermit sets out with an immense Multitude--Storms Semlin-- - Defeated at Nissa--His Host dispersed--The Remains - collected--Joins Gautier--Excesses of the Multitude--The - Italians and Germans separate from the French--The Germans - exterminated--The French cut to pieces--Conduct of Alexius. 73 - - - CHAPTER V. - - The Chivalry of Europe takes the Field--The Leaders--Godfrey - of Bouillon--Conducts his Army towards Constantinople--Hugh - the Great--Leads his Army through Italy--Embarks for - Durazzo--Taken Prisoner--Liberated--Robert, Duke of - Normandy--Winters in Italy--Arrives at Constantinople-- - Robert, Count of Flanders--Joins the rest--Boemond of - Tarentum--Tancred--Their March--Defeat the Greeks--Boemond - does Homage--Tancred avoids it--The Count of Toulouse - arrives--Refuses to do Homage--Robert of Normandy does - Homage. 89 - - - CHAPTER VI. - - Germ of After-misfortunes already springing up in the - Crusade--Siege of Nice--First Engagement with the Turks-- - Siege continued--The Lake occupied--Surrender of Nice to the - Emissaries of Alexius--Discontent--March towards Antioch--The - Army divides into two Bodies--Battle of Doryloeum--Dreadful - March through Phrygia--Adventures of Baldwin and Tancred-- - Arrival at Antioch--The City invested 109 - - - CHAPTER VII. - - The Host of the Crusade invests Antioch--Description of that - City--Difficulties and Errors of the Crusaders-- - Improvidence--Famine--Spies--Desertions--Embassy from the - Calif of Egypt--Succours from the Genoese and Pisans-- - Battle--Feats of the Christian Knights--Boemond keeps up a - Communication within the Town--The Town betrayed to the - Christians--Massacres--Arrival of an Army from Persia--The - Christians besieged in Antioch--Famine--Desertions--Visions-- - Renewed Enthusiasm--Diminished Forces of the Christians-- - Battle of Antioch--The Crusaders victorious--Spoils--Disputes - with the Count of Toulouse--The Chiefs determine to repose at - Antioch--Ambassadors sent to Alexius--Fate of their Embassy 136 - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - Pestilence in Antioch--Death of the Bishop of Puy--The Chiefs - separate--Siege of Marrah--Cannibalism--Disputes between the - Count of Toulouse and Boemond--The Count marches towards - Jerusalem--Siege of Archas--Godfrey of Bouillon marches-- - Siege of Ghibel--Treachery of Raimond--Fraud of the Holy - Lance investigated--Ordeal of Fire--Decisive Conduct of the - Crusaders towards the Deputies of Alexius, and the Calif of - Egypt--Conduct of the Crusaders towards the Emir of Tripoli-- - First Sight of Jerusalem--Siege and Taking of the City-- - Fanatical Massacres 162 - - - CHAPTER IX. - - Election of a King--Godfrey of Bouillon--Sketch of the - History of Jerusalem--Death of the chief Crusaders--New - Bodies of Crusaders set out from Europe--Their Destruction in - Asia Minor--Armed Pilgrimages--The Northern Armaments--The - Venetians--The Genoese and Pisans--Anecdotes of the - Crusaders--Battle of the Children at Antioch--The Thafurs-- - Baldwin's Humanity well repaid--Superstitions--Arms of the - Crusaders--Of the Turks--Hospitallers--Templars 175 - - - CHAPTER X. - - Consequences of the Loss of Edessa--The State of France - unfavourable to a new Crusade--View of the Progress of - Society--Causes and Character of the Second Crusade--St. - Bernard--The Emperor of Germany takes the Cross, and sets - out--Louis VII. follows--Conduct of the Germans in Greece-- - Their Destruction in Cappadocia--Treachery of Manuel - Comnenus--Louis VII. arrives at Constantinople--Passes into - Asia--Defeats the Turks on the Meander--His Army cut to - pieces--Proceeds by Sea to Antioch--Fate of his remaining - Troops--Intrigues at Antioch--Louis goes on to Jerusalem-- - Siege of Damascus--Disgraceful Failure--Conrad returns to - Europe--Conduct of Suger, Abbot of St. Denis--Termination of - the Second Crusade 198 - - - CHAPTER XI. - - Progress of Society--The Rise of Poetry in modern Europe-- - Troubadours--Trouveres--Various Poetical Compositions--Effect - of Poetry upon Chivalry--Effect of the Crusades on Society-- - State of Palestine after the Second Crusade--Cession of - Edessa to the Emperor Manuel Comnenus--Edessa completely - subjected by the Turks--Ascalon taken by the Christians-- - State of Egypt under the last Califs of the Fatimite Race-- - The Latins and the Atabecks both design the Conquest of - Egypt--Struggles for that Country--Rise of Saladin--Disputes - among the Latins concerning the Succession of the Crown--Guy - of Lusignan crowned--Saladin invades Palestine--Battle of - Tiberias--Fall of Jerusalem--Conquest of all Palestine--Some - Inquiry into the Causes of the Latin Overthrow 219 - - - CHAPTER XII. - - The News of the Fate of Palestine reaches Europe--The - Archbishop of Tyre comes to seek for Aid--Assistance granted - by William the Good, of Sicily--Death of Urban, from Grief at - the Loss of Jerusalem--Gregory VIII. promotes a Crusade-- - Expedition of Frederic, Emperor of Germany--His Successes-- - His Death--State of Europe--Crusade promoted by the - Troubadours--Philip Augustus and Henry II. take the Cross-- - Laws enacted--Saladin's Tenth--War renewed--Death of Henry - II.--Accession of Richard Coeur de Lion--The Crusade-- - Philip's March--Richard's March--Affairs of Sicily--Quarrels - between the Monarchs--Philip goes to Acre--Richard subdues - Cyprus--Arrives at Acre--Siege and Taking of Acre--Fresh - Disputes--Philip Augustus returns to Europe--Richard marches - on--Battle of Azotus--Heroism of Richard--Unsteady Councils-- - The Enterprise abandoned 237 - - - CHAPTER XIII. - - Death of Saladin--Disunion among his Successors--Celestine - III. preaches a new Crusade--Henry of Germany takes the - Cross--Abandons his Purpose--Crusaders proceed without him-- - Saif Eddin takes the Field, and captures Jaffa--The Crusaders - are reinforced--Defeat Saif Eddin--Lay Siege to Thoron-- - Seized with Panic, and retreat--Disperse--Death of Henry of - Champagne, King of Jerusalem--His Widow marries Almeric, King - of Cyprus--Truce--Death of Almeric; and Isabella Mary, - Heiress of Jerusalem, wedded to John of Brienne--Affairs of - Europe--Innocent III. and Foulque, of Neuilly, promote a - Crusade--The Barons of France take the Cross--Proceed to - Venice--Their Difficulties--Turn to the Siege of Zara--A - Change of Purpose--Proceed to Constantinople--Siege and - Taking of that City--Subsequent Proceedings--A Revolution in - Constantinople, Alexius deposed by Murzuphlis--Second Siege - and Capture of the Greek Capital--Flight of Murzuphlis-- - Plunder and Outrage--Baldwin, Count of Flanders, elected - Emperor 264 - - - CHAPTER XIV. - - Divisions among the Moslems--Among the Christians--Crusade of - Children--Innocent III. declares he will lead a new Crusade - to Syria--The King of Hungary takes the Cross--Arrives in - Syria--Successes of the Pilgrims--Abandon the Siege of Mount - Thabor--The King of Hungary returns to Europe--The Duke of - Austria continues the War--Siege of Damietta--Reinforcements - arrive under a Legate--Famine in Damietta--The Moslems offer - to yield Palestine--The Legate's Pride--He refuses--Taking of - Damietta--The Army advances towards Cairo--Overflowing of the - Nile--The Army ruined--The Legate sues for Peace--Generous - Conduct of the Sultaun--Marriage of the Heiress of Jerusalem - with Frederic, Emperor of Germany--His Disputes with the - Pope--His Treaties with the Saracens--He recovers Jerusalem-- - He quits the Holy Land--Disputes in Palestine--The Templars - defeated and slaughtered--Gregory IX.--Crusade of the King of - Navarre ineffectual--Crusade of Richard, Earl of Cornwall-- - Jerusalem recovered--The Corasmins--Their Barbarity--They - take Jerusalem--Defeat the Christians with terrible - Slaughter--Are exterminated by the Syrians--Crusade of St. - Louis--His Character--Arrives in the Holy Land--Takes - Damietta--Battle of Massoura--Pestilence in the Army--The - King taken--Ransomed--Returns to Europe--Second Crusade of - St. Louis--Takes Carthage--His Death--Crusade of Prince - Edward--He defeats the Saracens--Wounded by an Assassin-- - Returns to Europe--Successes of the Turks--Last Siege and - Fall of Acre--Palestine lost 286 - - - CHAPTER XV. - - Fate of the Orders of the Temple and St. John--The Templars - abandon all Hopes of recovering Jerusalem--Mingle in European - Politics--Offend Philip the Fair--Are persecuted--Charges - against them--The Order destroyed--The Knights of St. John - pursue the Purpose of defending Christendom--Settle in - Rhodes--Siege of Rhodes--Gallant Defence--The Island taken-- - The Knights remove to Malta--Siege of Malta--La Valette-- - Defence of St. Elmo--Gallantry of the Garrison--The whole - Turkish Army attempt to storm the Castle--The Attack - repelled--Arrival of Succour--The Siege raised--Conclusion 312 - - NOTES 331 - - - - -HISTORY OF CHIVALRY AND THE CRUSADES - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -_A Definition, with Remarks and Evidence--An Inquiry into the Origin of -Chivalry--Various Opinions on the Subject--Reasons for doubting the great -Antiquity of Chivalry properly so called--The State of Society which -preceded it, and of that which gave it Birth--Its Origin and early -Progress._ - - -The first principles of whatever subject we may attempt to trace in -history are ever obscure, but few are so entirely buried in darkness as -the origin of Chivalry. This seems the more extraordinary, as we find the -institution itself suddenly accompanied by regular and established forms, -to which we can assign no precise date, and which appear to have been -generally acknowledged before they were reduced to any written code. - -Although definitions are dangerous things--inasmuch as the ambiguity of -language rarely permits of perfect accuracy, except in matters of abstract -science--it is better, as far as possible, on all subjects of discussion, -to venture some clear and decided position, that the subsequent reasoning -may be fixed upon a distinct and unchanging basis. - -If the position itself be wrong, it may be the more speedily proved so -from the very circumstance of standing forth singly, uninvolved in a -labyrinth of other matter; and if it be right, the arguments that follow -may always be more easily traced, and afford greater satisfaction by -being deduced from a principle already determined. These considerations -lead me to offer a definition of Chivalry, together with some remarks -calculated to guard that definition from the consequences of -misapprehension on the part of others, or of obscurity on my own. - -When I speak of Chivalry I mean a military institution, prompted by -enthusiastic benevolence, sanctioned by religion, and combined with -religious ceremonies, the purpose of which was to protect the weak from -the oppression of the powerful, and to defend the right cause against the -wrong. - -Its military character requires no proof; but various mistaken opinions, -which I shall notice hereafter, render it necessary to establish the fact, -that religious ceremonies of some kind were always combined with the -institutions of Chivalry. - -All those written laws and regulations affecting knighthood,[1] which were -composed subsequent to its having taken an acknowledged form, prescribed, -in the strictest manner, various points of religious ceremonial, which the -aspirant to Chivalry was required to perform before he could be admitted -into that high order. - -What preceded the regular recognition of Chivalry as an institution is -entirely traditional; yet in all the old romances, fabliaux, sirventes, -ballads, &c. not one instance is to be found in which a squire becomes a -knight, without some reference to his religious faith. If he be dubbed in -the battle-field, he swears to defend the right, and maintain all the -statutes of the noble order of Chivalry, upon the _cross_ of his sword; he -calls _heaven_ to witness his vow, and the _saints_ to help him in its -execution. Even in one of the most absurd fables[2] of the chivalrous -ages, wherein we find Saladin himself receiving the order of Chivalry -from the hands of the Count de Tabarie, that nobleman causes the infidel -sultan to be shaved, and to bathe as a symbol of baptism, and then to rest -himself upon a perfumed bed, as a type of the repose and joy of Paradise. -These tales are all fictitious, it is true; and few of them date earlier -than the end of the twelfth century: but at the same time, as they -universally ascribe religious ceremonies to the order of knighthood, we -have every reason to suppose that such ceremonies formed a fundamental -part of the institution. - -Before proceeding to inquire into the origin of Chivalry, I must be -permitted to make one more observation in regard to my definition; namely, -that there was a great and individual character in that order, which no -definition can fully convey. I mean the Spirit of Chivalry; for, indeed, -it was more a spirit than an institution; and the outward forms with which -it soon became invested, were only, in truth, the signs by which it was -conventionally agreed that those persons who had proved in their initiate -they possessed the spirit, should be distinguished from the other classes -of society. The ceremonial was merely the public declaration, that he on -whom the order was conferred was worthy to exercise the powers with which -it invested him; but still, _the spirit was the Chivalry_. - -In seeking the source of this order through the dark mazes of the history -of modern Europe, it appears to me that many writers have mistaken the -track; and, by looking for the mere external signs, have been led into -ages infinitely prior to the spirit of Chivalry. - -Some have supposed that the institution descended to more modern times, -from the equestrian order of the ancient Romans; but the absence of all -but mere nominal resemblance between the two, has long placed this theory -in the dusty catalogue of historical dreams. - -Others again have imagined that the Franks, and the rest of the German -nations, who, on the fall of the Roman empire, subdued and divided Gaul, -brought with them the seeds of Chivalry, which spontaneously grew up into -that extraordinary plant which has flourished but once in the annals of -the world. This opinion they support by citing the customs of the German -tribes[3] who, not only at particular periods invested their youth with -the shield and the javelin, but also (especially towards the period of the -conquest of Gaul) chose from the bravest of the tribe a number of -warriors, to be the companions and guards of the chief. These were termed -_Leudes_, and we find them often mentioned under the whole of the first -race of French kings. They served on horseback, while the greater part of -each German nation fought on foot only; and they were bound to the chief -by an oath of fidelity.[4] The reception of an aspirant into the body of -_Leudes_ was also marked with various ceremonies; but in this, if we -examine correctly, we find neither the spirit nor the forms of Chivalry. -The oath of the Frank was one of service to his prince; that of the -knight, to his God and to society: the one promised to defend his leader; -the other to protect the oppressed, and to uphold the right. The _Leudes_ -were in fact the nobility of the German tribes, though that nobility was -not hereditary; but they were in no respect similar to the knights of an -after-age, except in the circumstance of fighting on horseback. - -A third opinion supposes the origin of Chivalry to be found among the -ancient warlike tribes of Northmen, or Normans, who, towards the ninth -century, invaded in large bodies the southern parts of Europe, and -established themselves principally in France; and certainly, both in their -traditions, and even in their actions, as recorded by Abbon, an -eyewitness to their deeds in the siege of Paris, there is to be found an -energetic and romantic spirit, not unlike that which animated Chivalry at -the rudest period of its existence. Still, there is much wanting. The -great object of Chivalry, the defence of the weak, was absent, as well as -every form and ceremony. The object of the Northman's courage was plunder; -and all that he had in common with the knight was valour, contempt of -death, and a touch of savage generosity, that threw but a feint light over -his dark and stormy barbarities. - -Many persons again have attributed the foundation of all the chivalrous -institutions of Europe to the bright and magnificent reign of Charlemagne; -and as this opinion has met with much support, among even the learned, it -is worth while more particularly to inquire upon what basis it is raised. -Of the reign of Charlemagne we have not so many authentic accounts as we -have romances, founded upon the fame of that illustrious monarch. Towards -the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, when Chivalry was in its -imaginative youth, a thousand tales of wild adventure were produced, in -which Charlemagne and his warriors were represented with all the qualities -and attributes of those knights, whose virtues and courage had by that -time wrought deeply on the heart and fancy of the people. We should be as -much justified, however, in believing that Virgil was a celebrated -necromancer, or that Hercules was a _Preux Chevalier_--characters which -have been assigned to them by the very same class of fables--as in giving -any credit to the distorted representations that those romances afford of -the days of Charlemagne. - -In regard to the tales of King Arthur, I am perfectly inclined to use the -energetic words of Menestrier, who, in speaking of the famous knights of -the round table, says, without hesitation, "All that they tell of King -Arthur and that fictitious Chivalry of which they represent him as the -author, is nothing but a lie;"[5] for, though beyond all doubt the -romances of Chivalry afford a great insight into the manners of the times -wherein they were written, they are, nevertheless, quite worthless as -authority concerning the ages which they pretend to display, and which had -preceded their composition by nearly three centuries. - -After rejecting the evidences of such tales, we find nothing in the -authentic records of Charlemagne which gives the slightest reason to -suppose that Chivalry was known, even in its most infant state, during his -reign. Though his great system of warfare had that in common with Chivalry -which all warfare must have--feats of daring courage, heroic valour, -bursts of feeling and magnanimity, and as much of the sublime as mighty -ambition, guided by mighty genius, and elevated by a noble object can -achieve--yet the government of Charlemagne was, in fact, any thing but a -chivalrous government. Too powerful a hand held the reins of state for -Chivalry either to have been necessary or permitted; and in reading the -annals of Eginhard, his life of Charlemagne, or the account, given by the -monk of St. Gall, we find a completely different character from that which -is visible in every page of the history of the knightly ages. We find, -indeed, that Charlemagne, according to the immemorial custom of his -German[6] ancestors, solemnly invested his son Lewis with the arms of a -man. A thousand years before, in the forests of the North, his -predecessors had done the same: and Charlemagne, one of whose great -objects ever was, to preserve both the habits and the language of the -original country[7] free from amalgamation with those of the conquered -nations, not only set the example of publicly receiving his son into the -ranks of manhood and warfare, but strictly enjoined that the same should -be done by his various governors in the provinces. But this custom of the -Franks, as I have before attempted to show, had no earthly relation to -knighthood. Were nothing else a proof that Chivalry was perfectly unknown -in the days of Charlemagne, it would be sufficient that the famous -capitularies of that monarch, which regulate every thing that can fall -under the eye of the law, even to the details of private life, make no -mention whatever of an institution which afterward exercised so great an -influence on the fate of Europe. Nor can we trace in the annals of the -surrounding countries, a mark of Chivalry having been known at that period -to any other nation more than to the Franks. Alfred, it is true, invested -Athelstan with a purple garment and a sword; but the Saxons were from -Germany as well as the Franks, and no reason exists for supposing that -this ceremony was in any degree connected with the institutions of -Chivalry. There have been persons, indeed, who supposed that Pharaoh -conferred knighthood upon Joseph, when he bestowed upon him the ring and -the golden chain, and probably the Egyptian king had fully as much -knowledge of the institution of Chivalry as either Charlemagne or Alfred. - -Of the annals that follow the period of Charlemagne, those of Nithard, -Hincmar, and Thegan, together with those called the Annals of St. Bertinus -and of Metz, are the most worthy of credit; and in these, though we often -meet with the word _miles_, which was afterward the name bestowed upon a -knight, it is used simply in the signification of a soldier, or one of the -military race.[8] No mention whatever is made of any thing that can fairly -be looked upon as chivalrous, either in feeling or institution. All is a -series of dark conflicts and bloodthirsty contentions, among which the -sprouts of the feudal system, yet young and unformed, are seen springing -up from seeds sown long before. In the picture of those times, a double -darkness seemed to cover the earth, which, a chaos of unruly passions, -showed no one general institution for the benefit of mankind except the -Christian religion: and that, overwhelmed by foul superstitions and -guarded chiefly by barbarous, ignorant, selfish, and disorderly priests, -lay like a treasure hidden by a miser, and watched by men that had not -soul to use it. This was no age of knighthood. - -Up to this period, then, I fully believe that Chivalry did not exist; and -having attempted to show upon some better ground than mere assertion, that -the theories which assign to it an earlier origin are wrong, I will now -give my own view of its rise, which possibly may be as erroneous as the -rest. - -Charlemagne expired like a meteor that, having broken suddenly upon the -night of ages, and blazed brilliantly over a whole world for a brief -space, fell and left all in darkness, even deeper than before. His -dominions divided into petty kingdoms--his successors waging long and -inveterate wars against each other--the nations he had subdued shaking off -the yoke--the enemies he had conquered avenging themselves upon his -descendants--the laws he had established forgotten or annulled--the union -he had cemented scattered to the wind--in a lamentably brief space of -time, the bright order which his great mind had established throughout -Europe was dissolved. Each individual, who, either by corporeal strength, -advantageous position, wealth, or habit, could influence the minds of -others, snatched at that portion of the divided empire which lay nearest -to his means, and claimed that power as a gift which had only been -intrusted as a loan. The custom of holding lands by military service had -come down to the French from their German ancestors, and the dukes, the -marquises, the counts, as well as a whole herd of inferior officers, who -in former days had led the armies, or commanded in the provinces as -servants of the crown, now arrogated to themselves hereditary rights in -the charges to which they had been intrusted; and, in their own behalf, -claimed the feudal service of those soldiers to whom lands had been -granted, instead of preserving their allegiance for their sovereigns. The -weak monarchs, who still retained the name of kings, engaged in ruinous -wars with each other and in vain attempts to repel the invasions of the -Northmen or Normans, first tolerated these encroachments, because they had -at the time no power of resisting, and then gradually recognised them as -rights, upon the condition that those who committed them should assist the -sovereign in his wars, and acknowledge his title in preference to that of -any of his competitors. - -Thus gradually rose the feudal system from the wrecks of Charlemagne's -great empire. But still all was unstable and unconfirmed; the limits of -the different powers in the state undecided and variable, till the war of -Paris, the incompetence of the successors of Charlemagne, and the -elevation of Hugues Capet, the Count of Paris, to the throne, showed the -barons the power they had acquired, and crowned the feudal compact by the -creation of a king whose title was found in it alone. - -Great confusion, however, existed still. The authority of the sovereign -extended but a few leagues round the city of Paris; the Normans ravaged -the coast; the powerful and the wicked had no restraint imposed upon their -actions, and the weak were every where oppressed and wronged. Bands of -plunderers raged through the whole of France and Germany, property was -held by the sword, cruelty and injustice reigned alone, and the whole -history of that age offers a complete medley of massacre, bloodshed, -torture, crime, and misery. - -Personal courage, however, had been raised to the highest pitch by the -very absence of every thing like security. Valour was a necessity and a -habit, and Eudes and his companions, who defended Paris against the -Normans, would have come down as demigods to the present day, if they had -but possessed a Homer to sing their deeds. The very Normans themselves, -with their wild enthusiasm and supernatural daring, their poetical -traditions, and magnificent superstitions, seemed to bring a new and -extraordinary light into the very lands they desolated. The plains teemed -with murder, and the rivers flowed with blood; but the world was weary of -barbarity, and a reacting spirit of order was born from the very bosom of -confusion. - -It was then that some poor nobles, probably suffering themselves from the -oppression of more powerful lords, but at the same time touched with -sincere compassion for the wretchedness they saw around them, first -leagued together with the holy purpose of redressing wrongs and defending -the weak.[9] They gave their hands to one another in pledge that they -would not turn back from the work, and called upon St. George to bless -their righteous cause. The church readily yielded its sanction to an -institution so noble, aided it with prayers, and sanctified it with a -solemn blessing. Religious enthusiasm became added to noble indignation -and charitable zeal; and the spirit of Chivalry, like the flame struck -forth from the hard steel and the dull flint, was kindled into sudden -light by the savage cruelty of the nobles, and the heavy barbarity of the -people. - -The spirit spread rapidly, and the adoration of the populace, who almost -deified their heroic defenders, gave both fresh vigour and purity to the -design. Every moral virtue became a part of knightly honour, and the men -whose hands were ever ready to draw the sword in defence of -innocence--who in their own conduct set the most brilliant example--whose -sole object was the establishment of right, and over whom no earthly fear -or interested consideration held sway, were readily recognised as judges, -and appealed to as arbitrators. Public opinion raised them above all other -men, even above kings themselves; so much so, indeed, that we find -continually repeated, in the writings of the chivalrous ages, such -passages as the following:-- - - Chevaliers sont de moult grant pris, - Ils ont de tous gens le pris, - Et le los et le seignorie. - -Thus gradually Chivalry became no longer a simple engagement between a few -generous and valiant men, but took the form of a great and powerful -institution; and as each knight had the right of creating others without -limit, it became necessary that the new class thus established in society -should be distinguished by particular signs and symbols, which would guard -it against the intrusion of unworthy or disgraceful members. - -The time at which fixed regulations first distinguished Chivalry from -every other order in the state cannot be precisely determined; certainly -it was not before the eleventh century. Then, however, it is probable, -that this was done more from a general sense of its necessity, and by slow -and irregular degrees, than by any one law or agreement. Every thing in -that age was confusion, and though the spirit of Chivalry had for its -great object the restoration of order, it is not likely that its own -primary efforts should be very regular, amid a chaos of contending -interests and unbridled passions, which rendered general communication or -association difficult, if not impossible. Each knight, in admitting -another to the noble order of which he himself was a member, probably -added some little formality, as he thought fit, till the mass of these -customs collected by tradition formed the body of their ceremonial law. - -The first point required of the aspirants to Chivalry, in its earliest -state, was certainly a solemn vow, "_To speak the truth, to succour the -helpless and oppressed, and never to turn back from an enemy_."[10] - -This vow, combined with the solemn appeal to Heaven in witness thereof, -was the foundation of Chivalry; but, at the same time, we find, that in -all ages, only one class of people was eligible to furnish members to the -institution; namely, the military class, or, in other words, the northern -conquerors of the soil; for, with very few exceptions, the original -inhabitants of Europe had been reduced to the condition of serfs, or -slaves of the glebe. Some few, indeed, had held out till they forced the -invaders to permit their being incorporated with themselves upon more -equal terms; but this was very rare, and the _race rustique_, as it was -called, though it furnished archers to the armies, was kept distinct from -the military race by many a galling difference. This lower race, then, -could not be invested with the honours of Chivalry; and one of the first -provisions we find in any written form, respecting the institution of -knighthood, is designed to mark this more particularly. _Ad militarem -honorem nullus accedat qui non sit de genere militum_, says a decree of -the twelfth century. We may therefore conclude that this was the first -requisite, and the vow the first formality of Chivalry. - -It is more than probable that the ceremony next in historical order, -attached to the admission of an aspirant into the ranks of knighthood, was -that of publicly arming him with the weapons he was to use, in pursuance -of his vow. This is likely, from many circumstances. In the first place, -to arm him for the cause was naturally the next preceding to his vowing -himself to that cause, and also by his receiving those arms in the face of -the public, the new defender that the people had gained became known to -the people, and thus no one would falsely pretend to the character of a -knight without risking detection. In the second place, as I have before -said, the arming of the German youth had been from the earliest ages, like -the delivery of the virile robe to young Romans, an occasion of public -solemnity; and it was therefore natural that it should be soon -incorporated with the ceremonial of the new military institution which now -took the lead of all others. - -The church of course added her part to secure reverence for an order which -was so well calculated to promote all the objects of religion, and vigils, -fasts, and prayers speedily became a part of the initiation to knighthood. -Power is ever followed by splendour and display; but to use the energetic -words of a learned and talented writer of the present day,[11] the knights -for long after the first institution of Chivalry, were "simple in their -clothing, austere in their morals, humble after victory, firm under -misfortune." - -In France, I believe, the order first took its rise; and, probably, the -disgust felt by some pure minds at the gross and barbarous licentiousness -of the times, infused that virtuous severity into the institutions of -Chivalry which was in itself a glory. If we may give the least credit to -the picture of the immorality and luxury of the French, as drawn by Abbon -in his poem on the siege of Paris, no words will be found sufficient to -express our admiration for the men who first undertook to combat not only -the tyranny but the vices of their age; who singly went forth to war -against crime, injustice, and cruelty who defied the whole world in -defence of innocence, virtue, and truth; who stemmed the torrent of -barbarity and evil; and who, from the wrecks of ages, and the ruins of -empires, drew out a thousand jewels to glitter in the star that shone upon -the breast of knighthood. - -For long the Christian religion had struggled alone, a great but shaded -light through the storms of dark and barbarous ages. Till Chivalry arose -there was nothing to uphold it; but from that moment, with a champion in -the field to lead forth the knowledge that had been imprisoned in the -cloister, the influence of religion began to spread and increase. Though -worldly men thereunto attached the aggrandizement of their own temporal -power, and knaves and villains made it the means of their avarice, or the -cloak of their vice, still the influence of the divine truth itself -gradually wrought upon the hearts of men, purifying, calming, refining, -till the world grew wise enough to separate the perfection of the Gospel -from the weakness of its teachers, and to reject the _errors_ while they -restrained the _power_ of the Roman church. - -In the mean time Chivalry stood forth the most glorious institution that -man himself ever devised. In its youth and in its simplicity, it appeared -grand and beautiful, both from its own intrinsic excellence, and from its -contrast with the things around. In its after-years it acquired pomp and -luxury; and to pomp and luxury naturally succeeded decay and death; but -still the legacy that it left behind it to posterity was a treasure of -noble feelings and generous principles. - -There cannot be a doubt that Chivalry, more than any other institution -(except religion) aided to work out the civilization of Europe. It first -taught devotion and reverence to those weak, fair beings, who but in their -beauty and their gentleness have no defence. It first raised love above -the passions of the brute, and by dignifying woman, made woman worthy of -love. It gave purity to enthusiasm, crushed barbarous selfishness, taught -the heart to expand like a flower to the sunshine, beautified glory with -generosity, and smoothed even the rugged brow of war. - -For the mind, as far as knowledge went, Chivalry itself did little; but by -its influence it did much. For the heart it did every thing; and there is -scarcely a noble feeling or a bright aspiration that we find among -ourselves, or trace in the history of modern Europe, that is not in some -degree referable to that great and noble principle, which has no name but -the _Spirit of Chivalry_. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -_Of Chivalrous Customs--Education--Grades--Services on the Reception of a -Knight--On Tournaments--Jousts--Combats at Outrance--Passages of Arms--The -Round Table--Privileges of Knighthood--Duties of Knighthood._ - - -Although the customs which I am about to detail at once grew gradually up -under the various circumstances of different centuries, and were for the -most part unknown to the infancy of Chivalry, I think it right to notice -here the principal peculiarities of the institution, rather than to -interrupt the course of my narrative afterward, when the history of -knighthood may be traced continuously down to its final extinction. - -We have already seen that each individual member of the order possessed -the power of admitting any other person to its honours without restraint; -but it did not by any means follow that all previous trial and education -was dispensed with. Very soon after the first institution of Chivalry -every one became covetous of the distinction, and it naturally followed -that the object of each boy's aspirations, the aim of every young man's -ambition, was one day to be a knight. Those, however, who had already -received the order, were scrupulously careful to admit none within its -fellowship who might disgrace the sword that dubbed them; and knighthood -gradually became as much the reward of a long and tedious education, as -the bonnet of the doctor or the stole of the clerk. - -The feudal system had now reached its acme; and each individual lord, -within his own domain, assumed the state and importance of a prince. With -the vain spirit of ostentatious imitation which unhappily is common to all -climes and all centuries, the great feudatories of the crown copied the -household of the sovereign, and the petty barons imitated them. Each had -his crowd of officers, and squires, and pages, and varlets. Even the -monasteries and the abbeys affected the same pomp and ceremonial, so that -we find the abbot of St. Denis riding[12] forth accompanied by his -chamberlain and marshal, whose offices were held as feoffs. - -The manor or the castle of each feudal chieftain, however, soon became the -school of Chivalry, and any noble youth whose parents were either dead or -too poor to educate him to the art of war was willingly received in the -dwelling of a neighbouring baron, who took care that his pupil should be -instructed in all military exercises, glad to attach to his own person as -large a body of armed retainers as his circumstances would permit. - -Till they reached the age of seven years the youths, afterward destined to -arms, were left to the care of the females of the household, who taught -them the first principles of religion and of Chivalry. They were then in -general sent from home, those fathers even, who possessed the means of -conducting their education themselves, preferring to intrust it to some -other noble knight who could be biassed[13] by no parental tenderness to -spare the young aspirant to Chivalry any of those trials and hardships -absolutely necessary to prepare him for his after-career. - -On entering the household of another knight, the first place filled by the -youths, then fresh from all the soft kindnesses of home, was that of page -or varlet, which, though it implied every sort of attendance on the person -of their new lord, was held as honourable, not degrading. - -Here they still remained[14] much among the women of the family, who -undertook to complete their knowledge of their duty to God and their lady, -instilling into their infant minds that refined and mystic idea of love, -which was so peculiar a trait in the Chivalry of old. In the mean while -the rest of their days were passed in the service of their lord, -accompanying him in his excursions, serving him at table, pouring out his -drink; all of which offices being shared in by the children and young -relations of the baron himself,[15] were reckoned, as I have said, highly -honourable, and formed the first step in the ascent to Chivalry. - -At the same time infinite pains were bestowed upon the education of these -pages. They were taught all sorts of gymnastic exercises which could -strengthen the body; and, by continually mingling with the guests of the -castle, receiving them on their arrival, offering them every sort of -service, and listening respectfully to the conversation of their elders, -they acquired that peculiar grace of manner which, under the name of -courtesy, formed a principal perfection in the character of the true -knight. - -At fourteen the page was usually admitted to the higher grade of squire, -and exchanged his short dagger for the manly sword. This, however, was -made a religious ceremony; and the weapon which he was in future to wear -was laid upon the altar, from whence it was taken by the priest,[16] and -after several benedictions, was hung over the shoulder of the new squire, -with many a sage caution and instruction as to its use. - -His exercises now became more robust than they had ever been before; and, -if we are to believe the old biographer of the celebrated Boucicaut, they -were far more fatiguing than any man of the present age could endure. To -spring upon horseback armed at all pieces, without putting a foot in the -stirrup; to cast somersets in heavy armour[17] for the purpose of -strengthening the arms; to leap upon the shoulders of a horseman from -behind, without other hold than one hand laid upon his shoulder--such, and -many others, were the daily exercises of the young noble, besides regular -instruction in riding and managing his arms. Though it would seem at first -that few constitutions could undergo for any length of time such violent -exertions, we must remember the effects produced--we must call to mind -that these very men in their after-life, are found bearing a weight, that -few persons of the present times could lift, through the heat of a whole -summer's day, under the burning sun of Palestine. We must remember the -mighty feats of strength that these men performed; and, when we see a -Boemond fighting from noon to sunset cased from head to foot in thick -iron, or in long after-days a Guise swimming against a torrent armed -cap-a-pie, we must naturally conclude that no ordinary course of training -could produce such vigour and hardihood. - -Several degrees of squires or esquires are mentioned in the ancient -chronicles; and it is difficult to distinguish which class included the -young noble--which was filled by an inferior race. That there was a -distinction is evident; for in the life of Bayard[18] we find an old -squire mentioned more than once, from whom he received instructions, but -who never appears to have aspired to any higher degree. Nevertheless it is -equally certain that many services which we should consider menial, were -performed by the squires of the highest race about the persons of their -lords. Nor was this confined to what might be considered military -services; for we learn that they not only held the stirrup for their lord -to mount, and then followed, carrying his helm, his lance, his shield, or -his gauntlets; but they continued to serve him at table, to clean his -armour, to dress his horses, and to fulfil a thousand other avocations, in -which they were aided, it is true, by the _gros varlets_ or common -servants, but which they still had their share in accomplishing with their -own hands.[19] The highest class of esquires, however, was evidently the -_écuyer d'honneur_, who, from the manner of Froissart's mention of many at -the court of the Count de Foix, appears to have had in charge the -reception and entertainment of guests and strangers. - -The squires of course had often more important duties to perform. It was -for them to follow their lords to the battle-field; and, while the -knights, formed in a long line, fought hand to hand against their equals, -the squires remained watching eagerly the conflict, and ready to drag -their master from the _mêlée_, to cover him if he fell, to supply him with -fresh arms, and, in short, to lend him every aid; without, however, -presuming to take an active part against the adverse knights, with whose -class it was forbidden for a squire to engage. - -St. Palaye limits to these defensive operations the services of the -squires in the field of battle,[20] and it is possible that the strict -laws of Chivalry might justify such a restriction. Nevertheless there can -be no earthly doubt that they were often much more actively engaged, even -in the purest days of Chivalry. In all the wars between Richard Coeur de -Lion and Philip Augustus,[21] we find them often fighting bravely; and at -the battle of Bovine, a squire had nearly taken the life of the famous -Count de Boulogne. - -These services in the field perfected the aspirant to Chivalry in the -knowledge of his profession; and the trials of skill which, on the day -that preceded a tournament, were permitted to squires, in the lists, gave -him an opportunity of distinguishing himself in the eyes of the people, -and of gaining a name among the heralds and chroniclers of knightly deeds. - -If a noble squire had conducted himself well during the period of his -service, it seldom occurred that his lord refused to bestow upon him the -honour of knighthood at the age of twenty-one; and sometimes, if he had -been distinguished by any great or gallant feat, or by uniform talent and -courage,[22] he was admitted into the order before he had reached that -age. This, nevertheless, was rare, except in the case of sovereign -princes; and, on the contrary, it occasionally happened that a knight who -did not choose to part so soon with a favourite squire would delay on -various pretences a ceremony which almost always caused some separation -between the young knight and his ancient master.[23] - -The squire, however, had always the right to claim the knighthood from the -hand of another, if his lord unjustly refused to bestow it; and that high -sense of honour which was their great characteristic prevented the knights -thus applied to from ever refusing, when the aspirant was fully justified -in his claim. - -The times chosen for conferring knighthood were generally either those of -great military ceremony,[24] as after tournaments, _cours plénières_, the -muster or _monstre_, as it was called, of the army, or on days -consecrated by the church to some peculiar solemnity, as Easter-day, the -day of Pentecost, or even Christmas-day.[25] - -This was, nevertheless, by no means imperative; for we have already seen -that knighthood was often conferred on any particular emergency, and even -on the field of battle.[26] On these occasions the forms were of course -abridged to suit the necessity of the case, but the knighthood was not the -less valid or esteemed. - -The more public and solemn the ceremony could be made, the more it -appeared to the taste of the nobles of the middle ages. Nor was the pomp -and display without its use, raising and dignifying the order in the eyes -of the people, and impressing deeply upon the mind of the young knight the -duties which he had voluntarily taken upon himself. We all know how much -remembrance depends upon external circumstance, and it is ever well to -give our feelings some fixed resting-place in the waste of life, that in -after-years memory may lead us back and refresh the resolutions and bright -designs of youth by the aid of the striking scenes and solemn moments in -which those designs and resolutions were first called into activity. -Nothing could be better calculated to make a profound impression on the -mind than the ceremonies of a knight's reception in the mature times of -Chivalry. - -On the day appointed,[27] all the knights and nobles at that time in the -city where the solemnity was to be performed, with the bishops and clergy, -each covered with the appropriate vestments of his order, the knight in -his coat-of-arms, and the bishop in his stole, conducted the aspirant to -the principal church of the place. There, after the high mass had been -chanted, the novice approached the altar and presented the sword to the -bishop or priest, who, taking it from his hand, blessed and consecrated it -to the service of religion and virtue. - -It often happened that the bishop himself then solemnly warned the youth -of the difficulties and requisites of the order to which he aspired. "He -who seeks to be a knight,"--said the Bishop of Valenciennes to the young -Count of Ostrevant on one of these occasions,[28] "he who wishes to be a -knight should have great qualities. He must be of noble birth, liberal in -gifts, high in courage, strong in danger, secret in council, patient in -difficulties, powerful against enemies, prudent in his deeds. He must also -swear to observe the following rules: To undertake nothing without having -heard mass fasting; to spare neither his blood nor his life in defence of -the Catholic faith; to give aid to all widows and orphans; to undertake no -war without just cause; to favour no injustice, but to protect the -innocent and oppressed; to be humble in all things; to seek the welfare of -those placed under him; never to violate the rights of his sovereign, and -to live irreprehensibly before God and man." - -The bishop, then taking his joined hands in his own, placed them on the -missal, and received his oath to follow the statutes laid down to him, -after which his father advancing dubbed him a knight. - -At other times it occurred, that when the sword had been blessed, the -novice[29] carried it to the knight who was to be his godfather in -Chivalry, and kneeling before him plighted his vow to him. After this the -other knights, and often the ladies present, advanced, and completely -armed the youth, sometimes beginning with one piece of the armour, -sometimes another. St. Palaye declares that the spurs were always buckled -on before the rest, but in the history of Geoffrey, Duke of Normandy, we -find the corslet and the greaves mentioned first, and the spear and sword -last. - -After having been armed, the novice still remained upon his knees before -his godfather in arms, who then, rising from his seat, bestowed upon him -the _accolade_, as it was called, which consisted generally of three blows -of the naked sword upon the neck or shoulder. Sometimes it was performed -by a blow given with the palm of the hand upon the cheek of the novice, -which was always accompanied by some words, signifying that the ceremony -was complete, and the squire had now become a knight. - -The words which accompanied the accolade were generally, when the kings of -France bestowed the honour, "In the name of God, St. Michael, and St. -George, I make thee knight; be loyal, bold, and true." - -Sometimes to the blow were joined the words,[30] "Bear this blow and never -bear another," and sometimes was added the more Christian admonition to -humility, "Remember that the Saviour of the world was buffeted and -scoffed."[31] - -Whatever was its origin the custom was a curious one, and bore a strong -resemblance to the ceremony of manumission among the Romans, who, on -freeing a slave, struck him a slight blow, which Claudian happily enough -terms _felicem injuriam_. I do not, however, intend to insinuate that the -one custom was derived from the other, though, perhaps, the fact of a serf -becoming free if his lord struck him with any instrument,[32] except such -as were employed in his actual labour, may have been, in some degree, a -vestige of the Roman law in this respect, which we know descended entire -to many of the barbarous nations. - -However that may be, after having submitted to the blow which ended his -servitude as a squire, the new knight was decorated with his casque, which -had hitherto been held beside him, and then proceeding to the door of the -church, or of the castle, where his knighthood had been bestowed, he -sprang upon his horse and showed himself armed in the principal places of -the city, while the heralds proclaimed his name and vaunted his -prowess.[33] - -As long vigils, fast, prayers, and confessions had preceded and -accompanied the admission of the new knight, festivals, banquets, and -tournaments followed.[34] The banquets and the festivals, as common to all -ages, though differing in each, I will pass over: suffice it, that one of -the strictest laws of Chivalry forbade gluttony and intemperance. - -The tournament, as a purely chivalrous institution, I must mention; though -so much has been already written on the subject, that I could have wished -to pass it over in silence. The most complete description ever given of a -tournament is to be found in the writings of one whose words are pictures; -and if I dared but copy into this place the account of the passage of arms -in Ivanhoe, I should be enabled to give a far better idea of what such a -scene really was, than all the antiquarian researches in my power will -afford. - -All military nations, from the earliest antiquity, have known and -practised various athletic games in imitation of warfare; and we of course -find among the Franks various exercises of the kind from the very first -records which we have of that people. Nithard,[35] however, gives an -elaborate picture of these mock-fights as practised in the reigns -succeeding Charlemagne; and we find but little resemblance to the -tournament. Four equal bands of Saxons, Gascons, Austrasians, and -Armoricans (or Britons,[36] as they are there called) met together in an -open place, and, while the populace stood round as spectators, pursued -each other, in turn, brandishing their arms, and seeming fiercely to seek -the destruction of their adversaries. When this had proceeded for some -time, Louis and Charles (the two monarchs in whose history the description -is given) suddenly rushed into the field with all their choice companions, -and, with quivering lances and loud cries, followed, now one, now another, -of the parties, who took care to fly before their horses. - -The first authentic mention of a tournament[37] is to be found in the -Chronicle of Tours, which records the death of Geoffrey de Priuli in 1066; -adding the words _qui torneamenta invenit_--who invented tournaments. From -the appearance[38] of these exercises in Germany[39] about the same time, -we may conclude that this date is pretty nearly correct; and that if -tournaments were not absolutely invented at that precise period, they were -then first regulated by distinct laws. - -In England[40] they did not appear till several years later, when the -Norman manners introduced after the conquest had completely superseded the -customs of the Saxons. - -Thus much has seemed necessary to me to say concerning the origin of -tournaments, as there are so many common fables on the subject which give -far greater antiquity to the exercise than that which it is entitled to -claim. - -The ceremonies and the splendour of the tournament of course differed in -different ages and different countries; but the general principle was the -same. It was a chivalrous game, originally instituted for practising those -exercises, and acquiring that skill which was likely to be useful in -knightly warfare. - -A tournament was usually given upon the occasion of any great meeting, for -either military or political purposes. Sometimes it was the king himself -who sent his heralds through the land to announce to all noblemen and -ladies, that on a certain day he would hold a grand tournament, where all -brave knights might try their prowess. At other times a tournament was -determined on by a body of independent knights; and messengers were often -sent into distant countries to invite all gallant gentlemen to honour the -passage of arms. - -The spot fixed upon for the lists was usually in the immediate -neighbourhood of some abbey or castle, where the shields of the -various[41] cavaliers who purposed combating were exposed to view for -several days previous to the meeting. A herald was also placed beneath the -cloisters to answer all questions concerning the champions, and to receive -all complaints against any individual knight. If, upon investigation, the -kings of arms and judges of the field found that a just accusation was -laid against one[42] of the knights proposing to appear, a peremptory -command excluded him from the lists; and if he dared in despite thereof to -present himself, he was driven forth with blows and ignominy. - -Round about the field appointed for the spectacle were raised galleries, -scaffoldings, tents,[43] and pavilions, decorated with all the -magnificence of a luxurious age. Banners and scutcheons, and bandrols, -silks and cloth of gold, covered the galleries and floated round the -field; while all that rich garments and precious stones, beauty and youth, -could do to outshine the inanimate part of the scene, was to be found -among the spectators. Here too was seen the venerable age of Chivalry--all -those old knights whose limbs were no longer competent to bear the weight -of arms, surrounding the field to view the prowess of their children and -judge the deeds of the day. Heralds and pursuivants, in the gay and -many-coloured garments which they peculiarly affected, fluttered over the -field, and bands of warlike music were stationed near to animate the -contest and to salute the victors. - -The knights, as they appeared in the lists, were greeted by the heralds -and the people[44] according to their renown; but the approbation of the -female part of the spectators was the great stimulus to all the Chivalry -of the field. Each knight, as a part of his duty, either felt or feigned -himself in love; and it was upon these occasions that his lady might -descend from the high state to which the mystic adoration of the day had -raised her, and bestow upon her favoured champion a glove, a riband, a -bracelet,[45] a jewel, which, borne on his crest through the -hard-contested field, was the chief object of his care, and the great -excitement to his valour. - -Often, too, in the midst of the combat, if accident or misfortune deprived -the favoured knight of the gage of his lady's affection, her admiration or -her pity won her to supply another token, sent by a page or squire, to -raise again her lover's resolution, and animate him to new exertions. - -The old romance of Perce-forest gives a curious picture of the effects -visible after a tournament, by the eagerness with which the fair -spectators had encouraged the knights. "At the close of the tournament," -says the writer, "the ladies were so stripped of their ornaments, that the -greater part of them were bareheaded. Thus they went their ways with their -hair floating on their shoulders more glossy than fine gold; and with -their robes without the sleeves, for they had given to the knights to -decorate themselves, wimples and hoods, mantles and shifts, sleeves and -bodies. When they found themselves undressed to such a pitch, they were at -first quite ashamed; but as soon as they saw every one was in the same -state, they began to laugh at the whole adventure, for they had all -bestowed their jewels and their clothes upon the knights with so good a -will, that they had not perceived that they uncovered themselves." - -This is probably an exaggerated account of the enthusiasm which the events -of a tournament excited in the bosom of the fair ladies of that day: but -still, no doubt can be entertained, that they not only decorated their -knights before the tournament with some token of their approbation, but in -the case of its loss, often sent him even a part of their dress in the -midst of the conflict. - -The other spectators, also, though animated by less thrilling interests, -took no small share in the feelings and hopes of the different parties. -Each blow of the lance or sword, struck well and home, was greeted with -loud acclamations; and valour met with both its incitement and its reward, -in the expecting silence and the thundering plaudits with which each good -champion's movements were waited for and seen. - -In the mean while, without giving encouragement to any particular knight, -the heralds strove to animate all by various quaint and characteristic -exclamations, such as "The love of ladies!" "Death to the horses!" "Honour -to the brave!" "Glory to be won by blood and sweat!" "Praise to the sons -of the brave!" - -It would occupy too much space to enter into all the details of the -tournament, or to notice all the laws by which it was governed. Every care -was taken that the various knights should meet upon equal terms; and many -a precaution was made use of to prevent accidents, and to render the -sports both innocent and useful. But no regulations could be found -sufficient to guard against the dangerous consequences of such furious -amusements; and Ducange gives a long list of princes and nobles who lost -their lives in these fatal exercises. The church often interfered, though -in vain, to put them down; and many monarchs forbade them in their -dominions; but the pomp with which they were accompanied, and the -excitement they afforded to a people fond of every mental stimulus, -rendered them far more permanent than might have been expected. - -The weapons in tournaments were, in almost all cases, restrained to -blunted swords and headless spears, daggers, and battle-axes; but, as may -well be imagined, these were not to be used without danger; so that even -those festivals that passed by without the absolute death of any of the -champions, left, nevertheless, many to drag out a maimed and miserable -existence, or to die after a long and weary sickness. And yet the very -peril of the sport gave to it an all-powerful interest, which we can best -conceive, at present, from our feelings at some deep and thrilling -tragedy. - -After the excitement, and the expectation, and the suspense, and the -eagerness, came the triumph and the prize--and the chosen queen of the -field bestowed upon the champion whose feats were counted best, that -reward, the value of which consisted more in the honour than the thing -itself. Sometimes it was a jewel,[46] sometimes a coronet[47] of flowers -or of laurel; but in all cases the award implied a right to one kiss from -the lips of the lady appointed to bestow the prize. It seems to have been -as frequent a practice to assign this prize on the field, as in the -chateau[48] or palace whither the court retired after the sports were -concluded; and we often find that the female part of the spectators were -called to decide upon the merits of the several champions, and to declare -the victor[49] as well as confer the reward. Mirth and festivity ever -closed the day of the tournament, and song and sports brought in the -night. - -Every thing that could interest or amuse a barbarous age was collected on -the spot where one of these meetings was held. The minstrel or -_menestrier_, the juggler, the saltimbank, the story-teller, were present -in the hall to soothe or to entertain; but still the foundation of tale -and song was Chivalry;--the objects of all praise were noble deeds and -heroic actions; and the very voice of love and tenderness, instead of -seducing to sloth and effeminacy, was heard prompting to activity, to -enterprise, and to honour--to the defence of virtue, and the search for -glory. - -It may be here necessary to remark, that there were several sorts of -tournaments, which differed essentially from each other; but I shall not -pause upon these any longer than merely to point out the particular -differences between them. The joust, which was certainly a kind of -tournament, was always confined to two persons, though these persons -encountered each other with blunted arms.[50] - -The combat at outrance was, in fact, a duel, and only differed from the -trial by battle in being voluntary, while the other was enforced by law. -This contest was often the event of private quarrels, but was, by no -means, always so; and, to use the language of Ducange, "though mortal, it -took place ordinarily between persons who most frequently did not know -each other, or, at least, had no particular misunderstanding, but who -sought alone to show forth their courage, generosity, and skill in arms." -Sometimes, however, the combat at outrance was undertaken by a number of -knights[51] together, and often much blood was thus shed, without cause. - -The _pas d'armes_ or passage of arms, differed from general tournaments, -inasmuch as a certain number of knights fixed their shields and tents in a -particular pass, or spot of ground, which they declared their intention to -defend against all comers.[52] The space before their tents was generally -listed in, as for a tournament; and, during the time fixed for the defence -of the passage, the same concourse of spectators, heralds, and minstrels -were assembled. - -The round table was another distinct sort of tournament,[53] held in a -circular amphitheatre, wherein the knights invited jousted against each -other. The origin of this festival, which was held, I believe, for the -last time by Edward III., is attributed to Roger Mortimer,[54] who, on -receiving knighthood, feasted a hundred knights and a hundred ladies at a -round table. The mornings were spent in chivalrous games, the prize of -which was a golden lion, and the evenings in banquets and festivities. -This course of entertainments continued three days with the most princely -splendour; after which Mortimer, having won the prize himself, conducted -his guests to Warwick, and dismissed them. - -From this account, taken from the History of the Priory of Wigmore, -Menestrier deduces that those exercises called "round tables" were only -tournaments, during which the lord or sovereign giving the festival -entertained his guests at a table which, to prevent all ceremony in -respect to precedence, was in the form of a circle. Perhaps, however, this -institution may have had a different and an earlier origin, though I find -it mentioned in no author previous to the year 1279.[55] - -Chivalry, which in its pristine purity knew no reward but honour, soon--as -it became combined with power--appropriated to itself various privileges -which, injuring its simplicity, in the end brought about its fall. In the -first place, the knight was, by the fact of his Chivalry, the judge of all -his equals, and consequently of all his inferiors.[56] He was also, in -most cases, the executor of his own decree, and it would indeed have -required a different nature from humanity to secure such a jurisdiction -from frequent perversion. The knight[57] also took precedence of all -persons who had not received Chivalry, a distinction well calculated to do -away with that humility which was one of knighthood's strictest laws.[58] -Added to this was the right of wearing particular dresses and colours, -gold and jewels, which were restrained to the knightly class, by very -severe ordinances. Scarlet and green were particularly reserved for the -order of knighthood, as well as ermine, minever, and some other furs. -Knights also possessed what was called privilege of clergy, that is to -say, in case of accusation, they could claim to be tried before the -ecclesiastical judge.[59] Their arms were legally forbidden to all other -classes, and the title of Sire, Monseigneur, Sir, Don, &c., were applied -to them alone, till the distinction was lost in the course of time. - -Though these privileges changed continually, and it is scarcely possible -to say what age gave birth to any one of them, yet it is evident that -monarchs, after they had seen the immense influence which Chivalry might -have on their own power, and had striven to render it an engine for their -own purposes, took every care to secure all those rights and immunities to -the order which could in some degree balance the hardships, fatigues, and -dangers inevitably attendant upon it, and supply the place of that -enthusiasm which of course grew fainter as the circumstances which -excited it changed, and the objects which it sought were accomplished. - -It is probable that there would always have been many men who would have -coveted Chivalry for the sole purpose of doing good and protecting the -innocent; but monarchs sought to increase the number of knights as a means -of defending their realms and extending their power, and, consequently, -they supplied other motives and external honours as an inducement to those -persons of a less exalted mind. - -Chivalry was indeed a distinction not to be enjoyed without many and -severe labours. The first thing after receiving knighthood was generally a -long journey[60] into foreign countries, both for the purpose of jousting -with other knights, and for instruction in every sort of chivalrous -knowledge. There the young knight studied carefully the demeanour of every -celebrated champion he met, and strove to glean the excellencies of each. -Thus he learned courtesy and grace, and thus he heard all the famous -exploits of the day which, borne from court to court by these chivalrous -travellers, spread the fame of great deeds from one end of the world to -the other.[61] - -It cannot be doubted that this practice of wandering armed through Europe -gave great scope to licentiousness in those who were naturally -ill-disposed; and many a cruelty and many a crime was assuredly committed -by that very order instituted to put down vice and to protect innocence. -To guard against this the laws of Chivalry were most severe;[62] and as -great power was intrusted to the knight, great was the shame and dishonour -if he abused it. The oath taken in the first place was as strictly opposed -to every vice, as any human promise could be, and the first principle of -chivalrous honour was never to violate an engagement. I must here still -repeat the remark, that it was the spirit which constituted the Chivalry, -and as that spirit waned, Chivalry died away. - -One of the most curious institutions of Chivalry was that which required a -knight, on his return from any expedition,[63] to give a full and minute -account to the heralds, or officers of arms, of all his adventures during -his absence, without reserve or concealment; telling as well his reverses -and discomfitures, as his honours and success. To do this he was bound by -oath; and the detail thus given was registered by the herald, who by such -relations learned to know and estimate the worth and prowess of each -individual knight. It served also to excite other adventurers to great -deeds in imitation of those who acquired fame and honour; and it afforded -matter of consolation to the unfortunate, who in those registers must ever -have met with mishaps to equal or surpass their own. - -The spirit of Chivalry, however, led to a thousand deeds and habits not -required nor regulated by any law. Were two armies opposed to each other, -or even encamped in the neighbourhood of each other, though at peace,[64] -the knights would continually issue forth singly from the ranks to -challenge any other champion to come out, and break a lance in honour of -his lady. Often before a castle, or on the eve of a battle, a knight would -vow to some holy saint never to quit the field, or abandon the siege, till -death or victory ended his design. Frequently, too, we find that in the -midst of some great festival, where all the Chivalry of the land was -assembled, a knight would suddenly appear, bearing in his hands[65] a -peacock, a heron, or some other bird. Presenting it in turn to each noble -in the assembly, he would then demand their oath upon that bird to do some -great feat of arms against the enemy. No knight dared to refuse, and the -vow so taken was irrevocable and never broken. - -One of the most extraordinary customs of Chivalry, and also one of the -most interesting, was the adoption of a brother in arms.[66] - -This custom[67] seems to have taken its rise in England, and was in common -use especially among the Saxons. After the Conquest, however, it rapidly -spread to other nations, and seems to have been a favourite practice with -the crusaders. Esteem and long companionship were the first principles of -this curious sort of alliance, which bound one knight to another by ties -more strict than those of blood itself. - -It is true the brotherhood in arms was often contracted but for a time, or -under certain circumstances,[68] which once passed by, the engagement was -at an end; but far oftener it was a bond for life, uniting interests and -feelings, and dividing dangers and successes. The brothers in arms[69] met -all perils together, undertook all adventures in company, shared in the -advantage of every happy enterprise, and partook of the pain or loss of -every misfortune. If the one was attacked in body, in honour, or in -estate, the other sprang forward to defend him. Their wealth and even -their thoughts were in common; so that the news which the one received, or -the design that he formed, he was bound to communicate to the other -without reserve. Even if the one underlay a wager of battle[70] against -any other knight, and was cut off by death before he could discharge -himself thereof, his brother in arms was bound to appear in the lists, in -defence of his honour, on the day appointed. - -Sometimes[71] this fraternity of arms was contracted by a solemn deed; -sometimes by a vow ratified by the communion and other ceremonies of the -church. In many cases,[72] however, the only form consisted in the mutual -exchange of arms, which implied the same devotion to each other, and the -same irrevocable engagement. - -I have now said sufficient concerning the habits and customs of the -ancient knights, to give a general idea of the rules by which Chivalry was -governed, and the spirit by which it was animated. That spirit waxed -fainter, it is true, as luxury and pomp increased, and as the barbarities -of an early age merged into the softer licentiousness that followed. - -But the rules of the order themselves remained unchanged, and did far more -than any other institution to restrain the general incontinence[73] of the -age. Even in those days when chivalrous love was no longer pure, and -chivalrous religion no longer the spring of the noblest morality, the -spirit of the days of old lingered amid the ruins of the falling -institution. An Edward, a Du Guesclin, a Bayard, a Sidney, would rise up -in the midst of corrupted times, and shame the vices of the day by still -showing one more true knight; and even now, when the order has altogether -passed away, we feel and benefit by its good effects. - -So complete a change has come over manners and customs, so rapid has been -our late progress, and so many and vast have been the events of latter -years, that to trace the remains of Chivalry in any of our present -feelings or institutions, seems but a theoretical dream. The knights of -old are looked upon as things apart, that have neither kin nor community -with ourselves; their acts are hardly believed; and their very existence -is doubted. Let him who would make historical remembrance more tangible, -and see how nearly the days of Chivalry approach to our own, run his eye -over one short page in the chronology of the world, and he will find that -no more than three centuries have passed since Bayard himself died, a -knight without reproach. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -_The Progress of Chivalry in Europe--Exploits--That some great Enterprise -was necessary to give Chivalry an extensive and permanent Effect--That -Enterprise presented itself in the Crusades--Pilgrimage to Jerusalem-- -Haroun Al Raschid--Charlemagne--Cruelties of the Turks--Pilgrimages -continued--Peter the Hermit--Council of Clermont._ - - -The picture which I have just attempted to draw of the various customs of -Chivalry must be looked upon rather as a summary of its institutions and -feelings, as they changed through many ages and many nations, than as a -likeness of Chivalry at any precise period, or in any one country. - -Previous to the age of the crusades, to which I now propose to turn as -speedily as possible, the state of Chivalry in Europe had made but little -progress. It had spread, however, as a spirit, to almost all the nations -surrounding the cradle of its birth. In Spain Alphonso VI.[74] was already -waging a completely chivalric war against the Moors, and many of the -knights of France, who afterward distinguished themselves in the Holy -Land, had, in the service of one or other of the Spanish princes, tried -their arms against the Saracens. - -In England we have seen that there is reason to suppose the institution of -knighthood was known to the Saxons,[75] though the indiscriminate manner -in which the word _miles_ is used in the Latin chronicles of the day -renders it scarcely possible to ascertain at what period the order was -introduced. The same difficulty indeed occurs in regard to the Normans, -though from various circumstances connected with the accounts given by -William of Jumieges,[76] of the reigns of William I. and Richard I., Dukes -of Normandy, we are led to believe that Chivalry was very early introduced -among that people. At all events it seems certain that after the accession -of Richard to the ducal dignity, A. D. 960, knightly feelings made great -progress among the Normans, and in 1003, we find an exploit so purely -chivalrous, performed by a body of forty gentlemen from Normandy, that we -cannot doubt the spirit of knighthood in its purest form had already -spread through that country. - -"Forty Norman gentlemen," says Vertot, "all warriors, who had -distinguished themselves in the armies of the Duke of Normandy, returning -from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, disembarked in Italy without arms. -Having learned that the town of Salerno was besieged by the Saracens, -their zeal for religion caused them instantly to throw themselves into -that place. Guimard, the Prince of Salerno, had shut himself up in the -town, to defend it to the last against the infidels; and he immediately -caused arms and horses to be given to the Norman gentlemen, who made so -many vigorous and unexpected sallies upon the Saracens, that they -compelled them to raise the siege." In Italy we find many traces of -Chivalry at an early date, and it would appear that the institution which -took its rise in France was no sooner known than adopted by most other -nations. The Normans, whom we have seen above succouring the Prince of -Salerno in his necessity, did not remain a sufficient length of time in -Italy to spread the chivalrous spirit; but it is said that Guimard, after -using every effort to induce them to stay, sent deputies after them to -Normandy, praying for aid from the nobles of that country against the -Saracens. Several large bodies of Norman adventurers, in consequence of -his promises and persuasions, proceeded to establish themselves in Apulia -and Calabria, defeated the Saracens, cleared the south of Italy and part -of Greece of those locust-like invaders, and re-established the Greek and -Italian princes in their dominions. These princes, however, soon became -jealous of their new allies, and employed various base means to destroy -them. They, on the other hand, united for mutual defence, and under the -famous Robert Guiscard, one of twelve brothers who had left Normandy for -Italy together, they speedily conquered for themselves the countries which -they had restored to ungrateful lords. Guiscard was now universally -acknowledged as their chief, and thus began the chivalrous Norman empire -in Italy. - -Nothing, perhaps, more favoured the general progress of Chivalry than the -state of religion in that day; which, overloaded with superstitions, and -decked out with every external pomp and ornament, appealed to the -imagination through the medium of the senses, and woke a thousand -enthusiasms which could find no such fitting career as in the pursuits of -knighthood. The first efforts of the feudal system, too, gradually -extending themselves to every part of Europe, joined to make Chivalry -spread through the different countries where they were felt, by raising up -a number of independent lords who--each anxious to reduce his neighbours -to vassalage, and to preserve his own separate lordship--required -continual armed support from others, to whom he offered in return honour -and protection. - -Thus, for about a century, or perhaps a little more, after the first -institution of knighthood, Chivalry slowly gained ground, and by each -exploit of any particular body of knights (such, for instance, as we have -recorded of the Normans) the order became more and more respected, and its -establishment more firm, decided, and regular. It wanted but one great -enterprise commenced and carried through upon chivalrous principles alone -to render Chivalry, combined as it was with religion and the feudal -system, the great master power of Europe--and that enterprise was at hand. - -The natural reverence for those countries, sanctified and elevated by so -many miracles, and rendered sublimely dear to the heart of every -Christian, as the land in which his salvation was brightly but terribly -worked out, had from all ages rendered Palestine an object of pilgrimage. -In the earliest times, after the recognition of the Christian faith by -Constantine, the subjects of the Roman empire had followed the example of -the empress Helena, and had deemed it almost a Christian duty to visit the -scenes of our Saviour's mortal career. For many ages while the whole of -Judea remained under the sway of the Cesars, the journey was an easy one. -Few difficulties waylaid the passenger, or gave pilgrimage even the merit -of dangers encountered and obstacles overcome. - -Towards the seventh century, the eastern provinces of the Roman empire, -already weakened by many invasions, had to encounter the exertions of -another adversary, who succeeded in wresting them from their Christian -possessors. The successors of Mahomet, who from a low station had become a -great legislator, a mighty conqueror, and a pretended prophet, carried on -the conquest which he had begun in Arabia, and one by one made themselves -masters of Syria, Antioch, Persia, Medea, and in fact the greater part of -the rich continent of Asia. - -It is not here my purpose to trace the progress of these conquerors, or to -examine for a moment the religion they professed. Suffice it, that in the -days of Charlemagne the fame of that great prince produced from the calif -Haroun al Raschid many liberal concessions in favour of the Christian -pilgrims to Jerusalem, now in the hands of the unbelievers. - -Particular ages seem fertile in great men; and it is very rare to find one -distinguished poet, monarch, or conqueror standing alone in his own -century. Nay more;--we generally discover--however different the country -that produces them, and however opposite the circumstances under which -they are placed--that there is a similarity in the character of the mind, -if I may so express myself without obscurity, of the eminent persons -produced in each particular age. This was peculiarly the case in the age -of Charlemagne. It seemed as if the most remote corners of the earth had -made an effort, at the same moment, to produce from the bosom of barbarism -and confusion a great and intelligent monarch--an Alfred, a Haroun, and a -Charlemagne. The likeness seemed to be felt by the two great emperors of -the east and the west; and a reciprocation of courtesy[77] and friendship -appears to have taken place between them, most rare in that remote age. -Various presents were transmitted from one to the other; and the most -precious offering that the Christian monarch could receive, the keys of -the Holy City, were sent from Bagdad to Aix, together with a standard, -which has been supposed to imply the sovereignty of Jerusalem resigned by -Haroun to his great contemporary. Nothing could afford a nobler proof of a -great, a liberal, and a delicate mind, than the choice evinced by the -calif in his gift. Charlemagne took advantage so far of Haroun's -liberality,[78] as to establish an hospital and a library for the Latin -pilgrims. - -The successors of Haroun, and more particularly Monstacer Billah, -continued to yield tolerance at least, if not protection, to the -Christians of Jerusalem. The pilgrims also were more or less protected -during the reigns that followed, both from motives of liberal feeling and -of interest, as the great influx of travellers, especially from Italy, -brought much wealth and commerce into Syria. - -Under the califs of the Fatemite race several persecutions took place; and -when at length the invasion of the Turkish hordes had brought the whole of -Palestine under the dominion of a wild and barbarous race, Jerusalem was -taken and sacked; and while the Christian inhabitants were treated with -every sort of brutal cruelty, the pilgrims were subject to taxation[79] on -their arrival, as well as liable to plunder by the way. - -A piece of gold was exacted for permission to enter the Holy City; and at -that time, when the value of the precious metals was infinitely higher -than in the present day, few, if any, of the pilgrims on their arrival -possessed sufficient to pay the cruel demand. - -Thus, after having suffered toils unheard of--hunger, thirst, the parching -influence of a burning sky, sickness, danger, and often robbery, and -wounds; when the weary wanderer arrived at the very entrance of the city, -with the bourn of all his long pilgrimage before him, the enthusiastic -object of all his hopes in sight, the place of refuge and repose for which -he had longed and prayed within his reach--unless he could pay the -stipulated sum, he was driven by the barbarians from the gates, and was -forced to tread back all his heavy way unfurnished with any means, and -unsupported by any hope, or to die by the roadside of want, weariness, and -despair. - -The pilgrimages nevertheless continued with unremitting zeal; and the -number of devotees increased greatly in the tenth and eleventh centuries. -In the tenth, indeed, the custom of pilgrimage became almost universal, -from a misinterpretation[80] of a prophecy in the Apocalypse. A general -belief prevailed that at the end of the tenth century, the thousand years -being concluded, the world was to be judged; and crowds of men and women, -in the frantic hope of expiating their sins by the long and painful -journey to the Holy Land, flocked from all parts of Europe towards -Jerusalem. - -Many of the more clear-sighted and sensible of the Christian prelates had -from time to time attempted to dissuade the people from these dangerous -and fatal pilgrimages; but the principle of bodily infliction being -received as a mark of internal penitence and a means of obtaining -absolution, had been so long inculcated by the church of Rome, that the -current of popular opinion had received its impulse, and it was no longer -possible to turn it from its course. No penance could be more painful or -more consistent with the prejudices of the multitude, than a pilgrimage to -the Holy Land; and thus the priests continued often to enforce the act, -while the heads of the church themselves, as religion became corrupted, -learned to see this sort of penitence in the same light as the people, and -encouraged its execution. They found the great efficacy of external -excitements in stimulating the populace to that superstitious obedience on -which they were fast building up the authority of the Roman church, and -probably also were not without a share in the bigoted enthusiasm which -they taught. Thus in the tenth century the pilgrimages which fear lest the -day of judgment should be approaching induced many to undertake in -expiation of their sins, met but little opposition; while various meteoric -phenomena, of a somewhat awful nature, earthquakes, hurricanes, &c., -contributed to increase the general alarm. - -When these had passed by, and the dreaded epoch had brought forth nothing, -the current still continued to flow on in the course that it had taken; -and during the eleventh century several circumstances tended to increase -it. Among others the terror spread through France by the Papal Interdict, -called forth by the refractory adherence of Robert I. to his queen[81] -Bertha, brought more pilgrims than usual from that country. - -Of many thousands who passed into Asia,[82] a few isolated individuals -only returned; but these every day, as they passed through the different -countries of Europe on their journey back, spread indignation and horror -by their account of the dreadful sufferings of the Christians in Judea. -Various[83] letters are reported as having been sent by the emperors of -the east to the different princes of Europe, soliciting aid to repel the -encroachments of the infidel; and if but a very small portion of the -crimes and cruelty attributed to the Turks by these epistles were believed -by the Christians, it is not at all astonishing that wrath and horror took -possession of every chivalrous bosom. Pope Sylvester II. had made an -ineffectual appeal to Christendom towards the end of the tenth century, -bringing forward the first idea of a crusade;[84] but the age was not then -ripe for a project that required a fuller developement of chivalrous -feelings. Gregory VII. revived the idea, and made it the subject of a very -pompous epistle; but he himself was one of the first to forget the -miseries of his fellow-christians in Palestine, in the pursuit of his own -aggrandizement. - -Still, the persecution of the Christians in Palestine, and the murder and -pillage of the pilgrims continued; still the indignation of Europe was fed -and renewed by repeated tales of cruel barbarity committed in the Holy -Land--sufferings of the church--insults to religion--and merciless -massacres of countrymen and relations: still, also, the spirit of Chivalry -was each day spreading further and rising more powerfully, so that all was -preparing for some great and general movement. The lightning of the -crusade was in the people's hearts, and it wanted but one electric touch -to make it flash forth upon the world. - -At this time a man, of whose early days we have little authentic -knowledge, but that he was born at Amiens, and from a soldier had become a -priest,[85] after living for some time the life of a hermit, became seized -with the desire of visiting Jerusalem. He was, according to all -accounts,[86] small in stature and mean in person; but his eyes possessed -a peculiar fire and intelligence, and his eloquence was powerful and -flowing. The fullest account of his manners and conduct is to be found in -Robert the Monk, who was present at the council of Clermont, and in -Guibert of Nogent, who speaks in the tone of one who has beheld what he -relates. - -The first of these authors describes Peter the Hermit,[87] of whom we -speak, as esteemed among those who best understand the things of earth, -and superior in piety to all the bishops or abbots of the day. He fed upon -neither flesh nor bread, says the same writer, though he permitted himself -wine and other aliments, finding nevertheless his pleasure in the greatest -abstinence. - -Guibert, or Gilbert, of Nogent, speaks still more fully of his public -conduct.[88] "He set out," says the writer, "from whence I know not, nor -with what design; but we saw him at that time passing through the towns -and villages, preaching every where, and the people surrounding him in -crowds, loading him with presents, and celebrating his sanctity with such -high eulogiums, that I never remember to have seen such honours rendered -to any other person. He showed himself very generous, however, in the -distribution of the things given to him. He brought back to their homes -the women that had abandoned their husbands, not without adding gifts of -his own, and re-established peace between those who lived unhappily, with -wonderful authority. In every thing he said or did, it seemed as if there -was something of divine; so much so, that people went to pluck some of the -hairs from his mule, which they kept afterward as relics; which I mention -here not that they really were so, but merely served to satisfy the public -love of any thing extraordinary. While out of doors he wore ordinarily a -woollen tunic, with a brown mantle, which fell down to his heels. He had -his arms and his feet bare, eat little or no bread, and lived upon fish -and wine." - -Such was his appearance after his return: prior to that period it is -probable that this hermit had made himself remarkable for nothing but his -general eloquence and his ascetic severity. Great and extraordinary men -are often long before opportunity gives scope for the display of the -particular spirit whose efforts are destined to distinguish them. I mean -not to class Peter the Hermit among great men; but certainly he deserves -the character of one of the most extraordinary men that Europe ever -produced, if it were but for the circumstance of having convulsed a -world--led one continent to combat to extermination against another, and -yet left historians in doubt whether he was madman or prophet, fool or -politician. - -Peter, however, accomplished in safety his pilgrimage to Jerusalem,[89] -paid the piece of gold demanded at the gates, and took up his lodging in -the house of one of the pious Christians of the Holy City. Here his first -emotion[90] seems to have been indignant horror at the barbarous and -sacrilegious brutality of the Turks. The venerable prelate of Tyre -represents him as conferring eagerly with his host upon the enormous -cruelties of the infidels, even before visiting the general objects of -devotion. Doubtless the ardent, passionate, enthusiastic mind of Peter had -been wrought upon at every step he took in the Holy Land, by the miserable -state of his brethren, till his feelings and imagination became excited to -almost frantic vehemence. After performing the duties of the pilgrimage, -visiting each object of reputed holiness,[91] and praying in those -churches which had the fame of peculiar sanctity, Peter, with his heart -wrung at beholding the objects of his deepest veneration in the hands of -the church's enemies, demanded an audience of the patriarch, to whom some -Latin friend presented him. - -Simeon the patriarch, though a Greek, and consequently in the eyes of -Peter a heretic, was still a Christian, suffering in common with the rest -of the faithful in the Holy Land, and the hermit saw in him that character -alone. The union--the overflowing confidence with which the hermit and the -prelate appear to have treated each other--raises them both in our -estimation; but it also throws an historical light upon the character of -Peter, which places him in a more elevated situation than modern -historians have been willing to concede to him. The patriarch Simeon, a -man as famous for his good sense as for his piety, would not, surely, have -opened his inmost thoughts to a wandering pilgrim like Peter, and -intrusted to him a paper sealed with his own seal, which, if taken by the -Turks, would have ensured death to himself and destruction to Christianity -in Palestine, had he not recognised in the hermit "a man,"[92] to use the -words of William of Tyre, "full of prudence and experience in the things -of this world." - -This, however, was the case; and after long conversations, wherein many a -tear was shed over the hapless state of the Holy Land, it was determined, -at the suggestion of Peter, that the patriarch should write to the pope -and the princes of the west, setting forth the miseries of Jerusalem and -of the faithful people of the Holy City, and praying for aid and -protection against the merciless sword of the Saracen. Peter, on his part, -promised to seek out each individual prince, and to show, with his whole -powers of language, the ills of the Christians of Palestine. - -From these conversations Peter went again and again to pray in the church -of the Resurrection, petitioning ardently for aid in the great undertaking -before him. On one of these occasions it is said that he fell asleep,[93] -and beheld the Saviour in a vision, who exhorted him to hasten on his -journey, and persevere in his design. - -Without searching for any thing preternatural, the vision is not at all -difficult to believe, though the place of its occurrence seems to have -been fictitious. Nothing could be more natural than for Peter the Hermit, -with his mind full of the mission he was about to undertake, to dream that -the Being in whose cause he believed himself engaged appeared to encourage -him, and to hasten his enterprise; and it is easy to conceive that, with -full confidence in this manifestation of heavenly favour, he should set -forth upon his journey with enthusiastic zeal. - -Bearing the letter of the patriarch, Peter now returned in haste to Italy, -and sought out the pope, to declare the miseries of the church in the Holy -Land, and to propose the means of its deliverance. Urban II., who then -occupied the apostolic chair, had inherited from Gregory wars and -contestations with the emperor Henry IV., and was at the same time -embroiled with the weak and luxurious Philip I. of France, on the subject -of that king's adulterous intercourse with Bertrade. He, as well as -Gregory, had taken refuge in Apulia and Calabria, and had thrown himself -upon the protection of the famous Robert Guiscard, who readily granted him -the aid of that powerful mind which made the utmost parts of the earth -tremble.[94] - -It does not correctly appear at what place Urban sojourned at the time of -Peter's arrival in Italy.[95] His whole support was, evidently, still in -the family of Guiscard; and it seems that with Boemond, Prince of -Tarentum, the gallant and chivalrous son of Robert, he first held council -upon the hermit's[96] great and interesting proposal, before he determined -on the line of conduct to be pursued. - -One of the historians of the crusades,[97] attributing perhaps somewhat -too much the spirit of modern politics to an age whose genius was of very -different quality, supposes that the course determined on by the pope and -his ally was, in fact, principally a shrewd plot to fix Urban firmly in -the Vatican, and to forward Boemond's ambitious views in Greece. It seems -to me, however, that such a supposition is perfectly irreconcilable with -the subsequent conduct of either. The pope shortly after threw himself -into the midst of his enemies, to hold a council on the subject of the -crusades; and Boemond abandoned every thing in Europe to carry on the holy -war in Palestine. It is much more natural to imagine that the spirit of -their age governed both the prelate and the warrior--the enthusiasm of -religion the one, and the enthusiasm of Chivalry the other. - -However that may be, Peter the Hermit met with a most encouraging -reception from the pope. The sufferings of his fellow-christians brought -tears from the prelate's eyes; the general scheme of the crusade was -sanctioned[98] instantly by his authority; and, promising his quick and -active concurrence, he sent him on, the pilgrim to preach the deliverance -of the Holy Land through all the countries of Europe. Peter wanted neither -zeal nor activity[99]--from town to town, from province to province, from -country to country, he spread the cry of vengeance on the Turks, and -deliverance to Jerusalem! The warlike spirit of the people was at its -height; the genius of Chivalry was in the vigour of its early youth; the -enthusiasm of religion had now a great and terrible object before it, and -all the gates of the human heart were open to the eloquence of the -preacher. That eloquence was not exerted in vain; nations rose at his word -and grasped the spear; and it only wanted some one to direct and point the -great enterprise that was already determined. - -In the mean time the pope did not forget his promise; and while Peter the -Hermit spread the inspiration throughout Europe,[100] Urban called -together a council at Placentia, to which deputies were admitted from the -emperor of Constantinople, who displayed the progress of the Turks, and -set forth the danger to all Christendom of suffering their arms to advance -unopposed. The opinion of the assembly was universally favourable to the -crusade; and trusting to the popularity of the measure, and the -indications of support which he had already met with, the pope determined -to cross the Alps and to hold a second council in the heart of Gaul. - -The ostensible object of this council was to regulate the state of the -church, and to correct abuses; but the great object was, in fact, the -crusade. It is useless to investigate the motives which gave Urban II. -courage to summon a council, destined, among other things, to solemnly -reprobate the dissolute conduct of Philip of France, in the midst of -dominions, if not absolutely feudatory to the crown[101] of that monarch, -at least bound to it by friendship and alliance. Whether it arose from -fortitude of a just cause, or from reliance on political calculation, the -prelate's judgment was proved by the event to be right. After one or two -changes in regard to the place of meeting, the council was assembled at -Clermont, in Auvergne,[102] and was composed of an unheard-of multitude of -priests, princes, and nobles, both of France and Germany, all willing and -eager to receive the pope's injunctions with reverence and obedience. -After having terminated the less important affairs which formed the -apparent business of the meeting, and which occupied the deliberation of -seven days, Urban, one of the most eloquent men of the age, came forth -from the church[103] in which the principal ecclesiastics were assembled, -and addressed the immense concourse which had been gathered into one of -the great squares, no building being large enough to contain the number. - -The prelate[104] then, with the language best calculated to win the hearts -of all his hearers, displayed the miseries of the Christians in the Holy -Land. He addressed the multitude as a people peculiarly favoured by God, -in the gift of courage, strength, and true faith. He told them that their -brethren in the east were trampled under the feet of infidels, to whom -God had not granted the light of his Holy Spirit--that fire, plunder, and -the sword had desolated completely the fair plains of Palestine--that her -children were led away captive, or enslaved, or died under tortures too -horrible to recount--that the women of their land were subjected to the -impure passions of the pagans, and that God's own altar, the symbols of -salvation, and the precious relics of the saints were all desecrated by -the gross and filthy abomination of a race of heathens. To whom, then, he -asked--to whom did it belong to punish such crimes, to wipe away such -impurities, to destroy the oppressors, and to raise up the oppressed? To -whom, if not to those who heard him, who had received from God strength, -and power, and greatness of soul; whose ancestors had been the prop of -Christendom, and whose kings had put a barrier to the progress of -infidels? "Think!" he cried, "of the sepulchre of Christ our Saviour -possessed by the foul heathen!--think of all the sacred places dishonoured -by their sacrilegious impurities!--O brave knights, offspring of -invincible fathers, degenerate not from your ancient blood! remember the -virtues of your ancestors, and if you feel held back from the course -before you by the soft ties of wives, of children, of parents, call to -mind the words of our Lord himself: 'Whosoever loves father or mother more -than me, is not worthy of me. Whosoever shall abandon for my name's sake -his house, or his brethren, or his sisters, or his father, or his mother, -or his wife, or his children, or his lands, shall receive an hundredfold, -and shall inherit eternal life.'" - -The prelate then went on to point out the superior mundane advantages -which those might obtain who took the Cross. He represented their own -country as poor and arid, and Palestine as a land flowing with milk and -honey; and, blending the barbarous ideas of a dark age with the powerful -figures of enthusiastic eloquence, he proceeded--"Jerusalem is in the -centre of this fertile land; and its territories, rich above all others, -offer, so to speak, the delights of Paradise. That land, too, the Redeemer -of the human race rendered illustrious by his advent, honoured by his -residence, consecrated by his passion, repurchased by his death, -signalized by his sepulture. That royal city, Jerusalem--situated in the -centre of the world--held captive by infidels, who deny the God that -honoured her--now calls on you and prays for her deliverance. From -you--from you above all people she looks for comfort, and she hopes for -aid; since God has granted to you, beyond other nations, glory and might -in arms. Take, then, the road before you in expiation of your sins, and -go, assured that, after the honour of this world shall have passed away, -imperishable glory shall await you even in the kingdom of heaven!" - -Loud shouts of "God wills it! God wills it!" pronounced simultaneously by -the whole people, in all the different dialects and languages of which the -multitude was composed, here interrupted for a moment the speech of the -prelate: but, gladly seizing the time, Urban proceeded, after having -obtained silence, "Dear brethren, to-day is shown forth in you that which -the Lord has said by his evangelist--'When two or three shall be assembled -in my name, there shall I be in the midst of them;' for if the Lord God -had not been in your souls, you would not all have pronounced the same -words; or, rather, God himself pronounced them by your lips, for he it was -that put them in your hearts. Be they, then, your war-cry in the combat, -for those words came forth from God.--Let the army of the Lord, when it -rushes upon his enemies, shout but that one cry, 'God wills it! God wills -it!'[105] - -"Remember, however, that we neither order nor advise this journey to the -old, nor to the weak, nor to those who are unfit to bear arms. Let not -this way be taken by women, without their husbands, or their brothers, or -their legitimate guardians, for such are rather a burden than an aid. Let -the rich assist the poor, and bring with them, at their own charge, those -who can bear arms to the field. Still, let not priests nor clerks, to -whatever place they may belong, set out on this journey without the -permission of their bishop; nor the layman undertake it without the -blessing of his pastor, for to such as do so their journey shall be -fruitless. Let whoever is inclined to devote himself to the cause of God, -make it a solemn engagement, and bear the cross of the Lord either on his -breast or on his brow till he set out; and let him who is ready to begin -his march place the holy emblem on his shoulders, in memory of that -precept of the Saviour--'He who does not take up his cross and follow me, -is not worthy of me.'" - -The pontiff thus ended his oration, and the multitude prostrating -themselves before him, repeated the _Confiteor_[106] after one of the -cardinals. The pope then pronounced the absolution of their sins, and -bestowed on them his benediction; after which they retired to their homes -to prepare for the great undertaking to which they had vowed themselves. - -Miracles are told of the manner in which the news of this council, and of -the events that distinguished it, spread to every part of the world; but -nevertheless it did spread, as may easily be conceived, with great -quickness, without any supernatural aid; and, to make use of the words of -him from whom we have sketched the oration of the pope, "Throughout the -earth, the Christians glorified themselves and were filled with joy, while -the Gentiles of Arabia and Persia trembled and were seized with sadness: -the souls of the one race were exalted, those of the others stricken with -fear and stupor." - -Great, certainly, was the influence which the zeal and eloquence of Urban -gave him over the people. Some authors, with a curious sort of historical -puritanism, which leads them to judge of ages past only by the principles -of the day in which they themselves exist, have reproached the pope with -not using the means in his hands for purposes which would have needed the -heart of a Fenelon to conceive properly, and the head of a Napoleon to -execute. They say that, with the powers which he did possess, he might -have reformed a world! It is hardly fair, methinks, to require of a man in -a barbarous, ignorant, corrupted age the enlightened visions of the -nineteenth century. - -Pope Urban II., at the end of the eleventh century, showed a great -superiority to the age in which he lived, and at the council of Clermont -evinced qualities of both the heart and the mind which have deservedly -brought his name down to us with honour. His first act in the council was -to excommunicate, for adulterous profligacy, Philip, monarch of the very -ground on which he stood; and, in so doing, he made use of the only -acknowledged authority by which the kings of that day could be checked in -the course of evil. Whether the authority itself was or was not -legitimate, is not here the question; but, being at the time undisputed, -and employed for the best of objects, its use can in no way fairly be -cited as an instance either of pride or ambition. The pope's conduct in -preaching the crusade is equally justifiable. His views were of course -those of the age in which he lived, and he acted with noble enthusiasm in -accordance with those views. He made vast efforts, he endangered his -person, he sacrificed his ease and comfort, to accomplish what no -churchman of his day pretended to doubt was a glorious and a noble -undertaking. In thus acting, he displayed great qualities of mind, and -showed himself superior to the century in powers of _conducting_, if he -was not so in the powers of _conceiving_ great designs. - -It would be very difficult to prove, also, that the pope, had he even -possessed the will, could, by the exertion of every effort, have produced -the same effect in any other cause that he did in favour of the crusades. -I have already attempted to show that all things were prepared in Europe -for the expedition to the Holy Land, by the spirit of religious and -military enthusiasm; and the task was light, to aid in pouring on the -current of popular feeling in the direction which it had already begun to -take, when compared with the labour necessary to have turned that current -into another channel. He who does not grasp the spirit of the age on which -he writes, but judges of other days by the feelings of his own, is like -one who would adapt a polar dress to the climate of the tropics. - -Before closing this chapter, one observation also must be made respecting -the justice of the crusade, which enterprise it has become somewhat -customary to look upon as altogether cruel and unnecessary. Such an -opinion, however, is in no degree founded on fact. The crusade was not -only as just as any other warfare of the day, but as just as any that ever -was waged. The object was, the protection and relief of a cruelly -oppressed and injured people--the object was, to repel a strong, an -active, and an encroaching enemy--the object was, to wrest from the hands -of a bloodthirsty and savage people territories which they themselves -claimed by no right but the sword, and in which the population they had -enslaved was loudly crying for deliverance from their yoke--the object -was, to defend a weak and exposed frontier from the further aggression of -a nation whose boast was conquest. - -Such were the objects of the crusades; and though much of superstition was -mingled with the incitements, and many cruelties committed in its course, -the evils were not greater than ordinary ambition every day produces; and -the motives were as fair as any of those that have ever instigated the -many feuds and warfares of the world. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -_The Effects of the Council of Clermont--State of France--Motives of the -People for embracing the Crusade--Benefits produced--The Enthusiasm -general--Rapid Progress--The First Bodies of Crusaders begin their -March--Gautier Sans Avoir--His Army--Their Disasters--Reach -Constantinople--Peter the Hermit sets out with an immense Multitude-- -Storms Semlin--Defeated at Nissa--His Host dispersed--The Remains -collected--Joins Gautier--Excesses of the Multitude--The Italians and -Germans separate from the French--The Germans exterminated--The French cut -to pieces--Conduct of Alexius._ - - -The immediate effects of the council of Clermont are detailed with so much -animation by Guibert of Nogent, that I shall attempt to trace them nearly -in his own words, merely observing, that previous to his departure from -France, Urban II., having taken every means in his power to secure the -property of the crusaders during their absence, committed the chief -direction of the expedition to Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, in Auvergne.[107] - -"As soon as the council of Clermont was concluded," says the historian, "a -great rumour spread through the whole of France, and as soon as fame -brought the news of the orders of the pontiff to any one, he went -instantly to solicit his neighbours and his relations to engage with him -in the _way of God_, for so they designated the purposed expedition. - -"The Counts Palatine[108] were already full of the desire to undertake -this journey; and all the knights of an inferior order felt the same zeal. -The poor themselves soon caught the flame so ardently, that no one paused -to think of the smallness of his wealth, or to consider whether he ought -to yield his house and his fields, and his vines; but each one set about -selling his property, at as low a price as if he had been held in some -horrible captivity, and sought to pay his ransom without loss of time. - -"At this period, too, there existed a general dearth. The rich even felt -the want of corn; and many, with every thing to buy, had nothing, or next -to nothing, wherewithal to purchase what they needed. The poor tried to -nourish themselves with the wild herbs of the earth; and, as bread was -very dear, sought on all sides food heretofore unknown, to supply the -place of corn. The wealthy and powerful were not exempt; but finding -themselves menaced with the famine which spread around them, and beholding -every day the terrible wants of the poor, they contracted their expenses, -and lived with the most narrow parsimony, lest they should squander the -riches now become so necessary. - -"The ever insatiable misers rejoiced in days so favourable to their -covetousness; and casting their eyes upon the bushels of grain which they -had hoarded long before, calculated each day the profits of their avarice. -Thus some struggled with every misery and want, while others revelled in -the hopes of fresh acquisitions. No sooner, however, had Christ inspired, -as I have said, innumerable bodies of people to seek a voluntary exile, -than the money which had been hoarded so long was spread forth in a -moment; and that which was horribly dear while all the world was in -repose, was on a sudden sold for nothing, as soon as every one began to -hasten towards their destined journey. Each man hurried to conclude his -affairs; and, astonishing to relate, we then saw--so sudden was the -diminution in the value of every thing--we then saw seven sheep sold for -five deniers. The dearth of grain, also, was instantly changed into -abundance; and every one, occupied solely in amassing money for his -journey, sold every thing that he could, not according to its real worth, -but according to the value set upon it by the buyer. - -"In the mean while, the greater part of those who had not determined upon -the journey, joked and laughed at those who were thus selling their goods -for whatever they could get; and prophesied that their voyage would be -miserable, and their return worse. Such was ever the language one day; but -the next--suddenly seized with the same desire as the rest--those who had -been most forward to mock, abandoned every thing for a few crowns, and set -out with those whom they had laughed at but a day before. Who shall tell -the children and the infirm that, animated with the same spirit, hastened -to the war? Who shall count the old men and the young maids who hurried -forward to the fight?--not with the hope of aiding, but for the crown of -martyrdom to be won amid the swords of the infidels. 'You, warriors,' they -cried, 'you shall vanquish by the spear and brand; but let us, at least, -conquer Christ by our sufferings.' At the same time, one might see a -thousand things springing from the same spirit, which were both -astonishing and laughable: the poor shoeing their oxen, as we shoe horses, -and harnessing them to two-wheeled carts, in which they placed their -scanty provisions and their young children; and proceeding onward, while -the babes, at each town or castle that they saw, demanded eagerly whether -that was Jerusalem." - -Such is the picture presented, by an eyewitness, of the state of France -after the first promulgation of the crusade; and a most extraordinary -picture it is. The zeal, the enthusiasm, the fervour of the spirit, the -brutal ignorance and dark barbarity of the people, are the objects that -catch the eye from the mere surface; but underneath may be seen a hundred -fine and latent tints which mingle in the portrait of the age. There may -be found the hope of gain and the expectation of wealth in other lands, as -well as the excitement of devotion; and there also may be traced the -reckless, daring courage of a period when comfort was unknown, and when -security was scarcely less to be expected among the swords of the -Saracens, than in the fields of France and Germany. While the thirst of -adventure, the master-passion of the middle ages, prompted to any change -of scene and circumstances, imagination portrayed the land in view with -all that adventitious splendour which none--of all the many betrayers of -the human mind--so well knows how to bestow as hope. - -The same land, when the Jews marched towards it from the wilderness, had -been represented to them as a land flowing with milk and honey,--rich in -all gifts; and doubtless that inducement moved the stubborn Hebrews, as -much as the command of him they had so often disobeyed. Now the very same -prospect was held out to another host of men, as ignorant of what lay -before them as the Jews themselves; and it may be fairly supposed that, in -their case too, imaginary hopes, and all the gay phantasma of ambition, -shared powerfully with religion in leading them onward to the promised -land. - -Still zeal, and sympathy, and indignation, and chivalrous feeling, and the -thirst of glory, and the passion for enterprise, and a thousand vague but -great and noble aspirations, mingled in the complicated motive of the -crusade. It increased by contagion; it grew by communion; it spread from -house to house, and from bosom to bosom; it became a universal desire--an -enthusiasm--a passion--a madness. - -In the mean while, the crusade was not without producing a sensible -benefit even to Europe. The whole country had previously been desolated by -feuds[109] and pillage, and massacre. Castle waged war with castle: baron -plundered baron; and from field to field, and city to city, the traveller -could scarcely pass without injury or death. No sooner,[110] however, had -the crusade been preached at the council of Clermont, than the universal -peace, which was there commanded, called the _Truce[111] of God_, was -sworn throughout the country, the plunder ceased and the feuds -disappeared. The very fact of the wicked, the infamous, and the -bloodthirsty having embraced the crusade, either from penitence or from -worse motives, was a positive good to Europe. That not alone the -good,[112] the religious, the zealous, or the brave, filled the ranks of -the Cross is admitted on all hands; yet those who had once assumed that -holy sign were obliged, in some degree, to act as if their motives had -been pure, and their very absence was a blessing to the land they left. - -Still the crusade went on; and the imagination of the people being once -directed towards a particular object found, even in the phenomena which in -former days would have struck nations with fear and apprehension, signs of -blessing and omens of success. An earthquake itself[113] was held as good -augury; and scarcely a meteor shot across the sky without affording some -theme for hope. - -The sign of the Cross was now to be seen on the shoulder of every one; and -being generally cut in red[114] cloth, was a conspicuous and remarkable -object. As these multiplied, the hearts even of the fearful grew strong, -and the contagion of example added to the number every hour. Peter the -Hermit, indefatigable in his calling, though his mind seems day by -day[115] to have become more excited, till enthusiasm grew nearly akin to -madness, gathered a vast concourse of the lower orders, and prepared to -set out by the way of Hungary. But the real and serviceable body of -crusaders was collected from among another class, whose military habits -and chivalrous character were well calculated to effect the great object -proposed. - -In France, Hugh, the brother of King Philip, Robert, Count of Flanders, -Stephen, Count of Chartres and Blois, Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, William, -Bishop of Orange, Raimond, Count of Toulouse, and many others of the -highest station, assumed the Cross, and called together all the knights -and retainers that their great names and influence could bring into the -field. Robert, Duke of Normandy, son of William the Conqueror of England, -accompanied by a number of English barons, prepared also for the crusade. -Godfrey of Loraine, and his brothers were added to the number; and -Boemond, Prince of Tarento, the valiant son of Robert Guiscard, cast from -him the large possessions which his sword and that of his father had -conquered, and turned his hopes and expectations towards the east. - -The immense multitudes thus assembled are said to have amounted to nearly -six millions of souls;[116] and one of the most astonishing proofs of the -rapidity with which the news of the crusade must have spread, and the -enthusiasm with which it was received, is to be found in the fact, that -the council of Clermont was held in the November of the year 1095, and -that early in the spring of 1096 a large body of the crusaders was in -motion towards Palestine. - -The historians of the day are not at all agreed in regard to which was the -multitude that led the way towards the Holy Land. It appears[117] almost -certain, however, that _Gautier sans avoir_, or Walter the Penniless, a -Burgundian gentleman, without fortune, who had assembled a considerable -band of the lower classes under the banner of the Cross, was the first who -set out in compliance with the general vow. He was, according to all -accounts, a complete soldier of fortune, renowned for his poverty even to -a proverb, but by no means, as has been asserted, without military fame. -All[118] the contemporary writers designate him by his cognomen of -poverty; but all at the same time describe him as an illustrious warrior. -Nevertheless, the host that he led was rather an ill-governed crowd of men -on foot than an army; and but eight knights accompanied the leader on his -expedition. The difficulties of the undertaking were incalculable; and the -followers of Walter had provided but little for the necessities of the -way. It showed, however, no small skill in that leader to conduct the -disorderly rabble by which he was followed, so far as he did in safety. - -Passing through Germany,[119] he entered into Hungary; where, entangled -among the marshes and passes of that kingdom, his whole followers must -have perished inevitably, had he not met with the greatest kindness and -assistance from the king and people of the country, who, professing the -Christian religion, understood and venerated the motives of the crusade. - -Thus the host of Walter swept on till their arrival at Semlin, where some -stragglers were attacked and plundered by a party of Hungarians less -humane than their brethren. The arms and crosses of the crusaders who had -thus been despoiled, were fixed upon the walls of the city as a sort of -trophy; but Walter, though strongly urged by his followers to seek -vengeance for the insult, wisely forbore and passing forward, entered into -Bulgaria. Here the champions of the Cross met with no further aid. The -people regarded them with jealous suspicion; the cities shut their gates -upon them; all commerce was prohibited, and all supplies denied. - -Famine now imperiously urged them to violence; and having taken possession -of whatever flocks and herds they could find, the crusaders soon found -themselves attacked by the Bulgarians, by whom considerable numbers were -cut off and destroyed. - -Walter himself, with great wisdom[120] and resolution, forced his way -through innumerable difficulties, till he had left behind him the -inhospitable country of the Bulgarians; and at length brought his army, -infinitely wasted by both famine and the sword, to the neighbourhood of -Constantinople. Here he obtained permission to refresh his forces, and -wait the arrival of Peter the Hermit himself, who followed close upon his -steps. - -The multitude which had been collected by the Hermit was even of a less -uniform and regular description than that which had followed _Gautier sans -avoir_. Men, women, and children,--all sexes, ages, and professions,--many -and distinct languages--a quantity of baggage and useless encumbrance, -rendered the army of Peter as unwieldy and dangerous an engine as ever was -put in motion. Notwithstanding its bulk and inconsistency, it also -proceeded in safety, and without much reproach, through Germany and -Hungary; but at Semlin, the sight of the crosses and vestments which had -been stripped from[121] the stragglers of Walter's host roused the anger -of the multitude. The town was attacked and taken by assault, with all the -acts of savage ferocity which usually follow such an occurrence; and the -crusaders, without remorse, gave themselves up to every barbarity that -dark and unrestrained passions could suggest.[122] - -The news of this event soon reached the king of Hungary; who, calling -together a considerable force, marched to avenge the death and pillage of -his subjects. His approach instantly caused Peter to decamp from Semlin; -but the passage of the Morava was opposed by a tribe of savage Bulgarians: -few boats were to be procured; those that were found were of small -dimensions; and the rafts that could be hastily constructed were but -little manageable in a broad and rapid river. Some of the crusaders thus -perished in the water, some fell by the arrows of the enemy; but the tribe -that opposed the passage being defeated and put to flight, the rest of -Peter's followers were brought over in safety. - -The Hermit now, after having sacrificed the prisoners to what was then -considered a just resentment, pursued his way to Nissa, in which town the -Duke of Bulgaria had fortified himself, having abandoned Belgrade at the -approach of the army of the Cross. Finding, however, that Peter did not at -all contemplate taking vengeance for the inhospitality shown to _Gautier -sans avoir_, the duke wisely permitted his subjects to supply the -crusaders with necessaries. - -Thus all passed tranquilly under the walls of Nissa, till Peter and his -host had absolutely departed, when some German stragglers, remembering a -controversy of the night before with one of the Bulgarian merchants, set -fire to several mills and houses without the walls of the town. - -Enraged at this wanton outrage, the armed people of the city rushed out -upon the aggressors, and, not contented with sacrificing them to their -fury, fell upon the rear of the Hermit's army, glutted their wrath with -the blood of all that opposed them, and carried off the baggage, the -women, the children, and all that part of the multitude whose weakness at -once caused them to linger behind, and left them without defence. - -The moment that Peter heard of this event, he turned back; and, with a -degree of calmness and moderation that does high honour to his memory, he -endeavoured to investigate the cause of the disaster, and conciliate by -courtesy and fair words. This negotiation was highly successful; the duke, -appeased with the vengeance he had taken, agreed to return the prisoners -and the baggage, and every thing once more assumed a peaceful aspect; when -suddenly, a body of a thousand imprudent men, fancying that they saw an -opportunity of seizing on the town, passed the stone bridge, and -endeavoured to scale the walls. A general conflict ensued; the -ill-disciplined host of the crusaders was defeated and dispersed, and -Peter himself, obliged to fly alone, took refuge, like the rest, in the -neighbouring forests. - -For some time he pursued his way over mountains,[123] and wastes, and -precipices; and it may easily be conceived that his heart--so lately -elated with honour, and command, and gratified enthusiasm--now felt -desolate and crushed, to find the multitude his voice had gathered -dispersed or slain, and himself a wandering fugitive in a foreign land, -without shelter, protection, or defence. At length, it is said, he met by -chance several of his best and most courageous knights at the top of a -mountain, where they had assembled with no more than five hundred men, -which seemed at first all that remained of his vast army.[124] He caused, -however, signals to be made and horns to be sounded in the different parts -of the forest, that any of the scattered crusaders within hearing might be -brought to one spot. - -These and other means which were put in practice to call together the -remnants of his army, proved so successful, that before night seven -thousand men were collected, and with this force he hastened to march on -towards Constantinople. As he went, other bands, which had been separated -from him in the confusion of the flight, rejoined him, and the only -difficulty, as the host advanced, was to procure the necessaries of life. - -The news of Peter's adventures flew before them, and reached even -Constantinople. Alexius, the emperor, who had not yet learned to fear the -coming of the crusaders, sent deputies to meet the Hermit, and to hasten -his journey; and at Philippopoli the eloquent display of his sufferings, -which Peter addressed to the assembled people, moved their hearts to -compassion and sympathy. The wants of the host were plentifully supplied, -and, after reposing for some days in the friendly city, the whole body, -now again amounting to thirty thousand men, set out for Constantinople, -where they arrived in safety, and joined the troops which Walter the -Penniless had conducted thither previously. - -Here they found a considerable number of Lombards and Italians; but these, -also, as well as the troops which they had themselves brought thither were -not only of the lowest, but of the most disorderly classes of the people. -It is no wonder therefore--although Alexius supplied them with money and -provisions, and tried to secure to them the repose and comfort that they -needed in every respect--that these ruffian adventurers should soon begin -to tire of tranquillity and order, and to exercise their old trades of -plunder and excess.[125] They overturned palaces, set fire to the public -buildings, and stripped even the lead off the roofs of the churches, which -they afterward sold to the Greeks from whom they had plundered it. - -Horrified by these enormities,[126] the emperor soon found a pretext to -hurry them across the Bosphorus, still giving them the humane caution, to -wait the arrival of stronger forces, before they attempted to quit -Bithynia. Here, however, their barbarous licentiousness soon exceeded all -bounds, and Peter the Hermit himself, having lost command over his -turbulent followers, returned to Constantinople in despair, upon the -pretence of consulting with the emperor on the subject of provisions.[127] - -After his departure, the Lombards and Germans separated themselves from -the French and Normans, whose crimes and insolence disgusted even their -barbarous fellows. _Gautier sans avoir_ still continued in command of the -French, who remained where Peter had left them; but the Italians[128] and -Germans chose for their leader one Renault, or Rinaldo, and, marching on, -made themselves masters of a fortress called Exorogorgon, or Xerigord. -Here they were attacked by the sultaun Soliman, who cut to pieces a large -body placed in ambuscade, and then invested the fort, which, being ill -supplied with water, he was well aware must surrender before long. - -For eight days the besieged underwent tortures too dreadful to be dwelt -upon, from the most agonizing thirst. At the end of that time, Rinaldo and -his principal companions went over to the Turks, abandoned their religion, -and betrayed their brethren. The castle thus falling into the hands of the -infidels, the Christians that remained were slaughtered without mercy. - -The news of this disaster was soon brought to the French camp, and -indignation spread among the crusaders.[129] Some say a desire of -vengeance, some a false report of the fall of Nice, caused the French to -insist upon hurrying forward towards the Turkish territory. Gautier wisely -resisted for some time all the entreaties of his troops, but at length -finding them preparing to march without his consent, he put himself at -their head, and led them towards Nice. Before reaching that place, he was -encountered by the Turkish forces. The battle was fierce, but unequal: -Gautier and his knights fought with desperate courage,[130] but all their -efforts were vain; the Christians were slaughtered in every direction; and -Gautier himself, after having displayed to the last that intrepid valour -for which he was renowned, fell under seven mortal wounds. - -Not above three thousand Christians effected their escape to Civitot. Here -again they were attacked by the Turks, who surrounded the fortress with -vast piles of wood, in order to exterminate by fire the few of the -crusaders that remained. The besieged, however, watched their moment, and -while the wind blew towards the Turkish camp, set fire to the wood -themselves, which thus was consumed without injury to them, while many of -their enemies were destroyed by the flames.[131] - -In the mean time one of the crusaders had made his way to Constantinople, -and communicated the news of all these disasters to Peter the Hermit. The -unhappy Peter, painfully disappointed, like all those who fix their -enthusiasm on the virtues or the prudence of mankind, was driven almost to -despair, by the folly and unworthiness of those in whom he had placed his -hopes. He nevertheless cast himself at the feet of the emperor -Alexius,[132] and besought him, with tears and supplications, to send some -forces to deliver the few crusaders who had escaped from the scimitar of -the Turks. - -The monarch granted his request, and the little garrison of Civitot were -brought in safety to Constantinople. After their arrival, however, Alexius -ordered them to disperse and return to their own country; and with wise -caution bought their arms before he dismissed them;[133] thus at once -supplying them with money for their journey, and depriving them of the -means of plundering and ravaging his dominions as they went. Most of the -historians[134] of that age accuse Alexius of leaguing with the Turks, -even at this period, to destroy the crusaders, or, at least, of triumphing -in the fall of those very men whom he had himself called to his succour. - -The conduct of Alexius in this transaction is not very clear, but it is -far from improbable that, fearful of the undisciplined multitude he had -brought into his dominions, horrified by their crimes, and indignant at -their pillage of his subjects, he beheld them fall by their own folly and -the swords of the enemy, without any effort to defend them, or any very -disagreeable feeling at their destruction. And indeed, when we remember -the actions they did commit within the limits of the Greek empire, we can -hardly wonder at the monarch, if he rejoiced at their punishment, or blame -him if he was indifferent to their fate. - -Thus ended the great expedition of Peter the Hermit: but several others of -a similar unruly character took place previous to the march of those -troops, whose discipline, valour, and unity of purpose ensured a more -favourable issue to their enterprise. I shall touch but briefly upon these -mad and barbarous attempts, as a period of more interest follows. - -The body of crusaders which seems to have succeeded immediately to that -led by Peter the Hermit was composed almost entirely of Germans, collected -together by a priest called Gottschalk.[135] They penetrated into Hungary; -but there, giving way to all manner of excesses, they were followed by -Carloman, the king of that country, with a powerful army, and having been -induced to lay down their arms, that the criminals might be selected and -punished, they were slaughtered indiscriminately by the Hungarians, who -were not a little glad to take vengeance for the blood shed by the army of -Peter at Semlin. - -About the same period, immense bands of men and women came forth from -almost every country of Europe, with the symbol of the crusade upon their -shoulders, and the pretence of serving God upon their lips. They joined -together wheresoever they met, and, excited by a foul spirit of fanatical -cruelty, mingled with the most infamous moral depravity, proceeded towards -the south of Germany. They gave themselves up, we are told,[136] to the -pleasures of the table without intermission: men and women, and even -children, it is said, lived in a state of promiscuous debauchery; and, -preceded by a goose and a goat,[137] which, in their mad fanaticism, they -declared to be animated by the divine spirit, they marched onward, -slaughtering the Jews as they went; and proclaiming that the first duty of -Christians was to exterminate the nation which had rejected the Saviour -himself. Several of the German bishops bravely opposed them, and -endeavoured to protect the unhappy Hebrews; but still, vast multitudes -were slain, and many even sought self-destruction rather than encounter -the brutality of the fanatics, or abjure their religion. - -Glutted with slaughter, the ungodly herd now turned towards Hungary; but -at Mersburg they were encountered by a large Hungarian force, which -disputed their passage over the Danube, absolutely refusing the road -through that kingdom to any future band of crusaders. The fanatics forced -their way across the river, attacked Mersburg itself with great fury and -perseverance, and succeeded in making a breach in the walls, when suddenly -an unaccountable terror seized them--none knew how or why--they abandoned -the siege, dispersed in dismay, and fled like scattered deer over the -country. - -The Hungarians suffered not the opportunity to escape, and pursuing them -on every side, smote them during many days with a merciless fury, that -nothing but their own dreadful cruelties could palliate. The fields were -strewed with dead bodies, the rivers flowed with blood, and the very -waters of the Danube are said to have been hidden by the multitude of -corpses. - -Disaster and death had, sooner or later, overtaken each body of the -crusaders that had hitherto, without union or command, set out towards the -Holy Land; but each of these very bands had been composed of the refuse -and dregs of the people. I do not mean by that word _dregs_ the poor, but -I mean the base--I do not mean those who were low in station, or even -ignorant in mind; but I mean those who were infamous in crime, and brutal -in desire. Doubtless, in these expeditions, some fell who were animated by -noble motives or excellent zeal; but such were few compared with those -whose objects were plunder, licentiousness, and vice. The swords of the -Hungarians and the Turks lopped these away; and I cannot find in my heart -to look upon the purification which Europe thus underwent with any thing -like sorrow. The crusade itself was by this means freed from many a base -and unworthy member; and Chivalry, left to act more in its own spirit, -though still participating deeply in the faults and vices of a barbarous -age, brought about a nobler epoch and a brighter event. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -_The Chivalry of Europe takes the Field--The Leaders--Godfrey of -Bouillon--Conducts his Army towards Constantinople--Hugh the Great--Leads -his Army through Italy--Embarks for Durazzo--Taken Prisoner--Liberated-- -Robert, Duke of Normandy--Winters in Italy--Arrives at Constantinople-- -Robert, Count of Flanders--Joins the rest--Boemond of Tarentum--Tancred-- -Their March--Defeat the Greeks--Boemond does Homage--Tancred avoids it-- -The Count of Toulouse arrives--Refuses to do Homage--Robert of Normandy -does Homage._ - - -While the undisciplined and barbarous multitudes who first set out were -hurrying to destruction, various princes and leaders were engaged, as I -have before said, in collecting the Chivalry of Europe under the banner of -the Cross. Six distinguished chiefs--Godfrey of Bouillon, Duke of -Loraine--Hugh the Great, Count of Vermandois, and brother of Philip, King -of France--Robert, Duke of Normandy, brother of William Rufus--Robert, -Count of Flanders--Boemond, Prince of Tarentum--and Raimond, Count of -Toulouse--conducted six separate armies towards Constantinople: and I -propose, in this chapter, to follow each of them till their junction in -Bithynia. - -It is indeed a pleasure to turn our eyes from scenes of horror and crime -to the contemplation of those great and shining qualities--those noble and -enthusiastic virtues, which entered into the composition of that rare -quintessence, the spirit of Chivalry. - -Doubtless, in the war which I am about to paint there occurred many things -that are to be deeply regretted, as furnishing abundantly that quantity of -alloy which is ever, unhappily, mixed with virtue's purest gold: but, at -the same time, I now come to speak of men, in many of whom splendid -courage, and moral beauty, and religious zeal, and temperate wisdom, and -generous magnanimity, combined to form the great and wonderful of this -earth's children. Indeed, if ever there was a man who well merited the -glorious name of a true knight, that man was Godfrey of Bouillon; and few -have described him without becoming poets for that once. - -I will not borrow from Tasso--who had the privilege of eulogium--but, in -striving to paint the character of the great leader of the crusade, I -shall take the words of one of the simplest of the writers of his -age,[138] and give them as nearly as possible in their original tone: "He -was beautiful in countenance," says Robert the Monk, "tall in stature, -agreeable in his discourse, admirable in his morals, and at the same time -so gentle, that he seemed better fitted for the monk than for the knight; -but when his enemies appeared before him, and the combat approached, his -soul became filled with mighty daring; like a lion, he feared not for his -person--and what shield, what buckler, could resist the fall of his -sword?" - -Perhaps of all men of the age, Godfrey of Bouillon was the most -distinguished. His mother Ida, daughter of Godfrey, Duke of Loraine, was -celebrated for her love of letters,[139] and from her it is probable that -Godfrey himself derived that taste for literature, so singular among the -warriors of that day. He spoke several languages, excelled in every -chivalrous exercise, was calm and deliberate in council, firm and decided -in resolution; he was active, clearsighted, and prudent, while he was -cool, frank, and daring; in the battle he was fierce as the lion, but in -victory he was moderate and humane. - -Though still in his prime of years when the crusades were preached, he was -already old in exploits: he had upheld Henry IV. on the imperial throne, -had attacked and forced the walls of Rome, and had shone in a hundred -fields, where his standard ever was raised upon the side of honour and of -virtue. - -Long ere the idea of such an enterprise as the crusade became general in -Europe, Godfrey had often been heard to declare, when tales were brought -him of the miseries of the Holy Land, that he longed to travel to -Jerusalem,[140] not with staff and scrip,[141] but with spear and shield; -and it may well be conceived that his was one of the first standards -raised in the ranks of the Cross. A fever that had hung upon him for some -time left him at the tidings, and he felt as if he had shaken off a load -of years, and recovered all his youth.[142] - -His fame as a leader soon collected an immense number of other barons and -knights, who willingly ranged themselves under his banner; and we find -that besides Baldwin, his brother[143]--and many other relations--the -lords of St. Paul, of Hainault, of Gray, of Toul, of Hache, of Conti, and -of Montagne, with their knights and retainers, had joined him before the -beginning of August,[144] and towards the middle of that month they began -their march with all the splendour of Chivalry.[145] - -The progress of this new body of crusaders was directed, like that of -Peter the Hermit, towards Hungary; but the conduct maintained by the -followers of Godfrey was as remarkable for its strict discipline, -moderation, and order, as that of his predecessors had been for turbulence -and excess.[146] The first objects, however, that presented themselves on -the Hungarian frontier were the unburied corpses of the fanatic crowd -slain near Mersburg. - -Here then Godfrey paused during three weeks,[147] investigating calmly the -causes of the bloody spectacle before him; after which he wrote to -Carloman, king of Hungary; and his letter on this occasion, mingling -firmness with moderation, gives a fair picture of his noble and dignified -character. Having mentioned the horrible sight which had arrested him in -his progress, and the rumours he had heard, he proceeds--"However severe -may have been the punishment inflicted on our brethren, whose remains lie -round about us, if that punishment was merited, our anger shall expire; -but if, on the contrary, you have calumniated the innocent, and given them -up to death, we will not pass over in silence the murder of the servants -of God, but will instantly show ourselves ready to avenge the blood of our -brethren."[148] - -It was easy for Carloman to prove that the aggression had been on the side -of the crusaders; and after various acts of confidence between -Godfrey[149] and the king, the army of the Cross was permitted to pass -through Hungary, which they accomplished in safety and peace, maintaining -the strictest discipline and regularity, and trading with the people of -the country with good faith and courtesy. Hence, proceeding through -Bulgaria and Thrace, Godfrey led his troops peacefully on to Philippopoli, -where he was met by deputies from the emperor, charged with orders to see -that the crusaders should be furnished with every kind of necessary -provision. - -In passing through Dacia and Bulgaria, the army of Godfrey had been not a -little[150] straitened for food, and it is impossible to say what might -have been the consequences, had the same dearth been suffered to continue. -The prudent conduct of the emperor did away all cause of violence, and -after the arrival of his deputies, the troops of the Cross celebrated his -liberality with joy and gratitude. - -News soon reached the army[151] of Godfrey, however, which changed their -opinion of Alexius, and showed him as the subtle and treacherous being -that he really was. To explain what this news consisted of, I must turn -for a moment to another party of crusaders, who, while Godfrey pursued -his peaceful course through Hungary, marched towards the general -meeting-place at Constantinople, by the way of Italy. - -Hugh, Count of Vermandois, had assembled an army even superior in number -to that of Godfrey of Bouillon, and was himself in every respect -calculated to shine at the head of such an armament. He was gallant,[152] -brave, handsome, and talented; but the calm and dignified spirit of -moderation, which so characterized Godfrey of Bouillon, was wanting in the -brother of the French king. Joined to his expedition, though marching in -separate bodies, and at distinct times,[153] were the troops of Robert, -Duke of Normandy, and Stephen, Count of Blois; with those of Robert, Count -of Flanders, in another division.[154] - -The count of Vermandois, impetuous and proud, took his departure before -his companions, traversed Italy, and embarking at Barri, landed with but a -scanty train at Durazzo. His expectations were high, and his language -haughty, supposing he should find in the Greek emperor the same humbled -supplicant who had craved, in abject terms, assistance against the -infidels from his Christian brethren of the west. But the position of the -emperor had now changed. The Turks, occupied with other interests, no -longer menaced his frontier. The imperial city slept in peace and -splendour; and if he had any thing to fear, it was from his own restless -and turbulent subjects rather than from his Saracen foes. Nor, in fact, -had he ever been desirous of any thing like the expedition that was -entering his dominions. He had prayed for aid and assistance to defend his -country, but Urban had preached a crusade, and the princes were now in -arms to reconquer the Christian territories in Asia, as well as to protect -those of Europe. He had gladly heard of the crusade, and willingly -consented to it, it is true, as he well knew it would afford a mighty -diversion in his favour, but he then dreamed not of the armed millions -that were now swarming towards his capital. His position, too, had -changed, as I have said, and he immediately determined upon a line of -policy well suited to the weak subtlety of his character. - -Alexius was one of those men whose minds are not of sufficient scope to -view life as a whole, and who therefore have not one great object in their -deeds; who act for the petty interests of the moment, and whose cunning, -compared with the talents of a really great mind, is like the skill of a -fencing-master compared with the genius of a great general. He saw not, -and felt not, the vast ultimate benefit which he might receive from -maintaining a dignified friendship with the princes commanding the -crusade. He did not perceive what an immense and powerful engine was -placed, if he chose it, at his disposition.--In his narrow selfishness, he -only beheld a temporary danger from the great forces that were -approaching, and he strove to diminish them by every base and petty -artifice. He did not endeavour to make himself great by their means, but -he tried to bring them down to his own littleness. It is true, that on -some occasions he showed feelings of liberality and humanity; but from his -general conduct it is but fair to infer that these were the -inconsistencies of selfishness; and that though he was sometimes prudent -enough to be liberal, he was not wise enough to be uniformly generous. - -On the arrival of Hugh at Durazzo, he was at first received with respect, -and entertained with honour and profusion; and thus finding himself at -ease, he was induced to remain for a time in confident security. Suddenly, -however, without a pretence for such violence, he was arrested, together -with his train, and sent to Constantinople, some authors say, _in -chains_.[155] - -Nevertheless, it is not probable that Alexius dared to carry his -inhospitality so far; and one of the historians[156] of the day -particularly marks, that the prisoner was treated with every testimony of -respect. Guibert also ventures a supposition respecting the motives of -Alexius, far superior to the general steril course of ancient chronicles. -He imagines--and I wonder that the idea has not been adopted by any -one--that the object of the Greek emperor, in confining Hugh, was to -obtain from him, before the other princes should arrive, that act of -homage which he intended to exact from all. The brother of the king of -France himself having taken the oath, would be so strong a precedent, that -it is more than probable, Alexius[157] fancied the rest of the crusaders -would easily agree to do that which their superior in rank had done -previous to their arrival. - -At Philippopoli[158] the news of Hugh's imprisonment reached the army of -Godfrey de Bouillon, and with the prompt but prudent firmness of that -great leader's character, he instantly sent messengers to Alexius, -demanding the immediate liberation of the Count of Vermandois and his -companions, accompanying the message with a threat of hostilities, if the -demand were not conceded. - -Godfrey then marched on to Adrianople,[159] where he was met by his -deputies, bringing the refusal of the emperor to comply with his request: -in consequence of which the country was instantly given up to pillage; and -so signal were the effects of this sort of vengeance, that Alexius -speedily found himself forced to put his prisoners at liberty. The moment -that a promise to this effect was received, Godfrey recalled his forces; -and with wonderful discipline and subordination, they instantly abandoned -the ravages they were before licensed to commit, and marched on peacefully -towards Constantinople. Had the armies of the Cross continued to show such -obedience and moderation, Palestine would now have been Christian. - -In the neighbourhood of the imperial city Godfrey pitched his tents, and -the innumerable[160] multitude of his steel-clad warriors struck terror -into the heart of the fearful monarch of the east.[161] To the Count of -Vermandois, however, it was a sight of joy; and issuing forth from -Constantinople with his friends and followers, he galloped forward to the -immense camp of the crusaders, where, casting himself into the arms of -Godfrey,[162] he gave himself up to such transports of delight and -gratitude, that the bystanders were moved to tears. - -The emperor now turned the whole force of his artful mind to wring from -Godfrey an act of homage, and for several weeks he continued, by every -sort of fluctuating baseness, to disturb his repose, and to irritate his -followers. At one time, he was all professions of kindness and liberality; -at another, he breathed nothing but warfare and opposition. Sometimes the -markets were shut to the crusaders, sometimes the private stores of the -emperor himself were opened. - -At length, after having twice defeated the bands of plunderers sent by -Alexius to attack him,[163] Godfrey gave way to his wrath, and for six -days successively ravaged the country round Constantinople with fire and -sword. Alexius on this again changed his conduct, and with every -profession of regard demanded an interview with the chief of the -crusaders, offering his son as a hostage for his good faith. With this -safeguard Godfrey, followed by several other noble knights, entered -Constantinople, and proceeded to the imperial palace, clothed in his robes -of peace,[164] and bearing purple and ermine and gold, instead of the iron -panoply of war.[165] - -The great leader was received by the emperor with the highest distinction, -was honoured with the kiss of peace, and underwent that curious ceremony -of an adoption of honour (as it was then called) as son to the -emperor.[166] He was clothed with imperial robes,[167] and the monarch, -calling him his son, nominally placed his empire at Godfrey's disposal. In -return for the distinctions he had received--and probably pressed by Hugh, -Count of Vermandois, who loved not to stand alone, in having yielded -homage to Alexius--Godfrey consented to give the emperor his hand, -according to the feudal forms of France, and to declare himself his -liegeman. - -His fears dissipated by this concession, and his hopes of winning the -princes who were to follow, by so illustrious an example, raised to the -highest pitch, Alexius loaded Godfrey and his followers with magnificent -presents, and suffered them to depart. Peace was now permitted to remain -unbroken; and after having refreshed themselves for some days, the army of -the crusaders passed the Hellespont, and encamped at Chalcedon,[168] to -wait the arrival of their brethren. - -It is more than probable that Godfrey was induced to quit the original -place of rendezvous by the solicitations of Alexius, who took care, it has -been since observed, to guard his capital from the presence of any two of -the crusading hosts at one time. - -Boemond, prince of Tarentum, and son of the famous Guiscard, had quitted -Italy shortly after the departure of Godfrey from Loraine. Various tales -are told of the manner in which he first declared his purpose of joining -the crusade. Some have asserted, that on hearing of the expedition, while -engaged in the siege of Amalfi, he dashed his armour to pieces with his -battle-axe,[169] and caused it to be formed into small crosses, which he -distributed among his soldiery. Others reduce the anecdote to a less -chivalrous but perhaps more civilized degree of energy, and state, that -he caused his mantle to be cut into crosses for his troops.[170] - -As many relate the tale, it is likely to have had some foundation; and -there is no doubt that Boemond abandoned all his vast possessions in -Italy, with the reserve only of Tarentum, and devoted himself to the wars -of the Cross. His presence might have proved more generally advantageous -to the cause, had he not, by this enthusiastic renunciation, given himself -other motives in the warfare before him, besides those of religion and -humanity. He had naturally in his veins quite sufficient of the blood of -Guiscard to require no additional stimulus to the desire of conquering for -himself. He was nevertheless one of the best soldiers of the Cross, so far -as military skill availed--bold, powerful, keen, and active; and -possessing that sort of shrewd and even wily art, which, joined with his -other qualities, formed an enterprising and successful leader, more -perhaps than a distinguished knight. - -With him, however, came the noblest of all the Christian Chivalry, -Tancred--whose valour, generosity, enthusiasm, and courtesy have been the -theme of so many a song--of whom Tasso, in seeking to describe him in the -highest language of poetry, could say nothing more than truth, - - Vien poi Tancredi, e non è alcun fra tanti - Tranne Rinaldo--O feritor maggiore, - O più bel di maniere e di sembianti - O più eccelso ed entrepido di core.[171] - -Few characters can be conceived more opposed to each other than those of -the relations,[172] Tancred and Boemond; and yet we find Tancred willingly -serving in the army of the Prince of Tarentum, as second to that chief. -The same unambitious modesty is to be discovered throughout the whole -history of the young knight; and though we ever behold him opposed to -meannesses, by whomsoever they may be adopted, we still see him willing to -take upon himself the danger and labour of an inferior station. - -Under the banners of these chiefs marched a host of Italian and Norman -nobles; the army, it is said, amounting to ten thousand horse,[173] and an -immense multitude of foot, in which view of the forces we must remember -that only men of noble birth were usually admitted to fight on -horseback.[174] These troops were even increased as they marched to the -seacoast of Apulia; and the great body of those Normans who, not a century -before, had taken complete possession of the country, now left it for the -Holy Land. - -Mills,[175] following his particular theory, supposes Urban the pope to -smile with triumphant self-gratulation on seeing the army of Boemond -depart; but it seems strange, that the prelate should rejoice in the -absence of the very men by whom he had been always protected, while his -enemies remained, and were even in possession of the old church of St. -Peter[176] at Rome, as we learn by a contemporary crusader. - -The forces of Boemond and Tancred landed at Durazzo, and made their way, -with much more regularity than could have been expected, through -Epirus.[177] They were harassed, however, on their march by various -skirmishes with the Greek troops, who did every thing in their power to -destroy the crusading army, although Alexius[178] had sent messengers to -Boemond himself congratulating him on his arrival, and promising every -kind of assistance. These attacks, nevertheless, only amounted to a petty -degree of annoyance, till the host of the Cross came to the passage of -the Axius. Here, a part of the forces having traversed the river with -almost the whole of the cavalry, the rear of the army was suddenly -attacked by an infinitely superior body of Greeks.[179] - -Tancred, already on the other side, lost not a moment, but, spurring his -horse into the water, followed by about two thousand knights, he charged -the Greeks so vigorously as to drive them back with considerable loss in -killed and prisoners. When brought before Boemond, the captives justified -themselves by avouching the commands of the emperor, and Tancred would -fain have pursued and exterminated the forces of the perfidious Greek. -Boemond, however, more prudently forbore, and, without retaliation of any -kind, advanced to Adrianople. - -I see no reason to qualify this moderation as subtilty, which Mills has -not scrupled to do. Boemond was artful beyond all doubt, but this was not -a fair instance of any thing but wisdom and self-command. At Adrianople, -well knowing the character of Alexius, to whom he had frequently been -opposed, and foreseeing that his troops might be irritated by various acts -of annoyance,[180] Boemond drew up his army, and, in a calm and temperate -speech, represented to them that they had taken up arms in the cause of -Christ, and therefore that it was their duty to refrain from all acts of -hostility towards their fellow-christians. - -Shortly after this, the Prince of Tarentum was met by deputies from the -emperor, inviting him to come on with all speed to Constantinople, leaving -his army behind, under the command of Tancred. Boemond at first refused to -trust himself in the power of his ancient enemy,[181] but Godfrey of -Bouillon having visited him in person, and guarantied his security, the -Italian chief agreed to the arrangement proposed, and accompanied the Duke -of Loraine to the imperial palace. Gold and dominion were always motives -of great force with the mind of Boemond, and Alexius did not spare such -temptations, either present or to come, for the purpose of inducing the -Prince of Tarentum to do homage to the eastern empire. His promises were -limitless, and the actual presents[182] which he heaped upon the -Normo-Italian immense. He also granted him, it is said, a territory in -Romania, consisting, in length, of as much ground as a horse could travel -in fifteen days; and, in breadth,[183] of as much as could be traversed in -eight; besides which, he loaded him with jewels and gold, and rich -vestments, till Boemond, from one of his most inveterate enemies, became -one of his firmest allies. This, indeed, proceeded from no confidence or -friendship on either side. Boemond still felt how little Alexius could -forgive the injuries he had in former days inflicted, and dared not trust -himself to eat of the meat set before him at the emperor's table. - -Alexius, with all the penetration of his race, evidently dived into the -Norman's thoughts, and saw that he aspired even to the imperial crown -itself.[184] No reliance, therefore, existed between them; but, on the one -hand, Boemond, for considerations of interest, forgot his dignity, and did -homage to the emperor, while Alexius, on his part, agreed that the homage -should be void, if the promises he made were not exactly fulfilled.[185] - -The news of his relation's humiliation soon reached Tancred, who was -leading on their united forces towards Constantinople; and though -unquestionably, the lamentation attributed to him by his biographer[186] -is somewhat more poetical than real, little doubt can be entertained that -the gallant prince was painfully struck by Boemond's disgraceful -concessions. Hugh of Vermandois had done homage to obtain his liberty; -Godfrey of Bouillon, to restore peace and unanimity between the Christian -emperor and the crusaders; Boemond _sold_ his homage, with no palliating -circumstance. - -The determination of Tancred seems to have been taken almost immediately -on hearing this news, and marching upon Constantinople as if it were his -intention to follow exactly the course of his relation, he suddenly -crossed the Hellespont[187] without giving notice to any one, and joined -the army of Godfrey at Chalcedon.[188] - -This conduct greatly irritated Alexius, and he made several efforts to -bring Tancred back without success; but the arrival of Raimond de St. -Gilles, Count of Toulouse, with the immense army of the Languedocian -crusaders, soon called the attention of the emperor in another direction. -The Count of Toulouse has been very variously represented, and no doubt -can exist that he was a bold and skilful leader, a courageous and resolute -man. He was, it is said, intolerant and tenacious of reverence, fond of -pomp and display, and withal revengeful, though his revenge was always of -a bold and open character. Not so his avarice, which led him to commit as -many pitiful meannesses as ever sprang from that basest of desires. He was -proud, too, beyond all question; but where his covetousness did not -overbalance the other great principle of his nature, he maintained, in -his general conduct, that line of moral firmness which dignifies pride, -and raises it almost to a virtue. - -Under the banners of the Count of Toulouse marched the gay Chivalry of all -the south of France--Gascons, and Provençals, and Auvergnats--people, in -whose hearts the memory of Saracen invasions from Spain was still fresh; -and whose quick and passionate dispositions had at once embraced with -enthusiasm the holy war. A glorious train of lords and knights followed -their noble chief, and the legate of the pope, as well as several other -bishops, gave religious dignity to this body of the crusaders. - -The count directed his course by Sclavonia towards Greece, notwithstanding -that the season was unfavourable, as he set out in winter.[189] During the -journey he displayed, in the highest degree, every quality of a great -commander. Innumerable difficulties, on which we cannot pause, assailed -him even during the first part of his march through the barren and -inhospitable passes which lay between his own fair land and Greece. When -he had reached the dominions of Alexius, whose call for aid he had not -forgotten, the count imagined, to use the words of his chaplain, that he -was in his native land, so much did he rely upon the welcome and -protection of the Greek emperor. But he, like the chiefs who had preceded -him, was deceived, and the same series of harassing persecutions awaited -him on the way. An act of seasonable[190] but barbarous vengeance, -however, in mutilating and disfiguring several of the prisoners, so much -frightened the savage hordes which the emperor had cast upon his track, -that the rest of the journey passed in comparative tranquillity. Like -those who had gone before, the count was permitted to enter the imperial -city with but few attendants. - -Here the same proposal of rendering homage was made to Raimond which had -been addressed to the other leaders of the crusade, but he rejected it at -once with dignified indignation, and maintained his resolution with -unalterable firmness.[191] The means which had been tried with Godfrey of -Bouillon were now employed against the Count of Toulouse; and as no very -strong body of crusaders was soon expected from Europe, the emperor seems -confidently to have anticipated the destruction of the Languedocian force. -The Bosphorus lay between it and the armies of Godfrey, of Hugh, of -Boemond, and of Robert of Flanders,[192] whose arrival we have not thought -it necessary to dwell upon, as it was accompanied by no circumstance of -interest. Alexius had taken especial care, that no vessels should remain -on the other side of the Straits, which would facilitate the return of the -crusaders even if they should wish it,[193] and Boemond was devoted to his -cause from motives of interest. - -Under these circumstances Alexius did not scruple to order a night attack -to be made upon the camp of the French knights. At first it proved -successful, and many fell under the treacherous sword of the Greeks. At -length, however, the Languedocians recovered from their surprise, repulsed -the enemy with great loss, and for some time gave full way to their -indignation. Raimond even resolved to declare war against the emperor, but -abandoned his intention on finding that the other princes would not -succour him, and that Boemond threatened to join his arms to those of -Alexius. Thus upheld, the emperor still continued to insist on the homage -of the count; but Raimond declared that he would sooner lay down his head -upon the block than yield to such an indignity.[194] "He had come,"[195] -he said, "to fight for one Lord, which was Christ, and for him he had -abandoned country, and goods, and lands, but no other lord would he -acknowledge; though, if the emperor would, in person, lead the host -towards Constantinople, he would willingly put himself and his troops -under his august command." - -All that could ultimately be obtained from him, even at the intercession -of his companions in arms, was a vow that he would neither directly nor -indirectly do any act which could militate against the life or honour of -the emperor.[196] - -This concession, however, seemed to satisfy Alexius, upon whose weakness -the ambitious spirit of Boemond was pressing somewhat too hard. The power -of Raimond of Toulouse, the monarch saw, might be used as a good -counterpoise to the authority which the Prince of Tarentum was inclined to -assume; and in consequence, Alexius soon completely changed his conduct, -and loaded the count with distinctions and courtesy. The pleasures of the -imperial palace, the rivalry which the artful emperor contrived to raise -up between him and Boemond, and the false but polished society of the -Greek court, excited and pleased the Count of Toulouse, who remained some -time in the midst of pomp and enjoyment. - -His character, also, though it had much of the steady firmness of the -north, had, in common with that of his countrymen in general, a sparkling -and vivacious urbanity, a splendid yet easy grace, which suited the taste -of the Greeks much more than the simple manners of the northern crusaders. -Indeed, to judge from the terms in which she speaks of him, his handsome -person and elegant deportment seem to have made no small impression on the -imagination of the princess Anna,[197] although Raimond had already passed -the middle age. - -Boemond, however, had by this time departed, and had marched from -Chalcedon with Godfrey and the rest of the crusading host[198] towards -Nice, the capital of the Turkish kingdom of Roum.[199] His honour demanded -the presence of the Count of Toulouse, and abandoning the pleasures of -Constantinople, he superintended the embarkation of his troops, and -hastened to join the rest of his companions in arms. - -Scarcely had the forces of the count quitted Constantinople, when another -army appeared under the walls of that city. Its principal leader was -Robert, Duke of Normandy--a man, debauched, weak, and unstable; endowed -with sufficient talents to have dignified his illustrious station, had he -possessed that rare quality of mind which may be called _conduct_. He was -eloquent in speech, brave in the field, skilful in warlike dispositions, -and personally humane, even to excess;[200] but at the same time he was -versatile as the winds, and so easily persuaded, that the common -expression, _he had no will of his own_, was, perhaps, more applicable to -him than to any other man that ever existed. - -On the first preaching of the crusade, he had caught the flame of -enthusiasm with others, and perhaps not more than those around him; for we -must not take the immediate sale of his dutchy of Normandy to William -Rufus as a proof of his zeal. It was, in fact, but a proof of that -wretched facility which ultimately brought about his ruin. The price he -obtained,[201] was only ten thousand marks of silver, but with so petty a -sum this modern Esau thought he could conquer worlds. With him was -Stephen, Count of Blois, more famous in the council than the field,[202] -while all the Norman and English crusaders of rank, together with Eustace, -brother of Godfrey of Bouillon,[203] joined themselves to his forces. - -Thus, followed by a numerous and well-equipped army, Robert took the way -of Italy, and having encountered the pope at Lucca, proceeded to Apulia, -where he remained to pass the winter. Here, however,[204] many deserted -his army, and returned to their native land, and several were drowned, -subsequently, in their passage to Durazzo; but, on the whole, the march of -Robert of Normandy was more easy and less disastrous than that of any -other chief of the crusaders. - -We find no mention of any attack or annoyance on the part of Alexius; and, -on the arrival of the Norman host at Constantinople, the oath of homage -seems to have been presented and received, with a sort of quiet -indifference well according with the indolent and careless character of -the Duke.[205] Alexius simply informed the leaders, that Godfrey, Boemond, -Hugh, and the rest had undergone the ceremony proposed. "We are not -greater than they,"[206] replied Robert, and the vows were taken without -hesitation. - -Loaded with presents, and supplied with money and provisions, of both -which Robert stood in great want, the Norman crusaders now passed the -Hellespont, and marched towards Nice to join their companions. The timid -Alexius thus found himself delivered from the last body of these terrific -allies; and, indeed, the description given of their arrival, in rapid -succession, before Constantinople, is not at all unlike the end of -Camaralzaman's history in the Arabian Nights, where no sooner is one army -disposed of, than another is seen advancing towards the city from a -different quarter of the globe. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -_Germ of After-misfortunes already springing up in the Crusade--Siege of -Nice--First Engagement with the Turks--Siege continued--The Lake -occupied--Surrender of Nice to the Emissaries of Alexius--Discontent-- -March towards Antioch--The Army divides into two Bodies--Battle of -Doryloeum--Dreadful March through Phrygia--Adventures of Baldwin and -Tancred--Arrival at Antioch--The City invested._ - - -One of the most unfortunate events which occurred to the crusaders in -their march was their stay at Constantinople, for it was the remote but -certain cause of many other evils. The jealousies and differences raised -up among them by the intriguing spirit of Alexius were never entirely done -away; and besides this, the intervention of petty motives, long -discussions, and schemes of individual aggrandizement chilled the fervour -of zeal, and thus weighed down the most energetic spring of the -enterprise. - -Enthusiasm will conquer difficulties, confront danger and death, and -change the very nature of the circumstances in which it is placed, to -encouragement and hope; but it will not bear to be mingled with less -elevated feelings and considerations. The common ambitions and passions of -life, cold reasonings, and thoughtful debates, deaden it and put it out; -and amid the intrigues of interest, or the speculations of selfishness, it -is extinguished like a flame in the foul air of a vault. A great deal of -the enthusiasm of the crusade died away amid the bickerings of -Constantinople; and even the cowardly effeminacy of the Greeks proved in -some degree contagious, for the army of the Count of Toulouse, we find, -had at one time nearly disbanded itself. The luxury of the most luxurious -court of Europe, too, was not without its effect upon the crusaders, and -the memory of the delights of the imperial city was more likely to afford -subjects of disadvantageous comparisons, when opposed to the hardships of -Palestine, than the remembrance of the turbulent and governless realm from -which they had first begun their march. - -The greatest misfortune of all, however--the cause of many of their vices, -and almost all their miseries,--was the want of one acknowledged leader, -whom it would have been treason to disobey. Each chief was his own king, -but he was not the king of even those who served under him. Many who had -followed his banner to the field were nearly his equals in power, and it -was only over his immediate vassals that he had any but conditional right -of command. In respect to his vassals themselves, this right was much -affected by circumstances; and over the chiefs around him, he had no -control whatever. Thus, unity of design was never to be obtained; and -discord, the fatal stumblingblock of all great undertakings, was always -ready in the way, whenever the folly, the passions, or the selfishness of -any individual leader chose to dash upon it the hopes of himself and his -companions. - -Nevertheless, during the siege of Nice, which was the first undertaking of -the crusaders, a considerable degree of harmony seems to have prevailed -among the leaders. Each, it is true, conducted his part of the attack -according to his own principles, but each seemed happy to assist the -other, and we hear of no wrangling for idle punctilios. The morals, too, -of the troops were hitherto pure, reaching a much higher point of virtue, -indeed, than might have been anticipated from the great mixture of -classes. I do not mean to say that they were free from vice, or were -exempt from the follies of their nature or their age; but the noble and -dignified manner in which the chiefs of the crusade, and the people in -general, bore the conduct of Alexius (mentioned hereafter), would lead me -to believe that they had preserved a considerable share of purity and -singleness of heart. - -The first body of the crusaders which reached the city of Nice was that -led by Godfrey of Bouillon. He was not alone, however, being accompanied -by Hugh, Count of Vermandois; and very shortly after, the troops of Robert -of Flanders and Boemond of Tarentum arrived, and took up their position on -the northern side, while those of Godfrey had marked their camp towards -the east. The Count of Toulouse and the Bishop of Puy followed, and sat -down before the southern side,[207] leaving the west open for the Duke of -Normandy, who was expected from day to day.[208] - -This city, the capital of the kingdom of Roum, was occupied by the -Seljukian Turks, and strongly defended by a solid wall, flanked by three -hundred and fifty towers. It was situated in the midst of a fertile plain, -and the waters of the lake Ascanius, to the west, gave it a facility of -communication with a large extent of country. The army of the crusaders, -after the arrival of the Count of Toulouse,[209] waited not the coming of -Robert of Normandy, but began the siege in form. Their forces were already -immense; and after the junction of Peter the Hermit with the ruins of his -multitude, and the Duke of Normandy with his powerful army, the amount of -the fighting men is said to have been six hundred thousand, without -comprising those who did not carry arms.[210] The number of knights[211] -is stated to have reached nearly two hundred thousand, which left a fair -proportion of inferior soldiers. - -The general disposition of the troops had been made before the arrival of -the Count of Toulouse, and he marched his division towards the spot -assigned him on the Sunday after Ascension-day.[212] His coming, however, -was destined to be signalized by the first regular battle between the -Turks and their Christian invaders. - -Soliman, or Kilidge Aslan, the sultaun of Roum, on the approach of the -crusaders, had left his capital[213] defended by a strong garrison, and -travelling through his dominions, hastened in every direction the levies -of his subjects. He soon collected a considerable body of horse,[214] and -leading them to the mountains which overlooked the plain of Nice, he sent -down two messengers to the city to concert with the governor a double -attack upon the camp of the Christians. - -The messengers fell into the hands of the outposts of Godfrey. One was -killed on the spot, and the other, under the fear of death, betrayed the -secrets of the sultaun, giving at the same time an exaggerated account of -his forces.[215] Information of Soliman's approach was instantly sent to -Raimond of Toulouse, who was advancing from Nicomedia,[216] and by a -night-march he succeeded in joining the army of the Cross in time. -Scarcely had he taken up his position, when the Moslems began to descend -from the mountains, clad like the Christians in steel,[217] and borne by -horses fleet as the wind. Divided into two bodies,[218] the one attacked -the wearied troops of the Count of Toulouse, seeking to force its way -into the city, while the other fell upon the quarters of Godfrey of -Bouillon. - -Doubtless Soliman thought to meet, in the immense multitude before him, a -wild and undisciplined crowd, like that of Peter the Hermit; but he soon -found bitterly his mistake. The crusaders received him every where with -chivalric valour, repulsed him on all points, became in turn the -assailants, and the plain round Nice grew one general scene of conflict. -The charging of the cavalry, the ringing of the lances and the swords upon -shields and corslets, the battle-cries of the Christians, and the -_techbir_ of the Turks; the shouts, the screams, the groans, rose up, we -are told, in a roar horrible to hear.[219] - -At length, finding that the sally he had expected was not made, Soliman -retreated to the mountains; but it was only to repeat the attempt the -following day.[220] In this, although the besieged now comprehended his -intention, and issued forth upon the Christians on the one side, while he -attacked them on the other, he was not more fortunate than before. He was -again repelled with great loss, owning his astonishment at the lion-like -courage of the Christian leaders, who with a thousand lances would often -charge and put to flight twenty times the number of Turkish horsemen. - -According to a barbarous custom prevalent at that time, and which even -descended to a much later period, the crusaders hewed off the heads of the -fallen Moslems,[221] and cast many of them into the city. Others were sent -to Constantinople in token of victory; and Alexius, as a sign of gratitude -and rejoicing, instantly despatched large presents to the principal chiefs -of the crusade, with great quantities of provisions for the army, which -had long been straitened to a fearful degree. - -After the defeat of Soliman,[222] the siege was pressed with renewed -vigour; and battering-rams, catapults, and mangonels were plied -incessantly against the walls, while moveable towers of wood, called -beffroys, filled with armed men, were rolled close to the fortifications, -for the purpose of carrying on the fight hand to hand with the enemy, and -of endeavouring to effect a lodgment on the battlements. - -In the mean while, the plains round Nice offered a spectacle of the most -extraordinary brilliancy. The glittering arms of the knights, their -painted shields, and fluttering pennons--the embroidered banners of the -barons, their splendid coats-of-arms and magnificent mantles--the gorgeous -robes of the Latin priests, who were present in immense numbers, and the -animated multitude of bowmen and foot-soldiers, mingled with thousands of -that most beautiful of beasts, the horse, all spread out in the unclouded -brightness of an Asiatic sky, formed as shining and extraordinary a scene -as the eye could look upon. - -Not frightened, however, by the terrific splendour that surrounded them, -the Turks continued to defend their battlements with persevering valour. -Every attack of the Christians was met with dauntless intrepidity, and -every laboured attempt to sap the wall, or its towers, was frustrated with -unwearied assiduity. Those who approached near were either slain by -poisoned arrows,[223] or crushed under immense stones; and the moment any -one was killed at the foot of the wall,[224] "it was horrible to see the -Turks," says an eyewitness, "seize upon the body with iron hooks let down -from above, and lifting it up through the air strip it completely, and -then cast it out from the city." Innumerable artifices were resorted to by -the assailants to force their way into the town; and none of the chiefs -seem to have been more active and ingenious than the Count of -Toulouse,[225] who once succeeded in undermining a tower, and casting it -to the ground. Before this work was concluded, however, night had fallen -over the army, and ere the next morning the laborious activity of the -Turks had repaired the damage which their wall had suffered. - -Two of the principal[226] German barons, also, contrived a machine of -wood, to which they gave the name of _the fox_. It was capable of -containing twenty knights, and was secured by its immense solidity from -all the efforts of the enemy. When this was completed, a vast multitude -began to push it towards the part of the curtain which they intended to -sap, but the inequality of the ground and the great weight of the machine -itself caused some of the joints to give way, when the whole fabric fell -to pieces, crushing under its ruins the unhappy knights within. - -The arrival[227] of Robert of Normandy brought a vast accession of -strength to the besiegers; notwithstanding which, during the remainder of -the siege of Nice, the immense numbers of the crusaders did not produce -that scarcity of provision which ultimately fell upon them; for Alexius, -interested more than any one in the capture of the city, took care, after -the first few days, that the supplies should be ample and unremitted. - -Nevertheless the courage of the garrison did not at all decrease, and for -five weeks they still continued to return the assailants combat for -combat, the whole day being consumed in a storm of arrows from the bows -and arbalists, and of stones from the catapults and mangonels.[228] - -Numerous instances of extraordinary personal courage, shown on both sides, -are of course recorded, and each different historian has his own hero, -whose deeds are lauded to the sky. One Turk in particular signalized -himself by an immense slaughter of the crusaders, showing himself exposed -upon the battlements, and plying his terrible bow, which winged death in -every direction. The Christians became so fearful of him, that that most -imaginative passion, terror, began to invest him with some supernatural -defence.[229] The best-aimed arrows proved totally ineffectual, and -reports spread rapidly that he might be seen, still sending destruction -around from his hand, while twenty shafts--each carrying the fate of a -common mortal--were sticking unheeded in his flesh. Godfrey of Bouillon, -to end the panic that this man occasioned, at length took a crossbow -himself, though that machine[230] was considered but a fit weapon for a -yeoman, and directing the quarry with a steadier hand than those which had -before aimed at the Turkish archer, he sent the missile directly to his -heart.[231] - -A multitude of the noblest crusaders had now fallen before the bows of the -enemy, and many more had yielded to the effects of a climate totally -different from their own. "Thus," says one of the followers of the Cross, -"nothing was to be seen on the highways, in the woods, and the fields, but -a crowd of tombs,[232] where our brethren had been buried." - -At last, the leaders perceived the existence of a circumstance, their -neglect of which, in the very first instance, showed how much the art of -warfare was then in its infancy. One evening, after a fierce assault, the -soldiers stationed near the water, who, in common with the rest of the -host, usually rested from the labours of the siege during the night, -suddenly perceived boats upon the lake Ascanius, and it immediately became -evident that the Turks received every kind of supply by this easy means of -communication. As soon as this was discovered, various vessels were -brought from Constantinople, and being drawn to the lake over a narrow -neck of land which separated it from the sea, were filled with imperial -archers;[233] and the blockade of the town was thus rendered absolute. -This was executed during the night, and all hope abandoned the Turks from -the next morning, when they beheld that which had proved their great -resource suddenly cut off. - -The crusaders now hoped to force the city to surrender at discretion; and -their expectations of such an event were much raised by the fact of the -sultauness, the wife of Soliman, who had hitherto courageously undergone -all the miseries and dangers of a siege, being taken in endeavouring to -make her escape by the lake.[234] - -By this time the besieged had determined to surrender; but Alexius had -taken care to send with the army of the Cross an officer on whose art and -fidelity he could depend, to secure for the imperial crown a city which he -would probably have rather seen still under the dominion of the Turks, -than in the hands of the Latins. - -This man's name was Taticius, or, according to the crusaders' corruption, -Tatin.[235] His face was dreadfully mutilated, and his mind seems to have -been as horrible as his countenance. What communication he kept up within -the town it is difficult to discover; and how this communication was -concealed from the Latins is hardly known, but probably it took place, as -Mills conjectures, by means of the lake and the Greek vessels which now -covered it. Certain it is, that the Turks entered into a private treaty -with the emissary of Alexius, who granted them the most advantageous -terms, securing to them not only life,[236] but immunity and protection. - -It had been covenanted beforehand, between the emperor and the crusaders, -that on the fall of the city it should be resigned to Alexius, who -promised to give up to the troops all the riches it contained,[237] and -to found there a monastery, and an hospital for pilgrims, under the -superintendence of the Latins.[238] Not contented with this, or doubting -the faith of his allies, he took the means I have stated to secure -possession. Suddenly the imperial ensigns appeared upon the walls of Nice, -when the host of the crusade was just rushing to the attack in the full -confidence of victory. It was now found that the people of the city had -surrendered privately to Alexius, and had admitted his troops within the -walls; but it required the greatest efforts of the leaders of the crusade, -although disgusted with this treachery themselves, to quiet their forces, -and reconcile them to the perfidy of their base ally.[239] - -On the part of the Christians, the wife and children of Kilidge Aslan, who -had fallen into their hands, were delivered to the Turks; and, at the same -time, all those prisoners which had been taken by Soliman, on the defeat -of _Gautier sans avoir_, were restored to liberty. So little, however, did -Alexius keep his treaty with the crusaders, that, instead of yielding to -them the whole plunder of Nice, he contented himself with distributing -some rich presents to the chiefs,[240] and some money to the poor of the -army; and suffered them, thus dissatisfied and injured, to raise their -camp and march on towards Jerusalem, without permitting them to set foot -within the city they had conquered.[241] - -The army of the Cross waited no time under the walls of Nice, but as soon -as the principal leaders had returned from Pelicanum, whither they had -gone once more to confer with Alexius, it began its march.[242] At the end -of the second day the forces of the different chiefs[243] were -accidentally separated,[244] Boemond and the Duke of Normandy taking a -path considerably to the left of that followed by Godfrey and the rest of -the host. They proceeded on their way, notwithstanding, knowing that they -could not be very far from the principal body, and towards night pitched -their camp in the valley of Gorgon, in the midst of some rich meadows, and -near a running stream.[245] - -Their situation was, nevertheless, not near so desirable as they imagined, -for Soliman, who during the siege of Nice had made the most immense -efforts for the purpose of relieving that city, now that it had fallen, -hung with the whole of his force,[246] to the amount of nearly two hundred -thousand men,[247] upon the left flank of the army of the crusaders, -concealing his own evolutions by his perfect knowledge of the country, and -watching those of his enemies with the keen anxiety of a falcon hovering -over her prey. No sooner had the separation we have mentioned taken place -in the host of the Cross, than the sultaun hastened his march to overtake -the army of Boemond, which was infinitely the weaker of the two divisions. - -Accustomed to every sort of rapid movement, Soliman soon came up with the -forces of the Prince of Tarentum and the Duke of Normandy. - -The crusaders had been from time to time warned, during the preceding -day, that an enemy was in the neighbourhood, by the sight of scattered -parties of Arabs hovering round their army.[248] They nevertheless -encamped by the side of a beautiful stream, that, flowing on through the -rich valley in which they were advancing, proceeded to join itself to the -waters of the Sangarius. Here they passed the night in repose, taking -merely the precaution of throwing out sentinels to the banks of the -stream. Early the next morning, Boemond and Robert again commenced their -march, and had advanced some way,[249] when the immense army of Soliman -began to appear upon the hills. - -Boemond instantly sent off messengers to Godfrey of Bouillon, and the rest -of his noble companions, of whose proximity he had now become aware, and -gave orders for drawing up his forces, for pitching the tents, and for -making a rampart of the wagons[250] and baggage for the defence of the -sick and the weak from the arrows of the Turks. In the mean while, turning -to his knights and men at arms, he addressed them with the brief eloquence -of courage. "Remember the duties of your calling!" he exclaimed. "Behold -the peril in which you are placed--charge boldly to meet the -infidels--defend your honour and your lives!" - -While he spoke, the Turks rushed down to the battle with terrific -cries,[251] which, mingling with the tramp of two hundred thousand horse, -and the ringing of their armour, together with the trumpets of the -Christian host, and the shouts of the chiefs and the heralds, raised so -fearful a din, that no one could hear another speak among the followers of -the Cross. - -The army of Boemond, hastily drawn up, presented a mingled front of horse -and foot soldiers, and pilgrims,[252] some but half-armed, some not armed -at all; while the Turks came down in one torrent of cavalry. The immense -numbers which it contained all blazing with glittering arms, and provided -with bows of horn and scimitars, dazzled and dismayed the troops of the -Christians. As the infidels approached, the European Chivalry dropped the -points of their long lances, and prepared to hurl back their foes, as was -their wont, by the heavy and decided charge which proved always so -effective; but suddenly, each Moslem raised his bow even as he galloped -forward,[253] a thick cloud seemed to come over the sun, and then, two -hundred thousand arrows dropping at once among the crusaders, a -multitude[254] of men and horses were instantly stretched upon the plain. - -Before the Christians could rally from the surprise, a second flight of -arrows followed the first, doing dreadful execution among the -foot-soldiers and the steeds of the knights.[255] But now Tancred and -Boemond led on their troops to the charge, and spurred their horses into -the midst of the enemy. The Turks, as was their habit, yielded ground on -every side, avoiding, by the swiftness of their chargers, the lances and -the swords of the Christians, and, like the Parthians of old, continuing -their fearful archery even as they fled. - -Vain were all the efforts of the European Chivalry, though, throwing away -their useless spears, they endeavoured to reach the Turks with their -swords;[256] but now, in turn, the swarming multitudes of their foes, -pouring down fresh from the mountains on every side, no longer retreated, -but pressed closer and closer upon them; and as each adversary fell -beneath the vigorous blows of the knights, new foes started up to meet -them. - -In the mean while, thick and fast was mown the flower of the Christian -army. The brother of Tancred, famed alike for his beauty and his courage, -was slain before the eyes of his relation.[257] Tancred himself, -surrounded by a thousand enemies, fought as if Fate had put the weapon in -his hands, but fought in vain. Boemond, with all his efforts, could -scarcely extricate his gallant cousin from the torrent of adversaries in -the midst of which he struggled, and even then it was with the loss of the -banner of Otranto.[258] - -Borne back by the growing multitude that pressed upon them, the knights -gave way before the Saracens, and were driven struggling upon the very -pikes[259] of the foot-soldiers that were advancing to their support. At -the same time Soliman, whose numbers gave him the means of surrounding the -army of the crusaders, directed several large bodies of his cavalry -through some marshes to the rear of the Christians, and in a moment the -camp[260] of Boemond was invaded and deluged with the blood of the old, -the women, and the helpless![261] - -Robert of Normandy, however, who had commanded the reserve, now beholding -the flight of his allies, roused all the courage of his heart; and -uncovering his head in the midst of the fray, shouted forth his -battle-cry[262] of "Normandy! Normandy! Whither fly you Boemond?" he -exclaimed; "Your Apulia is afar! Where go you Tancred? Otranto is not near -you! Turn! turn upon the enemy! God wills it! God wills it!" And seizing -his banner, he spurred on with his followers against the Turks, drove them -back, rallied the cavalry, and restored order and regularity to the -defence. - -Boemond, in the mean while, had turned his arms towards the camp; and the -Turks had retreated from that quarter of the field, bearing with them all -that was valuable, and a considerable number of prisoners. The army of the -crusade was now concentrated on one spot, while that of the Turks, -surrounding it on all sides, gave it not a moment's repose. Soldier fell -beside soldier, knight beside knight.[263] Fatigue and thirst rendered -those that remained little capable of defence; and the dust and the hot -sun made many of the wounds mortal, which otherwise would have been slight -in comparison. In this conjuncture,[264] the women that remained proved -infinitely serviceable, bringing to the troops water from the river, and -by prayers and exhortations encouraging them to the fight. - -Thus lasted the battle for many hours, when first a cloud of dust, rising -from behind the hills, announced that some new combatants were hurrying to -the field. Then rose above the slope banner, and pennon, and lance, and -glittering arms, while the red cross fluttering on the wind brought hope -and joy to the sinking hearts of the crusaders, and terror and dismay to -the victorious Turks.[265] In scattered bands, spurring on their horses as -for life, came the Chivalry of the west to the aid of their brother -Christians. None waited for the others; but each hastened to the fight as -the fleetness of his charger would permit, and rank after rank, troop -after troop, banner followed by banner, and spear glittering after spear, -came rushing over the mountains to the valley of the battle. "God wills -it! God wills it!" echoed from hill to hill.[266] - -Robert of Normandy shouted his war-cry, Boemond, with renewed hope, -couched his lance, and Tancred rushed upon the slayers of his brother. - -At the same time[267] Godfrey of Bouillon arrayed his army as they came -up, and, with levelled lances, drove down upon the Turks. Hugh of -Vermandois attacked them on the flank, and Raimond of Toulouse, with the -warlike bishop of Puy, soon increased the forces of the Cross. - -The Turks[268] still made great and valorous efforts to maintain the -superiority they had gained, but the charge of the Latin Chivalry was -irresistible. The infidels were driven back, compelled to fly in disorder, -and pursued over the mountains by the victorious crusaders.[269] In the -hills the Christians, who followed hard upon their course, discovered the -camp of the Saracens, where immense booty, both in gold and -provisions,[270] became the recompense of their exertions. Here, also, -they found all the prisoners who had been taken in the first part of the -battle, and a great number of beasts of burthen, of which they were -themselves in great need. Among the rest was a multitude of camels, an -animal which few of the Franks had ever seen before. These were all -brought to the Christian encampment, and rejoicing succeeded the fatigues -and horrors of the day. - -The loss of the crusaders, after so long and severe a battle, if we can -depend upon the account generally given, was very much less than might -have been anticipated. Only four thousand men[271] are supposed to have -fallen on the part of the Christians; these were principally, also, of the -inferior classes, who, unprotected by the armour which defended the -persons of the knights, were fully exposed to the arrows of the Turks. - -Three men of great note, among the champions of the Cross, were added to -this list of killed[272]--William, the brother of Tancred; Geoffrey of -Mount Scabius; and Robert of Paris, whose conduct at the court of Alexius -we have before mentioned. The loss on the part of the Turks was infinitely -more considerable, and thus, at the close of the battle of Doryloeum, the -Christian leaders found that they had marked their progress towards the -Holy Land by a great and decisive victory. - -The crusading armies now paused for several days,[273] enjoying the repose -and comfort which the spot afforded, and which their exhausted troops so -much required. The wounds of the soldiers who had suffered in the late -battle were thus in some degree healed; and the abundance of provisions -the enemy had left behind served to renovate the strength and raise up the -hopes and enthusiasm of the Christians. In the mean while, the Turks, who -had survived their defeat at Doryloeum, spread themselves in large bands -over the country, and, pretending to have totally overcome the Latins, -forced themselves into the cities, destroying and wasting every thing in -their way.[274] The Christians thus, in their march through Phrygia, had -to cross a large tract which had been completely ravaged by the enemy. -With their usual improvidence, they had exhausted the provisions they had -found in their adversary's camp; and ignorant of the country, they had -provided themselves with no water, so that they had to encounter all the -heat of the solstitial days of a Phrygian climate, without a drop of -liquid to allay their burning thirst. Men and horses fell by thousands in -the way;[275] and the women, parched with drought, and dying with fatigue, -forgot delicacy, feeling, and even the ties of human nature--rolled -prostrate on the ground with the agony of thirst--offered their naked -bosoms to the swords of the soldiers, and prayed for death--or threw down -their new-born children in the track of the army, and abandoned them to a -slow and miserable fate! The most terrible mortality prevailed among the -beasts of burden, so that the animals accustomed to bear the baggage of -the host having nearly all died by the way, dogs and oxen, and even -hogs,[276] are said to have been loaded with the lighter articles of -necessity, while an immense quantity of luggage was cast away on the road. -Many falcons and dogs--a part of knightly equipage never forgotten--had -been brought from Europe to Asia; but the dogs, spreading their nostrils -in vain to the hot wind for the least breath of moisture, left the -long-accustomed hand that they were wont to love, and straying through the -desolate land, died among the mountains; while the clear eye of the noble -falcon withered under the fiery sky, which nothing but a vulture could -endure; and, after long privation, he dropped from the glove that held -him.[277] - -At length water was discovered, and the whole army rushed forward to the -river. Their intemperate eagerness[278] rendered the means of relief -nearly as destructive as the thirst which they had endured, and many were -added to the victims of that horrible march by their own imprudent -indulgence in the cool blessing that they had found at last. The country -now had changed its aspect, and nothing presented itself but splendid -fertility till the host of the crusade reached the city of Antiochetta, -where, surrounded by rivulets, and forests, and rich pastures, they -pitched their tents, determined to enjoy the earthly paradise that spread -around them. - -Some of the warriors, however, whose energetic spirit no fatigues could -daunt[279] or subdue, soon tired of the idle sweets of Antiochetta[280] -and voluntarily separated themselves from the army, seeking either renown -or profit, by detached enterprises. Tancred on the one hand, with the -Prince of Salernum, and several other nobles, five hundred knights, and a -party of foot-soldiers, set out from the army of Boemond, to explore the -country, and ascertain the strength of the enemies by which they were -surrounded. Detaching himself, at the same time, from the division of -Godfrey of Bouillon, Baldwin, the brother of that leader, joined Tancred -with a somewhat superior force, actuated probably more by the hope of his -own individual aggrandizement, than by any purpose of serving the general -cause of the crusade. - -After wandering for some time through the districts round Iconium and -Heraclea,[281] which the Turks had taken care to desolate beforehand, the -two chieftains again separated, and Tancred, pursuing his way by Cilicia, -came suddenly before Tarsus. The Turks, by whom that city was garrisoned, -knowing that the greater part of the populace was opposed to them, -surrendered almost immediately on the approach of the Christian leader, -and while he encamped with his forces under the walls, waiting, according -to stipulation, for the arrival of Boemond, his banner was hoisted upon -the towers of the town.[282] Scarcely had this been done when Baldwin also -appeared, and at first, the two armies, each conceiving the other to be an -enemy, prepared to give one another battle. The mistake was soon -discovered, and Tancred welcomed his comrade in arms to Tarsus. The -feelings of Baldwin, however, were less chivalric than those of the noble -chief of Otranto, and the banner of Tancred flying on the walls of Tarsus -was an object that he could not long endure. After passing a day or two in -apparent amity, he suddenly demanded possession of the city, declaring, -that as he led the superior force, he was entitled to command. Tancred -scoffed at the absurd pretence, and both parties had nearly betaken -themselves to arms.[283] The noble moderation of the Italian leader -brought about a temporary reconciliation. He agreed that the people of the -city themselves should be referred to, and choose the chief to whom they -would submit. This was accordingly done, and the inhabitants instantly -fixed upon the knight to whom they had first surrendered.[284] But Baldwin -was yet unsatisfied; and after having made a proposal to sack and pillage -the town, which was rejected with scorn and abhorrence by his more -generous fellow-soldier, he caballed with the citizens and the Turks, till -he won them to throw down Tancred's banner, and yield themselves to him. -Mortified, indignant, even enraged, the steady purpose of right within the -bosom of the chief of Otranto maintained him still in that undeviating -course of rectitude which he had always pursued; and, resolved not to -imbrue a sword drawn for honour and religion in the blood of his -fellow-christians,[285] he withdrew his forces from before Tarsus, and -turned his arms against Mamistra. The Turks here, more bold than those of -the former city, beheld his approach unawed, and held out the town for -several days, till at length it fell by storm, and the victorious chief -planted his banner on those walls with far more honourable glory than that -which surrounded the standard of Baldwin at Tarsus. - -In the mean while, another body of crusaders, detached from the troops of -Boemond, arrived before the city in which Baldwin had established himself, -and demanded entrance, or at least assistance and provisions. Baldwin[286] -cruelly caused the gates to be shut upon them; and had it not been for the -charitable care of some of the Christian inhabitants, who let them down -wine and food from the walls, they would have been left to expire of want. -A fate hardly better awaited them. The Turks had still, by their -capitulation, maintained possession of several of the towers of Tarsus, -but fearful of the superior force of Baldwin, they sought but a fair -opportunity to escape without pursuit. The very night that the detachment -of which I have spoken above arrived, the Turks carried their intentions -into effect,[287] and finding a small body of Christians sleeping under -the walls without defence, they made the massacre of the whole the first -step in their flight. The soldiers of Baldwin and the citizens of Tarsus, -who had together witnessed, with indignation, the barbarous conduct of the -French chieftain, now rose in absolute revolt.[288] Baldwin, however, -having remained in concealment for a few days, contrived to pacify his -followers, and to overawe the city. After this he joined himself to a band -of piratical adventurers, who about that time arrived accidentally at -Tarsus, and who, mingling their lust of prey with some dark and -superstitious notions of religion, had turned their course towards the -Holy Land, in the pleasant hope of serving both God and Mammon with the -sword.[289] With these Baldwin continued to ravage Cilicia, and at length -approaching Mamistra, in which Tancred had established himself, he pitched -his tents upon the immediate territory of that city. Tancred now gave way -to his indignation, and issuing forth, though accompanied by very inferior -forces, he attacked Baldwin sword in hand, when a fierce engagement ensued -between the two Christian armies. The struggle was severe but short: the -superior numbers of the French prevailed, and Tancred was forced to -retreat into the city. On one side, the Prince of Salernum was made -prisoner by Baldwin,[290] and on the other, Gilbert of Montclar was taken; -but the next day, shame for their unchristian dissensions took possession -of each chief. Peace was agreed upon; they embraced in sight of the two -hosts; the captives were exchanged, and, as usual, Satan got the credit of -the dispute. Baldwin proceeded, after this, to join the main army, and -left his piratical associates to aid Tancred in laying waste the country. - -During these events the great body of the crusade had remained for some -time at Antiochetta, where the people continued to acquire new health and -strength, in the enjoyment of that tranquillity and abundance which had -been so long withheld from them. Not so the chiefs, two of whom[291]--and -those of the most distinguished--had nearly, in this period of repose and -peace, found that death which they had so often dared in the midst of -battle and hardship. - -Godfrey of Bouillon, in delivering a pilgrim from the attack of a -huge[292] bear in the woods of Antiochetta, had almost fallen a victim to -his chivalrous courage: he received so many wounds, that even after having -slain his ferocious adversary, he could not drag himself from the forest -to the camp; and remained long and dangerously ill in consequence. At the -same time, the Count of Toulouse was seized with a violent fever, which -brought him to the brink of the grave. He was taken from his bed and laid -upon the ground--as was customary among the pilgrims at the hour of death, -that they might expire with all humility--and the Bishop of Orange -administered the last sacraments of the church:[293] but a certain Count -of Saxe, who accompanied the army, came to visit the leader of the -Provençals, and told him that St. Giles (the patron saint of the Counts of -Toulouse) had twice appeared to him in a dream, assuring him that so -valuable a life should be spared to the crusaders. - -Whether from the effect of that most excellent medicine, hope, or from a -natural turn in his disease, the count suddenly began to recover, and -before long was sufficiently well to accompany the army in a litter. The -chiefs of the crusade now directed their march towards Antioch, suffering -not a little from the desolate state of the country, which, devastated on -every side by the Turks, afforded no means of supplying the immense -multitude that followed the standard of the Cross. After passing Iconium -and Heraclea, their fatigues were destined to increase rather than -diminish. Their road now lay through uninhabited wilds, which Robert the -Monk describes in language at once picturesque and terrific.[294] "They -travelled," says he, "with deplorable suffering through mountains where no -path was to be found except the paths of reptiles and savage beasts, and -where the passages afforded no more space than just sufficient to place -one foot before the other, in tracks shut in between rocks and thorny -bushes. The depths of the precipices seemed to sink down to the centre of -the earth, while the summits of the mountains appeared to rise up to the -firmament. The knights and men-at-arms walked forward with uncertain -steps, the armour being slung over their shoulders, and each of them -acting as a foot-soldier, for none dared mount his horse. Many would -willingly have sold their helmets, their breastplates, or their shields, -had they found any one to buy, and some, wearied out, cast down their -arms, to walk more lightly. No loaded horses could pass, and the men were -obliged to carry the whole burdens. None could stop or sit down: none -could aid his companion, except where the one who came behind might -sometimes help the person before him, though those that preceded could -hardly turn the head towards those that followed. Nevertheless, having -traversed these horrible paths, or rather these pathless wildernesses, -they arrived at length at the city named Marasia, the inhabitants of which -received them with joy and respect." - -At Marasch the host was rejoined by Baldwin, whose wife died a few days -before his arrival. His brother Godfrey,[295] too, was still suffering -from the effects of his combat with the wild beast, and all the chiefs of -the crusade, indignant at his conduct at Tarsus, gave him but a chilling -and gloomy reception.[296] The spirit of individual aggrandizement was -still the strongest passion in the breast of Baldwin, and the coldness of -his companions in arms yielded him no great encouragement to stay and -employ his efforts for the general object of the expedition, rather than -for the purposes of his own selfish ambition. He very soon abandoned the -rest of the chiefs, contriving to seduce two hundred knights, and a large -party of foot-soldiers, to join him; and as his course was thenceforth -separate from the rest of the crusaders, I shall follow the example of -Guibert, and briefly trace it out, till it falls again into the general -stream of events. - -Accompanied by Pancrates,[297] an Armenian, who painted in glowing colours -the wealth of the provinces on the other side of the Euphrates,[298] and -the facility with which they might be conquered, he set out with the vague -hope of plundering something and overcoming some one, he knew not well -what or whom. However, his skill as a commander was certain to find matter -on which to exercise itself, in a country possessed by an active enemy, -while his rapacious propensities were very likely to be gratified in a -rich and plentiful land, where the many were oppressed by the few. -Turbessel[299] and Ravendel fell immediately into his hands, and were at -first placed under the command of his companion, Pancrates; but beginning -to suspect that personage, he forced him to deliver up the cities, by -imprisonment, torture, and a threat of having him torn limb from -limb.[300] He then passed onward, crossed the Euphrates, and at the -invitation of Thoros, sovereign of Edessa, entered that city, to free it -from the power of the Turks. Thoros, a weak and childless old man, was -driven by the inhabitants--who were terrified at their infidel neighbours, -and had no confidence in their feeble monarch--to adopt the brother of -Godfrey, with all the curious ceremonies then practised on such occasions. -He passed his own shirt over Baldwin's shoulders,[301] pressed him to his -naked breast, and publicly declared him his son.[302] - -The transactions that followed are very obscure, and as I have not been -able to satisfy myself in regard to the share which Baldwin had in the -tumults that succeeded, and the death of Thoros, I will but state the -facts, without attempting to trace them to secret causes, which are now -hidden in the dark tabernacle of the past. Something we know--Baldwin was -ambitious, unscrupulous, intriguing, cruel--and shortly after his arrival, -the people of Edessa rose against their unhappy prince, slew him, and -elected Baldwin in his place. It does not absolutely appear that Baldwin -was the instigator of these riots, or the prompter of the death of Thoros; -but it does appear that he did not exert himself as he might have done to -put them down. That it was in his power to suppress them is evinced by the -rapidity with which he reduced the Edessians[303] to the most submissive -obedience, immediately that the rank for which he had to contend was his -own. He afterward proceeded to aggrandize his dominions, by attacking -various of the neighbouring cities, and thus, in continual struggles, he -passed his days, till some time after his companions in arms had completed -their conquest of the Holy Land. - -In the mean while, Tancred took possession of the whole country as far as -the town of Alexandretta, in the Gulf of Ajasse; and the great army of the -crusade continued its march, throwing forward Robert of Flanders to seize -on Artesia.[304] The Mahommedan soldiery prepared to resist; but the -Armenian inhabitants opened the gates to their Christian deliverers, and -the infidels were massacred without mercy. On the news of this event, -Baghasian, the commander of the Turkish garrison of Antioch, apparently -not knowing the immediate proximity of the whole Christian force, -endeavoured to cut off, by stratagem, the small army of the Count of -Flanders, who was accompanied by only one thousand knights. For this -purpose the Turk advanced from Antioch,[305] followed by nearly twenty -thousand horsemen, whom he placed in ambush in a plain near the city, -while he himself, at the head of a petty detachment, armed alone with -bows of horn,[306] advanced as if to reconnoitre the Christian troops. -Robert of Flanders and his knights suffered themselves to be deceived, and -charged the enemy, who fled before them, but in a moment they were -surrounded by immensely superior numbers, who, with terrific cries, rushed -on, to what appeared a certain victory. The gallantry[307] and courage of -the Christian warriors served to deliver them from the danger into which -the excess of that very courage had brought them, and charging the Turks -with vigour in one decided direction, they succeeded in cutting their way -through, and effecting their retreat to the city. - -Here, however, they were besieged by the enemy; but the arrival of -Tancred, on his return from his victorious expedition, together with -reinforcements from the main army, relieved them from the presence of the -Turks, who retreated upon Antioch. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -_The Host of the Crusade invests Antioch--Description of that City-- -Difficulties and Errors of the Crusaders--Improvidence--Famine--Spies-- -Desertions--Embassy from the Calif of Egypt--Succours from the Genoese and -Pisans--Battle--Feats of the Christian Knights--Boemond keeps up a -Communication within the Town--The Town betrayed to the Christians-- -Massacres--Arrival of an Army from Persia--The Christians besieged in -Antioch--Famine--Desertions--Visions--Renewed Enthusiasm--Diminished -Forces of the Christians--Battle of Antioch--The Crusaders victorious-- -Spoils--Disputes with the Count of Toulouse--The Chiefs determine to -repose at Antioch--Ambassadors sent to Alexius--Fate of their Embassy._ - - -The army now began to approach towards Antioch; and it was evident, that -the task which the champions of the Cross had undertaken was becoming more -and more difficult, as it drew near its consummation. The host was -proceeding further and further from all resources; its enemies were -gathering strength and falling back upon fresh supplies; multitudes of the -invaders had died, and others were each day joining the dead: little hope -of fresh reinforcements could be entertained, and the flame of enthusiasm -was waxing dim, while fatigue, privation, and continual anxiety were -gradually bringing disgust to the enterprise. The council of leaders,[308] -well aware of the increasing dangers, now issued orders that in future no -party whatever should absent itself from the main body; and all -considerable detachments having rejoined it, they marched on to the valley -of the Orontes. Over that river a stone bridge of nine arches was the only -passage: this was strongly fortified, and closed with doors plated with -iron, from which circumstance it had received the name of the iron-bridge. -The Turks defended this formidable position with great valour against -Robert, Duke of Normandy, who commanded the advance guard of the crusading -army; but on the arrival of Godfrey and the other forces, the bridge was -carried, the river passed, and Antioch invested. - -In the vast plain situated at the foot of the mountains,[309] the Orontes -wanders on towards the sea, skirting, during a part of its course, the -steep boundary which closes in the plain of Antioch from the south. On one -of the bendings of the river was situated the town of Antioch, which, -climbing up the hills, took within the embrace of its massy walls three -high peaks of the mountain, one of which standing towards the north is -separated from the others by a steep precipice, and was then crowned by a -high and almost impregnable citadel.[310] The town itself, which extended -in length two miles, was so strongly fortified by art and nature, that -none of the active means then known seemed likely to take it by assault. -The walls of the city were not absolutely washed by the Orontes; for -between them and that river was a space of level ground, the breadth of -which Raimond d'Agiles estimates at an arrow's flight; but, as the river -turned in its course, it approached nearer to the town, and an antique -bridge,[311] which the crusaders at first neglected to secure, gave -infinite facility to the Turks, both in annoying their adversaries, and in -procuring supplies. On the other side, spreading from the river to the -foot of the mountains, was a marsh supplied constantly by some fresh -springs. Over this also was thrown a bridge, which equally remained in the -hands of the infidels. - -The encampment of the crusaders was conducted without any degree of -military science.[312] Various points were left open and unguarded; each -chief seemed to choose his own situation, and form his own plan of attack; -and the most scandalous waste and profusion from the very first laid the -foundation of after want and misery. - -Such were the obstacles which impeded the progress of the forces of the -Cross, and which might, ultimately have rendered all their efforts -abortive, had not other circumstances arisen to bring about an event that -their own skill and conduct would never have accomplished. It is not -necessary here to describe the position of the several leaders: suffice -it, that Tatin, as he is called by the writers of that day, the commander -of the troops of Alexius, took up his station in a spot detached from the -rest. Three hundred thousand men capable of bearing arms,[313] sat down -under the walls of Antioch; and such a profusion of provisions was found, -even for this immense multitude, that the greater part of each animal -slaughtered was wasted, the crusaders in the wantonness of luxury refusing -to eat any but particular parts of the beast.[314] - -Such was the formidable appearance of the city, however, that a council -was held to consider whether it would be advisable to attack it at once, -or, remaining beneath the walls, to wait and see if famine would spare the -work of the sword, or spring bring fresh resources to the besiegers. This -opinion was soon negatived, and the attack began; but the walls of Antioch -resisted all efforts. Every means then known was employed by the crusaders -to batter the heavy masonry of those mighty bulwarks, but in vain. -Moveable towers, and catapults, and mangonels, and battering-rams, were -all used ineffectually; while the besieged, in a variety of sallies, -harassed night and day the Christian camp, and destroyed many of the -assailants. - -The consequences[315] of their first improvidence were soon bitterly -visited on the heads of the crusaders. Famine began to spread in the -camp; and pestilential diseases, engendered by unwholesome food and the -neighbourhood of a large tract of marshy land, in the autumn and winter -seasons, raged through the hosts of the Cross, and slew more fearfully -even than the arrows of the enemy. Death in every shape grew familiar to -their eyes, and the thought of passing to another world lost all the -salutary horror which is so great a check on vice. Crimes of various -descriptions were common;[316] and the sharp urgency of famine, joined -with that horrible contempt of all human ties, which the extreme of mortal -need alone can bring, induced many of the crusaders, deprived of other -aliments, to feed upon the dead bodies of the slain.[317] At the same -time, the Turks suffered not their miseries to pass without aggravation, -but kept the unsparing sword constantly at their throats;[318] while, by a -number of spies, dressed in the garb of Greeks and Armenians, the garrison -became aware of all the movements and necessities of their besiegers.[319] -To correct the crimes of the camp, a court was instituted, with full power -to try and punish; while, to prevent the immorality which was growing too -glaring for endurance, the women were separated from the general host, and -provided for and protected apart. - -At the same time, Boemond employed a somewhat savage mode of freeing the -army from the spies by which it was infested. Having detected some Turks -in disguise, he caused them to be slain and roasted in his presence; -declaring, that famine knew no delicacies, and that in future he should -feed upon such fare. Still, however, the mortality and the dearth -increased; and though an excursion made by Boemond[320] and Robert of -Flanders brought a temporary supply to the camp, yet that was soon -improvidently wasted like the rest, and the scarcity became more rigorous -than ever. Desertion of course followed.[321] Among such a multitude, -there were many whose hearts were not of that firm and all-enduring mould -which could alone carry on an enterprise surrounded by such horrors and -distresses. Taticius,[322] the Greek, upon pretence of searching for -assistance at Constantinople, retreated with the few troops he commanded; -and his example was fatal to the resolution of many others. Various bodies -of crusaders abandoned the army, and found refuge in the different -Christian states that still subsisted in the neighbouring countries: many -tried to tread their way back to Europe; and the Count de Melun,[323] a -celebrated warrior, but a notorious plunderer, attempted to quit the host -of the Cross, and seek some other adventure, where personal danger was not -accompanied by famine and privation. Even Peter the Hermit himself,[324] -no longer looked upon as a great leader or an inspired preacher, seeing -misery, death, and horror pursuing the object of all his enthusiasm, and -feeling himself, perhaps, less valued than his zeal merited, was abandoned -by that ardour which had been his great support. Whereas, had he been -still regarded as a prophet, or followed as a mighty chief, he would -probably have borne the extremity of suffering without a murmur; now, told -to endure want and wretchedness as a private individual, he yielded, like -the weakest of those that surrounded him, and tried to flee from the pangs -which he had no stimulus to endure. Both of these fugitives[325] were -brought back by Tancred; and after undergoing a severe reprimand, were -forced to vow that they would never abandon the enterprise till the army -had reached Jerusalem. - -In the mean while,[326] the camp of the crusaders received embassies from -two different and unexpected quarters. Which arrived first, or at what -period of the siege either arrived, is of little consequence, and -impossible exactly to determine; for on this subject, as well as every -other collateral circumstance, each of the contemporary authors differs -from his fellows; and the historian may think himself fortunate when he -finds them agreeing even on the principal facts. The news of the progress -of the Christian host had spread even to Cairo;[327] and the calif of -Egypt, from whose hands Syria had been wrested by the Turks, sent deputies -to the leaders of the crusade, probably more with the intent of -ascertaining their real condition, and the likelihood of their ultimate -success, than for the purpose of binding himself to them by any formal -treaty. His messengers, however, were charged to congratulate the Latins -on their progress, and to offer the most advantageous terms of union, if -they would consent to act in concert with the Egyptian power. They[328] -detailed the mild and liberal measures which the calif had employed -towards the Christians of their country, and they engaged the leaders to -send back ambassadors to the court of their sovereign.[329] - -After the siege had continued some time, a most welcome aid, both in men -and stores, arrived at the little port of St. Simeon, situated at the -mouth of the Orontes. This town had already, for many years, served as a -seaport to Antioch, which, in its high prosperity,[330] had carried on -considerable trade with the Italian cities of the Mediterranean; and to it -the states of Genoa and Pisa now sent a large reinforcement of -soldiers,[331] and several ship-loads of provisions. - -The famished crusaders proceeded towards the spot in straggling crowds, -and Boemond,[332] with the Count of Toulouse, at the head of some regular -troops, marched down to escort their newly arrived brethren, and the -supplies they were conveying, to the general camp of the crusaders. The -Turks of Antioch, however, let no opportunity of vengeance and annoyance -pass unemployed. Boemond, embarrassed with a multitude of rabble, and -encumbered with baggage, was encountered, as he returned through the -mountains, by a large body of Moslems, who, taking him unprepared, slew a -great number of the people, and put the leaders and their knights to -flight. Boemond arrived breathless at the camp, but the rumour of the -battle had preceded him. Godfrey of Bouillon[333] was already in the -saddle; and now, joined by Raimond and Boemond, together with Hugh of -Vermandois, the Duke of Normandy, and Robert of Flanders, he advanced to -the top of the hills, behind which the victorious Turks were winding -onward, on their return to the city. - -A skirmish took place for the position on the mountains, but the -Christians obtained it with little difficulty; and thus cut off the enemy -from the town.[334] The Turks were forced to fight once more; but they -were opposed no longer by an undisciplined crowd; and the Chivalry of -Europe never displayed that almost superhuman valour[335] which -distinguished them, with greater effect. Allowing even for the -exaggeration of eulogy, the efforts of the knights must have been -extraordinary. Godfrey is reported to have mown the heads of the Turks as -a mower strikes down the thistles; and all the authorities of that day -repeat the tale of his having at one blow severed an armed infidel in -twain, though protected by his cuirass.[336] Every chief rivalled the -other; and, beyond all doubt, several of the infidels must have fallen by -the hand of each knight. While thus the sword raged among the Turkish -host, many made their way to the bridge, and rushed across it in such -crowds, that hundreds were thrust over into the water. On the other side, -too, Boemond, with a large body of pikemen on foot, opposed their -passage,[337] and hurled them at the point of the lance into the river, -the banks of which were lined with the crusaders, who repelled even those -that swam to land.[338] Thus lasted the fight till the sun going down put -a stop to the carnage; and the Christians, with songs of victory and -loaded with spoil, returned to their camp for the night. More than two -thousand men, several of whom were of high rank, were left by the Turks on -the field of battle: a multitude found death in the Orontes; but the -number of the fallen was never correctly ascertained,[339] although the -Christians, with the characteristic barbarity of the time, dug up many of -the dead bodies that the Turks had buried during the night.[340] - -Various efforts both from within and without were made to raise the siege, -but in vain. On one occasion an immense body of Saracens, Arabs, and Turks -was defeated by seven hundred Christian knights, to which small -number[341] the disposable cavalry of the army was reduced. Famine, -however, disease, and tempests did more to alarm and destroy the crusading -force than all the efforts of the infidels. The winds[342] became so high -that the tents even of the chiefs were blown down, and for some time they -were forced to sleep in the open air. An earthquake[343] was felt towards -the beginning of the year, and was of course considered as an omen. A -comet,[344] too, blazed through the sky; but as the superstitious fancied -they beheld in it the form of the Cross, this rather increased than abated -their hope. In the midst of these circumstances Stephen,[345] Count of -Blois, never very famous for his valour, pretended illness, and retired -from the army of the crusade, accompanied by four thousand men, whom he -led to Alexandretta. A more serious desertion, also, was threatened, -though no design ever existed of its execution: Boemond[346] himself began -to murmur at the length of the siege. He was poor, he declared: he had -given up every thing in his native country for the Cross, and he could not -waste his blood and treasure, and see all his soldiers fall in a siege -which was to be productive of no advantage to himself. Such murmurs had -their object, and might perhaps spring, in some degree, from a weak -quarrel with Godfrey of Bouillon, on the subject of a tent, which had been -sent to the duke by the Prince of Armenia, but which had been waylaid by -Pancrates, the Armenian I have had occasion to mention in speaking of -Baldwin; and had by him been given to Boemond. The Prince of Tarentum had -been obliged to yield it by the decision of all the leaders; but though -this was a subject of irritation, he had more ambitious projects in view. - -Boemond for some time, through a proselyte Turk to whom he had given his -name at baptism, had kept up a communication with the commander of one of -the chief towers, on that part of the city wall which looked towards the -gorges of the mountains. This man,[347] by birth an Armenian, had embraced -Mahometanism, and raised himself high in the opinion of the prince of -Antioch. He had in consequence received the command of the important[348] -station I have mentioned, while his two brothers occupied the neighbouring -towers.[349] The origin of his communication with Boemond is variously -stated, but the event is the same. He was won over by magnificent promises -to engage that he would admit that chief and his followers into the town -when called upon. - -Boemond, however, did not intend at all that the intelligence which he had -thus practised within the walls should be lost to himself, and benefit -others alone:[350] but knowing[351] the jealous nature of his companions, -he waited patiently till circumstances compelled them to concede to him -the sovereignty of Antioch, in the event of its being taken by his means. -At first the proposal was rejected by the other leaders; but soon, -increasing reports that an immense army, commanded by the warlike sultaun -of Persia, was advancing to the relief of the besieged, induced the -Christian chiefs, under the distress and despondency which affected the -army generally, to concur in the views of the ambitious Prince of -Tarentum. Boemond then intrusted his secret to Godfrey and the other -great leaders, but it was under the most solemn promises of silence[352] -on the subject; for, notwithstanding all the precautions that could be -taken, it was well known that the Turkish spies infested the Christian -camp. With the utmost caution all the measures were concerted for carrying -the project into effect, and through the whole army the rumour was spread -that the preparations made by the chiefs were for the purpose of laying an -ambush for the Persian forces, that were approaching. Phirouz, the -Armenian traitor, was warned that Boemond was about to take advantage of -his offer; and as soon as night had completely set in, the Prince of -Tarentum, with a body of chosen knights, proceeded into the -mountains,[353] as if with the design of surprising the host of the -Persians. Only seven hundred men, however, were selected for this perilous -expedition; and marching in the dead of the night, they crossed the -valleys and precipices of the rocky chain on which the city rested, and -halted in a deep dell at some distance from the walls. The wind was -blowing in sharp gusts, and its howlings among the gorges of the mountains -prevented the tramp of the armed men from reaching the watchers on the -walls. Having assembled their forces in the valley, Godfrey and Boemond -explained to their followers the real nature of the enterprise they -meditated. A single interpreter was sent forward, to confer with their -traitorous coadjutor, and to ascertain that all was prepared. Phirouz -assured him that he was ready, and asked eagerly where were the knights; -being told that they were near,[354] he pressed them to advance, lest any -thing should excite the suspicion of the other commanders, especially as, -from time to time, men with lighted torches patrolled the wall during the -night, and it was necessary that they should take advantage of the -interval. Godfrey, Robert of Flanders, and Boemond instantly led the -troops to the foot of the fortifications; a rope was let down, and a -ladder of hides raised. At first,[355] no one could be found to mount. -Unaccustomed to carry on any warlike operations during the night, a -thousand unwonted fears took possession of the bosoms of the crusaders. At -length, urged by the chiefs, and encouraged by Phirouz from above, one -knight--which of the body is not certain[356]--began to ascend the ladder, -and was followed by several others. Silence then succeeded, and temporary -hesitation once more took possession of the force below: but the voices of -their companions who had ascended, whispering assurances of safety and -fidelity, soon renewed their courage, and many attempting to climb the -ladder at once,[357] it gave way under their weight, precipitating them -upon the lance-heads that were buried in the fosse. The clang of their -armour as they fell was a new cause of alarm, lest the sound should reach -the other towers: so loud, however, was the roaring of the wind, and the -hollow rushing sound of the Orontes, that the noise was not heard by any -but those immediately around. The ladder was easily repaired, and more -than sixty knights had reached the top of the battlements when the torch -of the patrol began to gleam along the walls in its approach towards them. -Hid[358] in the shadows of the tower, the crusaders waited the officer's -approach, and before he could spread the alarm death had fixed the seal of -silence on his lips for ever. The knights now descended through the -staircase in the masonry, and finding the soldiers of the guard asleep, -they speedily rendered their slumbers eternal. A postern gate was then -forced open,[359] and the seven hundred champions rushed into the city -sounding their horns in every direction, as had been agreed between the -chiefs, in order that on this signal the town might be at the same time -attacked from without. - -It would be painful to dwell upon the scene of slaughter that ensued. The -Turks were soon awakened by the shrieks of their falling comrades, and by -the trumpets of their victorious foe: they ran to arms,[360] and for many -hours manfully opposed their conquerors hand to hand, though all hope of -victory was now over. The Greeks and Armenians hastened to force open the -gates and give entrance to the rest of the army of the Cross: but, in the -darkness that prevailed, many of the Christians as well as the Turks were -slaughtered by the victors, who butchered all ages, sexes, and conditions, -with indiscriminate rage and haste,[361] in which fear and agitation had -probably as much to do as cruelty and fanaticism. - -During the whole of the night the crusaders continued the massacre of -their enemies; and Albert of Aix[362] declares, that the following morning -they found they had slain many of their own countrymen by mistake. Such a -fact is not difficult to conceive of a body of men wandering without guide -through a hostile town, with the paths of which they were unacquainted. As -ever follows the violent capture of a large city, the soldiery first -satisfied themselves with bloodshed, and perhaps added some extra -cruelties to gratify their fanaticism, and then betook themselves to -plunder and debauchery; nevertheless, they committed not greater excesses -than we have seen perpetrated in days not very distant from our own, by -the troops of civilized nations, without the fiery stimulus of religious -zeal for a palliation. - -I mean not to defend the cruelties of the crusaders, but I mean to say, -that they were not extraordinary in that age, or in any age that has yet -passed: God only knows what may be to come. The crusaders treated the -infidels as the infidels had often treated the Christians; and as -Christians, unhappily, have too often treated Christians like themselves. -Their plunder was not at all of a more atrocious kind than that which -attends every storm; and as to the hypocrisy[363] with which Mills charges -them, that writer quite loses sight of the spirit of the age on which he -writes, and metes men's actions by a standard that they never knew. The -crusaders were _not_ hypocrites, they were merely fanatics; and in the -relentless fury with which they pillaged, injured, and massacred the -Turks, they thought they did God as good and pleasing service as in -singing praises to him for the victory they had obtained. They were -fearfully wrong in their principle, it is true, but still they acted upon -principle, and therefore in this they were not hypocrites. - -Baghasian, the Turkish prince of Antioch,[364] fled with a part of his -troops to the citadel, but finding that security could not long be found -within the walls of the town, he escaped alone to the mountains, where he -was waylaid by some Syrian Christians and slain. His head, with all the -venerable marks of extreme age, was struck off by his slayers, and -carried, with his rich sword-belt, into Antioch, where it proved an -acceptable present to the rude victors. - -Though much spoil[365] of various kinds was found in Antioch, little that -could satisfy the cravings of hunger had been left by the Turks. They, -themselves closely blockaded, had been driven nearly to want; and the -Christians soon began to suffer from the very precautions they had -formerly taken against their enemies. In the first joy of their conquest, -too, the little discipline that ever existed in a chivalrous host was -completely relaxed, and before it could be sufficiently restored for -necessary measures to be taken in order to procure supplies, famine was in -the city, and the hosts of the Persian sultaun[366] encamped beneath the -walls. - -The invasion of the Christians, the fall of Nice, and the siege of Antioch -had spread consternation through the empires of the Crescent; and the -monarch of Persia had roused himself from the contemptuous sloth in which -he had first heard of the crusades, and raised an immense army, to sweep -away, as the Moslem expressed it, the band of locusts that had fallen upon -the land. - -Kerboga, or Corbohan, as he was named by the Christians, the emir of -Mosul, and favourite of the calif, took the command of the army; and being -joined by Kilidge Asian, the sultaun of Roum, with a considerable force, -proceeded at the head of about three hundred thousand men towards Antioch. -He would, in all probability have reached that city in time to prevent its -fall, had he not turned from the direct road to ravage the principality of -Edessa, and dispossess Baldwin.[367] From thence, however, he was called, -before he could accomplish his object, by the news of the Christians' -success, and in a few days Antioch was once more invested. The first -attempt of the Moslems was to throw supplies into the citadel, which the -Latins had hitherto neglected to attack. In this they in some degree -succeeded; and the crusaders, being roused to watchfulness, took what -measures they could against further reinforcements reaching the castle. - -In the mean while the Christians, who had suffered what appeared the -extreme of privation while assailing the very walls they now defended, -were reduced to a state of famine which beggars all description.[368] The -most noisome animals, the most unsavoury herbs, became dainties at the -tables of the great. The horses that remained were slaughtered without -consideration, and all virtue and order gave way under the pressure of -necessity. - -All sorts of vice became rife, and debauchery grew the more horrid from -being the debauchery of despair. The Persians, encamped closely round -them, had burnt the vessels, destroyed the port of St. Simeon, and cut off -all communication with the neighbouring country. Nevertheless their guard -was not so strict but that many of the crusaders escaped over the -walls,[369] and fled to the Count of Blois at Alexandretta, excusing their -pusillanimity by tales of the horrors they had undergone. Stephen of -Blois, now rejoicing in his timely evasion, abandoned his comrades -altogether, and with the stragglers who had joined him from Antioch, among -whom were many knights and nobles of distinction, he retreated towards -Constantinople.[370] By the way he encountered a large force commanded by -Alexius, who was marching, not to succour the crusaders, whose condition -he did not yet know, but to take advantage of their conquests. The -cowardly monarch, in deep sympathy with the cowardly fugitives, turned his -back upon Antioch the moment he heard of its danger, and pursued his -journey towards his capital, forcing along with him a considerable body of -French and Italian crusaders, who, under the command of Guy,[371] the -brother of Boemond, had been advancing to the aid of their brethren. The -news of Alexius's approach had filled the hearts of the besieged with joy, -and the tidings of his retreat of course cast them into still deeper -despair. The soldiers forgot their honour and abandoned their posts, -hiding in the houses and avoiding every thing that called them into -activity. As a last resource to drive them to their duty, Boemond[372] set -fire to parts of the town where they were supposed principally to linger; -but hope seemed extinguished in every breast, and though the inferior -troops returned to some degree of energy, yet the leaders knew full well -that without succour--and no succour was near--nothing short of a miracle -could save them from their distress. Within the walls they starved,[373] -and died, and wasted; and they could hardly be expected to issue forth -upon the enemy, when Godfrey himself, their noblest leader, and tacitly -their chief, was destitute of even a horse to carry him to the battle. At -the same time, from the walls of the city, the luxuries of the Turkish -camp might be beheld in tantalizing splendour.[374] Gold and jewels, and -rich silks, and beautiful horses, and gay seraglios, seemed rather -indications of some joyous company than of a fierce besieging army. Troops -of cattle, too, of all kinds, were seen feeding round about, while the -acute tooth of famine was gnawing the entrails of those who stood and -looked upon all the magnificence and profusion before them. - -Many even of the leaders of the crusade[375] were reduced to absolute -beggary, and several became completely dependent on the bounty of Godfrey -for mere food, till he himself had no more to give. The people, accustomed -to privation, still in some degree bore up, but the knights themselves -gave way, and had it not been for the noble firmness of Adhemar, Bishop of -Puy, Godfrey, Raimond, Boemond, and Tancred, the whole of the barons would -have fled, and left the people to their fate.[376] - -The chiefs I have named, however, never ceased their exertions. They bound -themselves by the most solemn vows not to abandon each other or the cause -they had undertaken; and Tancred, always the first where chivalrous -enthusiasm was concerned, pledged himself by oath not to turn back from -the road to Jerusalem so long as forty knights would follow his banner. At -length superstition came to animate the courage of the soldiery. Visions -were seen promising victory to those who endured to the last. The -apostles, the saints, and even the Saviour appeared to many of the -priests, who took care that their miraculous visitations should be noised -abroad.[377] - -Whether originating in the policy of the leaders, or in the cunning of the -lower order of priests, these supernatural consolations had a prodigious -effect upon people who, their reliance on every earthly means being gone, -were fain to turn to heaven. Enthusiasm, supported by superstition, proved -a most excellent nurse to hope. Activity, energy, resolution, returned; -and the wan and ghastly herds demanded loudly to be led against the enemy. -One more pious fraud[378] was destined to be committed before the troops -were brought to the last resource of an almost hopeless battle. A clerk of -Provence, serving under Raimond of Toulouse, sought out the chiefs of the -armament, and declared that St. Andrew the Apostle had manifested himself -in a vision, and had revealed to him that the lance with which our -Saviour's side was pierced, at the crucifixion, might be found in a -certain spot in the church of St. Peter of Antioch. Accompanied by this -holy relic the army was directed by the saint to issue forth upon the -Saracens with assurances of victory. - -The Bishop of Puy,[379] whose religious feelings were of too pure a kind -to practise, or even countenance, such cheats, declared that the tale must -be false, and several chiefs agreed with him in opinion:[380] but Raimond -of Toulouse and others strongly supported the story; and the whole of the -leaders soon became convinced that good policy required the lance should -be found, a battle seeming the only resource. As no support could be given -to the bodies of the emaciated troops, it was as well, also, to stimulate -their minds as far as possible. - -The lance was therefore sought for in form, and though at first it could -not be discovered, because it was not there, it very naturally happened -that no sooner did the clerk who had been favoured with the vision descend -into the pit,[381] than the iron head was perceived, and brought up to the -wonder and edification of the people. The matter being now decided, the -hearts of the multitude were all enthusiasm, a great many more almost -sacrilegious visions were seen, fasting and prayer, and the ceremonies of -the church were used to excite and increase the popular ardour; and, in -the end, Peter the Hermit was sent out to the camp of Kerboga,[382] not to -offer terms of capitulation, but rather to threaten vengeance, and to bid -the Turks depart. The reply of the emir was as contemptuous as might have -been expected, and Peter returned with a message that would have somewhat -quelled the daring of the crusaders if it had been repeated. This, -however, was prevented by Godfrey, and every preparation made for a -battle. - -The citadel,[383] I have before said, had remained in the hands of the -Turks, who had fled thither on the taking of Antioch. Its commanding -situation enabled the garrison to see whatever passed in the town; and the -governor being strictly enjoined to give due notice to the army of Kerboga -of all the Christian movements, on the morning of the 28th of June, A. D. -1098, a black flag,[384] hoisted on the highest tower of that fortress, -announced to the besiegers that the Latins were about to march out and -attack them. - -The army of the Cross presented but a miserable sight; the ghastly hand of -famine had wrought horribly on the wan countenances of the soldiery. Of -all the fair Chivalry of Europe, whose heavy horses and steel-clad limbs -had crushed like the fall of a mountain every thing that opposed them, but -two hundred knights appeared mounted as was their wont.[385] Those who -could get them were glad to go forth upon mules and asses; some having -sold or lost their arms, were furnished with the small shields and -scimitars taken from the Turks; and Godfrey of Bouillon himself rode the -borrowed horse of the Count of Toulouse, who was left to guard the town. -In this state of wretchedness, the crusading army marched out against a -splendid force, which, at the beginning of the siege amounted to more than -three hundred thousand fighting men, and had every day been -increasing.[386] Nevertheless, all was enthusiasm in the Christian ranks. -The priests in their pontifical robes,[387] bearing crosses and holy -banners, mingled with the soldiers, and, singing hymns of joy, already -taught them to anticipate victory. The number of knights going to the -fight on foot encouraged the common men by their presence and their -example; and, in fact, though destitute of many of the physical means -which had given them superiority in former battles, the valour and the -self-confidence,[388] which are the soul of victory, were never more -present among the Christian warriors. - -Kerboga committed the great fault that has lost a thousand battles. He -despised his enemy. When first the news was brought to him that the -Christians were advancing, he was playing at chess,[389] and hardly rose -from his game. It was only the complete route of two thousand men, whom he -had stationed to defend the bridge, that convinced him the attack was -serious. He thus lost the opportunity of annoying the crusaders as they -defiled, and now he found his error and began to tremble for the -consequences. - -Hugh of Vermandois,[390] Robert of Flanders, and the Duke of Normandy, -each advanced steadily at the head of his followers towards the mountains, -where the Turkish cavalry were likely to find more difficulty in -manoeuvring. Godfrey of Bouillon followed; and then Adhemar, Bishop of -Puy, clothed in armour,[391] and bearing the sacred lance, led on the -troops of Provence. Boemond and Tancred brought up the rear, and thus the -whole wound on towards their position. - -Kerboga now used every effort to remedy his first neglect, and made -several skilful movements for the purpose of surrounding the crusaders. -They, on their part, with little attention to the arts of warfare, -continued to march on, their courage increasing rather than diminishing, -and persuading themselves that even the morning dew of a fine summer's -day, which refreshed both themselves and their horses, was a special sign -of favour from Heaven.[392] It is said, that Kerboga, at this moment -seized with a sudden and unaccountable fear, sent messengers to declare -that he would accept the terms formerly offered, and commit the decision -of the quarrel to a combat of five or ten champions to be chosen on each -side.[393] - -This proposal (if really made) was instantly refused, and Kerboga, drawn -up before his camp, waited the attack of the Christians; while Soliman or -Kilidge Aslan, taking a wide circuit with an immense force of cavalry, -prepared to fall upon the rear of the army commanded by Boemond. To -conceal this evolution the vizier caused the dry grass and weeds with -which great part of the ground was covered to be set on fire, and by the -smoke thus raised[394] succeeded in obscuring the movements of his -cavalry. During this manoeuvre he extended his line, and endeavoured to -turn the flanks of the crusading army. The banner-bearers,[395] in front -of the host, were now within bow-shot of the enemy, and the arrows began -to fall like hail on either side. The columns of the Christians came up -one after another to the attack, and fighting hand to hand forced back the -Turkish centre upon their camp, so that in that part of the field victory -seemed leaning towards the champions of the Cross. - -At the same time, however, Soliman had fallen upon the rear of -Boemond,[396] who, enveloped by infinitely superior forces, was pressed -hard and separated from the rest of the army. The dense cloud occasioned -by the burning weeds embarrassed the Lombards and Italians, and the sword -of the Persians was reaping a terrible harvest in the ranks of the -crusaders. Tancred flew to the rescue of Boemond, and Hugh of Vermandois -as well as Godfrey of Bouillon abandoning the attack[397] they were making -on the centre of the infidel army, turned to the rear, and succeeded in -repelling the troops of Soliman. Still, the battle raged undecided;[398] -while Kerboga used every effort to secure the victory, and hurrying up the -columns from his wings, caused them to charge the rear of Godfrey as he -advanced to the succour of the Prince of Tarentum. All was now confusion -in that part of the field, the fight became hand to hand, blade crossed -with blade, and man struggled against man. Meanwhile the Bishop of Puy, -still bearing the sacred lance,[399] pressed forward upon a corps at the -head of which Kerboga had placed himself; and with the Provençals urged -the battle manfully against the infidels. The Persians fought bravely, and -their numbers, as well as their great superiority in cavalry, gave them -vast advantages over the Latins. Returning again and again to the charge -with unequalled rapidity, fighting as well when their columns were broken -as when their ranks were entire, and unrivalled in the use of the bow, -they gave the crusaders not a moment to pause, without some enemy to -attack, and some blow to repel. - -At length a report was raised through the Christian host that the saints -were fighting on their side; and either by accident, by the force of -imagination, or by some preconcerted artifice, the crusaders saw--or -thought they saw--some figures clothed in white raiment, and mounted on -white horses, coming over the mountains to their aid.[400] All fear, all -suspense was at an end. The enthusiasm was prodigious, extraordinary, -overpowering. The redoubted battle-cry "God wills it! God wills it!" once -more rang over the field, and the weapons of the Christians seemed swayed -by the force of giants. At the same time, among the Moslems spread the -sickening news that the Latins had forced their way into the camp. The -hopes of the infidels fell, and terror took possession of them, while the -courage of the people of the Cross, raised into ecstasy by the belief of -visible aid from on high, bore down all that opposed it, and soon -converted feeble resistance into flight. In vain Kerboga tried to rally -his troops, the panic was general, the pursuers fierce and resolute; and -the mighty army of the Persians was scattered to the four winds of heaven. -Tancred,[401] leaving to others the plunder of the camp, followed the -fugitives over the hills, and prevented them from reassembling, while the -rest of the chiefs entered the tents of the Persians, and added to their -slaughtered enemies the blood of the helpless and unoffending.[402] A -number of women and children were either slain by the sword or borne down -in the flight, and an immense booty in gold, arms, horses, cattle, and -rich vestments made the host of the crusade richer than even when it took -its departure from Europe. The pavilion of Kerboga himself, though not the -most valuable, was perhaps the most curious part of the spoil, being -formed like a town, with walls, towers, and battlements,[403] and -comprising streets, squares, and avenues within itself. It fell to the -share of Boemond, and was capable, they say, of containing two thousand -men. - -Sixty-nine thousand Turks[404] died in the battle of Antioch, while the -loss of the crusaders is not estimated at more than ten thousand; but it -must be remembered that this is the account of the Christians themselves. -One of the immediate consequences[405] of this great victory was the -surrender of the citadel of Antioch, which was now given up in despair. A -considerable number of the soldiers forming its garrison embraced -Christianity, and remained in the town; while the rest, who firmly adhered -to their ancient faith, were honourably conducted beyond the conquered -territory. The whole army, loaded with wealth, and rejoicing in abundance, -entered once more the walls of the city, and offered up to Heaven -manifold thanksgivings for the victory they had obtained. The only -occurrence that for the time troubled the public joy[406] was, that the -Count of Toulouse, who had remained behind to guard the town, looked upon -the citadel, which had surrendered previous to the return of the host, as -his own conquest, and had raised his banner on the walls.[407] The council -of leaders determined that their agreement with Boemond embraced the -castle as well as the town, and Raimond was, in consequence, forced to -resign the authority he had usurped to the Prince of Tarentum. The count, -notwithstanding, still retained possession of one of the city-gates,[408] -with its adjoining towers, which he maintained for some months, but was -obliged at last, by force of arms, to yield the whole. - -The first occupation of the crusaders after quieting this dispute was to -restore the temples, which the Moslems had converted into mosques, to the -service of the Christian religion. The priests were re-established, the -ceremonies of the church recalled; and though they adhered to the forms of -the Latin ritual, with wise and Christian moderation they abstained from -interfering with the Greek patriarch, notwithstanding that they considered -his dogmas heretical. The next question more related to their further -advance into the country; and the people, proud in their victory, and -forgetful of privations in the fulness of sudden satiety, clamoured loudly -to be led on to Jerusalem. The chiefs,[409] however, saw how greatly -repose was required; their army was lamentably diminished; most of the -soldiers were suffering from wounds or weariness, and few, though -refreshed by their lately acquired stores, were capable of bearing more -fatigue and fresh necessities. At the same time, the fiery months of -August and September, with the exposed plains of Syria, lay before them; -and it was known that water, scanty on the road to Jerusalem even in the -best times, was now hardly to be procured. - -On these considerations, the chiefs determined to postpone their advance -till October, and in the mean while despatched Hugh[410] the Great, Count -of Vermandois, with Baldwin of Mons, Count of Hainault, to the court of -Constantinople. These ambassadors were instructed to urge the base Alexius -to fulfil the many promises which he had made and neglected; and to -threaten him, in case of his refusal, with the anger both of God and man. - -Baldwin of Mons was betrayed into a Turkish ambuscade, and his fate was -never clearly ascertained;[411] but Hugh of Vermandois made his way safely -through Asia Minor, and arrived at Constantinople. Admitted to the -presence of Alexius, he detailed the sufferings of the Christians, and -their diminished forces, and showed the necessity which they felt of -supplies and reinforcements. He announced also their victory over the -Turks, and the signal humiliation which had been inflicted on the proud -Moslems. This news in both respects gratified Alexius: but, equally well -content that the Turks should be made weak, and that the Latins should not -grow strong, he found the affairs of the east progressing exactly as he -could have desired, and determined to leave them in the course which they -had themselves taken. The wrath of Heaven for his broken engagements, and -the vengeance of the crusaders on the same score, were far too remote -evils for the narrow-minded despot to yield them any consideration. Hugh -of Vermandois--now near home[412] and the comforts which he had so long -abandoned, anticipating little pleasure and no small danger on the -journey back, and having neither satisfactory news nor necessary -reinforcements to take to the crusaders--determined upon pursuing his -journey into France, and leaving his companions to their fate. Knowing, -however, that it would be difficult to justify himself in their eyes, he -did not even take the trouble to write for that purpose; others on his -part have done so for posterity, and have failed. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -_Pestilence in Antioch--Death of the Bishop of Puy--The Chiefs -separate--Siege of Marrah--Cannibalism--Disputes between the Count of -Toulouse and Boemond--The Count marches towards Jerusalem--Siege of -Archas--Godfrey of Bouillon marches--Siege of Ghibel--Treachery of -Raimond--Fraud of the Holy Lance investigated--Ordeal of Fire--Decisive -Conduct of the Crusaders towards the Deputies of Alexius, and the Calif of -Egypt--Conduct of the Crusaders towards the Emir of Tripoli--First Sight -of Jerusalem--Siege and taking of the City--Fanatical Massacres._ - - -The crusaders[413] in Antioch had reason to regret they had not at once -marched onward. A pestilence began to spread in the city, and multitudes -were buried every day. Among the first was the venerable Bishop of -Puy,[414] whose high qualities of mind and excellent character as a priest -had given much dignity and strength to the enterprise. Many celebrated -knights also fell victims to this plague; and all the dissensions[415] and -crimes that indolence acting on semi-barbarians can produce, begin to -spring up within the walls of Antioch. To effect some change, the chiefs -agreed to separate, and to canton their men in the countries round about. -Boemond proceeded to reduce all Cilicia to obedience, and carried on a -desultory but successful warfare against the Turks. Godfrey[416] led his -men to the assistance of the emir of Hezas, who solicited his aid against -the sultaun of Aleppo. Being joined by Baldwin, and by some auxiliary -forces from Antioch, Godfrey succeeded in delivering the emir, who was -besieged in his fortress by the sultaun. Hezas was then placed by the -prince under the protection of his new allies, whom he found somewhat -exacting in their friendship. The plague still raging in Antioch, Godfrey -turned his steps towards Edessa, the principality of his brother Baldwin, -to whom he was now fully reconciled. After a short repose at -Turbessel,[417] he engaged in the wars which his brother was carrying on -against the Turks, whose dominions surrounded Edessa, and also punished -Pancrates for the rapine which he had for some time exercised with -impunity against all parties. The other princes in various bodies carried -on the same separate hostilities against the Saracens, and many towns were -added to the Christian dominions. - -The time fixed for the march of the general army at length arrived; but, -whether from a taste for the desultory sort of warfare to which they had -now habituated themselves, or from the hope of still receiving some aid -from Europe, the crusaders tarried on their way, and laid siege to -Marrah.[418] The Moslems made a brave resistance, and the Latins having, -with their wonted improvidence, begun the siege without any supplies -whatever, were soon again reduced to famine and the most horrible -cannibalism.[419] At length Marrah was taken by storm on the arrival of -Boemond and his forces. The slaughter was terrible, and a repetition of -all the scenes on the taking of Antioch was here enacted with many -circumstances of aggravation. New disputes now arose between Boemond and -the Count of Toulouse, upon the possession of Marrah; the Prince of -Tarentum refusing to give up the portion of the city he had conquered, -till Raimond should yield the towers which he still held in Antioch.[420] -Days and weeks passed in these unworthy contests, other chiefs attempting -in vain to reconcile the two ambitious princes. At length the people, -indignant at the conduct of their leaders, broke out into revolt, and -destroyed the fortifications of Marrah, in spite of all that could be done -to prevent them,[421] vowing that it, at least, should not be a new cause -of delay. They declared also that they would choose a chief for -themselves, who should conduct them to Jerusalem. This, of course, -compelled the leaders of the army to begin their march, but it in no -degree produced a reconciliation, and Raimond of Toulouse,[422] with -Robert of Normandy and Tancred, proceeded on their way to Jerusalem, -leaving the rest of the princes to follow as they might. Town after town -submitted to Raimond; but Archas proved a stumblingblock to his glory, and -resisted the efforts of all the force he could bring against it. The -Saracen emirs of the neighbouring country, however, whether from fear of -the Christians, or from misunderstandings among themselves, no longer -pursued the firm and destructive plan formerly adopted of desolating the -land before the steps of the invaders. The army of the Cross found -provisions in plenty, and many of the towns which it approached bought -immunity from attack, at the price of large presents to the -crusaders.[423] - -Soon after the departure of Raimond, Godfrey of Bouillon, Robert of -Flanders, Boemond, and the other leaders marched out of Antioch, and -directed their course towards Laodicea, where Boemond[424] again quitted -them, and returned to his new principality, leaving a great part of his -troops to aid his brethren. As some compensation for this desertion, the -host of the crusade was joined by a considerable body of English who had -sailed round Spain; and, entering the Mediterranean by Gibraltar, had -touched first at St. Simeon, and then proceeded to Laodicea--a wonderful -undertaking, indeed, as Raimond d'Agiles observes, considering the state -of the art of navigation in that day. From Laodicea, Godfrey, marching -along the coast, turned his arms against Ghibel, or Gabala, whither he was -accompanied by the ships of the band of pirates whom we have seen serving -under Baldwin; and who, having fallen into the hands of the Greeks of -Laodicea, had been kept in strict imprisonment till the arrival of the -crusaders. The emir of Ghibel attempted, by the offer of large bribes, to -divert the forces of the Cross from the attack of his city, but his -proposals were met with contempt by Godfrey and the chiefs who accompanied -him; and the infidel commander, in consequence, sent messengers to Raimond -of Toulouse[425] (then besieging Archas), whose disinterestedness was -reported to be of a different quality. Raimond, always fond of gold, -caught at the bait held out, and immediately agreed to draw his -fellow-crusaders from Ghibel by artifice. He lost no time, therefore, in -sending word to Godfrey, that an immense body of Saracens was marching -down against his Provençals under the walls of Archas. This tale of course -caused Godfrey[426] to raise the siege of Ghibel, and hasten to the -assistance of his comrade. On his arrival, however, Tancred, and the other -knights of Raimond's army, undeceived the duke of Loraine, who, indignant -at the treachery of the Count of Toulouse, renounced all -communication[427] with him, and withdrew his men to the distance of two -miles, resolving to give him no aid in the siege of Archas. Tancred, at -the same time, disgusted with the avarice of the count, who withheld from -him the recompense he had promised for his services, retired with the -forty[428] lances that accompanied him, and joined himself to Godfrey. New -disputes of every kind arose among the leaders, and as Raimond of Toulouse -affected a sort of spiritual superiority, as guardian of the holy lance -that had been discovered at Antioch, its virtues and authenticity were -manfully denied. Peter Barthelmy, who had found it, had vision after -vision, till his commerce with heaven drew so heavily on belief, that men, -even the most superstitious, yielded him no further credit. The business -was investigated, and Barthelmy brought before a sort of council of -inquiry, where he maintained his position, supported by the Count of -Toulouse and his chaplain, our worthy chronicler, Raimond d'Agiles, who, -fully convinced of the truth of the miracle, unhappily proposed that his -_protégé_ should prove his virtue by the fiery ordeal.[429] This was -agreed to; fasts and prayers succeeded: Peter walked through the fire with -the lance in his hand, got frightened, stopped in the middle, and was -burned to death.[430] Some still believed; and, declaring that their -martyr had been pressed to death by the crowd,[431] held to their -credulity the more eagerly, because it was unsupported by any thing like -reason. - -The fame of the Count of Toulouse suffered as much by the affair of the -lance as by his deceit in respect to Ghibel; and the crusaders, wearied -with the delay before Archas, determined to raise the siege and proceed to -Jerusalem. In the mean while, the emir[432] of Tripoli,[433] finding that -the Christians were about to traverse his country, sent messengers to the -leaders, begging them to spare his towns and fields, and offering abundant -supplies, together with several rich presents. These proffers were so -favourably received that the emir even visited the camp of Godfrey -himself, and concluded a treaty which was inviolably adhered to on both -sides. - -At the same time[434] the deputies who had been despatched to the calif of -Egypt returned, with very unfavourable accounts of their entertainment. -The Saracen monarch still offered to join his arms to those of the -Christians, for the purpose of subduing Palestine; but it was evident that -he proposed to enjoy the fruits of victory without participation. His -envoys, and the presents which they bore, were sent back with scorn,[435] -the crusaders declaring that they would conquer Jerusalem with the sword -of Christ, and keep it with the same. Ambassadors from Alexius were -received also under the walls of Archas; and by their lips the perfidious -emperor dared to remonstrate against the cession of Antioch to Boemond, -who by this time had expelled the troops of Raimond of Toulouse,[436] and -was in full possession of the town. - -The reply given to these messengers was not less haughty than that which -had been sent to the calif.[437] The emperor, the crusaders said, had -broken his most sacred oaths; he had neglected to succour them when -succour was needful; he had betrayed the cause of Christ, and violated his -covenant with them. They could not, therefore, be bound by an engagement -which he had not found binding on him; and they would neither stay for his -coming, as he desired, nor would they yield him what they had conquered -with their own hands. - -These measures of decision having been taken, Godfrey and his companions -set fire to their camp, and quitted the siege of Archas: many of the -Provençals abandoned Raimond, and hastened after the rest; and the count -himself,[438] though unwillingly, was obliged to follow. The noble -sincerity and moderation of the crusaders in their conduct to the emir of -Tripoli has not been dwelt upon sufficiently by those authors who have -lost no opportunity of pointing out their cruelties and excesses. They -entered a rich and beautiful country, where spoil of every kind lay around -them. The inhabitants were infidels, and had been enemies: but the host of -the crusade passed through the whole without the slightest violation of -their treaty.[439] To prevent even casual injury, they encamped at a -distance from the towns, waited for the supplies that had been promised -them, and followed, with confidence and regularity, the guide who was -appointed to conduct them through the land.[440] When at war, the -crusaders waged it with all the barbarity of the age--the slaughter of the -infidel adversary was a virtue praised by historians, and sung by poets, -and mercy would have been held a weakness: but with those to whom they had -bound themselves in peace, we seldom find that, _as a body_, they violated -the most chivalric adherence to their promises. - -In the neighbourhood of Tripoli, the Europeans first beheld the -sugar-cane,[441] and learned the method of preparing the valuable juice -which has since been such an article of commerce in Europe. - -So great was the reliance between the people of Tripoli and the crusaders, -that they mutually frequented the camp[442] and the city during the stay -of the army. The emir also delivered from the chains in which they had -long remained, three hundred Christian pilgrims; and, according to some -authorities, promised to embrace the faith of his new allies,[443] in case -they were ultimately successful. At the end of three days, the host of the -Cross was once more in motion; and passing by Sidon, Acre, Ramula, and -Emmaus, approached the city of Jerusalem.[444] At Emmaus, deputies arrived -from the Christians of Bethlehem, praying for immediate aid against their -infidel oppressors. Tancred was[445] in consequence sent forward with a -hundred lances; but the tidings of a deputation from Bethlehem spread new -and strange sensations through the bosoms of the crusaders. That word -Bethlehem, repeated through the camp, called up so many ideas connected -with that sweet religion, which, however perverted, was still the -thrilling faith of every heart around. The thoughts of their proximity to -the Saviour's[446] birthplace, banished sleep from every eyelid; and -before midnight was well past, the whole host was on foot towards -Jerusalem. It was a lovely morning, we are told, in the summer time; and -after they had wandered on for some time in the darkness, the sun rushed -into the sky with the glorious suddenness of eastern dawn, and Jerusalem -lay before their eyes. - -The remembrance[447] of all that that mighty city had beheld; the -enthusiasm of faith; the memory of dangers, and ills, and fatigues, and -privations, endured and conquered; the fulfilment of hope; the -gratification of long desire; the end of fear and doubt; combined in every -bosom to call up the sublime of joy. The name was echoed by a thousand -tongues--Jerusalem! Jerusalem! Some shouted to the sky;[448] some knelt -and prayed; some wept in silence; and some cast themselves down and kissed -the blessed earth. "All had much ado," says Fuller, with his emphatic -plainness, "to manage so great a gladness."[449] - -To rejoicing, at the sight of the Holy City, succeeded wrath, at seeing it -in the hands of the infidels. The army marched forward in haste, drove in -some parties of Saracens, who had vauntingly come forth from the gates; -and Jerusalem was invested on all sides. Some of the people, indeed, -approached barefoot, in deep humiliation, and in remembrance[450] of the -sufferings of Him who had purchased salvation to a world by agony and -death; but the greater part of the soldiers advanced with purposes of -wrath, and took up their various warlike positions round about the town. -The attack was begun almost immediately after the first preparations; and -Godfrey of Bouillon, Tancred, the Duke of Normandy, and Robert of -Flanders, by a vigorous effort, carried the barbicans, and reached the -wall.[451] A portion of this, also, was thrown down with axes and picks; -and several knights, mounting by ladders[452] to the top of the -battlements, under a hail of arrows and Greek fire, fought for some time -hand to hand with the Turks. - -At length, after many had fallen on both sides, it became evident to the -leaders that nothing could be effected without the usual machines, and the -assault was suspended. - -All the energies of the host were now employed in constructing implements -of war. Timber was procured from Sichon:[453] some Genoese seamen, having -arrived at Jaffa, were pressed by the crusaders into the service of the -Cross, and by their mechanical skill greatly facilitated the construction -of the engines required. - -Catapults, mangonels,[454] and large moveable towers were prepared, as in -the siege of Nice; and to these was added a machine called the sow, formed -of wood, and covered with raw hides to protect it from fire, under cover -of which soldiers were employed in undermining the walls.[455] During the -fabrication of these implements, a dreadful drought pervaded the army; and -all the wells in the circumjacent country having been filled up by the -Turks, the only water that reached the camp was brought from far, and paid -for as if each drop had been gold. The soldiers, unable to procure it, -wandered away in the search, or watched[456] the morning dew, and licked -the very stones for moisture. Vice and immorality again grew prevalent, -and superstition was obliged to be called, in aid of virtue. - -From forty to sixty thousand men were all that remained of multitudes; and -it became obvious to the leaders that dissensions could no longer exist -without hazarding their destruction. Tancred,[457] the first in every -noble act, set the example of conciliation, and embraced his foe Raimond -of Toulouse, in the sight of the whole army. An expiatory[458] procession -was made by the chiefs, the soldiers, and the clergy, round the city of -Jerusalem; and prayers were offered up on each holy place in the -neighbourhood for success in this last field. The Turks, on their part, -forgetting the desperate valour which the crusaders had displayed on every -occasion, beheld these ceremonies with contempt; and raising up the image -of the Cross upon the walls, mocked the procession of the Christians, and -threw dirt at the symbol of their faith. The wrath of the crusaders was -raised to the uttermost, and the sacrilegious insult[459] was remembered -to be atoned in blood. - -The engines were at last completed, and the attack once more begun. The -towers[460] were rolled on to the walls, the battering-rams were plied -incessantly, the sow was pushed on to the foundations; and while the -Saracens poured forth fire[461] and arrows upon the besiegers, the -crusaders waged the warfare with equal courage from their machines. Thus -passed the whole day in one of the most tremendous fights that the host -of the Cross had ever sustained. Night fell, and the city was not taken. -The walls of the town were much injured, as well as the engines used by -the assailants; but by the next morning both had been repaired, and the -assault recommenced, and was received with equal ardour.[462] The leaders -of the Christian army occupied the higher stages of their moveable towers, -and Godfrey of Bouillon himself,[463] armed with a bow, was seen directing -his shafts against all who appeared upon the walls. Such soldiers as the -machines could not contain were ranged opposite the walls, urging the -battering-rams, plying the mangonels, and, by flights of arrows, covering -the attack from the towers. The enthusiasm was great and general; the old, -the sick, and the feeble lent what weak aid they could, in bringing -forward the missiles and other implements of war, while the women -encouraged the warriors to daring, both by words and their example; and -hurried through the ranks, bearing water to assuage the thirst of toil and -excitement. Still the Saracens resisted with desperate valour. For their -homes and for their hearths they fought; and so courageously, that when -more than half the day was spent, the host of the crusade was still -repulsed in all quarters. At that moment a soldier was suddenly seen on -Mount Olivet, waving on the crusaders to follow.[464] How he had -penetrated does not appear, or whether he was not the mere creature of -fancy. The idea, at all events, instantly raised the fainting hopes of the -Christians. Immense and almost supernatural efforts were made in every -quarter; the tower of Godfrey of Bouillon was rolled up till it touched -the wall; the moveable bridge was let down, and a knight called -Lutold[465] sprang upon the battlements--his brother followed--another -and another came to his support.--Godfrey, Baldwin de Bourg, and Eustace -de Bouillon rushed in; and the banner of the Cross announced to the -anxious eyes of the army that Christians stood upon the battlements of -Jerusalem.[466] Tancred and Robert of Normandy burst open one of the -gates, while Raimond of Toulouse, almost at the same instant,[467] forced -his way into another part of the city by escalade. The Turks fought[468] -for a time in the streets, but then fled to the mosques, and were in every -direction massacred by thousands. It is dreadful to read of the blood -which on that awful day washed the pavements of Jerusalem. The courts of -the mosque of Omar floated in gore, and scarcely the most remote and -obscure corners of the city gave shelter to an infidel head. The -soldiers[469] remembered the impious mockeries with which the Turks had -insulted the Cross, and the leaders believed that they were doing God good -service in exterminating the blasphemous strangers who had polluted the -holy places of Jerusalem, persecuted and butchered the unhappy Christians -of Judea, and desecrated the altars of God. To have spared them or their -accursed race would have been considered impious: and Godfrey himself not -only encouraged the slaughter, but aided with his own hand. - -An immense number of Saracens had betaken themselves to the temple of -Soliman, as it was called,[470] and there had prepared to defend -themselves to the last; but the pursuers were too strong to be resisted, -and nearly ten thousand men are said to have fallen in that building. -Those even who had climbed to the roof were sought out the next day,[471] -and several, to avoid the sword, cast themselves down and were dashed to -pieces. - -Some authors mention a second massacre,[472] and greatly exaggerate the -butchery that was perpetrated. In regard to this second massacre, there is -much historical evidence to show that no such event took place; and I -would fain believe that it was not the case. It cannot, however, be -denied, that the most humane of the Christian leaders in that age were -taught to look upon all mercy to the infidels as an injury to religion; -and it is beyond doubt, that after the general slaughter committed on the -capture of Jerusalem, Godfrey de Bouillon,[473] with the other leaders and -soldiers, washed away the marks of gore, cast off their armour, assumed -the robe of penitents, and, going to the holy sepulchre, offered up their -prayers to the mild Teacher of our beautiful religion, convinced that they -had accomplished a great and glorious work, and consummated an acceptable -sacrifice in the blood of the infidels. - -Such was the doctrine which, in that day, men were taught from their -cradles: such the strange interpretation put upon the Gospel of Peace. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -_Election of a King--Godfrey of Bouillon--Sketch of the History of -Jerusalem--Death of the chief Crusaders--New Bodies of Crusaders set out -from Europe--Their Destruction in Asia Minor--Armed Pilgrimages--The -Northern Armaments--The Venetians--The Genoese and Pisans--Anecdotes of -the Crusaders--Battle of the Children at Antioch--The Thafurs--Baldwin's -Humanity well repaid--Superstitions--Arms of the Crusaders--Of the -Turks--Hospitallers--Templars._ - - -The great end of the crusade was now accomplished. Jerusalem was delivered -from the hands of the infidels; but much remained to be done. To conquer -the Holy City had been a work of prodigious difficulty; to keep it was -perhaps more so; and it became evident that its defence must be intrusted -to one powerful chief. For this purpose the several leaders who had formed -the general council of the crusade met to elect a King of Jerusalem. The -nomination to that high office was so extraordinary an honour, that the -writers of each nation whose forces contributed to the crusade have -declared their own particular prince to have been chosen;[474] and, as it -was known that none of these did actually reign, they have furnished each -with a suitable excuse for declining the distinguished task. It is -probable, however, that the choice of the assembly really fixed at once -upon the only person fitted for the office; and (to combine the words of -Fulcher and Robert the Monk) that, "considering the excellence of his -nobility,[475] his valour as a knight, his gentleness and patient modesty, -as well as the purity of his morals, Godfrey of Bouillon was elected king -by the whole people composing the army of God, with the unanimous wish, -the general consent, and the judgment of all." Various clerical cabals -followed for the dignity of patriarch, of which it is not necessary to -speak here. - -Scarcely was the new monarch[476] seated on his throne, when the gathering -forces of the Moslems called him again into the field. With the wise -policy of activity, Godfrey did not wait to be besieged in Jerusalem, but -marching out with all the troops he could muster, he advanced towards -Ascalon, where a large infidel army had assembled, attacked and routed it -completely, and thus secured the conquest he had gained.[477] But the -virtues of Godfrey were not long destined to bless, or his talents to -protect, the new kingdom of Jerusalem.[478] In the month of July, 1100, he -was seized with a severe illness, on his return from a distant expedition, -and in a few days the throne of the Holy Land was vacant. - -Such an unexpected event of course spread dissension and consternation -among the crusaders. Tancred, who was at Jerusalem, and from his great -military name enjoyed no small power, offered the crown to Boemond, and -beyond all doubt would have succeeded in causing his election, had Boemond -been able to accept immediately the sceptre thus held out to him.[479] But -the Prince of Antioch[480] was at the moment a prisoner in the hands of -some Armenian Turks.[481] The Patriarch, on his part, endeavoured to raise -Jerusalem into a simple hierarchy,[482] and to unite the crown with the -mitre. The partisans of the Count of Toulouse also struggled in his -behalf for the supreme power; but in the end, Baldwin, Prince of Edessa, -the brother of Godfrey, was elected, and after some intriguing on the part -of the Patriarch, was anointed King of Jerusalem. - -It does not enter into the plan of this book to give a history of -Jerusalem under its Latin kings: I shall, however, briefly notice each, -that the occasion and object of the after-crusades may be properly -understood. - -Baldwin, on his election,[483] displayed virtues that had slumbered, and -lost vices that had been displayed on other occasions. He extended the -boundaries of his kingdom, humbled its Saracen enemies, instituted wise -and salutary laws, and showed firmness, moderation, and activity in his -new station, as well as the great military skill and enterprising spirit -he had formerly evinced. He took Assur,[484] Cesarea, and Acre; and added -Beritus, Sidon, and several other places to the kingdom of Jerusalem. At -length, in the execution of a bold expedition into Egypt, Baldwin died, -and his body, after being embalmed, by his own particular direction, was -carried back to the Holy City. - -Baldwin de Bourg, who, on the elevation of Baldwin I. to the throne of -Jerusalem, had received the principality of Edessa, was now called to the -vacant throne, and proved himself one of the wisest and most valiant of -the Latin sovereigns of Judea. He also greatly extended the limits of his -dominions; but in passing between Turbessel and Edessa, accompanied by a -few soldiers only,[485] and unsuspicious of any ambuscade, he was suddenly -surrounded, and carried a prisoner to Khortopret, where he remained in -close confinement for several years. During his imprisonment Tyre was -added to the territories of Jerusalem,[486] and various successful battles -were fought against the Moslems. After his liberation he offered the hand -of his daughter to Foulk of Anjou, who had some time before visited -Jerusalem upon an armed pilgrimage. The Count of Anjou gladly accepted the -proposal, and returning to the Holy Land, espoused Melesinda, soon after -which he ascended the throne of Jerusalem, on the death of Baldwin. Foulk -combined many virtues;[487] was kind, affable, and humane, as well as -skilful and courageous in the field. After a reign of thirteen years he -left the kingdom to his son, entire, indeed, but neither more extended in -territory, nor more consolidated in power, than when he received it. - -Baldwin III. succeeded; at the time of his accession being but a boy. -Dissensions and animosities raged among all the feudal dependants of the -crown of Jerusalem.[488] The Moslems scattered through the country, and -girding it on every side, took advantage of each new dispute to harass -their Latin invaders with desultory warfare. The emperors of the east -strove continually to wrest something of their old possessions from the -descendants of the crusaders, and thus divided the forces, and paralyzed -all the efforts made by the Christians to establish and secure their yet -infirm dominion. At length Zenghi, emir of Aleppo, and Mosul marched -against Edessa, the government of which principality had been transferred, -on the accession of Baldwin de Bourg to the throne of Jerusalem, to -Joscelyn de Courtenay, and from him had descended to his son. The son had -not inherited the virtues or the valour of his father; and while Zenghi -attacked, stormed, and took Edessa, he was rioting in debaucheries at -Turbessel. So severe a reverse spread consternation through Palestine. -Others, though of a less important nature, followed; and the news of these -misfortunes soon reached Europe, where it gave matter to the eloquence of -St. Bernard, and occasion for a new crusade. - -Long before this period, all the chiefs who had at first led the armies of -the Cross to Jerusalem had tasted of the cup reserved for all men, and few -words will end the history of each. Godfrey, Baldwin, and Baldwin de Bourg -we have already conducted to the tomb. Boemond,[489] as I have said, fell -into the hands of the Moslems; and after a captivity of two years, was -permitted to pay a ransom, and return to his principality. On arriving, he -found that his noble relative, Tancred,[490] had not only preserved, but -increased his territories during his absence; and after several years -continual warfare with Alexius on the one hand, and the Moslems on the -other, mingled with opposition to the King of Jerusalem, Boemond sailed -for Europe. There the fame he had acquired obtained for him the hand of -Constantia,[491] daughter of the King of France. Her younger sister, -Cecilia, was bestowed upon Tancred, who had remained in the government of -Antioch. - -By the aid of France, Boemond raised large forces and landing in Greece, -ravaged the dominions of Alexius, who was at length fain to conclude a -peace with the powerful and enterprising Italian. The Prince of Antioch -then sent forward the greater part of his troops to the Holy Land, while -he himself returned to Italy to prepare for the same journey. Death, -however, staid his progress;[492] for, after a short illness, he ended his -career in Apulia, in 1109.[493] Tancred still survived, and defended -constantly the territories of his cousin against every attack for three -years after the decease of Boemond. At last the consequences of a wound -he had received some time before proved fatal, and the noblest and most -chivalrous of all the Christian warriors died in the prime of his days. On -his death-bed he called to him his wife, and Pontius, the son of the -Prince of Tripoli,[494] and, aware of the necessity of union among the -Christians, he recommended strongly their marriage, after death should -have dissolved the ties between himself and Cecilia. The government of -Antioch he bequeathed to his cousin Roger;[495] but, with the same noble -integrity which he had displayed through life, he made the new regent -promise, that in case the son of Boemond should ever come to claim those -territories, they should be resigned to him without dispute. Thus died -Tancred; who, from all that we read of the crusaders, was, with the -exception of Godfrey, the noblest of the followers of the Cross--a gallant -leader, a disinterested man, a generous friend, a true knight. - -Previous to his death, however, he had been engaged in all the great -events in Palestine. After the election of Godfrey, and the battle of -Ascalon, the other chiefs of the crusade had either returned to Europe or -spread themselves over the country, in pursuit of their own schemes of -private ambition, leaving the new kingdom of Jerusalem to be supported by -its king and Tancred, with an army of less than three thousand men. This -penury of forces however, did not long continue, or the Holy Land must -soon have resumed the yoke it had thrown off. The spirit of pilgrimage was -still active in Europe; and combined with this spirit was the hope of -gain, springing from vague and exaggerated accounts of the wealth and the -principalities which the leaders of the first expedition had acquired. - -Pilgrimages now differed from those that had preceded the conquest of -Jerusalem, in being armed; and many bodies, of several thousand men each, -arrived both by sea and land, and proved exceedingly serviceable in -peopling the devastated lands of Palestine. Various larger enterprises, -more deserving the name of crusades, were planned and attempted, which it -would be endless to name, and tedious to recount. Nearly five hundred -thousand people set out from Europe for Syria,[496] and to these several -of those crusaders who had gone back to Europe joined themselves, urged -either by shame for their former desertion, or by the hope of obtaining -easier conquests, and less dangerous honours. Of these, then, I will speak -first, before noticing more particularly the armed pilgrimages, in order -that I may trace to the end all those leaders of the first crusade who -died in the Holy Land. The first great expedition set out not many years -after the taking of Jerusalem, and consisted of several smaller ones from -various countries, which united into larger bodies as they proceeded, and -endeavoured to force their way through Asia Minor. At the head of these -armies were Count Albert,[497] of Lombardy; Conrad, Constable of the -Western Empire; Stephen, Count of Blois, whom we have seen flying from the -land to which shame now drove him back; Stephen, Duke of Burgundy; the -Bishops of Laon and of Milan; the Duke of Parma; Hugh, Count of -Vermandois,[498] who now again turned towards Jerusalem; and the Count of -Nevers: as well as William, Count of Poitiers; Guelf, Duke of Bavaria; and -Ida, Marchioness of Austria. At Constantinople the first division met with -Raimond of Toulouse,[499] who had returned to that city from the Holy -Land, in search of aid to pursue the schemes of a grasping and ambitious -spirit. The new crusaders put themselves, in some degree, under his -command and guidance; but their first step was to disobey his orders, and -to take the way of Paphlagonia, instead of following the track of the -former crusade. They were for many days harassed in their march by the -Turks, then exposed to famine and drought, and finally attacked and cut to -pieces by Kilidge Aslan, who revenged, by the death of more than a hundred -thousand Christians,[500] all the losses they had caused him to undergo. -The principal leaders made good their escape, first to Constantinople, and -then to Antioch; except Hugh of Vermandois, who died of his wound at -Tarsus. The Count of Nevers,[501] who commanded the second body, met the -same fate as the rest, and followed them to Antioch, after the destruction -of his whole force. William of Poitiers, with the Duke of Bavaria and the -Marchioness Ida, were also encountered by the victorious Saracens, and -their defeat added another to the triumphs of the infidels and to the -Christian disasters. The Duke of Bavaria, stripping himself of his arms, -fled to the mountains, and made his escape. The precise fate of Ida of -Austria remained unknown; but it appears certain she was either suffered -to die in captivity, or was crushed to death under the horses' feet.[502] -The Count of Poitiers, completely destitute of all resources, and -separated from his companions, wandered on foot till he arrived at -Antioch,[503] where he was kindly received by Tancred, still alive, and -met the other chiefs who had encountered disasters like his own.[504] The -principal leaders proceeded straight to Jerusalem, with the exception of -Raimond of Toulouse, who had long fixed his heart upon the conquest of the -rich tract of Tripoli, which he attempted for some time in vain. Death -staid him in his progress,[505] and Baldwin succeeded in accomplishing -what he had designed; after which the king erected the territory acquired -into a feudal county, which was bestowed upon the son of the deceased -Raimond. - -In the mean while Stephen, Count of Blois, reached Jerusalem; and having, -by a second completed pilgrimage, wiped out, as he thought, the disgrace -of having quitted the first crusade, he embarked, with William of -Poitiers, to return to Europe. A contrary wind, however, drove back the -vessel into Jaffa,[506] and here Stephen found himself called upon to join -Baldwin in an attack upon the Turks. The king advanced with only seven -hundred knights,[507] deceived by reports of the enemy's weakness; but in -the plains of Ramula he found himself suddenly opposed to the whole -Turkish army. The spirit of Chivalry forbade his avoiding the encounter, -and in a short time the greater part of his force was cut to pieces. He -himself, with his principal knights, made their way to the castle of -Ramula, from which he contrived to escape alone. The rest were taken, -fighting bravely for their lives; and though some were spared, Stephen of -Blois[508] was one of several who were only reserved for slaughter. Thus -died the leaders of the first crusade who met their fate in Palestine, and -thus ended the greater and more general expeditions which had been -sanctioned by the council of Clermont, and excited by the preaching of -Peter the Hermit. The ultimate fate of that extraordinary individual -himself remains in darkness. On the capture of Jerusalem, when the -triumphant Europeans spread themselves through the city, the Christian -inhabitants flocked forth to acknowledge and gratulate their -deliverers.[509] Then it was that all the toils and dangers which the -Hermit had endured, were a thousand fold repaid, and that all his -enthusiasm met with its reward. The Christians of Jerusalem instantly -recognised the poor pilgrim who had first spoken to them words of hope, -and had promised them, in their misery under the Turkish oppression, that -aid and deliverance which had at length so gloriously reached them.[510] -In the fervour of their gratitude they attributed all to him; and, casting -themselves at his feet, called the blessing of Heaven on the head of their -benefactor. After that period Peter is mentioned several times by the -historians of Jerusalem;[511] and we find that he certainly did act a very -principal part in the clerical government of the city.[512] Whether he -returned to Europe or not I confess I do not know. He is said to have -founded the abbey of Montier, in France, and to have died there; but this -rests upon no authority worthy of confidence. - -In the meanwhile, many of the Christians who had escaped the active swords -of the Saracens in Asia Minor made their way to Jerusalem, and served to -people and protect the land. Various armaments, also, arrived at the -different seaports, bearing each of them immense numbers of military -pilgrims, who, after having visited the holy places, never failed to offer -their services to the king of Jerusalem, for the purpose of executing any -single object that might be desirable at the time. - -Three only of these bodies are worthy of particular notice, that of the -English, Danes,[513] and Flemings, who assisted Baldwin at the -unsuccessful siege of Sidon--the Norwegian expedition which succeeded in -taking that city--and that of the Venetians, who afterward aided in the -capture of Tyre. The Genoese[514] and the Pisans, also, from time to time -sent out vessels to the coast of Palestine; but these voyages, which -combined in a strange manner the purposes of traffic, superstition, and -warfare, tended rather to the general prosperity of the country by -commerce, and to its protection, by bringing continual recruits, than to -any individual enterprise or conquest. - -Many anecdotes are told of the first crusaders by their contemporary -historians, which--though resting on evidence so far doubtful as to forbid -their introduction as absolute facts--I shall mention in exemplification -of the manners and customs of the time. - -The number of women and children who followed the first crusaders to the -Holy Land is known to have been immense; but it is not a little -extraordinary, that in spite of all the hardships and dangers of the way, -a great multitude of both arrived safe at Jerusalem. The women we find, on -almost all occasions, exercising the most heroic firmness in the midst of -battles and destruction; and Guibert gives a curious account of the -military spirit which seized upon the children during the siege of -Antioch. The boys of the Saracens and the young crusaders, armed with -sticks for lances, and stones instead of arrows, would issue from the town -and the camp, and under leaders chosen from among themselves,[515] who -assumed the names of the principal chiefs, would advance in regular -squadrons, and fight in the sight of the two hosts, with a degree of -rancour which showed to what a pitch the mutual hatred of the nations was -carried. Even after the crusaders had fallen in battle or had died of the -pestilence, their children still pursued their way, and getting speedily -accustomed to fatigue and privation, evinced powers of endurance equal to -those of the most hardy warriors. - -With the army of the Cross also was a multitude of men--the same author -declares--who made it a profession to be without money; they walked -barefoot, carried no arms, and even preceded the beasts of burden in the -march, living upon roots and herbs, and presenting a spectacle both -disgusting and pitiable. A Norman,[516] who, according to all accounts, -was of noble birth, but who, having lost his horse, continued to follow as -a foot-soldier, took the strange resolution of putting himself at the head -of this race of vagabonds, who willingly received him for their king. -Among the Saracens these men became well known, under the name of -_Thafurs_ (which Guibert translates _Trudentes_), and were held in great -horror from the general persuasion that they fed on the dead bodies of -their enemies: a report which was occasionally justified, and which the -king of the Thafurs took care to encourage. This respectable monarch was -frequently in the habit of stopping his followers one by one, in any -narrow defile, and of causing them to be searched carefully, lest the -possession of the least sum of money should render them unworthy of the -name of his subjects.[517] If even two sous were found upon any one, he -was instantly expelled from the society of his tribe, the king bidding -him, contemptuously, buy arms and fight. - -This troop, so far from being cumbersome to the army, was infinitely -serviceable, carrying burdens, bringing in forage, provisions, and -tribute, working the machines in the sieges, and, above all, spreading -consternation among the Turks, who feared death from the lances of the -knights less than that further consummation, they heard of, under the -teeth of the Thafurs. - -Mercy towards the Turks was considered, by the contemporary clergy, to -whom we owe all accounts of the crusades, as so great a weakness, that -perhaps fewer instances of it are on record than really took place; for we -seldom find any mention of clemency to an infidel, without blame being -attached to it. Thus the promise of Tancred to save the Turks on the roof -of the temple is highly censured, as well as the act of the Count of -Toulouse, in granting their lives to some five hundred wretches, who had -taken refuge in the Tower of David. - -One deed of this kind is told of Baldwin I., more as in its consequences -it saved the king's person, than as any thing praiseworthy in itself. -Passing along one day on horseback, after his troops had been employed in -wasting the country, Baldwin is said to have met with an Arabian woman, -who had been taken in labour by the way.[518] He covered her with his own -cloak, ordered her to be protected by his attendants, and having left her -with two skins of water, and two female camels, he pursued his march. The -chances of the desultory warfare of those times soon brought back her -husband to the spot, and his gratitude was the more ardent as the benefit -he had received was unusual and unexpected. After the fatal day of Ramula, -while Baldwin, with but fifty companions, besieged in the ill-fortified -castle of that place, was dreaming of nothing but how to sell his life -dearly, a single Arab approached the gates in the dead of the night, and -demanded to speak with the king. He was in consequence brought to -Baldwin's presence,[519] where he recalled to his mind the kindness once -shown to the Arab woman, his wife; and then offered to lead him safely -through the lines of the enemy. The fate of Palestine at that moment hung -upon Baldwin's life, and, trusting himself in the hands of the Arab, he -was faithfully conducted to his own camp,[520] where he appeared, says -William of Tyre, like the morning star breaking through the clouds. - -Superstition, which in that age was at its height in Europe, was, of -course, not unknown in Palestine, and all sorts of visions were seen. -Battles, according to the monkish accounts, were won by relics and -prayers more than by swords and lances. A part of the Holy Cross was said -to be found in Jerusalem, a thousand more martyrs were dug up than ever -were buried, and we find one of the bishops _ferens in pyxide lac sanctæ -Mariæ Virginis_. Ghosts[521] of saints, too, were seen on every occasion, -and the Devil himself, in more than one instance, appeared to the -crusaders, tempting them with consummate art to all kinds of crimes. The -evil spirit, however, often--indeed generally--found himself cheated by -his victims in the end, who, by repentance, gifts to the church, and -fanatical observances, easily found means to "swear the seal from off -their bond." - -The appearance of an army in the times of the first crusade was highly -gorgeous and magnificent.[522] The number of banners of purple and gold, -and rich colours--each feudal baron having the right to bear his banner to -the field--rendered the Christian host in full array as bright a spectacle -as the sun could shine upon. The armour of the knights also gave a -glittering and splendid effect to the scene; nor was this armour as has -been represented, entirely of that kind called chain mail, which formed -the original hauberk. It varied according to various nations, and it is -evident from the continual mention of the corslet or breastplate, by all -the authors I have had occasion to cite in this work, that that piece of -plate armour was used during the first crusade.[523] It is probable, -however, that the armour generally worn was principally linked mail, -which, in the case of the knights, enveloped the whole body, being -composed of a shirt of rings, with hose, shoes, and gauntlets, of the same -materials. The helmet might also be covered with a chain hood, which -completed the dress. In addition to this, it is not unlikely that a -cuirass was frequently worn with the shirt, as we find, from the poem of -William the Breton on Philip Augustus, that it was even then a common -practice to wear a double plastron or cuirass, though plate armour had -returned into common use. The shield, charged with some design, but -certainly not with regular armorial bearings, together with the lance, -sword, and mace, completed the arms, offensive and defensive, of a knight -of that day.[524] I cannot find that either the battle-axe or the armour -for the horse is mentioned during the crusade; yet we know that both had -been made use of long before. The foot-soldiers were in some cases allowed -to wear a shirt of mail, but not a complete hauberk, and were armed with -pikes, bows, and crossbows; though it would seem that they gained their -knowledge of the latter instrument from the Saracens, there being several -lamentations, in all the accounts of their first entrance into Asia Minor, -over their unskilfulness in the use of the arbalist. The luxury with which -the Christians marched to the crusade may be conceived from the narrative -given by Albert of Aix, of the rout of the troops of Conrad and his -companions, who followed to the Holy Land, immediately after the capture -of Jerusalem. Among the spoils taken by the Turks, he mentions -ermines,[525] sables, and all kinds of rich furs, purple and gold -embroidery, and an incalculable quantity of silver. The roads, he says, -were so strewed with riches, that the pursuers trod upon nothing but -besants and other pieces of money, precious stones, vases of gold and -silver, and every sort of silk and fine stuff. - -The Turks proceeded to battle with even greater magnificence; and, after -the victories of Antioch and Ascalon, we read continually of invaluable -booty, jewels,[526] golden helmets and armour standards of silver, and -scimitars of unknown worth. The arms of the Turks were lighter, in all -probability, than those of the Christians, and in general consisted of the -sword and the bow, in the use of which they were exceedingly skilful.[527] -We find, however, that the various nations of which the Mahommedan armies -were composed used very different weapons; though all were remarkable for -the manner in which they eluded their enemies, by their skill in -horsemanship, and the fleetness of their chargers. One nation, mentioned -by Albert of Aix under the title of Azoparts, are called _the invincible_, -and were furnished with heavy maces, with which they aimed at the heads of -the horses, and seldom failed to bring them down. - -After the conquest of Palestine by the Christians,[528] the surrounding -tribes continued to wage an unceasing war against their invaders; but -nevertheless many of the Mussulman towns within the limits of the kingdom -of Jerusalem submitted to the conquerors, and were admitted to pay -tribute. A free communication also took place between the followers of the -two religions, and a greater degree of connexion began to exist than was -very well consistent with the fanaticism of either people. A mixed race -even sprang up from the European[529] and Asiatic population, the children -of parents from different continents being called Pullani. At the same -time the country was governed by European laws,[530] which, not coming -within the absolute scope of this book, I must avoid treating of, from the -very limited space to which I am obliged to confine myself. Suffice it to -say, that Godfrey of Bouillon, among the first cares of government, -appointed a commission to inquire into the laws and customs of the various -nations which formed the population of the country he was called to rule. -From the investigation thus entered into was drawn up an admirable code of -feudal law, under the title of _Assizes de Jerusalem_. Two institutions of -a strictly chivalrous nature, which were founded, properly speaking, -between the first and second crusades,[531] I must mention here, as all -the after-history of knighthood is more or less connected with their -progress. I mean the two military orders of the Hospital and the Temple. - -The spirit of religious devotion and military fervour had been so -intimately united during the whole of the crusade, that the combination of -the austere rules of the monk, with the warlike activity of the soldier, -seems to have been a necessary consequence of the wars of the Cross. - -Long previous to the crusade, some of the citizens of Amalfi having been -led to Jerusalem,[532] partly from feelings of devotion, partly in the -pursuit of commerce, had witnessed the misery to which pilgrims were -exposed on their road to the Holy Land, and determined to found an -hospital in which pious travellers might be protected and solaced after -their arrival at the end of their journey. The influence which the Italian -merchants possessed through their commercial relations at the court of the -calif, easily obtained permission to establish the institution proposed. A -piece of ground near the supposed site of the holy sepulchre was assigned -to them, and the chapel and hospital were accordingly built, at different -times, and placed under the patronage, the one of St. Mary, and the other -of St. John the Almoner. - -A religious house was also constructed for those charitable persons, of -both sexes, who chose to dedicate themselves to the service of the -pilgrims, and who, on their admission, subjected themselves to the rule of -St. Benedict. All travellers, whether Greeks or Latins, were received into -the hospital; and the monks even extended their charitable care to the -sick or poor Mussulmans who surrounded them. - -During the siege of Jerusalem by the crusaders, all the principal -Christians of the town were thrown into prison; among others, the abbot -(as he is called by James of Vitry)[533] of the monastery of St. John. He -was a Frenchman by birth, named Gerard; and, after the taking of the city, -was liberated, with other Christian prisoners, and returned to the duties -of his office, in attending the sick and wounded crusaders who were -brought into the Hospital. After the battle of Ascalon, Godfrey visited -the establishment, where he still found many of the followers of the -crusade, who, struck with admiration at the institution, and filled with -gratitude for the services they had received, determined to embrace the -order, and dedicate their lives also to acts of charity. Godfrey, as a -reward for the benefits which these holy men had conferred on his -fellow-christians, endowed the Hospital (now in a degree separated from -the abbey of St. Mary) with a large estate, in his hereditary dominions in -Brabant. Various other gifts were added by the different crusaders of -rank; and the Poor Brothers of the Hospital of St. John began to find -themselves a rich and flourishing community. It was at this period that -they first took the black habit and the white cross of eight points, and -subjected themselves, by peculiar vows, to the continual attendance on -pilgrims and sick persons.[534] Pascal II. soon after bestowed upon the -order several valuable privileges, among which were, exemption from all -tithes, the right of electing their own superior, and absolute immunity -from all secular or clerical interference. The constant resort of -pilgrims to the Holy Land not only increased the wealth of the -Hospitallers, but spread their fame to other countries. Princes and kings -conferred lands and benefices upon them, and the order began to throw out -ramifications into Europe, where hospitals, under the same rule, were -erected, and may be considered as the first commanderies of the -institution. - -At the death of Gerard, which took place almost immediately after that of -Baldwin I., Raimond Dupuy, one of the crusaders who had attached himself -to the Hospital on having been cured of his wounds received at the siege -of Jerusalem, was elected master, and soon conceived the idea of rendering -the wealth and number of the Hospitallers serviceable to the state in -other ways than those which they had hitherto pursued. His original -profession of course led him to the thought of combining war with -devotion, and he proposed to his brethren to reassume the sword, binding -themselves, however, by a vow, to draw it only against the enemies of -Christ. In what precise year the Hospitallers first appeared in arms is -not very clearly ascertained; but it is a matter of no moment, and it is -certain that they became a military body during the reign of Baldwin du -Bourg.[535] - -The order of St. John was then divided into three classes, knights, -clergy, and serving brothers. Each of these classes still, when absent -from the field, dedicated themselves to the service of the sick; but the -knights were chosen from the noble or military rank of the Hospitallers, -and commanded in battle and in the hospital. The clergy, besides the -ordinary duties of their calling, followed the armies as almoners and -chaplains; and the serving brothers fought under the knights in battle, or -obeyed their directions in their attendance on the sick. At first, the -garments and food of these grades were the same. The vows also were alike -to all, and implied chastity, obedience to their superior and to the -council, together with individual poverty. - -The objects now proposed were war against the infidels, and protection and -comfort to the Christian pilgrims. The knights were bound by strict and -severe rules; they were enjoined to avoid all luxury, to travel two or -three together, seeking only such lodging in the various towns as was -provided for them by their community, and burning a light during the -night, that they might be always prepared against the enemy. Their -faults[536] were heavily punished by fasts, by imprisonments, and even by -expulsion from the order; and they were taught to look for no reward but -from on high. Nevertheless, before the good Bishop of Acre composed his -curious work on the Holy Land, probably about the year 1228, the -Hospitallers, he tells us, were buying for themselves castles and towns, -and submitting territories to their authority like the princes of the -earth. - -The origin of the order of Red-cross Knights, or Templars, was very -different, though its military object was nearly the same. The Christian -power in Palestine was probably as firmly established at the time of -Baldwin du Bourg, as during any other period of its existence; yet the -mixture of the population, the proximity of a thousand inimical tribes, -the roving habits of the Turks, who--generally worsted by the Christians -in the defence of cities and in arrayed fields--now harassed their enemies -with a constant, but flying warfare; all rendered the plains of the Holy -Land a scene of unremitting strife, where the pilgrim and the traveller -were continually exposed to danger, plunder, and death. Some French -knights, who had followed the first crusade,[537] animated beyond their -fellows with the religious and military fury which inspired that -enterprise, entered into a solemn compact to aid each other in freeing the -highways of the Holy Land, protecting pilgrims and travellers, and -fighting against the enemies of the Cross. They embraced the rule of St. -Augustin; renounced all worldly goods, and bound themselves by oath to -obey the commands of their grand master; to defend the Christian faith; to -cross the seas in aid of their brethren; to fight unceasingly against the -infidel, and never to turn back from less than four adversaries.[538] The -founders of this order were Hugh de Paganis and Geoffrey de St. -Aldemar--or, according to some, de St. Omer--who had both signalized -themselves in the religious wars. Having no fixed dwelling, the Templars -were assigned a lodging in a palace in the immediate vicinity of the -Temple, from whence they derived the name by which they have since been -known. The number of these knights was at first but nine, and during the -nine years which followed their institution, they were marked by no -particular garb,[539] wearing the secular habit of the day, which was -furnished to them by charity alone. The clergy of the temple itself -conferred on their body a space of ground between that building and the -palace,[540] for the purpose of military exercises, and various other -benefices speedily followed. At the council[541] of Troyes, their -situation was considered, and a white garment was appointed for their -dress. Their vows became very similar to those of the knights of St. John; -the numbers of the body rapidly augmented; possessions and riches flowed -in upon them apace, as their services became extended and general. They -added a red cross to their robe, and raised a banner of their own, on -which they bestowed the name of _Beauséant_. The order, as it increased, -was soon divided into the various classes of servants of arms, esquires, -and knights; and, in addition to their great standard, which was white -with the red cross--symbolical, like their dress, of purity of life, and -courage, even to death--they bore to battle a banner composed of white and -black stripes, intended to typify their tenderness to their friends and -implacability towards their enemies.--Their valour became so noted, that, -like that of the famous tenth legion,[542] it was a support to itself; -and, according to James of Vitry, any Templar, on hearing the cry to arms, -would have been ashamed to have asked the number of the enemy. The only -question was, "Where are they?" - -On entering the order, the grand master cautioned the aspirant that he -was, in a manner, called upon to resign his individuality. Not only his -property and his body, but his very thoughts, belonged, from the moment of -his admission, to the institution of which he became a part. He was bound -in every thing to obey the commands of his superior, and poverty of course -formed a part of his vow. His inclinations, his feelings, his passions, -were all to be rendered subservient to the cause he embraced; and he was -exhorted to remember, before he engaged himself to the performance of so -severe an undertaking, that he would often be obliged to watch when he -desired to sleep, to suffer toil when his limbs required rest, and to -undergo the pangs of thirst and the cravings of hunger when food would be -most delightful. - -After these and similar warnings of the painful and self-denying nature of -the task which he was about to impose upon himself, he was asked three -times if he still desired to enter into the order, and on giving an answer -in the affirmative, he was invested with the robe, and admitted to the -vows, after previous proof that he was qualified in other respects, -according to the rules of the institution. - -No possible means has ever been devised of keeping any body of men poor; -and the Templars, whose first device was two knights riding on one horse, -to signify their poverty and humility, were soon one of the richest, and -beyond comparison the proudest, of the European orders. Their preceptories -were to be found in every country, and as their vows did not embrace[543] -the charitable avocations which, with the knights of St. John, filled up -the hours unemployed in military duties, the Templars soon added to their -pride all that host of vices which so readily step in to occupy the void -of idleness. While the knights of St. John, spreading benefit and comfort -around them, notwithstanding many occasional faults and errors, remained -esteemed and beloved, on the whole, both by sovereigns and people; the -knights of the Temple were only suffered for some centuries, feared, -hated, avoided; and at last were crushed, at a moment when it is probable -that a reform was about to work itself in their order.[544] - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -_Consequences of the Loss of Edessa--The State of France unfavourable to a -new Crusade--View of the Progress of Society--Causes and Character of the -Second Crusade--St. Bernard--The Emperor of Germany takes the Cross and -sets out--Louis VII. follows--Conduct of the Germans in Greece--Their -Destruction in Cappadocia--Treachery of Manuel Comnenus--Louis VII. -arrives at Constantinople--Passes into Asia--Defeats the Turks on the -Meander--His Army cut to pieces--Proceeds by Sea to Antioch--Fate of his -remaining Troops--Intrigues at Antioch--Louis goes on to Jerusalem--Siege -of Damascus--Disgraceful Failure--Conrad returns to Europe--Conduct of -Suger, Abbot of St. Denis--Termination of the Second Crusade._ - - -The loss of Edessa shook the kingdom of Jerusalem; not so much from the -importance of the city or its territory, as from the exposed state in -which it left the frontier of the newly established monarchy. The -activity, the perseverance, the power of the Moslems had been too often -felt not to be dreaded; and there is every reason to believe, that the -clergy spoke but the wishes of the whole people, when in their letters to -Europe they pressed their Christian brethren to come once more to the -succour of Jerusalem. Shame and ambition led the young Count of Edessa to -attempt the recovery of his capital as soon as the death of Zenghi, who -had taken it, reached his ears. He in consequence collected a large body -of troops, and on presenting himself before the walls during the night, -was admitted, by his friends, into the town. There he turned his whole -efforts to force the Turkish garrison in the citadel to surrender, before -Nourhaddin, the son of Zenghi, could arrive to its aid. But the Saracens -held out; and, while the Latin soldiers besieged the castle, they found -themselves suddenly surrounded by a large body of the enemy, under the -command of Nourhaddin. In this situation, they endeavoured to cut their -way through the Turkish force, but, attacked on every side, few of them -escaped to tell the tale of their own defeat. Nourhaddin marched over -their necks into Edessa, and, in order to remove for ever that bulwark to -the Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, he caused the fortifications to be -razed to the ground. - -The consternation of the people of Palestine became great and general. The -road to the Holy City lay open before the enemy, and continual -applications for assistance reached Europe, but more particularly France. - -The state of that country, however, was the least[545] propitious that it -is possible to conceive for a crusade. The position of all the orders of -society had undergone a change since the period when the wars of the Cross -were first preached by Peter the Hermit; and of the many causes which had -combined to hurry the armed multitudes to the Holy Land, none remained but -the spirit of religious fanaticism and military enterprise. At the time of -the first crusade, the feudal system had reached the acme of its power. -The barons had placed a king upon the throne. They had rendered their own -dominion independent of his, and though they still acknowledged some ties -between themselves and the monarch--some vague and general power of -restraint in the king and his court of peers--yet those ties were so -loose, that power was so undefined in its nature, and so difficult in its -exercise, that the nobles were free and at liberty to act in whatever -direction enthusiasm, ambition, or cupidity might call them, without fear -of the sovereign, who was, in fact, but one of their own body loaded with -a crown. - -The people, too, at that time, both in the towns and in the fields, were -the mere slaves of the nobility; and as there existed scarcely a shadow of -vigour in the kingly authority, so there remained not an idea of distinct -rights and privileges among the populace. Thus the baronage were then -unfettered by dread from any quarter; and the lower classes--both the -poorer nobility, and that indistinct tribe (which we find evidently[546] -marked) who were neither among the absolute serfs of any lord, nor -belonging to the military caste--were all glad to engage themselves in -wars which held out to them riches and exaltation in this world, and -beatification in the next; while they could hope for nothing in their own -land but pillage, oppression, and wrong; or slaughter in feuds without an -object, and in battles for the benefit of others. - -Before the second crusade was contemplated, a change--an immense change -had operated itself in the state of society. Just fifty years had passed -since the council of Clermont: but the kings of France were no longer the -same; the royal authority had acquired force[547]--the latent principles -of domination had been exercised for the general good. Kings had put -forth their hands to check abuses, to punish violence and crime; and the -feudal system began to assume the character, not of a simple -confederation, but of an organized _hierarchy_,[548] in which the whole -body was the judge of each individual, and the head of that body the -executor of its sentence. Louis VI., commonly called Louis the Fat,[549] -was the first among the kings of France who raised the functions of -royalty above those of sovereignty, and the distinction between the two -states is an important one. The former monarchs of France, including -Philip I., under whose reign the first crusade was preached, had each been -but sovereigns, who could call upon their vassals to serve them for so -many days in the field, and whose rights were either simply personal, that -is to say, for their own dignity and benefit, or only general so far as -the protection of the whole confederacy from foreign invasion was implied. -Louis the Fat, however, saw that in the kingly office was comprised both -duties and rights of a different character; the right of punishing private -crime,[550] and of opposing universal wrong; the duty of maintaining -public order, and of promoting by one uniform and acknowledged power the -tranquillity of the whole society and the security of each individual. The -efforts of that prince were confined and partial, it is true;[551] but he -and his great minister, Suger, seized the just idea of the monarchical -form of government, and laid the basis of a well-directed and legitimate -authority. - -This authority, of course, was not pleasing to the barons, whose license -was thus curtailed. Their views, therefore, were turned rather to the -maintenance of their own unjust privileges, than to foreign adventures. -At the same time, the nobles found themselves assailed by the classes -below them, as well as by the power above, and the people of the towns -were seen to struggle for the rights and immunities so long denied to -them. The burghers had,[552] indeed, been permitted to labour in some -small degree for themselves. Though subject to terrible and grievous -exactions, they had still thriven under the spirit of commerce and -industry. Their lords had sometimes even recourse to them for assistance. -The greater part, though of the servile race, had been either freed, or -were descended from freed men; and the baron of the town in which they -lived, though cruel and tyrannical, was more an exacting protector than a -master. At length--the precise time is unknown--the people of the cities -began to think of protecting themselves; and, by mutual co-operation, they -strove at once to free themselves from the tyranny of a superior lord, and -to defend themselves against the encroachments of others. The word -_commune_[553] was introduced, and each town of considerable size hastened -to struggle for its liberty. At first the horror and indignation of the -nobles were beyond all conception; but the spirit of union among them was -not sufficiently active to put down that which animated the commons. - -Each lord had to oppose his revolted subjects alone; and after long and -sanguinary contests,[554] sometimes the baron, the bishop, or the abbot -succeeded in subjugating the people; sometimes the burghers contrived, by -perseverance, to wring from the nobles themselves a charter which assured -their freedom. - -This struggle[555] was at its height, at the time when the fall of Edessa -and the growing power of the Moslems called Europe to engage in a second -crusade; but the barons at that moment found their privileges invaded -both by the crown and the people; and the latter discovered that they had -rights to maintain in their own land--that they were no longer the mere -slaves to whom all countries were alike--that prospects were opened before -them which during the first crusade they hardly dreamed of--that the -swords which had before been employed in fighting the quarrels of their -lords at home, or raising them to honour and fame abroad, were now -required to defend their property, their happiness, and the new station -they had created for themselves in society. Thus the period at which aid -became imperatively necessary to the Christians at Jerusalem, was when -France was least calculated to afford it. Nevertheless, the superstition -of a king and the eloquence of a churchman combined to produce a second -crusade; but in this instance it was but a great military expedition, and -no longer the enthusiastic effort of a nation, or a great popular movement -throughout the whole of the Christian world. - -One of the strongest proofs of this fact[556] is the scantiness of -historians on the second crusade, and the style in which those that do -exist, speak of its operations. It is no longer the glory of Christendom -that they mention, but the glory of the king; no more the deliverance of -the Holy Land, but merely the acts of the monarch. - -In pursuance of the general plan of extending the dominion of the crown, -which had been conceived by Louis VI., and carried on with such infinite -perseverance by his great minister Suger, Louis VII., the succeeding -monarch, on hearing of the election of the Archbishop of Bourges by the -chapter of that city, without his previous consent, had declared the -nomination invalid, and proceeded to acts of such flagrant opposition to -the papal jurisdiction, that the church used her most terrific thunders to -awe the monarch to her will. Thibalt, Count of Champagne, armed in support -of the pope's authority, and Louis instantly marched to chastise his -rebellious vassal. Thibalt was soon reduced to obedience, but the anger of -the monarch was not appeased by submission; for, even after the town of -Vitry had surrendered, he set fire to the church, in which nearly thirteen -hundred people had taken refuge, and disgraced his triumph by one of the -direst pieces of cruelty upon record. A severe illness, however, soon -followed, and reflection brought remorse. At that time the news of the -fall of Edessa was fresh in Europe; and Louis, in the vain hope of -expiating his crime, determined to promote a crusade, and lead his forces -himself to the aid of Jerusalem. - -Deputies were speedily sent to the Pope Eugenius, who willingly abetted in -the king's design, and commissioned the famous St. Bernard, Abbot of -Clairvaux, to preach the Cross through France and Germany. St. Bernard -possessed every requisite for such a mission.[557] From his earliest years -he had been filled with religious enthusiasm; he had abandoned high -prospects to dedicate himself entirely to an austere and gloomy -fanaticism; he had reformed many abuses in the church, reproved crime -wherever he found it, and raised the clerical character in the eyes of the -people, too much accustomed to behold among his order nothing but vice, -ignorance, and indolence. He was one of the most powerful orators of his -day, endowed with high and commanding talents of many kinds; and in his -controversy with the celebrated Abelard, the severe purity of his life and -manners had proved most eloquent against his rival. Thus, when after -repeated entreaties[558] he went forth to preach the crusade, few that -heard him were not either impressed by his sanctity, persuaded by his -eloquence, or carried away by his zeal: and thus, notwithstanding the -unfavourable state of France,[559] a multitude of men took the symbol of -the Cross, and prepared to follow the monarch into Palestine. In Germany -the effects of his overpowering oratory were the same. Those who -understood not even the language that he spoke, became awed by his -gestures and the dignified enthusiasm of his manner, and devoted -themselves to the crusade, though the tongue in which it was preached was -unknown to them. Wherever he went his presence was supposed to operate -miracles, and the sick are reported to have recovered by his touch, or at -his command; while all the legions of devils, with which popish -superstition peopled the atmosphere, took flight at his approach. For some -time Conrad, Emperor of Germany, suffered[560] St. Bernard to call the -inhabitants of his dominions to the crusade without taking any active part -in his proceedings, but at length the startling eloquence of the Abbot of -Clairvaux reached even the bosom of the monarch, and he declared his -intention of following the Cross himself. At Vezelai Louis VII. received -the symbol: but the most powerful obstacle that he found to his -undertaking was the just and continued opposition of his minister,[561] -Suger, who endeavoured by every means to dissuade the monarch from -abandoning his kingdom. All persuasions were vain; and having committed -the care of his estates to that faithful servant,[562] Louis himself, -accompanied by Eleonor, his queen, departed for Metz, where he was joined -by an immense multitude of nobles and knights, among whom were crusaders -from England[563] and the remote islands of the northern sea. Ambassadors -from Roger, King of Apulia, had already warned Louis of the treachery of -the Greeks, and besought him to take any other way than that through the -dominions of the emperor; but the French monarch was biassed by other -counsels, and determined upon following the plan before laid down. - -The Emperor of Germany was the first[564] to set out, and by June reached -Constantinople in safety, followed by a large body of armed men, and a -number of women whose gay dress, half-military, half-feminine, gave the -march the appearance of some bright fantastic cavalcade. - -The King of France, having previously received[565] at St. Denis, the -consecrated banner as a warrior, and the staff and scrip[566] as a -pilgrim, now quitted Metz, and proceeded by Worms and Ratisbon. Here he -was met by envoys from the Emperor of the East, charged with letters so -filled with flattery and fair speeches, that Louis is reported to have -blushed, and the Bishop of Langres to have observed-- - - Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. - -Here,[567] too, the French beheld, for the first time, the custom of an -inferior standing in the presence of his lord. The object of the emperor -was to obtain from Louis a promise to pass through his territories without -violence, and to yield to him every town from which he should expel the -Turks, and which had ever belonged to the Grecian territory. - -Part of this proposal was acceded to, and part refused; and the army -marched on through Hungary into Greece. The progress of the second crusade -was of course subject to the same difficulties that attended that of the -first, through a waste and deserted land; but many other obstacles no -longer existed--the people of the country were more accustomed to the -appearance of strangers;[568] the army was restrained by the presence of -the king; and the whole account of the march to Constantinople leaves the -impression of a more civilized state of society than that which existed at -the period of the first crusade. We meet with no massacres, no burning of -towns, no countries laid waste: and though there are to be found petty -squabbles between the soldiers and the townspeople, frays, and even -bloodshed; yet these were but individual outrages, kindled by private -passions, and speedily put down by the arm of authority. - -The Germans[569] were less fortunate on their way than the French, and -some serious causes of quarrel sprung up between them and the Greeks, in -which it is difficult to discover who were the chief aggressors. The -Greeks call the Germans[570] barbarians, and the Germans accuse the Greeks -of every kind of treachery; but it appears evident,[571] that Conrad -himself was guilty of no small violence on his approach to Constantinople. -A most magnificent garden had been laid out at a little distance from that -capital, filled with every vegetable luxury of the day, and containing -within its walls vast herds of tame animals, for whose security woods had -been planted, caverns dug, and lakes contrived; so that the beasts which -were confined in this vast prison might follow their natural habits, as if -still at liberty. Here also were several buildings, in which the emperors -were accustomed to enjoy the summer: but Conrad, with an unceremonious -freedom, partaking not a little of barbarism, broke into this retreat, and -wasted and destroyed all that it had required the labour of years to -accomplish. Manuel Comnenus, who now sat on the throne of Constantinople, -beheld, from the windows of his palace, this strange scene of wanton -aggression; and sent messengers[572] to Conrad, who was connected with -him by marriage,[573] desiring an interview. But the Greek would not trust -himself out of the walls of his capital, and the German would not venture -within them, so that a short time was passed in negotiation; and then -Conrad passed over the Hellespont with his forces, relieving the eastern -sovereign from the dread and annoyance of his presence. Manuel, however, -furnished the German army with guides to conduct it through Asia Minor; -and almost all accounts attribute to the Greek the design of betraying his -Christian brethren into the hands of the infidels. After passing the sea, -the troops of Conrad proceeded in two bodies,[574] the one under the -Emperor, and the other under the Bishop of Freysinghen; but the guides -with which they had been provided led them into the pathless wilds of -Cappadocia, where famine soon reached them. At the moment also when they -expected to arrive at Iconium,[575] they found themselves attacked by the -army of the infidels, swelled to an immense extent by the efforts of the -sultaun of the Seljukian Turks, who, on the first approach of the -Christian forces, had spared no means to ensure their destruction. The -heavy-armed Germans[576] in vain endeavoured to close with the light and -agile horsemen of the Turkish host. The treacherous guides had fled on the -first sight of the infidels, and the enemy hovered round and round the -German army, as it struggled on through the unknown deserts in which it -was entangled, smiting every straggler, and hastening its annihilation by -continual attacks. Favoured by the fleetness of their horses, and their -knowledge of the localities, they passed and repassed the exhausted troops -of the emperor,[577] who now endeavoured to retrace his steps under a -continued rain of arrows. No part of the army offered security. The famous -Count Bernard, with many others, was cut off fighting in the rear; the van -was constantly in the presence of an active foe; and the emperor himself -was twice wounded by arrows which fell in the centre of the host. Thus, -day after day, thousands on thousands were added to the slain; and when at -length Conrad reached the town of Nice, of seventy thousand knights, and -an immense body of foot, who had followed him from Europe, scarcely a -tenth part were to be found in the ranks of his shattered army. - -That he was betrayed into the hands of the Turks by the guides furnished -by the emperor no earthly doubt can be entertained; nor is it questionable -that Manuel Comnenus was at that time secretly engaged in treaty with the -infidels. It is not, indeed, absolutely proved that the monarch of -Constantinople ordered or connived at the destruction of the Christian -forces; but every historian[578] of the day has suspected him of the -treachery, and when such is the case it is probable there was good cause -for suspicion. - -In the mean while, Louis the younger led the French host to -Constantinople, and, unlike Conrad, instantly accepted the emperor's -invitation to enter the city with a small train. Manuel received him as an -equal, descending to the porch of his palace to meet his royal guest. He, -of course, pretended to no homage from the King of France, but still his -object was to secure to himself all the conquests which Louis might make -in the ancient appendages of Greece, without acting himself against the -infidels. - -To force the French monarch into this concession, he pursued a plan of -irritating and uncertain negotiations, not at all unlike those carried on -by his predecessor Alexius,[579] towards the leaders of the former -crusade. In the midst of these, however, it was discovered that Manuel had -entered into a secret treaty with the Turks; and, indeed, the confidence -which the deceitful Greeks placed in the promises of the crusaders forms a -singular and reproachful comment on the constant and remorseless breach of -their own. There were many of the leaders of the French who did not -scruple to urge Louis to punish by arms the gross perfidy of the Greek -emperor; and, by taking possession of Constantinople, to sweep away the -continual stumblingblock by which the efforts of all the crusades had been -impeded. Had Louis acceded to their wishes, great and extraordinary -results would, no doubt, have been effected towards the permanent -occupation of the Holy Land by the Christian powers; but that monarch was -not to be seduced into violating his own good faith by the treachery of -another, and after having, on the other hand, refused to aid Manuel in the -war which had arisen between him and Roger, King of Apulia, he crossed the -Bosphorus, and passed into Asia Minor. Thence advancing through -Nicomedia,[580] Louis proceeded to Nice, and encamped under the walls of -that city. Here the first reports reached him of the fate of the German -army, for hitherto the Greeks had continued to fill his ears with nothing -but the successes of his fellows in arms. For a time the news was -disbelieved, but very soon the arrival of Frederic, duke of Suabia, -charged with messages from the German monarch, brought the melancholy -certainty of his defeat. - -Louis did all that he could to assuage the grief of the Emperor -Conrad,[581] and uniting their forces, they now marched on by the seacoast -to Ephesus. Here, however, Conrad, mortified at a companionship in which -the inferiority of his own troops was painfully contrasted with the -multitude and freshness of the French, separated again from Louis; and, -sending back the greater part of his army by land, took ship himself and -returned to Constantinople, where he was received both with more -distinction and more sincerity, on account of the scantiness of his -retinue, and the disasters he had suffered. - -In the mean while, the French proceeded on their way, and after travelling -for some days without opposition, they first encountered the Turks on the -banks of the Meander.[582] Proud of their success against the Germans, the -infidels determined to contest the passage of the river; but the French -knights, having found a ford, traversed the stream without difficulty, and -routed the enemy with great slaughter. The loss of the Christians was so -small, consisting only of one knight,[583] who perished in the river, that -they as usual had recourse to a miracle, to account for so cheap a -victory. - -Passing onward to Laodicea they found that town completely deserted, and -the environs laid waste; and they here heard of the complete destruction -of that part of the German army which had been commanded by the Bishop of -Freysinghen.[584] In the second day's journey after quitting Laodicea, a -steep mountain presented itself before the French army, which marched in -two bodies, separated by a considerable distance. The commander of the -first division, named Geoffroy de Rancun,[585] had received orders from -the king, who remained with the rear-guard, to halt on the summit of the -steep, and there pitch the tents for the night. That Baron, unencumbered -by baggage, easily accomplished the ascent, and finding that the day's -progress was considerably less than the usual extent of march, forgot the -commands he had received, and advanced two or three miles beyond the spot -specified. - -The king, with the lesser body of effective troops and the baggage, -followed slowly up the mountain, the precipitous acclivity of which -rendered the footing of the horses dreadfully insecure, while immense -masses of loose stone gave way at every step under the feet of the -crusaders,[586] and hurried many down into a deep abyss, through which a -roaring torrent was rushing onward towards the sea. Suddenly, as they were -toiling up, the whole army of the Turks, who had remarked the separation -of the division, and watched their moment too surely, appeared on the hill -above. A tremendous shower of arrows instantly assailed the Christians. -The confusion and dismay were beyond description: thousands fell headlong -at once down the precipice, thousands were killed by the masses of rock -which the hurry and agitation of those at the top hurled down upon those -below; while the Turks, charging furiously all who had nearly climbed to -the summit, drove them back upon the heads of such as were ascending. - -Having concluded,[587] that his advance-guard had secured the ground -above, Louis, with the cavalry of his division, had remained in the rear, -to cover his army from any attack. The first news of the Turkish force -being in presence was gathered from the complete rout of the -foot-soldiers, who had been mounting the hill, and who were now flying in -every direction. The king instantly sent round his chaplain, Odon de -Deuil, to seek for the other body under Geoffroy de Rancun, and to call it -back to his aid; while in the mean time he spurred forward with what -cavalry he had, to repel the Turks and protect his infantry. Up so steep -an ascent the horses could make but little progress, and the Moslems, -finding that their arrows turned off from the steel coats of the knights, -aimed at the chargers, which, often mortally wounded, rolled down the -steep, carrying their riders along with them. Those knights who succeeded -in freeing themselves from their dying steeds were instantly attacked by -the Turks, who, with fearful odds on their side, left hardly a living man -of all the Chivalry that fought that day. The king even, dismounted by the -death of his horse, was surrounded before he could well rise; but, -catching the branches of a tree, he sprang upon a high insulated rock, -where, armed with his sword alone, he defended himself, till the night -falling freed him from his enemies. His situation now would have been -little less hazardous than it was before, had he not luckily encountered a -part of the infantry who had remained with the baggage. He was thus -enabled, with what troops he could rally, to make his way during the night -to the advance-guard, which had, as yet, remained unattacked. Geoffroy de -Rancun had nearly been sacrificed to the just resentment of the people, -but the uncle of the king, having been a participator in his fault, -procured him pardon; and the army, which was now reduced to a state of -greater discipline than before, by the Grand Master of the Templars,[588] -who had accompanied it from Constantinople arrived without much more loss -at Attalia.[589] Here the Greeks proved more dangerous enemies than the -Turks, and every thing was done that human baseness and cunning could -suggest, to plunder and destroy the unfortunate crusaders. - -Much discussion now took place concerning their further progress, and the -difficulties before them rendered it necessary that a part of the host -should proceed by sea to Antioch. The king at first determined that that -part, should be the pilgrims on foot; and that he himself with his -Chivalry would follow the path by land. The winter season, however, -approaching, the scanty number of vessels that could be procured, and the -exorbitant price which the Greeks demanded for the passage of each -man--being no less than four marks of silver[590]--rendered the transport -of the foot impossible. Louis, therefore, eager to reach Jerusalem, -distributed what money he could spare among the pilgrims, engaged at an -enormous price a Greek escort and guide to conduct them by land to -Antioch, left the Count of Flanders to command them, and then took ship -with the rest of his knights. The Count of Flanders soon found that the -Greeks, having received their reward, refused to fulfil their agreement, -and the impossibility of reaching Antioch without their aid being plain, -he embarked and followed the king. - -The unhappy pilgrims, who remained cooped up beneath the walls, which they -were not permitted to enter, on the one hand, and the Turkish army that -watched them with unceasing vigilance, on the other, died, and were -slaughtered by thousands. Some strove to force their passage to Antioch by -land, and fell beneath the Moslem scimitar. Some cast themselves upon the -compassion of the treacherous Greeks, and were more brutally treated than -even by their infidel enemies. So miserable at length became their -condition, that the Turks themselves ceased to attack them, brought them -provisions and pieces of money, and showed them that compassion which -their fellow-christians refused. Thus, in the end, several hundreds -attached themselves[591] to their generous enemies, and were tempted to -embrace the Moslem creed. The rest either became slaves to the Greeks, or -died of pestilence and famine. - -In the mean while, Louis and his knights[592] arrived at Antioch, where -they were received with the appearance of splendid hospitality by Raimond, -the prince of that city, who was uncle of Eleonor, the wife of the French -monarch. His hospitality, however, was of an interested nature: Antioch -and Tripoli hang upon the skirts of the kingdom of Jerusalem as detached -principalities, whose connexion with the chief country was vague and -insecure. No sooner, therefore, did the news of the coming of the King of -France reach the princes of those cities, than they instantly laid out a -thousand plans for engaging Louis in extending the limits of their -territories, before permitting him to proceed to Jerusalem. The Prince of -Antioch assuredly had the greatest claim upon the king, by his -relationship to the queen;[593] and he took every means of working on the -husband, by ingratiating himself with the wife. Eleonor was a woman of -strong and violent passions,[594] and of debauched and libertine manners, -and she made no scruple of intriguing and caballing with her uncle to bend -the king to his wishes. The Archbishop of Tyre, who was but little given -to repeat a scandal, dwells with a tone of certainty upon the immoral life -of the Queen of France, and says, she had even consented that her uncle -should carry her off, after Louis had formally refused to second his -efforts against Cesarea. - -However that may be, her conduct was a disgrace to the crusade; and -Louis, in his letters to Suger, openly complained of her infidelity. - -The king resisted all entreaties and all threats, and, equally rejecting -the suit of the Count of Tripoli,[595] he proceeded to Jerusalem, where -the emperor Conrad, having passed by sea from Constantinople, had arrived -before him. Here the whole of the princes were called to council; and it -was determined that, instead of endeavouring to retake Edessa, which had -been the original object of the crusade, the troops of Jerusalem, joined -to all that remained of the pilgrim armies, should attempt the siege of -Damascus. The monarchs immediately took the field, supported by the -knights of the Temple and St. John, who, in point of courage, equalled the -Chivalry of any country, and in discipline excelled them all. Nourhaddin -and Saphaddin, the two sons of the famous Zenghi, threw what men they -could suddenly collect into Damascus, and hastened in person to raise as -large a force as possible to attack the Christian army. The crusaders -advanced to the city, drove in the Turkish outposts[596] that opposed -them, and laid siege to the fortifications, which in a short time were so -completely ruined, that Damascus could hold out no longer. And yet -Damascus did not fall. Dissension, that destroying angel of great -enterprises, was busy in the Christian camp. The possession of the still -unconquered town[597] was disputed among the leaders. Days and weeks -passed in contests, and at length, when it was determined that the prize -should be given to the Count of Flanders, who had twice visited the Holy -Land, the decision caused so much dissatisfaction, that all murmured and -none acted. Each one suspected his companion; dark reports and scandalous -charges were mutually spread and countenanced; the Templars were accused -of having received a bribe from the infidels; the European monarchs[598] -were supposed to aim at the subjugation of Jerusalem; the conquerors were -conquered by their doubts of each other; and, retiring from the spot where -they had all but triumphed, they attempted to storm the other side of the -city, where the walls were as firm as a rock of adamant. - -Repenting of their folly, they soon were willing to return to their former -ground, but the fortifications had been repaired, the town had received -fresh supplies, and Saphaddin, emir of Mousul, was marching to its relief. -Only one plan was to be pursued. The siege was abandoned, and the -leaders,[599] discontented with themselves and with each other, retreated -gloomily to Jerusalem. - -The Emperor of Germany set out immediately for Europe; but Louis, who -still hoped to find some opportunity of redeeming his military fame, -lingered for several months; while Eleonor continued to sully scenes, -whose memory is composed of all that is holy, with her impure amours. At -length the pressing entreaties of Suger induced the French monarch to -return to his native land. There he found the authority he had confided to -that great and excellent minister had been employed to the infinite -benefit of his dominions--he found his finances increased and order -established in every department of the state;[600]--and he found, also, -that the minister was not only willing, but eager, to yield the reins of -government to the hand from which he had received them.--During the -absence of the king, his brother, Robert of Dreux, who returned before -him, had endeavoured to thwart the noble Abbot of St. Denis, and even to -snatch the regency from him; but Suger boldly called together a general -assembly of the nobility of France, and intrusted his cause to their -decision. The court met at Soissons, and unanimously supported the -minister against his royal opponent; after which he ruled, indeed, in -peace; but Robert strove by every means to poison the mind of the king -against him; and it can be little doubted, that Louis, on his departure -from Palestine, viewed the conduct of Suger with a very jealous eye. - -The effects of his government, however, and the frankness with which he -resigned it, at once did away all suspicions. The expedition was now over, -but yet one effort more was to be made, before we can consider the second -crusade as absolutely terminated. - -Suger had opposed the journey of the king to the Holy Land, but he was not -in the least wanting in zeal or compassionate enthusiasm in favour of his -brethren of the east.[601] Any thing but the absence of a monarch from his -unquiet dominions he would have considered as a small sacrifice towards -the support of the kingdom of Jerusalem; and now, at seventy years, he -proposed to raise an army at his own expense, and to finish his days in -Palestine.--His preparations were carried on with an ardour, an activity, -an intelligence, which would have been wonderful even in a man at his -prime; but, in the midst of his designs, he was seized with a slow fever, -which soon showed him that his end was near. He saw the approach of death -with firmness; and, during the four months that preceded his decease, he -failed not from the bed of sickness to continue all his orders for the -expedition, which could no longer bring living glory to himself. He named -the chief whom he thought most worthy to lead it; he bestowed upon him all -the treasures he had collected for the purpose; he gave him full -instructions for his conduct, and he made him swear upon the Cross to -fulfil his intentions. Having done this, the Abbot of St. Denis waited -calmly the approach of that hour which was to separate him from the -living; and died, leaving no one like him in Europe. - -With his life appears to have ended the second crusade, which, with fewer -obstacles and greater facilities than the first, produced little but -disgrace and sorrow to all by whom it was accompanied.[602] - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -_Progress of Society--The Rise of Poetry in Modern Europe--Troubadours-- -Trouveres--Various Poetical Compositions--Effect of Poetry upon Chivalry-- -Effect of the Crusades on Society--State of Palestine after the Second -Crusade--Cession of Edessa to the Emperor Manuel Comnenus--Edessa -completely subjected by the Turks--Ascalon taken by the Christians--State -of Egypt under the last Califs of the Fatimite Race--The Latins and the -Atabecks both design the Conquest of Egypt--Struggles for that Country-- -Rise of Saladin--Disputes among the Latins concerning the Succession of -the Crown--Guy of Lusignan crowned--Saladin invades Palestine--Battle of -Tiberias--Fall of Jerusalem--Conquest of all Palestine--Some Inquiry into -the Causes of the Latin Overthrow._ - - -Before proceeding to trace the events which occurred in the Holy Land -between the second and third crusades, it may be as well to keep our eyes -upon Europe for a few moments, and to remark the advance of society -towards civilization. Prior to the period of the first expedition to -Palestine, Germany had been occupied alone in struggling against the -papal authority, and in fighting for dominions in Italy, the limits of -which were always sufficiently vague to admit of disputes and aggressions -on all parts. Apulia and the southern portion of Italy had been subjected, -as we have seen, by the Normans; and the rest of that country, with the -exception of some small republican cities, was divided into feudal -baronies, the right of homage over which was very uncertain. Engaged in -private wars and feuds, where personal interest was the sole object, -unmixed with any refining principle, the Chivalry of Italy made but small -progress. From time to time a great and distinguished chief started up, -and dignified his country; but the general feeling of knightly zeal was -not extended far in Italy, or was wasted in the petty purposes of confined -and unimportant struggles. In Germany also Chivalry advanced but little. -There was much dignified firmness in the character of the people; -and--under the walls of Damascus--in the wars with the pope, and with the -Norman possessors of Calabria--the German knights evinced that in the -battle-field none were more daring, more powerful, or more resolute; but -we find few instances where enthusiasm was mingled with valour, and where -the ardour of chivalric devotion was joined to the bold courage of the -Teutonic warrior. In Spain the spirit was at its height; but Spain had her -own crusades; and it was quite enough for the swords of her gallant band -of knights to free their native land, inch by inch, from her Saracen -invaders. Military orders[603] were there instituted in the middle of the -twelfth century; and the knights of Calatrava and St. James might -challenge the world to produce a more chivalrous race than themselves; -still the object of all their endeavours was the freedom of their native -country from the yoke of the Moors, and they engaged but little in any of -those great expeditions which occupied the attention and interest of the -world. It is to France, then, and to England, under the dominion of its -Norman monarchs, that we must turn our eyes; and here, during the course -of the twelfth century, we shall find great and extraordinary progress. - -Previous to the epoch of the crusades, France, though acknowledging one -king, had consisted of various nations, whose manners, habits, and -languages differed in the most essential points.[604] The Provençal was as -opposite a being to the Frank of that day, as the Italian is now to the -Russian. The Norman and the Breton also descended from distinct origins, -and in most cases these separate tribes hated each other with no slight -share of enmity. - -The character of the Norman was in all times enterprising, wandering, -cunning, and selfish; that of the Breton, or Armorican, savage, ferocious, -daring, and implacable; but imaginative in the highest degree, as well as -superstitious. The Provençal was light, avaricious, keen, active, and -sensual; the Frank, bold, hardy, persevering, but vain, insolent, and -thoughtless.[605] Distinctive character lies more generally in men's -faults than their virtues; and thus, all these different races possessed -the same higher qualities in common. They were brave to a prodigy; -energetic, talented, enthusiastic; but during the eleventh, and the -beginning of the twelfth centuries, the rude state of society in which -Chivalry had arisen, continued to affect it still. The first crusade, -however, gave an impulse to all those countries that joined in it, which -tended infinitely to civilize Europe, by uniting nations and tribes, which -had long been separated by different interests, in one great enterprise, -wherein community of object, and community of danger, necessarily -harmonized many previously discordant feelings, and did away many old -animosities, by the strong power of mutual assistance and mutual -endeavour. The babel of languages which Fulcher describes in the Christian -camp before long began to form itself into two more general tongues. -Latin, notwithstanding all the support it received in the court, in the -church, and in the schools, was soon confined to the cloister; and the -_langue d'oc_, or Provençal, became the common language of all the -provinces on the southern side of the Loire, while the _langue d'oil_ only -was spoken in the north of France. The manners and habits of the people, -too, were gradually shaded into each other; the distinctions became less -defined: the Provençal no longer looked upon the Breton as a savage; and -the Frank no longer classed the Provençal with the ape. A thousand -alliances were formed between individuals of different tribes, and the -hand of kindred smoothed away the remaining asperities of national -prejudice. Such assimilations tend of course to calm and mollify the mind -of man; so that the general character of the country became of a less rude -and ferocious nature. At this time, too, sprang up that greatest of all -the softeners of the human heart, poetry; and immense was the change it -wrought in the manners and deportment of that class which constituted the -society of the twelfth century. The poetry of that age bore as distinct -and clear a stamp of the epoch to which it belonged, as any that the world -ever produced; and it is absurd to trace to an earlier day the origin of a -kind of poesy which was founded upon Chivalry alone, and reflected nothing -but the objects of a chivalrous society. - -It is little important which of the two tongues of France first boasted a -national poet, and equally unimportant which gave birth to the most -excellent poetry. The _langue d'oc_ was the most mellifluous; the _langue -d'oil_ was the most forcible; but neither brought forth any thing but the -tales, the songs, the satires, the ballads of Chivalry. - -It is more than probable that some musical ear in Provence first applied -to his own language the melody of regularly arranged syllables, and the -jingle of rhyme. No sooner was this done than the passion spread to all -classes. Chivalrous love and chivalrous warfare furnished subjects in -plenty; and the _gai savoir_, the _biau parler_, became the favourite -relaxation of those very men who wielded the lance and sword in the -battle-field. The Troubadours were multiplied to infinity; the language -lent itself almost spontaneously to versification; and kings, warriors, -and ladies, as well as the professed poets, occasionally practised the new -and captivating art, which at once increased chivalrous enthusiasm, by -spreading and perpetuating the fame of noble deeds, and softened the -manners of the age, by the influence of sweet sounds and intellectual -exercises. The songs themselves soon became as various as those who -composed them, and were divided into _Sirventes_, _Tensons_, -_Pastourelles_, and _Nouvelles_, or _Contes_.[606] The Conte, or tale in -verse, needs no description, and the nature of the Pastourelle also is -self-evident. The _Sirvente_ deserves more particular notice. It was in -fact a satire, of the most biting and lively character; in which wit and -poetry were not used to cover or to temper the reprobation of either -individual or general vice, but rather, on the contrary, to give point and -energy to invective. The keen bitterness of the Troubadours spared neither -rank nor caste; kings, and nobles, and priests, all equally underwent the -lash of their wit; and it is from these very sirventes that we gain a -clear insight into many of the customs and manners of that day, as well as -into many, too many, scenes of grossness and immorality, from which we -would fain believe that Chivalry was free. The Tensons, or _Jeux partis_, -were dialogues between two persons on some subject of love or chivalry, -and in general show far more subtilty than poetical feeling. To these -were added occasional epistles in verse; and _Plaintes_, or lamentations, -in which the death or misfortune of a friend was mourned with a touching -simplicity that has since been too often imitated with very ineffective -art. Other compositions, such as the _Aubade_ and the _Serenade_, were in -use, the difference of which from the common _lay_ consisted merely in -their metrical construction: the word _alba_ being always repeated at the -end of each stanza of the aubade, and the word _ser_ continually -terminating each division of the serenade.[607] Such was the poesy of the -_Langue d'oc_ and the Troubadours. The _Langue d'oil_ had also its poets, -the Trouveres, and its poesy, which differed totally from that of the -_Langue d'oc_. The art was here more ambitious than with the Provençals; -and we find, among the first productions of the Trouveres, long and -complex poems, which would fain deserve the name of Epics. The first of -these, both in date and importance, is the Norman romance of Rou, which -bears a considerable resemblance, in its object and manner, to the -fragments of old Scandinavian poetry which have come down to us, but has a -continuous and uniform subject, and strong attempts at unity of design. -The romance of the Rose also, commenced by Guillaume de Lorris,[608] and -concluded by Jean de Meung, is one of the most extraordinary compositions -that the world ever produced, and stands perfectly alone--an allegory in -twenty-two thousand verses! Various subjects, quite irrelevant to the -object of the song, are introduced in its course; and the poet mingles his -tale with satire and sarcasm, which were fully as often misdirected as -deserved. Besides these were all the famous romances of Chivalry which -probably originated in the fabulous but interesting story of Charlemagne's -visit to the Holy Land, falsely attributed to the archbishop Turpin. This -work bears internal evidence of having been written after the first -crusade, and, we have reason to suppose, was translated into French,[609] -from the Latin manuscript of some monkish author. - -In all the romances of the Round Table, we trace the end of the twelfth, -and the beginning of the thirteenth century. They could not have been -composed prior to that epoch; for we find many customs and objects -mentioned, which were not known at an earlier period; and it is probable, -from various circumstances, that they are not referable to a later age. -Besides these, multitudes of _Fabliaux_[610] have descended to us from the -Trouveres, and in this sort of composition, it is but fair to say, we find -more originality, variety, and strength, though less sweetness and less -enthusiasm, than among the compositions of the Troubadours. At this period -also we meet with an institution in Provence, of which I shall speak but -slightly, from many motives, though undoubtedly it had a great influence -upon the character of Chivalry: I mean the Court of Love, as it was -called, where causes concerning that passion were tried and judged as -seriously, as if feelings could be submitted to a tribunal. Could that be -the case, the object of such a court should certainly be very different -from that of the Provençal Court of Love, the effect of which was any -thing but to promote morality. It tended, however, with every thing else, -to soften the manners of the country, though all the mad absurdities to -which it gave rise were a scandal and a disgrace to Europe. - -Besides all these causes of mitigation, the constant journeys of the -people of Europe to the Holy Land taught them gradually the customs of -other nations; and in that age there was much good to be learned by a -frequent intercourse with foreigners. The great want of Europe was -civilization; the vices of the day were pretty equally spread through all -countries, and the very circumstance of mingling with men of different -habits and thoughts promoted the end to be desired, without bringing any -great importation of foreign follies or crimes. Many useful arts, and many -sciences, previously unknown, were also obtained from the Saracens -themselves; and though in the crusades Europe sacrificed a host of her -noblest knights, and spent immense treasures and energies, yet she -derived, notwithstanding, no small benefit from her communication with -Palestine. - -The state of that country, in the mean while, was every day becoming more -and more precarious. The nations by whom it was surrounded were improving -in military discipline, in political knowledge, and in the science of -timing and combining their efforts, while the Christians were losing -ground in every thing but courage. The military orders of the Temple and -St. John were the bulwarks of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem; but at the -same time, by their pride, their disputes, and their ambition, they did -nearly as much to undermine its strength at home as they did to support it -with their swords in the field of battle. - -It would be endless to trace all the events in Palestine which brought -about the third crusade, and to investigate minutely the causes which -worked out the ruin of the Christian dominion in the Holy Land. The simple -facts must be enough in this place. - -Although the crusade which went forth for the express purpose of -delivering Edessa never even attempted that object, Joscelyn of Courtenay -did not neglect to struggle for his lost territory, and gained some -splendid successes over the infidels, which were all in turn reversed, by -his capture and death in prison.[611] After his failure, the difficulty -of keeping Edessa was so apparent, that the monarch of Jerusalem[612] -determined to yield it to the Emperor Manuel Comnenus, on condition of his -defending it against the Turks. Manuel, therefore, received the -principality; but the weak and cowardly Greeks soon lost what the valiant -Franks could not maintain; and before a year was over, Nourhaddin the -Great, sultaun of Aleppo, was in full possession of Edessa and all its -dependencies. Baldwin III., however, who had cast off the follies of his -youth, and now displayed as great qualities as any of his race, more than -compensated for the loss of that principality by the capture of -Ascalon.[613] - -After this great success, eight years of varied warfare followed; and at -the end of that period Baldwin died, leaving behind him the character of -one of the noblest of the Latin kings. His brother Almeric ascended the -vacant throne, but with talents infinitely inferior, and a mind in no -degree calculated to cope with the great and grasping genius of -Nourhaddin, who combined, in rare union, the qualities of an ambitious and -politic monarch with the character of a liberal, frugal, and -unostentatious man. - -Almeric was ambitious also; but his avarice was always a check on his -ambition, and he suffered himself often to be bribed, where he might have -conquered. At this time[614] the Fatimite califs of Egypt had fallen into -a state of nonentity. The country was governed by a vizier, and the high -office was struggled for by a succession of military adventurers. - -Such a state of things awakened the attention of the monarchs of Jerusalem -and Aleppo, and each resolved to make himself master of Egypt. An -opportunity soon presented itself. Shawer, the vizier of Egypt, was -expelled from his post by Dargham, a soldier of fortune. The disgraced -vizier fled to the court of Nourhaddin, and prayed for assistance against -the usurper. Nourhaddin willingly granted a request which yielded the -means of sending his troops into Egypt; and two Curdish refugees, uncle -and nephew, who had risen high in his army,[615] under the names of Assad -Eddyn Chyrkouh, and Salah Eddyn or Saladin, were despatched with -considerable forces to expel Dargham, and to re-establish Shawer. Dargham -saw the gathering storm, and to shelter himself from its fury called the -Christians from Palestine to his aid. But the movements of the Moslems -were more rapid than those of Almeric; and, before the King of Jerusalem -could reach Cairo, Chyrkouh had given battle to Dargham, and defeated and -killed him, and Shawer was repossessed of the authority he had lost. -Shawer soon found that his power was fully as much in danger from his -allies as it had been from his enemies; and, to resist the Turks whom he -had brought into Egypt, he was obliged to enter into a treaty with the -Christians. Almeric marched immediately to Cairo, and after a multitude of -manoeuvres and skirmishes, forced Chyrkouh and Saladin to quit the -country; displaying, through the whole of this war, more scientific -generalship than was at all usual in that age. No sooner were the Turks -gone, than the Latin monarch[616] broke his truce with the Egyptians, and -Shawer was once more obliged to apply to Nourhaddin. Chyrkouh again -advanced into the Fatimite dominions with increased forces, obliged -Almeric to retreat with great loss, took possession of Cairo, beheaded -Shawer, and installed himself in the office of vizier to Adhad, calif of -Egypt, though he still retained the title of lieutenant for Nourhaddin of -Aleppo. Not long after these successes, Chyrkouh died, and Nourhaddin, -doubtful of the fidelity of the Turkish emirs, gave the vacant post to -Saladin, the nephew of the late vizier; in which choice he was as much -guided by the apparently reckless and pleasure-seeking despotism of the -young Curdish chief, as by the military skill he had shown when forced -unwillingly into action. Saladin, however, was scarcely invested with -supreme power in Egypt when his real character appeared. He cast from him -the follies with which he had veiled his great and daring mind; and, by -means of the immense treasures placed at his command, soon bound to his -interests many who had been at first disgusted by his unexpected -elevation. The califs of Egypt had been always considered as schismatics -by the califs of Bagdat, to whom Nourhaddin still affected homage; and -Saladin was forthwith instructed to declare the Fatimite dynasty at an -end, and to re-establish in Egypt the nominal dominion of the Abassides. -This was easily accomplished; Adhad, the calif, either died before the -revolution was completed, or was strangled in the bath; the people little -cared under whose yoke they laboured. The children of the late calif were -confined in the harem; and Motshadi, calif of Bagdat, was prayed for as -God's vicar on earth. - -Saladin's ambitious projects became every day more and more apparent, and -Nourhaddin was not blind to the conduct of his officer. Submission quieted -his suspicions for a time; and, though repeated causes for fresh jealousy -arose, he was obliged to forego marching into Egypt in person, as he -undoubtedly intended, till death put a stop to all his schemes. No sooner -was Nourhaddin dead, than Almeric attacked his widow at Paneas,[617] and -Saladin began to encroach upon other parts of his territories: but Saladin -was the only gainer by the death of the great sultaun, and made himself -master, by various means, of the whole of his Syrian dominions, while -internal dissensions and changes in the government of Palestine gradually -weakened every bulwark of the Latin throne. Almeric[618] died in returning -from Paneas, and his son, Baldwin IV, surnamed the Leper, succeeded him. -Had his corporeal powers been equal to the task of royalty, it is probable -that Baldwin would have been a far greater monarch than his father; but, -after many struggles for activity, he found that disease incapacitated him -for energetic rule, and he intrusted the care of the state to Guy of -Lusignan, who had married his sister Sybilla, widow of the Marquis of -Montferrat, to whom she had borne one son.[619] - -Guy of Lusignan soon showed himself unworthy of the charge, and -Baldwin,[620] resuming the government, endeavoured to establish it in such -a form that it might uphold itself after his death, which he felt to be -approaching. With this view he offered the administration to the Count of -Tripoli,[621] during the minority of his sister's child; but the Count -refused to accept it, except under condition that the charge of the young -prince should be given to Joscelyn de Courtenay, the surviving branch of -the Courtenays of Edessa, and son of the unhappy count who died in a -Saracen prison. He also stipulated that the castles and fortresses of the -kingdom should be garrisoned by the Hospitallers and Templars; and that in -case the boy should die in his youth, the question of succession should be -determined by the Pope, the Emperor of Germany, the King of France, and -the King of England.[622] Not many years after this the king died, and -Baldwin V. succeeded, but his death followed immediately upon his -accession. Without abiding by the dispositions of the former monarch, no -sooner was the young king dead, than the Grand Master of the Temple, -Renauld of Chatillon, Count of Karac, and the Patriarch of Jerusalem -joined to raise Sybilla to the throne, in spite of the formal protest of -all the other barons and the Grand Master of the Hospital. The gates of -Jerusalem were shut;[623] and it was only by sending one of their -followers, disguised as a monk, that the nobles assembled with the Count -of Tripoli at Naplousa could gain any tidings of what passed. Sybilla was -crowned in form; and then the patriarch, pointing to the other crown which -lay upon the altar, told her that it was hers to dispose of, on which she -immediately placed it on the head of Guy of Lusignan.[624] After this some -of the barons refused to do homage to the new king, and some absented -themselves from his court; but the imminent danger in which the country -was placed at length brought back a degree of concord, when concord could -no longer avail. - -Saladin had by this time made himself master of all Syria;[625] and had -not only consolidated into one great monarchy dominions which for ages had -been separated into petty states, but also, by the incessant application -of a powerful and expansive mind, he had drawn forth and brought into -action many latent but valuable resources which had previously been -unknown or forgotten. He had taught the whole interests of his people to -centre in his own person, and he now determined to direct their energies -to one great and important enterprise. That enterprise was the conquest of -Palestine, and with an army of fifty thousand horse, and near two hundred -thousand foot, he advanced towards Jerusalem, and laid siege to -Tiberias.[626] Within the walls of that fortress the Countess of Tripoli -held out against the Saracens, while her husband joined Guy of Lusignan, -and brought his forces to the field in defence of the Holy Land. - -The conduct of the Count of Tripoli is very obscure.[627] That from time -to time he had treated with the Saracens is evident, and almost every -European authority, except Mills, accuses him of having, in this instance, -betrayed his countrymen into the hands of the infidels. Whether with or -against his advice matters little to the general result--the Christians -marched down to meet Saladin at Tiberias.[628] Beyond doubt it was by the -counsel of the Count of Tripoli that they pitched their tents in a spot -where no water was to be found. The troops suffered dreadfully from -thirst; and in the morning, when they advanced to attack Saladin in the -cool of the dawn, the wary monarch retired before them, resolved not to -give them battle till the heat of the risen sun had added to their -fatigues. To increase the suffocating warmth of a Syrian summer's day, he -set fire to the low bushes and shrubs which surrounded the Christian camp; -so that when the battle did begin, the Latin forces were quite overcome -with weariness and drought. The contest raged throughout the day, the -Christians fighting to reach the wells which lay behind the Saracen -power,[629] but in vain; and night fell, leaving the strife still -doubtful. The next morning the Latins and Turks again mixed in combat. The -Count of Tripoli[630] forced his way through the Saracens, and escaped -unhurt; but the scimitars of the Moslems mowed down whole ranks of the -Christians, for their immense superiority of numbers allowed them to -surround the height upon which the king and the chief of his army were -stationed, and to wage the warfare at once against every face of the Latin -host. Such a conflict could not long endure. Multitudes of the infidels -fell, but their loss was nothing in proportion to their number, when -compared with that which their adversaries underwent. - -The Grand Master of the Hospital[631] alone clove his way from the field -of battle, after having staid till victory had settled upon the Paynim -banners. He reached Ascalon that night, but died on the following day of -the wounds he had received. The King--Renault de Chatillon, Count of -Karac, who had so often broken faith with the Moslems--and the Grand -Master of the Temple, whose whole order was in abhorrence among the -Mussulmans--were taken alive and carried prisoners to the tent of Saladin. -That monarch remained for some time on the field, giving orders that the -knights of St. John[632] and those of the Temple, who had been captured, -should instantly embrace Islamism, or undergo the fate of the scimitar. A -thousand acts of cruelty and aggression on their part had given cause to -such deadly hatred; but at the hour of death not one knight could be -brought to renounce his creed; and they died with that calm resolution -which is in itself a glory. After this bloody consummation of his victory, -Saladin entered the tent where Lusignan and his companions expected a -similar fate: but Saladin, thirsty himself, called for iced sherbet, and -having drank, handed the cup to the fallen monarch, a sure pledge that his -life was secure. Lusignan in turn passed it to Renaul of Chatillon,[633] -but the sultaun, starting up, exclaimed, "No hospitality for the breaker -of all engagements!"[634] and before Chatillon could drink, with one blow -of his scimitar, Saladin severed his head from his body. - -Tiberias surrendered immediately. City after city now fell into the power -of the victor, and at length, after an obstinate defence, Jerusalem once -more was trodden by the Moslems.[635] But the conduct of the infidel -sultaun on this occasion shames the cruelty of the crusaders. When the -people could hold out no longer, Saladin, who had at first offered the -most advantageous terms, insisted that the city should now throw itself -upon his mercy. - -He then agreed upon a moderate ransom for the prisoners, and promised to -let each man carry forth his goods without impediment. When this was done, -with extraordinary care he saw that neither insult nor injury should be -offered to the Christians; and, having taken possession of the town, he -placed a guard at one of the gates to receive the ransom of the -inhabitants as they passed out. Nevertheless, when the whole wealth which -could be collected in the town had been paid down, an immense number of -the poorer Christians remained unredeemed. These were destined to be -slaves; but Bernard the Treasurer relates, that Saif Eddyn, the brother of -the monarch, begged the liberty of one thousand of these, and that about -the same number were delivered at the prayer of the Patriarch and of -Baléan de Ibelyn,[636] who had commanded in the place, and communicated -with the Curdish monarch on its surrender. After this Saladin declared -that his brother, the Patriarch, and Ibelyn had done their alms, and that -now he would do his alms also; on which he caused it to be proclaimed -through the city,[637] that all the poor people who could give no ransom -might go forth in safety by the gate of St. Lazarus; but he ordered that -if any attempted to take advantage of this permission who really could pay -for their deliverance, they should be instantly seized and cast into -prison. Many of the nobler prisoners also he freed at the entreaty of the -Christian ladies; and in his whole conduct he showed himself as moderate -in conquest, as he was great in battle. - -Antioch and the neighbouring towns, as well as the greater part of the -county of Tripoli,[638] were soon reduced to the Saracen yoke, and with -the exception of Tyre, which was defended by the gallant Conrad, Marquis -of Montferrat, the whole of Palestine became subject to the victor of -Tiberias. - -Such was the sudden and disastrous termination of the Christian dominion -in the Holy Land;[639] a misfortune which all the contemporary writers -attribute to the vices of the inhabitants. Without presuming to assign it, -as they do, to the special wrath of Heaven, we may nevertheless believe -that the gross and scandalous crimes of the people of Jerusalem greatly -accelerated its return to the Moslem domination. After the successes of -the first crusade, the refuse of European populations poured into -Palestine in hopes of gain, and brought all their vices to add to the -stock of those that the country already possessed. The clergy were as -licentious as the laity, the chiefs as immoral as the people. Intestine -quarrels are sure to follow upon general crime; and unbridled passions -work as much harm to the society in which they are tolerated, as to the -individuals on whom they are exercised. The Latins of Palestine retained -their courage, it is true; but they knew no confidence in each other. -Virtue, the great bond of union, subsisted not among them, and each one -caballed, intrigued, and strove against his neighbour. The ambition of the -two great military orders bred continual hatred and opposition,[640] and -the discord that existed between the Hospitallers and the clergy caused -another breach in the harmony of the state. - -During the time that the kingdom of Jerusalem was thus dividing itself, by -passions and vices, into ruinous factions and enfeebled bodies, Saladin -and those that preceded him were bending all their energies to consolidate -their power and extend their dominion. Zenghi was a great warrior, -Nourhaddin a great monarch,[641] and Saladin added to the high qualities -of both, not only a degree of civilization in his own person which neither -had known, but, what was still more, the spirit of civilization in his -heart. - -Saladin was as superior to any of the princes of Palestine in mind as he -was in territory; and with clear and general views of policy, keenness and -strength of perception in difficulties, consummate skill in war, -innumerable forces, and the hearts of his soldiers, it was impossible that -he should not conquer. There can be no doubt that the Latins were a more -powerful and vigorous race of men than the Turks. The event of every -combat evinced it; and even in their defeats, they almost always left more -dead upon the field of the enemy's forces than of their own. Their armour, -too, was weightier,[642] and their horses heavier and more overpowering in -the charge. But the Turkish horseman and the Turkish horse were more -active and more capable of bearing long fatigue, privation, and heat than -the European; and this in some degree made up for the slighter form and -lighter arms of the Saracen. - -In war, also, as a science, the Turks had improved more than the -Christians. We find that the troops of Saladin employed means in their -sieges that they had acquired from the crusaders; that they stood firmly -the charge of the cavalry; that they now fought hand to hand with the -mailed warriors of Europe, and mixed all the modes of chivalrous warfare -with those they had practised before. - -We do not perceive, however, that the Latins adopted their activity or -their skill with the bow; and at the same time it must be remarked, that -the armies of the Moslem fought as a whole, under the absolute command of -one chief; while the Christians, divided in the battle as in the time of -peace, were broken into separate corps under feudal leaders, who each -consulted his own will fully as much as that of his sovereign. - -Many other causes might be traced for the Christian fall and the Mussulman -triumph; but perhaps more has been already said than was required. -Whatever were the causes the result was the same--Jerusalem was taken by -the Moslem, and consternation spread through Christendom. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -_The News of the Fate of Palestine reaches Europe--The Archbishop of Tyre -comes to seek for Aid--Assistance granted by William the Good, of -Sicily--Death of Urban, from Grief at the Loss of Jerusalem--Gregory VIII. -promotes a Crusade--Expedition of Frederic, Emperor of Germany--His -Successes--His Death--State of Europe--Crusade promoted by the -Troubadours--Philip Augustus and Henry II. take the Cross--Laws -enacted--Saladin's tenth--War renewed--Death of Henry II.--Accession of -Richard Coeur de Lion--The Crusade--Philip's March--Richard's -March--Affairs of Sicily--Quarrels between the Monarchs--Philip goes to -Acre--Richard subdues Cyprus--Arrives at Acre--Siege and Taking of -Acre--Fresh Disputes--Philip Augustus returns to Europe--Richard marches -on--Battle of Azotus--Heroism of Richard--Unsteady Councils--The -Enterprise abandoned._ - - -We have seen the solicitations of the church, and the eloquence of two -extraordinary men, produce the first and second crusades; but many other -incitements were added to clerical exhortations before the inveterate -enmity of the French and English could be sufficiently calmed to permit of -any thing like a united expedition for the recovery of the Holy Land. The -Italian merchants,[643] who at that time carried on the commerce of the -world, were the first that brought to Europe the terrible news of the -battle of Tiberias, the capture of Jerusalem, and the fall of Palestine: -but very soon after, William of Tyre,[644] the noble historian of the -crusades, set out in person to demand assistance in behalf of his -afflicted country from all the princes of Christendom. He first landed in -Sicily, where William, king of that country, who had married Joan of -England, received him with kindness, and instantly took measures for -furnishing such assistance to the Christians of the Holy Land, that the -small territory yet unconquered might be successfully defended till -further succour could arrive. Three hundred knights and a considerable -naval force were despatched at once; and William of Sicily was continuing -zealously his preparations, when death cut him off in the midst; and the -crown was seized by Tancred, natural son of Roger I. - -From Sicily, the Archbishop of Tyre proceeded to Rome; but he only arrived -in time to witness the death of Pope Urban III.,[645] whose mind was so -deeply affected by the loss of the Holy Land, and the capture of the -sepulchre, that his enfeebled constitution gave way under the shock, and -he literally died of grief. Gregory VIII., who succeeded, lost not a -moment in preaching a new crusade; and during his short pontificate of but -two months, he left no means untried to heal the dissensions of -Christendom, and to turn the arms of the princes who now employed them -against each other to the service of God, as it was then considered, in -the deliverance of that land which had been sanctified by his advent. - -The first who took the Cross was the famous Frederic Barbarossa,[646] who -conducted a magnificent army across Hungary and Greece, saw through and -defeated the perfidious schemes of the Greek emperor, Isaac Angelus,[647] -passed on into Asia Minor, overthrew in a pitched battle the Saracen -forces which had been called against him by the base and cowardly Greek, -and took the city of Iconium itself. Such splendid successes, with so -little loss, had never before attended any Christian host; but the light -that shone upon the German arms was soon changed to darkness by the death -of Frederic, who, bathing imprudently in the Orontes,[648] returned to his -tent in a dying state, and soon after expired[649] at seventy years of -age. After the decease of the emperor, while Henry, his eldest son, who -had remained in Germany, assumed the imperial crown, Philip Duke of Suabia -led on the host towards Antioch. But the very name of Frederic had been a -subject of such fear, even to Saladin himself,[650] that he had ordered -the towns of Laodicea, Ghibel, Tortosa, Biblios, Berytes, and Sidon to be -dismantled at the approach of the Germans. Now, again, the Saracens -resumed the offensive; and, between war and famine, the Teutonic crusaders -were reduced to a small body when they reached Antioch. Their force was -still sufficient to give them the command of that city, and proved a most -serviceable aid to the Christian troops, who were slowly beginning to -rally throughout Palestine. A new military institution was soon after -attached, by the duke of Suabia, to the German hospital, which had been -founded at Jerusalem many years before by some northern merchants, and had -since been greatly enlarged by the Hanseatic[651] traders of Bremen and -Lubec. On this establishment he grafted the Order of the Knights of the -Holy Cross, or the Teutonic knights of the Hospital of St. Mary,[652] -which soon greatly increased, and was sanctioned by papal authority. - -I must now return to France and England, where private feuds had prevented -the distresses of Palestine from producing so immediate an effect as they -had wrought with the Germans. Henry II. had, as we have already seen, -espoused Eleonor, the repudiated wife of Louis VII., and had obtained with -her the whole of Aquitain.[653] This, in addition to Normandy, which he -also held as a feudatory of the French crown, rendered the kingly vassal a -greater territorial lord than even the sovereign to whom he did homage for -his continental lands. Such a state of things, was alone quite sufficient -to cause endless dissensions; but soon more immediate matter was found. -Louis VII. died. Philip Augustus succeeded, yet in his youth; and Henry -II., after having himself, in execution of the feudal duty of the dukes of -Normandy, lifted the crown with which Philip's brow was to be decorated, -endeavoured to strengthen his own party in France as much as possible -against the young monarch. His second son, Geoffrey, he married to -Constance, Dutchess of Brittany: his eldest son, Henry, espoused -Marguerite, sister of Philip, and received with her the lordship of -Gisors,[654] and the territory of the Vexin. Prince Henry died early, -leaving no children; and the land, by his marriage contract, reverted to -the crown of France; but his father refused to yield it. War broke out in -consequence, and was raging fiercely when the news of the fall of -Jerusalem reached Europe. The tidings were so unexpected, each one felt so -deep and religious a devotion for the Holy Land, every knight had there so -many relations or friends, that the news found a thousand avenues open to -the hearts of all who heard it. The world, too, was then mad with song. -Nations in that early age had all the zealous passions of youth. That -fresh ardour--that wild spirit of pursuit, which almost every one must -have felt in his own young days, was then the character of society at -large. Europe was as an enthusiastic boy, and whatever it followed, love, -religion, song, it followed with the uncontrolled passion, the fiery -desire which burns but in the days of boyhood among nations as among men. -Poetry had now become both the great delight, and the great mover of the -day; and all the eloquence of verse found a fit subject in the sorrows of -Palestine. The Troubadours[655] and the Trouveres vied with each other, -which should do most to stimulate the monarchs and the Chivalry of Europe -to lay aside their private quarrels, and to fly to the deliverance of the -Holy Land. The _plainte_ was heard from castle to castle, mourning over -the loss of Jerusalem. The _sirvente_ and the _fabliau_ were spread far -and wide, lashing with all the virulence of indignant satire those whom -feuds or interests withheld from the battles of the Cross. The papal -authority enjoined, with its menaces and its inducements, peace to Europe -and war to the Saracen: but even superstition and zeal effected little, -when compared with the power of the new passion for song. The first -crusade had been the effect of a general enthusiasm; the second of -individual eloquence; but this was the crusade of poetry. The first two -were brought about by the clergy alone; but this was the work of the -Troubadours. - -A truce between Henry II. and Philip Augustus was agreed upon, and a -meeting was fixed between Trie and Gisors,[656] for the purpose of -considering the manner of settling all difficulties, and the best means of -delivering Jerusalem. The whole of the barons of France and England were -present at this parliament, which was held in the month of January, and -mutual jealousies and hatred had nearly turned the assembly, which met to -promote peace, to the purposes of bloodshed. At length the Cardinal of -Albano and William, Archbishop of Tyre, presented themselves to the -meeting; and the oriental prelate having related all the horrors he had -himself beheld in the Holy Land--the slaughter of Tiberias, the fall of -Jerusalem, the pollution of the temple, and the capture of the -sepulchre--the symbol of the Cross was unanimously adopted by all; private -wars were laid aside, and a mode of proceeding was determined on which -promised to furnish vast supplies for the holy enterprise to which the -kings and barons bound themselves. - -The first of the measures resolved was to enforce a general contribution -from all persons who did not take the Cross, whether clergy or laity, -towards defraying the expense of the crusade. This consisted of a tenth of -all possessions, whether landed or personal, and was called _Saladin's -tithe_. Each lord, clerical or secular, had the right of raising this tax -within his own feoff. The lord of the commune could alone tithe his -burghers, the archbishop his see, the abbot the lands of the monastery, -the chapter the lands of the church. Any knight having taken the Cross, -and being the legitimate heir of a knight or a widow[657] who had not -taken the Cross, was entitled to lay the tax upon the lands of the other; -while all who refused or neglected to pay their quota were given -absolutely to the disposal of him who had the right to require it. At the -same time that such inflictions were adjudged to those who rejected the -call to the Holy Land, many immunities were accorded to such as followed -the crusade. Great facilities were given to all the crusaders for the -payment of their anterior debts; but they were by no means, as has been -frequently asserted,[658] liberated from all engagements during the time -they were occupied in the expedition. Such were the regulations which were -first brought forward at Gisors. Each of the monarchs proposed them -afterward to a separate court of their barons and clergy, Philip at Paris, -and Henry, first at Rouen, to his Norman council, and afterward to his -English vassals at Geddington, in Northamptonshire. - -All seemed now to tend rapidly towards the great enterprise; nothing was -seen in the various countries but the symbol of the Cross, which in -England was of _ermine_ or white, of _gules_ or red for France, and of -_synople_ or green for Flanders. - -But the whole current of feeling was suddenly turned, by an aggression of -Richard, Duke of Guienne, afterward King of England, upon the territories -of the Count of Toulouse. Philip Augustus flew to arms to avenge his -vassal and friend; Richard met him with equal fierceness, and the feuds -between France and England were renewed with increased violence.[659] Many -of the French and English knights, several of the clergy of the two -countries, together with a great multitude of Germans, Italians, and -Flemings, waited not for the tardy journey of the crusading monarchs, but -passed over into the Holy Land, and joined themselves to Guy of Lusignan, -who had now collected the remnants of all the military orders, and with -those princes and knights who had escaped the Moslem scimitar, was -engaged in besieging Acre. His forces[660] gradually increased till they -became immense; and, owing to the skill of those by whom he was -accompanied, rather than his own, the camp of Lusignan was fortified in -such a manner that no efforts of the Saracens could penetrate its lines. -Saladin pitched his tents on the mountains to the south, not long after -the Christians had undertaken the siege, and innumerable battles in the -open field succeeded, in which neither army gained any material advantage -that was not compensated by some following reverse. - -The fleet of the Saracens supplied the town,[661] and the fleet of the -Christians brought aid to the camp, so that the conflict seemed to be -interminable, from the equal zeal and force of the contending parties. - -In the mean while, the war between Henry and Philip continued; and, from a -personal dispute between Richard Coeur de Lion and the French monarch, had -so changed its character, that Richard, accompanied by his brother John, -went over to the faction of the enemy, and did homage to the crown of -France.[662] Henry, abandoned by his children and the greater part of his -nobles, found himself forced to sign an ignominious peace; and after one -of the violent fits of passion to which he so often yielded himself, was -taken ill, and concluded a long life of vice and crime before the altar of -the Lord,[663] which he had once caused to be stained with blood.[664] - -Richard and Philip were already in alliance; and no sooner had the new -monarch of England ascended the throne, than the preparations for the -crusade were resumed with activity. Ample treaties were entered into -between the French and English kings; and as the clergy, though willing -enough to preach the crusade, were in general unwilling to aid it by the -payment of Saladin's tenth, Richard had recourse to the most -arbitrary[665] extortions, to furnish the sums necessary for his -enterprise. Philip Augustus, the Count of Flanders, and Richard Coeur de -Lion met at Nonancourt, on the confines of Normandy, and engaged mutually -to live in peace and defend each other, as true allies, till a period of -forty days after their return from Palestine.[666] Richard also published -a code of laws or regulations for the government of his troops during the -expedition. By these it was enacted, that whoever slew a brother crusader -should be tied to the corpse and buried alive; or, if the murder were -perpetrated at sea, should be plunged with the dead body into the waves. A -man who drew his knife upon another, or struck him so as to produce blood, -was destined to have his hand cut off. Other chastisements were instituted -for simple blows, abusive language, and blasphemy;[667] and if any one -were discovered in committing a robbery, he was sentenced to have his head -shaved and to be tarred and feathered. This is, I believe, the first -mention in history of that curious naval punishment. - -Each of the crusading monarchs now made large donations to abbeys, -churches, and religious communities,[668] and performed various acts of -grace to bring down the blessing of Heaven upon their enterprise. They -took every measure that could be devised for the security and good of -their respective realms during their absence, and then proceeded towards -Lyons, where, finding that the followers of their camp were becoming -somewhat more numerous than was desirable, and remembering the vices and -irregularities of the former crusades, they instituted several new laws; -among which it was strictly enjoined that no woman should be permitted to -accompany either army, except washerwomen, and such as had accomplished -fifty years. Here, also, the two kings separated,[669] and Philip, -traversing the Alps, soon arrived at Genoa,[670] where he hired vessels to -carry him to Messina, the general rendezvous, which place he reached with -no other impediment than a severe storm. - -Richard, in the mean time, hurried on to Marseilles, where he waited a few -days for the fleet which was to have joined him from England; but his -impatient spirit could never brook delay, and after a pause of little more -than a week, he hired all the vessels he could find, and proceeded to -Genoa. Leaving that city he touched at several places on the coast of -Italy, and near the mouth of the Tiber was encountered by Octavian, Bishop -of Ostia, who demanded various sums, stated to be due to the church of -Rome from the English monarch, as fees, on the election of the Bishop of -Ely, and the deposition of the Bishop of Bourdeaux. Richard replied by -boldly reproaching the prelate with the simoniacal avarice of his church, -and sent him indignantly from his presence. In the Gulf of Salernum, the -English king was met by his fleet, and soon anchored before Messina, -causing all the horns of his armament to blow as he entered the port. The -noise was so great, that the inhabitants crowded to the walls, where they -beheld the thousand banners of England covering the sea with all the gay -and splendid colours of chivalrous blazonry.[671] Richard was fond of such -display, and, perhaps, so slight a thing as this first woke that jealousy -in the bosom of Philip Augustus which afterward proved ruinous to the -crusade. Nevertheless that monarch came down to meet Richard, with -Tancred, the usurping King of Sicily, who had every thing to fear from the -anger of the hasty sovereign of England. After dispossessing Constantia, -the heiress of the crown, Tancred had imprisoned Joan, sister of Richard, -the widow of the last king William the Good. He had freed her, it is true, -on the news of Richard's arrival; but the first act of the English -monarch[672] was to demand the restitution of his sister's dowery, and the -legacies which had been bequeathed by William of Sicily to Henry II. of -England. These together amounted to forty thousand ounces of gold,[673] -and for some time Richard's application was met by nothing but quibbling -and evasion. - -The best intelligence had hitherto reigned between the French and English, -but not so with Richard's knights and the people of Sicily. The -Anglo-Normans were dissolute and reckless, and the Sicilians soon -proceeded from squabbling and opposition, to seek bloody revenge. It is -probable that both parties were in fault. Every thing at Messina was -charged at a most exorbitant price,[674] and the Normans were very apt to -take what they could not buy. The Sicilians cheated them, and they -plundered the Sicilians, till at length some of the Norman soldiers were -killed.[675] Hugh Lebrun, a favourite of Richard, was wounded; and Richard -himself, finding the peasantry supported by Tancred in the attack on his -soldiers, lost command of his temper, fell upon the people who had come -forth from Messina, stormed the walls of the city; and in an inconceivably -short time, the banner of the King of England was flying over the capital -of Sicily.[676] - -Philip Augustus, who had interfered on many occasions to quiet the -differences between the Normans and the Sicilians, could not bear to see -the English standard on the towers of Messina, and a coolness rose up -between the two monarchs from that moment. All angry discussion, however, -was removed by the conduct of Richard, which was calm and moderate, far -beyond his usual habits. He offered to give up the guard of the city to -either the Knights of the Temple or of St. John, till his claims on -Tancred had been fairly met. This tranquillized the matter for a time; but -Eleonor, Richard's mother, now arrived in Sicily,[677] bearing with her -the beautiful Berengaria, of Navarre. The King of England had been -affianced to Alice of France, the sister of Philip; but criminal -intercourse, it was supposed, had existed between the French princess and -Henry II., and Richard had long meditated breaking off formally an -alliance he never intended to fulfil. The sight of Berengaria decided -him.[678] Some letters were shown to him by Tancred, King of Sicily, in -which Philip Augustus promised aid to the Sicilians in case of their -warring with the English. Richard, with the papers in his hand, cast -himself on horseback, and galloped to the tent of the French monarch. -Philip declared the letters were forged, and that Richard's anger was a -mere pretence to break off a marriage which suited not his taste. War -between the two sovereigns seemed inevitable, and how it was averted does -not very clearly appear. Probably the higher barons interposed; but at all -events the concessions were on the side of Philip, who, by a formal -treaty, renounced all pretensions to Richard's hand, on the part of his -sister;[679] confirmed him in all the feoffs he held from the crown of -France; and, leaving him and Berengaria to conclude their marriage, he set -sail with his fleet for Acre. - -The appearance of the French before that place caused great rejoicing -among the Christians, for notwithstanding every effort on the part of the -assailants the city still held out; and, girt in themselves by the army of -Saladin, the scarcity[680] was little less in their camp than in the town. -Before the coming of their allies, the crusaders under the walls of Acre -had done all that human ingenuity could invent to force the garrison to -yield. They had turned the course of the river which supplied the city -with fresh water; they had been incessant in their attacks and, during -nearly two years, had never relaxed one moment in their endeavours.[681] -It was apparent, therefore, that nothing but assault by a large force -could carry the fortress, and this the arrival of Philip gave the -possibility of attempting. That monarch, however, either from some -engagement to that effect, or from the scantiness of the succour he -brought, which, according to Boha Eddin, consisted only of six large -ships,[682] determined to wait the arrival of Richard Coeur de Lion, -contenting himself with battering the walls in the mean while. - -The coming of the King of France had spread as much alarm among the -Saracens as joy among the Christians; but his inactivity calmed their -apprehensions; and the escape of a magnificent white falcon which Philip -had brought from Europe, was considered by the infidels as an evil omen -for the French monarch. The bird flew into the besieged city, and was -thence sent to Saladin, who would not be prevailed upon to part with it, -though Philip offered a thousand pieces of gold for his favourite -falcon.[683] - -Richard remained some time in Sicily, enjoying the idleness and luxury of -a delicious climate, and a fertile and beautiful land; but the preaching -of a wild enthusiast, called Joachim, together with various celestial -phenomena, which the superstition of the age attributed to Divine wrath, -awoke the monarch from his dream of pleasure, and after having submitted -to an humiliating penance,[684] he set sail for Acre. A tempest soon -dispersed his fleet, and three of the vessels were lost upon the rocky -shores of Cyprus. The monarch of that island, one of the Comneni of -Constantinople, had rendered himself independent of Greece, and had taken -the title of Emperor. In the madness of insatiable greediness, he pillaged -the crews and passengers of the English vessels stranded on his coast, and -refused a refuge to the bride and sister of Richard himself, when driven -by the storm into the port of Limisso. At Rhodes[685] the lion-hearted -king heard of the disasters of his fleet, and the inhospitality of the -Emperor of Cyprus, and no sooner had he gathered together his ships, than -he sailed for Limisso, and demanded reparation and apology. - -With infinite moderation, the more admirable in the conduct of a violent -and irritable monarch, he three times required satisfaction before he -proceeded to any act of aggression. At length, finding it not to be -obtained but by the sword, he landed on the island, drove the coward -Greeks[686] before him, took the ungenerous usurper Isaac, and reduced -the whole country to his sway. His wrath had now been roused, and all -temper was forgotten: he taxed the unfortunate inhabitants of the country -to an enormous extent and then, after having spent some time at Limisso, -where he celebrated his marriage with Berengaria, he once more set sail -for Acre. In the passage the fleet of the English monarch came suddenly -upon a large vessel bearing the arms of the King of France. Something -suspicious in the appearance of the ship induced Richard to pursue her, -and it was soon discovered that she was filled with Saracen troops. - -The attack was instantly ordered;[687] the infidels defended themselves -with the greatest bravery; the sea was covered with Greek fire, and a rain -of arrows fell upon the decks of the low European galleys from the high -sides of the Arabian vessel. But resistance against the whole fleet of the -English king was vain; and the emir Jacob, who commanded, ordered the ship -to be sunk by cutting through the bottom with hatchets. Before this could -be completely accomplished, however, the English and Normans were masters -of the vessel, and ere she went down a great part of her cargo was saved. -This principally consisted of military stores for the camp of Saladin: -and, among other implements of destruction, the English were surprised and -horrified to find a number of large earthen vases filled with poisonous -reptiles, from the bites of which it was known that the Christians near -Acre suffered most dreadfully. Whether these animals were or were not -really destined by Saladin as the means of a new and direful mode of -warfare, such was the purpose which the Christian monarch[688] attributed -to those who carried them; and giving way to his wrath, he ordered all the -prisoners to be put to death. Some few were saved, who were afterward -ransomed according to the universal custom of the day.[689] - -But little time now elapsed ere Richard, with a hundred sail, arrived -before the city of Acre, and the shouts of joy that welcomed him made his -proud heart beat with more than wonted ardour. All the Chivalry of Europe -were upon the sandy plain between Ptolemais and the mountains of -Carouba:[690] the Templars, the Hospitallers, the Knights of France, of -England, of Germany, of Italy, of Flanders, and of Burgundy. Thousands of -banners floated on the wind; and every sort of arms, device, and ensign -glittered through the camp. On the inland hills lay the millions of -Saladin, with every accessory of eastern pomp and eastern luxury. There, -too, was the pride of all the Saracen tribes, called into the field by -their great monarch to meet the swarming invasion of the Christians.[691] -One wing of the Moslem army was commanded by Malek Adel Saif Eddin,[692] -brother of Saladin, and the other by that monarch's nephew, Modaffer. -Through the host were seen banners of green, and black, and yellow; and -armour of as many kinds, and of as great magnificence, as that of the -Europeans. - -Nor was the chivalrous courtesy of the day confined to the Christian camp. -In times of truce the adverse nations mingled together in friendship; and -at one moment they sent mutual presents, and reciprocated good offices, -while at another they met in bloody and impetuous strife. Saladin himself -seems to have conceived the highest respect for the character of Richard; -and when he was not opposing him in the field, he was always desirous of -showing that the Moslems were not to be outdone in generous sentiment by -any of the Christian knights. It would be endless to recount all the -transactions of the siege of Acre. The _spirit_ of the whole of this -crusade (which I could wish to dwell upon more than any thing else) has -been already fully, perfectly, and feelingly displayed, in that most -beautiful composition, The Talisman; wherein Sir Walter Scott, however he -may have altered some historical facts to suit the purposes of fiction, -has given a more striking picture of the human mind in that age--of the -character of nations as well as individuals--than any dull chronicle of -cold events can furnish. - -Richard Coeur de Lion, soon after his arrival before Acre, was seized with -the fever of the country, and in the attack made upon the town by Philip -Augustus the English monarch was not present.[693] Philip murmured highly, -and his assault was repulsed from the want of sufficient forces to follow -up his first advantage. Richard in his turn attempted to storm the city -without the aid of France, and notwithstanding efforts of almost -incredible valour, was likewise repelled. Mutual necessity brought some -degree of concord; and it was agreed that while one army assailed the -walls the other should guard the camp, but still the endeavours of both -were ineffectual to take the town by storm; and continual disputes were -every day springing up between the two monarchs and the two hosts. Philip -strove to seduce the vassals of Richard to follow his banner, as the -sovereign of their sovereign, and paid three pieces of gold per month to -each of the Norman knights who would join his standard:[694] Richard gave -four pieces of gold to all who came over from Philip, and many a French -feudatory joined himself to the English king. The siege of Acre still -advanced, notwithstanding, less indeed by the presence or efforts of the -two sovereigns, than by the simple fact of the city being cut off from all -supplies. It had now held out for many months; and for long had endured -but little privation from its communication with the sea; but as one -article of the first necessity after another became exhausted, that means -of receiving provisions was not sufficiently productive or regular for the -supply of a great city. Even when ships arrived the town was in a state of -scarcity, and a day's delay brought on a famine. Acre could resist no -longer,[695] and after a short truce, which was asked in the hope of -assistance from Egypt, it surrendered to the monarchs of France and -England, on very rigorous terms. All the Christian prisoners within the -town were to be freed, together with one thousand men and two hundred -knights, chosen from those that Saladin detained in captivity; two hundred -thousand pieces of gold were to be paid, and the true Cross was to be -restored to the Christians. Such was the only capitulation granted to the -people of Acre, who were also to remain in the hands of the crusaders till -the stipulations had been fulfilled by Saladin; and in case the conditions -were not accomplished within forty days, the prisoners were left to the -disposal of their conquerors. - -Saladin neglected to fulfil any of the terms which depended on him; the -ransom was not paid; the wood of the Cross was not restored; and -Richard[696] cruelly commanded his prisoners to be put to death.[697] -After the capture of the city, the Archduke of Austria boldly placed his -banner on one of the towers but no sooner was it seen by Richard, than -with his own hand he tore it down, and rending it to pieces,[698] trampled -it under his feet. The insult was neither forgotten nor unrevenged, though -from that moment the banners of the kings[699] only continued to float -from the walls of Acre. Thus new dissensions were added to those which had -already arisen, and the two monarchs, by taking possession of the whole -spoil and dividing it between them, gave high disgust to the rest of the -crusaders. Another more tangible cause of animosity soon sprang up. -Sybilla, the wife of Guy of Lusignan, through whom alone he possessed the -title of King of Jerusalem, died during the siege of Acre, but he still -pretended a right to the throne. Conrad of Montferrat, lord of Tyre, had -seized upon Isabella, sister of Sybilla, and wife of the weak and cowardly -Humphrey de Thoron; and having obtained, by one means or another, a -divorce between her and her husband, had married her; on which marriage, -he also claimed the empty vanity of the crown. Richard, with the Pisans -and the Hospitallers, maintained the cause of Lusignan; Philip Augustus, -with the Genoese and the Templars, supported Conrad; and the schism was -only healed by Lusignan acknowledging Conrad to be heir to the nominal -kingdom, while Conrad allowed Lusignan to retain the title for his life. - -Soon after this, the crusade received[700] its deathblow, by the defection -of Philip Augustus. No doubt can exist that that monarch had really lost -his health since his sojourn in the Holy Land; but as little doubt is -there that his chief motive in returning to Europe was his disgust[701] at -the overbearing conduct of Richard, and his jealousy at the great -superiority of his rival in all military exercises. Philip Augustus was an -expert and able general, a brave and distinguished knight; but Richard was -the wonder of his day, and what Philip might have admired in an inferior, -he could not bear in a fellow-king. He therefore proclaimed aloud his -illness, and his intention to return to Europe, most unwisely--as James of -Vitry observes--for the interest of the crusade; for Saladin[702] had been -so much depressed by the fall of Acre, that beyond all question immense -concessions might have been obtained, had the monarchs but made a -demonstration of acting in concert. As bound to him by treaties, Richard's -permission was demanded by the King of France. At first Richard exclaimed, -with a burst of honest indignation, "Eternal shame on him and on all -France, if for any cause he leave the work unfinished!"[703] but he added -afterward, "Well, let him go, if his health require it, or if he cannot -live without seeing Paris." With this surly leave, Philip hastened his -departure, after having made over to Conrad of Tyre his share in the city -of Acre, and having sworn, in the most solemn manner, to respect Richard's -possessions in Europe--an oath which he soon found occasion to break. - -The Duke of Burgundy,[704] with ten thousand men, was left behind to -support Richard; and that monarch, after repairing the fortifications of -Acre, having seen the churches purified, and the Christian religion -restored, marched out with considerable force, and took the road by the -seaside towards Ascalon. Vessels laden with provisions followed along the -shore; but, on the other hand, the Moslems, who had now recovered -confidence at the dissensions which they knew reigned among the -Christians, pursued the army as it marched, and harassed it by continual -attacks. - -Richard[705] refrained from any thing like a general engagement, as long -as such conduct was possible; but near Azotus he found himself compelled -to fight, and he accordingly drew out his men in battle array. Eudes, Duke -of Burgundy, commanded the left, and the famous Jacques d'Avesnes the -right, of the crusaders, while Richard himself appeared in the centre. - -Saladin[706] led the attack against the Christian army, and the right gave -way. At the same time the left repulsed the Moslems, and with the usual -impetuous courage of the French, who composed it, followed up their -success till they were cut off from the main body. Richard advanced to the -aid of the Duke of Burgundy, but only so far as to save him from being -destroyed. With wonderful coolness he waited till the Saracens had -exhausted their arrows, and wearied their horses with rapid evolutions, so -that the knights murmured at the unwonted inactivity of their monarch. At -length, seeing that Saladin had weakened his left wing to attack the Duke -of Burgundy, that the hail of missiles was passed, and that there existed -some confusion in the enemy's[707] lines, the king commanded his knights -to charge, and leading them on himself, he with his own hand overthrew all -that opposed him. The infidels whom he slew, and the feats that he -performed, are almost incredible; but certain it is, that his voice, his -eye, his look, brought inspiration to the Christians and dismay to the -hearts of the Moslems. The Saracen host fled amain, and Richard remained -master of the field, having to mourn few of his distinguished soldiers -besides Jacques d'Avesnes who was slain towards the end of the -battle.[708] - -The road both to Ascalon and Jerusalem was now open to the host of the -Cross;[709] but either from treachery, as some have supposed, or from -envy, as others have imagined, Richard was continually opposed in the -council of war: the operations of the crusaders became vacillating, -uncertain, and ill-judged, and the kingdom of Jerusalem was virtually cast -away. The army, instead of following its advantages, proceeded to -Jaffa,[710] wasted time in fortifying that city, and suffered the Saracens -to recover from their panic. Various attacks were soon made upon the -Christians; a party of Templars was surrounded by the foe, and would have -been cut to pieces, with the Earl of Leicester and some English who had -come to their aid, had not Richard, with his lion-heart, rushed, almost -unarmed, into the fight; and, scattering the enemy like a whirlwind, -delivered his friends from their peril. On another occasion, he had -himself nearly been taken prisoner while falconing, and would certainly -have fallen into the hands of the Saracens, had not one of his followers, -named William de Pratelles,[711] exclaimed, "I am the king!" and thus -drawn the attention of the enemy to himself. After this, various -treaties[712] were entered into, which ended in nothing, and probably were -devised by the Saracens merely for the purpose of gaining time to recruit -their forces. It was even proposed that Joan of Sicily, the English -monarch's sister, should be given in marriage to Saphaddin, or Saif Eddin; -and that Jerusalem should be yielded to the parties in this strange -alliance. All these negotiations, however, terminated as they began, and -hostilities were often commenced and suspended, equally without cause. -Richard advanced to Ramula, and nothing opposed his proceeding to -Jerusalem; but at a council of war it was determined that the army should -retire upon Ascalon.[713] This was done, and Ascalon was once more -fortified; but here the troops were cut off from supplies, new divisions -arose, and many desertions took place. The Duke of Burgundy retreated to -Acre; the Genoese and Pisans broke out into open warfare, and one party, -supported by Conrad of Montferrat, would have destroyed the other, had not -Richard marched to the spot, forced Conrad to withdraw, and re-established -peace between the contending nations. Conrad, frustrated in the views he -had entertained, rejected all conciliation from Richard, and allied -himself with Saladin. That monarch immediately hastened once more to -attack the divided army of the Cross;[714] but Conrad was stabbed by two -of a class of men called the Assassins,[715] at the moment that Richard, -to obtain concord, had consented to his coronation as king of Jerusalem, -in opposition to the claim of Guy of Lusignan. The French attributed the -death of Conrad to Richard, and all parties flew to arms; but in the midst -of this confusion, Henry Count of Champagne came forward, married the -widow of Conrad, was proclaimed king of Jerusalem[716] with the consent of -all, and the united host once more prepared to march and conquer the -kingdom for which they had just been providing a king. - -During this time, Richard Coeur de Lion, while waging the war for -Jerusalem, was neglecting all his best interests in Europe. John, his -brother, was striving for the crown of England, and Philip Augustus was -stripping him of his territories in France. Messenger after messenger -brought naught but tidings of danger, and pressing solicitations for his -return. - -Still Richard advanced towards Jerusalem,[717] but his force was too small -to attempt a long-protracted siege. He found himself far from resources, -and in a country where supplies could be obtained but with the greatest -difficulty.[718] The marches before him were barren and hot; little water -was to be procured and at Bethlehem a council of twenty persons was -appointed to inquire into the possibility of proceeding. Certain -information was received that the Turks had destroyed all the wells and -cisterns round the Holy City, and it was determined to abandon the -enterprise. Richard felt the disappointment with all the bitterness of -broken hope and crushed ambition. He was led to a hill from whence he -could behold Jerusalem; but the sight and its memories were too much, and, -covering his eyes with his shield,[719] the warrior monarch turned away -with a swelling heart to concert measures for gaining something, at all -events, to compensate the loss of Jerusalem. But discord was in the bosom -of the crusade; the soldiers murmured,[720] the chiefs rebelled, and the -only thing that could save the army was immediate retreat. Such, then, -after many plans had been proposed and rejected, was the ultimate step. -The great body of the forces, with Richard and the Duke of Burgundy, fell -back upon Acre; but a smaller part threw itself into Jaffa; and Saladin, -recovering his energies as the crusaders lost theirs, collected his power -and prepared to reap the fruits of their disunion. The hope of saving the -Holy Land was now gone, and Richard determined to abandon an endeavour -which jealousies and treacheries had rendered infeasible; and, returning -to Europe, to give his thoughts to the consolidation and security of his -own dominions. Before he set out, however, the news reached him that -Saladin had attacked Jaffa with immense forces; and that the only hope of -the garrison was in aid from him.[721] Sending the bulk of the army by -land, he took advantage of a favourable wind, and set sail with a very -small retinue for the besieged city. When he arrived at Jaffa, he -perceived that the gates were already in the hands of the Saracens, and -that the Christians were fighting to the last, to sell their lives dearly. -"When King Richard found that the place was taken," to use the words of -Bernard the Treasurer, "he sprang on shore, with his shield round his -neck, and his Danish axe in his hand, retook the castle, slew the Saracens -that were within the walls, and drove those that were without back to -their camp, where he halted on a little mound--he and his men. Saladin -asked his troops why they fled; to which they replied, that the King of -England had come to Jaffa, had slain much people, and retaken the town. -Then Saladin asked, 'Where is he?' And they replied, 'There, sire, upon -that hillock with his men.' 'What!' cried Saladin, 'the king on foot among -his servants! This is not as it should be.' And Saladin sent him a -horse,[722] charging the messenger to say, that such a man ought not to -remain on foot in so great danger." - -The attempts of the Saracens were vain to recover the position they had -lost, and their terror at the tremendous name of Richard made that name a -host. This victory again placed the King of England in a commanding -situation, and he took advantage of it to demand peace. Saladin gladly met -his advances. A treaty was entered into, and a truce was concluded for -three years and eight months, during which period the Christians were to -enjoy the liberty of visiting Jerusalem, as pilgrims, exempt from all -grievance. Tyre and Jaffa, with the whole district between them, were -yielded to the Latins, who, on their part, agreed to demolish the -fortifications of Ascalon. The troops of the Cross were permitted to -resort as palmers to Jerusalem, where the sultaun received and treated -them with courteous hospitality. Richard would not visit the city he could -not capture; but the Bishop of Salisbury was entertained in the sultaun's -own palace, and obtained from the generous Saracen leave to establish -three societies of Latin priests, in Jerusalem, in Bethlehem, and in -Nazareth. Various other splendid acts of kingly magnanimity closed -Saladin's communication with the crusaders. - -On the 25th of October, A. D. 1192, Richard set sail for Europe. The -fruits of his crusade were but small, as far as the recovery of the Holy -Land was concerned; but in his own person he acquired a degree of military -glory that enmity could not wrest from him, and ages have not been able to -dim. - -He had many faults and many failings; and his own pride contributed as -much as the jealousy of his enemies to create disunion among the allies, -and frustrate the object of the expedition. But he had also to contend -with many wrongs and difficulties, and possessed many bright and noble -qualities. He carried the heart of a lion to his grave;[723] and for -centuries after the women of Palestine scared their children with his -name.[724] - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -_Death of Saladin--Disunion among his Successors--Celestine III. preaches -a new Crusade--Henry of Germany takes the Cross--Abandons his -Purpose--Crusaders proceed without him--Saif Eddin takes the Field, and -captures Jaffa--The Crusaders are reinforced--Defeat Saif Eddin--Lay Siege -to Thoron--Seized with Panic, and retreat--Disperse--Death of Henry of -Champagne, King of Jerusalem--His Widow marries Almeric, King of -Cyprus--Truce--Death of Almeric and Isabella--Mary, Heiress of Jerusalem, -wedded to John of Brienne--Affairs of Europe--Innocent III. and Foulque of -Neuilly promote a Crusade--The Barons of France take the Cross--Proceed to -Venice--Their Difficulties--Turn to the Siege of Zara--A Change of -Purpose--Proceed to Constantinople--Siege and Taking of that -City--Subsequent Proceedings--A Revolution in Constantinople--Alexius -deposed by Murzuphlis--Second Siege and Capture of the Greek -Capital--Flight of Murzuphlis--Plunder and Outrage--Baldwin, Count of -Flanders, elected Emperor._ - - -For some time the Christians of the Holy Land enjoyed an interval of -repose. Saladin was a religious observer of his word; and during the short -space that intervened between the departure of Richard Coeur de Lion and -the death of his great adversary, the Latins received the full benefit of -the treaty which had been executed between those monarchs. - -A year had scarcely elapsed ere Saladin was seized with a mortal sickness; -and, finding his end approaching, he commanded the black standard, which -had so often led the way to victory, to be taken down, and replaced by -the shroud which was to wrap his body in the grave. This was then borne -through the streets, while the criers called all men to behold what -Saladin, the mighty conqueror, carried away with him of all his vast -dominion.[725] Saladin died, a monarch in whose character, though the good -was not unmixed with evil, the great qualities so far preponderated, that -they overbalanced the effects of a barbarous epoch and a barbarous -religion, and left in him a splendid exception to most of the vices of his -age, his country, and his creed. - -At that period the principle of hereditary succession was not very clearly -ascertained either in Europe or in Asia; and the vast monarchy which -Saladin had been enabled to consolidate was broken in pieces at his death. -Saif Eddin, his brother, took possession of the greater part of Syria, and -strengthened himself by the soldiers of his dead relative, who both loved -and esteemed him. Three of the great monarch's sons seized upon such -portions of their father's dominions as they could reach; and civil -dissensions followed, highly detrimental to the power of the Moslem, and -favourable to the security of the Christians. This, indeed, was the moment -when a crusade was most practicable, and Pope Celestine III. exhorted all -Christendom to snatch the opportunity. In most instances his call fell -upon cold and unwilling ears. Philip Augustus was too deeply engaged in -those vast and magnificent schemes which, however impeded by the -prejudices of the day, rendered his reign a great epoch in the history of -nations.[726] Richard Coeur de Lion had learned the danger of quitting his -own kingdom, and the vanity of hoping for union among ambitious men. Henry -of Germany alone, moved by wild schemes for aggrandizing his territories, -assented at once to the crusade; but finding that Sicily seemed ready to -receive him, he deemed the nearer conquest the more advisable; and on the -same principle he had taken the Cross, he abandoned it again. Not so his -subjects; an immense number of the vassals followed eagerly the road which -he had quitted;[727] and several Teutonic bishops, with the Dukes of -Saxony, Brabant, and Bavaria, set out from Germany, and reached Acre in -safety. - -The Christians of Palestine were at that moment in the enjoyment of -peace,[728] and they beheld the coming of new crusaders with horror and -despair. Had the troops that arrived been sufficient, indeed, to give any -thing like certainty to their enterprise, all the Latins of the Holy Land -would willingly have concurred; but the prospect of new and desolating -wars, waged by scanty forces, was, notwithstanding the dissensions of -their enemies, a hopeless and painful anticipation. Nevertheless, the -Germans began their operations at once;[729] and Saif Eddin, with his -whole attention suddenly directed to the Christians, showed, by the -energetic activity of his movements, that the spirit of Saladin survived -in his brother. Jaffa was taken by assault,[730] with a great slaughter of -the Christians, and all promised a speedy destruction to the small remains -of the Latin kingdom. Fresh succours, however, were received from Europe; -the hopes of the Christians revived; and, under the command of the Duke of -Saxony, they marched on towards Beritus. Saif Eddin hastened to meet them, -and attacked the Latin forces near Sidon; but his army was completely -routed by the firm and steady gallantry of the Germans; and the way to -Jerusalem was once more open to the followers of the Cross. But the -crusaders embarrassed themselves with the siege of the castle of Thoron. -The Saracens had time to recover from their panic; civil dissensions were -forgotten; and while the garrison of Thoron held out with persevering -valour, the sultaun of Egypt advanced to join his uncle, and repel the -Christian invasion. Vague rumours of immense preparation on the part of -the infidels reached the besieging army. The crusaders were, as usual, -disunited among themselves; the Saracens within the castle were fighting -with the coinage of despair; and, at last, a sudden panic seized the -leaders of the German army.[731] They abandoned the camp in the night, -and, flying to Tyre, left their soldiers to follow as they could.[732] A -complete separation ensued between the Germans and the Latins, each -accusing the other of treachery; while the Syrian Christians remained at -Tyre, the Teutonic crusaders proceeded to Jaffa. Thither Saif Eddin -pursued them; and another battle was fought, in which the Germans were -once more victorious, though victory cost them the lives of many of their -princes. Almost at the same time news reached their camp of the death of -the emperor Henry. From that moment, none of the German nobles remembered -aught but the election of a new emperor; and as soon as vessels could be -procured, the principal barons set off for Europe. They left behind them -in Jaffa about twenty thousand of the inferior soldiers, and a few -knights; but the town was surprised by the Saracens on the night of the -following festival of St. Martin; and the Germans, plunged in revelry and -drunkenness,[733] were slaughtered to a man. - -Such was the end of the German crusade in Palestine; and before proceeding -to speak once more of the affairs of Europe, it may be as well to touch -upon the brief and uninteresting series of events that followed in that -country. Henry, Count of Champagne, who had married Isabella, the heiress -of Jerusalem, had proved but an indolent monarch; and in the year 1197, at -the precise moment when the Saracens had newly captured Jaffa, he was -killed by falling from a window. His loss was attended by no evil -consequences;[734] for the Saracens were soon involved once more in civil -dissensions by the death of Saladin's second son, Malek el Aziz, sultaun -of Egypt, and the truce with the Christians was willingly renewed. -Isabella, the queen, whose grief was not even so stable as that of the -dame of Ephesus, was easily prevailed on, by the Grand Master of the order -of St. John,[735] to give her thrice-widowed hand to Almeric of Lusignan, -now--by the cession of Richard of England--King of Cyprus. This marriage -was certainly a politic one, as Cyprus afforded both a storehouse and a -granary to Palestine; but the peace with the Saracens remained unbroken -till the bigoted Simon de Montfort, detaching himself from another body of -knights,[736] which I shall mention hereafter, arrived at Acre, and made -some feeble and ineffectual incursions on the Mussulman territory. After -his fruitless attempts, the truce was once more established, and lasted -till the death of Almeric and Isabella, when the crowns of Jerusalem and -Cyprus were again separated. The imaginary sovereignty of the Holy City -now became vested in Mary,[737] the daughter of Isabella, by Conrad of -Tyre, while the kingdom of Cyprus descended to the heirs of Lusignan. -According to feudal custom it was necessary to find a husband for Mary who -could defend her right, and on every account it was determined to seek one -in Europe. The choice was left to Philip Augustus; and he immediately -fixed upon Jean de Brienne, a noble, talented, and chivalrous knight, who -willingly accepted the hand of the lady of Palestine, and that thorny -crown which was held out to him from afar. - -The news of his coming, and the prospect of large European reinforcements -to the Christians,[738] depressed the mind of Saif Eddin, who had already -to struggle with vast and increasing difficulties. He tendered the most -advantageous terms of peace; but at that time the two great military -orders may be said to have governed Palestine.[739] They were then, as -usual, contending with jealous rivalry;[740] and the Templars, having for -the moment the superiority, the offers of the sultaun were refused, -because the Hospitallers counselled their acceptance. Jean de Brienne -arrived, and wedded Mary, but the succour that he brought was very far -inferior to that which the Latins had anticipated, and the war which had -begun was confined to predatory excursions on the territory of the -enemy.[741] - -I must now retrograde in my history for some years, and speak of the -affairs of Europe. No crusade, as we have seen, had been desired by the -Christians of Palestine[742] since they had enjoyed the comforts of peace, -and no crusade had reached that country; but, nevertheless, one of the -most powerful expeditions which Europe had ever brought into the field had -set out for the purpose of delivering Jerusalem.[743] - -This crusade was, in the first place, instigated by the preaching of a man -less mighty than St. Bernard in oratory,[744] and less moved by enthusiasm -than Peter the Hermit; but it was encouraged by one of the most talented -and most ambitious of the prelates of Rome. Foulque of Neuilly would have -produced little effect, had he not been supported by Innocent III.; and -the influence of neither the one nor the other would possibly have -obtained the object desired, had not the young and enterprising Thibalt, -Count of Champagne, embraced the badge of the Cross with his court and -followers, at a grand tournament[745] to which he had invited all the -neighbouring princes. In the midst of their festivities, Foulque appeared, -and called the whole assembly to the crusade. Partly, it is probable, from -the love of adventure, partly from religious feeling, Thibalt, in his -twenty-second year, assumed the Cross. The Count of Blois, who was -present, followed his example; and of eighteen hundred knights who held -vassalage under the lord of Champagne, scarcely enough were left to -maintain the territories of their sovereign. Nothing, except fear, is so -contagious as enthusiasm: the spirit of crusading was revived in a -wonderfully short time. The Count of Flanders, with various other persons, -took the Cross at Bruges, and many more knights joined them from different -parts of France, among whom was Simon de Montfort, who afterward proved -the detestable persecutor of the Albigeois. - -After holding two general conferences at Soissons and at Compiegne, it was -determined to send messengers to Italy for the purpose of contracting with -one of the great merchant states to convey the armament to the Holy -Land.[746] The choice of the city was left to the deputies; and they -proceeded first to Venice, furnished with full powers from the crusading -princes to conclude a treaty in their name. Venice was at that time -governed by the famous Henry Dandolo, who, with the consent of the Senate, -agreed not only to carry the crusaders to Palestine for a certain sum, but -also promised to take the Cross himself and aid in their enterprise.[747] -Well satisfied with this arrangement, the deputed barons returned to -France, but found the Count of Champagne sick of a disease which soon -produced his death. After having been refused by Eudes, Duke of Burgundy, -and Thibalt, Count of Bar, the office of commander of the expedition was -offered to Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, and accepted. The new chief of -the crusade repaired to Soissons, to confer with the rest of the knights, -and then proceeded to Italy to prepare for his departure. All these delays -retarded their departure till the year 1202, when they set out in several -bodies for Venice, and arrived safely at that city with very little -difficulty.[748] - -Innocent III. had made infinite efforts in favour of the crusade: and, -with the daring confidence of genius, had even taxed the unwilling clergy, -while he merely recommended charitable subscriptions among the laity. -Under such circumstances it will be easily conceived that the voluntary -donations amounted to an equal sum with the forced contributions; but what -became of the whole is very difficult to determine. Certain it is, that -when the crusaders arrived at Venice, not half the money could be raised -among them which they had agreed to pay for the use of the republic's -transports,[749] although the chiefs melted down their plate to supply -those who had not the means to defray their passage. - -This poverty was attributed to the fact of various large bodies having, -either by mistake or perversity, taken the way to the Holy Land[750] by -other ports, and carried with them a large part of the stipulated sum; but -it does not appear that the Pope, into whose hands flowed the full tide of -European alms, made any effort to relieve the crusaders from their -difficulties. In this distress the Venetians offered to compromise their -claim, and to convey the French to Palestine, on condition that they -should aid in the recapture of the city of Zara, in Sclavonia, which had -been snatched from the republic some time before by the King of -Hungary.[751] With this stipulation, Dandolo, though aged and stone blind, -agreed to take the Cross; and so deeply affected were the knights, both -with his forbearance and gallant enthusiasm, that the iron warriors of -Europe were melted to tears by the old man's noble daring. - -The news of this undertaking having reached Rome, the most vehement -opposition was raised to any change of destination; and Innocent[752] -launched the thunders of the church at the refractory crusaders. Many of -the chiefs--terrified by the excommunication pronounced against those who -should quit the direct road to the Holy Land, to attack the possessions of -a Christian prince--remained in Italy;[753] but the greater part made -every preparation to second the Venetians against Zara. - -Before their departure, the crusaders received envoys, the event of whose -solicitations afterward gave a new character to their expedition. At the -death of Manuel Comnenus, emperor of the east, Andronicus, his brother, -seized upon the throne and murdered his nephew, Alexius II., who had -succeeded. Either urged by indignation or ambition, Isaac Angelus, a -distant relation of the slaughtered prince, took arms against the usurper, -overthrew and put him to death; after which he in turn ascended the throne -of Constantinople.[754] His reign was not long; for, at the end of two -years, a brother, named Alexius, whom he had redeemed from Turkish -captivity, snatched the crown from his head, and, to incapacitate him from -ruling, put out his eyes. - -His son, named also Alexius, made his escape from prison, and fled to -Italy, where he endeavoured to interest the Pope in his favour. But the -church of Rome entertained small affection for the schismatic Greeks; and -though Innocent wrote an impotent letter[755] to the usurper, he showed -no real favour to the unhappy prince. The young exile then turned to -Philip of Suabia (then Emperor of Germany), who had married his sister -Irene; and at the same time hearing of the crusade, which was delayed at -Venice,[756] he sent deputies from Verona to the chiefs, to solicit their -aid against his treacherous uncle. The barons of France met his prayers -with kindness; and the envoys were accompanied, on their return to the -court of Philip of Suabia,[757] by a party of the crusaders, who were -instructed to receive any proposition which Alexius might think fit to -make. - -In the mean while, the knights embarked on board the Venetian galleys, -round the decks of which they ranged their shields, and planted their -banners; and having been joined by Conrad, Bishop of Halberstadt, with a -large body of German soldiers, a finer armament never sailed from any -port.[758] - -The chain which protected the harbour of Zara was soon broken through; the -crusaders landed, pitched their tents,[759] and invested the city on all -sides. The besiegers, as usual, were much divided among themselves; and -those who had unwillingly followed the host to Zara, against the commands -of the Pope,[760] still kept up a continual schism in the camp, which -produced fatal consequences to the people of the city. The morning after -the disembarkation, a deputation of citizens came forth to treat with -Dandolo for the capitulation of the town. The Doge replied that he could -enter into no engagement without consulting his allies, and went for that -purpose to the tents of the French chiefs. During his absence, those who -opposed the siege persuaded the deputies from Zara that the -crusaders[761] would not assist the Venetians in an assault. With this -assurance the Doge's reply was not waited for; the envoys returned, and -the city prepared for defence. At the same time, the Abbot of Vaux Cernay -presented himself to the assembled barons, and commanded them, in the name -of the Pope, to refrain from warring against Christians while engaged -under the banners of the Cross. On this the Doge angrily remonstrated; the -greater part of the knights embraced his cause; and Zara, after being -furiously attacked, surrendered at discretion. - -The town was now occupied during the winter by the army of the crusade; -and the chiefs of the French forces sent a deputation to Rome to obtain -pardon for their disobedience. This was easily granted; but the Venetians, -who seemed to care little about excommunication, remained under the papal -censure. Notwithstanding the forgiveness they had obtained, many of the -most celebrated knights quitted Zara,[762] and made their way to the Holy -Land. Such desertions took place especially after the return of the -deputies sent to Philip of Suabia; and it was difficult to keep the -army[763] together, when it became known that its destination was likely -to be changed from Acre to Constantinople. - -Alexius, however, offered, in case of his being re-established in his -father's dominions,[764] to place the Greek church under the authority of -the Roman pontiff, to turn the whole force of the eastern empire against -the infidels of Palestine, and either to send thither ten thousand men, -and there maintain five hundred knights during his life, or to lead his -forces towards Jerusalem in person. Besides this he promised to pay two -hundred thousand marks of silver[765] to the crusading army, and to place -himself in the hands of the chiefs till the city of Constantinople was -retaken. - -These offers were so advantageous that the greater part of the barons -embraced them at once: but many exclaimed loudly against the proposed -interruption of the main purpose of the crusade, and many abandoned the -host altogether. - -Alexius the usurper trembled at the news of the treaty between his nephew -and the crusaders, and sent instant ambassadors to Rome,[766] in order to -engage the pontiff in his interest. Such of the chiefs as were opposed to -the measure talked loudly of the papal injunction to refrain from all wars -with the Christians;[767] but it does not appear that Innocent exerted -himself strenuously to turn the Latins from their design. It was far too -much his desire to bring the Greek church under the domination of the -Roman see, for him to dream of thwarting an enterprise backed with the -solemn conditions I have mentioned; and it was not at all likely that the -clearsighted prelate should renounce absolute engagements, as Mills has -supposed,[768] for the vague hope of wringing the same from a treacherous -usurper. - -At length, after the Venetians had demolished Zara,[769] to prevent its -falling again into the hands of their enemies, the expedition, having been -joined by the prince Alexius, set sail, and at the end of a short and easy -passage came within sight of Constantinople.[770] - -The allies were instantly met by ambassadors from the Emperor, who, -mingling promises with threats, endeavoured to drive them again from the -shore, but in vain. The crusaders demanded the restoration of Isaac, and -submission from the usurper, and prepared to force their landing; but -before they commenced hostilities, they approached the walls of -Constantinople, and sailed underneath them, showing the young Alexius to -the Greek people, and calling to them to acknowledge their prince. No -sympathy was excited, and the attack being determined on, the chiefs held -a council on horseback, according to the custom of the ancient Gauls, when -the order of their proceedings was regulated. The army was portioned into -seven divisions, the first of which was commanded by the Count of -Flanders, and the last by the Marquis of Montferrat. Having procured a -number of flat-bottomed boats, one of which was attached to every galley, -the knights entered with their horses, armed at all points, and looking, -as Nicetas says, like statues of bronze.[771] The archers filled the -larger vessels, and it was the general understanding that each should -fight as he came up. - -"The morning was beautiful,"[772] writes the old Mareschal of Champagne, -"the sun beginning to rise, and the Emperor Alexius waited for them with -thick battalions and a great armament. On both sides the trumpets were -sounded, and each galley led on a boat. The knights sprang out of the -barks, while the water was yet to their girdle,[773] with their helmets -laced and their swords in their hands; and the good archers, the -sergeants, and the crossbowmen did the same wherever they happened to -touch. The Greeks, at first, made great show of resistance, but when they -saw the lances levelled they turned their backs and fled." - -The tents and camp equipage of the fugitives fell immediately into the -hands of the crusaders; and siege was laid to the tower of Galata, which -guarded one end of the great chain wherewith the mouth of the harbour was -closed. Before night the Greeks had recovered from their panic, and some -severe fighting took place ere the fort could be taken and the barrier -removed; but at length this being accomplished, the Venetians entered the -port. After ten days of continual skirmishing, a general attack was -determined upon; and it was agreed that the Venetians[774] should assail -the city by sea, while the French attempted to storm the walls by land. -The enterprise began on the land side against the barbican; but so -vigorously was every inch of ground disputed by the Pisans, the English -and Danish mercenaries who guarded the fortifications, that though fifteen -French knights obtained a footing for some time on the ramparts, they were -at length cast out, while four of their number were taken. - -In the mean while, the fleet of the Venetians advanced to the walls; and -after a severe fight of missiles between the defenders and the smaller -vessels which commenced the assault, the galleys themselves approached the -land; and, provided with high towers of wood, began to wage a nearer -warfare with those upon the battlements. Still the besieged[775] resisted -with extraordinary valour, and the galleys were beaten off; when the blind -chief of the republic, armed at all points, commanded, with tremendous -threats in case of disobedience, that his vessel should be run on -shore;[776] and then, borne out with the standard of St. Mark before him, -he led the way to victory. Shame spread through the rest of the fleet; -galley after galley was brought up close under the walls, and all the -principal towers round the port were in a moment stormed and taken. -Alexius made one great effort to recover the twenty-five towers which the -Venetians had captured; but, with remorseless resolution, Dandolo set fire -to the neighbouring buildings, and thus raised up a fiery bulwark to his -conquest.[777] - -As a last resource, the Emperor now issued forth to give battle to the -French: and so infinite was the superiority of his numbers, that the -hearts of the pilgrims almost failed them. The gallant Doge of Venice no -sooner heard of their danger, than, abandoning the ramparts he had so -nobly won, he brought his whole force[778] to the aid of the French, -declaring that he would live or die with his allies. Even after his -arrival, however, the disparity was so great, that the crusaders dared not -quit their close array to begin the fight, and the troops of Alexius -hesitated to attack those hardy warriors whose prowess they had often -witnessed. The courage of the Latins gradually increased by the indecision -of their enemy, while the fears of the Greeks spread and magnified by -delay and at length Alexius abandoned the last hope of courage, and -retreated into the city. The weary crusaders hastened to disarm and repose -themselves, after a day of immense fatigues; but Alexius, having no -confidence either in his own resolution, or in the steadiness of his -soldiery, seized what treasure he could carry, and abandoned -Constantinople to its fate.[779] The coward Greeks, deserted by their -chief, drew forth the miserable Isaac from his prison; and having robed -the blind monarch in the long-lost purple, they seated him on the throne, -and sent to tell the Franks that their object was accomplished. The -crusaders would hardly believe the tidings, but despatched four of their -body to ascertain the truth. The envoys found Isaac enthroned in the -palace of Blachernæ,[780] and surrounded by as large and splendid a court -as if fortune had never ceased to smile upon him. - -They now represented to the restored Emperor the conditions of their -treaty with his son; and Isaac, after some slight hesitation, accepted -them as his own. He also agreed to associate the young Alexius in the -throne; but as all these hard terms, especially that which implied the -subjection of the Greek church to the Roman prelate, deeply offended his -subtle and revengeful subjects, he prayed the crusaders to delay their -departure till complete order was re-established.[781] This was easily -acceded to; and the Franks and Venetians, during their stay, wrote to -Innocent III., excusing their having again turned from the road to -Jerusalem.[782] The Pope willingly pardoned both; but intimated, that to -make that pardon efficacious, they must be responsible that the schism in -the church should be healed by the submission of the Greeks to the see of -Rome. - -At first, the harmony between the Franks and the Greeks appeared to be -great. The young Alexius paid several portions of the money which had been -stipulated;[783] and while the presence of the Latin army kept the capital -in awe, he proceeded to reduce the provinces to obedience. When this was -completed, however, and the tranquillity of the empire seemed perfectly -restored, his conduct changed towards his benefactors. A fire which broke -out in the city[784] was attributed to the French, who were at the very -moment engaged in serious dispute with a party of Greeks, exasperated by -an insult to their religion. The very domineering presence of the -crusaders was a continual and irritating reproach, and the Greeks began -to testify no small hatred towards their armed guests. Alexius himself, -ungrateful in his own nature, contending with his father about their -divided sovereignty, and hesitating between the people he was called to -govern and those who upheld him in the government, refused or evaded the -fulfilment of many of the items in his treaty with the Latins. The chiefs -soon found that they were deceived, and formally summoned the young -monarch to accomplish his promises. The messengers who bore the haughty -demand to a despotic court hardly escaped with their lives; and the same -desultory warfare which had been waged by the emperors against each body -of crusaders that had passed by Constantinople was now commenced against -the Count of Flanders and his companions.[785] A thousand encounters took -place, in which the Franks were always victorious; and though the Greeks -directed a number of vessels, charged with their terrific fire, against -the Venetian fleet, the daring courage and conduct of the sailors freed -them from the danger, and only one Pisan galley was consumed. - -In the mean while the Greeks of the city, hating and despising a monarch -who had seated himself among them by the swords of strangers, and who had -drained their purses to pay the troops that held them down;[786] seeing, -also, that his ingratitude, even to his allies, had left him without the -support by which alone he stood, suddenly rose upon Alexius, and cast him -into prison. Isaac himself died, it is said, of fear; and the Greeks at -first elected a nobleman of a different family, named Nicholas Canabus; -but he was mild and weak, a character which little suited the times or -country in which he assumed so high a station. A rival, too, existed in a -man who had shown unremitting enmity to the Latins, and after a short -struggle, Alexius Ducas, a cousin of the late monarch, a bold, -unscrupulous villain,[787] was proclaimed emperor. Among his first -acts--though at what exact period remains in doubt[788]--the new Alexius, -who was more commonly called Murzuphlis, caused the preceding Alexius to -be put to death. The manner of his fate is uncertain: but the usurper had -the cunning impudence to yield his victim's body a public funeral. - -War was now determined between the crusaders and Murzuphlis, and the -attack of the city was resolved; but previous to that attempt, the -crusaders, who were in great want of provisions, despatched Henry, brother -of the Count of Flanders, with a considerable force to Philippopoli, in -order to take possession of the rich magazines which it contained. -Returning loaded with spoil, he was attacked by Murzuphlis; but the Greeks -scattered like deer before the Latins,[789] and Henry rejoined his -companions not only rich in booty, but in glory also. Negotiations were -more than once entered into, for the purpose of conciliating the -differences of the Greeks and the Latins; but all proved ineffectual; and -early in the spring the armies of France and Venice prepared for the -attack. The first step was, as usual, a treaty between the allies to -apportion the fruits of success. By this it was determined that the whole -booty should be divided equally between the French and Venetians;[790] -that six persons from each nation should be chosen to elect an emperor; -that the Venetians should retain all the privileges they had hitherto -enjoyed under the monarchs of Constantinople; and that, from whichever of -the two nations the emperor was selected, a patriarch should be named -from the other. There were various other conditions added, the principal -of which were, that one-fourth of the whole conquest should be given to -the new emperor, besides the palaces of Bucoleon and Blachernæ, while the -rest was divided among the French and Venetians; and that twelve persons -should be selected from each nation, to determine the feudal laws by which -the land was to be governed, and to allot the territory in feoffs among -the conquerors. - -On the 8th of April, 1204, the whole army, having embarked on board the -ships,[791] as had been previously concerted, attacked the city by water. -The vessels approached close to the walls, and a tremendous fight began -between the assailants and the besieged: but no hope smiled on the Franks; -they were repelled in every direction; and those who had landed,[792] were -forced to regain their vessels with precipitancy, approaching to flight. -The Greeks rejoiced in novel victory, and the Franks mourned in unwonted -defeat. Four days were spent in consultations regarding a further attempt; -and the chiefs, judging that no one vessel contained a sufficient number -of troops to effect a successful assault on any particular spot,[793] it -was resolved to lash the ships two and two together, and thus to -concentrate a greater force on each point of attack. On the fourth day the -storm was recommenced, and at first the fortune of battle seemed still in -favour of the Greeks; but at length, a wind springing up, drove the sea -more fully into the port, and brought the galleys closer to the -walls.[794] Two of those lashed together, called the Pilgrim and the -Paradise, now touched one of the towers, and, from the large wooden turret -with which the mast was crowned, a Venetian and a French knight named -Andrew d'Arboise sprang upon the ramparts of the city.[795] - -The crusaders rushed on in multitudes; and such terror seized the Greeks, -that the eyes of Nicetas magnified the first knight who leaped on the -walls to the unusual altitude of fifty feet.[796] One Latin drove before -him a hundred Greeks;[797] the defence of the gates was abandoned; the -doors were forced in with blows of axes; and the knights, leading their -horses from the ships, rode in, and took complete possession of the city. -Murzuphlis once, and only once, attempted to rally his troops before the -camp he had formed, in one of the open spaces of the town. But the sight -of the Count of St. Pol, with a small band of followers, was sufficient to -put him to flight; and a German having set fire to a part of the -buildings[798] no further effort was made to oppose the victorious -crusaders. The fire was not extinguished for some time; and the Latin -host, in the midst of the immense population of Constantinople, like a -handful of dust in the midst of the wilderness, took possession of the -purple tents of Murzuphlis, and keeping vigilant guard, passed an anxious -and a fearful night, after all the fatigues and exploits of the day. -Twenty thousand was the utmost extent of the Latin numbers;[799] and -Constantinople contained, within itself, four hundred thousand men capable -of bearing arms. Each house was a citadel, which might have delayed and -repelled the enemy; and each street was a defile, which might have been -defended against a host. But the days of Leonidas were passed; and the -next morning the Latins found that Murzuphlis had fled, and that their -conquest was complete. Plunder and violence of course ensued;[800] but -there was much less actual bloodshed than either the nature of the victory -or the dangerous position of the victors might have occasioned. - -Fear is the most cruel of all passions; and perhaps the fact that not two -thousand persons were slain in Constantinople after the storm, is a -greater proof of the courage of the Latins than even the taking of the -city. Many noble and generous actions mingled with the effects of that -cupidity and lust which follow always upon the sack of a great town. -Nicetas mentions a striking example which happened to himself, wherein a -noble Venetian dedicated his whole attention to protect an ancient -benefactor;[801] and a body of Frenchmen, in the midst of the unbounded -licentiousness of such a moment, were moved by a father's agony to save -his daughter from some of their fellows. This is the admission of a -prejudiced and inveterate enemy; and it is but fair to suppose, that many -such instances took place. The great evils that followed the taking of the -eastern capital, originated in the general command to plunder. -Constantinople had accumulated within it the most precious monuments of -ancient art,[802] and these were almost all destroyed by the barbarous -hands of an avaricious soldiery. Naught was spared; the bronzes, which, -valueless as metal, were inestimable as the masterpieces and miracles of -antique genius, were melted down,[803] and struck into miserable coin; the -marble was violated with wanton brutality; all the labour of a Phidias or -a Lysippus was done away in an hour; and that which had been the wonder -and admiration of a world left less to show what former days had been, -than the earth after the deluge. - -In this the Latins were certainly _barbarians_; but in other -respects--unless subtilty, deceit, vice, and cowardice can be called -civilization, and courage, frankness, and honour can be considered as -barbarism--the Latins deserved not the opprobrious name by which the -Greeks designated them. - -The plunder of the city was enormous. In money[804] a sufficient sum was -collected to distribute twenty marks to each knight, ten to each servant -of arms, and five to each archer. Besides this, a vast quantity of jewels -and valuable merchandise was divided between the French and Venetians; and -the republic, who understood the value of such objects better than the -simple Frankish soldiers, offered to buy the whole spoil from their -comrades, at the rate of four hundred marks for a knight's share, and in -the same proportion to the rest. The booty--with a few individual -instances of concealment,[805] which were strictly punished with death -when discovered--was fairly portioned out; and, after this partition, the -twelve persons selected to choose an emperor proceeded to their -deliberations. They were bound by oath to elect without favour the best -qualified of the nobles; and after a long hesitation, between the Marquis -of Montferrat and the Count of Flanders, they named the latter.[806] In -all probability the determining consideration was, that Baldwin, by his -immediate connexion with France, was more capable of supporting the new -dynasty than the Marquis, whose Italian domains could not afford such -effective aid. To prevent the evil consequences of rivalry, the island of -Crete and the whole of Asiatic Greece were given to Montferrat, who -afterward, with the consent of Baldwin, exchanged them for the Sclavonian -territory. Baldwin was then raised upon a buckler,[807] and carried to the -church of St. Sophia. After a brief space of preparation, he was formally -proclaimed, and crowned as emperor; and, according to old usage, a vase -filled with ashes,[808] and a tuft of lighted wool, were presented to the -new monarch, as a symbol of the transitory nature of life and the vanity -of greatness--emblems too applicable to himself and his dominions; for ere -two years had passed, Baldwin had gone down into the grave; and less than -the ordinary life of one man elapsed before the dynasty that he -established was again overthrown. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -_Divisions among the Moslems--Among the Christians--Crusade of -Children--Innocent III. declares he will lead a new Crusade to Syria--The -King of Hungary takes the Cross--Arrives in Syria--Successes of the -Pilgrims--They abandon the Siege of Mount Thabor--The King of Hungary -returns to Europe--The Duke of Austria continues the War--Siege of -Damietta--Reinforcements arrive under a Legate--Famine in Damietta--The -Moslems offer to yield Palestine--The Legate's Pride--He refuses--Taking -of Damietta--The Army advances towards Cairo--Overflowing of the Nile--The -Army ruined--The Legate sues for Peace--Generous Conduct of the -Sultaun--Marriage of the Heiress of Jerusalem with Frederic, Emperor of -Germany--His Disputes with the Pope--His Treaties with the Saracens--He -recovers Jerusalem--Quits the Holy Land--Disputes in Palestine--The -Templars defeated and slaughtered--Gregory IX.--Crusade of the King of -Navarre ineffectual--Crusade of Richard, Earl of Cornwall--Jerusalem -recovered--The Corasmins--Their Barbarity--They take Jerusalem--Defeat the -Christians with terrible slaughter--Are exterminated by the -Syrians--Crusade of St. Louis--His Character--Arrives in the Holy -Land--Takes Damietta--Battle of Massoura--Pestilence in the Army--The King -taken--Ransomed--Returns to Europe--Second Crusade of St. Louis--Takes -Carthage--His Death--Crusade of Prince Edward--He defeats the -Saracens--Wounded by an Assassin--Returns to Europe--Successes of the -Turks--Last Siege and Fall of Acre--Palestine lost._ - - -The fifth crusade had ended, as we have seen, without producing any other -benefit to Palestine than a deep depression in the minds of the Turks, -from the knowledge that the weak dynasty of the Greeks had been replaced -by a power of greater energy and resolution. The famine also, which about -this time desolated the territories of the Egyptian sultaun, and the -contests[809] between the remaining Attabecs and the successors of -Saladin, crippled the efforts of the Moslems; while the courageous -activity of Jean de Brienne[810] defeated the attempts of Saif Eddin. -Nevertheless, many bloody disputes concerning the succession of Antioch, -and the fierce rivalry of the orders of the Temple and Hospital, -contributed to shake the stability of the small Christian dominion that -remained. - -Each year,[811] two regular voyages of armed and unarmed pilgrims took -place, from Europe to the Holy Land: these were called the _passagium -Martii_, or the spring passage; and the _passagium Johannis_, or the -summer passage which occurred about the festival of St. John. A continual -succour was thus afforded to Palestine: and that the spirit of crusading -was by no means extinct in Europe is evinced by the extraordinary fact of -a crusade of children[812] having been preached and adopted towards the -year 1213. Did this fact rest alone upon the authority of Alberic of Three -Fountains Abbey, we might be permitted to doubt its having taken place, -for his account is, in several particulars, evidently hypothetical; but so -many coinciding authorities exist,[813] that belief becomes matter of -necessity. - -The circumstances are somewhat obscure; but it seems certain that two -monks, with the design of profiting by a crime then too common, the -traffic in children, induced a great number of the youth of both sexes to -set out from France for the Holy Land, habited as pilgrims, with the scrip -and staff. Two merchants of Marseilles,[814] accomplices in the plot, as -it would seem, furnished the first body of these misguided children with -vessels, which, of course, were destined to transport them for sale to the -African coast. Several of the ships were wrecked on the shores of Italy, -and every soul perished, but the rest pursued their way and accomplished -their inhuman voyage. The two merchants, however, were afterward detected -in a plot against the emperor Frederic, and met the fate they deserved. -Another body, setting out from Germany, reached Genoa after immense -difficulties; and there the Genoese, instead of encouraging their frantic -enthusiasm, wisely commanded them to evacuate their territory; on which -they returned to their homes, and though many died on the road, a great -part arrived in safety,[815] and escaped the fate which had overtaken the -young adventurers from France. - -When Innocent III. heard of this crusade, he is reported to have said, -"While we sleep, these children are awake:" and it is more than probable, -that his circumstance convinced him, that the zealous spirit which had -moved all the expeditions to the Holy Land was still active and willing. -Certain it is, that he very soon afterward sent round an encyclical -letter, calling the Christian world once more to arms against the Moslems. -Indulgences were spread, and extended in their character: a council of -Lateran was held, and Innocent himself declared[816] his intention of -leading the warriors of Christ to the scene of his crucifixion. De -Courçon, an English monk, who had become cardinal, preached the new -crusade with all the pomp of a Roman prelate, and a great number of -individuals were gathered together for the purpose of succouring -Palestine. But the kings of the earth had now more correct views of -policy; and policy never encourages enthusiasm except as an instrument. -Only one king therefore could be found to take the Cross--this was -Andrew,[817] monarch of Hungary; and the Dukes of Austria and Bavaria, -with a multitude of German bishops and nobles, joined his forces, and -advanced to Spalatro. Innocent III. was by this time dead, but the -expedition sailed in Venetian ships to Cyprus, and thence, after having -given somewhat too much rein to enjoyment, proceeded to Acre, carrying -with it a large reinforcement from France and Italy. The Saracens had -heard less of this crusade than of those which had preceded it, and were -therefore less prepared to oppose it. The Christian army advanced with -success, and many thousands of the infidels felt the European steel; but -the crusaders, not contented with plundering their enemies, went on to -plunder their friends; and serious divisions began, as usual, to show -themselves, which were only healed by the influence of the clergy, who -turned the attention of the soldiers from pillage and robbery to fasts and -pilgrimages. When the host was once more united, its exertions were -directed to the capture of the fort[818] built by the Saracens on Mount -Thabor. After overcoming infinite difficulties in the ascent of the -mountain, the Latins found themselves opposite the fortress: the soldiers -were enthusiastic and spirited; and it is more than probable that one -gallant attack would have rendered the greatest benefit to the Christian -cause, by obtaining possession of such an important point. The -leaders,[819] however, seized with a sudden fear of being cut off, -abandoned their object without striking a blow, and retired to Acre. The -rest of the season was passed in excursions, by which the Christians -obtained many prisoners and much spoil; and in pilgrimages, wherein -thousands were cut to pieces by the Saracens. The kings of Cyprus and -Hungary then turned their course to Tripoli, where the first died, and the -Hungarian monarch[820] was suddenly seized with the desire of returning to -his own dominions;[821] which he soon put in execution, notwithstanding -the prayers and solicitations of the Syrian Christians. - -Still the Latins of Palestine were not left destitute. The Duke of Austria -remained, with all the German crusaders; and the next year a large -reinforcement arrived from Cologne; nor would these have been so tardy in -coming, had they[822] not paused upon the coast of Portugal to succour the -queen of that country against the Moors. The efforts of the Christians had -proved hitherto so fruitless for the recovery of Jerusalem, while the -Saracens could bring vast forces from Egypt continually to the support of -their Syrian possessions, that the Latins now resolved to strike at the -very source of their power. - -Damietta was supposed to command the entrance of the Nile, and -consequently to be the key of Egypt; and thither the crusaders set sail, -for the purpose of laying siege to that important city. They[823] arrived -in the month of May, and landed on the western bank of the river opposite -to the town. A tower in the centre of the stream, connected with the walls -by a strong chain, was the immediate object of attack; but the first -attempt was repulsed with great loss, though made by the Hospitallers, the -Teutonic Order, and the Germans, united. An immense machine[824] of wood -was now constructed on board two of the vessels, which, lashed together, -were moved across to the point of assault, and, after a long and -courageous resistance, the garrison of the castle was forced to surrender -at discretion.[825] The besieging party then abandoned themselves to joy -and revelry; they looked upon the city as taken; and the news of the death -of Saif Eddin increased their hopes of the complete deliverance of the -Holy Land. The victories which Saif Eddin had gained over the Christians -were indeed but small, nor had he struck any one great blow against the -Attabecs, but he had gradually, and almost imperceptibly, extended his -dominions in every direction, and left a large territory and full treasury -to his successors. His high qualities were different from those of -Saladin, and his character was altogether less noble and striking, but he -possessed more shrewdness than his brother; and if his mind had not the -same capability of expanding, it had more powers of concentration. To Saif -Eddin succeeded his two sons, Cohr Eddin and Camel, the first of whom took -possession of Syria and Palestine in peace. But Egypt, which the second -had governed for some time, instantly broke out into revolt on the news of -his father's death, and had the Franks pushed the war in that country with -vigour, greater effects would have been produced than were ever wrought by -any preceding crusade. They neglected their opportunity; spent their time -in rioting and debauchery under the yet unconquered walls of Damietta: -and, after the arrival of large reinforcements from France, England, and -Italy, under the Cardinals Pelagius and Courçon, the Earls of Chester and -Salisbury, and the Counts of Nevers and La Marche, they only changed their -conduct from revelling to dissension. At length they awoke from their -frantic dreams, and prepared to attack the city itself; but before they -could accomplish their object, Cohr Eddin had entered Egypt, put down -rebellion, and re-established his brother Camel in full possession of his -authority. The siege of Damietta now became, like the first siege of -Antioch, a succession of battles and skirmishes. For three months the -various nations that composed the besieging force as well as the Templars, -the Hospitallers, and the Teutonic knights, vied with each other in deeds -of glory; nor were the Saracens behind their adversaries in courage, -skill, or resolution. But famine took up the sword against the unhappy -people of Damietta. Pestilence soon joined her, and the fall of the city -became inevitable.[826] - -Cohr Eddin, fearful that Jerusalem might be turned to a post against him, -had destroyed the walls of that town; but now that he saw the certain loss -of Damietta, and calculated the immense advantages the Christians might -thence gain, he with the best policy agreed to make a vast sacrifice to -save the key of his brother's dominions. Conferences were opened with the -Christians, and the Saracens offered, on the evacuation of Egypt by the -Latins, to yield the whole of Palestine, except the fortresses of Montreal -and Karac, to restore all European prisoners, and even to rebuild the -walls of Jerusalem for the Christians. The King of Jerusalem, the English, -the French, and the Germans looked upon their warfare as ended, and their -object achieved, by the very proposal; but the cardinal Pelagius, the two -military Orders, and the Italians, opposed all conciliation, contending -that no faith was to be put in the promises of infidels. - -Heaven only knows whether the Saracens would have broken their -engagements, or whether calm moderation might not have restored Palestine -to the followers of the Cross; but moderation was not consulted, and the -walls of Damietta were once more attacked. It was no longer difficult to -take them, and when the crusaders entered the city, they discovered -nothing-but a world of pestilence. Death was in every street; and of -seventy thousand souls, not three thousand were found alive.[827] - -Discord, of course, succeeded conquest; and after having cleansed and -purified Damietta, a winter was spent in dissensions, at the end of which -a great part of the army returned to Europe; and Jean de Brienne, offended -by the arrogance of Pelagius, retired to Acre. Concessions soon brought -him back, and hostilities were resumed against the Moslems, but the legate -overbore all counsel; and instead of directing their[828] arms towards -Palestine, which was now open to them, the crusaders marched on towards -Cairo. The forces of the sultaun had greatly increased, but he still -offered peace, on conditions as advantageous as those that had been -previously proposed. The legate insultingly rejected all terms, wasted his -time in inactivity, the Nile rose, the sluices were opened, and Pelagius -found himself at once unable to advance, and cut off from his resources at -Damietta. There is nothing too mean for disappointed pride, and the legate -then sued in the humblest language for permission to return to Acre. The -Sultaun of Egypt, with admirable moderation, granted him peace, and the -King of Jerusalem became one of the hostages that Damietta should be given -up. The troops would still have perished for want, had not the noble -sultaun been melted by the grief of John of Brienne, who wept while -recounting the distress in which he had left his people. The Saracen -mingled his tears with those of the hostage king, and ordered the army of -his enemy to be supplied with food.[829] Damietta was soon after yielded, -and the hostages exchanged. John of Brienne retired to Acre, wearied of -unceasing efforts to recover his nominal kingdom; and Pelagius passed over -into Europe, loaded with the hatred and contempt of Palestine. - -John of Brienne had received the crown of Jerusalem as his wife's dowry, -and it was destined that the marriage of his daughter should restore the -Holy City to the Christians. The emperor Frederick II. had often vowed in -the most solemn manner to lead his armies into Palestine, and had as often -broken his oath. At length it was proposed to him that he should wed -Violante, the beautiful heiress of the Syrian kingdom; and it was easily -stipulated that John of Brienne should give up his rights on Palestine to -his daughter's husband. Frederic eagerly caught at the idea. By the -intervention of the Pope the treaty was concluded between the king and the -emperor; and Violante, having been brought to Europe, was espoused by her -imperial lover.[830] Many causes combined to delay the new crusade, though -it was preached by two succeeding popes with all the zeal and promises -that had led to those that went before. France and Italy remained occupied -entirely by intestine dissensions; but England showed great zeal, and sent -sixty thousand men at arms to the field.[831] The emperor collected -together immense forces, and proceeded to Brundusium; but there, being -taken ill of a pestilential disease which had swept away many of his -soldiers, he was obliged to return after having put to sea. Gregory IX. -was now in the papal chair; and--wroth with the emperor for many a -contemptuous mark of disobedience to the ecclesiastical authority--he now -excommunicated him for coming back, however necessary the measure. -Frederic was angry, though not frightened; and, after having exculpated -himself to Europe by a public letter,[832] he sent his soldiers to plunder -the Pope's territories while he recovered his health. At length, in 1228, -he set sail from Brundusium, still burdened with the papal censure, which -he was too much accustomed to bear to feel as any oppressive load. He -arrived without difficulty at Acre; but all men wondered that so great an -enterprise should be undertaken with so small a force as that which could -be contained in twenty galleys; and it soon appeared that Frederic had -long been negotiating with Camel, Sultaun of Egypt, who, fearful of the -active and ambitious spirit of his brother Cohr Eddin,[833] had entered -into a private treaty with the German monarch. - -The emperor, on his arrival in Palestine, found that the revengeful Pope -had laid his injunction upon all men to show him no obedience, and afford -him no aid while under the censure of the church.[834] None, therefore, at -first, accompanied him in his march but his own forces and the Teutonic -knights. The Hospitallers and Templars soon followed, and, too fond of -active warfare to remain neuter, joined themselves to the army on some -verbal concession on the part of Frederic. About this time Cohr Eddin -died; and Camel,[835] freed from apprehension,[836] somewhat cooled -towards his Christian ally. He was, nevertheless, too generous to violate -his promises, and after Frederic had advanced some way towards Jerusalem, -a treaty was entered into between the German monarch and the Saracens, -whereby the Holy City and the greater part of Palestine was yielded to the -Christians, with the simple stipulation that the Moslems were to be -allowed[837] to worship in the temple, as well as the followers of the -Cross.[838] Frederic then proceeded to Jerusalem to be crowned; but the -conditions he had agreed to had given offence to the Christians of Judea, -and the Pope's excommunication still hung over his head. All the services -of the church were suspended during his stay; he was obliged to raise the -crown from the altar himself and place it on his own brow; and he -discovered, by messengers from the Sultaun of Egypt, that some -individuals[839] of the military Orders had offered to betray him into the -hands of the Saracens. Frederic now found it necessary to depart,[840] and -after having done justice upon several of the chief contemners of his -authority, he set sail for Europe, leaving Palestine[841] in a far more -favourable state than it had known since the fatal battle of Tiberias. - -Soon after the departure of Frederic, a new aspirant to the crown of -Jerusalem appeared in the person of Alice, Queen of Cyprus, the daughter -of Isabella and Henry, Count of Champagne, and half sister of Mary, -through whom John of Brienne had obtained the throne. Her claims were soon -disposed of; for the three military Orders,[842] uniting in purpose for -once, adhered to the Emperor of Germany, and Alice was obliged to -withdraw. After this struggle the attention of the Christians was entirely -turned to the general defence; and the right of the emperor, who had now -made his peace with the Pope, was universally recognised.[843] -Nevertheless, the truce which he had concluded with Camel, the Sultaun of -Egypt, did not in all instances save the Latins of Palestine from -annoyance and warfare. The whole country was surrounded by a thousand -petty Mahommedan states not included in the peace, and the Moslems left no -opportunity unimproved for the purpose of destroying their Christian -neighbours. Their incursions on the Latin territory were incessant; and -many large bodies of pilgrims were cut to pieces, or hurried away into -distant lands as slaves. - -A truce had been agreed upon also, between the Templars and the Sultaun of -Aleppo; but at the death of that monarch both parties had again recourse -to arms, and the Templars were defeated with such terrible slaughter that -all Europe was moved with compassion. Even their ancient rivals, the -Hospitallers, sent them immediate succour; and from the commandery of St. -John, at Clerkenwell,[844] alone, a body of three hundred knights took -their departure for the Holy Land. - -A council likewise was held about this time at Spoletto, where another -crusade was announced; and Gregory IX., who combined in his person every -inconsistency that ambition, bigotry, and avarice can produce, sent the -Dominican and Franciscan friars to stimulate Europe to take the Cross. No -sooner had the crusade been preached, and the enthusiastic multitudes were -ready to begin the journey, than Gregory and his agents persuaded many to -compromise their vow;[845] and, by paying a certain sum towards the -expenses of the expedition, to fill the papal treasury, under the pretence -of assisting their brother Christians. Those who would not thus yield to -his suggestions he positively prohibited from setting out, and engaged the -Emperor Frederic to throw impediments in their way, when they pursued -their purpose. Nevertheless, the King of Navarre, the Duke of Burgundy, -the Count of Brittany, and the Count de Bar proceeded to Palestine in -spite of all opposition; and their coming was of very timely service to -the defenders of the Holy Land, for no sooner had the period of his truce -with the Christians expired, than Camel, finding that preparations for war -were making on their part, anticipated their efforts, retook Jerusalem, -routed all the forces that could be opposed to him, and overthrew what was -called the Tower of David. He died shortly after this victory, and on the -arrival of the crusaders, a prospect of success seemed open before them. -But the operations of the chiefs were detached, and though the Count of -Brittany gained some advantages towards Damascus, the rest of the French -knights were completely defeated in a pitched battle at Gaza, and most of -their leaders were either killed or taken. The King of Navarre was glad to -enter into a disgraceful treaty with the Emir of Karac, which was -conducted through the intervention of the Templars;[846] and the rest of -the Latins formed alliances with what neighbouring powers they could. The -Hospitallers, however, would not subscribe to the truce with the Emir of -Karac[847] through jealousy towards the Templars, and there was no power -in the state sufficiently strong to force them to obedience. - -Shortly after this event, the King of Navarre returned to Europe, and -Richard, Earl of Cornwall, with many knights and large forces, arrived in -Palestine. Their expedition had been sanctioned by all the authorities of -Europe, except the Pope. Henry III. conducted them in person to the shore; -the prayers and benedictions of the people and the clergy followed them, -and their journey through France was accompanied by shouts and -acclamations. On his arrival in Palestine, Richard instantly marched upon -Jaffa, but he was met by envoys from the Sultaun of Egypt--who was now at -war with the Sultaun of Damascus--offering an exchange of prisoners, and a -complete cession of the Holy Land,[848] with some unimportant exceptions. -Richard instantly accepted such advantageous proposals; Jerusalem was -given up to the Christians, the rebuilding of the walls was commenced, the -churches were purified, and the earl returned to Europe with the glorious -title of the deliverer of Palestine. The Templars would not be parties to -this treaty, as the Hospitallers had refused to participate in the other; -and thus, one of the great military Orders remained at war with the -Sultaun of Damascus,[849] and the other with the Sultaun of Egypt. - -While these events had been passing in Palestine, a new dynasty had sprung -up in the north of Asia, and threatened a complete revolution in the whole -of that quarter of the world. Genjis Khan and his successors had -overturned all the northern and eastern governments of Asia; and, -spreading over that fair portion of the earth precisely as the Goths and -Huns had spread over Roman Europe, had reduced the more polished and -civilized nations of the south, by the savage vigour and active ferocity -of a race yet in the youth of being. Among[850] other tribes whom the -successors of Genjis had expelled from their original abodes, was a -barbarous and warlike horde called the Corasmins; and this people, -wandering about without a dwelling, destroying as they went, and waging -war against all nations, at length directed their course towards -Palestine. So quick and unexpected had been their arrival, that the -Christians employed in the re-edification of the city-walls never dreamed -of invasion till fire and massacre had swept over half the Holy Land.[851] -No troops were collected, no preparations made, the fortifications of the -city were incomplete, and the only resource of the people of Jerusalem was -to retire in haste to the shelter of Jaffa, under the guidance of the few -Templars and Hospitallers who were on the spot. Some few persons remained, -and made an attempt at defence; but the town was taken in a moment, and -every soul in it put to the sword.[852] The bloodthirsty barbarians, not -satisfied with the scanty number of victims they had found, artfully -raised the banner of the Cross upon the walls, and many of the Latins who -had fled returned. Seven thousand more were thus entrapped and massacred; -and the Corasmins exercised every sort of barbarous fury on those objects -they thought most sacred in the eyes of the Christians. - -At length the fugitives at Jaffa received a succour of four thousand men -from their allies, the Sultauns of Emissa and Damascus,[853] and resolved -to give battle to the barbarians. The Patriarch of Jerusalem precipitated -the measures of the army, and after a dreadful struggle the Latins were -defeated, the Grand Masters of the Temple and St. John slain, the three -military Orders nearly exterminated, and the Sultaun of Emissa forced to -fly for shelter to his fortifications. Walter de Brienne, the lord of -Jaffa, was taken; and to force that town to surrender, the Corasmins hung -the gallant knight by the arms to a cross, declaring to the garrison that -he should there remain till the city was yielded. Walter heard, and -raising his voice, unmindful of his own agonies, solemnly commanded his -soldiers to hold out the city to the last.[854] The barbarians were -obliged to retire, and Walter was sent captive into Egypt. - -The Sultaun of Emissa soon raised the standard a second time against the -barbarians and after several struggles, in which the monarch of Egypt -sometimes upheld, and sometimes abandoned the Corasmins, they were at -length entirely defeated, and not one, it is said, escaped from the field -of battle.[855] Barbaquan, their leader, was slain; and thus Asia was -delivered of one of the most terrible scourges that had ever been -inflicted on her. - -At this time a monarch reigned over France who combined in a remarkable -degree the high talents of his grandfather Philip Augustus with the -religious zeal or, perhaps I may say, fanaticism of his father, Louis -VIII. Louis IX. was in every respect an extraordinary man; he was a great -warrior, chivalrous as an individual, and skilful as a general: he was a -great king, inasmuch as he sought the welfare of his people more than the -aggrandizement of his territories: he formed the best laws that could be -adapted to the time, administered them often in person, and observed them -always himself: he was a good man, inasmuch as he served God with his -whole heart, and strove in all his communion with his fellows to do his -duty according to his sense of obligation. Had he been touched with -religious fervour to the amount of zeal, but not to the amount of -fanaticism, he would have been perhaps too superior to his age. Previous -to the news of the Corasminian irruption, St. Louis had determined to -visit the Holy Land, in consequence of a vow made during sickness.[856] It -appears, that after the signal defeat which he had given to Henry III. of -England at Saintonge, Louis's whole attention was turned to the sufferings -of the Christians in Palestine; and so deeply was his mind impressed with -that anxious thought, that it became the subject of dreams, which he -looked upon as instigations from heaven. The news of the destruction of -the Christians by the barbarians, the well-known quarrels and rivalry of -the two military Orders, and the persuasions of Innocent IV., who then -held the thirteenth oecumenical council at Lyons, all hastened Louis's -preparations. William Longsword and a great many English crusaders[857] -joined the French monarch from Great Britain; and after three years' -careful attention to the safety of his kingdom, the provision of supplies, -and the concentration of his forces, Louis, with his two brothers, the -Counts of Artois and Anjou, took the scrip and staff, and set sail for -Cyprus. The third brother of the king, Alphonso, Count of Poitiers, -remained to collect the rest of the crusaders, and followed shortly -after.[858] The queen-consort of France, and several other ladies of high -note, accompanied the monarch to the Holy Land.[859] At Cyprus, Louis -spent eight months in healing the divisions of the military Orders, and -endeavouring to bring about that degree of unity which had been unknown to -any of the crusades. At length, early in the spring, he set sail from -Cyprus with an army of fifty thousand chosen men. A tremendous storm -separated the king's fleet, and, supported by but a small part of his -troops he arrived at Damietta, where the Sultaun of Egypt, with his whole -force, was drawn up to oppose the landing of the Christians. The sultaun -himself was seen in golden armour, which shone, Joinville says, like the -sun itself; and so great was the noise of drums and trumpets that the -French were almost deafened by the sound. After some discussion, it was -determined that the landing should be attempted without waiting for the -rest of the army. Among the first who reached the shore was Joinville, -Seneschal of Champagne, who, accompanied by another baron, and their -men-at-arms, landed in the face of an immense body of Turkish cavalry, -that instantly spurred forward against them. The French planted their -large shields[860] in the sand, with their lances resting on the rim, so -that a complete chevaux-de-frise was raised, from which the Turks turned -off without venturing an assault. St. Louis himself soon followed, and in -his chivalrous impatience to land, sprang into the water up to his -shoulders, and, sword in hand, rushed on to charge the Saracens. - -Intimidated at the bold actions of the French, the Moslems fled from the -beach; and as the crusaders advanced, the unexpected news of the death of -their sultaun reached the Saracens, upon which they abandoned even the -city of Damietta itself, without waiting to destroy the bridge, though -they set fire to the bazaars.[861] - -At Damietta Louis paused for the arrival of his brother, the Count of -Poitiers, and the rest of the forces; and here, with the usual -improvidence that marked all the crusades, the army gave itself up to -luxury and debauchery, which the king neither by laws nor example could -check. At length the reinforcements appeared, and Louis, leaving the queen -at Damietta, marched on towards Cairo; but near Massoura he found his -advance impeded by the Thanisian canal, on the other side of which the -Saracens were drawn up to oppose his progress under the command of the -celebrated Emir Ceccidun. No other means of passing the canal seemed -practicable, but by throwing a causeway across. This was accordingly -commenced, under cover of two high moveable towers, called _chats -chatiels_, or cat-castles, which were scarcely raised before they were -burnt by quantities of Greek fire, thrown from the _pierriers_ and -mangonels. - -At length an Arabian peasant agreed, for a large bribe, to point out a -ford. The Count of Artois, with fourteen hundred knights, was directed to -attempt it. He succeeded, repulsed the Saracens on the banks, and pursued -them to Massoura. The panic among the Moslems was general, and Massoura -was nearly deserted. The more experienced and prudent knights of all -classes advised the Count of Artois to pause for the arrival of the king -and the rest of the army. The Count, with passionate eagerness, accused -his good counsellors of cowardice. Chivalrous honour thus assailed forgot -reason and moderation; each one more ardently than another advanced into -Massoura: the Moslems, recovered from their fear, returned in great -numbers; the fight began in earnest, and almost the whole of the imprudent -advance-guard of the Christians was cut to pieces. The Count of Artois -fell among the first;[862] and when Louis himself arrived, all was dismay -and confusion. The battle was now renewed with redoubled vigour; Louis -fought in every part of the strife, and the French and Saracens seemed -emulous of each other in the paths of glory and destruction. The sun went -down over the field of Massoura, leaving neither army assuredly the -victors; but the Saracens had been repulsed, and Louis remained master of -the plain. - -Sickness and famine soon began to rage in the Christian camp. The Moslems -had now interrupted the communication with Damietta; and every soldier in -the army was enfeebled by disease. Negotiations were begun for peace; but -were broken off, because the sultaun would receive no hostage for the -evacuation of Damietta but Louis himself; and it was determined to attempt -a retreat. Many strove to escape by the river, but were taken in the -attempt; and the host itself was incessantly subject to the attacks of the -Saracens, who hung upon its rear during the whole march, cutting off every -party that was detached, even to procure the necessaries of life. In this -dreadful state Louis long continued to struggle against sickness, fighting -ever where danger was most imminent, and bearing up when the hardiest -soldiers of his army failed. At length he could hardly sit his horse; and -in the confusion of the flight--which was now the character of the -retreat--he was separated from his own servants, and attended only by the -noble Geoffroy de Sergines, who defended him against all the attacks of -the enemy. He was led to a hut at the village of Cazel, where he lay, -expecting every moment that the plague would accomplish its work. He was -thus taken by the Saracens,[863] who assisted in his recovery and treated -him with honour. The greater part of the army fell into the Moslems' -power, but an immense number were slain and drowned in attempting their -escape. - -Several difficulties now arose with regard to the ransom of the king; the -Saracens demanding the cession of various parts of Palestine still in the -hands of the Christians. This, however, Louis refused; and conducted -himself in prison with so much boldness, that the sultaun declared he was -the proudest infidel he had ever beheld. To humble him to his wishes, the -torture of the bernicles was threatened;[864] but the monarch remained so -unmoved, that his enfranchisement was at last granted on other terms. Ten -thousand golden besants were to be paid for the freedom of the army; the -city of Damietta was to be restored to the Saracens, and a peace of ten -years was concluded. During the interval which followed these -arrangements, the sultaun was assassinated, and the fate of St. Louis was -again doubtful; but the murderers agreed to the same terms which had been -before stipulated. Nevertheless, some acts of cruelty were committed; and -a great number of the sick were massacred at Damietta. The treasure which -the king possessed on the spot not being sufficient to furnish the whole -ransom, his friends were obliged to seize upon the wealth of the Grand -Master of the Temple, who basely refused to lend a portion to redeem his -fellow-christians. At length the first part of the sum was paid; the great -body of the foreign nobles who had joined in the crusade returned to -Europe, and Louis himself retired to Acre. The Saracens had already broken -the treaty with Louis by the murder of the sick at Damietta, and by the -detention of several knights and soldiers, as well as a large body of -Christian children. The promise of peace, therefore, was not imperative; -and the Sultaun of Damascus eagerly courted the French king to aid him in -his efforts against the people of Egypt.[865] The news of this negotiation -immediately brought deputies from Egypt, who submitted to the terms which -Louis thought fit to propose; and that monarch, without mingling in the -wars that raged between the two Moslem countries, only took advantage of -them to repair the fortifications of Jaffa and Cesarea. After having spent -two years in putting the portion of Palestine that yet remained to the -Latins[866] into a defensible state, he set sail for France, where his -presence was absolutely required. - -Before proceeding to trace the after-fate of the Holy Land,[867] it may -be as well to conduct St. Louis to his last crusade. Sixteen years after -his return to Europe, that monarch once more determined on rearing the -banner of the Cross. Immense numbers flocked to join him, and England -appeared willing to second all the efforts of the French king. Edward, the -heir of the English monarchy, assumed the Cross; and large sums were -raised throughout Britain for defraying the expenses of the war. - -In 1270, St. Louis, accompanied by the flower of his national nobility, -and followed by sixty thousand chosen troops, set sail for Palestine, but -was driven by a storm into Sardinia. Here a change in his plans took -place; and it was resolved that the army should land in Africa, where the -King of Tunis some time before had professed himself favourable to the -Christian religion. St. Louis had been long so weak, that he could not -bear the weight of his armour,[868] nor the motion of a horse, for any -length of time; but still his indefatigable zeal sustained him; and after -a short passage, he arrived on the coast of Africa, opposite to the city -of Carthage. - -Although his coming had been so suddenly resolved,[869] a large Mahommedan -force was drawn up to oppose his landing; but the French knights forced -their way to the shore, and after a severe contest, obtained a complete -victory over the Moors. Siege was then laid to Carthage, which was also -taken; but before these conquests could be turned to any advantage, an -infectious flux began to appear in the army. St. Louis was one of the -first attacked. His enfeebled constitution was not able to support the -effects of the disease, and it soon became evident that the monarch's days -were rapidly drawing to their close. In this situation, with the most -perfect consciousness of his approaching fate, St. Louis called his son -Philip,[870] and spoke long to him on his duty to the people he left to -his charge; teaching him with the beautiful simplicity of true wisdom. The -king then withdrew his thoughts from all earthly things, performed the -last rites of his religion, and yielded his soul to God.[871] - -Scarcely was the monarch dead, when Charles of Sicily arrived with large -reinforcements, and unknowing the event, approached Carthage with martial -music, and every sign of rejoicing. His joy was soon turned into grief by -the tidings of his brother's fate;[872] and the courage of the Moors being -raised by the sorrow of their enemies, the united armies of France and -Sicily were attacked by a very superior power. - -After a variety of engagements, Philip, now King of France, and Charles, -of Sicily, compelled the defeated Moors to sue for peace; and collecting -his troops, the new monarch returned to Europe, driven from the coast -rather by the pestilence that raged in his army,[873] than by the efforts -of the infidels. - -Prince Edward of England had taken the Cross, as I have already said, with -the intention of following Louis IX. to the Holy Land; and with the small -force he could collect, amounting to not more than fifteen hundred men, he -arrived in the Mediterranean, but hearing that Louis had turned from the -direct object of the crusade, he proceeded to Sicily, where he passed the -winter. - -As soon as spring rendered navigation possible, he set sail, and arrived -at Acre, where he found the state of Palestine infinitely worse than it -had been since the first taking of Jerusalem. - -Disunion and violence had done far more to destroy the Christians of the -Holy Land than the swords of the infidels. The two military Orders had -been constantly opposed to each other, and had often been engaged in -sanguinary warfare. The knights of St. John had ever the advantage; and at -one time the Templars of Palestine had nearly been exterminated. The -clergy attempted to encroach upon the privileges of both. The different -Italian republics, who had secured to themselves various portions of -territory, and various commercial immunities, were in continual warfare; -and while the Saracens and the Mamelukes were gradually taking possession -of the whole soil--while the fortresses of Cesarea, Jaffa, and Saphoury -fell into the hands of the infidels, as well as all the cities and feoffs -of the Latins, except Acre and Tyre--the sands of Palestine were often wet -with Christian blood, shed by the hands of Christians. Antioch also fell -almost without resistance, and the citizens were either doomed to death or -led into captivity. - -Such was the state of the Holy Land at the time of Prince Edward's -arrival. His name, however, was a host; the disunion among the Christians -was healed by his coming;[874] every exertion was made to render his -efforts effectual; and he soon found himself at the head of a small but -veteran force, amounting to seven thousand men. With this he advanced upon -Nazareth, and after a severe conflict with the Moslems, he made himself -master of that city, in which all the Saracens that remained were -slaughtered without mercy. The climate put a stop to his successes. It was -now the middle of summer, and the excessive heat brought on a fever, from -which Edward was recovering, when a strange messenger desired to render -some despatches to the prince's own hand. He was admitted; and as the -young leader lay in his bed, without any attendants, he delivered the -letters, and for a moment spoke to him of the affairs of Jaffa. The -instant after, he drew a dagger from his belt, and before Edward was -aware, had stabbed him in the chest. The prince was enfeebled, but was -still sufficiently vigorous to wrench the weapon from the assassin, and to -put him to death with his own hand. His attendants, alarmed by the -struggle, rushed into the apartment, and found Edward bleeding from the -wound inflicted by a poisoned knife. Skilful means[875] were instantly -used to preserve his life;[876] and an antidote, sent by the Grand Master -of the Temple, is said to have obviated the effects of the poison. -Edward's natural vigour, with care, soon restored him to health; and the -Sultaun of Egypt, daunted by the courage and ability of the English -prince, and engaged in ruinous wars in other directions, offered peace on -advantageous conditions, which were accepted. Edward and his followers -returned to Europe, and the Christians of Palestine were left to take -advantage of a ten years' truce. - -Such was the end of the last expedition. In 1274, Gregory X., who had -himself witnessed the sorrows of Palestine, attempted to promote a new -crusade, and held a council for that purpose at Lyons, where many great -and noble personages assumed the Cross. The death of the Pope followed -shortly afterward, and the project was abandoned, on the loss of him who -had given it birth. In Palestine, all now tended to the utter expulsion of -the Christians. The Latins themselves first madly broke the truce, by -plundering some Egyptian merchants near Margat. Keladun, then Sultaun of -Cairo, hastened to revenge the injury, and Margat was taken from the -Christians, after a gallant defence.[877] Tripoli, which had hitherto -escaped by various concessions to the Moslems, fell shortly after Margat; -and in the third year from that period, two hundred thousand Mahommedans -were under the walls of Acre, the last possession of the Christians. The -Grand Master of St. John had collected together a small body of Italian -mercenaries, but no serviceable support could be won from the kings of -Europe. - -The Grand Master[878] of the Temple, however, with the rest of the -military Orders, and about twelve thousand men, being joined by the King -of Cyprus, resolved to undergo a siege. The greater part of the useless -inhabitants were sent away by sea, and the garrison prepared to defend -themselves to the last. This was the final blaze of chivalric valour that -shone on the Holy Land. The numbers of the Moslems were overpowering, and -after a breach had been made in the walls by the fall of what was called -the _Cursed Tower_, a general assault took place. The King of Cyprus made -a dastardly flight, but the Templars and the Teutonic knights died where -they stood, and the Hospitallers only left the city to attack the rear of -the besieging army. Here they met with infinite odds against them, and -fell man by man, till the news came that the Grand Master of the Temple -was killed and that the city was taken. The Hospitallers then, reduced to -seven in number, reached a ship, and quitted the shores of Palestine. -About an equal number of Templars fled to the interior, and thence fought -their way through the land, till they gained the means of reaching Cyprus. -The inhabitants of the city who had not before departed fled to the -sea;[879] but the elements themselves seemed to war against them, and ere -they could escape, the Saracen sword died the sands with their blood. The -Moslems then set fire to the devoted town, and the last vestige of the -Christian power in Syria was swept from the face of the earth. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -_Fate of the Orders of the Temple and St. John--The Templars abandon all -Hopes of recovering Jerusalem--Mingle in European Politics--Offend Philip -the Fair--Are persecuted--Charges against them--The Order destroyed--The -Knights of St. John pursue the Purpose of defending Christendom--Settle in -Rhodes--Siege of Rhodes--Gallant Defence--The Island taken--The Knights -remove to Malta--Siege of Malta--La Valette--Defence of St. Elmo-- -Gallantry of the Garrison--The Whole Turkish Army attempt to storm the -Castle--The Attack repelled--Arrival of Succour--The Siege raised--The -Progress of Chivalry independent of the Crusades--Chivalrous -Exploits--Beneficial Tendency of Chivalry--Corruption of the Age not -attributable to Chivalry--Decline of the Institution--In Germany, England, -France--Its Extinction._ - - -From the period of the fall of Acre crusades were only spoken of; but the -spirit of Chivalry was perhaps not the less active, though it had taken -another course: nor did it lose in purity by being directed, moderated, -and deprived of the ferocity which always follows fanaticism. The Holy -Land had become a place of vice and debauchery, as well as a theatre for -the display of great deeds and noble resolution; and we find, that however -orderly and regular any army was on its departure from Europe, it soon -acquired all the habits of immorality and improvidence which seemed some -inherent quality of that unhappy climate. This was peculiarly apparent in -the two Orders of the Hospital and the Temple, the rules of which were -particularly calculated to guard against luxury of every kind; yet, the -one, till its extinction and both, during their sojourn in Palestine, were -the receptacle of more depravity and crimes than perhaps any other body of -men could produce. After the capture of Acre the knights of these two -Orders retreated to Cyprus; and when some ineffectual efforts had been -made to excite a new crusade for the recovery of Palestine, the Templars -retired from that country, and, spreading themselves throughout their -vast possessions in Europe, seem really to have abandoned all thought of -fighting any more for the sepulchre. With the rest of Europe they spoke of -fresh expeditions, it is true; but in the mean while they gave themselves -up to the luxury, pride, and ambition which, if it was not the real cause -of their downfall, at least furnished the excuse. Philip the Fair of -France, on his accession to the throne, showed great favour to the -Templars,[880] and held out hopes that he would attempt to establish the -Order once more in the land which had given it birth. But the Templars -were now deeply occupied in the politics of Europe itself: their haughty -Grand Master was almost equal to a king in power, and would fain have made -kings his slaves. In the disputes between Philip and Boniface VIII., the -Templars took the part of the Pope, and treated the monarch, in his own -realm, with insolent contempt; but they knew not the character of him -whose wrath they roused. Philip was at once vindictive and avaricious, and -the destruction of the Templars offered the gratification of both -passions: he was also calm, bold, cunning, and remorseless; and from the -vengeance of such a man it was difficult to escape. The vices of the -Templars were notorious,[881] and on these it was easy to graft crimes of -a deeper die. Reports, rumours, accusations, circulated rapidly through -Europe; and Philip, resolved upon crushing the unhappy Order, took care -that on the very first vacancy his creature, Bertrand de Got, Archbishop -of Bourdeaux,[882] should be elevated to the papal throne. Before he -suffered the ambitious prelate to be elected, he bound him to grant five -conditions, four of which were explained to him previously, but the fifth -was to be kept in secrecy till after his elevation. Bertrand pledged -himself to all these terms; and as soon as he had received the triple -crown, was informed that the last dreadful condition was the destruction -of the Order of the Temple. He hesitated, but was forced to consent; and -after various stratagems to inveigle all the principal Templars into -France, Philip caused them suddenly to be arrested throughout his -dominions,[883] and had them arraigned of idolatry, immorality, extortion, -and treason, together with crimes whose very name must not soil this page. -Mixed with a multitude of charges, both false and absurd, were various -others too notorious to be confuted by the body, and many which could be -proved against individuals. Several members of the Order confessed some of -the crimes laid to their charge, and many more were afterward induced to -do so by torture; but at a subsequent period of the trial, when the whole -of the papal authority was used to give the proceeding the character of a -regular legal inquisition, a number of individuals confessed, on the -promise of pardon, different offences, sufficient to justify rigorous -punishment against themselves, and to implicate deeply the institution to -which they belonged. James de Mollay, however, the Grand Master, firmly -denied every charge, and defended himself and his brethren with a calm and -dignified resolution that nothing could shake. - -It would be useless as well as painful to dwell upon all the particulars -of their trial, where space is not allowed to investigate minutely the -facts: it is sufficient to say, that the great body of the Templars in -France were sentenced to be imprisoned for life, and a multitude were -burned at the stake, where they showed that heroic firmness which they had -ever evinced in the field of battle. Their large possessions were of -course confiscated. In Spain, their aid against the Moors was too -necessary to permit of similar rigour, and they were generally acquitted -in that country. In England, the same persecutions were carried on, but -with somewhat of a milder course: and the last blow was put to the whole -by a council held at Vienne, which formally dissolved the Order, and -transferred its estates to the Hospitallers. James de Mollay and the Grand -Prior of France were the last victims, and were publicly burned in Paris -for crimes that beyond doubt they did not commit. To suppose that the -Templars were guilty of the specific offences attributed to them would be -to suppose them a congregation of madmen; but to believe they were a -religious or a virtuous Order would be to charge all Europe with a general -and purposeless conspiracy. - -In the mean while, the Knights Hospitallers confined themselves to the -objects for which they were originally instituted; and, that they might -always be prepared to fight against the enemies of Christendom, they -obtained a cession of the island of Rhodes, from which they expelled the -Turks. Here they continued for many years, a stumblingblock in the way of -Moslem conquest; but at length, the chancellor of the Order, named -d'Amaral,[884] disappointed of the dignity of Grand Master, in revenge, it -is said, invited the Turks to the siege, and gave them the plan of the -island with its fortifications. Soliman II. instantly led an army against -it; but the gallant knights resisted with a determined courage, that drove -the imperious sultaun almost to madness. He commanded his celebrated -general, Mustapha, to be slain with arrows,[885] attributing to him the -misfortune of the siege; and at length had begun to withdraw his forces, -when a more favourable point of attack was discovered, and the knights -were ultimately obliged to capitulate. The city of Rhodes was by this time -reduced to a mere heap of stones, and at one period of the siege, the -Grand Master himself remained thirty-four days in the trenches, without -ever sitting down to food, or taking repose, but such as he could gain -upon an uncovered mattress at the foot of the wall. So noble a defence -well merited an honourable fate; and even after their surrender, the -knights were the objects of admiration and praise to all Europe, though -Europe had suffered them to fall without aid. The sultaun, before he -allowed the Order to transfer itself to Candia, which had been stipulated -by the treaty, requested to see the Grand Master: and to console him for -his loss, he said, "The conquest and the fall of empires are but the -sports of fortune." He then strove to win the gallant knight who had so -well defended his post to the Ottoman service, holding out to him the most -magnificent offers, and showing what little cause he had to remain -attached to the Christians,[886] who had abandoned him; but Villiers -replied, that he thanked him for his generous proposals, yet that he -should be unworthy of such a prince's good opinion if he could accept -them. - -Before the Order of St. John could fix upon any determinate plan of -proceeding, it was more than once threatened with a complete separation, -by various divisions in its councils. - -At length motives, partly political, partly generous, induced the emperor -Charles V. to offer the island of Malta to the Hospitallers. This proposal -was soon accepted,[887] and after various negotiations the territory was -delivered up to the knights, who took full possession on the 26th of -October, 1530. Thirty-five years had scarcely passed, when the Order of -St. John, which was now known by the name of the Order of Malta, was -assailed in its new possession by an army composed of thirty thousand -veteran Turkish soldiers. The news of this armament's approach had long -before reached the island, and every preparation had been made to render -its efforts ineffectual. The whole of the open country was soon in the -hands of the Turks, and they resolved to begin the siege by the attack of -a small fort, situated at the end of a tongue of land which separated the -two ports. The safety of the island and the Order depended upon the castle -of St. Elmo--a fact which the Turkish admiral well knew, and the cannonade -that he soon opened upon the fortress was tremendous and incessant. The -knights who had been thrown into that post soon began to demand succour; -but the Grand Master, La Valette, treated their request with indignation, -and speedily sent fresh troops to take the place of those whom fear had -rendered weak. - -A noble emulation reigned among the Hospitallers, and they contended only -which should fly to the perilous service. A sortie was made from the fort, -and the Turks were driven back from their position; but the forces of the -Moslems were soon increased by the arrival of the famous Dragut; and the -succour which the viceroy of Sicily had promised to the knights did not -appear. After the coming of Dragut, the siege of St. Elmo was pressed with -redoubled ardour. A ravelin was surprised, and a lodgment effected; and -the cavalier, which formed one of the principal fortifications, had nearly -been taken. Day after day, night after night, new efforts were made on -either part; and the cannon of the Turks never ceased to play upon the -walls of the fort, while, at the same time, the ravelin which they had -captured was gradually raised till it overtopped the parapet. The whole of -the outer defences were now exposed: the garrison could only advance by -means of trenches and a subterranean approach; and to cut off even these -communications with the parapet, the pacha threw across a bridge from the -ravelin, covering it with earth to defend it from fire. - -After this, the mine and the sap both went on at once; but the hardness of -the rock was in favour of the besieged, and by a sortie the bridge was -burnt.[888] In a wonderfully short time it was reconstructed; and the -terrible fire from the Turkish lines not only swept away hundreds of the -besieged, but ruined the defences and dismounted the artillery. In this -state the knights sent a messenger to the Grand Master, representing their -situation, showing that the recruits they received only drained the -garrison of the town, without protracting the resistance of a place that -could stand no longer, and threatening to cut their way through the enemy, -if boats did not come to take them off. La Valette knew too well their -situation; but he knew also, that if St. Elmo were abandoned, the viceroy -of Sicily would never sail to the relief of Malta; and he sent three -commissioners to examine the state of the fort, and to persuade the -garrison to hold out to the last. Two of these officers saw that the place -was truly untenable, but the third declared it might still be maintained; -and, on his return, offered to throw himself into it with what volunteers -he could raise. La Valette instantly accepted the proposal, and wrote a -cold and bitter note to the refractory knights in St. Elmo, telling them -that others were willing to take their place. "Come back, my brethren," he -said, "you will be here more in safety; and, on our part, we shall feel -more tranquil concerning the defence of St. Elmo, on the preservation of -which depends the safety of the island and of the Order." - -Shame rose in the bosom of the knights; and, mortified at the very idea of -having proposed to yield a place that others were willing to maintain, -they now sent to implore permission to stay. - -La Valette well knew, from the first, that such would be their conduct; -but, before granting their request, he replied, that he ever preferred new -troops who were obedient, to veterans who took upon themselves to resist -the will of their commanders: and it was only on the most humble apologies -and entreaties that he allowed them, as a favour, to remain in the post of -peril. From the 17th of June to the 14th of July, this little fort[889] -had held out against all the efforts of the Turkish army, whose loss had -been already immense. Enraged at so obstinate a resistance, the pacha now -determined to attack the rock on which it stood, with all his forces; and -the Grand Master, perceiving the design by the Turkish movements, took -care to send full supplies to the garrison. Among other things thus -received were a number of hoops covered with tow, and imbued with every -sort of inflammable matter. For the two days preceding the assault, the -cannon of the Turkish fleet and camp kept up an incessant fire upon the -place, which left not a vestige of the fortifications above the surface of -the rock. On the third morning the Turks rushed over the fosse which they -had nearly filled, and at the given signal mounted to storm. The walls of -the place were gone, but a living wall of veteran soldiers presented -itself, each knight being supported by three inferior men. With dauntless -valour the Turks threw themselves upon the pikes that opposed them; and -after the lances had been shivered and the swords broken, they were seen -struggling with their adversaries, and striving to end the contest with -the dagger. A terrible fire of musketry and artillery was kept up; and the -Christians, on their part, hurled down upon the swarms of Turks that -rushed in unceasing multitudes from below the flaming hoops, which -sometimes linking two or three of the enemy together, set fire to the -light and floating dresses of the east, and enveloped many in a horrible -death. Still, however, the Turks rushed on, thousands after thousands, and -still the gallant little band of Christians repelled all their efforts, -and maintained possession of the height. - -From the walls of the town, and from the castle of St. Angelo, the -dreadful struggle for St. Elmo was clearly beheld; and the Christian -people and the knights, watching the wavering current of the fight, felt -perhaps more painfully all the anxious horror of the scene, than those -whose whole thoughts and feelings were occupied in the actual combat. La -Valette himself stood on the walls of St. Angelo, not spending his time in -useless anticipations, but scanning eagerly every motion of the enemy, and -turning the artillery of the fortress in that direction where it might -prove of the most immediate benefit. At length he beheld a body of Turks -scaling a rampart, from which the attention of the besieged had been -called by a furious attack on the other side.[890] Their ladders were -placed, and still the defenders of St. Elmo did not perceive them--they -began their ascent--they reached the top of the rampart--but at that -moment the Grand Master opened a murderous fire upon them from the -citadel, and swept them from the post they had gained. The cavalier was -next attacked; but here also the Turks were met by those destructive hoops -of fire which caused more dread in their ranks than all the other efforts -of the Christians. Wherever they fell confusion followed; and at the end -of a tremendous fight of nine hours, the Moslems were obliged to sound a -retreat. - -A change of operations now took place; means were used to cut off the -communication with the town; and, after holding out some time longer, the -fort of St. Elmo was taken, the last knight of its noble garrison dying in -the breach. The whole force of the Turks was thenceforth turned towards -the city; and a slow but certain progress was made, notwithstanding all -the efforts of the Grand Master and his devoted companions. In vain he -wrote to the viceroy of Sicily; no succour arrived for many days. The town -was almost reduced to extremity. The bastion of St. Catherine was scaled, -and remained some time in the hands of the infidels, who would have -maintained it longer, had not La Valette himself rushed to the spot; and, -after receiving a severe wound, succeeded in dislodging the assailants. - -A small succour came at length under the command of Don Juan de Cardonna; -but this was overbalanced by the junction of the viceroy of Algiers with -the attacking force. The bulwark of all Christendom was being swept away, -while Christian kings stood looking on, and once more saw the knights of -St. John falling man by man before the infidels, without stretching forth -a hand to save them. - -A large army had, in the mean while, been assembled in Sicily, under the -pretence of assisting Malta; and at last the soldiers clamoured so loudly -to be led to the glorious service for which they had been enrolled, that -the vacillating viceroy after innumerable delays was forced to yield to -their wishes, and set sail for the scene of conflict.[891] The island was -reached in safety, the troops disembarked; and though the Turks still -possessed the advantage of numbers, a panic seized them, and they fled. -Joy and triumph succeeded to danger and dread, and the name of La Valette -and his companions, remains embalmed among the memories of the noble and -great. - -This was the last important event in the history of the Order of St. John; -and since that day, it has gradually descended to later years, blending -itself with modern institutions till its distinctive character has been -lost, and the knights of Malta are reckoned among the past. - -It does not seem necessary to trace the other military fraternities which -originated in the crusades to their close; but something more must be said -concerning the progress of Chivalry in Europe, and the effect that it had -upon society in general. The Holy Wars were, indeed, the greatest efforts -of knighthood; but during the intervals between each expedition beyond the -seas, and that which followed, and often during the time of preparation, -the knight found plenty of occupation for his sword in his own country. -The strife with the Moors in Spain bore entirely the aspect of the -crusades, but the sanguinary conflicts between France and England offered -continual occasions both for the display of knightly valour and of -knightly generosity. The bitterest national enmity existed between the two -countries--they were ever engaged in struggling against each other; and -yet we find, through the whole, that mutual courtesy when the battle was -over, and in the times of truce that frank co-operation, or that rivalry -in noble efforts, which belonged so peculiarly to Chivalry. Occasionally, -it is true, a cruel and bloodthirsty warrior would stain his successes -with ungenerous rigour--for where is the institution which has ever been -powerful enough to root out the evil spot from the heart of man? But the -great tone of all the wars of Chivalry was valour in the field and -courtesy in the hall. Deeds were often done in the heat of blood which -general barbarism of manners alone would excuse; and most of the men whom -we are inclined to love and to admire have left some blot on that page of -history which records their lives. But to judge of the spirit of the -Order, we must not look to those instances where the habits of the age -mixed up a vast portion of evil with the general character of the knight, -but we must turn our eyes upon those splendid examples where chivalrous -feeling reached its height, did away all the savage cruelty of the time, -and raised human actions almost to sublimity. - -Remarking these instances, and seeing what the spirit of Chivalry could -produce in its perfection, we may judge what the society of that day would -have been without it: we may trace truly the effect it had in civilizing -the world, and we may comprehend the noble legacy it left to after-years. -Had Chivalry not existed, all the vices which we behold in that period of -the world's history would have been immensely increased; for there would -have been no counteracting incitement. The immorality of those times would -have been a thousand degrees more gross, for passion would have wanted the -only principle of refinement; the ferocity of the brave would have shown -itself in darker scenes of bloodshed, for no courtesy would have tempered -it with gentleness. Even religion would have longer remained obscured, for -the measures taken to darken it, by those whose interest it was to make it -a means of rule, would have been but faintly opposed, had not Chivalry, by -softening the manners of the age, and promoting general communication -between man and man, gradually done away darkness and admitted light. - -Because knights were superstitious, it has been supposed that superstition -was apart of knighthood; but this was not at all the case. The gross -errors grafted by the Roman church on the pure doctrine of salvation often -taught the knight cruelty, and disgraced Chivalry, by making it the means -of persecution; but the tendency of the Order itself was to purify and -refine, and the civilization thereby given to the world in general -ultimately produced its effect in doing away superstition. The libertinism -of society in the middle ages has also been wrongly attributed to -knighthood, and thus the most beneficial institutions are too often -confounded with the vices that spring up around them. That the fundamental -doctrine of Chivalry, if I may so express myself, was decidedly opposed to -every infraction of morality, is susceptible of proof. In all authors who -have collected the precepts of Chivalry, we find sobriety and continence -enjoined as among the first duties of a knight: and female chastity was so -particularly esteemed, that we are told by the Chevalier de la Tour, if a -lady of doubtful virtue presented herself in company with the good, -whatever were her rank, the knights would cause her to give place to those -of unsullied fame. From every thing that I can read or hear, I am inclined -to believe that the virtues of the knights of old arose in the Order of -Chivalry alone, and that their faults belonged to the age in which they -lived.[892] - -In common with all human institutions, Chivalry presents a new aspect in -every page of the book of history. Sometimes it is severe and stern; -sometimes light and gay; but the qualities of valour, courtesy, and -enthusiasm shine out at every period of its existence. - -At the battle of Crecy, Edward the Black Prince, then fourteen years of -age, fought for his knightly spurs; and his father, King Edward III., from -a mound near the mill, beheld his gallant son surrounded on every side by -enemies. The companions of the young hero sent to the king for succour, -alleging the dangerous situation of the Prince of Wales; on which Edward -demanded, "Is he dead, or overthrown, or so wounded that he cannot -continue to fight?" And on being informed that his son still lived, he -added, "Return to him, and to those who sent you, and tell them, whatever -happens, to seek no aid from me so long as my son be in life. Further say, -that I command them to let the boy well win his spurs; for, please God, -the day shall be his, and the honour shall rest with him."[893] - -In this instance, Edward required no more from his child than he was -willing in his own person to endure. No one ever evinced more chivalrous -courage than that monarch himself; and in the skirmish under the walls of -Calais, he fought hand to hand with the famous De Ribaumont, who brought -him twice upon his knee, but was at length vanquished by the king. After -the battle, Edward entertained his prisoners in the town; and when supper -was concluded the victorious monarch approached his adversary, took the -chaplet of rich pearls from his own brow, placed it on the head of De -Ribaumont, and said, "Sir Eustace, I give this wreath to you, as the best -of this day's combatants, and I beg you to wear it a year for my love. I -know that you are gay and gallant, and willingly find yourselves where -ladies are. Tell them, then, wherever you may be, that I gave you this -token; and, moreover, I free you from your prison. Go to-morrow, if it -please you."[894] - -Such was the character of knighthood; and whether we read anecdotes like -the above, or trace in the rolls of history the feats of an Edward the -Black Prince, of a Duguesclin, of a Talbot, a Henry, or a Bayard, we find -the same spirit; varied, indeed, according to the mind of the individual, -but raising all his virtues to the highest pitch of perfection, and -restraining all his faults as much as human errors can be restrained. - -It would be endless to detail all those marvels which Chivalry at various -times effected; nor have I space to dwell upon Crecy, or Poitiers, or -Agincourt. With respect to those great battles, where England was so -eminently triumphant, it is sufficient to point out the extraordinary -fact, that though the glory rested with the British, no disgrace attached -to their enemies. Each knight in the French armies did every thing that -personal valour could do to win the field; and the honour to England -consists not so much in having conquered, as in having conquered such -opponents. For long, however, it appears that the French commanders were -inferior to the English in skill, and that their forces were destitute of -that unity which alone secures success. At length, the son of a nobleman -of Brittany, who had been much neglected in his early years, began to make -head against the English. From his infancy Bertrand Duguesclin had shown -the most persevering passion for arms, which had been always repressed; -till at a tournament--from the neighbourhood of which he had been -purposely sent away--he appeared in disguise, defeated all that -encountered him, and was only discovered by refusing to meet his own -father. From that hour Duguesclin rose in the estimation of the world; and -after opposing, with considerable success, Edward the Black Prince -himself, on the death of that noble commander he delivered the greater -part of France from the domination of the English. - -One of the favourite schemes of Duguesclin was to restore to Chivalry its -ancient simplicity, and he strove by every means to enforce the more -severe and salutary laws by which it had been originally governed. Of -course, an institution which had vast privileges and obligations was not -without rewards and punishments; and many of these were revived by -Duguesclin after he had become Constable of France. - -The custom of cutting the tablecloth with a knife or dagger before a -knight who had in any way degraded himself[895] is said, by some, to have -been brought into use by Duguesclin, though others affirm that he only -renewed an ancient habit. Much more severe inflictions, also, were -destined for those who had dishonoured the Order to which they belonged by -cowardice, treachery, or any other unmanly crime. The criminal, condemned -to be stripped of his knighthood, was placed upon a scaffold, in the sight -of the populace, while his armour was broken to pieces before his face. -His shield reversed, with the coat-of-arms effaced, was dragged through -the dirt, while the heralds proclaimed aloud his crime and his sentence. -The king-at-arms then thrice demanded his name; and at each time, when the -pursuivant replied, the king added, "A faithless and disloyal traitor!" A -basin[896] of hot water was poured upon the culprit's head, to wash away -the very memory of his knighthood; and, being drawn on a hurdle to the -church, he was covered with a pall, while the funeral prayers were -pronounced over him, as one dead to honour and to fame. - -Notwithstanding every means taken to uphold it, Chivalry gradually -declined from the beginning of the fourteenth century. In England the long -civil wars between the houses of York and Lancaster called into action a -thousand principles opposed to knightly courtesy and generosity. Many -flashes of the chivalrous spirit blazed up from time to time, it is true; -but the general character of those contentions was base and interested -treachery on all parts. - -The mean and avaricious spirit which seized upon Henry VII. in his latter -years of course had its effect on his court and country; and the infamous -extortions of his creatures Empson and Dudley, the ruin which they brought -upon many of the nobility, and the disgust and terror which their tyranny -spread through the land, served to check all those pageants and exercises -which kept alive the sinking flame of Chivalry. Henry VIII., in the vigour -of his youth, made vast efforts to give back to knighthood its ancient -splendour; but the spirit had been as much injured as the external form, -and though he could renew the one, he could not recall the other. The -wavering tyranny of his old age also did more to extinguish the last -sparks of knightly feeling, than his youth had done to revive the pomp of -Chivalry. Then came the Reformation, and a new enthusiasm grew up through -the land. - -In Germany the reign of the Emperor Maximilian was the last in which -Chivalry can be said to have existed. Charles V. reduced all things to -calculation, and though the name of knighthood remained, it soon became -nothing but a sound. - -The land which had given birth to the institution cherished it long; and -there its efforts were continually reawakened even in its decline. During -the unhappy reign of Charles VI., France, torn by factions, each -struggling for the sceptre of the insane monarch, saw Chivalry employed -for the purposes of ambition alone. While all parties turned their arms -against their fellow-countrymen, a stranger seized on the power for which -they fought, and the English house of Lancaster seated itself on the -throne of France. Charles VII. succeeded to a heritage of wars; but, -apparently reckless, from the desperate state of his dominions, he yielded -himself wholly to pleasure, without striking a blow for the recovery of -his kingdom, till Joan of Arc recalled him to glory and himself. From that -moment Chivalry again revived, and no period of French history presents -knighthood under a brighter aspect than during the wars of Charles VII. At -the same time, however, an institution was founded which soon changed the -character of Chivalry, and in the end reduced it to a name. - -The inconveniences attached to the knightly mode of warfare were many and -striking; order and discipline were out of the question; and though -courage did much, Charles VII. saw that courage well directed would do -infinitely more. To establish, therefore, a body over which he might have -some control, he raised a company of _gen-d'armerie_, which soon by its -courage and its success drew into its own rank all the great and noble of -the kingdom. Thus came a great change over the Order; knights became mere -soldiers, and Chivalry was used as a machine. Louis XI. contributed still -more to do away Chivalry, by depressing the nobility and founding a -standing army of mercenary troops. Charles VIII. and Louis XII., by -romantic wars in Italy, renewed the fire of the waning institution; and -Francis I., the most chivalrous of kings, beheld it blaze up under his -reign like the last flash of an expiring flame. He, however unwittingly -aided to extinguish it entirely, and by extending knighthood to civilians, -deprived it of its original character. The pomps and pageants, the -exercises and the games, which had accompanied the Order from its early -days, were now less frequent: popes had censured them as vain and cruel, -and many kings had discountenanced them as expensive and dangerous: but -the death of Henry II., from a wound received at a tournament, put an end -to them in France; and from that time all the external ceremonies of -Chivalry were confined to the reception of a knight into any of the royal -Orders. - -The distinctive spirit also had by this time greatly merged into other -feelings. The valour was as much the quality of the simple soldier as of -the knight; the courtesy had spread to society in general, and had become -politeness; the gallantry had lost its refinement, and had deteriorated -into debauchery. Faint traces of the lost institution appeared from time -to time, especially in the wars of Henry IV. and the League. The artful -and vicious policy of Catherine de Medicis did much to destroy it; the -filthy effeminacy of Henry III. weakened it, in common with all noble -feelings; and the iron rod of Richelieu struck at it as a remnant of the -feudal power. Still a bright blaze of its daring valour shone out in -Condé, a touch of its noble simplicity appeared in Turenne, but the false -brilliancy of Louis XIV. completed its downfall; and Chivalry is only to -be seen by its general effects on society. - -Thus things fleet by us; and in reading of all the great and mighty deeds -of which this book has given a slight and imperfect sketch, and looking on -the multitudes of men who have toiled and struggled through dangers, -difficulties, and horrors for the word GLORY, the empty echo of renown, or -perhaps a worse reward, I rise as from a phantasmagoria where a world of -strange and glittering figures have been passing before my eyes, changing -with the rapidity of light, and each leaving an impression for memory, -though the whole was but the shadow of a shade. - - - - -NOTES. - - -NOTE I.--CHAP. I. - -Menestrier enters into a disquisition on the subject of the two -interpretations given to the word _miles_, which would have interrupted -the thread of my discourse too much to permit of its introduction in the -text. I subjoin it here, however, as a good guide for those who may be -inclined to pursue the subject further. - -"Il ne faut pas donc confondre le titre d'ancienne noblesse, ou de -noblesse militaire, avec la dignité de chevalier, par l'équivoque du terme -Latin _miles_, qui convient à l'un et à l'autre; ce que n'ont pas assez -observé quelques autheurs, qui n'ont pas fait reflexion que dans la -plûpart des actes écrits en langue Latine, ce mot signifie également ces -deux différentes choses. - - * * * * * - -"L'Empereur Frederic avoir déjà? distingué ces deux espèces de Chevalerie, -lors qu'il fit une ordonnance à Naples, l'an 1232, que personne ne se -presentât pour recevoir l'ordre de Chevalerie, s'il n'estoit d'une -ancienne race militaire, ou d'ancienne Chevalerie. _Ad militarem honorem -nullus accedat, qui non sit de genere militum_; L'une de ces Chevaleries -est donc _genus militare_, race de Chevalerie; l'autre _militaris honor_, -honneur de Chevalerie, qui n'ont esté confonduës que par quelques -autheurs, qui, écrivans de cette matière sans l'entendre, n'ont fait que -l'embroüiller, au lieu de la developper. - -"Roger, Roy de Sicile et de Naples, fit une ordonnance, que nul ne pût -recevoir l'ordre de Chevalerie, s'il n'estoit de race militaire. _Sancimus -itaque, et tale proponimus edictum, ut quicumque novam militiam -acceperit_, il l'appelle nouvelle Chevalerie, pour la distinguer de celle -de la naissance, _sive quocumque tempore arripuerit, contra regni -beatitudinem, pacem, atque integritatem, à militiæ nomine, et professione -penitùs decidat, nisi fortè à militari genere per successionem duxit -prosapiam_."--Menestrier; Preuves, chap. 1. - - -NOTE II.--CHAP. II. - -St. Palaye, in the body of his admirable essays upon Chivalry, names the -day preceding that of the tournament as the one on which squires were -permitted to joust with each other: but in a note he has the following -passage, which shows that in this, as in almost every other respect, the -customs of chivalry varied very much at different epochs. - -"Les usages out varié par rapport aux tournois, suivant les divers temps -de la Chevalerie. Dans les commencements les plus anciens chevaliers -joutoient entre eux, et le lendemain de cette joute les nouveaux -chevaliers s'exerçoient dans d'autres tournois, auxquels les anciens -chevaliers se faisoient un plaisir d'assister en qualité de spectateurs. -La coutume changea depuis: ce fut la veille des grands tournois que les -jeunes chevaliers s'essayerent les uns contre les autres, et l'on permit -aux écuyers de se mêler avec eux. Ceux-ci étoient récompensés par l'ordre -de la Chevalerie, lorsqu'ils se distinguoient dans ces sortes de combats. -Ce mélange de chevaliers et d'écuyers introduisit dans la suite divers -abus dans la Chevalerie, et la fit bientôt dégénérer, comme le remarque M. -Le Laboureur. Les écuyers usurpèrent successivement et par degrés les -honneurs et les distinctions qui n'appartenoient qu'aux chevaliers, et -peu-à-peu ils se confondirent avec eux."--_Note on St. Palaye._ - -This note is perfectly just in the statement that in after-times the -distinctions between knights and squires were not so strictly maintained -as in the early days of Chivalry. At the famous jousts between the French -and English at Chateau Joscelin, as related by Froissart, we find the -squires opposed to the knights upon perfectly equal terms. The limits of -this book are too narrow to admit of many long quotations; but the passage -will be found well worthy the trouble of seeking, in the sixty fourth -chapter of the second book of the admirable Froissart. - - -NOTE III.--CHAP. II. - -To show the manner in which reports of all kinds were spread and collected -even as late as the days of Edward III., I have subjoined the following -extract from Froissart, giving an account of his reception at the court of -the Count de Foix. It also affords a _naive_ picture of that curious -simplicity of manners which formed one very singular and interesting trait -in the Chivalry of old. - - "_Comment Messire Jean Froissart enquéroit diligemment comment les - Guerres s'étoient portées par toutes les parties de la France._ - -"Je me suis longuement tenu à parler des besognes des lointaines marches, -mais les prochaines, tant qu'à maintenant, m'ont été si fraîches, et si -nouvelles, et si inclinants à ma plaisance, que pour ce les ai mises -arrière. Mais, pourtant, ne séjournoient pas les vaillants hommes, qui se -désiroient à avancer ens [dans] on [le] royaume de Castille et de -Portugal, et bien autant en Gascogne et en Rouergue, en Quersin [Quercy], -en Auvergne, en Limousin, et en Toulousain, et en Bigorre; mais visoient -et subtilloient [imaginoient] tous les jours l'un sur l'autre comment ils -se pussent trouver en parti de fait d'armes, pour prendre, embler -[enlever], et écheller villes, et châteaux, et forteresses. Et pour ce, je -sire Jean Froissart, qui me suis ensoingné [étudié] et occupé de dicter et -écrire cette histoire, à la requête et contemplation de haut prince et -renommé Messire Guy de Châtillon, Comte de Blois, Seigneur d'Avesnes, de -Beaumont, de Scoonhort, et de la Gende, mon bon et souverain maître et -seigneur; considérai en moi-même, que nulle espérance n'étoit que aucuns -faits d'armes se fissent ès parties de Picardie et de Flandre, puisque -paix y étoit, et point ne voulois être oiseux; car je savois bien que -encore au temps à venir, et quand je serai mort, sera cette haute et noble -histoire en grand cours, et y prendront tous nobles et vaillants hommes -plaisance et exemple de bien faire; et entrementes [pendant] que j'avois, -Dieu merci, sens, mémoire, et bonne souvenance de toutes les choses -passées, engin [esprit] clair et aigu pour concevoir tous les faits dont -je pourrois être informé, touchants à ma principale matière, âge, corps et -membres pour souffrir peine, me avisai que je ne voulois mie séjourner de -non poursieure [poursuivre] ma matière; et pour savoir la vérité des -lointaines besognes sans se que j'y envoyasse aucune autre personne en -lieu de moi, pris voie et achoison [occasion] raisonnable d'aller devers -haut prince et redouté seigneur, Messire Gaston, Comte de Foix et de Berne -[Béarn]; et bien sçavois que si je pouvois venir en son hôtel, et là être -à loisir, je ne pourrois mieux cheoir au monde, pour être informé de -toutes nouvelles; car là sont et fréquentent volontiers tous chevaliers et -écuyers étranges, pour la noblesse d'icelui haut prince. Et tout ainsi, -comme je l'imaginai, il m'en advint; et remontrai ce, et le voyage que je -voulois faire, a mon très cher et redouté seigneur, Monseigneur le Comte -de Blois, lequel me bailla ses lettres de familiarité adressants au Comte -de Foix. Et tant travaillai et chevauchai en quérant de tout côtés -nouvelles, que, par la grace de Dieu, sans péril et sans dommage, je vins -en son chatel, a Ortais [Orthez], au pays de Béarn, le jour de Sainte -Catherine, que on compta pour lors en l'an de grace mil trois cent -quatre-vingt et huit; lequel comte de Foix, si très tôt comme il me vit, -me fit bonne chère, et me dit en riant en bon François: que bien il me -connoissoit, et si ne m'avoit oncques mais vu, mais plusieurs fois avoit -ouï parler de moi. Si me retint de son hôtel et tout aise, avec le bon -moyen des lettres que je lui avois apportées, tant que il m'y plut à être; -et la fus informé de la greigneur [majeure] partie des besognes qui -étoient avenues au royaume de Castille, au royaume de Portugal, au royaume -de Navarre, au royaume d'Aragon, et au royaume d'Angleterre, au pays de -Bordelois, et en toute la Gascogne; et je même, quand je lui demandois -aucune chose, il le me disoit moult volontiers; et me disoit bien que -l'histoire que je avois fait et poursuivois seroit, au temps à venir, plus -recommandée que mille autres: 'Raison pourquoi,' disoit-il, 'beau maître: -puis cinquante ans en ça sont avenus plus de faits d'armes et de -merveilles au monde qu'il n'étoit trois cents ans en devant.' - -"Ainsi fus-je en l'hôtel du noble Comte de Foix, recueilli et nourri à ma -plaisance. Ce étoit ce que je désirois à enquerre toutes nouvelles -touchants à ma matière: et je avois prêts à la main barons, chevaliers, et -écuyers, qui m'en informoient, et le gentil Comte de Foix aussi. Si vous -voudrois éclaircir par beau langage tout ce dont je fus adonc informé, -pour rengrosser notre matiere, et pour exemplier les bons qui se désirent -à avancer par armes. Car si ci-dessus j'ai prologué grands faits d'armes, -prises et assauts de villes et de châteaux, batailles adressées et durs -rencontres, encore en trouverez vous ensuivant grand, foison, desquelles -et desquels, par la grace de Dieu, je ferai bonne et juste -narration."--_Froissart_, book iii. chap. 1. - - -NOTE IV.--CHAP. II. - -As the Brotherhood of Arms was one of the most curious customs of -Chivalry, I have extracted from the Notes on St. Palaye, and from the -Disquisitions of Ducange, some passages which will give a fuller view of -its real character and ceremonies than seemed necessary in the body of -this work. - -The Notes on St. Palaye also show to how late a period the custom -descended and here let me say, that of all the treatises on Chivalry -which I possess, there is none in which I have found the real spirit of -knighthood so completely displayed, as in the Essays of Lucurne de St. -Palaye, with the elegant and profound observations of M. Charles Nodier. - -"Les Anglois, assemblés peu avant la bataille de Pontvalain, tiennent -conseil pour déliberer comment ils attaqueroient le connétable Duguesclin. -Hue de Carvalai, l'un d'entre eux, ouvre son avis en ces termes: 'Se -m'aist dieux, Bertran est le meilleur chevalier qui regne à present; il -est duc, comte et connestable, et a esté long-temps mon compaignon en -Espaigne, où je trouvay en luy honneur, largesse et amistié si -habundamment et avecques ce hardement, fierté vasselage et emprise, qu'il -n'a homme jusques en Calabre qui sceut que j'amasse autant à veoir ne -accompaigner de jour ou de nuit pour moy aventurer à vivre ou à mourir ne -fust ce qu'il guerrie, Monseigneur le prince. Car en ce cas je dois mettre -poyne de le nuyre et grever comme mon ennemi. Si vous diray mon -advis.'--(_Hist. De Bert. Duguesclin_, publiée par Menard, p. 407.) - -"Boucicaut, passant à son retour d'Espagne par le Comte de Foix, se trouva -plusieurs fois à boire et à manger avec des Anglois. Comme ils jugèrent a -des abstinences particulieres qu'ils lui virent faire dans ses repas, -qu'il avoit voué quelque entreprise d'armes, ils lui dirent que s'il ne -demandoit autre chose on auroit bien-tôt trouvé qui le delivreroit; -Boucicaut leur répondit: 'Voirement estoit-ce pour combattre à oultrance, -mais qu'il avoit compaignon; c'estoit un chevalier nomme Messire Regnault -de Roye, sans lequel il ne pouvoit rien faire, et toutes fois s'il y avoit -aucun d'eulx qui voulussent la bataille, il leur octroyoit et que à leur -volente prissent jour tant que il l'eust faict à sçavoir à son -compaignon.'--(_Histoire du Maréchal de Boucicaut_, publiée par Godefroi, -p. 51.) - -"Lorsque le prince de Galles eut déclare la guerre au roi Henri de -Castille, il manda à tous les Anglois qui etoient alors au service de ce -prince de le quitter pour se rendre auprès de lui. Hue de Carvalai, qui -étoit du nombre, obligé de se sêparer de Bertrand, vint lui faire ses -adieux: 'Gentil sire, lui dit-il, il nous convient de partir nous avons -esté ensemble par bonne compaignie, comme preudomme, et avons toujours eu -du vostre à nostre voulente que oncques n'y ot noise ne tançon, tant des -avoirs conquestez que des joyaulx donnez, ne oncques n'en demandasmes -part, si pense bien que j'ay plus reçeu que vous, dont je suis vostre -tenu. Et pour ce vous pris que nous en comptons ensemble. Et ce que je -vous devray, je vous paieray ou assigneray. Si dist Bertran, ce c'est -qu'un sermon, je n'ay point pensé à ce comte, ne ne sçay que ce puet -monter. Je ne sçay se vous me devez, ou si je vous doy. Or soit tout -quitte puisque vient au departir. Mais se de cy en avant nous acreons l'un -à l'autre, nous ferons nouvelle depte et le convendra escripre. Il n'y a -que du bien faire, raison donne que vous (suiviez) vostre-maistre. Ainsi -le doibt faire tout preudomme. Bonne amour fist l'amour de nous et aussi -en fera la departie: dont me poise qu'il convient que elle soit. Lors le -baisa Bertran et tous ses compagnons aussi: moult fut piteuse la -departie.'--(_Histoire de Bertrand Duguesclin_, publiée par Ménard, c. -xxiv., p. 248 et 249.) - -"Duguesclin tomba dans la suite au pouvoir des Anglois, qui le retinrent -long-temps prisonnier. Après avoir enfin obtenu sa liberté sous parole -d'acquitter sa rançon, Carvalai, son ancien frère d'armes, qu'il avoit -retrouvé, et qui pendant quelque temps lui tint bonne compagnie, voulut -lui parler encore du compte qu'ils avoient à regler ensemble. 'Bertran, -dit-il à son ami, avant que de se separer nous avons esté compagnons ou -pays d'Espangne par de la de prisons, et d'avoir (c'est-à-dire en société -tant pour les prisonniers que pour le butin que nous aurions) dont je ne -comptay oncques à vous et sçay bien de pieça que je suis vostre tenu -(redevable, en reste avec vous) dont je vouldray avoir advis: mais de tout -le moins je vous aideray ici de trente mille doubles d'or. Je ne sçay, dit -Bertran, comment il va du compte, mais que de la bonne compagnie; ne je -n'en vueil point compter; mais se j'ay mestier je vous prieray. Adonc -baisierent li uns l'autre au departir.'--(_Ibid_, p. 306.) - -"L'adoption en frere se trouue auoir esté pratiquée en deux manieres par -les peuples étrangers, que les Grecs el les Latins qualifient -ordinairement du nom de Barbares. Car parmay ceux dont les moeurs et les -façons d'agir ressentoient effectiuement quelque chose de rude et -d'inhumain, elle se faisoit en se piquant reciproquement les veines, et -beuuant le sang les vns des autres. Baudoüin Comte de Flandres et Empereur -de Constantinople reproche cette detestable coûtume aux Grecs mémes, non -qu'ils en vsassent entre eux: mais parce que dans les alliances qu'ils -contractoient auec les peuples barbares, pour s'accommoder à leurs -manieres d'agir, ils estoient obligez de suiure leurs vsages, et de faire -ce qu'ils faisoient ordinairement en de semblables occasions. _Hæc est_, -ce dit-il, _quæ spurcissimo gentilium ritu pro fraterna societate, -sanguinibus alternis ebibitis, cum infidelibus sæpe ausa est amicitias -firmare ferales_. L'Empereur Frederic I. auoit fait auparauant ce mesme -reproche aux Grecs, ainsi que nous apprenons de Nicetas. Mais ce que les -Grecs firent par necessité, nos François qui estoient resserrez dans -Constantinople, et attaquez par dehors de toutes parts, furent contraints -de le faire, et de subire la meme loy, en s'accommodant au temps, pour se -parer des insultes de leurs ennemis. C'est ce que le Sire de Joinuille dit -en ces termes: A iceluy Cheualier oüi dire, et comme il le disoit au Roy, -que l'Empereur de Constantinople, et ses gens, se allierent vne fois d'vn -Roy, qu'on appelloit le Roy des Comains, pour auoir leur aide, pour -conquerir l'Empereur de Grece, qui auoit nom Vataiche. Et disoit iceluy -Cheualier, que le Roy du peuple des Comains pour auoir seurte et fiance -fraternel l'vn l'autre, qu'il faillit qu'ils et chascun de leur gens d'vns -part et d'autre se fissent saigner, et que de leur sang ils donnassent à -boire l'vn à l'autre, en signe de fraternité, disans qu'ils estoient -frere, et d'vn sang, et ainsi le conuint faire entre nos gens, el les gens -d'iceluy Roy, et meslérent de leur sang auec du vin, et en beuuoient l'vn -à l'autre, et disoient lors qu'ils estoient freres d'vn sang. Georges -Pachymeres raconte la méme chose des Comains. Et Alberic en l'an 1187, -nous fait assez voir que cette coûtume eut pareillement cours parmy les -Sarazins, écriuant que la funeste alliance que le Comte de Tripoly -contracta auec le Sultan des Sarazins, se fit auec cette cérémonie, et -qu'ils y bûrent du sang l'vn de l'autre. - - * * * * * - -"Cette fraternité se contractoit encore par l'attouchement des armes, en -les faisant toucher reciproquement les vnes aux autres. Cette coûtume -estoit particuliere aux Anglois, auant que les Normans se rendissent -maîtres de l'Angleterre, principalement lorsque des communautez entieres -faisoient entre eux vne alliance fraternelle, en vsans de cette maniere, -au lieu du changement reciproque des armes, qui n'auroit pas pû s'executer -si facilement. - - * * * * * - -"Mais entre tant de cerémonies qui se sont obseruées pour contracter vne -fraternite, celle qui a esté pratiquée par les peuples Chrétiens, est la -plus plausible et la plus raisonnable: car pour abolir et pour éteindre -entierement les superstitions qui les accompagnoient, et qui tenoient du -paganisme, ils en ont introduit vne autre plus sainte et plus pieuse en la -contractant dans l'Eglise, deuant le Prétre, et en faisant reciter -quelques prieres ou oraisons, nous en auons la formule dans -_l'Euchologium_." - - -NOTE V.--CHAP. III. - -The fear of Robert Guiscard was no chimera; for, after having raised -himself from indigence to power and authority, he opposed successfully the -whole force of two great monarchies, and defeated alternately the emperors -of the east and the west. - -One of the most pointed accounts of this extraordinary freebooter which I -have met with I subjoin, from the _Melanges Curieux_. - -"Robertus Wischardi de Normania exiens, vir pauper, miles tamen, ingenio -et probitate suâ Apuliam, Calabriam suæ ditioni submisit, et Insulam -Siciliam de manu Ismaelitarum liberavit, Rotgeriumque fratrem suum ejusdem -Insulæ Comitem appellavit. Demum mare transiens, Durachium urbem nobilem -cepit, Dalmatiamque et Bulgariam super Alexium Imperatorem acquisivit: -insuper eum ter bello fugavit, et Romanum, Henricum semel ab urbe fugere -compulit, Pontificemque Romanum, quem ceperat, ab eo liberavit. Qui cum -innumerabilia penè fecisset probitatis indicia, hoc de illo constans -habetur, quod nisi morte præoccupatus fuisset, filium suum Boamundum -Imperatorem faceret, se verò Regem Persarum, ut sæpè dicebat, -constitueret, viamque Hieroso, lymorum destructâ paganitate Francis -aperiret. Nunquam victus est quanquam sæpè pugnaverit. Venetos, qui contra -eum omni virtute sua convenerant cum stolo suo ita profligavit, ut nec -fuga, nec pelagus illis esset auxilio. Nec fuit terrarum locus ita -remotus, in quo rumor, fama, timor Wischardi per omnium ferê ora non -volitaret. Et ut verius de ec dici potest, nulli Regum aut Imperatorum -Wischardus secundus extitit."--_Pere l'Abbe._ - - -NOTE VI.--CHAP. III. - -This cry was not the only cry of arms which the crusaders used in the Holy -Land. Though it was the general battle-cry of the whole army, and each -leader made use of it occasionally when he wanted to animate the whole -host, by rousing up their old enthusiasm; yet when he sought to bring -round him his own vassals, he used the appropriate shout of his family. -Thus we find, by Raimond d'Agiles, that the battle-cry of Raimond de St. -Giles was "_Toulouse!_" - -The best general account of the old cry of arms which I have met with is -given by Ducange. - -"Le cry d'armes n'est autre chose qu'vne clameur conceuë en deux ou trois -paroles, prononcée au commencement ou au fort du combat et de la mêlée, -par un chef, ou par tous les soldats ensemble, suivant les rencontres et -les occasions: lequel cry d'armes estoit particulier au general de l'armée -ou au chef de chaque troupe. - - * * * * * - -"Les François que se trouuérent à la premiere conquéte de la Terre Sainte -avoient pour cry general ces mots, _Adjuua Deus_, ainsi que nous apprenons -de Foucher de Chartres, et d'vn autre ancien Auteur ou bien, _Eia Deus -adiuua nos_, suivant l'Histoire de Hierusalem. Raymond d'Agiles rapporte -la cause et l'origine de ce cry à la vision de Pierre Barthelemy, qui -trouua la sainte Lance au temps que les Turcs assiegeoient la ville -d'Antioche sur les nostre: car durant ce siége S. André luy estant apparu -plusieurs fois, il luy enjoignit de persuader aux Chrétiens d'auoir -recours à Dieu dans les fatigues du siége, et de la faim qu'ils -enduroient, et de prendre dans les combats pour cry d'armes ces mots -_Deus adjuua, et sit signum clamoris vestri, Devs adjuva, et reuera Deus -adjuvabit vos_ qui sont les paroles de S. Andre, Roderic Archeuesque de -Tolede dit qu'au siége et à la prise de Cordouë sur les Sarrazins -d'Espagne, les Chrétiens crierent aussi _Deus adjuva_. Ils ajoustoient -quelquefois à ce cry ces mots _Deus vult_, ou pour parler en langage du -temps, et suiuant qu'ils sont enoncez en la Chronique du Mont Cassin, -_Diex el volt_, dont l'origine est rapportée au Concile de Clermont en -Auuergne, où le Pape Urbain II. ayant fait vne forte exhortation pour -porter les princes Chrétiens à prendre les armes pour aller retirer la -Terre Sainte demains des Infidéles, _Ita omnium qui aderant affectus in -vnum concitauit vt omnes acclamarent, Deux volt, Deus volt_. Aprés quoy le -pape ayant rendu graces à Dieu, dit entre autres paroles celle-cy, _Sit -ergo vobis vox ista in rebus bellicis militare signum, quia verbum hoc à -Deo est prolatum, cùm in hostem fiet bellicosi impetus congressio, erit -vni uersis hæc ex parte Dei vna vociferatio Deus vult, Deus vult_. D'où on -recueille pourquoy le cry est appelle Signum Dei dans quelques -Auteurs."--_Ducange, Dissertations sur l'Histoire de St Louis_, Dissert. -xi. - - -NOTE VII.--CHAP. IV. - -I have used the term _Counts Palatine_, from the old writer whose name -stands in the margin. The peculiar position of these Counts Palatine, -under the ever-changing dynasties of early Europe, is a curious and -interesting subject of inquiry, but one too extensive to be fully treated -in this place. I hope, at some future period, to speak of it in a more -comprehensive work. The learned author whose works have furnished me with -the preceding note affords a good view of the original functions of the -Counts of the Palace, or Counts Palatine. - -"Sovs la premiere et la seconde race de nos Rois, les comtes faisoient la -fonction dans les prouinces et dans les villes capitales du royaume, non -seulement de gouuerneurs, mais encore celle de juges. Leur principal -employ estoit d'y decider les differents et les procés ordinaires de leur -justiciables; et où ils ne pouvoient se transporter sur les lieux, ils -commettoient à cét effet leurs vicomtes et leurs lieutenans. Quant aux -affaires d'importance, et qui meritoient d'estre jugées par la bouche du -prince, nos mémes rois auoient des comtes dans leurs palais, et prés de -leurs personnes, ausquels ils en commettoient la connoissance et le -jugement, qui estoient nommez ordinairement, acause de cét illustre -employ, Comtes du Palais, ou Comtes Palatins. - - * * * * * - -"Il y a lieu de croire que dans la premiere race de nos Rois, et méme dans -le commencement de la seconde, la charge de Comte du Palais n'estoit -exercée que par vn seul, qui jugeoit les differens, assisté de quelques -Conseillers Palatins, qui sont appellez Scabini Palatii, Echeuins du -Palais, dans la Chronique de S. Vincent de Wlturne. - - * * * * * - -"On ne peut pas toutefois disconuenir qu'il n'y ait eu en méme temps -plusieurs Comtes du Palais. Car Eguinard en vne de ses Epîtres, dit en -termes exprés qu'Adalard et Geboïn estoient Comtes du Palais en méme -temps. Et vn titre de Louys le Debonnaire de l'an 938, qui se lit aux -Antiquitez de l'Abbaye de Fulde est souscrit de ce Gebawinus, ou Gebuinus, -et de Ruadbertus, qui y prennent qualité de Comtes du Palais." - - -NOTE VIII.--CHAP. VI. - -The habit of carrying a small wallet when bound on a pilgrimage is one of -the oldest customs of the Christian world. This part of the pilgrim's -dress was called afterward an _aumoniere_, and served either as a -receptacle for containing the alms received on the journey, or, when worn -by the rich, as a repository for those they intended to give away. The -curious fact of Charlemagne having borne one of these wallets to Rome, and -of its having been buried with him, is mentioned in the XVth Dissertation -on Joinville. - -"Cassian traitant des habits et des vétemens des anciens Moines d'Egypte, -dit qu'ils se reuetoient d'vn habit fait de peaux de chevre, que l'on -appelloit Melotes, et qu'ils portoient ordinairement l'escarcelle et le -baton. Les termes de cét Auteur ne sont pas toutefois bien clairs, en cét -endroit-là: _Vltimus est habitus eorum pellis Caprina, quæ Melotes, vel -pera appellatur, et baculus._ Car il n'est pas probable que cét habit de -peaux de cheure ait esté appellé Pera. Ce qui a donné sujet à quelques -Commentateurs de restituer Penula. Neantmoins Isidore et Papias, comme -aussi Ælfric dans son Glossaire Saxon, ont écrit aprés Cassian, que -Melotis, estoit la méme chose que Pera. Quant à moy j'estime que Cassian a -entendu dire que ces Moines, outre ce vétement fait de peaux, auoient -encore coûtume de porter vn petit sachet, et vn baton, dont ils se -seruoient durant leurs pelerinages. Ce qui ce peut aisement concilier, en -restituant le mot appellatur, on le sousentendant, aprés Melotes. Tant y a -que Cassian parle du baton des Moines au Chapitre suiuant; et dans l'vne -de ses Collations, il fait assez, voir que lorsqu'ils entreprenoient -quelque voyage, ils prenoient l'vn et l'autre: Cum accepissemus peram et -baculum, vt ibi moris est Monachis vniuersis iter agentibus. Le Moine -d'Angouléme ecrit que le corps de Charlemagne, apres sa mort, fut inhumé -auec tous ses habits imperiaux, et que pardessus on y posa l'escarcelle -d'or, dont les pelerins se seruent ordinairement, et qu'il auoit coûtume -de porter lorsqu'il alloit à Rom: et super vestimentis Imperialibus pera -peregrinalis aurea posita est, quam Romam portare solitus erat. D'où il -resulte que le baton et l'escarcelle ont toûjours esté la marque -particuliere des Pelerins, ou comme parle Guillaume de Malmesbury Solatia -et indicia itineris. - -"Les Pelerins de la Terre Sainte, auant que d'entreprendre leurs -pelerinages, alloient rcecuoir l'escarcelle et le bourdon des mains des -Prestres dans l'Eglise. - - * * * * * - -"Et cela s'est pratiqué mémes par nos Rois, lorsqu'ils ont voulu -entreprendre ces longs et facheux voyages d'outremer. Car aprés auoir -chargé leurs épaules de la figure de la Croix, ils auoient coûtume de -venir en l'Abbaye de S. Denys, et là, aprés la celébration de la messe, -ils receuoient des mains de quelque Prelat le baton de Pelerin et -l'escarcelle, et memes l'Oriflamme, ensuite dequoy ils prenoient conge de -S. Denys, Patron du Royaume." - - -NOTE IX.--CHAP. VII. - -The pretence of the Count of Toulouse for resisting the claims of Boemond -to the possession of Antioch was, that he had vowed to the emperor Alexius -to deliver up all conquests to him alone. This was but a specious -covering for his own avarice. The terms in which Baldric mentions the -cession of Antioch to Boemond are as follows; and it will be seen that -much more notice was taken of Alexius than that contemptible usurper -deserved. - -"Locuti sunt igitur ad invicem Christianorum duces, et sponte sua Boamundo -subintulerunt: Vides quo in articulo res nostra posita sit. Si civitatem -ergo istam vel prece vel pretio, nobis etiam juvantibus poteris obtinere, -nos eam tibi unanimiter concedimus: salvo in omnibus quod Imperatori, te -collaudante, fecimus sacramento. Si ergo Imperator nobis adjutor -advenerit, juratasque pactiones custodierit, perjuri vivere nolumus: sed -quod pace tua dictum sit, nos illi eam concedimus: sin autem, tuæ semper -sit subdite potestati. _Ex Historia Hierosolymitana Baldrici, Episcopi -Dolensis._" - - -NOTE X.--CHAP. X. - -Even in the days of Ducange the form and colour of the Oriflamme, or -standard borne to battle before the kings of France, was so far forgotten, -that the learned antiquary bestowed no small research to ascertain its -texture and appearance. His erudition never left any thing in uncertainty; -but though he proved the particular banner called the Oriflamme to have -been red; yet Guillaume Guiart mentions one of fine azure, which was -carried before Philip Augustus to the siege of Acre. Ducange speaks of the -Oriflamme as follows: - -"Pour commencer par la recherche du nom d'Oriflamme, la plûpart des -Ecriuains estiment, qu'on le doit tirer de sa matiere, de sa couleur, et -de se forme. Quant à sa figure, il est hors de doute qu'elle estoit faite -comme les bannieres de nos Eglises, que l'on porte ordinairement aux -processions, qui sont quarrees, fenduës en diuers endroits par le bas, -ornees de franges, et attacheés par le haut à vn baton de trauers, qui les -tient etenduës, et est soûtenu d'vne forme de pique. Ils ajoûtent que sa -matiere estoit de soye, ou de tafetas, sa couleur rouge, et tirant sur -celle du feu, et de la sandaraque, à laquelle Pline attribue celle de la -flamme. Il est vray que pour la couleur, tous les Ecriuains conuiennent -qu'elle estoit rouge. Guillaume le Breton en sa Philippide, la decrit -ainsi: - - 'Ast Regi satis est tenues crispare per auras - Vexillum simplex, cendato simplice textum, - Splendoris rubei, Letania qualiter vti - Ecclesiana solet, certis ex more diebus - Quod cum flamma habeat vulgariter aurea nomen - Omnibus in bellis habet omnia signa preire.' - -"Guillaume Guiart en son Histoire de France, en la vie de Philippes -Auguste, a ainsi traduit ces vers: - - 'Oriflamme est vne banniere, - Aucune poi plus forte qui quimple, - De cendal roujoiant et simple, - Sans pourtraiture d'autre affaire.' - - * * * * * - -"L'Oriflamme estoit l'enseigne particuliere de l'Abbe et du Monastere de -S. Denys, qu'ils faisoient porter dans leurs guerres par leur Auoüe Car -c'estoit-là la principale fonction des Auoüez, qui en qualite de -defenseurs et de protecteurs des Monasteres et des Eglises, entreprenoient -la conduit de leurs vassaux pour la defense de leurs droits, et portoient -leurs enseignes à la guerre: d'où vient qu'ils sont ordinairement -appellez, les porte-enseignes des Eglise, signiferi Ecclesiarum, comme -j'espere justifier ailleurs Les Comtes du Vexin et de Pontoise auoient ce -titre dans le Monastere de S. Denys, dont ils estoient les Auoüez, et les -protecteurs, et en cette qualite ils portoient l'Oriflamme dans les -guerres qui s'entreprenoient pour la defense de ses biens. - - * * * * * - -"Il faut donc tenir pour constant que Louys le Gros fut le premier de nos -Rois, qui en qualite de Comte du Vexin tira l'Oriflamme de dessus l'autel -de l'Eglise de S. Denys, et la fit porter dans ses armees, comme la -principale enseigne du Protecteur de son Royaume, et dont il inuoquoit le -secours dans son cry d'armes. - - * * * * * - -"Il est arriue dans la suite que nos Rois, qui estoient entrez dans les -droits de ces Comtes, s'en sont seruis, pour leurs guerres particulieres, -comme estant la banniere qui portoit le nom du Protecteur de leur Royaume, -ainsi que j'ay remarque, la tirans, de dessus l'autel de l'Eglise S. -Denys, auec les memes ceremonies, et les memes prieres, que l'on auoit -accoûteme d'observer, lorsqu'on la mettoit entre les mains des Comtes du -Vexin pour les guerres particulieres de ce Monastere. Ces ceremonies sont -ainsi decrites par Raoul de Presle, au Traite dont je viens de parler en -cestermes: Premierement la procession vous vient à l'encontre jusques à -l'issuë du Cloistre, et apres la procession, atteints les benoists corps -Saints de Monsieur S. Denys, et ses Compagnons, et mis sur l'autel en -grande reuerence, et aussi le corps de Monsieur S. Louys, et puis est mise -cette banniere ploise sur les corporaux, où est consacre le corps de N. S. -Jesus Christ, lequel vous receuez dignement apres la celebration de la -Messe: si fait celuy lequel vous auez esleu à bailler, comme au plus prud -homme et vaillant Cheualier; et ce fait, le baisez en la bouche, et luy -baillez, et la tient en ses mains par grande reuerence, afin que les -Barons assistans le puissent baiser comme reliques et choses dignes, et en -luy baillant pour le porter, luy faites faire serment solemnel de le -porter et garder en grande reuerence, et à l'honneur de vous et de vostre -Royaume. - - * * * * * - - -NOTE XI.--CHAP. XIII. - -Villehardouin is undoubtedly the best authority for all the particulars of -the siege of Constantinople. Nicetas was extravagantly prejudiced; and -though the emperor Baldwin, in his letters to the Pope, was as frank as -any man in his situation could be, it was but natural that he should -endeavour to show the causes of the warfare in the most favourable point -of view--that he should represent the conduct of himself and his -companions with every advantage--in fact that he should see the events -which raised him to the throne through a peculiar medium, and represent -them tinged with the same colours that they presented to his own eyes. - -Villehardouin wrote without many of these disadvantages. He did not belong -to the pillaged and conquered class, like Nicetas, nor did he write to -excuse himself in the eyes of the Pope. He had his prejudices, of course, -like other men, but these prejudices were greatly prevented from affecting -his history by the frank simplicity of chivalrous manners, which no one -possessed in greater purity than he did himself. - -In two points Philippe Mouskes gives a different account of the affairs of -Constantinople from Villehardouin. In the first place, he states that -Alexius Angelus, the brother of Isaac, commanded his nephew to be drowned; -but that by entreaties the prince moved those persons who were charged -with the cruel order. In the next place, he says that Murzuphlis caused -Alexius the younger to be poisoned. - -In regard to the destruction of the monuments of art committed by the -Latins, Nicetas gives a melancholy, though somewhat bombastic account. The -famous works destroyed were as follows, according to his statement: - -A colossal Juno, from the forum of Constantine, the head of which was so -large that four horses could scarcely draw it from the spot where it stood -to the palace. - -The statue of Paris, presenting the apple to Venus. - -An immense bronze pyramid, crowned by a female figure, which turned with -the wind. - -The colossal statue of Bellerophon, in bronze, which was broken down, and -cast into the furnace. Under the inner nail of the horse's hind foot, on -the left side, was found a seal, wrapped in a woollen cloth. - -A figure of Hercules, by Lysimachus, of such vast dimensions that the -circumference of the thumb was equal in measurement to the waist of an -ordinary man. From the attitude of this statue, as described by Nicetas, -it is not improbable that it served as a model for that piece of -sculpture, the only part of which that remains is the famous _Torso_. - -The Ass and his Driver, cast by order of Augustus, after the battle of -Actium, in commemoration of his having discovered the position of Antony -through the means of a peasant and his beast, the one bearing the name of -_Fortunate_, and the other that of _Conqueror_. - -The Wolf suckling the twins of Rome; the Gladiator in combat with a Lion; -the Hippopotamus; the Sphynxes: and the famous Eagle fighting with a -Serpent; all underwent the same fate, as well as the beautiful statue of -Helen, which Nicetas speaks of as the perfection of statuary. - -Added to these were the exquisite figure on the race-course, and a group, -wherein a monster, somewhat resembling a bull, was represented engaged in -deadly conflict with a serpent. Each appeared expiring under the efforts -of the other; the snake crushed between the teeth of the monster, and the -bull tainted to the heart by the venom of the reptile: no bad emblem of -the struggle between the bold and furious valour of the Latins and the -poisonous treachery of the Greeks themselves. - - -NOTE XII.--CHAP. XIV. - -That St. Louis was threatened with the torture is an undoubted fact though -what that sort of torture was which Joinville calls _les Bernicles_ is not -so clear. Ducange fancies that it was the _Cippus_ of the ancients: and -whether it was or not, the resolution of the monarch in resisting showed -not a little fortitude. I subjoin Ducange's observations. - -"Le Sire de Joinville dit que le Sultan de Babylone, ou son Conseil fit -faire au Roy des propositions peu raisonables, croyant qu'il y -consentiroit pour obtenir sa deliurance, et celle de ceux de sa suite, qui -auoient este faits prisonniers auec luy en la bataille de Massoure. Et sur -ce que le Roy refusa absolument d'y donner les mains, il le voulut -intimider; et le menaça de luy faire souffrir de grands tourmens. Mathieu -Paris: Cùm frequenter à Saracenis cumterribilibus comminationibus -sollicitaretur Rex vt Damiatam redderet, et noluit vlla ratione, -postularunt summam sibi pecuniæ persolui sine diminutione, vel diuturno -cruciatu vsque ad mortem torqueretur. Ce tourment est appelle par le Sire -de Jouinville les Bernicles, lequel il decrit en ces termes. Et voyans les -Sarazins que le Roy ne vouloit obtemperer à leur demandes, ils le -menacerent de le mettre en Bernicles: qui est le plus grief tourment -qu'ils puissent faire à nully: Et sont deux grans tisons de bois, qui sont -entretenans au chef. Et quant ils veulent y mettre aucun, ils le couschent -sur le couste entre ces dieux tisons, et luy font passer les jambes à -trauers de grosses cheuilles: puis couschent la piece de bois, qui est -là-dessus, et font asseoir vn homme dessus les tisons. Dont il auient -qu'il ne demeure à celuy qui est là cousche point demy pied d'ossemens, -qu'il ne soit tout desrompu et escache. Et pour pis luy faire, au bout des -trois jours luy remettent les jambes, qui sont grosses et enflees, dedens -celles bernicles, et la rebrisent derechief, qui est vne chose moult -cruelle à qui sauroit entendre: et la lient à gros nerfs de boeuf par la -teste, de peur qu'il ne se remuë là dedans. - - -THE END. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] La Père Menestrier, Ordres de Chevalerie; Jouvencel; Favin Théâtre. - -[2] Fabliau de l'ordene de Chevalerie dans les fabliaux de Le Grand -d'Aussi. - -[3] Tacit. de Mor. Germ. - -[4] Marculfus. - -[5] Menestrier de la Chevalerie et ses preuves, page 230. - -[6] Tacitus de Morib. German. - -[7] Eginhard Ann. - -[8] See note I. - -[9] Charles Nodier on St. Palaye. - -[10] Ordene de Chevalerie Fabliaux. - -[11] Charles Nodier. - -[12] Felibien, Hist. St. Denis. - -[13] Coutumes de Beauvoisis. - -[14] St. Palaye. - -[15] Vie de Bayard. - -[16] Favin Théâtre. - -[17] Vie de Boucicaut, Coll. Pelitot et Momerque. - -[18] Vie de Bayard. - -[19] Froissart. - -[20] St. Palaye, liv. i. - -[21] Guillaume Guiart.; Guill, Amoric.; Rigord; Philipeid. - -[22] Brantome. - -[23] See note II. - -[24] Charles Nodier's Annotations on St. Palaye. - -[25] Ducange, Dissert. xxii. Menestrier, chap. 2; St. Palaye. - -[26] Roman de Garin, Fabliaux, vol. ii. - -[27] Menestrier, chap. 2. and 9. - -[28] Menestrier, chap. 9. - -[29] St. Palaye. - -[30] Hartknoch, lib. ii. c. 1. - -[31] Existing Orders of Knighthood. - -[32] Cappefigue. - -[33] Menestrier, ix.; St. Palaye. - -[34] Adré Favin Théât. - -[35] Nithard, lib. iii. - -[36] _Britannarum_ is the word. - -[37] Ducange apud Chron. Tur. an. 1066. - -[38] Munster. Geogr. lib. iii. - -[39] Ducange, in his sixth dissertation, has satisfactorily overturned the -assertion made by Modius, that tournaments were known in Germany at a much -earlier period than here stated. - -[40] Ducange, Dissert. vii. - -[41] Menestrier Origine. - -[42] Favin Théâtre. - -[43] St. Palaye. - -[44] St. Palaye. - -[45] Vie de Bayard. - -[46] Vie de Bayard. - -[47] Olivier de la Marche. - -[48] Ducange, Dissert. vi. - -[49] St. Palaye. - -[50] Ducange, Dissert. vii. - -[51] Mat. Paris, Ann. 1241. - -[52] Colombiere. - -[53] Menestrier, vi. - -[54] Mat. Westmonas., page 409. - -[55] Should any one be tempted to investigate further, he will find the -subject discussed at length in the seventh dissertation of Ducange. See -also the _Chronique de Molinet_. - -[56] St. Palaye; Ribeiro, lib. x. - -[57] Menestrier. - -[58] Ordonances des Rois de France, ann. 1294. - -[59] Pasquier Recherches. - -[60] Vie de Bayard sur Jean d'Arces. - -[61] See note III. - -[62] Colombiere. - -[63] La Colombiere. - -[64] Froissart Olivier de la Marche. - -[65] See the "Voeu du Heron and the Voeu du Paon." cited in St. Palaye. - -[66] See note IV. - -[67] Ducange, Dissert, xxi. - -[68] Monstrelet. - -[69] Juvenal des Ursius. - -[70] Hardouin de la Jaille. - -[71] See deed between Du Guesclin and Clisson. Ducange, Dissert, xxi. - -[72] Ducange, Gloss. Lat. Mutare Armas. - -[73] See the Chevalier de la Tour, as cited by St. Palaye. - -[74] Vertot. - -[75] Sharon Turner. - -[76] William of Jumieges, lib. iv. - -[77] Eginhard. Annal. - -[78] Mabillon. - -[79] William of Tyre, lib. i. - -[80] Voltaire, Essai sur les Moeurs. - -[81] Guibert de Nogent. - -[82] Will. Tyr. lib. i. - -[83] Mills mentions one from Manuel VII. to Pope Gregory VII., and Guibert -of Nogent speaks of another which, though he cautiously avoids naming the -emperor who wrote it, lest he should mislead from want of correct -information, could only have been sent, under some of the circumstances he -mentions, by Isaac Comnenus. Mills supposes it to have been the same with -a letter written by Alexius, though it differs in many parts from the -usual version of that epistle. Probably, however, this opinion is correct, -as a letter is stated to have been addressed to Robert of Flanders, who -was in his extreme youth in the time of Isaac Comnenus. - -[84] Murator. Script. Ital. - -[85] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. - -[86] Ibid. - -[87] Robert, lib. i. - -[88] Guib. Nogent, lib. ii. - -[89] Hist. Hieros. abrev. Jacob. Vit. lib. i. - -[90] Will. Tyr. lib. i.; Albert. Chron. Hieros. - -[91] Will. Tyr.; Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. Vit. lib. i. - -[92] Will. Tyr. lib. i. - -[93] Albert. Aquensis; Hist. Hieros.; Jacobi Vitr.; Will. Tyr. - -[94] See note V. - -[95] William of Tyre says that he was wandering from place to place under -the protection of Guiscard. This opinion I have adopted, although Albert -of Aix declares that Peter joined him at Rome. - -[96] Will. of Malmsbury. - -[97] Mills. - -[98] Will. Tyr. lib. i. - -[99] Guibertus; Gesta Dei. - -[100] A. D. 1095. - -[101] Mills, chap. ii. - -[102] Will. Tyr. lib. i. - -[103] Robertus Monachus, lib. i. - -[104] I have followed as nearly as possible the account of Robertus -Monachus, who was present. Having found in no book of any authenticity the -speech attributed by more modern writers to Peter the Hermit, I have -rejected it entirely as supposititious. Neither Robert, nor Albertus -Aquensis, nor William of Tyre, nor Guibert of Nogent, nor James of Vitry, -the most authentic historians of the crusade, some of whom were present at -the council of Clermont, and most of whom lived at the time, even mention -the appearance of Peter at that assembly. That he might be there, I do not -attempt to deny, but that he addressed the people I believe utterly -unfounded. - -[105] See note VI. - -[106] Robertus Monachus. - -[107] Fulcher of Chartres; Guibert of Nogent; William of Tyre. - -[108] See note VII. - -[109] Guibert of Nogent. - -[110] Fulcher of Chartres; William of Tyre. - -[111] Guibert; Gesta Dei. - -[112] Albert. Aquensis; Will. Tyr.; Guibert. - -[113] Albert of Aix. - -[114] See Ducange in Sig. Cruc. - -[115] Albert of Aix; James of Vitry; Robert the Monk; Guibert. - -[116] Fulcher. - -[117] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. Mills follows this opinion; Guibert -of Nogent and James of Vitry are opposed to it, and Fulcher gives a -different account also. - -[118] Fulcher; Will. Tyr.; Albert Aquen. - -[119] Will. Tyr. - -[120] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. - -[121] Albert of Aix. - -[122] Guibert. - -[123] Albert of Aix. - -[124] Ibid. - -[125] Guibert. - -[126] Baldric. - -[127] Albert of Aix. - -[128] Guibert of Nogent, lib. ii.; Albert of Aix, lib. i.; Orderic Vital, -lib. ix. Mills says it was the French and Normans who thus advanced into -the country, but the great majority of writers is against him. - -[129] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. - -[130] Robert the Monk; William of Tyre; Guibert of Nogent; Albert of Aix. - -[131] Robert the Monk; Guibert of Nogent. - -[132] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. - -[133] Robert the Monk; Guibert of Nogent. - -[134] Ibid. - -[135] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. - -[136] Albert. Aquensis; William of Tyre. - -[137] Albert of Aix. - -[138] Robertus Monachus, lib. i. - -[139] Guibert of Nogent. - -[140] Guibert of Nogent. - -[141] See note VIII. - -[142] Will. Malmsbury. - -[143] Will. of Tyre; Albert of Aix. - -[144] Albert of Aix. - -[145] Guibert of Nogent. - -[146] Guibert; Will. Tyr. - -[147] Albert of Aix. - -[148] William of Tyre. - -[149] Albert of Aix. - -[150] Albert. Aquensis. - -[151] Will Tyr.; Albert. Aquens. - -[152] Guibert. - -[153] Fulcher; Guibert; Will. Tyr.; Albert. - -[154] I have taken perhaps more pains than was necessary to investigate -this part of the crusaders' proceedings, which I found nearly as much -confused in the writings of Mills as in those of the contemporary authors. -Some assert that the whole mass of the western crusaders proceeded in one -body through Italy; but finding that Fulcher, who accompanied Robert of -Normandy and Stephen of Blois, never mentions Hugh of Vermandois; that -Guibert speaks of that prince's departure first; that the Archbishop of -Tyre marks the divisions distinctly, and that he certainly embarked at a -different port in Italy from the rest, I have been led to conclude, that -though probably looking up to Hugh as the brother of their sovereign, the -three great leaders proceeded separately on their march. Robertus Monachus -is evidently mistaken altogether, as he joins the Count of Toulouse with -the army of Hugh, when we know from Raimond d'Agiles that that nobleman -conducted his troops through Sclavonia. - -[155] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. - -[156] Guibert. - -[157] Ibid. lib. ii. - -[158] Will. Tyr. lib. ii. - -[159] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. - -[160] Albert of Aix. - -[161] Guibert. - -[162] Albert of Aix; Robertus Monachus; Will. Tyr. - -[163] Will. Tyr.; Rob. Mon.; Guibert; Albert. Aquens. - -[164] Albert of Aix. - -[165] Mills, in speaking of this interview, does not distinguish between -the coat-of-arms and the mantle or pallium. They were, however, very -different, and never, that I know of, worn together. The coat-of-arms was -usually extremely small; and the form may be gathered from the anecdote of -an ancient baron, who, not readily finding his coat-of-arms, seized the -cloth of a banner, made a slit in the centre with his sword, and passing -his head through the aperture, thus went to battle. These customs however -often changed, and we find many instances of the coat-of-arms being worn -long. The mantle was the garb of peace, and was even more richly decorated -than the coat-of-arms. Another peaceful habiliment was the common surcoat, -which differed totally from the tunic worn over the armour, having large -sleeves and cuffs, as we find from the notes upon Joinville. The size of -this garment may be very nearly ascertained from the same account, which -mentions 736 ermines having been used in one surcoat worn by the king of -France. See Joinville by Ducange. - -For the use of the pallium, or mantle, see St. Palaye--notes on the Fourth -Part. - -[166] I have not chosen to represent this interview in the colours with -which Mills has painted it. The princess Anna, from whom he took his view -of the subject, can in no degree be depended upon. Her object was to -represent her father as a dignified monarch, receiving with cold pomp a -train of barbarous warriors; but the truth was, that Alexius was in no -slight measure terrified at Godfrey and his host, and sought by every -means to cajole him into compliance with his wishes. Almost every other -historian declares that the crusaders were received with the utmost -condescension and courtesy. Robert of Paris, one of Godfrey's noble -followers, did indeed seat himself on the throne of Alexius, and replied -to Baldwin's remonstrance by a braggart boast, for which the emperor only -reproved him by a contemptuous sneer. This, however, would, if any thing, -prove that the pride and haughtiness was on the part of the crusaders -rather than on that of the imperial court. - -[167] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. - -[168] Albert of Aix. - -[169] Vertot. - -[170] Robert the Monk. - -[171] Gerusalemme, cant. i. - -[172] What the relationship exactly was I have not been able to discover. -Mills does not satisfy me that the mother of Tancred was the sister of -Robert Guiscard. The expressions of Ralph of Caen on the subject appear to -be obscure. - -[173] Albert of Aix. - -[174] St. Palaye. - -[175] Mills, chap. 3. - -[176] Fulcher. - -[177] Raoul de Caen. - -[178] William of Tyre. - -[179] Raoul de Caen; William of Tyre; Albert of Aix; Guibert. - -[180] Orderic. Vital. lib. ix. - -[181] Boemond had inherited all his father's hatred to the Greek -sovereigns, and had waged many a bloody and successful war against Alexius -himself. - -[182] Will. Tyr.; Albert. Aquens. - -[183] Raoul de Caen; Guibert. - -[184] Alexiad par Ducange. - -[185] Guibert, lib. iii. - -[186] Radulph. Cad. cap. 11. - -[187] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 12. - -[188] Albertus Aquensis says that Tancred took with him the whole army. -William of Tyre follows the same opinion, as well as Guibert. Orderic -Vital declares that when the troops were passing, Tancred dressed himself -as a common soldier, and passed among the crowd; but Radulphus Cadomensis -(or Raoul of Caen, as the French translate his name), who was his -companion and friend in after-years, makes no mention of his having taken -with him any part of the forces he commanded, merely stating, that in his -eagerness to pass before he was discovered, he aided to row the boat -himself. - -[189] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[190] Ibid. - -[191] Raimond d'Agiles; Will. Tyr.; Guibert. - -[192] Guibert; Albert of Aix. - -[193] Will. Tyr. - -[194] Guibert. - -[195] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[196] Guibert; Raimond; Will Tyr. - -[197] Alexiad. - -[198] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix. - -[199] Raimond d'Agiles expressly states that the army of the Count of -Toulouse, which he accompanied to the Holy Land, did not join the other -crusaders till they were under the walls of Nice. Mills is therefore wrong -in writing that the Provençals joined the other soldiers of the Cross -before their arrival at Nice, and then let them march on again before -them. - -[200] Guibert, lib. ii. - -[201] Orderic Vital. - -[202] Guibert. - -[203] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. - -[204] Fulcher. - -[205] Albert of Aix; Fulcher. - -[206] Will. Tyr. - -[207] Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert. - -[208] All authors, those who were present as well as those who wrote from -the accounts of others, differ entirely among themselves concerning the -dispositions of the siege. Fulcher, who accompanied the Duke of Normandy, -says that that chief attacked the south; Raimond of Agiles, who was -present also, says that the south was the post of the Count of Toulouse. I -have, however, adopted the account of Raimond, who appears to me to have -paid more attention to the operations of the war than Fulcher. - -[209] Fulcher. - -[210] Ibid. - -[211] The word used is _loricati_; and Ducange, who seldom makes a -positive assertion without the most perfect certainty, states, in the -observations on Joinville, that we may always translate the word -_loricatus_, a knight, "et quand on voit dans les auteurs Latins le terme -de loricati il se doit entendre des Chevaliers."--_Ducange, Observ. sur -l'Hist. de St. Louis_, page 50. - -[212] Guibert. - -[213] Albert of Aix, lib. ii. - -[214] Albert. - -[215] Ibid. - -[216] Albert; Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert. - -[217] Albert. - -[218] Raimond. - -[219] Albert. - -[220] Guibert. - -[221] Guibert; Albert of Aix. - -[222] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Robert. Mon. - -[223] Robert. Mon. - -[224] Fulcher. - -[225] Guibert; Raimond d'Agiles. - -[226] Albert of Aix. - -[227] Fulcher. - -[228] Idun; Albert of Aix. - -[229] Albert of Aix. - -[230] The Philippide. - -[231] Albert of Aix. - -[232] Fulcher. - -[233] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix; Guibert. - -[234] Will. Tyr. - -[235] Albert of Aix. - -[236] Guibert; Albert. - -[237] William of Tyre; Raimond. - -[238] Raimond de Agiles. - -[239] William of Tyre; Raimond de Agiles; Guibert de Nogent. - -[240] Fulcher, cap. 4; William of Tyre. - -[241] Ten at a time were admitted within the walls, but not more. - -[242] June 29, A. D. 1097. - -[243] Fulcher, cap. 5; Raimond d'Agiles; Orderic Vital; Raoul de Caen. - -[244] Mills avers that the chiefs separated by mutual consent. I have -found nothing to confirm this opinion. Radulphus says that there was a -rumour to that effect, but shows that it could not be just, as the baggage -of the troops of Boemond and his party had, by the error that separated -them, been left with the other division. William of Tyre leaves the -question undecided. Fulcher says, absolutely, that the separation -originated in a mistake. Orderic Vital follows the same opinion. Raimond -d'Agiles is not precise, but he says that it was done inconsiderately; and -Guibert decidedly affirms that it was accidental, and through the -obscurity of the morning in which they began their march. - -[245] William of Tyre. - -[246] Fulcher; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert. - -[247] Fulcher makes it amount to nearly three hundred and sixty thousand -combatants; and Raimond reduces the number to one hundred and fifty -thousand. - -[248] Fulcher. - -[249] Ibid; Guibert. - -[250] William of Tyre; Guibert; Fulcher, cap. 5. - -[251] Guibert; Will. of Tyr. - -[252] Fulcher; Radulph. Cad. cap. 21. - -[253] William of Tyre; Guibert; Fulcher. - -[254] Fulcher, cap. 5; William of Tyre. - -[255] William of Tyre. - -[256] Raoul of Caen. - -[257] Albert; Raoul of Caen; William of Tyre. - -[258] Albert. - -[259] Raoul of Caen. - -[260] Fulcher; Albert; Raoul of Caen. - -[261] Albert of Aix informs us, that the ladies of Boemond's camp, seeing -the merciless fury with which the Turks were dealing death to all ages and -sexes, clothed themselves in their most becoming garments, and strove to -display their charms to the best advantage, for the purpose of obtaining -the durance of the harem rather than the grave. Albert was not present, -and did not even visit the Holy Land; and I find his account in this -respect confirmed by no other historian. The good canon, indeed, was -somewhat fond of little tales of scandal, so that I feel inclined to doubt -his authority, where such matters are under discussion. He has an anecdote -in a similar style appended to his history of the taking of Nice. - -[262] Radulphus, cap. 22. - -[263] William of Tyre. - -[264] Orderic Vital; Guibert. - -[265] Albert of Aix; Fulcher, cap. 5; William of Tyre. - -[266] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 26. - -[267] Fulcher; Albert of Aix. - -[268] Albert; Radulphus Cadomachus, cap. 27, 28, _et seq._; William of -Tyre. - -[269] Many of the Christians attributed their victory to the miraculous -interposition of two canonized martyrs, who, in glittering armour, led on -the army of Godfrey and the count of Toulouse, and scared the Turks more -than all the lancers of the crusaders. Though the supposed interposition -of such personages certainly robbed the leaders of no small share of -glory, yet it gave vast confidence and enthusiasm to the inferior classes. - -[270] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Guibert. - -[271] William of Tyre. - -[272] Guibert; William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. - -[273] Albert of Aix. - -[274] Guibert, lib. iii. - -[275] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; William of Tyre. - -[276] Fulcher; Guibert. - -[277] Albert. - -[278] Ibid. - -[279] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 33; Guibert. lib. iii.; Will. Tyr. - -[280] All the authors of the day that I have been able to meet with -declare this expedition of Baldwin and Tancred to have been voluntary. -Mills only, as far as I can discover, attributes their conduct to an order -received from others. I mark the circumstance more particularly, because, -under my view of the case, the fact of Tancred and his companions having -separated themselves from the rest of the host, after such immense -fatigues, abandoning repose and comfort, and seeking new dangers and fresh -privations, is one of the most extraordinary instances on record of the -effect of the chivalrous spirit of the age. Under this point of view, all -the historians of that time saw the enterprise which they have recorded; -but Mills, writing in the least chivalrous of all epochs, has reduced the -whole to a corporal-like obedience of orders. - -[281] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; Radulph. cap. 37. - -[282] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; Guibert; Will. Tyr. - -[283] Radulphus, cap. 38. - -[284] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. iii. - -[285] Radulphus; Albert of Aix; Guibert of Nogent. - -[286] Albert. lib. iii. - -[287] Albert. - -[288] Ibid. - -[289] Albert; Raoul de Caen. See also Fulcher, who was chaplain to -Baldwin. - -[290] Albert of Aix; Raoul of Caen. - -[291] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre; Raimond d'Agiles. - -[292] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. - -[293] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[294] Robert. Mon. lib. iii. Albert of Aix; Guibert. - -[295] Albert of Aix. - -[296] William of Tyre. - -[297] Albert of Aix. - -[298] The population of these countries was in general Christian. - -[299] Fulcher; Albert. - -[300] Albert; Guibert, lib. iii. - -[301] Guibert. - -[302] Albert. - -[303] Guibert, lib. iii.; where see the manner in which Baldwin contrived -to subjugate the inhabitants. - -[304] Albert of Aix. - -[305] Guibert. - -[306] Albert. - -[307] Mills declares, that the Christians were rescued from this ambuscade -by the arrival of Tancred. I find the account of Albert of Aix totally -opposed to such a statement; while the passage in Raoul of Caen relating -to this event is so full of errors in other respects, that no reliance -could be placed upon it, even if it justified the assertion of Mills, -which, however, it does not do. He states, that Tancred arrived long -before the ambuscade, and that he found Baldwin at Artesia. By this he -might mean Baldwin de Bourg, who, after the other Baldwin became King of -Jerusalem, was also created Count of Edessa; but this interpretation -cannot be admitted here, as he mentions the former disputes between the -soldiers of Tancred and of the Baldwin to whom he refers, and who could -therefore be none other than the brother of Godfrey, who was, we know, in -Edessa at the time. We may therefore conclude, that as a principal part of -this account is notoriously false, Raoul of Caen cannot be considered as -any authority, so far as this event is concerned. Finding the statement of -Tancred's assistance here not confirmed by any other good authority, I -have abided by the account of Albert. - -[308] Albert of Aix. - -[309] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[310] Will. Tyr., Raimond. - -[311] Albert of Aix. - -[312] Raimond; Guibert of Nogent. - -[313] Raimond; Albert says six hundred thousand; Guibert of Nogent. - -[314] Raimond. - -[315] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert d'Aix; Guibert de Nogent, lib. iv.; Robert. - -[316] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix; Guibert de Nogent. - -[317] Malmsbury. - -[318] Albert; Raimond d'Agiles. - -[319] Guibert de Nogent; Robertus Monachus, lib. iv. - -[320] Guibert; Albert; Robert. Mon. - -[321] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[322] Ibid; Guibert; Robertus Monachus. - -[323] Guibert says he was a boasting coward; but this is contradicted by -others. - -[324] Guibert de Nogent; Robert. - -[325] Guibert; Robertus Monachus, lib. iv. - -[326] Robert. Monac. - -[327] Albert of Aix. - -[328] Raimond d'Agiles; Vertot; Guibert; William of Tyre. - -[329] This is one of the points on which the authorities of the day are in -direct opposition to each other. Mills has chosen the opinion of Robertus -Monachus, who states that the message of the calif was haughty and -insolent. I have followed another version of the story, because I find it -supported by a greater weight of evidence, and because I do not think the -calif would have taken the trouble of sending all the way from Egypt to -insult a party of men whose persevering conduct showed that they were not -likely to be turned back by words. Guibert says, that the calif promised -even to embrace the Christian faith, in case the crusaders overcame the -Turks, and restored to him his Syrian dominions. Albert of Aix also -vouches the same proposal, which, however improbable might have been made -for the purpose of deceiving the crusaders. - -[330] Robertson's Historical Disquisition on India. - -[331] Robert, lib. iv. - -[332] Albert of Aix. - -[333] Albert; Robert. Mon. - -[334] Albert of Aix, lib. iii. - -[335] Robertus, lib. iv. - -[336] Robert.; Albert of Aix, lib. iii. - -[337] Guibert; Albert of Aix, lib. iii. - -[338] Robertus; Albert. - -[339] Five thousand perished on the bridge and in the water, according to -Robert the Monk. - -[340] Robertus Monachus. - -[341] Guibert mentions previously that the number of horses was reduced to -a thousand; lib. iv. - -[342] Robertus; Guibert. - -[343] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[344] Guibert, lib. v.; Fulcher, cap. 7. - -[345] Will. Tyr.; Albert; Fulcher, cap. 8. - -[346] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[347] William of Tyre says he was a noble Armenian, chief of the tribe of -_Benizerra_, or the sons of the armour-forgers, and calls him Emir Feir. -Abouharagi, however, says he was a Persian, and calls him Ruzebach. - -[348] Guibert; Will. Tyr.; Albert. - -[349] Guibert. - -[350] William of Tyre, lib. v.; Robert, lib. v.; Guibert, lib. v. - -[351] This transaction is reported variously. Albert of Aix says, that the -proposal of Boemond was at once received with joy. Raoul of Caen gives a -different account, and states that the bishop of Puy, on the suggestion of -Boemond, suggested that the town should be given to him who could first -obtain it. Guibert and Robert relate it as I have done above. The -archbishop of Tyre declares that no one opposed the proposal of Boemond -but the Count of Toulouse. - -[352] Will. Tyr.; Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v. - -[353] Albert of Aix; Robertus, lib. v. - -[354] Robertus, lib. v., 2d June, A. D. 1098. - -[355] Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert. - -[356] There is some reason to believe that Boemond was the first who -entered, as stated by William of Tyre; but as Albert of Aix makes no -mention of the fact, and as Guibert de Nogent declares positively that -Boemond, who is certainly his favourite hero, did not mount till sixty -others had preceded him, as Raimond d'Agiles gives the honour of the feat -to Fulcher de Chartres, and as Robert the Monk confirms that assertion, I -have left the matter in doubt, as I found it. In regard to the story of -Phirouz murdering his brother in his sleep, because he would not aid in -his design, I believe fully that it was but one of those ornamental -falsehoods with which men are ever fond of decorating great and -extraordinary events. I doubt not that the tale was current in the time of -William of Tyre, who reports it; and the act was, beyond question, looked -upon as a noble and devoted one on the part of Phirouz; but as I find -nothing to confirm it in any book I possess, except the simple fact of -that Armenian having been a traitorous rascal, please God, till further -evidence I will look upon it all as a lie. Robert the Monk represents, in -very glowing terms, the grief of Phirouz for the death of his two -brothers, who were killed in the _melée_. Phirouz became a Christian, at -least in name; and to cover the baseness of his perfidy, he declared that -the Saviour himself had appeared to him in a vision, commanding him to -deliver up the town. - -[357] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d'Agiles. - -[358] Albert of Aix, lib. iv. - -[359] Guibert; Albert; Raimond d'Agiles. - -[360] Raimond; Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Albert. - -[361] Guibert, lib. v. - -[362] Albert of Aix, lib. iv. - -[363] See Mills's History of the Crusades. - -[364] Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert; Fulcher; Albert. - -[365] Guibert, lib. v.; Robertus; Albert. - -[366] Guibert; Albert of Aix. - -[367] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. - -[368] Robertus, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. iv.; William of Tyre. - -[369] Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert, lib. v. - -[370] Albert of Aix. - -[371] Robertus, vi.; Albert of Aix. - -[372] Guibert. - -[373] Guibert; Fulcher; Albert, lib. iv. - -[374] Guibert, lib. v. - -[375] Albert of Aix, lib. iv. - -[376] Albert. - -[377] Guibert; Fulcher; Albert. - -[378] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert; Guibert. - -[379] Fulcher; Raimond. - -[380] Radulph. Cadom. - -[381] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[382] Fulcher; Raimond; Albert; Guibert of Nogent. - -[383] Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Agiles; Will. Tyr. - -[384] Albert of Aix. - -[385] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. iii. - -[386] Albert of Aix. - -[387] Guibert; Albert; Raimond. - -[388] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher. - -[389] Raimond; Raoul de Caen. - -[390] Raimond. - -[391] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[392] Histor. Hieros; Jacob. Vit. - -[393] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher. - -[394] Guibert. - -[395] Will. Tyr. lib. vi. - -[396] Raoul of Caen. - -[397] Albert. - -[398] Albert. - -[399] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[400] Will. Malmsbury; Guibert de Nogent; Raimond d'Agiles. - -[401] Albert; Raoul of Caen; Guibert. - -[402] Fulcher; Albert. - -[403] Guibert; Albert. - -[404] Mills. - -[405] Guibert; Fulcher. - -[406] Raimond d'Agiles; William of Tyre. - -[407] See note IX. - -[408] Albert of Aix; Will. Tyr.; Raimond d'Agiles. - -[409] Guibert. - -[410] Guibert; Albert; Will. Tyr. - -[411] Guibert; Albert. - -[412] Guibert. - -[413] Albert of Aix. - -[414] Guibert; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert. - -[415] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[416] Albert of Aix. - -[417] William of Tyre. - -[418] Albert; Guibert. - -[419] Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Guibert; Raoul of Caen. - -[420] Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert de Nogent. - -[421] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[422] Raoul of Caen; Raimond. - -[423] Guibert. - -[424] Guibert, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. v.; William of Tyre. - -[425] Albert of Aix. - -[426] Fulcher; Guibert. - -[427] Albert of Aix. - -[428] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix. - -[429] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[430] Fulcher; Raoul of Caen. - -[431] Guibert; Raimond. - -[432] Albert of Aix; Guibert; Robert. Mon. lib. viii. - -[433] Mills follows Raimond d'Agiles. I have chosen the account of Albert -of Aix, because I find it better supported by evidence. - -[434] William of Tyre. - -[435] Raimond d'Agiles. - -[436] Fulcher. Raimond d'Agiles. - -[437] William of Tyre, lib. vii. - -[438] Robert. Mon. - -[439] Albert. - -[440] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix. - -[441] Albert. - -[442] Robert; Guibert. - -[443] Ibid. - -[444] Albert. - -[445] Raoul of Caen; Albert; Fulcher. - -[446] Albert of Aix, lib. v. - -[447] Guibert. - -[448] Guibert, lib. vii.; Robert. - -[449] Holy War. - -[450] Raimond. - -[451] Robert; Albert; Guibert, lib. vii. - -[452] Fulcher mentions several ladders, but says they were too few. - -[453] Albert of Aix; Guibert. - -[454] Raimond; Albert. - -[455] Albert of Aix. - -[456] Guibert; Albert. - -[457] Albert of Aix. - -[458] Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert. - -[459] Albert of Aix. - -[460] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix. - -[461] Albert describes perfectly the effect of the Greek fire, and says it -could only be extinguished by the means of vinegar, which, on the second -day, the crusaders provided in great quantity. - -[462] Raimond. - -[463] Guibert; Albert of Aix. - -[464] Raimond d'Agiles; William of Tyre. - -[465] Robert; Guibert. lib. vii.; Albert. - -[466] 15th July. A. D. 1099. - -[467] Guibert; Raimond. - -[468] Albert; Robert. - -[469] Ibid; Guibert. - -[470] Guibert; Raimond d'Agiles; Robert. - -[471] Tancred and Gaston of Bearn had promised quarter to these unhappy -wretches, and had given them a banner as a certain protection. It was -early the next morning, before those chiefs were awake, that this massacre -was committed by some of the more bloodthirsty of the crusaders. Tancred -was with great difficulty prevented from taking signal vengeance on the -perpetrators of this crime.--Guibert; Albert. - -[472] The story of the second massacre rests upon the authority of Albert -of Aix, from whose writings it has been copied by all who have repeated -it. Albert of Aix never visited the Holy Land. None of those who were -present at the fall of Jerusalem (that I can discover) make the slightest -mention of such an occurrence; and we have the strongest proof that part -of Albert's story is false; for he declares that all the Saracens were -slaughtered in this second massacre, even those who had previously been -promised protection; and we know that many were sent to Ascalon.--See -_Guibert_, lib. vii. Robert, who was present speaks of many who were -spared.--_Robertus_, lib. ix. Fulcher, who was in the country, if not -present, does not allude to a second massacre. Raimond d'Agiles, who was a -witness to the whole, passes it over in silence; though each of these -persons always speaks of the slaughter of the Saracens as the most -praiseworthy of actions. The Archbishop of Tyre also, who copied Albert -wherever he could be proved correct, has stamped doubt upon this anecdote -by omitting it entirely. I have thought fit to notice this particularly, -because Mills lays no small stress upon the tale. - -[473] Guibert; Albert; William of Tyre. - -[474] See Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert; Albert; Brompton; William of -Malmsbury. - -[475] Fulcher, cap. 18; Robert. Mon. lib. ix. - -[476] Godfrey appears never to have taken the title of king, from a -feeling of religious humility. - -[477] Robert. - -[478] Albert; Will. Tyr. - -[479] Albert. - -[480] He was taken, after having suffered a complete defeat from the emir -Damisman, as he was hastening to the succour of Gabriel of Armenia. - -[481] Will. Tyren.; Radulph.; Cadom. - -[482] Arnould, one of the most corrupt priests in the army, had been -elected patriarch, but was deposed almost immediately; and Daimbert, who -arrived from Rome as legate, was chosen in his stead. This Daimbert it is -of whom I speak above. He seems to have conceived, from the first, the -idea of making Jerusalem an eastern Rome, and wrung many concessions from -Godfrey, which were little respected by that chief's successors. - -[483] William of Tyre. - -[484] Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. lib. i.; William of Tyre; Fulcher; Albert. - -[485] Will. of Tyre; Fulcher of Chartres. - -[486] Fulcher. - -[487] William of Tyre. - -[488] Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. Vit.; Will. of Tyre. - -[489] Fulcher; Albert. - -[490] Raoul of Caen; Will. Tyr.; Fulcher. - -[491] Guibert; lib. vii. - -[492] Will. of Tyr.; Guibert. - -[493] Guibert says that Boemond died from the effects of poison. Other -authors declare that grief for having been obliged to enter into a less -advantageous treaty with Alexius than he had anticipated occasioned his -death; but, from his whole history, I should not look upon Boemond as a -man likely to die of grief. - -[494] He was the grandson of that Raimond, Count of Toulouse, of whose -conduct I have so often had occasion to speak already, and whose -perseverance against Tripoli will be mentioned hereafter. - -[495] Will. Tyr. - -[496] Fulcher; Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. - -[497] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. - -[498] Fulcher. - -[499] Albert of Aix. - -[500] Fulcher; Albert. - -[501] Albert. - -[502] Albert of Aix. - -[503] Fulcher. - -[504] Albert. - -[505] Fulcher, cap. 35, A. D. 1105. - -[506] Fulcher, cap. 27. - -[507] Albert, lib. ix.; Fulcher. - -[508] Albert; Fulcher. - -[509] James of Vitry; Hist. Hieros. ab. - -[510] Hist. Hieros. abrev. - -[511] Mills says that the last historical mention of Peter is that which -relates to his recognition by the Christians of Jerusalem; but such is not -the case. We find him mentioned as a very influential person on the -occasion of the battle of Ascalon.--See _Raimond d'Agiles_; _Guibert_, -lib. vii. - -[512] Guibert, lib. vii. - -[513] Albert of Aix, lib. x.; William of Tyre. - -[514] Fulcher; William of Tyre. - -[515] Guibert, lib. vii. - -[516] Guibert. lib. vii. - -[517] Ibid. - -[518] William of Tyre. - -[519] Albert of Aix and Fulcher give a different account of Baldwin's -escape. - -[520] Will. Tyr. lib. x. - -[521] Albert; Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Guibert. - -[522] Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert. - -[523] Mills is wrong in supposing that plate armour was not at all known -before the beginning of the thirteenth century. As far back as the time of -Louis the Debonair, the Monk of St. Gall gives a full description of a man -in plate armour, and also mentions the barb, or iron covering of the -horse. - -[524] See, for these particulars, the Monk of St. Gall; Albert of Aix; -Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; Guibert; William of Brittany; Menestrier St. -Palaye; Ducange. - -[525] Albert of Aix, lib. viii. - -[526] Fulcher; Guibert. - -[527] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Robertus Monachus. - -[528] Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert. - -[529] Ducange. - -[530] Assizes par Thaumassiere. - -[531] William of Tyre, lib. xviii. - -[532] Vertot. - -[533] Hist. Hierosol., Jacob. Vitri. - -[534] Vertot Preuves. - -[535] Vertot. - -[536] Jacob Vitriaci in Hist. Hierosol. - -[537] William of Tyre. - -[538] Jac. Vitriaci; Hist. Hierosol. - -[539] Will. Tyrensis, lib. xxii.; Jacob. Vit. - -[540] William of Tyre. - -[541] William of Tyre marks precisely, that the particular rules to which -they were subjected, and the dress to which they were restricted, were -regularly fixed by the church at the council of Troyes, in the course of -the ninth year after their first institution. Now the council of Troyes -took place in 1128, and Baldwin du Bourg ascended the throne of Jerusalem -on the 2d or April, 1118, ten years previously. Their first institution, -therefore, could not be in the reign of Baldwin I., as Mills has stated -it, without a gross error on the part of the Archbishop of Tyre, who wrote -in the year 1184, and therefore was not likely to be mistaken on a subject -so near his own days. - -[542] Hist. Hierosol.; Jacob. Vitriaci. - -[543] The Templars founded many charitable institutions, but attendance on -the sick was not a part of their profession. - -[544] For a more particular and correct account of the armour of the -crusades, I must refer to the invaluable work of Dr. Meyrick, which I -regret much not to have had by me while writing this book. My sources of -information have been alone the historians of the day, in consulting whom -the ambiguity of language is very often likely to induce error in matters -which, like armour, are difficult to describe. - -[545] Mills says, "The news of the loss of the eastern frontier of the -Latin kingdom reached France at a time peculiarly favourable for foreign -war." It will be seen that I have taken up a position as exactly the -reverse of that assumed by that excellent author as can well be conceived; -but I have not done so without much investigation, and the more I consider -the subject, the more I am convinced that the moment when the feudal power -was checked by the king and assailed by the communes, was not the most -propitious to call the nobility to foreign lands--that the moment in which -the burghers were labouring up hill for independence, was not a time for -them to abandon the scene of their hopes and endeavours--and that the -moment when a kingdom was torn by conflicting powers, when the royal -authority was unconfirmed, and the nobility only irritated at its -exertion, was not the period that a monarch should have chosen to quit his -dominions. - -[546] A curious essay might be written on the classes or castes in Europe -at that period. It is quite a mistaken notion which some persons have -entertained, that the only distinctions under the monarch, were noble and -serf. We find an immense class, or rather various classes, all of which -consisted of freemen, interposed between the lord and his slave. Thus -Galbertus Syndick, of Bruges, in recounting the death of Charles the Good, -Count of Flanders, A. D. 1130, mentions not only the burghers of the town, -but various other persons who were not of the noble race, but were then -evidently free, as well as the Brabançois or Cotereaux, a sort of -freebooting soldier of that day. Guibert of Nogent, also, in his own life, -and Frodoardus, in the history of Rheims, refer to many of whose exact -station it is difficult to form an idea. - -[547] Rouillard, Histoire de Melun: Vie de Bouchard. - -[548] I know that I use this word not quite correctly, but I can find none -other to express more properly what I mean. - -[549] Suger in vit. Ludovic VI. - -[550] Galbert in vit. Carol. - -[551] Suger in vit. Ludovic VI. - -[552] Chron. Vezeliac. - -[553] Guibert Nog. in vit. s. - -[554] Chron. Vezeliac. - -[555] Gesta regis Ludovici VII. - -[556] The only two I know who accompanied this crusade, and wrote any -detailed account of it, are Odon de Deuil, or Odo de Diagolo, and -Frisingen, or Freysinghen. It is an extraordinary fact, that the Cardinal -de Vitry makes no mention of the second crusade. - -[557] William of St. Thierry, Mabillon. - -[558] Geoffroi de Clairvaux, Continuation of the Life of St. Bernard. - -[559] Odo of Deuil. - -[560] Mabillon. - -[561] Guizot. - -[562] A. D. 1147 - -[563] Odon de Deuil. - -[564] William of Tyre. - -[565] Odon de Deuil. - -[566] See note X. - -[567] It appears from the passage of Odo of Deuil which mentions the -curious servility, as he designates it, of the Greeks never sitting down -in the presence of a superior till desired to do so, that the French of -that day were not quite so ceremonious as in that of Louis XIV. - -[568] Odo of Deuil. - -[569] Nicetas. - -[570] Cinnamus, cited by Mills. - -[571] Odon de Deuil. - -[572] Ibid. - -[573] Manuel Comnenus had married Bertha, and Conrad, Gertrude, both -daughters of Berenger the elder, Count of Sultzbach. - -[574] Odon de Deuil. - -[575] William of Tyre; Odon de Deuil. - -[576] The Pope, in his exhortation to the second crusade, had not only -regulated the general conduct of the crusaders, and formally absolved all -those who should embrace the Cross, but he had given minute particulars -for their dress and arms, expressly forbidding all that might encumber -them in their journey, such as heavy baggage, and vain superfluities, and -all that might lead them from the direct road, such as falcons and -hunting-dogs. "Happy had it been for them," says Odo of Deuil, "if, -instead of a scrip, he had commanded the foot pilgrims to bear a cross -bow, and instead of a staff, a sword." - -[577] Odo of Deuil; Will. Tyr. - -[578] Will. Tyr; Odon de Deuil; Gest. Ludovic VII; Nicetas. - -[579] Odon de Deuil. - -[580] Will. Tyr.; Odon de Deuil. - -[581] Odon de Deuil; Freysinghen; William of Tyre. - -[582] William of Tyre. - -[583] Odon de Deuil. - -[584] Odo of Deuil always calls Otho, Bishop of Freysinghen, brother of -the Emperor Conrad. He was, however, only a half-brother; his relationship -being by the mother's side. - -[585] Will. Tyrens lib. xvi.; Odon de Deuil. - -[586] Odon de Deuil; Will. Tyr. - -[587] Odon de Deuil. - -[588] Odon de Deuil. - -[589] William of Tyre. - -[590] Odon de Deuil. - -[591] Ibid. - -[592] William of Tyre; Vertot. - -[593] Gest. Ludovic. regis; William of Tyre; Vertot. - -[594] Vertot, a learned man and a diligent investigator, speaks of Eleonor -in the following curious terms: "On pretend que cette princesse, peu -scrupuleuse sur ses devoirs, et devenue éprise d'un jeune Turc baptisé, -appellé Saladin, ne pouvait résoudre à s'en séparer, &c." These reports of -course gave rise to many curious suppositions, especially when Richard -Coeur de Leon, Eleonor's son by her second marriage, went to war in the -Holy Land. On his return to France, Louis VII. instantly sought a -plausible pretext for delivering himself from his unfaithful wife without -causing the scandal of a public exposure of her conduct. A pretence of -consanguinity within the forbidden degrees was soon established, and the -marriage was annulled. After this Eleonor, who, in addition to beauty and -wit, possessed in her own right the whole of Aquitain, speedily gave her -hand to Henry II. of England, and in the end figured in the tragedy of -Rosamond of Woodstock. - -[595] William of Tyre; Vertot. - -[596] Gest. regis Ludov. VII. - -[597] Vertot. - -[598] William of Tyre; Col. script. Arab.; Vertot. - -[599] William of Tyre; Freysinghen, reb. gest. Fred.; Gest. reg. Lud. VII. - -[600] Guil. Monach. in vit. Suger. Ab. Sanct. Dion.; Gest. reg. Lud. VII. - -[601] Guil. Monach. in vit. Sug. - -[602] All the writers of that day attempt to excuse St. Bernard for having -preached a crusade which had so unfortunate a conclusion. The principles -upon which they do so are somewhat curious. The Bishop of Freysinghen -declares, that it was the vice of the crusaders which called upon their -heads the wrath of Heaven: and, to reconcile this fact with the spirit of -prophecy which elsewhere he attributes to the Abbot of Clairvaux, declares -that prophets are not always able to prophesy.--_Freysing. de rebus gestis -Fred. Imperat._ Geoffroy of Clairvaux, who was a contemporary, and wrote -part of the Life of St. Bernard, would fain prove that the crusade could -not be called unfortunate, since, though it did not at all help the Holy -Land it served to people heaven with martyrs. - -[603] Existing orders of knighthood. - -[604] Fulcher; Raoul Glaber. - -[605] Robert; Fulcher; Raimond d'Agiles. - -[606] Raynouard, Poesies des Troubadours; Millot, Hist. des Troubadours; -Le Grand d'Aussi Fabliaux. - -[607] Raynouard. - -[608] Oeuvres de Maroc. - -[609] Fauchet. - -[610] Le Grand d'Aussi. - -[611] Bernard, the Treasurer; James of Vitry; William of Tyre. - -[612] William of Tyre; Bernard. - -[613] William of Tyre. - -[614] Cardinal of Vitry; William of Tyre. - -[615] Cardinal of Vitry; Will. of Tyre. - -[616] Bernard; William of Tyre. - -[617] William of Tyre; James of Vitry; Guillelm de Nangis; Chron. ann. -1174. - -[618] William of Tyre. - -[619] Jacob. Vitr. - -[620] Bernard the Treasurer says, that the monarch wished to annul the -marriage between his sister and Guy. "Si grans haine estoit entre le roy -et le cuens de Jaffe que chascun jor cressoit plus et plus et jusque a -tant estoit la chose venue que le roy queroit achaison par quoy il peut -desevrer tot apertement le mariage qui iert entre lui et sa seror." - -[621] William of Tyre; Bernard the Treasurer: James of Vitrv. - -[622] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry. - -[623] Bernard the Treasurer. - -[624] Rog. of Hovedon. - -[625] William of Tyre; William de Nangis. - -[626] Bernard; William of Nangis. - -[627] Will. Neub. - -[628] Bernard. - -[629] William of Nangis. - -[630] Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis. - -[631] Vertot. - -[632] Rog. of Hovedon; William of Nangis. - -[633] William of Nangis; Bernard the Treasurer. - -[634] Some writers state that Saladin proposed to Chatillon to abjure -Christianity, which he boldly refused: but others do not mention the -circumstance, and the act of Saladin seems to me to have been more one of -hasty passion than of deliberation. - -[635] Bernard. - -[636] Bernard the Treasurer; Continuation of William of Tyre. - -[637] William of Nangis. - -[638] Bernard. - -[639] James of Vitry; Bernard; William of Tyre. - -[640] Bernard; Albert. - -[641] William of Tyre. - -[642] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Robert. - -[643] There is a letter in Hovedon from a Templar to Henry II., giving an -account of the state of Jerusalem and the Holy Land, dated 1179. - -[644] Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; B. -Peterborough. - -[645] William de Nangis; Jacob. Vit. lib. i. - -[646] Bernard the Treasurer. - -[647] A. D. 1189, 1190. - -[648] I have followed James of Vitry. Some say that Frederic's death -proceeded from bathing in the Cydnus, and some in the Calycadnus. The -matter is of little moment; but, as he was descending towards Antioch at -the time, it is not improbable that the Cardinal de Vitry was right. -Emadeddin, in the collection of Arabic historians by Reinaud, calls this -river the Selef. - -[649] Jacob. Vit.; Hist. Hieros. ab.; Bernardus; Lection. Canisius -Antiquæ. - -[650] James of Vitry. - -[651] Pet. de Dusburg.; Chron. Ord. Teuton. - -[652] Existing Orders of Knighthood; James of Vitry. - -[653] Vit. Ludovic VII.; Roger de Hovedon. - -[654] Rigord de gest. Phil Aug.; Hovedon; Robert, de Monte. - -[655] Geoffroi Rudel in Raynouard; Millot; Ducange. - -[656] William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; Rigord. - -[657] Rigord in vit. Philip August.; Guil. de Nangis, A. D. 1188. - -[658] See Rigord, who gives minutely the statutes on this occasion. - -[659] Branche des royaux Lignages, ann. 1189-90, Guil. de Nangis Rigord. -William the Breton. - -[660] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry. - -[661] Continuation of William of Tyre, Anon. - -[662] R. de Diceto; Roger de Hovedon; Matthew Paris. Ann. 1188. - -[663] Henry died before the altar of the church of Chinon. - -[664] Hovedon. - -[665] Brompton; Hovedon. - -[666] Diceto. - -[667] Rymer, col. diplom. - -[668] Brequegny, coll. ann. 1188; Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug. - -[669] Benedict of Peterborough. - -[670] Rigord says nothing of any illness which Philip suffered at Messina. - -[671] Hovedon; Brompton. - -[672] Benedict of Peterborough. - -[673] Rigord; Benedict of Peterborough. - -[674] Rigord. - -[675] Vinesauf. - -[676] Ben. Abb. Peter.; R. Hovedon. - -[677] Rigord. - -[678] Rigordus states positively that Berengaria had arrived before the -treaty was signed between Philip and Richard. Mills says, that Richard -remained in Sicily after Philip's departure, to wait for Berengaria; but -Rigord lived at the time, and was one of the most diligent inquirers who -have left us records of that age. The _Branche des royaux Lignages_ makes -Richard say to the King of France, - - "Sire vostre suer espousai - De laquele atan le don hui; - Mes onc nul jour ne la connui - Et j'ai puis prise Bérangarre - Qui fille est au roy de Navarre."--1226. - -William the Breton, also, who was afterward chaplain to Philip Augustus, -represents Richard as saying, - - "Et jam juncta thoro est mihi Berengaria, regis - Filia Navarræ." - -[679] Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug.; Hovedon; Rymer. - -[680] Bernardus. - -[681] Various knights are mentioned by Bernard the Treasurer, as having -signalized themselves greatly, both prior to the siege and after its -commencement. One in particular, whom he calls the Green Knight, even -raised the admiration of the Saracens to such a height that Saladin sent -for him, and made him the most brilliant offers, in hopes of bringing him -to join the Moslems. It is more than probable that this Green Knight was -the famous Jacques d'Avesnes, and was so called from the colour of the -cross which he wore. - -[682] Auteurs Arabes, rec. de Reinaud; Branche des loyaux Rignages; Rigord -in vit. Phil. August. - -[683] Boha Eddin, rec. de Reinaud. - -[684] Brompton, A. D. 1191; Ben. Abb. Peterborough, 1191. - -[685] Hovedon; Ben. Abb. Peterborough. - -[686] Hovedon; Brompton; Will. Newb. - -[687] Boha Eddin; Walter Vinesauf; Hovedon; Benedict of Peterborough - -[688] Peterborough; Vinesauf; James, Cardinal of Vitry, lib. i. - -[689] Mills speaks of the conduct of Richard in the following terms: "The -sanguinary and ungenerous Richard killed or cast overboard his defenceless -enemies; or, with an avarice equally detestable, saved the commanders for -the sake of their ransom." That author, however, says not one word of the -Saracens' fighting under false colours, or of the horrible cargo which -they carried in their ship, though he afterward himself alludes to the -sufferings of the crusaders from the bites of reptiles. Is this historical -justice? - -[690] Bernard the Treasurer. - -[691] Boha Eddin, rec. Hist. Arabes de Reinaud. - -[692] His name, literally translated, means _the just king, the sword of -the faith_. From Saif Eddin the Christians composed the word Saphaddin, by -which he is generally designated in the chronicles of the time. - -[693] Vinesauf; Hovedon. - -[694] Chron. St. Denis. - -[695] James of Vitry; Hovedon; Vinesauf; Ben. of Pet.; Bernard the -Treasurer. - -[696] Rigord; William of Nangis; James of Vitry; Bernardus; Vinesauf; -Hovedon. All these authors give different accounts of the numbers -sacrificed. - -[697] Bernard the Treasurer affirms that Philip caused the prisoners to be -executed; but most of the other historians agree, that this piece of -cruelty was committed by Richard alone. - -[698] Rigord. - -[699] Bernard the Treasurer says, that the English king lodged in the -house of the Templars, and that Philip Augustus occupied the citadel; "Le -Roi de France ot le chastel d'Acre, et le fist garnir et le Roi -d'Angleterre se herberja en la maison du Temple." Most authorities, -however, are opposed to this statement, declaring that Richard lodged in -the palace, and Philip with the Templars. - -[700] Bernard the Treasurer; Rigord; William the Breton; Branche des -royaux Lignages. - -[701] Rigord; Robert of Gloucester. - -[702] James of Vitry; Boha Eddin; Emad Eddin; Recueil de Reinaud. - -[703] Benedict of Peterborough. - -[704] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry, &c. - -[705] Hovedon; James of Vitry; Vinesauf. - -[706] Vinesauf; Boha Eddin. - -[707] Hovedon; Vinesauf. - -[708] James of Vitry; Trivet Annales. - -[709] Bernard the Treasurer. - -[710] James of Vitry. - -[711] This gentleman was taken prisoner, but was of course ransomed -immediately by Richard. - -[712] Hovedon; Boha Eddin. - -[713] Vinesauf; James of Vitry. - -[714] Hovedon; William of Nangis, ann. 1192; Vinesauf. - -[715] For many years a horde of plunderers had been established in the -mountains of Phoenicia, in the neighbourhood of Tortosa and Tripoli, who, -in the end, obtained the name of Assassins, from the small dagger which -was their only weapon, and which was called _hassassin_. Their religion -was a corrupted species of Islamism, and their government a fanatical -despotism. Their chief was called sometimes the Ancient, sometimes the -Lord of the Mountains, and among the Christians he obtained the name of -the Old Man of the Mountains. By working on the exciteable imaginations of -an illiterate and fanatical race, the lords of this extraordinary tribe -had obtained over them an influence unknown to any other power which was -ever brought to sway the mind of man. The will of the Old Man of the -Mountains was absolute law to each of his subjects. Whatever were his -commands, whether to slay themselves or another, they asked no -questions--paused not to consider of justice or injustice--but obeyed; and -when sent to execute the will of their lord upon anyone, they followed -their object with a keen sagacity and unalterable perseverance, that -placed the life of each individual in the hands of their remorseless -monarch. Nothing could turn them aside from the pursuit; no difficulties -were too great for them to surmount; and when they had struck the victim, -if they escaped, it was well; but if they were taken, they met torture and -death with stoical firmness, feeling certain of the joys of Paradise as a -compensation for their sufferings. The number of this tribe was about -sixty thousand, all conscientious murderers, whom no danger would daunt, -and no human consideration could deter. Such were the men who slew Conrad -of Montferrat; and yet the French with the wild inconsistency of their -national hatred, attributed the deed to Richard, who never found aught on -earth that could induce him to cover his wrath when it was excited, or to -stay him from the open pursuit of revenge, which was always as bold and -unconcealed as it was fierce and evanescent. From this tribe we have -derived the word _assassin_.--See James of Vitry; Matthew of Paris; -William of Tyre; Ducange ou Joinville. - -[716] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry; William of Nangis. - -[717] Bernard; Vinesauf; Matthew Paris. - -[718] Little doubt can exist that one great cause of the abandonment of -the crusade were the differences between Richard and the Duke of Burgundy. -The Frenchman was jealous of the fame which the English king would have -acquired by taking Jerusalem, and consequently took care that he should -not effect that object. Such is the account given by Bernard the -Treasurer--a Frenchman, who always showed a manifest tendency to exculpate -his countrymen, whenever there existed a fair excuse. See the Chronicle in -old French, published in the collection of Martenne and Durand. It was -generally attributed to Hugh Plagon, but has since been proved to be the -original of Bernard the Treasurer. - -[719] Vinesauf. - -[720] Hovedon; Vinesauf. - -[721] The French refused to march to the assistance of Jaffa. - -[722] Bernard the Treasurer. - -[723] Bernard the Treasurer. - -[724] The Queen Berengaria and Joan of Sicily left Acre on the 29th of -September, previous to the departure of Richard, who set out on the 25th -of October, 1192. After encountering a violent storm, which scattered his -fleet and wrecked the greater number of his vessels, Richard, with his -single ship, touched at Zara, where he landed, accompanied only by two -priests and a few knights of the Temple, whose garb he had assumed. From -Zara, Richard endeavoured to make his way through Germany in disguise, but -in vain. The news of his journey had already spread; the unforgiving -Archduke of Austria, whose banner he had trampled on at Acre, caused every -road to be narrowly watched. One after another of his companions were sent -away by the king, till at length, with a single squire, he arrived at a -small town near Vienna; where, taking up his abode at a petty lodging, -Richard despatched his follower for provisions. The squire was recognised -by some of the spies of the archduke, and Richard was taken and cast into -prison. The royal captive was speedily given into the hands of the emperor -of Austria, who concerted with Philip Augustus the means of detaining him -in secrecy. His confinement, nevertheless, was soon known in England, and -means were used to discover his precise situation. General tradition gives -the merit of having ascertained his lord's prison to his favourite -troubadour Blondel, or Blondiau; and we may be surely allowed to regret -that no grave historian has confirmed the tale. However that may be, the -place of the king's confinement was discovered, and England began to cry -loudly for justice from all Christendom. Knightly honour and religious -feeling were invoked, and the infamy of detaining a traveller, a pilgrim, -and a crusader was proclaimed with the loud and powerful voice of a -people's indignation. Henry at length felt himself obligated to yield some -appearance of justice for detaining an independent monarch; and Richard -was brought before the diet at Worms, where he was charged with imaginary -crimes, the chief of which was the assassination of Conrad, Marquis of -Montferrat. Had the least shadow of reason been left on the side of the -emperor, Richard's fate would have been sealed; but the English monarch -defended himself with so much eloquence and justice, that no doubt -remained on the minds of those who heard him, and his ransom was agreed -upon at one hundred thousand marks of silver. This money was obtained with -difficulty, and John and Philip strove to raise greater sums to tempt the -cupidity of the emperor to retain the lion-hearted monarch. The avaricious -Henry hesitated on their proposals, and thus was the liberty of the noble -king of England set up to auction, till the Germanic body indignantly -interfered, the ransom was paid, and Richard returned to England. - -[725] William of Nangis. - -[726] Rigord; William the Breton. - -[727] Will. of Nangis, ann. 1196. - -[728] James of Vitry. - -[729] Bernard the Treasurer. - -[730] Bernard; Will. of Nangis, ann. 1197. - -[731] James of Vitry. - -[732] Hovedon. - -[733] Fuller's Holy War; Bernard the Treasurer. - -[734] James of Vitry; Bernard; Will. of Nangis; A. D. 1198. - -[735] Vertot; Bernard. - -[736] James of Vitry. - -[737] Bernard; A. D. 1205. - -[738] Sanut. cap. 3. - -[739] Hovedon. - -[740] The power of the orders of the Temple and the Hospital had, by this -time, become immense. Riches flowed in upon riches, and donation was added -to donation. In the year 1244, Matthew Paris declares the Templars -possessed in Europe nine thousand manors, and the Hospitallers nineteen -thousand. - -[741] A. D. 1210. - -[742] James, Cardinal de Vitry. - -[743] A. D. 1202. - -[744] Rigord. - -[745] Ducange; Villehardouin chronique. - -[746] Villehardouin. - -[747] Ducange, Hist. de Constantinople sous les Français. - -[748] Vit. Innocent III. - -[749] Villehardouin. - -[750] Ducange. - -[751] Villehardouin. - -[752] Baronius; Gesta Innocent III. - -[753] Villehardouin. - -[754] Villehardouin; Ducange, Hist. de Constantinople sous les Français. - -[755] Ducange, notes on Villehardouin. - -[756] Philip Mouskes. - -[757] Villehardouin. - -[758] It consisted of three hundred vessels of a large size, besides -palanders and storeships. - -[759] November, 1202. - -[760] Gunther; Villehardouin. - -[761] Ducange; Villehardouin. - -[762] Alberic; A. D. 1202. - -[763] Villehardouin. - -[764] Ducange. - -[765] Villehardouin. - -[766] Ducange. - -[767] Gunther in Canisius. - -[768] Mills says, that Innocent issued decrees and bulls against the -expedition to Constantinople, and founds his reasoning on a passage of -Baluzius: but it is extremely probable that the anger of the Pope was a -mere menace of the party opposed to the enterprise rather than an existing -fact. Baluzius was not present any more than Ducange; and surely, for -every thing where research is concerned, Ducange is the better authority -of the two: yet Ducange makes no mention of the opposition of the Pope, -and absolutely states that the legate counselled the attack on -Constantinople. See _Ducange_, _Hist. de Constantinople sous les -Francais_. - -Geoffroy de Villehardouin, who was not only present, but one of the chief -actors in what he relates, speaks fully of the Pope's wrath at the attack -of Zara, but mentions no opposition to the enterprise against -Constantinople, though that enterprise was in agitation at the time the -deputies were sent to Rome. Philippe Mouskes, Bishop of Tournay, a -contemporary, states that the first application of the young Prince -Alexius to the crusaders was made by the advice of the Pope. - -[769] Villehardouin. - -[770] June, 1203. - -[771] Nicetas, lib. iii. cap. 5. - -[772] Villehardouin. - -[773] Ibid. - -[774] Dandolo, Chron.; Villehardouin. - -[775] Epist. Innocent III. - -[776] Villehardouin. - -[777] Ducange; Villehardouin; Nicetas. - -[778] Villehardouin. - -[779] Nicetas. - -[780] Ducange; Villehardouin. - -[781] Ibid. - -[782] Gest. Innoc. III. - -[783] Ducange. - -[784] Nicetas. - -[785] Villehardouin. - -[786] Nicetas. - -[787] Nicetas; Villehardouin; Gest. Innoc. III. - -[788] Villehardouin intimates that Murzuphlis put Alexius to death -immediately after having seized the crown; and the Chronicle in the Rouchy -dialect, No. 148, Bibliothéque de l'Arsenal, says, "Et ne demeura gaires -après que Morcuffle estrangla le josne empereur Alexes en la prison." - -[789] Nicetas. - -[790] Ducange; Villehardouin. - -[791] Villehardouin; Ducange. - -[792] Gunther; Ducange. - -[793] Villehardouin. - -[794] Ducange. - -[795] 2d April, 1204. - -[796] Nicetas. - -[797] Gest. Inn. iii. - -[798] Gunther; Villehardouin. - -[799] Villehardouin; Ducange. - -[800] Nicetas; Gunther. - -[801] Nicetas. - -[802] See note XI. - -[803] Nicetas. - -[804] Villehardouin; Ducange. - -[805] Villehardouin. - -[806] Nicetas; Ducange; Villehardouin; Alberic. - -[807] Ducange. - -[808] The cardinal legate invested Baldwin with the purple with his own -hands, and Innocent confirmed, in all points but those of ecclesiastical -government, the treaty by which the Venetians and the Franks had bound -themselves. He also took the greatest interest in the new state, and wrote -to all the prelates of France and Germany to support it by their preaching -and influence. This may be added to other proofs, that Innocent never -seriously opposed the expedition against the schismatic empire of the -Greeks. The truth in all probability is, that he made a show of turning -the crusaders from their purpose, both to preserve consistency and to -afford room for any after-exertion of his authority that he might judge -necessary: but that, at the same time, the cardinal legate very well -understood that he was to promote the enterprise, and to be slightly -blamed for it afterward, in order to screen his superior from the charge -of that ambitious craving for which, however, he was notorious. It would -be difficult to believe that Innocent, who triumphed over Philip Augustus, -the greatest monarch of the day, and forced him to abandon his dearest -wishes, would confine himself to idle threats, if he entertained any -serious disinclination to the attack of Constantinople. - -[809] Reinaud rec. des Hist. Arabes. - -[810] Vertot. - -[811] Ducange. - -[812] Alberic. Mon. Trium Fontium. - -[813] Jacob. de Voragine; Albert Stadensis. - -[814] Albericus. - -[815] Jacob. de Voragine; Albert. Stadensis. - -[816] Gest. Innocent III: Labbe concil. Matthew Paris, A. D. 1213. - -[817] Chron. Godefrid Mon.; Bonfinius. - -[818] Bernard the Treasurer. - -[819] Jacob. Vitriae; Bernardus. - -[820] Bernardus. - -[821] Mere restlessness is stated by Mills to have been the cause of -Andrew's abandonment of the enterprise, but this was any thing but the -case. Andrew, it is true, was of a weak and unstable character; but there -were far too many dissensions in Hungary, and tragic horrors in his own -family, to permit of his remaining in Palestine without total ruin to -himself and his dominions.--See _Bonfinius_. - -[822] Godefrid. Moc.; James of Vitry. - -[823] Bernardus; James of Vitry. - -[824] Matthew Paris. - -[825] The whole of the siege of Damietta, and the events that followed, I -have taken from James of Vitry and the old French of Bernard the -Treasurer, with the Recueil des Hist. Arabes. - -[826] James of Vitry, Bernard the Treasurer. - -[827] This pestilence seems to have been somewhat like the sea scurvy. It -was not at all confined to the city, though it raged more furiously within -the walls. Nevertheless, many of the soldiers of the Cross were attacked -by it. James of Vitry, describing its effects, says, "A sudden pain took -possession of the feet and legs: soon after, the gums and the teeth became -affected with a sort of gangrene, and the sick persons were not able to -eat: then, the bones of the legs became horribly black; and thus, after -having suffered long torments, during which they showed much patience a -great number of Christians went to repose in the bosom of the Lord." - -[828] James of Vitry; Bernardus. - -[829] Recueil des Hist. Arabes; Matthew Paris; Bernard the Treasurer. - -[830] Bernard. - -[831] Matthew Paris. - -[832] Matthew Paris, ad. ann. 1228. - -[833] Bernardus. - -[834] Rainaldus; Sanut.; William of Nangis, 1232. - -[835] Bernard the Treasurer; Cont. of William of Tyre. - -[836] For some curious particulars concerning the disputes between the -emperor and the Templars, see the old French of Bernard the Treasurer. - -[837] Bernard. - -[838] This story is doubtful. Matthew Paris says, that the Templars and -Hospitallers gave information to the sultaun that Frederic would, on a -certain day, make a pilgrimage to bathe in the River Jordan. It was not at -all likely, however, that two Orders which were always at enmity should -unite for such a purpose. - -[839] Matthew Paris, ann. 1229. - -[840] There were many motives which induced Frederic to return to Europe -besides disgust at the ungrateful conduct of the Syrian Christians. The -Pope, not content with using the spiritual sword against him, had -unsheathed the temporal one, and was waging a furious war against the -imperial lieutenant in Italy. It would seem a strange fact that John of -Brienne, ex-king of Jerusalem, and father-in-law of the emperor, was in -command of the papal forces which ravaged his son-in-law's territories, -had we not good reason to believe that Frederic's conduct to Violante (who -was now dead) had been of a nature that so chivalrous a man as John of -Brienne was not likely to pass unnoticed, when his daughter was the -sufferer. However, it is but just to remark that the reason why his -crusade did not entirely restore the Holy Land to the dominion of the -Christians, is to be found in the vindictive and unchristian enmity of -Pope Gregory IX. towards the Emperor Frederic. - -[841] Matthew Paris. - -[842] Sanutus. - -[843] Regist. Greg. Noni, Vertot Preuves. - -[844] Matthew Paris, 1237. - -[845] Matthew Paris; Sanutus. - -[846] Sanutus, lib. iii. page 216. - -[847] The Emir of Karac was but a dependant of the Sultaun of Damascus. - -[848] Matthew Paris; Litteræ Comit. Richardi. - -[849] Sanutus; Vertot. - -[850] Bibliothéque Oriental; Joinville; Ducange; Sanutus, 217; -Continuation of William of Tyre. - -[851] Joinville; Matthew Paris; Bernard in Martenne. - -[852] Joinville; Matthew Paris; Epist. Fred. Imper. - -[853] Ducange; Joinville; Bernard. - -[854] Bernard; Joinville, Matthew Paris. - -[855] The whole of these events are extremely obscure in history. I have -followed Joinville more than any other author, because I find his account -more clear and satisfactory. Ducange's valuable notes have greatly aided -me; but even that indefatigable investigator has not been able to arrive -at precise certainty. The accounts in Matthew Paris do not well harmonize -with those of persons who had more immediate means of information. Vincent -of Beauvais states, that the Corasmins were finally exterminated, not in a -battle, but in separate bodies by the peasantry. Their whole number seems -to have been about twenty thousand men. Bernard the Treasurer, in -Martenne, corroborates the statement of Vincent of Beauvais. - -[856] Joinville; Bernard in Martenne; Guillaume Guiart. - -[857] Matthew Paris; Joinville. - -[858] Joinville. - -[859] Guillaume Guiart; Joinville. - -[860] Joinville; Branche des royaux Lignages. - -[861] Joinville. - -[862] Joinville; Guillaume Guiart; Ducange. - -[863] Joinville; Ducange, Guillaume Guiart. - -[864] See note XII. - -[865] Ducange; Joinville; Guillaume Guiart. - -[866] A. D. 1254. - -[867] A. D. 1270. - -[868] Joinville. - -[869] Guillaume Guiart. - -[870] Joinville. - -[871] Branche des royaux et Lignages; Sermon de Robert de Saincereaux. - -[872] Charles, King of Sicily, was brother to St. Louis. - -[873] Guillaume Guiart; William of Nangis. - -[874] Hemingford; Langtoft; Matthew Paris, continuation. - -[875] The popular version of this story is, that Eleonora, the wife of the -prince, who had accompanied him to Palestine, sucked the poison from the -wound, at the risk of her own life. Camden sanctions this account. - -[876] Hemingford; Langtoft. - -[877] Villani; Vet. Script.; Bernard, old French. - -[878] Martenne; Villani. - -[879] Martenne, Vet. Script.; Villani; Sanutus. - -[880] Raynouard. - -[881] For the history of the Templars, see Raynouard and Du Puy, Vertot, -William of Nangis, Historia Templariorum, &c. Almost all the modern -writers are more or less in favour of the Templars, while every -contemporary authority condemns them. As to Mills's assertion, that they -were loyal and virtuous, it is perfectly untenable. All the historians of -the Holy Land, many of whom died while the Templars were at the height of -their power, declare that they were a corrupt, proud, perfidious body. -Mills himself shows that such was the opinion entertained of them by the -Saracens; and all the general letters of the popes accuse them of manifold -vices and depravities. - -[882] Vertot. - -[883] Will. of Nangis. - -[884] Vertot. - -[885] He was afterward pardoned when the sultaun's wrath had abated but -Soliman would never see him more. - -[886] Vertot. - -[887] Watson; Vertot; Nic. Villagagnon. - -[888] Vertot; Com. de Bel. Mel. - -[889] Vertot; Com. de Bel. Mel. Nic. Villag.; Watson. - -[890] Watson; Vertot; Com. - -[891] Vertot. - -[892] Jouvencel; Ordre de Chevalerie; Fabliaux de le Grand d'Aussi; -Chevalier de la Tour; Notes on St. Palaye. - -[893] Froissart, chap. 290. - -[894] Ibid. chap. 329. - -[895] Alain Chartier Le Grand. - -[896] La Colombiere Theatre. - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The History of Chivalry, by G. P. R. 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