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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 40428 ***
+
+Transcriber's note:
+
+Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
+
+Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.
+
+Minor typographical errors and inconsistencies have been silently
+normalized. Inconsistent capitalizations of christian and christianity
+have been left as in the original.
+
+
+
+
+A SERMON DELIVERED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY EDWARD EVERETT, GOVERNOR, HIS
+HONOR GEORGE HULL, LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR, THE HONORABLE COUNCIL, AND THE
+LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS, ON THE ANNIVERSARY ELECTION, JANUARY 2,
+1839.
+
+BY MARK HOPKINS, D. D. President of Williams College.
+
+ Boston:
+ DUTTON AND WENTWORTH, PRINTERS TO THE STATE.
+ 1839.
+
+
+
+
+Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
+
+ SENATE, JANUARY 3, 1839.
+
+ _Ordered_, That Messrs. Filley, Quincy, and Kimball, be a Committee
+ to present the thanks of the Senate to the Rev. MARK HOPKINS, D. D.
+ for the discourse yesterday delivered by him, before the Government
+ of the Commonwealth, and to request a copy thereof for publication.
+
+ Attest,
+
+ CHARLES CALHOUN, _Clerk_.
+
+
+
+
+SERMON.
+
+Acts v. 29.
+
+WE OUGHT TO OBEY GOD RATHER THAN MAN.
+
+
+Man was made for something higher and better, than either to make, or
+to obey, merely human laws. He is the creature of God, is subject to
+his laws, and can find his perfection, and consequent happiness, only
+in obeying those laws. As his moral perfection, the life of his life,
+is involved in this obedience, it is impossible that any power should
+lay him under obligation to disobey. The known will of God, if not the
+foundation of right, is its paramount rule, and it is because human
+governments are ordained by him, that we owe them obedience. We are
+bound to them, not by compact, but only as God's institutions for the
+good of the race. This is what the Bible, though sometimes referred to
+as supporting arbitrary power, really teaches. It does not support
+arbitrary power. Rightly understood, it is a perfect rule of duty, and
+as in every thing else, so in the relations of subjects and rulers.
+It lays down the true principles, it gives us the guiding light. When
+the general question is whether human governments are to be obeyed,
+the answer is, "He that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance
+of God." "The powers that be are ordained of God." But when these
+powers overstep their appointed limits, and would lord it over the
+conscience, and come between man and his maker, then do we hear it
+uttered in the very face of power, and by the voice of inspiration, no
+less than of indignant humanity, "We ought to obey God rather than
+men."
+
+It has been in connexion with the maintenance of this principle, first
+proclaimed by an Apostle of Christ eighteen hundred years ago, that
+all the civil liberty now in the world has sprung up. It is to the
+fearless assertion of this principle by our forefathers, that we owe
+it that the representatives of a free people are assembled here this
+day to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences,
+to seek to Him for wisdom in their deliberations, and to acknowledge
+the subordination of all human governments to that which is divine.
+
+Permit me then, as appropriate to the present occasion, to call the
+attention of this audience, 1st. To the grounds on which all men are
+bound to adhere to the principle stated in the text; and
+
+2d. To the consequences of such adherence, on the part, both of
+subjects, and of rulers.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+I observe, then, that we ought to obey God rather than men, because
+human governments are comparatively so limited and negative in their
+bearing upon the great purposes, first, of individual, and second, of
+social existence.
+
+The purposes for which man was made, must evidently involve in their
+accomplishment, both his duty and his happiness; and nothing can be
+his duty which would contravene those purposes. Among them, as already
+intimated, the highest is the moral perfection of the individual; for
+as it is by his moral nature that man is distinguished from the
+inferior animals, so it is only in the perfection of that nature, that
+his perfection, as man, can consist. As absolute perfection can belong
+only to God, that of man must be relative, that is, it must consist in
+the proper adjustment of relations, and especially in the relation of
+his voluntary actions to the end for which God designed him. This is
+our idea of perfection, when we affirm it of the works of man. It
+involves, mainly, such a relation of parts as is necessary to the
+perfect accomplishment of the end in view. A watch is perfect when it
+is so constructed that its motions exactly correspond in their little
+revolutions with those of the sun in the heavens; and man is perfect
+when his will corresponds in its little circle of movement with the
+will of God in heaven. This correspondence, however, is not to be
+produced by the laws of an unconscious mechanism, but by a voluntary,
+a cheerful, a filial co-operation. It is this power of controlling his
+faculties with reference to an ultimate end, of accepting or rejecting
+the purpose of his being, as indicated by God in the very structure of
+his powers, and proclaimed in his word, that contradistinguishes man
+from every inferior being, and gives scope for what is properly
+termed, character. Inferior beings have qualities by which they are
+distinguished, they have characteristics, but not _character_, which
+always involves a moral element. A brute does not govern its own
+instincts, it is governed by them. A tree is the product of an agency
+which is put forth through it, but of which it is not conscious, and
+which it does not control. But God gives man to himself, and then sets
+before him, in the tendency of every thing that has unconscious life
+towards its own perfection, the great moral lesson that nature was
+intended to teach. He then causes every blade of grass, and every
+tree, to become a preacher and a model, calling upon him to put forth
+his faculties, not without law, but to accept the law of his being,
+and to work out a character and a happiness in conformity with that.
+It is, as I have said, the power which man has to accept or reject
+this law of his being, the great law of love, that renders him capable
+of character, and it is evidently as a theatre, on which this may be
+manifested, that the present scene of things is sustained. Not with
+more certainty do the processes of vegetation point to the blossoms
+and the fruit as the results to which they conspire, than does every
+thing in the nature and condition of man indicate the formation of a
+specific, voluntary, moral character, as the purpose for which God
+placed him here. But this purpose is not recognized at all by human
+governments, and we have only to observe the limited and negative
+agency which they incidentally bring to bear upon it, to see how
+insignificant must be their claims when they would come into conflict
+with those of the government of God.
+
+I observe then, first, that human governments regard man solely as the
+member of a community; whereas it is chiefly as an individual, that
+the government of God regards him. Isolate a man from society, take
+him beyond the reach of human government, and his faculties are not
+changed. He is still the creature of God, a dweller in his universe,
+retaining every thing he ever possessed that was noble in reason, or
+grand in destiny, and in his solitude, where yet he would not be
+alone, the government of God would follow him, and would require of
+him such manifestations of goodness as he might there exercise--the
+adoration of his Creator, resignation to his will, and a temperate and
+prudent use of the blessings within his power. Indeed, so far as
+responsibility is concerned, the divine government considers man,
+whether in solitude or in a crowd, solely as an individual, and
+produces an isolation of each as complete as if he were the only
+person in the universe. God knows nothing of divided responsibility,
+and whether acting alone, or as a member of a corporation or of a
+legislature, every man is responsible to him for just what he does as
+a moral being, and for nothing more. The responsibility of each is
+kept disentangled from that of all others, and lies as well defined in
+the eye of God, as if that eye were fixed upon him alone. The kingdom
+of God is within man, and there it is, in the secret soul of each,
+that the contest between light and darkness, between God and Satan is
+going on, and in the struggle, in the victory or the defeat, he who
+walks the city is as much alone as the hermit in his cell. It is over
+the thoughts of man, his affections, his passions, his purposes, which
+mock at human control, that the government of God claims dominion; it
+is with reference to these, and not to the artificial index of
+appearances which we set to catch the eye of the world, that the
+register of Heaven is kept. On the other hand, how very few of the
+moral actions of man can human government reach, how imperfectly can
+it reach even these! It is only of overt acts, those which it can
+define, and which can be proved before a human tribunal, that it can
+take cognizance; and its treatment even of these can never be adjusted
+to the varying shades of guilt. It has no eye to reach the springs of
+action. It may see the movements of the machinery above, perplexed,
+and apparently contradictory; but it cannot uncover the great wheel,
+and look in upon the simple principle which makes character, and sets
+the whole in motion.
+
+But I observe again, that human governments are not only thus limited,
+but are also chiefly negative in their influence upon the formation of
+individual character. There is, indeed, a positive and widely
+pervading moral influence connected with the character, and station,
+and acts, of those who are in authority. This cannot be too
+prominently stated, the responsibility connected with it cannot be too
+carefully regarded; still this influence is entirely incidental, and
+is the same in kind with that exerted by any distinguished private
+individual. Human governments have also positive power to furnish
+_facilities_, as distinguished from _inducements_. They can authorise
+and guard the issue of paper money, to give facilities to men of
+business; they can lay down rail-roads, thus opening facilities to the
+spirit of enterprise, and calling out the neglected resources of the
+State; they can too, and our fathers did it, construct and keep in
+repair the _rail-roads of the mind_, thus giving facilities to the
+poorest boy in the glens of the mountains to come out and be an honor
+to his country. Still, human government is chiefly a system of
+restraint for the purpose of protection. Its object is to give equal
+protection to all in using their faculties as they please, provided
+they do not interfere with the rights of others. It does not propose
+to furnish inducements, but to enable men to live quiet and peaceable
+lives, while they act in view of the great inducements furnished by
+the government of God.
+
+In saying this, I do not undervalue the benefits conferred by human
+governments, but only assign them their true place. The office
+performed by them is indispensable. They are the enclosure of the
+field, without which certainly nothing could come to maturity; but
+they are not the soil and the rain, and the sunshine, which cause
+vegetation to spring up. These are furnished by the government of God,
+which is not only a system of restraint and protection, but also, and
+chiefly, of inducements to excellence. Into the ear of the humblest of
+its subjects it whispers, as it points upward, "Glory," "Honor,"
+"Immortality," "Eternal Life." It is parental in its character, makes
+us members of a family, gives us objects of affection, and by its
+perfect standard of moral excellence, and the character of God which
+it sets before us, it purifies and elevates the mind. Without a God to
+whom he is related and accountable, man has neither dignity nor hope.
+Without God, the universe has no cause, its contrivances indicate no
+intelligence, its providence no goodness, its related parts and
+processes no unity, its events no convergence to one grand result, and
+the glorious spectacle presented in the earth and the heavens, instead
+of calling forth admiration and songs, is an enigma perplexing to the
+intellect, and torturing to the heart. Seen in its connexion with
+God, the universe of matter is as the evening cloud that lies in the
+sunlight, radiant, and skirted with glory; without him it is the same
+cloud cold and dark when that sunlight is gone. Without God, man is an
+orphan; he has no protector here, and no Father's house in which he
+may hope for a mansion hereafter. His life is at his own disposal, and
+has no value except in relation to his personal and present enjoyment.
+
+On the other hand, as the idea of God is received, and his relations
+to the universe are intimately felt, unity and harmony are introduced
+into our conceptions of that which is without, and acquiescence and
+hope reign within. Nature, as more significant, becomes more a
+companion. Her quiet teachings and mute prophecies, her indexes
+pointing to the spirit land, instead of being felt as a mockery, are
+in accordance with the best hopes, and the revealed destiny of man.
+Life, too, assumes a new aspect. A common destiny is set before all,
+and the consciousness of it runs as a thread of sympathy through the
+race. The poor man is elevated when he sees that the principle of duty
+may be tried and strengthened in his humble sphere, as well as in
+those that are higher, and his labor becomes a cheerful service done
+with good will from the heart. Every duty to man becomes doubly
+sacred as due also to God, and the humblest life, pursued from a
+conscientious regard to his will, is invested with an unspeakable
+dignity. It is indeed, I may remark, this view of life that furnishes
+the only possible ground of equality. Men are upon an equality only as
+they are equally upon trial in the sight of God, and nothing will ever
+reconcile them to the unavoidable inequalities of the present state,
+but the consciousness that their circumstances were allotted to them
+by Him who best knew what trials they would need, and whose equal eye
+regards solely the degree in which their moral nature is improved by
+the trial. When this is felt, there is, under all circumstances, a
+basis for dignity without pride, for activity without restlessness,
+for diversity of condition without discord.
+
+And not only the aspect of life in the relations of men to each other,
+but its end also is changed. The moral nature assumes its true
+position, and, acting in the presence of a perfect law as its
+standard, and of a perfect gospel as its ground of hope, the idea of
+true liberty dawns upon the mind. This consists in the coincidence of
+the affections and inclinations with correct principle. It is only
+when the internal constitution of a reasonable being is in harmony
+with the law under which he acts, that he is conscious of no
+restraint, and knows what true freedom is. The chief value of what is
+commonly called liberty, consists in the opportunity it gives to use
+our faculties without molestation for the attainment of this. This is
+that glorious liberty of the sons of God, of which the Scriptures
+speak. It is not a mere freedom from restraint which may be abused for
+the purposes of wrong-doing; and become a curse, merely making the
+difference between a brute enclosed and a brute at large; but it is,
+in its commencement, the resolute adoption of the law of conscience
+and of God as the rule of life; in its progress, a successful struggle
+with whatever opposes this law; in its completion, the harmonious and
+joyful action of every power in its fulfilment. This is the only
+liberty known under the government of God. He who knows it not is the
+slave of sin. He who struggles not for it, is in a contented bondage
+of which physical slavery is but a feeble type. The perfection of this
+liberty is only another name for moral perfection, which, as I have
+said, is the great end of the individual; and as the direct motives
+and means for the attainment of this are furnished only by the
+government of God, it is evident that "We ought to obey God rather
+than men."
+
+Having thus spoken of the effect of human government upon man in his
+individual character, I now proceed to inquire, whether it is equally
+limited and negative in its bearing upon him in his social condition.
+
+And here I remark, that it is only incidentally that human government
+is necessary to man as a social being at all. Society was before
+government, and if man had retained his original state, it might,
+perhaps, have existed without it till the end of time. Man is
+constituted by his Creator a social being; he has faculties to the
+expansion and perfection of which society is requisite, but he has no
+faculties the necessities of which constitute him a political being.
+There must be politicians, just as there must be farmers, and
+merchants, and physicians, that they and others may enjoy social life;
+but social life is corrupted when politics enter largely into it. It
+is not sufficiently noticed, that it is through social institutions
+and habits far more than through political forms, that the happiness
+or misery of man is produced. It was not from the oppressions of the
+government, but from a corrupted social state, that the prophet of old
+wished to flee into the wilderness. It was because his people were all
+adulterers, an assembly of treacherous men, because every brother
+would supplant, and every neighbor would walk with slanders. Such a
+state of things may exist under any form of political organization. It
+may exist under ours. Men may be loud in their praise of republican
+forms, and yet be false, and unkind, and litigious; they may be
+indolent, and profane, and sabbath breakers, and gamblers, and
+licentious, and intemperate. Yes, and there may be neighborhoods of
+such men, and the place where they assemble nightly, hard by a banner
+that creaks in the wind, may be the liveliest image of hell that this
+earth can present. I certainly know, and my hearers are fortunate if
+they do not know, neighborhoods in this land of liberty and equality,
+where the only use made of liberty is to render families and society
+wretched, and where the only equality, is an equality in vice and
+social degradation, which no man is permitted even to attempt to rise
+above without constant annoyance. Better, far better, is family
+affection, and kind neighborhood under a regal, or even a despotic
+government, than such liberty as this.
+
+Government then is not an end, but a means. Society is the end, and
+government should be the agent of society, to benefit man in his
+social condition. The extent to which it can do this will depend on
+its form, and the power with which it is entrusted. Absolute power,
+which should be used for this purpose, is generally abused.
+Considering itself as having interests distinct from those of the
+people, it too often seeks to keep them in a state of degradation, and
+to appropriate to itself the largest possible share of those blessings
+which ought to be equally diffused. "Get out of my sunlight," said
+Diogenes to Alexander the Great: "Get out of my sunlight"--cease to
+obstruct the free circulation of blessings intended for all, might the
+people say under any arbitrary form of government ever yet
+administered. Still, such a government, when under the direction of
+wisdom and benevolence, has power to produce great social and moral
+revolutions for the good of mankind. Such a revolution was commenced
+by Peter the Great, and his measures, though necessary, were such as
+none but an absolute monarch could have adopted. Aside from
+christianity, the judicious exercise of such a power is the only hope
+of a people debased beyond a certain point. The King of Prussia can
+maintain a better and more efficient system of schools, than any
+republican government. He can provide qualified teachers, and can
+compel the children to attend.
+
+But when, as in this country, government is the direct agent of
+society, when it is so far controlled by the people as to secure the
+majority at least from oppression, being merely an expression of the
+will of that majority, it can have no power to produce moral and
+social reformations. Laws do not execute themselves, and in such a
+state of things they cannot be effectually executed if the violation
+of them is upheld by public sentiment. In such a case, when vices
+begin to creep in, and the tendency of things is downwards, we must
+have a force different from that of the government; we must have
+_moral_ power. Here religion comes in, and must come in, or "the
+beginning of the end" has come. The intellect must be enlightened, and
+the conscience quickened, and moral life infused into the mass; the
+good and the evil must commingle in free conflict, and public
+sentiment must be changed. When this is done, when patriotism, and
+philanthropy, and religion, have caused an ebb-tide in the flood of
+evil that was coming up over the land, then government may come in,
+not to carry forward a moral reformation by force, but to erect a
+barrier against the return of that tide. It can secure what these
+agents have gained. It can put a shield into the hands of society,
+with which it can, if it pleases, protect itself against that
+selfishness and malignity which always lurk in its borders, and which
+moral influence cannot reach. If, for example, polygamy were
+established among us as it is among the Turks, a government like ours
+could do nothing for its removal. But religion could awaken a sense of
+obligation, and statistics could point out the number of poor women
+and uneducated children thrown by it for support mainly upon those who
+had pledged themselves to be the husband of one wife, and christian
+and philanthropic effort might show that it was injurious to
+individuals, and families, and the state; and then a law might be
+passed, as there has been, to defend society against this evil.
+
+This inefficacy of our government to produce moral and social
+reformations should be well understood, because it throws the fearful
+responsibility of maintaining our institutions directly upon the
+people, where it must rest. A government originating in society, can
+have but slight ground to stand on in resisting its downward tendency.
+That there is in society such a tendency, all history shows. As
+nations have become older, they have invariably become more corrupt.
+They have never reached that point in general morality at which men
+cease to corrupt each other by associating together. Such a tendency,
+not counteracted, must be fatal to republican governments, for
+republican government is self-government, and as the internal law
+becomes feeble, external force must be increased; and accordingly we
+find that every people hitherto, have either been under regal power
+from the beginning, or have, in time, reached a point in corruption,
+when that power became necessary. Republican government then, is not
+so much the cause of a good social state, as its sign. It can never be
+borne up, with its stars and stripes floating, upon the surface of a
+society that is not strongly impregnated with virtue. Take this away,
+and it goes down by its own weight, and the beast of tyranny, with its
+seven heads and ten horns, comes up out of the troubled waters. Here
+is the turning point with us. All depends upon the influences that go
+to form the character of our people. Those who control these
+influences will really govern the country. To this point we turn our
+eyes anxiously. At this point we look to legislators to stand in their
+lot, and do what is appropriate to their station. At this point we
+look especially to fathers and mothers, the guardians of domestic
+virtue.--Those waters will be sweet that are fed by sweet springs. We
+look to christian ministers, to enlightened teachers, to patriotic
+authors and editors, to every good citizen. If there ever was a
+country in which all these were called upon to do their utmost, this
+is that country; if there ever was a government that was called upon
+to second in every proper way the efforts of these, this is that
+government. To all these we look; but our trust is only in the
+influences they may bring to bear from the blessed gospel of Christ,
+from the government of God. "We ought to obey God rather than men."
+
+ * * * * *
+
+I have thus shown, as fully as the time would permit, though far too
+briefly to do justice to the subject, the grounds on which we ought to
+obey God rather than men. These are to be found in the relation of the
+divine, and of human government respectively, to the ends of
+individual, and of social existence. But the occasion on which the
+text was uttered, a subject having directly refused obedience to
+rulers lawfully constituted, will lead us to consider the effects of
+the principle of the text when acted upon by men in those relations in
+which civil liberty is directly involved--in the relations of subjects
+and of rulers. What then will be the effect of an adherence to this
+principle on the part of subjects, as such?
+
+There is a tendency in irresponsible power to accumulate. It first
+gains control over property, and life, and every thing from which a
+motive to resistance based on the interests of the present life,
+could be drawn. But it is not satisfied with this. Nothing avails it
+so long as there is a Mordecai sitting at the King's gate that does
+not rise up and do it reverence. It must also control the conscience,
+and make the religious nature subservient to its purposes.
+Accordingly, the grand device of the enemies of civil liberty, has
+been so to incorporate religion with the government, that all those
+deep and ineradicable feelings which are associated with the one,
+should also be associated with the other, and that he who opposed the
+government should not only bring upon himself the arm of the civil
+power, but also the fury of religious zeal. The most melancholy and
+heart-sickening chapter in the history of man, is that in which are
+recorded the enormities committed by a lust of power, and by
+malignity, in alliance with a perverted religious sentiment. The light
+that was in men has become darkness, and that darkness has been great.
+The very instrument appointed by God for the deliverance and elevation
+of man, has been made to assist in his thraldom and degradation. When
+christianity appeared, the alliance of religion with oppressive power
+was universal. In such a state of things, there seemed no hope for
+civil liberty but in bringing the conscience out from this unholy
+alliance, and putting it in a position in which it must show its
+energies in opposition to power. This Christianity did. It brought the
+conscience to a point where it not only might resist human
+governments, but where, as they were then exercised, it was compelled
+to resist them. This appeared when the text was uttered, and there was
+then a rock raised in the ocean of tyranny which has not been
+overflowed to this day. The same qualities which make the conscience
+so potent an ally of power, must, when it is enlightened by a true
+knowledge of God and of duty, and when immortality is clearly set
+before the mind, make it the most formidable of all barriers to
+tyranny and oppression.
+
+By thus bringing the moral nature of man to act in opposition to
+power, and by giving him light, and strength, and foothold, to enable
+him to sustain that opposition, christianity has done an inestimable
+service, and has placed humanity at the only point where its highest
+grandeur appears. At this point, sustained by principle, and often in
+the person of the humblest individual, it bids defiance to all the
+malice of men to wrest from it its true liberty. It bids tyranny do
+its worst, and though its ashes may be scattered to the winds, it
+leaves its startling testimony, and the inspiration of its great
+example to coming times. The power to do this, christianity alone can
+give. No other religion has ever so demonstrated its evidences to the
+senses, and caused its adaptations to the innermost wants of the soul
+to be felt, as to enable man to stand alone against the influence of
+whatever was dear in affection, and flattering in promises, and
+fearful in torture. Other religions have had their _victims_, who have
+been led, amidst the plaudits of surrounding multitudes, to throw
+themselves under the wheels of a system already established; but not
+their _martyrs_, who, when duty has permitted it, have fled to the
+fastnesses of the mountains; and when it has not, have stood upon
+their rights, and contested every inch of ground, and met death
+soberly and firmly, only when it was necessary. When this has been
+done by multitudes it has caused power to respect the individual, to
+respect humanity; and while christianity was wading through the blood
+of ten persecutions, it was fighting more effectually than had ever
+been done before, the battles of civil liberty. The call to obey God
+rather than men met with a response, and it is upon this ground that
+the battle has been opened in every case in which civil liberty now
+exists. It is upon this ground alone that it can be maintained.
+
+I deem it of great importance that this point should be fully and
+often presented, because it is vital, and because there are constant
+attempts made to obscure it. Whatever elevates the individual,
+whatever gives him worth in his own estimation and that of others,
+whatever invests him with moral dignity, must be favorable both to
+pure morality and to civil liberty. Hence it is that these are both
+incidental results of christianity. They are not the gifts which she
+came to bestow--these are life and immortality. They are not the white
+raiment in which her followers are to walk in the upper temple; but
+they are the earthly garments with which she would clothe the
+nations--they are the brightness which she leaves in her train as she
+moves on towards heaven, and calls on men to follow her there. These
+belong to her alone. Infidels may filch her morality, as they have
+often done, and then boast of their discoveries. But in their hands
+that morality is lopped off from the body of faith on which it grew,
+and produces no fruit. They may boast, as they do, of a liberty which
+they never could have achieved. But under its protection they advance
+doctrines and advocate practices which would corrupt it into license.
+Their only strength lies in endeavoring, in the sacred name of
+liberty, to corrupt the virtuous, and to excite the hatred of the
+vicious against those restraints without which liberty cannot exist,
+and society has no ground of security. "Promising liberty to others,
+they are themselves the servants of corruption." Liberty cannot exist
+without morality, nor general morality without a pure religion.
+
+The doctrine thus stated is fully confirmed by history. The
+reformation by Luther was made on strictly religious grounds. He found
+an opposition between the decrees of the Pope and the commands of God,
+and it was the simple purpose, resolutely adhered to, to obey God
+rather than men, that caused Europe to rock to its centre. In the
+train of this religious reformation civil liberty followed, but became
+settled and valuable only as religious liberty was perfected. It was
+every where on the ground of conscience towards God that the first
+stand was taken, and in those countries where the struggle for
+religious liberty commenced but did not succeed, as in Spain and
+Italy, civil liberty has found no resting place for the sole of her
+foot to this day. It is conceded even by Hume that England owes her
+civil liberty to the Puritans, and the history of the settlement and
+progress of this country as a splendid exemplification of the
+principle in question, needs but to be mentioned here.
+
+In speaking thus of the resistance of christian subjects to the
+government, perhaps I should guard against being misunderstood. In no
+case can it be a factious resistance. It cannot be stimulated by any
+of the ordinary motives to such resistance--by discontent, or passion,
+or ambition, or a love of gain. In no case can it show itself in the
+disorganizing, the aggressive, and in a free government, the suicidal
+spirit of mobs. Christians have in their eye a grand and a holy
+object, and all they wish is to go forward, without violating the
+rights of others, to its attainment. In so doing they set themselves
+in opposition to nobody, but merely exercise an inalienable right, and
+if others oppose them, they must still go forward and obey God, be the
+consequences what they may.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+We will now consider, as was proposed, the effect of an adherence to
+the principle of the text on the part of rulers. This becomes
+appropriate from the peculiar form of our government, and the relation
+which the rulers hold to the people. Rulers have indeed, in all
+countries, need to be exhorted to obey God, but when their will is
+supreme, and their power is independent of the people, there can be no
+propriety in exhorting them to obey God rather than men. In this
+country, however, this principle needs to be enforced upon
+legislators and rulers quite as much as upon the people, perhaps even
+more. It is at this point, if I mistake not, that we are to look for
+the danger peculiar to our institutions through those in authority. In
+other countries the danger is from the accumulation and tyrannical use
+of power. With us, limited as is the tenure of office, there is little
+danger of direct oppression. The danger is that those who are in
+office, and those who wish for it, will, for the sake of immediate
+popularity, lend the sanction of their names to doctrines and
+practices, which, if carried into effect, must destroy all government.
+How is it else that mobs should often escape with so little rebuke?
+How is it else that we hear such extravagant and disorganizing
+doctrines maintained in regard to the rights of a majority respecting
+property, and their power to set aside any guaranties of former
+Legislatures? Certainly the people are the fountain of power. They
+establish the government, they have a right to alter it; but when it
+is established, the state becomes personified through it, and its acts
+are to be consistent. When it is established, it _is_ a government, it
+has authority, it becomes God's institution, and those who administer
+it are to obey God rather than men. Wo to this country, when the
+people shall become to those in place, the object of adulation and of
+an affected idolatry. Wo to this country, when the people shall cease
+to reverence the government as the institution of God because it is
+established through them; when they shall suppose that it is in such a
+sense theirs, that they can supersede its acts in any way except by
+constitutional forms.
+
+There is also another reason why the principle of the text ought to be
+especially regarded by the rulers of this country. So far as a nation
+can be considered and treated as a moral person, its character must be
+indicated by the acts of its rulers. Accordingly, we find that under
+every form of government, God has made nations responsible, as in the
+natural course of things they evidently must be, for what is done by
+their rulers. But if this is so in monarchical governments, where the
+agency of the people is so little connected with public acts, much
+more must it be so in one like ours. Here the rulers represent the
+people more immediately. They indicate in the eyes of the world, the
+moral condition of the people, and hence the peculiar responsibility
+of those who act under the oath of God in making and administering the
+laws of a representative government. If it can ever be required of God
+to vindicate his administration by the treatment of any people, it
+must be of one whose government is thus administered.
+
+I observe then that the principle of the text should be adopted by
+rulers, because it furnishes the only broad and safe basis of
+political action. The adoption of this principle I consider the first
+requisite of a wise, in opposition to a cunning and temporizing
+statesman. Statesmanship, as distinguished from that skilful
+combination of measures which has for its object personal advancement,
+consists very much in a perception of the connexion there is between
+the prosperity of states, and the accordance of their laws and social
+institutions with the laws of justice, and benevolence, and
+temperance, which are the laws of God. The laws of God are uniform.
+The general tendencies which he has inwrought into the system will
+take effect, and nothing, not shaped in accordance with these can
+stand. Now it is an attempt to evade the effect of these tendencies by
+expedients in particular instances and for the sake of particular
+ends, that has been called statesmanship; while he only is the true
+statesman who sees what these tendencies are, and shapes his laws and
+institutions in accordance with them. The mere politician, if I may so
+designate him, perceives the movements which take place in the
+different parts of society relatively to each other, and is
+complacently skilful in adjusting them to his purposes, but he fails
+to see that general movement by which the whole is drifted on
+together, and which is bearing society to a point where elements that
+he had not dreamed of will be called into action, and where his petty
+expedients will become in a moment, but as the barriers of sand which
+the child raises upon the beach, when the tide begins to rise.
+
+"I tremble for my country," said an American statesman, in a sentence,
+which, though awfully ominous in the connexion in which it was
+uttered, does equal honor to his head and his heart, "I tremble for my
+country when I remember that God is just." In that sentence are
+involved the principles of that higher statesmanship before which the
+expedients of merely expert men dwindle into nothing. He knew not how,
+or where, or when, the blow might fall; but he knew that there was
+always a joint in the harness of injustice, where the arrow of
+retribution, though it might seem to be speeding at a venture, would
+surely find its way. The higher movements of Divine Providence include
+the lower. Sooner or later all particular, and for a time apparently
+anomalous cases are brought under its general rules, and he has read
+the history of the past with little benefit, who has failed to see how
+the giant machinery of that Providence, in the intermediate spaces of
+which there is ample room for the free play of human agency, takes up
+the results of that agency as they are wrought out, and applies them
+to the execution of its own uniform laws, and the accomplishment of
+its own predicted purposes. These purposes, as declared by those
+divine records whose prophecies have now become history, were often
+such as no human sagacity, looking merely at second causes, could have
+anticipated, such as no human power then existing could have effected.
+Still, they were wrought out in conformity with that higher, and
+uniform, and all-encompassing movement with reference to which he who
+stands at the helm should guide the state, but to ascertain which, he
+must not take his bearings from the shifting headlands of
+circumstances, but must lift his eye to those eternal principles which
+abide ever the same. On this subject there is written upon the walls
+of the past a lesson for statesmen that needs no interpreter. Look at
+Babylon. Who is it that stands before its walls, and utters its doom?
+It is a despised Jew. And who is he that walks in pride upon those
+walls, and as he points to that mighty city as the centre of
+civilization and power, as combining every advantage of climate and
+of commerce, mocks at that doom? It is a politician of those days. The
+voice of the prophet is uttered, and it seems to pass idly upon the
+wind. The eye of sense sees no effect. No clouds gather, no lightnings
+descend. But that voice was not in vain. The waters of desolation
+heard it in their distant caves, and never ceased to rise till they
+had whelmed palace and tower and temple in one undistinguished ruin.
+Even now that voice abides there, and hangs as a spirit of the air
+over that desolation, and the Arabian hears it, warning him not to
+pitch his tent there, and the wild beast of the desart and the owl and
+the satyr hear it, and come up and dwell and dance there. Look at
+Jerusalem. Who is he that stands upon mount Olivet and weeps as he
+looks upon the city, and assigns, as the cause of his tears, that he
+would often have gathered her children together as a hen gathereth her
+chickens under her wings, but she would not? Ah! what political Jew
+would have thought of _that_! He would have turned his attention to
+the purposes of governors and the intrigues of courts. Into his
+estimate of the causes that might affect the prosperity of Jerusalem,
+the moral temper of the nation as indicated by its rejection of Jesus
+of Nazareth, would not have entered. And yet, it was from this
+rejection, even in the way of natural consequence, from the want of
+those moral qualities which only a regard to his teachings could have
+produced among them, that the destruction of the Jews resulted.
+Nothing else could have destroyed their fool-hardy confidence in God,
+or have allayed those fiendish passions which led contending factions
+to fill the streets of the city with dead bodies even in the midst of
+the siege. But they would not have his spirit; they would not have him
+to reign over them, and we know that from the moment the words dropped
+from his lips, "Your house is left unto you desolate," that was a
+doomed city, and no political skill could have deferred the horrors of
+a siege and of a final overthrow, such as was not from the beginning
+of the world, no, nor ever shall be. And not only from Babylon and
+Jerusalem, but from the grave of every nation buried in antiquity,
+from Nineveh, and Tyre, and Edom, and Egypt, there comes a voice
+calling upon rulers to be "just, ruling in the fear of God." The true
+cause of their destruction was the attitude which they assumed towards
+the will, and worship, and people of God.
+
+It is from these moral causes, between which and the result there is
+no immediate, nor, to the superficial eye, perceptible connexion,
+that I fear most for the stability of our institutions. It is when the
+sun is shining most brightly, and the face of the sky shows, it may
+be, not a single cloud, that the elements of the tornado are ascending
+most rapidly; and it is when men are in prosperity and in fancied
+security that they become presumptuous, and that a disastrous train of
+causes is silently put in motion, as resistless as the tornado. Upon
+this point of security, the eye of the true statesman is fixed. It is
+here that he sees the danger and provides against it; while the mere
+politician knows nothing, and sees nothing, till he begins, when it is
+too late, to see the lightnings, and hear the thunders of embodied
+wrath.
+
+Can, then, the rulers of this country, in disregard of the warnings of
+all past time, with a full understanding of the claims and of the
+controlling agency of the great moral principles of God's government,
+go on in obedience to men rather than God, and make laws in disregard,
+or defiance of his will? If so, then, from the reciprocal influence of
+rulers and people, our experiment of self-government would seem to be
+hopeless. Then _must_ God scourge this people as he has scourged
+others. Then are the untoward symptoms of the present time, but as the
+white spot that shows the leprosy. Then will the altar of liberty
+decay, and the fire upon it will go out, and there will be heard by
+those who watch in her temple, as of old in the desecrated temple of
+God, the voice of its presiding spirit saying, "Let us go hence," and
+that temple, towards which the eyes of the nations were turned with
+hope, shall become the haunt of every unclean thing, and shall only
+wait the hand of violence to leave not one stone upon another that
+shall not be thrown down. In view of such consequences, I cannot but
+feel that the solemn words of our Saviour are as applicable to
+Legislators and rulers in their public, as in their private capacity.
+"And I say unto you, my friends, be not afraid of them that kill the
+body, and after that have no more that they can do. But I will
+forewarn you whom ye shall fear: Fear him which after he hath killed,
+hath power to cast into hell, yea I say unto you, Fear him."
+
+ * * * * *
+
+To His Excellency the Governor, these sentiments are addressed, as
+putting him in remembrance, as he stands upon the threshold of a new
+official year, of that which ought ever to be uppermost in the mind of
+the Chief Magistrate of a Christian people, of the paramount authority
+of God, and of the necessity there is that all human legislation
+should coincide with the principles of his government. It is a great
+and a sacred trust which the people of this Commonwealth commit to
+their Chief Magistrate, and they expect it will be used in the fear of
+God, and for the good of this whole people. That trust is in tried
+hands, and we rejoice in the belief that it is safely deposited.
+Especially, may I be permitted to say, does it give me pleasure to
+welcome to the chair of state one in whose civic wreath literary
+honors are entwined, and who can forget the toils and lay aside the
+dignities of office, to cheer the young scholar on his way. Long may
+our literary institutions continue to raise up those who shall add to
+the dignity of office, the grace of learning, and the sanctity of
+private virtue; and who, while they devote their labors more
+particularly to the good of their own State, shall be regarded as
+belonging to the Union and to the world.
+
+To His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, to the Honorable Council and
+Senate, and to the assembled Representatives of the people, the
+sentiments of this discourse are addressed, as the descendants of
+those who showed in the hour of peril, that they feared God rather
+than men. Following their example, you have come up, as you are about
+to enter upon your responsible duties, to present, in this venerable
+house, thanksgivings and supplications to the Lord God of our fathers;
+and to do homage in the name of the Republic, to His Institutions.
+This is well. But that Republic expects of you that you will imitate,
+not merely in form, but also in spirit, the bright examples that are
+set before you, that you will act from principle, that you will "obey
+God rather than men." So doing the Commonwealth will be safe, for it
+is the simple wisdom of goodness, that alone is truly wise.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Sermon, Delivered Before His
+Excellency Edward Everett, Governor &c. on the Anniversary Election, January 2, 1839, by Mark Hopkins
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 40428 ***