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diff --git a/40271-8.txt b/40271-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 81a1d87..0000000 --- a/40271-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4974 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of London Before the Conquest, by W. R. Lethaby - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: London Before the Conquest - -Author: W. R. Lethaby - -Release Date: July 18, 2012 [EBook #40271] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LONDON BEFORE THE CONQUEST *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive.) - - - - - - - - - -LONDON BEFORE THE CONQUEST - - - - -[Illustration: LONDON AND THE THAMES, FROM SPEED'S MAP, 1610] - - - - - LONDON BEFORE - THE CONQUEST - - - BY W. R. LETHABY - - - "Now would I fain - In wordys playn, - Some honoure sayen, - And bring to mynde - Of that auncient cytie - That so goodly is to se." - --_Fabyan._ - - - LONDON - MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED - NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - MCMII - - _All rights reserved_ - - - - - "_Lundres est mult riche cite, - Meliur n'ad en Cristienté - Pur vaillance, ni melx assisé, - Melx gaurnie, de grant prisee; - Al pe del mur li curt Tamise - Pur li vent la marchandise - Des tutes les qui sunt - U marcheans Crestiens vient._" - _Roman de Tristan._ - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - INTRODUCTION 1 - - - CHAPTER I - ORIGINS--THE LEGEND OF LONDON--THE BRITISH CHURCH--THE - ENGLISH COME TO LONDON--ALFRED'S LONDON 6 - - - CHAPTER II - RIVERS AND FORDS 38 - - - CHAPTER III - ROADS AND THE BRIDGE 52 - - - CHAPTER IV - THE WALLS, GATES, AND QUAYS 74 - - - CHAPTER V - THE CITADEL--SOUTHWARK--THE DANES' QUARTER--THE - PORTLANDS AND CNIHTENGILD 101 - - - CHAPTER VI - THE WARDS AND PARISHES--THE PALACE 126 - - - CHAPTER VII - STREETS--CRAFT GILDS AND SCHOOLS--CHURCHES 145 - - - CHAPTER VIII - THE GUILDHALL--LONDON STONE--TOWN BELL AND FOLKMOTE 175 - - - CHAPTER IX - THE GOVERNMENT OF EARLY LONDON 187 - - - CHAPTER X - LONDINIUM 198 - - - APPENDIX - ON MATERIALS FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF MAPS OF EARLY - LONDON 212 - - - - -NOTES ON FIGURES - - - London and the Thames, from Speed's Map, 1610 _Frontispiece_ - - PAGE - - FIG. 1.--Goddess of Hope. (Roman bronze found in London). - Restored from Roach Smith's _Collectanea_. About - two-thirds full size 4 - - FIG. 2.--Stone Weapons, from the Thames at Westminster. From - the Roach Smith Collection 7 - - FIG. 3.--Centre of Celtic Bronze Shield, from the Thames at - Wandsworth. Now in the British Museum 8 - - FIG. 4.--Celtic Bronze Swords 9 - - FIG. 5.--Coin of Cunobeline. Enlarged 10 - - FIG. 6.--Bronze Lamp, Roman, found in London 11 - - FIG. 7.--Coin of Claudius and another of Constantius, the - latter inscribed London (P. LON). Enlarged. The first shows - an equestrian statue over a triumphal arch lettered DE - BRITANN; the second an altar to Peace, inscribed BEAT - TRANQLITAS 18 - - FIG. 8.--Christian Monogram from Cakes of Pewter found at - Battersea. Now in the British Museum. One, in addition to - the [Greek: CHR], has the words SPES IN DEO; the other - [Greek: A·Ô·] 21 - - FIG. 9.--Bronze Bracelet found in London; ornamented with a - Cross. Now in the British Museum 23 - - FIG. 10.--Head of a Pin found in London. Now in the British - Museum. A little less than full size. The subject seems to - represent Constantine's vision of the Cross 24 - - FIG. 11.--Enamelled Plate of Bronze, about half size of - original, found in London. Now in the British Museum. From - Roach Smith's collection 25 - - FIG. 12.--Cross from Mosaic Pavement found in London. Now in - the British Museum. It forms the centre of a geometrical - pattern 27 - - FIG. 13.--Saxon Spear found in London, and now in the - British Museum 29 - - FIG. 14.--Coin of Halfdan, with Monogram of London. From a - unique example in the British Museum. It seems to have been - coined on the taking of London by the Dane leader in 872 35 - - FIG. 15.--Saxon Swordhilt, of pierced bronze. Now in the - British Museum. Found in London 36 - - FIG. 16.--Earliest printed view of London, from the _Cronycle - of Englonde_, Pynson, 1510 39 - - FIG. 17.--London and the Roman Roads: The Watling Street - through Greenwich and Edgware; the Erming Street through - Merton and Edmonton, called also the Stone Street south of - London; the Here Street through Brentford and Stratford 53 - - FIG. 18.--Roman Wall of London. Restored after the facts - given by Roach Smith; the battlements and ditch added 75 - - FIG. 19.--Detail of Roman Wall of London. From a drawing of - Roach Smith's 77 - - FIG. 20.--From the Common Seal. Reverse, enlarged, 1224. See - also Fig. 23; it shows the city wall with battlements and - turrets 78 - - FIG. 21.--Section of Roman Wall and Ditch. Restored from - excavation near Aldersgate recorded in _Archæologia_ 80 - - FIG. 22.--From Matthew Paris, 1236. From MS. in the British - Museum, describing the route to Jerusalem. It gives the names - of six gates, the spire of St. Paul's, etc., and refers to - the legend of "Troie la Nuvela" 83 - - FIG. 23.--The Common Seal of London, 1224. It shows St. Paul - patron of the City, such as he was figured on the City - banner, rising behind one of the gates; right and left the - Tower and Baynard's Castle 85 - - FIG. 24.--Fragment found in the South Wall, against the - river. From Roach Smith's _Collectanea_. It looks late work, - but is of marble 91 - - FIG. 25.--Fragment found in South Wall with the last 93 - - FIG. 26.--Danish Sword from the Thames at London. Recently - shown in the New Gallery. The hilt was inlaid in precious - metal. There are similar swords in the British Museum, called - the Scandinavian type 112 - - FIG. 27.--Plan showing the relation of the Central Wards and - the principal Streets; also the extent of the extra-mural - liberties. Notice especially how Bridge, Langbourne, and - Bishopsgate Wards lie over the two great streets, and meet at - the Fourways of the great Roman Roads. See Fig. 17 127 - - FIG. 28.--Saxon Brooch found in Cheapside. Of lead; nearly - full size. In the British Museum 153 - - FIG. 29.--Coin of Alfred, with Monogram of London. Enlarged. - The name in the field is that of the moneyer. Compare - monogram with Fig. 14, from which it seems to have been - copied 155 - - FIG. 30.--Tomb of King Ethelred, 1017. In Old St. Paul's. - From Hollar's drawing in Dugdale 162 - - FIG. 31.--Ninth or Tenth Century Tombstone from St. Paul's - Churchyard. Inscribed in runes. Now in the Guildhall Museum 164 - - FIG. 32.--Saxon Tomb from St. Benet Fink. Restored from - fragment in the British Museum; compared with one found at - Cambridge, like the entire figure 166 - - FIG. 33.--Head of Cross from St. John's, Walbrook. Now in the - British Museum 168 - - FIG. 34.--Saxon Coffin-lid from Westminster Abbey, North - Cemetery, now by entrance to Chapter-House. It had been added - to a Roman sarcophagus 170 - - FIG. 35.--Roman Pavement found in Threadneedle Street. Drawn - _in situ_ by Fairholt, 1854. From the original in the - author's collection 199 - - FIG. 36.--Roman Brick, inscribed London, about one-twelfth - full size. From Roach Smith 203 - - FIG. 37.--Inscriptions from Roman Brick. P·BRI·LON 203 - - FIG. 38.--Roman Tomb from outside of the East Walls. Restored - from fragments found together, and now in the British Museum 205 - - FIG. 39.--Inscription from Roman Tomb. Now in the British - Museum 206 - - FIG. 40.--End of a Roman Tomb found in London. Now in the - British Museum. From a drawing by W. Archer 207 - - FIG. 41.--Leaden Cist for funereal use, found in London, and - now in the British Museum 207 - - FIG. 42.--Plate of Figured Glass for Decoration, about - two-thirds full size. Now in the British Museum. Found in - London. Figure restored. From Roach Smith 208 - - FIG. 43.--Roman Inscription, from Clement Lane, E.C.; now - lost. About two feet high 209 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - A great burh, Lundunaborg, which is the greatest and most famous of - all burhs in the northern lands.--_Ragnar Lodbrok Saga._ - - -Of the hundreds of books concerning London, there is not one which treats -of its ancient topography as a whole. There are, it is true, a great -number of studies dealing in an accurate way with details, and most of the -general histories incidentally touch on questions of reconstruction. Of -these, the former are, of course, the more valuable from the topographical -point of view, yet even an exhaustive series of such would necessarily be -inadequate for representing to us the ancient city in a comprehensive way. - -In an inquiry as to the ancient state of a city, a general survey, besides -bringing isolated details into due relation, may suggest new matter for -consideration in regard to them, and offer fresh points of proof. For -instance, the extra-mural roads were directed to the several gates, the -gates governed the internal streets, while these streets ran through -wards, and gave access to churches and other buildings. - -The subject of London topography is such an enormous one, and the -involutions of unfounded conjecture are so manifold, that an approximation -to the facts can only be obtained by a critical resifting of the vast -extant stores of evidence. In the present small essay I have, of course, -not been able to do this in any exhaustive way; but I have for years been -interested in the decipherment of the great palimpsest of London, and, in -trying to realise for myself what the city was like a thousand years ago, -I have in some part reconsidered the evidences. The conclusions thus -reached cannot, I think, be without some general interest, although from -the very nature of my plan they are presented in the form of notes on -particular points, and discussions of opinions commonly held, with little -attempt at unity, and none at a pictorial treatment of the subject. - -Of mistaken views still largely or nearly universally accepted which will -be traversed here, I may mention a few salient examples. For instance, -Stow's opinion that London Bridge before the twelfth century was far to -the east of the later bridge, and that the mural ditch was a mediæval -work; Stukeley's opinion that the old approach through Southwark pointed -on Dowgate, that Old Street was the great west-to-east Roman road, and -that Watling Street in the city carries on the name of a street which -formerly lay across its course, running from London Bridge to Newgate. -From more recent writers, I may cite Mr. J. E. Price's idea that the Cheap -was not at an early time a thoroughfare; Mr. J. R. Green's views,[1] as -given in his _Conquest of England_, that Saxon London "grew up on ground -from which the Roman city had practically disappeared"; that the Roman -north gate and the north-to-south street were considerably to the east of -the line of Bishopsgate and Gracechurch Street; and that the Tower of -London was built by the Conqueror on "open ground only recently won from -the foreshore of the river." The plan which accompanies these views is -equally visionary; a large quarter of the city east of St. Paul's is -lettered "The Cheap"; there is no Aldgate Street (now Leadenhall Street), -the Langbourne appears as a stream, and there is a curious selection of -churches, amongst which is St. Denis, for which we are referred to a note -in Thorpe's _Ancient Laws_, regarding a gift of London property to the -monastery of _St. Denis in Francia_. Mr. Loftie holds that Aldgate was -first opened in the time of Henry I., and that no mediæval gate exactly -occupied a Roman site; that the eastern road turned off outside -Bishopsgate; that Ludgate was still more recent than Aldgate, and that it -only opened on the Fleet river; that the Strand was not a route before -mediæval days; that there was a Roman citadel on the high ground from the -Walbrook to Mincing Lane, and that the Langbourne was a ditch to this -stronghold. In the last book on the subject, called _Mediæval London_, we -are again told of the oblique Roman Watling Street; Cheap is described as -"a great square"; and it is assumed that not only the Langbourne, but the -equally mythical Oldbourne, supplied the city with water. - -[Illustration: FIG. 1.--GODDESS OF HOPE - -(ROMAN BRONZE FOUND IN LONDON).] - -I have here only rapidly set down a few of the opinions which are still -current[2]--views which are repeated, embellished, and amplified to -distraction in more popular writings, and set out with much appearance of -exactitude in most misleading maps. - -The whole question, indeed, of the early topography of London is -overloaded on a quite insufficient basis of fact, and quakes and gives way -under the least pressure of examination. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -ORIGINS--THE LEGEND OF LONDON--THE BRITISH CHURCH--THE ENGLISH COME TO -LONDON--ALFRED'S LONDON - - Like as the Mother of the gods, they say, - Old Cybele, aray'd with pompous pride, - Wearing a diademe embattild wide - With hundred turrets, like a turribant: - With such an one was Thamis beautifide; - That was to weet the famous _Troynovant_. - _The Faerie Queen._ - - -_Origins._--The earliest historic monument of London is its name. The name -Londinium first appears in Tacitus under the date of A.D. 61 as that of an -_oppidum_ "not dignified with the name of a colony, but celebrated for the -gathering of dealers and commodities." - -Dr. Guest propounded the theory that the city was founded by Plautius, the -general of Claudius: "When in 43 he drew the lines round his camp, he -founded the present metropolis.... The name of London refers directly to -the marshes."[3] Dr. Guest is here apparently in agreement with Godfrey -Fausett's view that the name London represents Llyn-din, the Lake-fort.[4] -Many attempts have been made to explain the name, by Camden and others, -from other Welsh roots, but nothing is more uncertain than the origin of -place-names.[5] - -[Illustration: FIG. 2.--STONE WEAPONS FROM THE THAMES.] - -The tradition given by Geoffrey of Monmouth was that London was called -Caer-Lud after a King Lud. Recent writers compare this name with Lydney, -on the Severn, where a temple has been found dedicated to Nodens (or Lud), -and say that London means Lud's-town,[6] thus coming round to -Geoffrey.[7] This Nodens, who was worshipped at Lydney "as god of the -sea," appears "in Welsh as Nudd and Lludd, better known in English as -Lud."[8] Another Celtic deity, Lug or Lleu, is said to have left his name -in a similar way to Lyons, Leyden, and Laon, "each originally a Lugdunum -or Lugo's Fort."[9] - -[Illustration: FIG. 3.--CENTRE OF CELTIC BRONZE SHIELD FROM THE THAMES.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 4.--CELTIC BRONZE SWORDS.] - -All these derivations seem mere conjectures, but the last from Lud is at -least in harmony with tradition. Yet that very tradition may be founded on -an attempt to provide an origin for the name, according to the principles -which derived Gloucester from Claudius and Leicester from the Welsh -Lyr.[10] - -[Illustration: FIG. 5.--COIN OF CUNOBELIN (ENLARGED).] - -It is difficult to see why under Dr. Guest's theory of Roman foundation, -which is accepted in Green's _Making of England_, London should have had a -Celtic name at all. Dr. Rhys says that the name was so ancient that the -Roman attempt to change it to Augusta failed. That it was a local -habitation before the Roman occupation seems to be almost proved by the -prehistoric and early objects found on the site, amongst which are four or -five inscribed coins of Cunobelin (Cymbeline) found in the city and -neighbourhood; and it seems unlikely that a mere camp in 43 would have -grown in 61 to the important place celebrated by Tacitus. Green says that -the chief argument against its antiquity is the fact that the great -Watling Street[11] passed wide of the city through Westminster, but surely -there might be settlements below the lowest convenient passage of the -river. The Watling Street, if earlier than the settlement, _did not in any -case_ cause the town to be built on its course, and, if later, it _did -not_ pass through the settlement. The argument, indeed, goes only to prove -that either the Watling Street or London could not be where they are. Or, -at most, it might be contended that the road was more likely to go to the -town than the town was to settle on the road, and as they are not -together, that the road may be earlier than the town; but of actual time -the argument can show nothing. Altogether, nothing can be got out of this -argument, and we are free to conclude that London is at least as old as -our era. - -[Illustration: FIG. 6.--BRONZE LAMP, ROMAN, FOUND IN LONDON.] - - * * * * * - -_The Legend of London._--Geoffrey of Monmouth's history of the Britons, -written about 1130, contains a legend of the founding of London, which -tells how Brutus, migrating from Troy to this western island, formed the -design of building a city. On coming to the Thames he found on its bank a -site most suitable for his purpose, and building the city there, he called -it New Troy--_Troiam Novam_, "a name afterwards corrupted into -Trinovantum." Here King Belinus afterwards built a prodigious tower and a -haven for ships under it, which the citizens call after his -name--Billingsgate--to this day. Still later King Lud surrounded the city -with strong walls and towers, and called it Caer Lud; when he died his -body was buried by the gate which is called in the British tongue -Porthlud, and in the Saxon Ludesgata. - -All this was received as firm history, until, with the critical reaction -against "mere legend," it was all cast aside as fiction and forgery. From -this extreme position there is again a reaction, and Geoffrey is allowed -to have founded on earlier writings, now in part lost, and to have -embodied genuine folk-stories and lays of British origin.[12] - -The Britons like all peoples must have had a legend of their origin, and -this one falls in too well with the general type of such legends for it to -be anything else than true folk-lore. Indeed, the legend of the derivation -from Brutus, and of his Trojan antecedents, appears centuries before -Geoffrey in Nennius, and the steps of its evolution can be easily -retraced. The Britons required an eponimous founder for their race as much -as the Israelites required an Israel, or the Romans a Romulus. This -founder (a supposititious Brittus) was at some time equated with Brutus, -and Britain, like so many cities in Italy, was said to be founded by a -fugitive from Troy. From Cæsar we learn that a tribe of the Trinobantes -was found by him near the north bank of the Thames. This true name of a -tribe was in the legend made to yield a city, Trinovantum, and this step -had been made before Bede and Nennius, who say that Julius defeated the -Britons near a place called Trinovantum. This name in turn was explained -by Geoffrey as being "a corruption" of Troy-novant. Thus "New Troy" again -quite naturally connects "Brutus" (or Brittus) with "Old Troy," and the -whole scheme may date back to Romano-British days. - -This is the natural genesis of the myth of the founding of London, and it -is evident on the face of it that it is not the clever work of a -romance-writer embroidering on Nennius, but genuine folk-lore or imperfect -science. - -In the twelfth century the story was accepted as gospel in London. The -(so-called) Laws of the Confessor provide that the Hustings Court should -sit every Monday, for London was founded after the pattern of Great Troy, -"and to the present day contains within itself the laws and ordinances, -dignities, liberties, and royal customs of ancient Great Troy."[13] -FitzStephen refers back to the same origins, and the same were adduced in -a dispute with the Abbot of Bury as to market privileges which the -Londoners claimed dated from the foundation of the city before Rome was -founded.[14] Perhaps there is no absolutely certain proof that the Troy -story was told in London before Geoffrey's time, but it seems likely, -judging from the number of detailed London allusions in Geoffrey's work, -that there was a British and Arthurian tradition current there before he -wrote. Of the latter, at least, one positive scrap of confirmation may be -offered. Amongst the names appended to a deed at St. Paul's dated 1103 is -that of Arturus, a canon. This carries back the use of the name Arthur to -the time of the Conquest, and we may be certain that where the name was -in use, there the story of the "noble King of the Britons" was told.[15] -There was a strong contingent of the Celts of Brittany in the Conqueror's -army, and to them the invasion must have seemed a re-conquest of Britain, -and stories of the time before the Saxons took the "crown of London" must -have been revived and spread abroad. - -There is some slight possibility that when Geoffrey tells us that Belinus -made a wonderful structure at the quay called after him Billingsgate, he -was not merely playing on the name of "some Saxon Billings," as has been -said, for Belinus is recognised as the best known of the Celtic gods, and -the name has been found in many inscriptions.[16] Geoffrey again tells us -that Belinus constructed the great Roman roads in Britain, and we cannot -be asked to suppose that the Roman roads were said to be the work of -Belinus because the same Saxon Mr. Billings kept a posting-house.[17] The -weight of evidence seems to allow of the view that there really were some -remarkable Roman structures at the Tower and Billingsgate which tradition -pointed to as the work of the Celtic culture-god Belinus, or of a king who -bore his name. Some remnants of a building seem to have had the myth -attached to them in the Middle Ages. Harrison, giving a version of the -story, says of the Tower, "In times past I find this Belliny held his -abode there, and thereunto extended the site of his palace in such wise -that it extended over the Broken Wharf and came farther into the city, in -so much that it approached near to Billingsgate, and as it is thought, -some of the ruins of his house are yet extant, howbeit patched up and made -warehouses, in that tract of ground in our times" (Holinshed). Belinus -seems at times to have been confused with Cæsar, and so we get the Cæsar's -Tower of Shakespeare and other writers. Stow, writing of the same "ruins," -says, "The common people affirm Julius Cæsar to be the builder thereof, as -also of the Tower itself." - -Nennius uses the name Belinus for Cassibelaunus, which latter, indeed, is -evidently derived from the former; for he speaks of Belinus -(Cassibelaunus) fighting against Cæsar. A parallel passage in Geoffrey -gives Belinus the command of the army of Cassibelaunus, but in the account -of the battle which follows we have no word of Belinus, but "Nennius," a -brother of Cassibelaunus and Lud, takes his place and perishes from a blow -of Cæsar's sword, _Crocea Mors_. "Nennius" was then buried at the North -Gate of "Trinovantum" with the sword that had slain him.[18] All this is -too confused to work out in detail, but it almost looks like a repeated -echo of some legend which made Cassibelaunus fall in a _personal_ -encounter with Cæsar. At bottom perhaps it may have been some inscription, -or coin, lettered Cuno-belin, which associated the name of Belinus with a -gate of London. Such coins have been found in London. We can only be -certain that at the beginning of the twelfth century the existing name of -the gate was explained by a Celtic word. - -[Illustration: FIG. 7.--COIN OF CLAUDIUS AND ANOTHER OF CONSTANTIUS, THE -LATTER INSCRIBED LONDON (P.LON.). ENLARGED.] - -As to Geoffrey's other story, which put a brazen man on a brazen horse -over Ludgate, it would appear to be a variation on the story of the -brazen horse of Vergilius, but I think we may find the origin of its -localisation at Ludgate in the well-known coin of Claudius, which shows an -equestrian image above an arch of triumph lettered DE BRITANN. This coin -is one of those occasionally found in England, and we may suppose ancient -antiquaries reasoned thus about it: "It must represent a city gate in -Britain; the most important is the gate of London--Ludgate." Why was the -brazen horse put there? "For a terror to the Saxons" (so in Geoffrey). Who -put it there? "King Lud himself, or Cadwaladr, the last British king." -When did it disappear? "When the Saxons entered the city"--as in the -Prophecy of Merlin, "The brazen man upon a brazen horse shall for long -guard the gates of London.... After that shall the German Worm (dragon) -be crowned and the Brazen Prince be buried." It was supposed to have been -the palladium of Caer Lud, "and the sygte ther of the Saxons aferde."[19] - -For me the old British Solar God lights up the squalor of Billingsgate. -The Sea God, Lud, and the brazen horse give me more pleasure than the -railway bridge at Ludgate. Cæsar's sword at Bishopsgate and the head of -Bran buried on Tower Hill are real city assets. London is rich in romantic -lore. In her cathedral Arthur was crowned and drew the sword from the -stone. Here Iseult attended the council called by King Mark. From the quay -Ursula and her virgins embarked; Launcelot swam his horse over the river -at Westminster, and from it Guinevere went a-maying. Possibly some day we -may be as wise as Henry the Third, and put up statues to Lud and his sons -at the gate which bears his name for a memorial of these things. - -The British legend of the foundation of London has left one tangible -legacy to us even to this day in the Guildhall giants, Gog and Magog, who -represent the Gogmagog of Geoffrey, a giant of the primitive people -overcome by the Britons--the Magog of the Bible, who stands for the -Scythian race. Thus the Guildhall Magog really represents the Ivernian -race in Britain. - -So much for the legend. My final opinion is that the story of Caer Lud -arose in an attempt to bring together the names of London, Ludgate, and -Lludd, a Welsh god, and this may have been Geoffrey's work. I cannot find -that the form Caer Lud was used in Welsh documents of an earlier date, -although in a recent history of Wales London is so called throughout. If a -single instance of "Caer Lud" could be adduced it would be different, but -till that is done all derivations from Ludd must go by the board. The -association of Belinus with London may in a similar way have been brought -about by false etymology.[20] - -_The British Church in London._--It is not proposed to deal with the age -of Roman occupation here, but we may devote a few lines to the British -Church as a link between Roman and Saxon days. Before the imperial forces -were withdrawn from Britain the dwellers in the cities would have been -completely Romanised in manners and speech, and must have shared in some -degree in the general change of aspect towards Christianity. - -[Illustration: FIG. 8.--CHRISTIAN MONOGRAM FROM CAKES OF PEWTER FOUND AT -BATTERSEA.] - -The subject of British Christianity has lately been re-examined by Mr. -Haverfield[21] and by Dr. Zimmer, the great Celtic scholar. The legend -given by Bede as to the introduction of Christianity by a King Lucius is -thought to have arisen in Rome about the beginning of the seventh century. -It is, however, held that there must have been a gradual infiltration of -the Gospel during the third century at latest, and that in the next -century there was in Britain a fully organised Church in contact with, and -a lively member of, the Church in Gaul. At the beginning of the fifth -century there was an overwhelming majority of Christians, and Dr. Zimmer -shows good reasons for thinking that Ireland had already been evangelised -by the first great wave of monasticism before St. Patrick went there as -its first bishop in 432. Patrick himself was born in 386, some 70 or 80 -miles from London along the Watling Street, at Bannaventa. His family had -been Christians for generations; his great-grandfather was a presbyter. - -The story of St. Alban, the existence of whom there is little reason for -doubting, carries us back to the end of the third century. Dr. Zimmer -considers that the edict of Leo the Great (454) as to celebrating Easter -reached the Church in Britain and Ireland before it was cut off from -dependence on the Roman see. Latin must have continued in use in the -Church in such places as Exeter and Bodmin, and in Wales, Strathclyde, and -Ireland, from the time when it was current as a Romano-British speech. - -According to Geoffrey there were three archbishoprics in Britain: London, -York, and the city of Legions (Caerleon), representing South and North -Britain and Cambria respectively. In the year 314 the names of three -British bishops are given as being present at the Council of Arles: -Eborius of York, Restitutus of London, and Adelfius, "de civitate colonia -Londinensium." Haddan and Stubbs accept the record; so also do Haverfield -and Zimmer, who substitute Lincoln for the last. Many British bishops -were also at the Council of 359. Guitelin, a bishop of London in the fifth -century, is mentioned by Nennius. - -[Illustration: FIG. 9.--BRONZE BRACELET.] - -According to Geoffrey, again, the Archbishops Theon of London and Thadiock -of York fled from their charges about 586. Now a small scrap of evidence -has been recently brought to light as to the existence of these bishops by -Mr. Round, who shows that a church dedicated to a St. Thadiock remained at -Monmouth in the twelfth century. Again, Jocelyn of Furness (cited by -Stow), a writer of the twelfth century, gives a list of the British -Bishops of London, which Bishop Stubbs is inclined to accept.[22] From -Bede, moreover, we gather that Pope Gregory at first intended to establish -the southern archbishopric, not at Canterbury, but at London. Then finally -we have the curious claim made by St. Peter's, Cornhill, to be the first -church in the kingdom. This legend appears in Jocelyn of Furness. Bishop -Foliot at the same time made the former dignity or London the basis of a -claim against Canterbury. - -[Illustration: FIG. 10.--HEAD OF A PIN.] - -It is often assumed that British London fell violently, and that the old -institutions were obliterated, but a comparison of evidence gathered from -the British legends with the Saxon Chronicle suggests that it is just -possible that the English may have entered the city on terms, as at -Exeter, where Briton and Saxon long dwelt side by side. - -Of the time after the English invasion Bishop Stubbs writes: "There were -still Roman roads leading to the walls and towers of empty cities; camps, -villas, churches were become, before the days of Bede, mere haunted ruins. -It is not to be supposed that this desolation was uniform; in some of the -cities there were probably elements of continuous life: London, the mart -of the merchants; York, the capital of the North; and some others, have a -continuous political existence, although they wisely do not claim an -unbroken succession from the Roman municipality." Freeman held a similar -view: "London is one of the ties ... with Celtic and Roman Britain." Mr. -Coote believed that Roman institutions survived all changes, and Thomas -Wright says: "We have no reason for believing that this city, which was a -powerful commercial port, was taken and ravaged by the Saxon invaders; a -rich trading town, it appears to have experienced no check to its -prosperity." - -[Illustration: FIG. 11.--ENAMELLED PLATE.] - -On the question of a Roman Church in Britain, however, Thomas Wright took -up a position of extreme scepticism, stating that there were no remains, -that historical references were forgeries, or flourishes of rhetoric, that -Gildas was a pretence, and that it was impossible to say how Christianity -reached Cornwall and Wales. The more recent position would be the opposite -of all this, and considerable material evidence can be produced, which has -been crowned within the last few years by the discovery of the foundations -of a Roman church at Silchester, which may be the cathedral of the city, -for there Geoffrey says Manganius was bishop in 519. The later Irish, -Cornish, and Welsh Churches are only parts of the common British -Christianity, which ultimately got shut up into the corners of the land by -the English invasion, but originally formed part of the one Church which -was an offshoot from the Church of Gaul, the original centre of which was -at Lyons. As Lyons derived from Rome, and London from Lyons, so the -Church in the western and northern provinces of England derived from -London, and the western provinces in turn handed on the faith to Ireland. -Even the Celtic rule as to Easter was the Roman use up to the middle of -the fifth century. - -[Illustration: FIG. 12.--CROSS FROM MOSAIC PAVEMENT FOUND IN LONDON.] - -The monumental evidences, certain or doubtful, for the British Church -found in London are:-- - -(1) Eight small cakes of pewter found at Battersea, and stamped with the -[Greek: CHR] monogram. They are now in the British Museum. There are two -varieties of stamps; one has the letters [Greek: A.Ô.] added to the -monogram; in the other the words SPES IN DEO surround it. These most -interesting inscriptions are supposed to be of the fourth century (Fig. -8). - -(2) A chain bracelet of bronze with a simple cross attached, now in the -British Museum (Fig. 9). - -(3) A disc forming the head of a pin, on it an imperial head and a cross; -probably Constantine's vision, as suggested by Roach Smith (Fig. 10). - -(4) An enamelled plate on which two beasts appear drinking from a vase, as -so often found in early Christian art; probably, as suggested by Roach -Smith, of the fifth or sixth century (Fig. 11). - -(5) An ornamental cross on a mosaic pavement (Fig. 12). The last three -have been figured by Roach Smith, and are also in the British Museum. - -(6) A lead funeral cist found in Warwick Square with the [Maltese Cross X] -monogram, or possibly only a star form, now in the British Museum. - -There is every probability that St. Germain of Auxerre, on his way to St. -Albans, preached to the British citizens of London against the heresy of -their countryman Pelagius about 429. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: FIG. 13.--SAXON SPEAR.] - -_The English come to London._--It is generally held that London was walled -towards the end of the fourth century. Mr. Green suggests, indeed, that -it and the fortresses of the Saxon shore mentioned in the _Notitia_ were -fortified as a provision against the attacks of Picts and Saxons. The need -for such protection was soon made evident, for the only event chronicled -in regard to London during the early period of the English Conquest is -that in 457, after the battle of "Creganford," the Britons fled from Kent -to London. Then comes silence for a century and a half, until 604, when it -is told how Mellitus, a companion of St. Augustine, was sent to preach to -the East Saxons, whose king, Sebert, a nephew of Ethelbert, gave Mellitus -a bishop's stool in London. Although there is no definite statement as to -when the English entered the wonderful walled city that was to become -their capital, yet by following converging lines of evidence we may -determine the point of time with almost certain accuracy. We have for this -purpose (1) the chronicle of the conquests of the several branches of the -Angle and Saxon peoples; (2) the British accounts and legends; (3) the -traditional history, as given by such writers as Henry of Huntingdon and -William of Malmesbury, of the succession of kings in the "Heptarchy." - -(1) Up to _c._ 500 we have the conquests of Kent, Sussex, and Wessex, the -first two confined to the present county limits, and the last with its -centre at Winchester, only reaching Sarum in 552, and striking north-east -to Aylesbury and Bedford in 571. According to Dr. Guest and Mr. Green, the -great fortress of London and its bridge up to this time barred the natural -approach of the invaders up the Thames valley. Another horde, who became -the East Saxons, had, in the meantime, effected a settlement in the county -yet called after them. These reached Verulam about 560, for Gildas (_c._ -516 to 570) deplores the loss of that city, but says nothing of London. It -was by the Wessex advance of 571 that the frontier between itself and -Essex was defined; and as London, which is so near the boundary line, -belonged (at a later time at least) to the latter, we may suppose that it -had already before 571 been taken possession of by the East Saxons. Again, -the men of Kent, in 568, attempted to press on over Surrey, but were -beaten back by the men of Wessex. Mr. Green well suggests that this -attempted advance was an immediate consequence of the reduction of London, -which had hitherto held Kent back. - -(2) The British legends given by Geoffrey of Monmouth refer to several -incidents in London during the sixth century, culminating in the flight of -Theon, its archbishop, in the second half of the century--Hovenden says in -586. - -(3) Bede says that London was the metropolis of the East Saxons. Henry of -Huntingdon tells us that Ella _founded_ Sussex; Wessex was _founded_ by -Cerdic in the year 519; and the kingdom of Essex--that is, of the East -Saxons--was _founded_ by Erchinwin, whose son Slede married the sister of -Ethelbert, king of Kent. This Slede's son was Sebert, the first king of -Essex converted to the Christian faith. Now we know that when Augustine's -mission came in 597 Ethelbert was still reigning in Kent, and his nephew -ruled in London when Mellitus brought the Gospel there in 604. If, then, -we put the "foundation" of the kingdom of Essex by Sebert's grandfather -some thirty or forty years before this time, we again reach the date of -the probable occupation of London, which we may put provisionally about -570. - -It was probably early in the sixth century that the Saxons began to get a -footing in what became Essex, as in 527, according to Huntingdon, large -bodies of men came from Germany and took possession of East Anglia, -various chiefs of whom "contended for the occupation of different -districts." We may suppose that Colchester first fell, then Verulam, and -that London was entered only after its complete isolation, and as the -culmination of the English Conquest of South Britain, just as was the case -in the Norman Conquest exactly five hundred years later. All Celtic -tradition looks back to London as the British capital. Dr. Rhys quotes a -story from the Welsh Laws to the effect that "the nation of the Kymry, -after losing the crown and sceptre of London and being driven out of -England, assembled to decide who should be chief king."[23] In the story -of Bran in the Mabinogion, which Celtic scholars say is untouched by any -influence so late as Geoffrey's, it is told that the seven men journeying -with the head of the Blessed Bran were told that Caswallawn the son of -Beli "has conquered the Island of the Mighty and is crowned king in -London." - -_Alfred's London._--In endeavouring to trace the topographical vestiges of -London, as far as any sufficiently clear indications will allow, it will -be found that we can easily carry back a great number of wards, streets, -and churches to the century which followed the Conquest. More patient -research allows of pushing still further a large number of "origins" to a -time anterior to the Conquest, but subsequent to the Roman evacuation of -the city. As the greatest of all London events in this space of time was -the resettlement of the city by Alfred, less than two centuries before -Duke William entered within its walls, and as London may readily be -supposed to have altered very little in that time, we may well take the -reign of the great king, who died exactly a thousand years ago, as the -centre of gravity of the whole period, and the pages which follow might -very well be called an account of London in the time of Alfred. - -The strife with the Danes in the Thames valley raged from before the time -of Alfred's birth. Stow and others have supposed that London was wrecked -in 839, and lay waste until Alfred restored it; but it has been shown that -the first attack on the city must have been in 842.[24] In 851 a great -host of the pagans came with 350 ships to the mouth of the river Thames, -and sacked Canterbury "and also the city of London, which lies on the -confines of Essex and Middlesex, but the city belongs of right to -Essex."[25] Before this time London had become subject to the overlordship -of Mercia, and Behrtwulf the Mercian was killed in its defence. - -There is a charter of Burgred, king of Mercia, relating to London, 857; in -872-74 the city was taken by Halfdan the Dane, and Burgred, king of -Mercia, was ejected from his kingdom. In the coin room of the British -Museum there is a remarkable coin which bears the legend ALFDENE -RX[Maltese Cross], and on the reverse the monogram of London which was -later used by Alfred on his coins (Fig. 14). The obverse bears the same -type as that used on the coins of Ceolwulf, whom Halfdan set up as his -creature in Mercia: it cannot be doubted that Halfdan's coin was struck as -a memorial of his wintering in London in 872-73, as described in the -Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. All now was confusion, "down and up, and up and -down, and dreadful," till at the peace of Wedmore, in 878, Alfred made a -division of the country with the Danish leader Guthrum, by a boundary -defined in the agreement as "upon the Thames along the Lea to its source, -then right to Bedford and upon the Ouse to Watling Street." London thus -fell to Alfred, who repaired it in 886 and made it again habitable, and -gave it into the hands of his son-in-law Ethered.[26] Ethered was -Ealdorman of Mercia, so London was still practically the Mercian capital, -and remained so till the death of Ethered. London all the time was the -chief city in the kingdom, but it then had to enter into competition with -Winchester, the local capital of the dominating kingdom. - -[Illustration: FIG. 14.--COIN OF HALFDAN WITH MONOGRAM OF LONDON.] - -In 893 there was a fresh attack by the Danes, but they were defeated -outside the city by the men of London, led by Ethered. In the account of -this raid from the south coast through Farnham and northwards across the -Thames, as given in Ethelweard's Chronicle, the Danes are said to have -been besieged on Thorney Isle (_Thornige Insula_), the site of the abbey -of Westminster. The Danes then passed eastward and took up positions at -Mersea, Shoebury, and probably Welbury, near the Lea, in all of which -places there are traces of earthworks.[27] - -[Illustration: FIG. 15.--SAXON SWORDHILT.] - -Since the resettlement of London in 886 there has been no interruption of -the continuity of city life and customs, and it is very probable that -some of the institutions shaped by the great organiser, whom William -Morris called the one man of genius who has ever ruled in England, remain -to this day. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -RIVERS AND FORDS - - And dream of London, small and white and clean, - The clear Thames bordered by its gardens green. - _The Earthly Paradise._ - - -The city of London, when the Roman garrison was withdrawn from its walls, -occupied two hills on the north river-bank, between which ran the -Walbrook. The river, which still retains its British or pre-British name -of Thames,[28] spread, as may be seen from a geological map, over wide -tracts of morass, which at an early time began to be protected by -embankments, which are "no less than 50 feet above low water, and, -counting side creeks, 300 miles long." - -The Chronicle of Bermondsey records of a flood in 1294-95:--"Then was made -the great breach at Retherhith; and it overflowed the plain of -Bermundeseye and the precinct of Tothill." The French Chronicle, written -some two generations afterwards, shows that this was still remembered as -"Le Breche." Edward I. at once issued a mandate that the banks from -Lambeth to Greenwich should be viewed and repaired. Stow, under -Westminster, says that in 1236 the river "overflowing the banks made the -Woolwich marshes all on a sea" and flowed into Westminster Hall; and again -in 1242 "drowned houses and fields by the space of six miles" on the -Lambeth side. In 1448 "the water brake in out of Thames beside Lymeost and -in another place."[29] Howel (1657) writes: "The Thames often inounds the -bankes about London, which makes the grounds afterwards more fertile." - -[Illustration: FIG. 16.--EARLIEST PRINTED VIEW OF LONDON FROM THE -CHRONYCLE OF ENGLONDE, PYNSON 1510.] - -The embankments seem to have been called walls. The names of Bermondsey -Wall and Wapping Wall still survive opposite one another; and "wall" -enters into the names of several places bordering on the river, as -Millwall and Blackwall, and St. Peter's on the Wall, at Bradwell, Essex, -where the north bank ends. At Lambeth Pennant noted that the name Narrow -Walls occurred. The general opinion is that these banks are either Roman -or pre-Roman work. Wren thought Roman.[30] - -Before the locks were made on the river the tide ran up past Richmond to -near the inlet of the Mole.[31] London held the jurisdiction over the -river from Yanlet to Staines from the twelfth century at least. The limit -at either end is marked by a "London Stone." - -FitzStephen calls the river "the great fish-bearing Thames." Howel in his -_Londinopolis_ says: "The Thames water useth to be as clear and pellucid -as any such great river in the world, except after a land flood, when 'tis -usual to take up haddocks with one's hand beneath the Bridge." Harrison -(1586) writes: "What should I speak of the fat and sweet salmons daily -taken in this stream, and that in such plenty after the time of smelt be -past, as no river in Europe is able to exceed it." Even in the last -century stray whales and porpoises used to find their way up on the tide. -The Saxon foredwellers must have had their fill of fish. Even the Thames -swans can be traced back to the fourteenth century in a document relating -to the Tower.[32] William Dunbar in 1501 wrote:-- - - Above all ryvers thy Ryver hath renowne - Whose beryall stremys, pleasant and preclare - Under thy lusty wallys runneth down - Where many a Swanne doth swymme with winges fare. - -Stow's account of the smaller streams "serving the city" is the most -unfortunate in the classic survey, and entirely untrustworthy. - -In the hollow some distance west of Ludgate was a tidal inlet; a part of -its bed has (in 1900) just been exposed in New Bridge Street; the name -Fleet, indeed, must express a tidal creek. Early in the twelfth century -the district beyond it is called _ultra Fletam_.[33] The inlet gave its -name to the bridge and street passing over it from Ludgate. Rishanger -calls the latter Fleet-Bridge Street. Henry II. gave to the Templars a -site for a mill _super Fletam Juxta Castelum Bainard_, and all the course -of the water of Fleet and a messuage _juxta pontem de Flete_. A messuage -on the Fleet was also given to them by Gervase of Cornhill, _Teintarius_, -and this record is interesting as giving us the calling of the great -Londoner treated of so fully by Mr. Round.[34] Gervase was one of the most -important personalities in twelfth-century London, and it is not commonly -realised that members of the crafts so early held power. - -Into the Fleet, down the still well-marked valley by Farringdon Road, ran -a stream sometimes called the Fleet River; it is plotted on some of the -earlier maps, and its course has been traced in detail by Mr. Waller.[35] -In an agreement as to the land of the nunnery at Clerkenwell, made at the -end of the twelfth century, this stream is unmistakably called the -Hole-burn; its valley ran north and south by Clerkenwell, and the river -and gardens of the Hospitallers of Jerusalem are said to have been upon -it.[36] It gave its name to Holborn Bridge and to some extra-mural -cottages near by, on the road which passed over it. The modern name should -mean Hole-burn-Bridge Street, just as Fleet Street meant Fleet-Bridge -Street. Holeburn Street is found in 1249.[37] Cottages at "Holeburne," -which had existed in the time of the Confessor, are mentioned in Domesday, -and we may conclude that the Holeburn and Fleet had these names not only -in King Edward's day, but in Alfred's. The upper part of the stream was -also called Turnmill brook; it was the mill stream of London. - -Stow also gives the name of the River of Wells to this western stream just -described, saying: "That it was of old called of the Wells may be proved -thus: William the Conqueror in his charter to the College of St. Martin le -Grand hath these words, 'I do give and grant ... all the land and the Moor -without Cripplegate, on either side of the postern, that is to say, from -the north corner of the wall as the river of the Wells, there near -running, departeth the same moor from the wall, unto the running water -which entereth the city.'"[38] He goes on to say that the stream -(Hole-burn) was still called Wells in the time of Edward I., citing the -Parliament and Patent Rolls of 1307; but on referring to the calendars of -these documents I find that this name of Wells appears in neither. The -first speaks of "the water-course of Fleet running under the bridge of -Holburn," and the second of them calls it "the Fleet River from Holburn -Bridge to the Thames." Moreover, the Hole-burn was far away from the north -corner of the city wall by Cripplegate, and the land granted cannot have -extended all the way to the present Farringdon Road (the bed of the old -stream) and have included Smithfield. The land of "Crepelesgate," taken by -William Rufus and restored to St. Martin's by Henry I., is probably the -same, and to-day it may be represented by the parish of St. Giles. Surely -the whole construction of the passage requires that the north-west angle -of the walls should be the western limit of the land granted. - -The Conqueror's Latin charter is given in Dugdale, and in the passage used -by Stow the stream is spoken of as _rivulus foncium_. Mr. Stevenson, in -publishing a Saxon version of the same charter 1068 A.D.,[39] shows that -_rivulus foncium_ was a translation of the O.E. _Wylrithe_, meaning a -small stream (_rithe_) issuing from a spring (_wyl_). This -"Well-brook"[40] must surely have been intended, not for the western -stream at all, but for the upper part of the "broke" running into the -"burh" directly afterwards mentioned in the charter, the present Walbrook. -Outside the walls the stream possibly ran in a west-to-east direction, and -so formed the north boundary of the property against the moor. - -Mr. Stevenson appears not to have been of this view himself, as he speaks -of the Walbrook as "probably nameless" when the charter was written; but -he points out that it was called Walebroc in a charter of Wulfnoth -(1114-33)--"probably the Wulfnoth whose name is recorded in St. Mary -Woolnoth." This is a Ramsey charter (in Rolls series), and the terms are -most precise by which Wulfnoth of Walebroc, London, sold a piece of land -in Walebroc, "whence he was called Wulfnoth of Walebroc," with a house of -stone and a shop, for ten pounds of pence.[41] - -St. John "super Walebroc" is mentioned about the same time in the St. -Paul's documents, and that Walbrook was then a proper name of some -antiquity seems to be conclusively proved by Geoffrey of Monmouth's legend -that it was called after Gallus by the Britons, "and in the Saxon -Gallembourne." Altogether it can hardly be doubted that the Wyl- of the -charter represents the modern Wal- in Walbrook.[42] - -Within the walls the Walbrook ran right through the midst of the city from -north to south, and divided the eastern wards from the western. It -remained an open stream well into the Middle Ages; in 1286 an order was -given to cleanse it "from the Moor of London to the Thames." Its course is -well defined by three churches, St. John's, St. Stephen's (formerly on a -different site to the west, Stow), and St. Mildred's, all "super -Walbrook." St. Margaret Lothbury also stood above it on vaults. Its -relation to the present street is made clear in a document of 1291 -regarding a tenement "between the course of the Walbrook towards the west, -and Walbrook Street towards the east."[43] The arch under which it entered -the city through the wall seems to have been discovered. Roach Smith -describes this opening thus: "Opposite Finsbury Circus, at a depth of 19 -feet, a well-turned Roman arch was discovered, at the entrance of which on -the Finsbury side were iron bars placed apparently to restrain the sedge -and weeds from choking the passage."[44] - -The bed of the brook has frequently been found in city excavations, and -its course has been laid down by Mr. T. E. Price.[45] It was of course -crossed by many bridges; in 1291 there was an inquiry held as to the -repair of one of them near the "tenement of Bokerelesbery."[46] This -stream was probably the first water supply of London, and it must have -been a most important factor in the division of the wards and the laying -out of the streets. - -The Langbourne described by Stow is entirely mythical. As he named Holborn -from a merely supposititious "Old-burn" running east and west, so also his -Lang-burn has its only origin, as will be shown, in the corruption of a -name (see p. 132). Here I need only say that its supposed bed occupies -high ground, and no evidence of it has been found in excavations. Mr. -Price points out that Stow himself allowed that the name was the only sign -of it, and adds that the levels demonstrate that no such stream can ever -have flowed there; indeed, excavations have shown that its supposed course -was one of the most populous parts of the early city.[47] - -Stow connects with it still another equally mythical stream, the -Share-burne, on the site of Sherborne Lane, but I find this called -Shitteborwe in 1272, and the last syllable must be "bury," not "burn." - - * * * * * - -_Fords._--The best account of the Thames fords is given by Dr. Guest.[48] -Cæsar tells us that the river called Thames was passable on foot only in -one place, and this ford was defended against him by stakes. Bede says -that the remains of the stakes were to be seen there "to this very day." -Camden suggested that the site of this ford was Coway Stakes, near Walton; -King Alfred, however, in an addition he made to Orosius, says that Cæsar, -after defeating the "Bryttas in Cent-land," fought again "nigh the Temese -by the ford called Welinga-ford." Wallingford, where the Icknield Way -crossed the river, was certainly the chief ford below Oxford. Dr. Guest -showed that a place near Coway Stakes is called Halliford, and argued that -although a Roman army, that of Claudius, may have crossed at Wallingford, -Cæsar's passage of the river was at the stakes, and the two passages of -the river came to be confused in the tradition. The general argument is -too subtle to go into here, but it is less than convincing to make Bede's -account of a ford where stakes yet remained in the river apply to Cæsar -and the Coway Stakes, while Alfred's applied to Wallingford and the army -of Claudius, especially as we may suppose that a principal ford would be -fortified if a lesser one were. According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, -Sweyn's army passed the river at Wallingford; here William the Conqueror -also crossed; and here too it seems likely that the English invaders also -first crossed.[49] - -Another place nearer to London which is named from a ford is Brentford, -but Dr. Guest thought that the ford so named was over the Brent instead of -the Thames. He allows that the English army here twice crossed over the -Thames in 1016, as recorded in the Chronicle, but argues that there was -only a "shallow" in the Thames at this point, and that the _ford_ was -over the Brent. William of Malmesbury, however, seems to have anticipated -all this by saying very distinctly "the ford called Brentford" and the -"ford at Brentford" when speaking of the crossings of the Thames in 1016. -Gough in his edition of Camden says that the Thames was easily passed here -at low water. - -Of a ford at Westminster, which from a mere unsubstantial hypothesis has -swollen into quite a big myth in the pages of Sir W. Besant, there is not -a scrap of evidence. There was, however, throughout the Middle Age a ferry -here, and the name still survives in Horseferry Road. The Roman bridge at -Staines (_Pontes_) may be the one, the existence of which is implied in -the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for 1013, and in 1009 we are told that the army -went over the river at Staines.[50] In the Middle Ages there was a bridge -between Staines and London on the river at Kingston, and Horsley thought -that Cæsar crossed by a ford here. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -ROADS AND THE BRIDGE - - Upon thy lusty brigge of pylers white - Been merchauntis full royall to behold: - Upon thy stretis goeth many a semely Knyght - Arrayit in velvet gownes and cheynes of gold. - WILLIAM DUNBAR. - - -_Roads._--The Roman roads of the Antonine Itinerary which affect London -are: Iter 2, the great road from Canterbury to London and St. Albans and -beyond (the Watling Street); Iter 5, London to Colchester, and from thence -to Lincoln; Iter 6, London to Lincoln, starting by the Watling Street; -Iter 7, from Chichester through Silchester and passing the river at -Staines (_Pontes_), through Brentford to London.[51] - -[Illustration: FIG. 17.--LONDON AND THE ROMAN ROADS.] - -In the (so-called) Laws of Edward the Confessor, a clause treats of the -King's peace on the four great roads, _Watlingestrete_, _Fosse_, -_Hekenildestrete_, and _Ermingestrete_, two of which are said to run -through the length of the realm and two across.[52] In the British legends -given by Geoffrey, the making of these roads is ascribed to Belinus, and -they are said to have been paved with stone and mortar; the four are -evidently the chief Roman roads in the island. The identification of the -Watling Street is certain, for Bede says that St. Albans was called -Watlingcester, and Saxon charters show that Hampstead and Paddington were -on it; it is the modern Edgware Road. Henry of Huntingdon tells us that -the Watling Street ran from the south-east to the north-west, and that -Erming Street ran from north to south. Higden, in the fourteenth century, -says that the Watling Street began at Dover and passed through Kent and -"over the Thames at London, west of Westminster," then to St. Albans, -Dunstable, Stratford, etc.[53] Camden says: "The Roman road commonly -called Watling Street leads straight to London over Hampstead Heath, -whence is a fine prospect of a beautiful city and cultivated country." - -The best reasons that can be given for the position of the Watling Street -are that it was first formed before London became of much importance, that -it avoided the great Essex forest, and passed over the Thames at a point -convenient for a ferry on its way to and from Dover. - -Such prehistoric traffic as there was, by a sort of commercial drainage, -gathering together in a stream directed on Dover, must have tended to pass -the river with the least possible deflection. Whether or not the great -Watling Street is entirely of Roman date, a ferry at Westminster may have -superseded the Brent-ford. The actual passage was probably from Tothill -Street to Stangate on the south side of the river: "Stangate" is still -used as the name of a Roman road in the North by Hadrian's Great Wall. -After the Palace of Westminster was built, the ferry must have been -diverted by the Horseferry Road, and Higden may refer to this position. - -Clark suggests that "the Tothill" was a Saxon military mound, as such -mounds are sometimes called "toot-hills"; if so, it was a protection -overlooking the Watling Street, and may very well have been a mound -raised by Alfred in the Danish struggle.[54] "Le Tothull" is mentioned in -1250, when Henry III. granted the Abbey to hold a fair there. Hollar's -view shows a mound. The Tothill was common ground, and everything points -to its having been formerly a defensive work. The west gate of Westminster -was "towards Tothill" (1350), and Vincent Square now represents Tothill -Fields. The Lang ditch, which nearly surrounded Westminster, and which can -be traced back to the twelfth century, was probably a dyke of defence. - -Stukeley, writing in 1722, when material evidence was not so hard to find, -says that the Watling Street crossed over another Roman road (now Oxford -Street), which passed by the back of Kensington into the great road to -Brentford and Staines, "a Roman road all the way." The Watling Street then -went across the end of Hyde Park, and by St. James's Park to the street -near Palace Yard called the Wool Staple, and crossed to Stangate on the -opposite side of the river. The southward continuation of the road then -passed over St. George's Fields to Deptford and Blackheath; "a small -portion of the ancient way pointing to (or from) Westminster Abbey is now -the common road: ... from the top of Shooters' Hill the direction of the -road is very plain both ways: ... beyond the hill it is very straight as -far as the ken reaches: on Blackheath is a tumulus." - -From the Watling Street, on Blackheath, was obtained the first prospect of -London, where travellers during the Middle Age paused, as visitors to Rome -paused on their way only half a century agone. The mayor with all the -crafts of the city, in 1415, rode out thus far to meet Henry V. returning -from France. - - The King from Eltham sone he cam, - Hys prisenors with hym dede brynge, - And to the Blak-heth ful sone he cam. - He saw London withoughte lesynge; - Heil, ryall London, seyde our Kyng, - Crist the Kepe evere from care.--LYDGATE. - -In his letter to Wren Dr. Woodward says that in several places lying near -by in a line, particularly on this side of Shooters' Hill, where the -country is low, there remained a raised highway 40 feet wide and 4 feet -high. According to Allen's history a portion of the Roman way leading to -Stangate was found just north of Newington Church in 1824. - -Stukeley thought that the west-to-east road, over the present Oxford -Street, originally passed to the north of London into Essex (by Old -Street), "because London was not then considerable, but in a little time -Holborn was struck out from it, entering the city at Newgate, and so to -London-Stone, the _Lapis Milliaris_, and hence the reason why the name of -Watling Street is still preserved in the city." - -There can be no doubt that Stukeley's account of the Roman roads is -generally true, but the theory of the great road by Old Street seems -unlikely, although the latter is quite certainly a Roman way, and was -called Ealde Street in the twelfth century.[55] The Roman road has been -found 11 feet below the surface, together with Roman coins.[56] There -cannot be a doubt that, in late Roman days at least, the great -west-to-east road passed through the city and by the Mile End Road through -Stratford and the other places named from "street" to Chelmsford and -Colchester. Besides the great Roman roads there were of course many local -ways. The High Street from Aldersgate to Islington, also mentioned in the -twelfth century,[57] is probably, like the gate through which it passed, -Roman too. Stow's hypothesis that Old Street branched away from the top of -Aldersgate Street seems best to meet the case. Stukeley's suggestion about -the naming of "Watling Street" in the city, which has been so embroidered -upon by recent writers, seems, as we shall show (p. 150), to be a mistake. - -It is asserted in a fourteenth-century document quoted by Lysons that the -great east road passed the Lea by Old Ford before Matilda built Bow -Bridge; but this has no weight in excluding the road by Aldgate against -the evidence of the great road itself. The name Stratford is mentioned as -Strachford in a charter of the Conqueror.[58] In the life of St. Erkenwald -given in the Golden Legend, it is said that his body was brought to London -from Barking through Stratford after a miraculous passage of the Lea. -There _may_ have been a road by Old Street and Old Ford, but there _must_ -have been a road by Holborn and Whitechapel through Newgate and -Aldgate.[59] - -The branch from the great Watling Street to the city, by Tyburn and St. -Andrew's Holborn, is described in a charter giving in Saxon the boundaries -of Westminster, dated 951, but not original. This charter, even if forged, -can hardly be later than the era of the Conquest, when the coterminous -manor of Eya was given to the Abbey by Geoffrey de Mandeville; and the -names found in it must then have been of immemorial antiquity. Mr. -Stevenson, in a recent criticism of the document, accepts it as genuine -and proposes the date 971.[60] It reads: "First up from the Thames along -Merfleet to Pollenstock, so to Bulinga Fen, and along the old ditch to -Cuforde. From Cuforde along the Tyburn to the _Here Straet_, and by it to -the Stock of St. Andrew's Church, then in London Fen south to Midstream of -Thames, and by land and strand to the Merfleet." _Here Street_ is the -usual Saxon name for a Roman road, but it will be convenient to use it in -this case as a proper name. - -The stream of Tyburn crossed Oxford Street just west of Stratford Place, -and ran through the Green Park, and so to the west of Westminster. Cufford -I find again, _temp._ Edward I., as in, or near, the _Campis de Eya_--now -Hyde Park and St. James's.[61] This Cowford was probably where Piccadilly -"dip" crosses the Tyburn valley. A bridge is shown here in Faithorne's -map. The Here Street or military road is of course Oxford Street and -Holborn, and London-Fen is the Fleet valley.[62] - -The manor of Tyburn appears in Domesday. There can be no doubt as to the -identification of the Here Street, for a document of 1222 gives as the -boundaries of St. Margaret's, Westminster, the water of Tyburn running to -the Thames and the _Strata Regia_ extending to London past the garden of -St. Giles [in-the-Fields], and Roman remains have been found in Holborn. -The Here Street has been traced between Silchester and Staines through -Egham, and on this side of Staines, not far from Ashford, it has been -found.[63] An under road to Kensington, etc., by Knightsbridge must also -have been ancient. Knightsbridge is named in a twelfth-century charter, -and it seems to be the same as the Kingsbridge in a charter of the -Confessor.[64] - -From the fact that the Antonine Itinerary gives two routes to -Lincoln,--one round to the west by the Watling Street, and one to the east -by Colchester,--it seems probable that the direct Erming Street was made -in the later Roman era. - -The best critical account of the four Roman ways is in _Origines Celticæ_ -and the _Archæological Journal_ for 1857, in which Dr. Guest, working from -charters, verifies their position. He considers that the portion of the -Erming Street between London and Huntingdon was not a Roman paved road, -although "it must have existed in the days of Edgar, and perhaps as early -as the times of Offa." "Tracks of an ancient causey may still be found -alongside the turnpike road which leads from London to Royston," beyond -which the road passes straight on over the fens to a place called -Ermingford in Domesday and Earmingaford in a charter of Edgar. To the -south of London he lays down a "Stone Street" from Chichester through -Bignor (Roman villa) and Dorking. In vol. ix. of _Archæologia_, Bray, the -co-author of the _History of Surrey_, traces this "Roman road through -Sussex and Surrey to London." "That there was a great road from Arundel -which ran north and north-east to London is very certain, considerable -remains of it being now (1788) visible in many places." Another road from -the south seems to have passed through Croydon and Streatham, which in a -charter of the Confessor is called Stratham.[65] Near Ockley the former -was called "Stone Street Causeway," and Camden speaks of it as "the old -military road of the Romans called Stone Street." It was "some 30 feet -broad and some 4 or 5 feet thick of stones." Considerable vestiges of this -Roman road may even now be traced on the Ordnance Survey; approaching -London it evidently passed through Epsom, Ewell, Merton, Tooting, and -Clapham. Here then we have a great road from Chichester through Surrey -over London Bridge and by Stamford Hill to Lincoln--the Erming Street. It -seems impossible that such a work could have been undertaken in the time -of the "Heptarchy," and it must be a Roman road made subsequently to the -Antonine Itinerary. - -When London Bridge was built, or when a regular ferry over the Thames was -established on this line, a new connection with the Canterbury Road -(Watling Street) was evidently called for, and this link was provided by -Kent Street (now Great Dover Street). Bagford, in his letter to Hearne, -says that the Roman approach and military way led along Kent Street on the -left-hand side, "and pointed directly to Dowgate by the Bishop of -Winchester's stairs, which to this day is called Stone Street." I cannot, -however, accept the inference as to the name Stone Street in this place, -as it ran directly through what was Winchester Palace, where, as old views -show, there cannot have been a street in the Middle Ages. The highway from -the bridge going southwards really ran straight through the borough (Burh -or South-work), and deflected on to Kent Street at St. George's Church, -which stood here early in the twelfth century (see Southwark, below, p. -110). - -The English invaders came up the Watling Street and were unsuccessfully -met at Crayford. At Ockley on the Stone Street there was a great battle -with the Danes. William the Conqueror, after the battle of Hastings, took -Dover and Canterbury and came to London by the Watling Street; then -burning Southwark, but not venturing to assault the walled city, he moved -down the Stone Street and across to Farnham and Wallingford, and then -north-east, by the Icknield Way, and so commanded the northern Watling -Street and Erming Street and cut off retreat. A recent study of his route -made from Domesday Book makes him pass through Camberwell, Merton, -Guildford, and Farnham. Then crossing the river by both Wallingford and -Streatley, he approached London by Little Berkhamstead, Enfield, and -Tottenham.[66] - -A final consideration of the roads in relation to the city shows two great -routes: (1) from west to east, through Staines to Colchester; and (2) from -south to north, from Chichester to Lincoln. These roads, entering the city -by Holborn and the bridge, and issuing by Aldgate and Bishopsgate, were -throughout the Middle Ages the great market streets, and their -intersection at Leadenhall formed the "Carfax" of London. - -The best elucidation of the names of the roads we have been concerned with -is given by Dr. Guest. One is the street of the Ermings or Fenmen, who -gave their name to places on its course. The Icknield Way, which he gives -good reasons for thinking was a British road, led to the district of the -Iceni (compare Dr. Rhys, _Celtic Folklore_, p. 676). The Watling Street he -supposes to be the Irishmen's road, from Welsh -_Gwythel_--_Goidel_--Irishman. These derivations seem to be a little over -symmetrical. Other roads than that through St. Albans were called Watling -Street, which almost seems to be a generic term, just as in Wales the -Roman ways are called Sarn Helen. In the story of Maxen Wledig (Maximus -Emperor) we are told that the Empress Helen made the roads. It is probably -a similar legend where Florence says that old tradition had it that London -was walled by Helen. Florence says that the Watling Street was called so -from the sons of King Weatla: Can this be a corruption of Wledig, or can -the reference be to the British prince Guithlin, who seems to have been in -power about the time of the coming of the Saxons?[67] - -Horsley and others have thought that these roads were laid down for the -most part immediately after the Roman conquest by Claudius, and there can -hardly be a doubt of their early existence when we consider the great -works of Agricola as far off as the Roman Wall.[68] Moreover, one or two -milestones which have been found bear the name of Hadrian. The antiquity -of our place-names, roads, and bridges is well brought out in a -seventh-century charter to Chertsey Abbey. The land boundary, beginning at -the mouth of the Wey, passed by Weybridge, then by the mill-stream to the -old Here Street and along it to Woburn Bridge, etc. This Here Street is -doubtless the present road on the south bank of the Thames; it probably -led from Southwark, through Clapham--called Cloppaham in the ninth -century--by Wandsworth, where was a church in the tenth century, and by -Kingston, the royal town and crowning place of the later Saxon kings.[69] - - * * * * * - -_The Bridge._--We hear of the existence of the bridge about seventy years -after Alfred's time in connection with the punishment of a woman who was -to be taken and "a-drownded at Lundene-brigce."[70] In a poem on Holy Olaf -the King of Norway, by a contemporary, he is said to have broken down -London Bridge in an attack on the Danes in the interest of Ethelred about -1014.[71] It is curious that the English Chronicles do not speak of this, -and it is difficult to fit in, but in any case the story is almost -contemporary. - -An extended but later account of the incident is given in the -_Heimskringla_: "Now first they made for London and went up the Thames -with the host of the ships, but the Danes held the city. On the other side -of the river there is a great Cheaping-town called Southwark (Sudurvirke); -there the Danes had great arrayal; they had dug great dykes, on the inner -side whereof they had built a wall of turf and stone.... A bridge was -there across the river betwixt the city and Southwark, so broad that -waggons might be driven past each other thereover. On the bridge were made -strongholds, both castles and bulwarks, looking down stream, so high that -they reached a man above his waist; but under the bridge were pales stuck -into the bottom of the river. And when an onset was made the host stood on -the bridge all along it and warded it. King Ethelred was mickle mind-sick -how he was to win the bridge." King Olaf made wooden shelters over his -boats, "and the host of the Northmen rowed right up under the bridge and -lashed cables round the pales which upheld the bridge, and they fell to -their oars and rowed down stream as hard as they might, ... and the pales -having broken from under it, the bridge broke down by reason thereof; ... -and after this they made an onset on Southwark and won it. And when the -townsfolk [of London] saw that the river Thames was won, so that they -might not hinder ships from faring up into the land, they were afeared, -and gave up the town and took King Ethelred in. So says Ottar the Swart:-- - - O battle-bold, the cunning - Of Yggs storm! Yet thou brakest - Down London Bridge: it happed thee - To win the land of snakes there." - -This verse is sometimes translated so as to read "London Bridge is broken -down" in the first line, like the well-known children's song; but there -have been many breakings down since the time of Olaf, and it is -unnecessary to force such a remote origin for the ditty. As to the bridge -itself, the account just given as to its being of wood agrees with the -fact that no piers seem to have been preserved when it was rebuilt in the -twelfth century. That it should have been fortified agrees with -contemporary events, for Charles the Bald had built a fortified bridge at -Paris to stop the pirates going up the river. - -The bridge, as we have seen, was required by the Roman roads, and must -have been of Roman origin. Roach Smith, indeed, even considered that it -might have been the bridge by which Claudius is said to have crossed the -river, and points out that the Itinerary shows that bridges were not -uncommon in Britain.[72] "This presumptive evidence" [as to London Bridge -being of early Roman origin] "is supported by recent discoveries. -Throughout the entire line of the old bridge, the bed of the river was -found to contain ancient wooden piles; and when these piles, subsequently -to the erection of the new bridge (about 1835), were pulled up to deepen -the channel of the river, _many thousands_ of Roman coins, with abundance -of Roman tiles and pottery, were discovered; and immediately beneath some -of the central piles, brass medallions of Aurelius, Faustina, and -Commodus. All these remains are indicative of a bridge. The enormous -quantity of Roman coins may be accounted for by the well-known practice of -the Romans to use them to perpetuate the memory of their conquests and -public works. They may have been deposited either upon the building or -repair of the bridge. The great rarity of the medallions is corroborative -of this opinion." Many bronzes and other works of art were also found.[73] - -I incline to the view that the bridge may with greatest probability be -assigned to the century when the Romans were consolidating their work in -Britain, from the arrival of Agricola in A.D. 78. Within this period falls -the date of the earliest medals found and the great building age of -Hadrian, who reared the "Roman Wall." It is tempting to suggest that the -fine head of Hadrian, in 1863 found in the Thames, may have formed a part -of a statue placed on the bridge to commemorate his visit. Bronze has -always been too valuable a material for the head to have been wilfully -cast away. Moreover, we have evidences of two bridges by the Roman Wall -which were the work of Hadrian. That at Newcastle, called after him, Pons -Ælii, had a history curiously parallel with London Bridge, for it gave way -to a mediæval bridge in 1248, which was destroyed in the flood of 1771. -During the rebuilding parts of the Roman structure were found. Near -Hexham, where the line of the wall crosses the North Tyne, there are still -vestiges of a bridge which seems to have lasted down to 1771; it has three -piers of masonry, having angular cut-waters up-stream. The spans were 35 -feet, the piers about 16 feet transversely; the roadway was about 20 feet -wide; at the ends, standing over the masonry abutments, were towers -through which the roadway passed. "The platform of this bridge was -undoubtedly of timber. Several of the stones which lie on the ground have -grooves in them for admitting the spars. No arch-stones have been -found."[74] - -Old London Bridge crossed the river just east of the existing bridge. Stow -thought that the original bridge was still farther east, because St. -Botolph's Port is mentioned in connection with the bridge in a charter of -the Conqueror. Notwithstanding that this conjecture was disproved so fully -when the old bridge was destroyed, the theory still appears in standard -books and on maps which profess to represent Old London. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE WALLS, GATES, AND QUAYS - - On board his bark he goes straight to London, beneath the bridge; his - merchandise he there shows, his cloths of silk smoothes and opens - out.--_Roman de Tristan._ - - -_Walls._--The walls and gates of London are frequently mentioned -incidentally by the chroniclers of the Saxon period. In the charter given -by William the Conqueror to St. Martin's le Grand, the city guarded by -them is called the Burh, and the defences themselves are called -Burhwealles. Their complete circuit can be accurately traced from existing -remnants, old plans and records. Some years ago a fragment of the east -wall of Roman date was found, which still exists a few yards east of the -south-east angle of the Keep of the Tower, at a point which must be very -near to the original junction with the south or river wall, which probably -ran in the line of the present south wall of the inner ward of the Tower. -The city wall passed north by Aldgate to the N.E. angle; then on the -north by Bishopsgate and Cripplegate to the N.W. angle, and, after making -an inset by Aldersgate, it formed another N.W. angle; thence it passed -straight south by Ludgate to the river. It was only at the end of the -thirteenth century that the south-west angle of the city was extended to -take in Blackfriars. Ample evidence of Roman workmanship has been found -for the whole extent of the north and east sides, but until recently some -have doubted whether any remains of Roman date had been found on the west; -a portion, however, was discovered between Warwick Square and Old Bailey -some twenty years ago, and in 1900 other portions were found at Newgate -Prison. Still earlier in 1843, as Roach Smith pointed out in _Collectanea -Antiqua_ (vol. i.), a portion of the city wall was found near -Apothecaries' Hall in Playhouse Yard. It was 10 feet thick, and the stones -were bedded in mortar mixed with powdered brick. In the walls of some part -of the old Blackfriars buildings found in 1900, I noticed that a -considerable quantity of the small cubical Roman stones had been re-used -in the Friary after the destruction of the south portion of the western -wall of the city. Roach Smith pointed out that the steep fall in the -ground just south of the _Times_ office and St. Andrew's Church showed -that the river wall passed along here. There is no doubt that Alfred's -London included the whole of the Roman city with the exception of the -Blackfriars extension. - -[Illustration: FIG. 18.--ROMAN WALL OF LONDON.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 19.--DETAIL OF ROMAN WALL OF LONDON.] - -The city wall seems to have been uniformly built throughout its circuit of -small stones, 6 or 7 inches square on the face, bonded about every sixth -course with two or three courses of large flat tiles nearly 18 inches by -12 inches, and 1-1/2 inches thick. The core was rough rubble; it was -about 8 to 10 feet thick and probably 20 to 25 feet high. FitzStephen -(_c._ 1180) describes it as "the high and great wall of the city having -seven double gates and towered to the north at intervals; it was walled -and towered in like manner on the south, but the Thames has thrown down -those walls." There is evidence for a square Roman wall-tower having -existed in Houndsditch, and for others, semicircular in form. It would -always have had, as we know it had at a later time, a walk all round, a -parapet, and battlements. A part of the late wall which still shows the -walk and battlements is yet in London Wall. The turrets (of the later wall -at least) were higher than the wall. - -[Illustration: FIG. 20.--FROM THE COMMON SEAL. REVERSE, ENLARGED, 1224.] - -According to Stow, the ditch of the city wall was begun in 1211, and the -same writer, speaking of the Walbrook entering the city, as mentioned in -the Conqueror's charter, adds "before there was any ditch." This is a -mistake, for notices of Houndsditch appear before 1211, and the name is -used in the _Liber Trinitatis_ in a way that infers its existence before -1125. A few years ago an excavation at Aldersgate exposed a complete -section of the ditch outside the wall. It was 14 feet deep, 35 feet wide -at bottom, and 75 feet wide at the top of the sloping sides. The top of -the inner slope was 10 feet from the wall. This is drawn and described in -vol. lii. of _Archæologia_, and a comparison subsequently made with the -ditch at Silchester showed that, like it, it was certainly of Roman work. -In each there was found a raised foundation in the bed of the ditch for a -trestle bridge crossing from the gate (Fig. 21). - -After the ruins of the fire (of five or six years ago) at Cripplegate were -cleared away, it was evident that the basements of the houses in the -street running north and south outside the west end of St. Giles's -churchyard, by the angle bastion of the wall which still stands there, -were built in the old ditch. A length of embanked stream which fed the -ditch ran by the east of Finsbury Circus.[75] It is shown in the so-called -Aggas plan. - -[Illustration: FIG. 21.--SECTION OF ROMAN WALL AND DITCH.] - -Many considerations suggest the likelihood that the first Roman walled -city was smaller in extent than it became at a later time. Roach Smith -thought that this earlier city was confined to the east side of the -Walbrook, the approach from London Bridge forming its centre. The great -wall, according to him, was "probably a work of the later days of the -Romano-British period." With this view J. R. Green agrees, and argues that -the wall was built in haste under Theodosius, when the attacks of Picts -and Saxons made walls necessary for the security of British towns.[76] -Henry of Huntingdon, writing early in the twelfth century, tells us that -"tradition says that Helen, the illustrious daughter of Britain, -surrounded London with the wall which is still standing." - - * * * * * - -_Gates._--Opposite the entrance to the city by the bridge was the _North -Gate_, called Bishopsgate. According to Geoffrey of Monmouth, Cæsar's -sword "Yellow Death" was buried here with a Briton who had been slain by -it. This legend is at least enough to show that the gate was ancient at -the beginning of the twelfth century. Bishopsgate is mentioned in -Domesday: "The canons of St. Paul's have _ad portam episcopi_ ten cottages -as in the time of King Edward." Outside the gate the Erming Street -stretched away to the north over the moor. - -The _East Gate_--Aldgate (generally written Algate or Alegate)--is -mentioned in the foundation charters of Holy Trinity Priory in 1108. Stow -says he found it named in a charter given by King Edgar to the Cnihten -Gild, but it seems that he founded this on a later legend which professed -to recite the terms of such a charter. However, the Saxon Chronicle, -giving an account of the dispute between the Confessor and Godwine in -1052, says that some of the Earl's party _gewendon ut æt Æst geate_ and -got them to Eldulfsness (Walton-on-the-Naze). Mr. W. H. Stevenson, in an -interesting note on personal names associated with town gates, cites an -eleventh-century life of St. Edmund, in which it is called Ealsegate, and -suggests that it may be named from one Ealh; the East Gate of Gloucester -was called Ailesgate from Æthel.[77] A survey of Holy Trinity precinct -made about 1592, and now at Hatfield, gives the plan of the gate as it -then existed (possibly in part Roman), and a length of the city wall with -its semicircular bastions.[78] Outside this gate the great Roman road -reached away to Chelmsford and Colchester. - -The principal _West Gate_ is clearly Newgate, as standing opposite the -East Gate and at the end of Cheap. Fabyan calls it West Gate. In the Pipe -Roll for 1188 it is called Newgate, and it was then already a prison. -Earlier in the twelfth century it seems to have been called Chamberlain's -Gate,[79] and this name is probably explained by an entry in Domesday, -where it is noted that two cottagers at Holeburn were dependent on the -sheriff of Middlesex in the time of the Confessor, and that William the -_Chamberlain_ rendered six shillings for his vineyard [there] to the -King's sheriff. That is, the Chamberlain held property outside Newgate in -1086, and the name Chamberlain's Gate probably goes back as far. An -eleventh-century text of a charter dated 889[80] describes a property, -"Ceolmundingehaga, not far from Westgetum." Possibly Coleman Street is -named after the same citizen, who may be none other than the Ealdorman of -Kent who died in 897. Outside this gate the Roman road ran west, as we -have seen, to the Tyburn, beyond which it crossed the Watling Street. - -[Illustration: FIG. 22.--FROM MATTHEW PARIS, 1236.] - -_Ludgate_ must have been reputed to be very ancient when Geoffrey of -Monmouth wrote, early in the twelfth century. He speaks of it as "the gate -which to this day is called in the British tongue Porth-Lud and in the -Saxon Ludesgata." On it had been "a brazen man," said to be Cadwaladr. Dr. -Rhys thinks that Geoffrey was here using ancient tradition. There is no -conclusive reason why the gate should not have preserved a British name -and a Roman statue, and at least the legend has a legend's worth. The next -earliest mention I find of it is in the St. Paul's documents, about the -middle of the twelfth century.[81] Ludgate Street without the gate is -spoken of not long after. A reference cited by Fabyan, however, probably -takes us back to the days of the Conquest (see below, p. 112). The Strand, -leading from Westminster past St. Clement Danes to Ludgate, must be an -ancient street: it may indeed represent the earliest of all paths to -London from the passage of the river by the great Watling Street. St. -Clement's Church, as we shall see, is pre-Conquest; Sir H. Ellis, in his -introduction to Domesday, says a charter by the Conqueror refers to St. -Clement Danes "in the Strand," but the actual words are not cited (vol. -ii. p. 143). A street outside the western walls--"Aldwych"--is frequently -mentioned from the twelfth century; it is represented by Wych Street and -by Drury Lane; it turned north-west from the Strand and joined the great -western highway at St. Giles, where a hospital came to be built in the -Middle Ages. Lambard says Ludgate meant, in Saxon, a postern, and this -meaning is found in the A.S. dictionaries. Mr. W. H. Stevenson has lately -again suggested that this gate is called from a Ludd or Ludda, like -Billingsgate from Billing, but on all the evidence we must conclude that -the Saxon word for postern must hold the field, especially as the opposite -gate in the east wall was called the Postern up to Stow's time. - -[Illustration: FIG. 23.--THE COMMON SEAL OF LONDON, 1224.] - -_Ealdredesgate_ and _Cripelegate_ are both named about the year 1000 in -Ethelred's Laws (Thorpe). The first is evidently called after one Ealdred. -As we have seen above, in p. 79, an excavation outside Aldersgate exposed -a section of the old Roman ditch, and gave evidence of a trestle bridge -which crossed it from the ancient gate, which consequently must itself -have been Roman.[82] Stow says that Cripplesgate is mentioned in a life of -St. Edmund, which tells that the Saint's body was brought through this -gate about 1010; but see Aldgate above. It is named the postern of -Cripplesgata in the Conqueror's charter to St. Martin's. In a slightly -later charter it is called Porta Contractorum (Stow).[83] These six, with -the South or Bridge Gate, make up the seven historic gates of London, and -the conclusion cannot be resisted that they all date back at least to the -time when Alfred repaired the walls of the city, and most, if not all of -them, to Roman days. Roach Smith held that the principal gates were then -Ludgate, Aldgate, and Bishopsgate. Referring to the finding of inscribed -stones near to Ludgate, he says that they doubtless belonged to a cemetery -which stood outside the gate. Hatton says that some Roman coins were found -at Aldgate on its destruction in 1606. Price says that no evidence of the -ancient wall having crossed Bishopsgate Street was found when a deep sewer -was carried along the street, and hence we may infer a Roman opening in -the wall at this point. Direct evidence has been found of Aldersgate, as -just said, and Newgate is implied by the evidence of the Roman road found -by Wren at St. Mary le Bow. FitzStephen says the city gates were double, -and a rough drawing of the city in the MS. Matthew of Paris represents -each gate as having two arches (Fig. 22). Stow also says that Aldgate was -double. The Roman gates at Chesters and other important posts on Hadrian's -Wall have coupled openings between towers containing guard chambers; the -great West Gate at Silchester was similar,[84] and we may take this gate -as a type for Roman London. - -We may thus form a very clear idea of what London must have looked like -when the Norman Conqueror came and viewed the city walls from the other -side of the river, as described by Guy of Amiens. - -The assertions and contradictions in recent books, and maps founded on -them,[85] are difficult to follow. According to Mr. Loftie, the north road -from Bishopsgate "joined the road to Colchester and Lincoln afterwards -called Erming Street" (Erming Street to Colchester); "We find both Watling -and the Erming Streets going off at a tangent when they have passed out" -(on plan both shown perfectly straight);[86] "Aldgate--properly -Algate--was opened about the beginning of Henry's [I.] reign"; "Aldgate -has nothing to do with 'Old' or Eald, for the simple reason that the -eastern road ran not from Aldgate but from Bishopsgate, and not to -Stratford but to Old Ford"; "Whitechapel Road--the Vicenal Way ... -answered to the street of tombs without the gate at Pompeii" (in the plan -a road going east from Bishopsgate is named Vicenal Way). It is impossible -to say what such roads were, or where they went, or how the author knew. -In the other plans mentioned above, London Bridge is shown near -Billingsgate, with the north and south street _east_ of St. Magnus and the -north gate much to the east of Bishopsgate. Watling Street is shown on a -diagonal line from Bridge end to Newgate, and Leadenhall Street and -Aldgate are omitted. - - * * * * * - -_Quays._--FitzStephen, as we have seen, says that London "was walled and -towered" to the south against the river. And there cannot be a doubt that -the citizens were protected in this way, when we read that they shut -themselves within their walls against the Danes, for land walls alone -would little have availed against the water-borne hordes. Stow, Wren, and -other authorities have accepted these river walls, and indeed analogy with -other water-side towns calls for them. It is evident on referring to a map -that Thames Street, Upper and Lower (above Bridge and below), must follow -the course of this wall, and that the street was outside the wall, forming -a "strand" giving access to the quays, as does the way along the Golden -Horn at Constantinople. When in 1863 Thames Street was excavated, the -Roman level appeared at 20 to 25 feet below the modern surface; the whole -was found to have been piled and cross-timbered right across the street; -this "doubtless formed the old water line and embankment fronting the -south portion of Roman London." The piling turned up the course of the -Walbrook towards Cannon Street.[87] Similar embankments were found when -the approach to new London Bridge was made, and still further east; it is -said as many as five lines were found when the present Custom House was -built. Roach Smith describes the foundations of a part of the river wall -which was found extending from Lambeth Hill to Queenhythe, and again by -Queen Street, along the north side of the street.[88] And we have seen -that the south-east and south-west angles of the wall were just on this -line. Several quay basins were formed along the river shore outside the -wall. The most famous of these was Billingsgate, which in the traditions -of Geoffrey of Monmouth took its name from Belinus, the British Apollo. In -the Laws of Ethelred (979-1015)[89] there is an item "concerning the Tolls -given at Bilingesgate." It is probably the Lundentuneshythe named in a -charter of 749[90] and the Roman Wharf of London. - -[Illustration: FIG. 24.--FRAGMENT FOUND IN THE SOUTH WALL.] - -The next most important quay is Queenhythe, otherwise, as Stow says, -"called Edredshithe because it at first belonged to one called Edred." -This is confirmed by the name of the Church of St. Michael "Ædredeshuda" -found about 1148 in the St. Paul's documents; about 1220 it appears as St. -Michael's de Hutha Regina in the same. The queen who gave her name to this -quay was Matilda, wife of Stephen; in the Cotton Charters (xvi. 35) is a -grant from her of the hospital by the Tower and rents from Edredshythe to -Holy Trinity Aldgate. In the Close Rolls of 21 Henry III. (1237) are two -entries in regard to the Necessary House formerly built by Matilda, late -Queen, at Queenhythe for the common use of the city; it was to be made as -long as the quay of Alan Balun, so that it might have a free course of -water. Dugdale cites a grant (_temp._ Henry II.) of a rent-charge on Ripa -Reginæ called "Aldershithe" [?] to St. Giles. In 1247 the wharf was -granted to the city at a farm of £50 a year.[91] From a charter of King -Alfred himself, dated 899, we find that the Edred who gave his name to -this wharf was none other than Ethered, Alfred's son-in-law and his -lieutenant in London (died 912).[92] In a second version of the charter -given in Birch's collection it is called Rethereshythe, but the -Peterborough Chronicle again names it correctly and gives the further -interesting fact that Harold held land near this quay: "_Comes Harold -dedit terram in London juxta monaster. S. Pauli juxta Portum qui vocatur -Etheredishithe_".[93] In a survey of the quays and approaches given in the -_Liber Custumarum_ a Retheresgate appears, and in a will of 1279 -Retheresgate and the lane of St. Margaret near it are mentioned. The lane -was later Rethers Lane and then Pudding Lane. I cannot explain the -confusion as to the two sites and names. Edredshythe was walled, and the -public way leading to it is mentioned. It is of great interest that its -actual basin yet remains to us. If the city were not given over to all the -horrors of "riches," we might hope to see a statue of the great king -erected at this quay. It is of romantic interest that we can associate -with this site the names of the husband of Alfred's daughter Ethelfleda, -Lady of Mercia and of London, and Harold, last of the English. - -[Illustration: FIG. 25.--FRAGMENT FOUND IN SOUTH WALL.] - -_Botolph's Wharf._--According to Stow, the Conqueror confirmed to -Westminster Abbey "the gift which Almundus of the port of St. Botolph -gave ... with the house and one wharf which is at the head of London -Bridge ... as King Edward granted." - -_Dowgate._--In a charter of 1150-51 which Henry II. as Duke of the Normans -gave to the citizens of Rouen, he grants that the men of Rouen who are -free of the Merchants' Gild shall be quit of all dues save for wine and -craspisce. "And the citizens of Rouen shall have at London the port of -Douuegate as they have had from the time of King Edward." After warning -other ships off the wharf, they were free to cut them adrift.[94] "Here -then we have evidence that even before the Conquest the citizens of Rouen -had a haven at the mouth of the Walbrook."[95] A chapter in the Laws of -Æthelred names the traders who were free to come to the Port of London, -and amongst these appear men of Flanders, France, and the Emperor's men. -The men of Rouen, then, as in 1150, brought wine and craspisce (dried -sturgeon or whale). From the fact that the Walbrook issued here, Dowgate -has been derived from the Celtic _Dwr_, water; this would be a very -interesting fact, if there were any certainty in it. - -_Steelyard and the Vintry Wharf._--In the privileges of the Emperor's men -just mentioned we seem to have, as Dr. Sharpe suggests,[96] the beginnings -of the Gilda Teutonicorum, the great mediæval Hanse by Baynard's Castle -called at a late time the Steelyard. In the time of Henry II. the House of -the Cologne Merchants in London is mentioned, and Richard I., when passing -through Cologne, remitted the rent-charge on their Gildhall.[97] This -privilege was confirmed by John in 1213.[98] - -We can probably trace the port of "the Flanders men" of Æthelred's laws in -a charter granted by the Conqueror to the Abbey of St. Peter's, Ghent, in -1081, granting Lewisham, Woolwich, etc.: and within London, the land which -King Edward [the Confessor] gave, namely, a portion of Waremanni-Acra with -the wharf belonging to it, with its market rights, stalls, shops, and -dues, and that all merchants who have landed in the Soke of St. Peter [of -Ghent in London] shall return and enjoy his protection. This charter is -witnessed amongst others by Deorman, Leofstan, and Alward _grossus_ of -London.[99] In a later confirmation of 1103-09 the ground is called -Wermanacre, and this name must be preserved in St. Martin's "de -Beremanescherche" (date 1257);[100] for Stow says St. Martin in the Vintry -was sometimes called "St. Martin de Beremund Church." Kemble gives a copy -of the original charter of the Confessor, granting to St. Peter of Ghent -the above-named places, also within London the land which _anglice_ is -called Wermanecher, with the wharf and all rights and customs. Mr. Round -shows from other documents that the Confessor visited St. Peter's, Ghent, -in 1016, and then promised to restore to the monks their possessions in -England, and that Lewisham, etc., had first been given to the monastery as -early as 918. The gift was confirmed by Edgar, with its "churches, land, -and crops," at the prayer of Dunstan, who ruled St. Peter's for some time -when exiled from England. - -_Fish hythe_, in the western part of London, is named in the Saxon charter -718 of Kemble's collection. Riley, in his introduction to the _Liber -Custumarum_, which contains a valuable mediæval survey of the wharves, -puts Fish hythe near the bottom of Bread Street. _Ebbegate_, which is -mentioned in twelfth-century documents, is, Riley says, the same as Swan -Wharf.[101] - -There must, even in Alfred's time, have been some sort of customs house, -for there were quay dues, and a charter of 857 speaks of the place in -London where the weighing and measuring of the port was done.[102] - -We thus have a picture of a busy river front, the shore, backed by the -city walls and gates, indented with a series of docks crowded with -shipping. Says FitzStephen, "To this city from every nation under heaven -merchants delight to bring their trade by sea. The Arabian sends gold, ... -Gaul her wines." And Robert of Gloucester, characterising the fame of -several towns, says, "London for ships most." Camden likens the docks to a -floating forest. - -The principal trade of the port seems to have been in slaves. A law of -_c._ 685 relates to the buying of chattels in London-wic, and the traffic -is frequently mentioned. Fifty years after the Conquest it was unsafe to -go near the ships in Bristol harbour for fear of being kidnapped, as was -young Tristram in the story. Gildas, looking back to the commerce of the -Roman period, likened the noble rivers Thames and Severn to two arms by -which foreign luxuries were of old brought in. In our period a multitude -of craft must have filled these basins and lined the river bank--dromonds -from the Mediterranean, "long ships and round ships" from the north, and -slavers from Rouen and Dublin, with many a splendid war "dragon" like Olaf -Tryggvison's--"Foreward on it was a dragon's head, but afterwards a crook -fashioned in the end as the tail of a dragon; but either side of the neck -and all the stem were overlaid with gold. That ship the King called the -Worm, because when the sail was aloft then should that be as the wings of -the dragon." The ships of Cnut's English fleet were "wondrously big; he -himself had that dragon which was so mickle that it told up sixty benches, -and on it were heads gold bedight, but the sails were banded of blue and -red and green."[103] There were also pilgrim ships, for we hear that Offa -"purchased a piece of land in Flanders in order to build a house where the -English pilgrims on landing might find refreshment."[104] According to the -legend St. Ursula and her virgins embarked at London. - -Of Alfred we are told that he built ships to fight the Danish _ashes_, -"full twice as large as they, some with sixty oars, some with more." Only -last year (1900) a clinker-built boat, thought to be Danish, was found on -the Lea, 50 feet long and 9 feet beam. It must have been a wonderful sight -when the English fleet assembled at London, as in 992, or when a great -host of Northmen sailed up on the tide. - - Think that below bridge the green lapping waves - Smite some few keels that bear Levantine staves, - Cut from the yew wood on the burnt-up Hill, - And pointed jars that Greek hands toiled to fill, - And treasured scanty spice from some far sea, - Florence gold-cloth, and Ypres napery, - And cloth of Bruges, and hogsheads of Guienne. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE CITADEL--SOUTHWARK--THE DANES' QUARTER--THE PORTLANDS AND CNIHTENGILD - - Their dyke the Vikings warded, - But some deal of the war-host - Held booths in level Southwark. - OLAF THE HOLY in the _Heimskringla_. - - -_The Citadel._--The Saxon Chronicle under the year 886 reads: "In this -year _gesette_ Alfred _Lundenburh_ and gave the _burh_ to Æthered the -ealdorman to hold." This is usually understood to mean that Alfred -restored the city wall, but Mr. John Earle in a note on the passage argues -that the _burh_ was a citadel. He points out that Æthelweard's Latin -paraphrase reads, "_dux Æthered ... custodiendi arcem_"; he says further -that _gesette_ meant "founded," "peopled," and concluding that the passage -means that Alfred established a military colony with an endowment of land, -he suggests that we have here an account of the military occupation of -Tower Hill.[105] I cannot think that the suggestion as to the limited -meaning of _burh_ is made out;[106] but the endowment of a garrison as -suggested would give a perfect point of departure for the "English Cnihten -gild," an association to which a part of the portlands adjoining the east -wall was granted, Stow says, by King Edgar. Moreover, the resumption by -Alfred of London from the Danes would not only make such a body of -soldiers especially necessary, but give good reason for their being called -"English"; besides, it is known that Alfred did set up town garrisons. Mr. -Coote has already suggested that the relinquishment in 1125 by the members -of the gild of the lands which they held seems to have been in consequence -of the Conqueror's garrison at his new Tower having taken over their -duties. A traditional connection between the city guard and the Portsoken -seems to be suggested also by the account in the _Liber Custumarum_ of how -the city host was wont to assemble at the west end of St. Paul's, and then -march to Aldgate, where the banner of St. Paul was presented to them. The -council of this force, moreover, was held in Holy Trinity, which in 1125 -took over the endowment of the gild.[107] - -Since writing the above I find that Mr. Oman has also argued that the -Cnihten gilds of London and some other places were the military -associations which Alfred and his immediate successors placed in their -burhs. "That the system started with Alfred, rather than his son, seems to -follow from two passages in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, where, under the -year 894, we hear of "the King's thegns who were at home in the -fortresses," and again of "the fyrd being half in the field and half at -home, besides those men that held the burhs."[108] - -It is likely enough that a great city like London would have had a -citadel, and Tower Hill, situated at the angle of the wall by the river, -seems itself to proclaim that from Roman days it has been a site of -military importance. It has been doubted whether Roman buildings actually -occupied the site, but some excavations in 1898-99 laid bare some remnants -about three yards away from the south-west angle of the keep, together -with a portion of a hypocaust.[109] Again, in the British Museum there is -an ingot of silver found in the eighteenth century on the site of the -Tower, and inscribed - - EX OFFI - HONORII. - -A similar inscribed ingot was found not long since in the _castrum_ at -Richborough, and this goes to raise the old theory of a treasury at the -Tower again. - -The account given by William of Poitiers seems to show that the Conqueror -took over and added to an existing stronghold (see Freeman), and Geoffrey -of Monmouth, writing within the lifetime of those who were living at the -Conquest, and when the Norman Tower was barely finished, attributes the -"prodigiously big tower" by Billingsgate to Belinus. Elidure, a descendant -of Belinus, he tells us, was shut up in the Tower at Trinovantum -(London). All tradition is in favour of its having been a stronghold -before the Conquest, and Henry of Huntingdon, _c._ 1130, says that -Eadric's head after his execution by Cnut was placed on the highest -battlement of the Tower of London. Again, there is no tradition of the -Conqueror having taken land from the city for the foundation of his Tower. -"Who built the Tower of London?" asks Dr. Maitland. "Let us read what the -chronicler says of the year 1097: 'Also many shires which belonged to -London for work were sorely harassed by the wall that they wrought around -the Tower, and by the bridge, which had been nearly washed away, and by -the work of the King's Hall that was wrought at Westminster.' There were -shires or districts which from of old owed work of this kind to -Londonbury."[110] - -According to the Welsh story, Bran the Blessed, King of Britain, "exalted -from the crown of London," when wounded in battle commanded that his -followers should cut off his head. "'And take you my head,' said he, 'unto -the White Mount in London and bury it there with the face towards France.' -And they buried the head in the White Mount. It was the third ill-fated -disclosure when it was disinterred, as no invasion from across the sea -came to this island while the head was in concealment." The White Hill is -always explained to mean the Tower of London.[111] - -In the story of Bran we get the constantly recurring idea of a palladium. -It seems to be referred to again in Merlin's prophecy, "Till the buried -kings be exposed to view in London." Some object like the statue of Pallas -in Troy, and the shield of Numa in Rome, was, as it were, the soul of a -city. In Geoffrey of Monmouth a brazen horse on Ludgate figures as the -protecting talisman; London Stone may have had some such mystical meaning -attached to it by the Saxons (see p. 181), and the Shrine of Erkenwald in -St. Paul's was the sacred heart of the city in the Middle Age. That the -idea of a palladium was known in Britain is proved by the case of the -sacred stone of Scone--the Coronation Stone. A similar story is told of -the tomb of Iver in the Saga of Ragnar Lodbrok. William the Conqueror had -to break it down before he got the victory at Hastings. - -_Southwark or the Borough._--The Burgal Hidage, a document which has -recently been critically examined,[112] containing "a list of ancient -fortresses," which dates from "the days of Edward the Elder at the -latest," gives us the earliest reference to Southwark. "It sets forth, so -we believe, certain arrangements made early in the tenth century for the -defence of Wessex against the Danish inroads. It names divers strongholds, -and shows how in the great age of burh-building they had wide provinces -which were appurtenant to them." - -Amongst the burhs named comes Sutheringa-geweorc, in a position which is -satisfied by Southwark.[113] Dr. Maitland concludes generally that the -boroughs had their origin in such royal burhs founded for national -defence. "The borough belongs to the genus villa (_tun_), but it was in -its inception royal." The South-work was evidently a _tête-du-pont_, and -became a royal borough. By means of special privileges such burhs, like -the bastides of Edward I., attracted a heterogeneous population of -traders, and Southwark became the great "cheaping town" of the -_Heimskringla_, and "the Borough" _par excellence_ to this day. In the -Pipe Roll of 1130 it stands with Guildford as the second borough in -Surrey, and it returned members to Parliament from the first. It must have -been protected by a ditch, and remains of this, or of Cnuts dyke, might -have given rise to the tradition recorded by Stow that the course of the -Thames had been altered when the bridge was built by a trench cast from -Rotherhithe to Battersea. The older Maitland seems to have gathered some -evidence of its palisaded bank.[114] Even in the time of the Confessor the -"burghers" are spoken of. Some coins of Ethelred II. bear the mint mark of -Southwark: this also is a sign of being a royal burh. The whole of Surrey -seems to have been under contribution for the maintenance of Southwark and -Eashing [bridge?]. The churches of Southwark are of considerable -antiquity. The parish church of St. Olave is mentioned 1096, and St. -George's and St. Margaret-on-the-Hill can be traced back to about 1100. -Margaret Hill is the continuation of Borough High Street to St. George's -Church; the name may mark a military mound. - -In Domesday it appears that Southwark had been subject to the Confessor -and Godwine.[115] The men of Southwark testified that in King Edward's -time no one took toll on the Strand or in the Water Street save the king. -Godwine had a house here, and he must have held the burh. In the dispute -of 1051-52 between the Confessor and Godwine, the earl carried his forces -up the river to Southwark, the burghers of which followed his cause and -supported him by land. The king's navy and land force faced him from the -north. The Londoners sympathised with the earl, but officially it was a -case of Southwark against the city.[116] - -It would probably be possible even now to lay down the course of the -"walls" (of earth, like Wareham and Wallingford) by comparing the boundary -of the old manor or "town" with street lines and names and other -evidence.[117] Godwine's holding seems to have coincided with the -gildable manor which extended along the river from St. Mary Overie's dock -to Haywharf in the east, and southward nearly to St. Margaret Hill. Two -other adjoining manors were included in the parliamentary area. Even the -site of the great earl's manor house can, with some probability, be -pointed to.[118] Excavations have shown that before Saxon days there was a -considerable Roman settlement on the site of Southwark, and that the -present High Street lies over the Roman approach to London. Roach Smith -says that substantial remains of Roman houses have been found, -particularly on both sides of the High Street up to the vicinity of St. -George's Church, in which district the wall paintings and other evidence -indicated villas of a superior kind. Nearer the river, where the ground -had been subject to inundation, the houses were built upon piles. - -In 1016 Cnut, to turn the flank of the bridge, dug a "mickle dyke" on the -south, and dragged his ships to the west side of the bridge. Sir W. Besant -has shown that quite a little dyke a few yards long would go round the -bridge end and take a Danish ship, but he has not considered the -preliminary forcing of the South-work which would have been necessary. As -to the probable course of the dyke, see Allen's _History of London_, vol. -i., and Faithorn's map, 1658, which shows a considerable stream flowing -into St. Saviour's dock. It was required more for the investment of the -stronghold than for the ships (which, as at Constantinople, could have -been dragged over land), as shown by the complete passage: "They dug a -great ditch on the south side, and dragged their ships to the west side of -the bridge, and then afterwards ditched the city around, so that no one -could go either in or out." - - * * * * * - -_The Danes and their Quarter._--London Bridge was not only a roadway over -the river: it was a fortification linking the walled city to the -South-work and barring progress up the river. The _Knytlinga Saga_ refers -to this when it says: "King Cnut went with all his host to Tempsa (the -Thames). In the river was built a large castle, so that a ship-host might -not go up the river." - -It was natural that a suburb should spring up under the shelter of the -bridge along the Strand, which is probably a Roman way. - -[Illustration: FIG. 26.--DANISH SWORD FROM THE THAMES.] - -In Fabyan's Chronicle is the following curious passage referring to the -reign of Ethelred: "In the third year [982] a great part of the city was -wasted by fire. But you shall understand that the city of London had most -building from Ludgate towards Westminster, and little or none where the -heart of the city is now, except in divers places was housing, but without -order, so that many cities in England passed London in building, as I have -known by an old book sometime at Guildhall named Domysdaye." From another -passage quoted below (p. 189) it would appear that this book was about the -age of the great Domesday (1087). - -FitzStephen also tells us that the Palace of Westminster was joined to the -city by a _populous suburb_. In early thirteenth-century documents the -Strand is sometimes called _Vico Dacorum_. The church still called St. -Clement Danes certainly, as we shall see, dates from before the Conquest, -and in some special way was the church of the Danes. The early existence -of this western suburb would explain satisfactorily the name of -Westminster, and possibly its origin. We first hear of the Abbey, -independently of its own documents, towards the end of the tenth century, -when in 997 Elfwic signs a charter as abbot of Westminster.[119] It is -probable that Cnut was the first to choose Westminster for a royal -residence, and Harold I. was buried here. All these facts go to show that -the Strand in Cnut's day had become the Danish quarter. And London itself -had become so Danish that Malmesbury says Harold I. was elected by the -Danes and the citizens of London, who from long intercourse with these -barbarians had almost entirely adopted their customs. - -An account in the _Jomsvikinga Saga_, however inaccurate in detail, -contains some interesting allusions to the Danes in London. - -We are told that Sweyn made warfare in the land of King Ethelred and drove -him out of the land; he put "_Thingamannalid_" in two places. The one in -"Lundunaborg" was ruled by Eilif Thorgilsson, who had sixty ships in the -"Temps," the other was north in Slesvik. The Thingamen made a law that no -one should stay away a whole night. They gathered at the Bura church every -night when a large bell was rung, but without weapons. He who had command -in the town [London] was Eadric Streona. Ulfkel Snilling ruled over the -northern part of England [East Anglia]. The power of the Thingamen was -great. There was a fair there [in London] twice in every twelvemonth, one -about midsummer, and the other about midwinter. The English thought it -would be the easiest to slay the Thingamen while Cnut was young (he was -ten winters old) and Sweyn dead. About Yule waggons went into the town to -the market, and they were all tented over by the treacherous advice of -Ulfkel Snilling and Ethelred's sons. Thord, a man of the Thingamannalid, -went out of the town to the house of his mistress, who asked him to stay, -because the death was planned of all the Thingamen by English men -concealed in the waggons, when the Danes should go unarmed to the church. -Thord went into the town and told it to Eilif. They heard the bell -ringing, and when they came to the churchyard there was a great crowd, who -attacked them. Eilif escaped with three ships and went to Denmark. Some -time after, Edmund was made king. After three winters Cnut, Thorkel, and -Eric went with eight hundred ships to England. Thorkel had thirty ships, -and slew Ulfkel Snilling, and married Ulfhild his wife, daughter of King -Ethelred. With Ulfkel was slain every man on sixty ships, and Cnut took -Lundunaborg. - -The massacre of the Danes at the "Bura church" must be the same event as -is noticed by Stow in his account of St. Clement Danes, and also by -Matthew of Westminster under the year 1012. Stow seems to suggest that it -was in consequence of an attack on Chertsey Abbey. Messrs. Napier and -Stevenson, in a recent reference to this story in their _Crawford -Charters_, are "inclined to think that this account of the fate of the -Jomsborg Thingamenn is based on real events." They have found Eilif and -Thordr signing charters for Cnut. The fight with Ulfkel was at Ringmere, -near Thetford. - -The fact of Cnut's drawing his ships above the bridge, as described in the -English Chronicles, when taken together with the above, would seem to -suggest as a possibility that the intention was to reach an English fleet -lying there. The Thingamannalid appears to have manned a fleet of -occupation; it seems to have been none other than the original of the -company of the Lithsmen of London mentioned in the English Chronicles, and -about which such various opinions have been held.[120] - -Even the details of the fairs, the covered waggons, and the church-bell -have some historical value. It seems probable that the Danish occupation -of this quarter outside the walls of the city may date from the -arrangement made between Guthrum and Alfred. - - * * * * * - -_Portlands and Cnihten Gild._--London was surrounded by a wide zone of -common land, the boundary of which in its late and probably lessened -extent was defined by bars on the several roads, such as Temple Bar, -Holborn Bar, Spital Bar, Red Cross Bar, and the bars without Aldersgate -and Aldgate. These bars can be traced back to the twelfth century.[121] -In 1181-88 the land or the canons of St. Paul's without the bar beyond -Bishopsgate is mentioned.[122] - -The "bars" seem to have been posts; those at the limit of Bridge Ward -against Southwark were called "stulpes" (by Stow) or "stoples" (in 1372, -Riley's _Memorials_). In the Hundred Roll of Edward I. we hear of a -citizen who had put "stapellos" in front of his house.[123] From these -analogies I had come to the conclusion that Staples Inn was the inn at -Holborn Bars, or Staples, and I find that this suggestion has already been -made because "staple" is Saxon for "post."[124] The land out to the bars -is called suburbs by FitzStephen, and later, franchises or liberties. I -cannot but think that the whole of this land was at times included under -the designation Portsoken, which more particularly is given to that part -outside the east wall of the city; thus the charter of Henry II. grants -liberties "within the city and Portsoken thereof"; and the 1212 Assize of -Building regulated buildings _infra Civitatem et Portsokna_. The wider -liberties of the city seem to be without guarantee unless Portsoken had -this extended meaning.[125] - -In any case the suburbs may represent a zone of common pasture and -tillage.[126] A consideration of its boundaries, however, suggests that -its present form must have been governed by the growth of extra-mural -population; this is also shown by the way in which extensions of boundary -overlie the main roads. The Portsoken Ward must formerly have been part of -this _pomærium_ of the city, and it occupied most of the eastern side. Mr. -Coote, in the authoritative article on the subject, calls it the city -manor. The Cnihten Gild, which held it until 1125, possessed a charter of -Edward the Confessor confirming to them the customs which they had in -King Edgar's day.[127] - -On the north side of the city the common land was called the Moor, and we -have seen how a part of this "Moor" outside Cripplegate was granted to St. -Martin le Grand, the rest remaining a common playground as described by -FitzStephen. A mandate of Henry III. of 1268 in the Close Rolls, however, -commands the mayor and commonality "not to disturb Walter de Merton in -possession of a Moor on the north side of the wall of London which the -King gave to St. Paul's in consequence of the late disturbances."[128] It -was fen land; FitzStephen tells how the citizens skated here, and bone -skates of pre-Conquest date have been found in Moorfields. It is possible -that all the common land surrounding the city was called the Fen or Moor, -as a boundary on the west side against the land of Westminster was said at -an early time to be in London Fen (see p. 60).[129] The 12-1/2 acres of -land, mentioned in Domesday under the name of Noman's-land, and as having -been held by the Confessor, was probably some of the city land. In the -fourteenth century Charterhouse was built on ground called -Noman's-land--probably the same. - -A part of Portsoken where fairs used to be held in the time of Henry III. -was called East Smithfield; at the north-west angle of the city was -another Smoothfield where the cattle fairs were held. As says FitzStephen: -"Outside one of the gates immediately in the suburb is a field smooth in -fact as in name. Every Friday, unless it be a feast, noble horses are here -shown for sale. In another part of the field are implements of husbandry, -swine, cows, great oxen, and woolly sheep.[130] On the north side there -are pastures and pleasant meadow land, through which flow streams turning -the wheels of mills. The tilled lands of the city are not barren soil, but -fat plains producing luxuriant crops. There are also sweet springs of -water which ripple over bright stones; amongst which there are Holy Well -[Hoxton], Clerkenwell, and St. Clement's; they are frequented by many when -they go out for fresh air on summer evenings." - -It has been properly pointed out by Dr. Maitland and by Mr. Gomme that -"the tilled lands of the city" is no mere rhetorical phrase,[131] but it -referred to "the arable fields of the town of London." In the Saxon -Chronicle we gain a sight of the citizens reaping their lands: "Then that -same year [895] the Danish men who sat down in Mersey [island] towed their -ships up the Thames, and thence up the Lea. This year [896] the aforesaid -host wrought themselves a stronghold on the Lea, twenty miles above -London. And in summer a great body of the townsmen, and other folk beside, -went forth even unto this stronghold. And there were they put to flight, -and there were slain some four of the king's thanes. And after, throughout -harvest, did the king camp hard by the town [London] while the folk were -reaping, that the Danes might not rob them of their crop. Then one day the -king rode along the stream, and saw where it might be shut in, so that -never might they bring out their ships. And thus was it done. And they -wrought them two strongholds on the two sides of the stream. When this -work was done and the camps pitched thereby, then saw the host that they -might not bring out their ships. Then forsook they their ships, and fled -away across the land until they came unto Coatbridge on Severn, and there -wrought they a stronghold. And the men of London took all those ships, and -such as they might not bring away of them they brake up, and such as were -staelwyrthe them brought they to London." - -The suburbs must be the residue of the original clearing in the forest; -FitzStephen says the forest was close by London and formed a covert for -boars and wild cattle, and as late as the thirteenth century there were -wild cattle at Osterley.[132] Scattered about the forest were village -settlements, the nearest about the city mentioned in Domesday being -Stepney, Hoxton, Islington, Hampstead, St. Pancras, Kensington, Chelsea. -The bishop of the East Saxons already, in Alfred's day, had his house at -Fulham.[133] - -The citizens had their hunting rights confirmed by Henry I. "as fully as -their ancestors have had, in Chiltre, Middlesex, and Surrey." Middlesex -was peculiarly attached to London, and, in its modern form at least, must -represent the portion of the old East Saxon kingdom cut off by Alfred's -treaty with Guthrum.[134] The East Saxon kingdom, Malmesbury says, -comprised the modern Essex, Middlesex, and half Hertfordshire. The Saxon -Chronicle under 912 says: "This year died Æthered, and King Edward -[Alfred's son] took possession of London and Oxford and of all the lands -which owed obedience thereto."[135] A charter professedly dated as early -as 704 names Twickenham in the province of Middlesex, but nothing is known -to history of a Middle Saxon kingdom or people. Bede says London was a -city of the East Saxons, and the London bishopric is coextensive with the -East Saxon kingdom, including Middlesex. If we had to find a theory for an -earlier origin of Middlesex, it might be suggested that when in 571 the -West Saxons and East Saxons formed their common frontiers, London with -some dependent land was constituted a middle region accessible to both. -This might account for the peculiar circumstances whereby London passed -successively under the suzerainty of one state after another. Middlesex -was in fact the "country of London," as it is called by Capgrave. - -Besides the suburban land, there remained much common and open land in the -city itself through the Middle Ages.[136] Stocks Market, for instance, -"the middle of the city," as Stow says, was made in 1282 on "an open space -where, the way being very large and broad, had stood a pair of stocks." -This looks like the "village green" of London. In the original grant in -the _Liber Custumarum_ the vacant land is described as north of -Woolchurch, where the king's beam stood and the wool market was held. - -At the east end, near the precinct of the Tower, some ground bore the name -of Romeland, whatever that may mean:[137] at the west of the city was St. -Paul's Churchyard, with the areas where the folkmote met, and where the -city host assembled in arms. - -It was not till the centuries following the Conquest that the ground just -within the walls seems to have been appropriated; at least large sections -remained to be occupied by the monasteries of Holy Trinity, St. Helen's, -Austin Friars, and Greyfriars. The orchards and gardens of citizens are -frequently mentioned. A deed of 1316 refers to a grant of land called -Andovrefield and a house called Stonehouse by the Walbrook.[138] London -in Saxon times indeed was a walled county, and up to the sixteenth century -retained much of its character as a "garden city." - -The Cnihtengild, which till 1125 held the Portsoken, has been incidentally -dealt with in the course of this chapter (pp. 102 and 118). Of the many -problems connected with the history of London, hardly one has been more -discussed than the status of this "mysterious institution." Mr. Loftie -thought he had proved that the aldermen formed its members, and that it -was the governing gild of London. Mr. Round, however, has adversely -criticised this conclusion. It is certain that there were Cnihtengilds in -other places, as Winchester and Exeter. As all such places appear to have -been county strongholds or burhs, and as we have seen it is probable that -the Cnihts of London had the duty of defending the city, and further, as -at Cambridge the members of a gild of Thegns were called Cnihts, I -conclude the members of the London gild were originally the Thegns who -garrisoned Londonburh.[139] - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE WARDS AND PARISHES--THE PALACE - - So Hawk fared west to England to see King Athelstane, and found the - king in London, and thereat was there a bidding and a feast full - worthy. So they went into the hall thirty men in company, and Hawk - went before the king and greeted him, and the king bade him welcome. - - _Saga of Harold Hairfair._ - - -_Wards and Parishes._--The earliest lists of wards which give the present -traditional names have been printed by Dr. Sharpe in his _Calendar of -London Wills_ and his _Letter Book A_. These are of about the years 1320, -1293, and 1285. Another of 1303 is in Palgrave's _Treasury_. A patent of -1299 speaks of the mayor and twenty-four aldermen. Before this time most -of the wards were called by the names of the aldermen holding them, as -said in the _Liber Albus_. There is a list of this kind, in which only a -few of the traditional names appear, in the Hundred Rolls of 1275. This -last is particularly interesting, however, as giving the names of the -city magnates of the great time just after the war of the city with the -king, when Thomas FitzThomas, the mayor, was imprisoned--some have said -never to appear again; but I find in the Close Rolls for 1269-70 (53 Henry -III.) that in that year "Thomas son of Thomas, late Mayor of London," -entered into recognisances for a debt of £500 to Edward the king's son, -finding sureties for the same and for his fealty to the king and his -heirs. - -[Illustration: FIG. 27.--PLAN SHOWING THE RELATION OF THE CENTRAL WARDS -AND THE PRINCIPAL STREETS] - -Another list of aldermen in 1214 is printed in Madox's _Exchequer_, -together with a reference to one of 1211, which carries back the complete -list of twenty-four to within twenty years of the institution of the -mayoralty. - -An account of the property of St. Paul's made in the first half of the -twelfth century, and printed in facsimile in Price's _History of the -Guildhall_, incidentally contains a list of about twenty wards, mostly -under the names of their aldermen. Of these "_Warda Fori_" and the wards -of Aldgate, Brocesgange (Walbrook), and of the Bishop may be cited as -especially interesting; Aldresmanesberi is also mentioned. This document -is not dated, but Mr. Round has shown it to have been written about 1130. -Hugo, son of Wlgar, and Osbert, Aldermen, occur in another deed of 1115, -and Thurstan, Alderman, in 1111. Mr. Loftie has attempted to identify some -of the wards. The Ward of Herbert, in which was the land of William -Pontearch, may perhaps be Dowgate, for a charter of Stephen gave to S. M. -de Sudwerc the stone house of William de Pontearch, situated by the sheds -of Douegate (Dugdale). What is probably a still earlier group of aldermen -is given in a Ramsay document of 1114-30, which is addressed to Hugo de -Bochland, Roger, Leofstan, Ordgar, and all the other barons (_i.e._ -aldermen) of London. Another document of the same age is witnessed by -Levenoth, "Alderman." A careful comparison of these lists, together with -other sources,[140] might yield some new facts. From a cursory comparison -it seems to be evident that too much has been made of the case of the -Farndons and Farringdon Ward as evidence for hereditary _ownership_ in the -aldermanries. Most of the family names change from list to list, but a few -persist: in 1240 there is a Jacob Bland, in 1275-85 and 1293 a Rudulphus -Blond, but this may be the case in any office. On the other hand, two of -the same family name are found more than once holding different wards at -the same time, and in other cases similar names are found in different -wards in different lists; thus in 1285 there are two Ashys, two Rokesleys, -two Boxes, and two Hadstocks: a Frowick in 1285 held Cripplegate, and in -1320 a Frowick held Langbourne. The ward that can most easily be traced is -Cheap; in 1211-14 it was held by William son of Benedict, in 1275 by Peter -of Edmonton, in 1285 by Stephen Ashy, and in 1320 by Simon Paris. This is -hardly hereditary succession. But what I am concerned with is not the -tenure but the topographical origin of the wards. Many different theories -as to the origin of the wards have been put forward. Mr. Loftie, writing -of the beginning of the thirteenth century, says: "The wards, as we shall -notice more distinctly further on" (the distinctness is difficult to -find), "were in the hands originally of the landowners, and an alderman -was still very much in the position of a lord of the manor. His office was -at first always, and still usually, hereditary." After the reign of Henry -III. the aldermen no longer owned their wards. The constitution had -undergone a complete change, "and the offices became purely elective." - -Mr. Price thought that the wards were divisions dating from Roman days. -Norton believed that the wards were to the city what the hundreds were to -the shire, and this view, shared by Bishop Stubbs, seems to be confirmed, -as will be shown by an independent line of reasoning. - -The wards can be traced back to within fifty years after the Conquest, and -that they were even then of immemorial antiquity is shown by FitzStephen's -legend that, like Rome, London was founded by the Trojans, and -consequently had the same laws, and like it was divided into wards. In -Cambridge there were ten wards in 1086. - -A study of the ward boundaries in connection with the Walbrook, the -"Carrefour," and the main streets yields most interesting results. Stow -tells us that a great division between the western and eastern wards was -made by the Walbrook, which ran from the north wall to St. Margaret's -Lothbury, then under Grocers' Hall, and St. Mildred's Church, west of the -Stocks Market, through Bucklersbury, then by the west of St. John's -Walbrook and the Chandlers' Hall, and by Elbow Lane to the Thames. On -laying down the course of this stream from all obtainable data, it is -found that it was an unbroken boundary between the thirteen eastern and -eleven western wards. - -Again, the four principal cross streets form so many backbones to a series -of wards; and this in such a marked way as to show on a good map quite -certainly at a glance, that these wards were formed by aggregations of -dwellings upon either side of the roads which passed through them, exactly -as a high-road threads a village. - -Bridge Ward is a narrow strip containing the Bridge Street up to the cross -of Lombard Street. Bishopsgate Ward, beginning at this same crossways, -goes all the way to Bishopsgate, the ward street passing through its -midst. - -Lombard Street and Fenchurch Street furnish the midrib to Langbourne -Ward[141] in just as obvious a way. Stow thought that Langbourne Ward was -called from a stream, but this has been shown to be untenable for physical -reasons (see p. 48); and the plan of the wards shows instantly that here -was no water-course, like the Walbrook, _dividing_ wards, but a street -passing through the _midst_ of a ward. While deriving this _ward's_ name -from a brook, Stow says that Lombard _Street_ was so called of the -Longobard merchants about 1300. I find that the _street_ was called -Langbourne Strate at the end of the thirteenth century;[142] and in a -charter of Matilda to Holy Trinity, 1108-18, appears the Church of St. -Edmund in _Longboard Strete_. The first mention I can find of the ward is -also of the twelfth century; this is a demise by "Geoffrey, Alderman of -the Ward of Langebord," of land in Lime Street.[143] It is evident from -this that the name of the street and the ward was originally one and the -same--Langbard, Longbord, or Longford, as it occasionally appears. The -street was written "Lumbard Strete" in 1319.[144] - -The St. Paul's documents show that important Lombards were resident in -London early in the twelfth century, and they probably gave their name to -the ward and street; two of these were Meinbod and his son Picot the -Lombard. In Paris there is a Lombard Street, and other cities have the -name. And the word is written Langeberde in old English. - -Cornhill Ward, Cheap Ward, and the old Newgate Ward are just as clearly -three wards strung on the street which respectively threads them in -passing to the west gate, and properly takes the name of each ward in -passing through it. - -Lime Street and Aldgate Wards lie over Leadenhall (the old Aldgate) -Street; from the look of it we might suppose that Lime Street Ward was -formerly part of Aldgate Ward, as the _division_ line is here formed by -the street which gives its name to the ward. The backbone of Tower Ward is -Great Tower Street, which passes into Billingsgate Street as East Cheap, -and on westward as Candlewick Street. Coleman Street threads the ward of -the same name, which is possibly derived from the Coleman named on p. 83, -and Cripplegate and Aldersgate Wards are formed on the ancient streets -which went to those gates. - -This examination of the forms of the wards in relation to the ancient -streets which they overlie is enough to prove irresistibly that the main -streets of the city existed before the wards, and that these wards -originated not as "private property," but as units of population -inhabiting the houses along those streets, like so many villages or -townships. These streets, in turn, however long and unbroken, evidently -bore different names according to the wards they passed through. - -The study of the wards might be carried further in one direction by means -of a map on which the boundaries of the parishes, as well as of the wards, -were carefully laid down. Although upwards of a hundred parishes can -hardly date back so early as the institution of wards, it is possible that -certain large parishes may have had an origin identical with the -wards,[145] and most of them probably date from before the Conquest. It -would be interesting also to compare the boundaries of the suburban -parishes with the limits of the suburbs proper as defined by the bars. - -It is generally accepted that a parallel holds between the organisation of -the city and the shire, the ward and the hundred. "Hundreds and Tithings -were part of the primitive Germanic constitution." Dr. Stubbs has shown -that in Domesday several towns figure as hundreds, and the wards of the -city of Canterbury were called hundreds. Thus too, I suppose, it arose -that the reports of the wards of London were inserted in the Hundred -Rolls. - -The wards in London most probably represented the groups of citizens -belonging to several gilds; they may indeed be identical with the Peace -gilds of Athelstane's enactment, according to which the population were to -be enrolled by tens and hundreds in associations for the preservation of -peace and the suppression of theft.[146] In accordance with this idea of -accounting for every man, we find that even in the thirteenth century no -one was to stay in the city for more than two nights "unless he finds two -sureties and so puts himself in frankpledge." The aldermen were -responsible for their wards,[147] and every hosteller was likewise -responsible for his guest.[148] Dr. Maitland suggests that the Aldermen -were the military captains of the burgmen. It is certain that the defence -of the town gates was assigned to the men of the several wards. - -The wards, then, were in the main organisations for the executive -government, the ordering and policing of the city. "The ward-mote is so -called as being the meeting together of all the inhabitants of a ward in -presence of its head, the alderman, or else his deputy, for the correction -of defaults, the removal of nuisances, and the promotion of the well-being -of each ward."[149] This function, indeed, is explained by the very name -"ward," and the "frankpledge" was a survival of primitive adoption into -the tribe. Some recognition of this is made by Holinshed, who says the -city is divided into twenty-six wards or "tribes." It even seems possible -that the wards may at first have been formed by symmetrical numerical -units such as, say, a hundred freemen; or the space within the walls may -have been divided up into twenty or twenty-four parts in such a way as to -allow for density of population. Excavations in the city have shown that -the population clustered most thickly along the river and in the great -streets, and the wards are much more congested and regular in the central -part by the bridge than nearer the walls: the old churches also seem to -gravitate towards the same nucleus. - -_Wards without._--A good illustration of the formation of the interior -wards may be found in the growth of those without the walls. Bishopsgate -Without, and Aldersgate Without, were evidently formed by clusters of -dwellings springing up on either side of the roads outside the gates. -Cottages outside Bishopsgate and at Holborn are mentioned even in -Domesday, and Fleet Street appears to have been populous even earlier. The -external wards extend to the boundary of the city liberties, or common -land, and the roads passing through them had specific street-names as far -as the several "Bars." Holborn Street, as it is sometimes called, which -passed over the Hole-burn, should properly end with the city liberty, as -does Fleet Street. - -Along with the wards were a number of sokes--areas in which persons or -corporations held certain privileges. The first sokes mentioned are that -of the Cnihten Gild (pre-Conquest), and that of St. Peter of Ghent (in -1081, see p. 97). The charter of Henry I. grants that "no guest tarrying -in any soc shall pay custom to any other than him to whom the soc -belongs." They appear to have been heritable, and free to some extent from -civic jurisdiction: in the reign of Edward I. there were still upwards of -twenty in existence in London.[150] "Bury" seems to have been applied to -a manor or property surrounded by a wall or fence; "in London," says Mr. -W. H. Stevenson, "it means a large house." Bucklersbury and Bloomsbury -were the properties--post-Conquest--of one Blemund, and of the family of -Bockerel. A Saxon will makes a bequest to Paul's byrig.[151] The -termination "haw," present still in Bassishaw, is also common. A charter -of the Confessor giving Stæninghaga in London to Westminster is printed by -Kemble; Dr. Maitland in _Domesday and Beyond_ has shown that this was -occupied by the men of Staines, and that Staining Lane probably preserves -its memory even unto this day. There were forty-eight burgesses of London -who counted with Staines in 1086. He suggests that we have here a trace of -a system by which the shires garrisoned the burhs. - - * * * * * - -_The Palace._--There are but few references to a palace. Florence, writing -of 1017, says that Cnut "being in London" ordered Edric to be "slain in -the palace" and his body to be thrown from the walls--"into the Thames," -says Malmesbury. Richard of Cirencester, who wrote in the middle of the -fourteenth century, but whose testimony is of the more value as he was a -monk at Westminster, says that Cnut was keeping his Christmas "in the -castle which is now called Baynard's," and after the death of Edric took -boat for Westminster. There is every reason to think that the ruler's -house in London, as in Constantinople, Venice, Aachen, and Paris, would -have adjoined the cathedral, as Baynard's Castle did. That Baynard's -Castle should have been the old royal palace would seem to agree very well -with its subsequent history; it would also explain the existence of this -stronghold held under the king within the city walls, while none of the -chroniclers speak of its site being taken from the city, and it would -explain why early in the twelfth century Henry I. should give a part of -the site to St. Paul's; for, if it had been built after the Conquest, it -would hardly have been curtailed so early.[152] - -Henry of Huntingdon says that William Baynard was deprived of his estate -in 1110. It was then, I suppose, that it passed to the Clares. The -Fitzwalters, who held it after Baynard, belonged to the great family of -the Clares.[153] Baynard's Castle was probably dismantled under John when -the king quarrelled with Fitzwalter. In 1275 a patent was granted R. -Fitzwalter to alienate Castle Baynard near the city walls, with stone -wall, void areas, ditches, and even the tower of Fish Street Hill. Taking -this and the St. Paul's document together, the precinct seems to have -included the ground between the boundary of St. Paul's (along Carter Lane) -and the river and from the city wall to Old Fish Street. It must have been -an important castle, not a mere tower. - -Henry II. is made by Fantosme to ask how "mes baruns de Lundres ma cité" -fared in the troubles of that time, and is told that Gilbert de Munfichet -had strengthened his "castle," and that the Clares were leagued with him. -This Montfichet's Castle is mentioned by FitzStephen, and Stow says that -it was close to Castle Baynard towards the west, and on the river; but a -document given by Dugdale speaks of Munfichet Castle with its ditch as -close to Ludgate (ii. 384).[154] - -Tradition has also assigned the site of a Saxon palace close to the east -end of St. Alban's, Wood Street. It was said that King Athelstane had his -house here, which, having a door into Adel Street, "gave name to this -street, which in ancient evidences is written King Adel Street."[155] Stow -just refers to the story, but says any evidence had been destroyed, and he -was evidently disgusted at a then recent "improvement." Some accounts of -23 Henry VIII., given in the _Calendar of St. Paul's Documents_, refer to -the "clensying of certyn old ruinouse houses in Aldermanbury, sometime the -palace of Saincte Æthelbert Kyng ... and making of five new tenements." It -is curious that there is an Adle Hill, also in Castle Baynard Ward. The -records of St. Alban's show that Abbot Paul (from 1077) obtained by -exchange with the Abbot of Westminster what was said had been the chapel -of Offa's palace near the church of St. Alban's, Wood Street. This -evidently refers to the same site abutting on St. Alban's, Wood -Street.[156] It has been said that Gutter Lane is named from the residence -of Guthrum. I find it called Godron Lane in early documents, and the -tradition may possibly be true (see p. 154). - -Tower Royal was a royal residence after the Conquest; Stow says Stephen -lodged there.[157] Froissart, writing of the Wat Tyler's rebellion, tells -how the king's mother fled to "the Royal called the Queen's Wardrobe." - -We get in the _Heimskringla_ a fair picture of what the king's haga or -garth would have been in the history of King Olaf the Holy. "King Olaf let -house a king's garth at Nidoyce. There was done a big court hall with a -door at either end, but the high seat of the king was in the midmost of -the hall. Up from him sat his court-bishop, and next to him again other -clerks of his; but down from the king sat his counsellors. In the other -high seat strait over against him sat his marshal, and then the guests. By -litten fires should ale be drunk. He had about him sixty body-guards and -thirty guests. Withall he had thirty house carles to work all needful -service in the garth. In the garth also was a mickle hall wherein slept -the body-guard, and there was withal a mickle chamber where the king held -his court chambers." Of Olaf the Quiet we are told: "That was the ancient -wont in Norway that the king's high seat was midst of the long daïs, and -ale was borne over the fire. But King Olaf was the first let do his high -seat on the high daïs athwart the hall.... He let stand before his board -trencher-swains. He had also candle-swains, who held up candles before his -board. Out away from the trapeza was the marshal's stool." - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -STREETS--CRAFT GILDS AND SCHOOLS--CHURCHES - - They answered and said that there were many more churches there [in - London] than they might wot to what man they were hallowed. - - HEIMSKRINGLA. - - -_Streets._--As has been said, a large number, probably most, of the -streets of London as they existed before the fire can be traced in records -back to the thirteenth century. It is evident that the extra-mural -approaches and the gates necessitated the existence of some of these at a -still earlier time; the sites of ancient churches and the formation of the -wards to which the streets serve as midribs, as above said, account for -others. That some are of Roman date positive evidence has been found. On -reviewing this cumulative evidence it seems possible that the main streets -given in Stow's _Survey_ represent ways in the Roman city. A succession -of fires slowly raising the surface with layers of debris, gradual -encroachments, and the obliteration of open spaces, have modified the old -lines in some cases considerably, but still it is certain, I believe, that -the general "squareness" and more or less symmetrical alignment of the -Roman city can be traced in the existing streets. A line from the bridge -to the north gate must always have formed a great main street, and -standing at the bottom of Bridge Street (Fish Street Hill) we may still -gain some idea of what the entrance to the city by the Roman bridge was -like. Mr. Price says of Gracechurch Street: "Recent investigations have -shown ... that no structural remains of the Roman period can have occurred -throughout its course; on either side of the street, debris of buildings -with fragments of tessellated pavements have been seen, but nothing has -existed along the actual line of road."[158] Roach Smith also testifies -that no wall has been found crossing Gracechurch Street, "a fact that -would support the opinion of its occupying the route of one of the Roman -roads."[159] The idea of J. R. Green, that the north and south street was -considerably to the east of the present line, was probably founded on -Stow's mistaken view that the bridge was of old far to the east. - -Again, for the two great longitudinal ways through the city we have -evidence. In forming the entrance into the city from New London Bridge a -section was made of the ground north of Thames Street, and three ancient -lines of embankment were found, by which ground was by degrees regained -from the Thames. One of these was formed of squared oaks. As the -excavation came to Eastcheap it crossed a raised bank of gravel 6 feet -deep and 18 wide, the crest of which was 5 feet under the present surface; -it ran in the direction of London Stone. On reaching the north-east corner -of Eastcheap the foundations of a Roman building were found, and here, -having reached the line of Gracechurch Street, the discoveries ended.[160] -Roach Smith speaks of walls having been found in Eastcheap and Little -Eastcheap, but Cannon Street, like Gracechurch Street, was free from them. - -It has been conjectured that Cheapside was not a street, that it was a -muddy marsh, an open space for market booths, and that a stream ran from -it into Walbrook, etc.[161] Two deeds, however, given in Dugdale under -Barnstaple, record the gift of a new house and land in "_Foro_" or "_Magno -Vico Londoniæ quam habuit Odone Bajocensi_" by William Gifford, Bishop of -Winchester, to S. Martin Paris, 1110-15, and this reference to the -property of Odo of Bayeux carries Cheapside right back to Conquest days. -It is not unlikely, indeed, that the east end of the "Great Street" was -the site of the Roman Forum or part of it. The "Forum" of Canterbury is -mentioned in 762.[162] Although the word Forum doubtless stands only for -the Saxon market-place, it was the proper place of assembly. According to -the _Acta Stephani_ the Empress Maud was acclaimed Lady of England in the -Forum of Winchester. There is no doubt Cheap was the Saxon High Street and -the official meeting-place of the citizens from the earliest days of the -English settlement. Early in the twelfth century Thomas à Becket was born -in his father's house in Cheap, on a site we can still identify, and -Eudo, Dapifer to the Conqueror, also appears to have had a stone house in -West Cheap, by Newchurch. - -When Wren rebuilt St. Mary le Bow, in excavating for the foundation of the -campanile, when he had sunk about 18 feet, he came to a Roman causeway of -rough stone, close and well rammed, with Roman brick and rubbish for a -foundation, all firmly cemented. This causeway was 4 feet thick, and -underneath was the natural clay. He built the tower "upon the very Roman -causeway." He was of the opinion that this highway ran along the north -boundary of the Roman city, the breadth of which was from this "causeway" -to the Thames, and "the principal middle street or Prætorian way" being -Watling Street; north of the "causeway" the ground was a morass, so that -he had to pile for building the new east front to St. Lawrence by the -Guildhall.[163] Too much has been made of this morass, for remains of -Roman buildings have been found on this very ground north of Cheap 17 feet -below the surface,[164] and St. Lawrence itself had been a church from -Norman times at least. Other Roman buildings have been found in Wood -Street.[165] - -It is impossible to go behind Wren's testimony as to the Roman way through -Cheap. It has been claimed, however, that some foundations discovered by -him on the site of St. Paul's showed that Watling Street ran obliquely -from London Stone to Newgate. It was not, as we see, the opinion of Wren -himself, and it must fall. The exact words in _Parentalia_ cited for the -discovery of an oblique street are themselves enough to abolish the theory -built on them. They are as follows: "Upon demolishing the ruins [of St. -Paul's] and searching the foundations of the Quire, the Surveyor [Wren] -discovered nine wells in a row, which no doubt had anciently belonged to a -street of houses that lay aslope from the High Street [Watling Street] to -the Roman causeway [Cheapside], and this street, which was taken away to -make room for the new Quire [of 1256] came so near to the old [Norman] -Presbyterium that the church could not extend farther that way at first" -(p. 272). There is nothing in this about "a Watling Street running from -Newgate to London Stone." What is described is a way across the churchyard -from the west end of the High or Atheling Street issuing by Canon Row or -Ivy Lane. There is no evidence at all, then, for a diagonal Watling Street -which Stukeley suggested, and more recent writers have accepted as quite -proven. On the other hand, we have Wren's great authority for thinking -that Watling Street was in its present direction the "High Street" of the -ancient city. In calling it this he must have followed Leland, who says -that it was formerly called Ætheling Street, and it is so named in -thirteenth-century documents.[166] In 1212 I find _ad viam que vocatur_ -Athelingestrate. The name is one of a class of which Athelney -(Athelingey--Noble's Island) is an instance. Addle Hill, which Stow calls -Adle Street, seems to be allied to Atheling. In 1334 I find "Athele -Street in Castle Baynard Ward."[167] The earliest instance of "Watling" I -can find is at least a century later. I am speaking, of course, of the -city street; for the great Watling Street we have evidence which goes up -to the eighth century (see p. 54). - -There cannot be a doubt that the Roman street system was carried on by the -Saxons; at Rochester as early as the seventh century Southgate Street and -Eastgate Street are named in a charter. A charter of Alfred's time (889) -mentions a court and ancient stone edifice in London, called by the -citizens Hwætmundes Stone, between the _public street_ and the wall of the -city. A property in London between Tiddberti Street and Savin Street (? -Seething Lane) is mentioned as a gift of Ethelbald's.[168] The Watmund's -Stone named above may have been a house. A curious piece of topographical -embroidery has been wrought round about it, for no less an authority than -Mr. John Earle accepted the suggestion that the name might be equivalent -to Corn-basket, and that the monument now in Panyer Alley may represent -the ancient "stone edifice"! Mr. Round, in relation to this, has pointed -out that Watmund was merely a commonly used man's name. Mr. Loftie, -however, boldly says that Alfred's corn market stood to the west of Cheap, -"where there was a weighing stone for wheat."[169] - -[Illustration: FIG. 28.--SAXON BROOCH FOUND IN CHEAPSIDE.] - -The crossing of the great streets at Leadenhall Market was called the -"Carfukes of Leadenhall" in 1357.[170] This four-ways was probably marked -by a market cross like the Carfax at Oxford. At Exeter there was a -Carfax,[171] and there was also one at Paris.[172] It is thus that -Leadenhall Market sprang up at the main crossing of the city. At this -centre the continuous routes change their names after the model of the -usual north-, south-, east-, and west-gate streets of other towns: (1) -Bishopsgate Street; (2) Gracechurch Street and Bridge Street; (3) Aldgate -Street (now Leadenhall); (4) Cornhill, Cheap, and Newgate Street. The -secondary crossing at Lombard Street, Stow calls the "Four ways." At the -meeting of Cheap, Cornhill, and Lombard Street was the Stocks Market, -which Stow says was the centre of the city; here stood the stocks and -pillory. The names Cheap, and Cornhill or "Up-Cornhill," can be traced -back to about 1100. Several other streets are named in documents of the -twelfth century, as Milk Street and Broad Street (1181), Fridaie Street, -Mukenwelle or Muchwella (Monkwell) Street, Candelwrich (Cannon) Street, -Godrun Lane, East Cheap, The Jewry, Alsies (Ivy) Lane, Vico Piscaro -(1130), Lombard Street, and Lime Street. This early occurrence of Godrun's -Lane goes to confirm the tradition that it was named from the Danish -leader: there is still a Guthrum's Gate at York. Alsie was the name of the -Portreeve to whom the Confessor addressed a charter: it is interesting -that Ivy Lane (it is Dr. Sharpe's identification) may commemorate his name -to this day. Each principal street was a "King's Street" or _Via Regia_, -as in the laws of Ethelred. The laws of Athelstane provide that "all -marketing be within the port (town) and witnessed by the Portreve or other -unlying man." That is in "open market." - -[Illustration: FIG. 29.--COIN OF ALFRED WITH MONOGRAM OF LONDON. -ENLARGED.] - -From the moment when we first hear of it London has been a famous port and -market. Tacitus speaks of it as "celebrated for the resort of merchants -with their stores." "London," says Beda, speaking of the opening of the -seventh century, "was a mart town of many nations which repaired hither by -sea and land." - -In Athelstane's appointment of moneyers to the realm London was assigned -eight, this being two more than any other place. The coins of Alfred -struck in the city form a large series. The monogram of London which -fills the reverse of some of them is a quite perfect design,[173] and it -deserves to be better known and largely used (Fig. 29). - -As to the relation of Saxon and Roman London a few words may be said. Wren -held that the Roman Forum was at London Stone, while Stukeley suggested -the Stock's Market on the site of the present Exchange. Excavations at -Chesters and Silchester have shown that the forum in each case occupied a -large "insula" right in the centre of the city, and this would agree best -with Stukeley's site.[174] It is possible that it may have extended along -by the east bank of the Walbrook as far as Cannon Street. The assumption -of old writers, that Roman London would be symmetrically planned, with -streets crossing at right angles, is not necessarily true. The streets of -mediæval London in their main lines were not more irregularly laid out -than the streets of Pompeii. The recently excavated city of Silchester is -more regular, but this city was probably laid out once for all, whereas -London was just as probably the result of gradual growth. In many -respects, however, Silchester affords a close parallel to London. - -In the _Conquest of England_ Mr. Green stated the view that Saxon London -"grew up on ground from which the Roman city had practically disappeared." -He inferred this "from the change in the main line of communication" from -Newgate to the bridge. According to Mr. Loftie's last word, given in the -Memorial volume of 1899, the London recovered by Alfred was a ruined wall -enclosing nothing. The bridge stood much farther down stream than now. To -protect it the king built a tower at the south-east corner of the walls. -The Roman streets did not exist or were useless. He (why he?) made a road -diagonally from the bridge to Westgate. The old Bishopsgate was to the -east of the present one, and opened on the road to Essex, etc. My view of -Alfred's London is that the Roman city to a large degree continued to -exist, and the streets were still maintained, by the new population. Here -a Roman mansion with its mosaic floors would still be inhabited. There a -portico would be patched with gathered bricks and covered with shingles, -while by its side stood a house of wattle and daub. Here was a Roman -basilican church, while in another place would be found one of timber and -thatch. When a church is distinguished by being called a stone church -(like St. Magnus), it is evident that others were less substantial. Garden -and tillage filled up wide interspaces. In the Assise of Buildings of 1212 -it is said that "in ancient times the greater part of the city was built -of wood, and the houses were covered with straw and stubble and the like." -Daubers and mudwallers were much in request right through the Middle -Age.[175] - -Roach Smith, who had an expert's knowledge of all the data in regard to -Roman London, held that the approach was along High Street, Southwark, -that the bridge was on the site of that destroyed about 1830, that -Bishopsgate represented one of the chief gates, Aldgate and Ludgate being -others, and that the crossing of East Cheap with Gracechurch Street was -probably the centre of an earlier and smaller city. Quantities of Roman -bricks, he says, have been found re-used in the walls of early houses and -churches, and obviously taken from Roman buildings which occupied their -sites. It is probable indeed that some Roman buildings were still in use -in the Middle Age--for instance, the so-called Chamber of Diana near St. -Paul's, and "Belliney's Palace" at Billingsgate. - - * * * * * - -_Craft Gilds and Schools._--As far back as we have any body of record to -go upon we find that important men in the city were craftsmen--goldsmiths, -weavers, dyers, tailors, cobblers, tanners. They held offices and owned -land, and the only other class at once large numerically and important in -position seems to have been the clergy. Early in the twelfth century the -St. Paul's documents twice at least make use of the style "mercator," and -still earlier in Anglo-Saxon laws we have Ceipman. - -There is every probability that the craft gilds date from before the -Conquest. In the twelfth century head masons, carpenters, and other -craftsmen are called "masters," and this title of university rank was -always, I believe, formally conferred by an organised gild. Even at this -time the members of crafts were grouped together, as witness Candlewright -Street, Milk Street, and the Shambles. We hear of a weaver's gild in -1130.[176] Even before the Conquest, probably, craftsmen wrought and sold -their ordinary wares in the traditional open-fronted shops known as well -in the East as in mediæval Europe. - -FitzStephen says there were three principal schools in London when he -wrote (in the twelfth century). St. Paul's School, almost certainly, was -already established at the Conquest, and the schools of _S. Marie Archa_ -and _S. Martini Magni_ are mentioned in a mandate about 1135 (_Commune of -London_, p. 117). - - * * * * * - -_Churches._--So many churches can now be traced back to the twelfth -century that there cannot be a doubt that FitzStephen was accurate in -saying that at that time there were in London and the suburbs thirteen -larger conventual churches, besides lesser parish churches one hundred and -twenty-six. In other words, practically all the parish churches in London -and its liberties had been founded by the end of the twelfth century; and -there is every reason for supposing that many, if not most, of these -churches were even then ancient. - -_St. Paul's._--The cathedral we know from Bede was founded early in the -seventh century by Mellitus, sent from Rome in 601 and consecrated Bishop -of London by St. Augustine in 604. - -The fourth bishop in succession to the "Mellifluous Mellitus" was -Erkenwald, "Light of London," _Christi lampas Aurea_ (675-693). It is said -that he was son of Offa, the East Saxon king, who remained "paynim," but -Erkenwald "changed his earthly heritage for to have his heritage in -heaven; ... and whatsomever he taught in word he fulfilled in deed." He -founded the monasteries of Barking and Chertsey. While he was bishop he -used to preach about the city from a cart, and once, when a wheel fell -off, the cart went forward without falling, "which was against reason and -a fair miracle." He died at Barking, and the monks claimed his body, but -"a chapter of Paul's and the people" said it should be brought to London. -As they carried him to his own church there was a flood, but the waters of -the Yla (Lea) were divided and a dry path given to the people of London, -"and so they came to Stratford and set down the bier in a fair mede full -of flowers, and anon after the weather began to wax fair and the people -were full of joy." And, after, they laid and buried the body in St. -Paul's, to the which he hath been a special protection against fire, nd -time was when he was seen in the church with a banner fighting a fire -which threatened to burn the whole city, and so saved and kept his -church.[177] The shrine of Erkenwald remained from this time till the -Reformation the palladium of the city. - -[Illustration: FIG. 30.--TOMB OF KING ETHELRED IN OLD ST. PAUL'S.] - -In Saxon charters the church is styled "St. Paules mynstre on Lundene," -and the full invocation appears to have been _Beati Pauli Apostoli Gentium -Doctoris_, which in itself probably explains the choice of it for a -mission church. Like the church which Augustine built at Canterbury, it -would have been "planned in imitation of the Great Basilica of Blessed -Peter." Such a basilica of considerable size is still to be seen at -Brixworth, Northamptonshire. It would have had a narthex, a nave with -"porticoes" or aisles, and beyond the great arch a presbytery and apse. In -front would have been an atrium.[178] - -Under 961 the Saxon Chronicle says: "And St. Paul's minster was burnt and -in the same year again founded." King Ethelred was buried in St. Paul's in -1016, and his tomb, a fine stone chest, stood here till the great fire of -London. There is no reason why the tomb illustrated by Dugdale should not -be the original one of 1016 (Fig. 30). Next to it was the similar tomb of -Sebba, king of the East Saxons, who was buried at the end of the seventh -century. The only material memorial of the Saxon minster now existing is a -tombstone inscribed in runes, "Kina let this stone be set to Tuki." It was -found in 1852 in the south churchyard, 20 feet below the surface, in an -upright position, forming the headstone of a grave composed of stone -slabs. The bottom portion was irregular and untooled; this, which showed -that it was a headstone, was cut off to make it a tidy antiquity, but it -is otherwise carefully preserved in the Guildhall Museum, and bears a -sculpture of a fine knotted dragon. - -[Illustration: FIG. 31.--NINTH OR TENTH CENTURY TOMBSTONE FROM ST. PAUL'S -CHURCHYARD.] - -Wren, who was a critical observer of the evidence which came to light when -preparing the ground for the new church, gave but little credit to the -story that a temple of Diana once stood on the site. "But that the north -side of this ground had been very anciently a great burying-place was -manifest, for in digging the foundations of St. Paul's he found under the -graves of later ages, in a row below them, the burial-places of Saxon -times--some in graves lined with chalk stones, some in coffins of whole -stones. Below these were British graves. In the same row but deeper were -Roman urns--this was 18 feet deep or more." Wren thought that the -Prætorian camp had been here in Roman days.[179] - -_St. Peter's-upon-Cornhill_ claims to be the oldest church in London, and -to have been the stool or a Romano-British archbishop. The pretension -seems to have been recognised by St. Paul's in the Middle Ages, and Bishop -Stubbs was inclined to accept the archbishopric as having existed in -London. As the interval in Church continuity cannot have been long, it is -most likely that Mellitus reconsecrated some Roman temples or some of the -old churches, as Augustine is known to have done at Canterbury. In -Gregory's letter of directions to Mellitus he says that the temples of -idols ought not to be pulled down, but be consecrated and converted from -the worship of devils. The Church of St. Peter must have been very -ancient, as the legend in regard to it appears in Jocelyn of Furness, a -writer of the twelfth century. Bishop Ælfric, who died in 1038, gave in -his will a "hage into Sce Pætre binnon Lunden."[180] A beautifully written -Saxon charter in the British Museum, calendared as probably of the date -1038, records the gift of a messuage in London to St. Peter's Church.[181] -This church, seated at the Carfax of the city, has at the same time the -most important of dedications, and took precedence, Riley tells us, over -the others. - -[Illustration: FIG. 32.--SAXON TOMB FROM ST. BENET FINK. RESTORED.] - -_St. Michael, Ludgate_, is referred to by Geoffrey of Monmouth in -connection with Cadwaladr: "They also built a church under it (Ludgate) in -honour of St. Martin, in which divine ceremonies are celebrated for him" -(Cadwaladr). It must be of early foundation when such a story could be -told only some fifty years after the Conquest. - -_St. Mary Aldermary_ was so called, says Stow, because it was the oldest -church dedicated to the Virgin. It is sometimes called Elde Maria Church, -and certainly dates from before the Conquest, for in 1067 the Conqueror -confirmed the possession of the Church of _St. Mary called Newchurch_ to -Westminster, and it is evident that the title Aldermary is a comparison -with this New Mary. The latter as _Mary le Bow_ is mentioned by William of -Malmesbury as having suffered an accident in 1091. _St. Mary_, Friday -Street, is mentioned in 1105; _St. Margaret_, Lothbury, in 1104. - -Other pre-Conquest city churches confirmed to Westminster in the same -charter of 1067 are _St. Magnus_, described as the "stone church _S. Magni -Medietus_," _St. Clement_ [East Cheap], and _St. Lawrence_ [Pounteney]. - -_St. Gregory._--In 1010 the body of St. Edmund was brought to "the Church -of St. Gregory the Pope, which is situated by the Basilica of the Apostle -Paul."[182] This dedication in the name of the Pope who sent Augustine and -Mellitus from Rome is probably very ancient, and _St. Augustine's_ near by -on the east side of the churchyard may be as ancient. _St. Alban_, Wood -Street, was said to have been a chapel of King Offa's, and is mentioned -about 1077-1093 as belonging to St. Alban's Abbey.[183] The old -topographers say that there was something specially ancient in the -structure of this church, and Newcourt thought its origin was at least as -old as the time of Athelstane. - -[Illustration: FIG. 33.--HEAD OF CROSS FROM ST. JOHN'S, WALBROOK.] - -_All Hallows [Barking]_ is said to have been given by Riculphus and -Brichtwen, his wife, to Rochester before it passed into the hands of the -Barking Nuns.[184] _All Hallows_, Lombard Street, was given to Canterbury -in 1053 by Brithmer, a citizen (Newcourt). Earl Goodwin and his wife gave -to Malmesbury the Church of _St. Nicholas [Acon]_ and all their houses -in 1084 (Dugdale). - -_St. Martin's Vintry._--This church Newcourt puts at least as early as the -Conqueror's time, and its name of Bereman-Church confirms this (see p. -97). - -_St. Martin [le Grand]._--Kempe thought that this religious house was -first founded long before the Conquest, and that it was only refounded -just before by Ingelram. The canons of the house are mentioned amongst the -tenants in chief in Domesday.[185] - -_St. Helen's_, Bishopsgate, and _St. Alphage_ were thought by Newcourt to -have existed as early as the Conqueror's time, and there is ample evidence -that the former was a parish church before it was attached to a house of -nuns late in the twelfth century. It is mentioned in the St. Paul's -documents in 1148. _St. Michael_, Cornhill, is said to have been founded -before 1055. _St. Stephen_, Walbrook, was given to St. John's, Colchester, -_c._ 1100.[186] - -_St. Botolph_, Billingsgate, Stow thought, was at least as old as the -Confessor's time, as the wharf by it was even then called St. Botolph's. -In a part of the cartulary of Holy Trinity, Aldgate, in the Lansdowne MSS. -(No. 448), _St. Augustine on the Wall_, _St. Edmund_ in "Longboard" -Street, _Ecclesia de Fanchurch_ (which it is said had belonged to the Soc -of the Cnihten Gild), _St. Lawrence in Judaismo_, _All Hallows on the -Wall_, _St. Botolph extra Aldgate_, and _St. Michael, Cheapside_, are -mentioned at the beginning of the twelfth century.[187] - -[Illustration: FIG. 34.--SAXON COFFIN-LID FROM WESTMINSTER ABBEY.] - -Of material evidence little has survived. On the destruction of _St. Benet -Fink_ about fifty years ago a fragment of a Saxon grave-stone was found, -which is now in the Guildhall Museum (Fig. 32). In Roach Smith's -_Catalogue of London Antiquities_, No. 571, is the head of a Saxon cross -("of the tenth or eleventh century") which was found in the old -burial-ground of St. John-upon-Walbrook. I am able to identify this with -the cross-head in the Saxon Room at the British Museum from a sketch of -Roach Smith's, which I have, which bears the same number 571 (see the -diagram, Fig. 33). It has been said that Roman foundations have been found -under some of the churches.[188] - -Several of the churches outside the walls can be traced back so far as to -make it probable that they were founded before the Conquest. - -The Assise of 1189(?), speaking of a fire in the first year of Stephen -(1136), says it burnt from London Bridge to _S. Clementis Danorum_; in a -charter of Henry II. this church is called _S. Clementis quæ dicitur -Dacorum_ (Dugdale, under "Temple"). It was still earlier the subject of a -charter of the Conqueror's (see p. 85). According to M. of Westminster the -body of Harold I., buried at Westminster, was dug up in 1040 and thrown -into the Thames, "but it was found and buried by the Danish people in the -cemetery of the Danes"--"at S. Clement's," says R. Diceto, the London -historian who wrote in the twelfth century. This is probably the cemetery -of the Danes who were killed in London in Ethelred's reign. M. of -Westminster (under 1012) says many of the Danes fled to a certain church -in the city, where they were all murdered. Stow says they were slain in a -place called the Church of the Danes. - -_St. Mary le Strand._--Here Becket held his first cure. His biographer -FitzStephen calls it _S. Mariæ Littororiam_. _St. Andrew's_, Holborn, is -mentioned in the somewhat doubtful charter dated 951 (see p. 60). _St. -Bridget_, Fleet Street, was also of early foundation (Stow). _St. -Sepulchre's_ is mentioned in the twelfth century.[189] Of the monasteries -in the neighbourhood, _Barking_ was founded in the seventh century, -_Westminster_ not later than the tenth, and _Bermondsey_, the fine new -church of which is mentioned in Domesday, was probably only refounded by -Alwyn Childe. A "monasterium" in Southwark mentioned in Domesday may be -_St. Olave_, which is spoken of as early as 1096.[190] - -All the manors round about London probably had churches before the -Conquest, although the only one we can be certain of is that of St. -Pancras, as the place is called by that name in Domesday. Stepney Church -is said to have been rebuilt by Dunstan. It still contains a small -sculpture of the Crucifixion, which is probably eleventh-century work. -What these little churches were like we may know from the illustrations of -the Saxon church at Kingston which was destroyed at the beginning of this -century, and the log church at Greenstead, Essex, which still stands. - -A story in the _Heimskringla_ shows how London was early celebrated for -its number of churches and London Bridge for its crowds.[191] A French -cripple dreamt that an angel appeared to him and said, "Fare thou to -Olaf's church, the one that is in London." Thereafter he awoke and fared -to seek Olaf's church, and at last he came to London Bridge and there -asked the folk of the city to tell him where was Olaf's church. But they -answered and said that there were many more churches there than they might -wot to what man they were hallowed. But a little thereafter came a man to -him who asked whither he was bound, and the cripple told him, and sithence -said that man, "We twain shall fare both to the church of Olaf, for I know -the way thither." Therewith they fared over the Bridge, and went along the -street which led to Olaf's church. But when they came to the lich-gate -then strode that one over the threshold of the gate, but the cripple -rolled in over it and straightway rose up a whole man. But when he looked -around him his fellow-farer was vanished. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE GUILDHALL--LONDON STONE--TOWN BELL AND FOLKMOTE - - It is so sure a Stone that that is upon sette, - For though some have it thrette - With menases grym and greette - Yet hurt had it none. - FABYAN. - - -The Guildhall is frequently spoken of in the thirteenth century; for -instance, the Assise of Buildings of 1212 was given from "Gilde Hall." Mr. -Price, its historian, shows that at this time it must have stood near the -west end of the present hall. This agrees with Stow, who says that it "of -old time" stood on the east side of Aldermansbury, and adds that the -latter was so named from the "court there kept in their bury or court hall -now called the Guildhall." Guildhall Yard was in 1294, as now, to the east -of St. Laurence.[192] Giraldus Cambrensis tells us under 1191 how a -multitude of the citizens met in Aula Publica, which takes its name from -the custom of drinking there. This burgmote at the Guildhall in 1191 was -probably the greatest event in London's history, resulting in the removal -of Longchamp and the establishment of the mayor and commune.[193] -"Aldermanesbury" may be traced back to early in the twelfth century, and -the name carries the Guildhall with it. Mr. Round points out that the -_Terra Gialle_ mentioned in the St. Paul's document, _c._ 1130, refers to -the Guildhall,[194] and when further we find that a _Gildhalla burgensium_ -at Dover appears in Domesday we can hardly doubt that the foundation of -the London hall dates from the time of the Frith Gilds. In the laws of -Athelstane it was ordained by the "bishops and reeves of London" that the -people should be numbered in _hyndens_ (tens), and that "every month the -hynden men and those who directed the tithings should gather together for -bytt filling, ... and let those twelve men have their refection together -and deal the remains for the love of God."[195] - -The principle, says Dr. Sharpe, of each man being responsible for the -behaviour of his neighbour, which Alfred established, was carried a step -further in London under Athelstane in the formation of Peace Gilds, the -members of which were to meet once a month at an ale-drinking in their -Gildhall.[196] Similar "Gild ale-drinkings" are spoken of in the -_Heimskringla_, and we are there told in regard to the establishment of a -"Great Gild," that before it there were "turn-about drinkings." All this -goes together perfectly with what Giraldus says of the Guildhall of London -being named from the fellowship drinkings there. He who drank to any one, -Geoffrey of Monmouth tells us, said, "Wacht heil"; and he that pledged him -answered, "Drinc heil." - - * * * * * - -_London Stone._--The first mayor of London (from 1191) was, as the -Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs tells us, Henry FitzEylwin of -Londene-stone. An old marginal note in the _Liber Trinitatis_ says that -"Leovistan was the father of Alwin the father of Henry the Mayor, whose -first charter is in the priory of Tortingtone."[197] The association of -London Stone with city history probably rests in great part on the fact of -the mayor's residence having been near to it. Thomas Stopleton traces, in -an introduction to the _Liber de Antiquis Legibus_,[198] the property and -descendants of FitzAlwin. The town house of the mayor was just to the -north of St. Swithin's Church, which was attached to the property. It was -bequeathed to Tortington Priory by Robert Aquillon, son of the first -mayor's grand-daughter. In Dr. Sharpe's _Calendar of Wills_ it appears -that Sir Robert Aguylun left his "mansione" in St. Swithin's parish, -together with the patronage of the church, to Tortington Priory in 1285. -At the Dissolution it was granted to the Earl of Oxford. Stow says that -Tortington Inn, Oxford Place, by London Stone, was on the north side of -St. Swithin's Church and churchyard, with a fair garden to the west -running down to Walbrook. It was "a fair and large builded house sometime -pertaining to the prior of Tortington, since to the earls of Oxford, and -now to Sir John Hart, Alderman." Munday adds, "_now_ to Master Humphrey -Smith, Alderman." At this point I visited Oxford Place and St. Swithin's -Lane, and it seemed evident that the Salters' Hall stood on the site of -Tortington Inn. Further, on turning to Herbert's _History of the -Companies_, I found that the Salters' Company purchased of Captain George -Smith in 1641 the town inn of the priors of Tortington by the description -of "the great house called London Stone, or Oxford House." The chain of -evidence for the site of FitzAlwin's house thus seems complete. - -The mysterious monument, London Stone, now represented by a small rude -fragment preserved a few yards away from its original site, has probably -borne its present name for a millenium, and its mere name shows it to have -had some institutional importance. - - _London. Candlewick Street. Enter Jack Cade and the rest, and strikes - his staff on London Stone._ - - _Cade._ Now is Mortimer lord of this city and here sitting upon London - Stone I charge, ... and now henceforward it shall be treason for any - that calls me other than Lord Mortimer.--_King Henry VI._ - -Shakespeare here accurately follows Holinshed's Chronicle as to the events -of 1450. About 1430 the Stone is mentioned by Harding, who tells us that -it marked the eastern boundary of London as built by King Lud, whose -palace was at Ludgate. About 1400-30 Lydgate, in the _London Lickpenny_, -wrote: "Then forth I went by London Stone, throughout all the Canwick -Street."[199] - -The _Liber Trinitatis_ says that a great fire in the time of Ralf the -prior of Holy Trinity, 1148-67, burnt from the house of Ailwardin nigh -London Stone to Aldgate and St. Paul's. Of the Stone itself Stow says: -"The same has long continued there, namely since (or rather before) the -Conquest, for in the end of a Gospel book given to Christ Church in -Canterbury by Athelstane I find noted of lands in London belonging to the -said church one parcel described to lie near unto London Stone."[200] - -Holinshed says that the Kentish captain came from the White Hart in -Southwark and "strooke his sword on London Stone, saying, Now is Mortimer -lord of this city." Mr. Coote has claimed that this must be an ancient -ceremonial, at the same time advancing the impossible (after Wren's -acceptance of it as Roman) theory that the stone was a part of the house -of the first mayor.[201] But I have come over to this view so far as to -think it possible that its civic importance originated in its association -with the house of the first mayor. According to Stow, "some have said this -stone to be set as a mark in the middle of the city--some others have said -the same to be set for the making of payment by debtors to their -creditors, till of later times payments were more usually made at the font -in Paul's Church and now most commonly at the Royal Exchange." Mr. Gomme, -citing Brandon, says that London Stone entered into municipal procedure, -as when the defendant in the Lord Mayor's Court had to be summoned from -that spot, and when proclamations and other important business of like -nature were transacted there; and comparing Cade's action with customs -elsewhere, he seems to suggest that it was the centre for the assembly of -the Saxon folkmotes. But the proximity of the mayor's house, in which -courts might have been held, gives reason enough for its being made use of -as a place of proclamation. - -The legend given by Harding is that "Lud, king of Britain, builded from -London Stone to Ludgate and called that part Ludstowne." Here we get a -clue to its name London Stone, and the idea accounts for its having been -to some extent the palladium of the city, of which it seems to have been -regarded as the sacred and immovable foundation stone. Stow says, "On the -south side of the High Street near unto the channel is pitched upright a -great stone called London Stone, fixed in the ground very deep, fastened -with bars of iron, and otherwise so strongly set that if carts do run -against it through negligence the wheels be broken and the stone itself -unshaken." The lines from Fabyan which head this chapter refer to this -same idea of stability, and evidently imply that the stone was looked on -as a talisman. Strype says that before the fire of London it was worn down -to a stump. But it is "now" handsomely cased with stone "to shelter and -defend the old venerable one, yet so as it might be seen." An architect, -writing to the _Gentleman's Magazine_ in 1798, says: "It has often been -called the symbol of the great city's quiet state, from its being always -believed to be fixed to its everlasting seat." This idea of a stone of -foundation has many parallels. - -It was evidently a monolith, and from what Shakespeare says of Cade -sitting on it, it would seem in his time not to have been more than 3 or -4 feet high above ground. Wren's son says "London Stone, as is generally -supposed, was a pillar in the manner of the Milliarium Aureum at Rome, -from whence the account of their miles began, but the Surveyor [Sir -Christopher] was of opinion, _by reason of the large foundation_, it was -rather some more considerable monument in the Forum, for in the adjoining -ground on the south side, upon digging for cellars after the great fire, -were discovered some pavements and other extensive remains of Roman -workmanship and buildings."[202] Wren was an expert observer with a -perfect knowledge of the Roman level in the city, and Dr. Woodward says he -had made a special observation of the Roman remains in the city and -promised an account of them. His evidence must be held sufficient to prove -that the stone was of Roman origin, but was no recognisable part of a -building such as a column. It was Camden who first suggested that it was a -"miliary like that in the Forum of Rome," being at the "centre in the -longest diameter of the city." Grant Allen thought it was an early Celtic -monument preserved by the Romans. As to Mr. Coote's view that it might -have been part of FitzAlwin's house, which seems to be adopted also by Mr. -Round, it has also to be pointed out that the house was certainly to the -north of the street, while the Stone was on the south, and St. Swithin's -Church intervened. - - * * * * * - -_Town Bell and Folkmote._--An institution which must have dated from the -time of the English occupation was the great assembly of all freemen in -Folkmote, the final court which survives to-day in form at the election of -a sovereign, when the Commons, who should have free access, are asked for -their assent. Stephen was elected at the ordinary Folkmote of London, and -the charter of Henry I. recognises the assembly as an existing -institution. The place of assembly within historical times was the market -of St. Paul's (_Forum Sancto Paulo_), at the east of the cathedral against -Cheap, marked by St. Paul's Cross. - -The Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs tells how Henry III. in 1257 -ordered the sheriffs to convene the Folkmote "at St. Paul's Cross, to make -inquiry of the commons" as to certain customs, when the populace answered -"with loud shouts of Nay, nay, nay." The position held by St. Paul's -Cross in civic customs in later times is thus accounted for. It was no -mere adjunct to the cathedral, but the rostrum of London, the Market Cross -at the end of Cheap. Just by it rose the city belfry (_Berefridam_), which -contained the great town bell. Such a Beffroi is an acknowledged mark of -communal liberties, and we can understand the traditional feeling which -was stirred when under Edward VI. it was destroyed. Even at this day it is -the Lord Mayor who orders the Great Bell of St. Paul's to be rung on such -an occasion as the death of the late Queen. Probably the "mote-bell" -summoned the citizens in Saxon times, as we know it did in the thirteenth -century. Dugdale says the first mention he found of the bell tower was -_temp._ Henry I., when the schoolmaster of St. Paul's was granted a house -"at the corner of the Turret (id est the Clochier); but I suppose it was a -thing of much greater antiquity, for upon a writ issued 15 Edward I., it -was certified that the citizens of ancient time held the Folkmote there -and rang the bell to summon the people." The _Gesta Stephani_ records how -the citizens assembled at the ringing of the city bells and expelled the -Empress Matilda. - -The _Heimskringla_ tells of Olaf the Quiet, the contemporary of Edward the -Confessor, that "in his days the cheaping steads of Norway hove up -much.... King Olaf let set up the Great Gild at Nidoyce and many others in -the cheaping towns, but formerly there were turn-about drinkings. Then was -Town-boon[203] the great bell of the turn-about drinkings in Nidoyce. The -Drinking Brothers let build there Margaret's stone church." One day Olaf -was merry in the Great Gild, then spake his men, "It is joy to us, lord, -that thou art so merry." He answered, "Your freedom is my glee." - -We need a town bell in London. We might set it up to Alfred's memory. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE GOVERNMENT OF EARLY LONDON - - The kynges chambre of custom men this calle.--LYDGATE. - - -_The Kings Peace._--When Alfred took over London it must have been in the -main a decayed Roman city. In giving the great burh into the hands of the -Mercian Ealdorman, Ethered, he was but restoring its capital to Mercia, -but he must also, and mainly, have had in view the need for providing -means of defence to the frontier fortress of the March country. Even so, -alongside of a supreme military rule a more domestic organisation of a -customary nature must have been carried on or reintroduced. It is probable -that this, following the shire model, was constituted with hundreds or -wards; the people met in wardmote and folkmote, and the king was -represented by a Sheriff or Portreeve. London, however, was and remained -pre-eminently a royal burh, and must have shared in all the -characteristics of the burhs, drawing on certain shires for upholding its -defences, having a Witan, coining money, having special privileges as to -residence, gilds, and markets, and being subject to the King's Peace. As -to the contributions for defence, Dr. Maitland, as we have seen on p. 105, -says, "There were shires or districts which from of old owed work of this -kind to Londonbury."[204] Regarding the King's Peace, it was provided by -the laws that every crime committed, in a street which ran right through -the city and likewise without the walls for a distance of over a league, -was a crime against the king. In London the man who was guilty had to pay -the king's burh-bryce of five pounds. The burh was to be sacred from -private quarrels--"the King's house-peace prevails in the streets."[205] -Some such fact as this is probably the origin of that almost mythical -phrase applied to the city by Lydgate and earlier writers--"the king's -chamber of London." It is to this aspect as the great model burh that the -Saxon laws of London printed by Thorpe refer. - -There must have been a Burh Witan meeting periodically. A Crediton charter -of 1018 was made known to the Witans of Exeter, Barnstaple, Lidford, and -Totness, _i.e._ the Devonshire burhs. The Witan was thus a court of record -or witness. Probably the Hustings court is a form of the same assembly. - - * * * * * - -_Portreeves._--Fabyan says that at the coming of William the Conqueror and -before, the rulers of the city were named Portgreves. "These of old time, -with the laws and customs then used within the city, were registered in a -book called Domysday in Saxon tongue then used, but of later days when the -said laws and customs altered and changed and for consideration that the -said book was of small hand and sore defaced and hard to be read or -understood, it was the less set by, so that it was embezzled or lost, so -that the remembrance of such rulers as were before the days of Richard the -First (_i.e._ the institution of the mayoralty) were lost and forgotten." - -The office of Portreeve probably goes back nearly to the first settlement -of the English. Bishop Stubbs, speaking generally of town organisation, -says, "The presiding magistrate was the gerefa." The king's wic-gerefa in -Lundonwic is mentioned in the Saxon Laws of _c._ 685 (Thorpe).[206] The -charter of the Conqueror ran, "I, King William, greet William the Bishop -and Gosfregth the Portreeve," and two of the Confessor's charters were -addressed to bishop and portreeve. In the _Judicia Civitatis Londoniæ_ of -Athelstane a reference is found to "the bishops and gereves that to London -borough belong." Norton says that these Laws show that in Athelstane's -time the bishops and reeves were the chief magistrates of London, and they -likewise presided at county courts with a jurisdiction precisely similar. -This conjunction of the spiritual and temporal powers probably explains -why it is that St. Paul's has always been linked in such a special way to -the Guildhall. At St. Paul's was kept the city banner, grants of money -from city funds are made for its repair, and the mayor is a trustee of the -church. This dual control seems to bear the mark of Alfred's thought. The -Portreeve certainly represented the king, and was responsible for the farm -of the city. In the _Blickling Homilies_ Agrippa is called Nero's -Burhgerefa. It would seem as if the bishop represented the collective -citizens. Mr. Round has recently shown that the Portreeve disappeared in -the Sheriff or Vicecomes of London and Middlesex. The Waltham Chronicle -says that the Conqueror placed Geoffrey de Mandeville in the shoes of -Esegar the Staller, and Mr. Round conjectures that this Geoffrey is the -actual "Gosfregth Portirefan" to whom the Conqueror's charter was -addressed. He also points out how the Sheriff had the custody of the -Tower; and in this we may find a further suggestion as to the probability -of a connection between the Portsoken of the Cnihten Gild, the Portreeve, -and the pre-Conquest citadel. Mr. Round seems not to have known that his -suppositions were all taken for granted by Stow, who calls the Portreeve -of the Conqueror's charter Godfrey, and then writes, "In the reign of the -said Conqueror, Godfrey de Magnaville was Portgrave (or Sheriff); ... -these Portgraves (after the Conquest) are also called Vicecounties or -Sheriffs." Mr. Round shows that the Sheriff, and by inference the -Portreeve, represented London and Middlesex taken together. "The city of -London was never severed from the rest of the shire. As far back as we can -trace them they are one and indivisible."[207] The author just quoted -accounts for this distinction between London and other county towns by the -relative importance of London; but I cannot think, as before suggested, -that Middlesex was not specially dependant on London, and probably -Ethered's authority as commandant of the great burh extended over -Middlesex. The acquisition of the farm of the county by the city may be an -echo of this. - -Stow gave a list of the Portreeves from the time of the Conquest. In the -additional matter printed by Hearne in his edition of William of Newbury -is given, from a register of Holy Trinity, Aldgate, what must be another -copy of Stow's authority for the early sheriffs for which he cited a book -"sometime belonging to St. Albans." Both may come from the old book called -"_Domysday_," by Fabyan. In the list given by Hearne the names are much -less corrupt than in Stow's list; and as it ends with the year 1222 it -must have been an early document. The Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs -gives still another list from the first year of Richard onward, and so -far as they overlap, the three can be compared.[208] - -According to Hearne's list the principal governor of the citizens of -London in the days of the Confessor was Wulfgar, called _Portshyreve_. In -the reign of William Rufus, Geoffrey de Magnaville was _vicecomes_ and R. -del Parc _præpositus_. In the time of Henry I. came Hugo de Boch' -[Bochland], v., and Leofstan, p. Albericus de Ver, v., and Robertus de -Berquereola, p., followed. - -In the reign of Stephen we have the names of Gilbertus Beket, v., and -Andreas Buchuint, p. Under Henry II. Petrus filius Walteri was vicecomes, -then Johannes filius Nigelli, then Ernulfus Buchel, then Willelmus filius -Isabellæ, the last of whom was buried in Holy Trinity Church, Aldgate. - -Richard I. was crowned September 1189. In his days first began to be two -vicecomites at the same time, who were usually chosen 21st September. In -his first year they were Henricus Cornhill and Ricardus filius Reneri. - -The Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs begins with these same two names -of what it calls the "first sheriffs of London, in the first year of the -reign of King Richard." It, however, places this in 1188; then follow -other pairs of names as in Stow, but all a year earlier, till 1206, when -Serlo le Mercer and Henry de Saint Auban are interpolated, probably by -mistake, unless they merely occupied the position for the portion of a -year. - -From the Pipe Rolls and St. Paul's documents many more facts as to the -sheriffs can be gathered, and Mr. Round's article on the "Early -Administration of London," in his _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, must be taken -as the starting-point for any complete inquiry. - - * * * * * - -_The first Mayor._--The institution of the mayoralty is put in the year -1188 by the Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs. In Hearne's list, under -1208, is entered Henry son of Alwin son of Leofstan, first of the mayors -of London, who were chosen St. Edward's day (13th October). - -Stow agrees with the chronicle, and puts the institution of the mayoralty -in the first year of Richard I.; but under 1208 we find an echo of the -version as printed by Hearne, for Stow makes King John, in this year, -grant the citizens a patent "to chuse to themselves a mayor." Be the -explanation of this what it may, contemporary documents show that -Fitzalwin was already known as mayor in 1193; he probably took up the -office in 1191. - -Stow tells us that the first mayor was Henry Fitzalwin Fitzleofstan of -London Stone, and there is ample confirmation that his father was called -Alwin. That his grandfather was Leofstan, Stow must have learnt from the -list of sheriffs as in the copy printed by Hearne. - -There is some confusion between many Leofstans and Alwins, one of whom -signs as moneyer the coins of Henry II. about 1160--ALWIN ON LUND. Mr. -Round has shown that in 1165 a Henry Fitzailwin Fitzleofstan with Alan his -brother were landholders, apparently in Essex.[209] Stow says that -Leofstan was a goldsmith; but here he may be confusing another Leofstan, -as this fact does not seem to have been given in the list of sheriffs. -Munday contradicted Stow as to Mayor Henry's grave being at Holy Trinity, -and says he was buried at St. Mary Bothaw, and not as "avowed by Mr. -Stow." Stow's authority, however, must have been this same list of -sheriffs, for that notes that "he was buried at the entrance to the -chapter of the Church of Holy Trinity, under a marble slab." Mr. Round has -done much to clear up the history of our first mayor in the _Dictionary of -National Biography_, the _Archæological Journal_, and his _Commune of -London_; but every detail is valuable of the head of the City Republic of -whom the citizens said, "Come what will, in London we will never have -another king except our mayor, Henry Fitailwin of London Stone."[210] -Henry was mayor for nearly twenty years, and was followed in 1212 by Roger -Fitz Alan--can he have been Henry's nephew? - - * * * * * - -_Hustings._--This court is mentioned in the charter of Henry I., and in a -passage in the so-called Laws of the Confessor the Hustings Court is said -to have been founded of old in imitation of and to continue the royal -customs of Great Troy. FitzStephen also repeats the legend that the laws -of the city were derived from the Trojans, and the passage from the Laws -of the Confessor was copied into the _Liber Albus_. It was suggested -nearly three centuries since by Munday, that "Troy weight" is the ancient -standard weight of London, and carries on the legend of Brutus to this -day; but this is not borne out by the facts, although it is frequently -reasserted, as in Brewer's _Phrase and Fable_. Munday says, "The weight -used for gold and silver called Troy weight was in the time of the Saxons -called 'the Hustings weight of London,' and kept there in the Hustings. So -an ancient record in the Book of Ramsey (sect. 32, 127): 'I Æthelgiva -Countess, etc., bequeath two silver cups of twelve marks of the Hustings -weight of London.'"[211] This is interesting as an early notice of the -Hustings Court, which is thought by some to have originated under the -Danish rule; but the word "Thing" occurs in one of the earliest English -laws. It was a Court of Record; the best account of it is given by Dr. -Sharpe in his _Calendar of Wills_. - -The Court of Hustings was not, it appears, necessarily associated with the -Guildhall. A Ramsey Charter of 1114-30 speaks of a purchase of a house -being completed "in the presence of the whole Court of Hustings of London -in the house of Alfwine, son of Leofstan."[212] - - - - -CHAPTER X - -LONDINIUM - - "London was built on the first spot going up the river where any - considerable tract of dry land touches the stream. It is a tract of - good gravel, well supplied with water, not liable to flooding, and not - commanded by neighbouring higher ground."--LORD AVEBURY, _Scenery of - England_. - - -From the standing-ground of what is known of London in the Middle Ages, I -have endeavoured to reach back towards Londinium Augusta. To set out -adequately all the data that we have for reconstructing the Roman city -would require a treatise from a specialist. I can only venture here a -rapid glance in conclusion at the more salient features of the ancient -town. Much in recent years has been written as to a still earlier London -than that included within the circuit of Roman walls which held what is -now known as the City. It is at once evident that the early city must have -had a nucleus and a greater density in one part than in others; and -every evidence goes to show that this earliest centre was situated on the -east side of the Walbrook at the head of London Bridge. We have the facts -of the position of the Bridge itself, and the suitability of the site; the -evidence that important buildings were densely packed in this district, -while outside of it they were more and more scattered; and also that no -graves have been found within this area. Mr. Roach Smith thought that -certain remnants of thick walls found near Cannon Street in the south and -Cornhill in the north were probably parts of earlier city walls. He says: -"Here and there during excavations, walls of great thickness, which may be -referred to walls of circumvallation, were intersected. The extraordinary -sub-structures which were cut through in Bush Lane and Scott's Yard -indicate a south-east boundary wall with a flanking tower. In Cornhill -another thick wall which seemed to point towards the Bank of England was -met with." Then, in a passage already referred to above, he concludes that -old London Bridge pointed to the axis of this earlier Londinium, the -centre or carfax of which was at the intersection of Gracechurch Street -and East-Cheap. He was inclined to place the earlier north wall along the -course of Cornhill and Leadenhall Street, the east wall in the direction -of Billiter Street and Mark Lane, the south in the line of Thames streets, -and the west on the eastern bank of the Walbrook--an irregular square with -four gates, corresponding with Bridge Gate, Bishop's Gate, Ludgate, and -Aldgate.[213] - -[Illustration: FIG. 35.--ROMAN PAVEMENT. DRAWN IN SITU BY FAIRHOLT, 1854.] - -Possibly Wren had found some remnant of such an earlier north wall, for he -put the northward extent of the city along Cheapside and in line with -Cornhill. This earlier north wall seems to have been again found about -1897, in which year Mr. Williamson sent the following passage to the -Middlesex and Herts _Notes and Queries_:--"Very close to St. -Peter's-upon-Cornhill, _Roman_ walls of immense thickness have been -discovered, proceeding in a westerly direction from Leadenhall Market -under the Woolpack Tavern in Gracechurch Street along St. Peter's Alley, a -few feet on the south side of the churchyard of St. Peter's, continuing -under the banking-house of Messrs. Prescott, Dimsdale, & Co. (50 -Cornhill), _supposed_ to continue under the roadway of Cornhill, and -appearing again in the foundations of the new building now being erected -on the _north_ side of Cornhill (No. 70) for the Union Bank of Australia. -For what purpose, is it conjectured, were these walls at Leadenhall and -Cornhill built?" By the aid of this valuable observation, I think that the -concluding question may be safely answered by the theory of earlier walls. - -Mr. Loftie has brought forward a suggestion, or rather stated a -conclusion, that there was in the earlier days a walled castrum, like -Richborough, at the head of London Bridge, reaching northwards to the -"Langbourne." It is not usual to seat such a post on a steep hill-side, it -would be curious to pass all the Bridge traffic through it, and, finally, -I have not found a vestige of foundation for its existence--it is a -castrum in the air.[214] - -It may be held for certain that when Tacitus, writing of the insurrection -of A.D. 62, spoke of London as a wealthy and important place, no walls -existed, for of the still more important Camalodunum he tells us that it -had no defences, and the garrison could only fortify themselves in the -temple. "The Roman generals," he says, "neglecting the useful, embellished -the province, but took no care for its defence." - -However, it is reasonable to suppose that the chief centres would have -been protected a little later under the very thorough policy of Agricola, -if these shortcomings were so noticed when Tacitus wrote; and it is the -opinion of Mr. Haverfield, our best authority on things Roman, that the -walls of the sister city of Silchester, now so well known to us, go back -to this time. - -I cannot think that the greater wall of London dates back to the first -century, but it has never been proved to be later. - -[Illustration: FIG. 36.--ROMAN BRICK INSCRIBED LONDON.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 37.--INSCRIPTION FROM ROMAN BRICK.] - -Fragments of sculpture, themselves not very early, have been found in -portions of the wall, yet the Camomile Street bastion and other similar -places might be additions and repairs; and some late fragments from the -south wall found by Roach Smith seem to have come from its foundation -(Figs. 24 and 25). - -If it is difficult to offer any convincing argument as to the age of the -wall of London, it is possible to get a general idea of the walled city -and its neighbourhood with some vividness and accuracy. We have the great -tidal river, the background of forest, and the nearer fen-lands, which -seem to have almost insulated the site. There is the great white -posting-road from Canterbury and Dover, and, more remotely, from Rome, -Lyons, Chalons, Auxerre, Troyes, Rheims, Amiens, Boulogne, striking -straight from point to point. On its course are villas, like one just -discovered in Greenwich Park. The road dips towards the river, and passes -over the drained and banked marshes to the Surrey suburb. There is a -gate-tower at the end of the Bridge, then comes the long and narrow -passage over the strong, swift river to the grey walls of Londinium. Along -the river-front are several wharves formed of timbering, to the left is -the creek of the little river which ran under the west walls, and, still -further west, some water-side villas.[215] Entering the city the street -ascends steeply towards the north gate; others, parallel to its course, -lead to two other gates in the north wall, and two chief routes traverse -the city longitudinally from west gate to east gate, and from west postern -to east postern. A bridge[216] over the Walbrook gives good reason why the -street lines in the eastern half of the city converge toward this point. -The area extending from the north-gate street to the bank of the Walbrook -is covered with the principal buildings closely packed together.[217] -Beyond this central mass of buildings stand isolated villas in gardens and -orchards. In the open belt of ground outside the walls, and along the -roads, west, north, and east, are cemeteries, the graves marked with -sarcophagi and sculptured headstones, some of imported marble. A theatre -somewhat similar to those at Dorchester, Cirencester, and Silchester is -situated without the west gate, being excavated in the steep bank of the -rivulet between it and the city wall.[218] - -[Illustration: FIG. 38.--ROMAN TOMB, FROM OUTSIDE OF THE EAST WALLS. -RESTORED.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 39.--INSCRIPTION FROM ROMAN TOMB.] - -Within the walls the city is adorned by more than one bronze statue. The -sculptured ornaments of the public buildings are somewhat rude and -ponderous, but the dwellings are furnished with numerous imported works of -art, such as bronze statuettes, bowls of red Samian ware, and very -beautiful coloured glass vessels of the _millefiore_ kind. The rooms have -their walls painted in bright colours with birds, flowers, and figures, -and imitations of porphyry and verde antique, while a few are cased with -thin slabs of marble. The pavements are patterned mosaic, and raised -above hot air chambers; lead pipes supply water, the windows are glazed, -and the roofs without are covered with red pantiles. So far there seem to -be authentic data for such a picture. It would be vain to attempt in many -instances to assign the fragments found in excavations to particular -buildings. Roach Smith, however, was of opinion that a large fragment -sculptured with the three seated goddesses, the _Deae Matres_, found in -Hart Street, Crutched Friars, and now in the Guildhall, "stood on the -outside of a temple dedicated to these popular divinities." - -[Illustration: FIG. 40.--END OF A ROMAN TOMB FOUND IN LONDON.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 41.--LEADEN CIST.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 42.--PLATE OF FIGURED GLASS FOR DECORATION.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 43.--ROMAN INSCRIPTION.] - - The illustration of a tomb is made up from fragments in the British - Museum found in the east wall (Figs. 38 and 39). - -A large stone, about two feet high, found fifty years ago below Clement's -Lane, Lombard Street, bearing "a few letters of the sounding words -PROVINCIA BRITANNIAE," was thought by the same authority to have stood -above a civil basilica. This most important inscription was lodged at the -Guildhall, but has disappeared. I have Roach Smith's original sketch of -it, and a letter asking Fairholt to go and draw it more carefully. But in -his _Roman London_ he complains that it could not be found. Fortunately, -there is a second careful drawing of the stone in the Archer Collection at -the British Museum, and from this my figure is made.[219] - -Following the model of Silchester, it is quite probable that a Christian -church stood in a main street on such a site as the present St. Peter's -upon Cornhill. The Forum, as has been said, probably lay north of London -Stone, which may have been the golden milestone of London. Wren thought -that the Prætorium occupied the ground between the two west gates; but the -Tower site seems even more probable. - -Bagford refers to the discovery of some Roman water-pipes in Creed Lane -after the fire, which were "carried round a bath that was built in a round -form with niches at an equal distance for seats." - -It has been noticed that the masonry of the walls of the Roman houses -seems to have finished not far above ground as if in preparation for -timbering; other indications of this have been found, and a rough -scratching of a house on a tile shows timber construction. This has -recently been confirmed by the discovery at Silchester of houses which had -timbered framing covered with clay daubing over wattle work, the outside -surface being ornamented with zigzag patterns like mediæval pargeting, all -of brick-red colour. - -Before the Roman forces were drawn back to the heart of the empire, London -seems to have grown into the position of British Metropolis. Its position -in regard to the arterial roads when the itinerary was compiled, shows how -it tended to take precedence over the more military centres. Moreover, -while the mint marks of one or two British cities appear on coins earlier -than the mark of London, in Constantinian days London is the only British -city where money seems to have been coined.[220] In the last days of the -occupation the city had acquired the name of Augusta. We cannot doubt that -the Roman soldiers drawn away to protect their lines of communication -marched Romeward with the intention of returning again to the city by the -Thames when the barbarian Germans and Goths had been thrust back into -their woods and plains; yet the day of Rome was done, and their retreat -was itself an incident in the advance of a new age. - - - - -APPENDIX - -ON MATERIALS FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF MAPS OF EARLY LONDON - - -In bringing this topographical essay to a conclusion, it may be desirable -to note a few observations on the materials we possess for making a map of -early London, the reconstruction of which, with considerable fulness and -accuracy, is possible. We have in the Survey of Leeke, made directly after -the great fire, and engraved on two sheets by Vertue from a parchment -original, now in the MS. room of the British Museum (5415. E.I.), an -admirable starting-point. Even the widths of the streets are figured on -this plan, and the forms of St. Paul's and the other old churches are -given with fair precision. It is entitled "An Exact Survey of the Streets, -Lanes, and Churches, comprehended within the Ruins of the City of London; -first described in six platts in December, Anno Domini, 1666. By John -Leeke.... And here reduced into one entire platt by John Leeke." This -parchment was engraved by Hollar to a smaller scale, with the unburnt -portions of the city added in isometrical projection. On this plan the -ward boundaries are carefully laid down. As to the ground-plan of the -portions left uninjured by the fire, we can supplement Leeke's Survey by -the plan Wren made for reconstructing the city, now at Oxford, which -shows the streets and churches of the uninjured areas; and from Ogilvie's -large map, made only a few years later, details, such as the block-plans -of the churches in the unburnt part, can be filled in with greater -accuracy. From Faithorne's map, 1658, some additional facts, especially as -to Southwark and the suburbs, can be obtained, as it is of large -extent.[221] Putting all these together, we have an exact map of London as -it existed at the moment of the fire. Afterwards a few modifications were -made in the streets, but the plan of old London remained practically -unchanged till Southwark Bridge was built and Queen Street made to lead to -it. - -We can now check our plan and add to the names of the streets from Stow's -perambulation of every street and alley, and his account of ward -boundaries and parishes. Further than this, however, we have in the -remarkably clear plot of the city given in Braun and Hogenburghe's -_Civitates Orbis Terrarum_ (1572), a survey of the city as it existed -about 1570. It is often said that this view _must_ date back to 1561 at -least, as St. Paul's spire, which was burnt in that year, is shown in it. -But as it was known to be the intention to rebuild this famous spire at -once, it seems probable that a view even in the interim would not leave it -out. It is not quite certain who drew this admirable map. In the preface -to a copy of the book which I have examined, George Braun of Cologne, -January 1, 1575, speaks of the admirable industry of the painter -Hogenburghe, and the living portraitures he had so carefully painted, so -that the cities may be seen at a glance more easily than in reality. On -comparing the prospects of other cities, it looks almost certain that -London was drawn by the same hand which drew Paris, Brussels, etc. -Hofnagle, who it is thought may have made this prospect, is known to have -been in England in or before 1571. It is to be remarked in this connection -that the plan of London is not numbered with the rest of the plates; it is -marked A, and put in at the beginning of the series as if it came to hand -late. - -This valuable map, whoever it may have been drawn by, and whatever may be -its exact date, is delineated according to a method which is still made -use of at times--the buildings, trees, and other details being figured in -perspective. This has resulted in giving the whole such a pictorial -character, that the correctly planned basis is not at first apparent. I -have not seen it pointed out that it is properly a map and not a view, and -this method of projection may be what Braun refers to in the preface cited -above. About this same time William Smith, the herald, made some drawings -of cities; and on one of Bristol, which is drawn according to the same -method as the London map we are now considering, he writes:--"Bristow, -measured and laid in Platforme by me, W. Smith, at my being in Bristow the -30 and 31 July Ano Dni 1568" (Sloane MSS. 2596). Pictorial views of cities -had been known for centuries; this "laying in platform" is, however, new. -We may suppose that Smith, the Rouge Dragon, was not the first to make use -of this method in his Survey of Bristol, and that there must even at this -time have existed such a plan of London; it may also be pointed out that -Smith's MS. _view_ of London, which may, however, have been made later -than the one of Bristol, is plainly founded on Braun's plan, or on some -original used in common. Bagford speaks of having seen a single sheet on -copper, from Temple Bar to St. Katharine's and the Bank-side Southwark, -which seemed to him the best of old London and perhaps the most ancient. - -It is necessary to notice the large woodcut prospect usually called Aggas' -plan, if only to criticise this ascription, which is accepted in the -_Dictionary of National Biography_. It is plain on comparing it with -Braun's plan that one of them is copied from the other, or a common -original source, and this relation is made more certain when we notice -that the large woodcut, which I shall call the Anonymous plan, has been -cut down at the margins, and that it must originally have included -Westminster and St. Katharine's exactly like Braun's. As the Anonymous -woodcut plan is far inferior in workmanship to the other, and as it was -still being printed from in the seventeenth century, there seems to be -some likelihood that it is the copy, and yet, as we shall see, a "Large -Mappe" existed before 1580. Although so little is known in regard to the -Anonymous plan, there seems to be sufficient evidence to negative the idea -propounded by Vertue that it was the work of Aggas. This idea he gained -because a view of Oxford, drawn by Aggas in 1578, and published in 1588, -speaks of his having had a desire to publish a plan of London, but (in 30 -Queen Elizabeth, 1588) "meantime the measure, form, and sight I bring of -ancient Oxford." A trained surveyor like Aggas would hardly have brought -out an enlarged copy of Braun's map twenty years after the original. It is -probable indeed, considering the spelling of the names, that Bagford's -observation on the Anonymous plan, that it seemed to have been "done in -Holland," is true. Mr. Thomas Dodd, in a MS. letter in the Crace -Collection, points out a passage in Hakluyt where it is advised that the -Pit and Jackman Expedition of 1580 should take with them the map of -England and the "large Mappe of London." Mr. Dodd goes on to point out -that Hakluyt also refers to Clement Adams as an engraver on wood, and he -might have been the author of such a large map, which may be the Anonymous -woodcut plan. Mr. Overall, in his inconclusive preface to the reproduction -of the Anonymous plan, shows that Giles Godhed had submitted "the Carde of -London," in 1562, to the Stationers' Company. We might conclude that this -was a large plan on the same projection as Braun and Hogenburghe's plan, -but this is uncertain, as just at this time there was published an -engraved view of St. Paul's and the neighbourhood, of which there is a -unique copy at the Society of Antiquaries. The most beautiful plan known -to me, executed after the manner of Braun's cities, is a large plan of -Bruges, signed by Marcus Gerard, pictor, 1562. Altogether I am inclined to -think that there was such a plan of London existing before Braun's, and -that the Anonymous plan is a coarse copy of one of those made in Holland -for popular sale some time before 1580. Braun's plan, in any case, carries -us back on firm ground to the end of the mediæval period, and by its aid -we can check over our former results for an accurate plan of mediæval -London. - -Beyond this point we have an overwhelming mass of documentary evidence, by -which the names of the streets, churches, and other landmarks, can be -carried backwards by references in deeds, wills, patents, close-rolls, and -Parliament-rolls, etc. etc. I have little doubt that almost every street -and lane in London which existed in Stow's day could be carried back by -this means to the thirteenth century, and a good many can be shown to have -borne the same names in the century after the Conquest. - -Then we have the complete list of city churches in the time of Edward I. -given in the _Liber Custumarum_. The parish boundaries probably remain -much as at that time, and the wards in their present form go back as far. -It may be noted that a study of the boundaries shows that the parishes are -in the main subdivisions of wards, and not that wards are aggregations of -parishes. Such general documentary evidence can be further supplemented by -the data which we have in regard to particular buildings which are still -in part existing, or of which we have plans and other evidence. - -We can accurately reinstate the City wall with its bastions and gates, the -Bridge and the Tower of London. We have ample particulars as to the -Cathedral and precinct of St. Paul's, with the line of the Close wall, the -position of its gates, and the site of the Campanile in the north-east -corner. The boundaries of the Conventual Establishments can be plotted, -and the buildings within them can, in many cases, be laid down in detail. -The plan of the Guildhall buildings may be reconstructed, and Hollar and -Leeke's map gives the position of the Halls of the several Companies. An -attempt has been made in the body of this work to sift out what can be -learned of a still more remote London. - - -THE END - - -_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Mr. Green, from the long sections dealing with London in _The Making -of England_ and _The Conquest of England_, must be reckoned among the -specialists on London. I shall often have to criticise Mr. Loftie's -conclusions, but I do so merely because those are the views in possession -at the present time. His books have the distinction of having revived an -interest in London topography. - -[2] _E.g._ Mr. Loftie's most recent book, _London Afternoons_. - -[3] _Origines Celticæ._ - -[4] Loftie, vol. i. ch. ii. - -[5] Hearne actually says it is Long-town. - -[6] Canon Isaac Taylor, _Dict. of Place-Names_. - -[7] _Social England_, vol. i. - -[8] Rhys, _Celtic Britain_. - -[9] Ramsay, vol. i. p. 32. - -[10] See Ludgate below. - -[11] Now represented by Edgware Road. - -[12] See _Dict. Nat. Biog._, and De la Moyne Borderie. - -[13] Thorpe's _Ancient Laws_. - -[14] Joceline de Brakelonde, p. 56, cited by Wright. - -[15] _Cal. St. Paul's MSS._, Ninth Report Historic MSS. Com., p. 65. - -[16] Rhys, _Celtic Britain_; Elton's _Origins_. - -[17] Thomas Wright says the Billings, a Saxon people, settled at -Billingsgate, and Mr. W. H. Stevenson derives the name from Billing, a -Saxon name. - -[18] There is probably some fact at the bottom of this story: perhaps the -sword of St. Paul was carved on the Bishop's Gate. According to Geoffrey, -the older Belinus had been placed in a golden urn on Billingsgate. - -[19] Robert of Gloucester. - -[20] See the story of Lludd in the Mabinogion. - -[21] _English Hist. Rev._ vol. ii. - -[22] _Episcopal Succession._ - -[23] _Celtic Britain_, p. 124. - -[24] C. F. Keary, _Vikings_. - -[25] Asser. - -[26] Asser. - -[27] See Ramsay, _Foundations of England_, vol. i. p. 126. - -[28] Compare Tame, Tamar, Teme, Tean, Teign. See _Surrey Collections_, -vol. v. - -[29] _Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles_, Camden Society. - -[30] See Green, _Making of England_, vol. i. p. 105; _Surrey Collections_, -vol. iii.; and _Athenæum_, 1901, No. 3838. - -[31] _Polyolbion._ - -[32] Bailey. - -[33] _Calendar of St. Paul's MSS._ - -[34] Dugdale's _Monasticon_, art. "Temple"; and Round's _Geoffrey de -Mandeville_. - -[35] _Transactions of London and Middlesex Archæological Society_, vol. -iv. - -[36] Hardy and Page, _London and Middlesex Fines_, vol. i. p. 3; see also -Dugdale. - -[37] _London and Middlesex Fines._ - -[38] Kempe translates the same passage, "From the north angle of the City -wall, where a rivulet of Springs near thereto flowing marks it out (_i.e._ -the moor) from the wall as far as the running water which entereth the -City" (_Sanctuary of St. Martin_). - -[39] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, 1896. - -[40] A.S. dictionaries give _Wylle-burn_ = Wellbrook. - -[41] Other cases of churches called by personal names are St. Benet Fink, -St. Martin Orgar, St. Martin Outwich, etc. - -[42] St. Stephen's Walbrook is mentioned in a charter of _c._ 1100. See -"Churches," below. - -[43] Dr. Sharpe, _Letter Book A_. - -[44] _Archæological Journal_, vol. i. p. 111. - -[45] _Roman Antiquities on Site of Safe Deposit_, and _Roman Pavement in -Bucklersbury_; see also _Archæological Review_, vol. iv. - -[46] _Letter Book A._ - -[47] Price, _Safe Deposit_, p. 30. - -[48] _Origines Celticæ_, vol. ii. - -[49] Sir J. H. Ramsay. - -[50] Maitland sounded the river, and thought that there had been a ford at -Chelsea; and the large number of Celtic and Roman antiquities found from -time to time at Battersea and Wandsworth incline me to the view that there -was a passage here. - -[51] Horsley's account of the Roman roads is still the best general -authority; but see the _Antiquary_ for 1901-2. The subject is being -carefully re-examined in the new Victorian County Histories. - -[52] Thorpe. - -[53] The last, like all names compounded of "street," is a significant -name wherever found. - -[54] Clark, _Military Architecture_, vol. i. p. 31. - -[55] Hardy and Page, _Fines_; and see Stow. - -[56] _London and Middlesex Archæological Society Trans._, vol. iii. p. -563. - -[57] _London and Middlesex Fines._ - -[58] Ackerman's _Westminster_, vol. i. p. 74. - -[59] For Old Ford see _London and Middlesex Archæological Society Trans._, -vol. iii. p. 206. - -[60] _Crawford Charters._ - -[61] Bentley's _Cartulary of Westminster Abbey_, p. 4. - -[62] See _Archæologia_, vol. xxvi., and, on the Tyburn, the _London and -Middlesex Archæological Society Trans._, vol. vi. - -[63] _Surrey Collections_, vol. i. - -[64] See Faulkner's _Chelsea_. - -[65] Kemble, No. 872. See also Arnold's _Streatham_. - -[66] _Eng. Hist. Rev._ 1898. - -[67] See Rhys, _Celtic Britain_. The compiler of the pseudo-itinerary of -R. of Cirencester writes Guethlin Street. - -[68] It has been argued that if the Britons had chariots they must also -have had roads; and it is generally held that the Icknield and other -"Ridgeways" are of British origin. Mr. Boyd Dawkins has recently shown, -from objects found in a camp with which the Pilgrim Way from Canterbury is -associated, that this ridge-road is early Celtic at latest. It seems -reasonable to suggest that it joined the Icknield Way, and that they -formed an early road-system crossing the river at Wallingford. - -[69] A paved way, thought to be the Watling Street, has just been found in -Edgware Road. It was 20 feet wide, 3.6 below surface, and pitched with -"boulders." A fragment was also found in Oxford Street. - -[70] Kemble, _Codex Dip._ 591. - -[71] Powell and Vigfusson's _Corpus_. - -[72] I do not share this view as to Claudius and the bridge. Sir J. H. -Ramsay even suggests that it may have been the work of Cunobeline. - -[73] Roach Smith, _Archæological Journal_, vol. i. p. 112. - -[74] Bruce, _Handbook to the Roman Wall_. - -[75] See Price's _Bucklersbury_. - -[76] _Making of England_, pp. 21, 105. - -[77] Hermann, _De Mirac. S. Edmund_, p. 43; see _Eng. Hist. Rev._ vol. -xii. p. 49. - -[78] _Home Counties Mag._ vol. i. - -[79] Leland. - -[80] Earle, _Land Charters_; and _Codex Dip._ No. 280. - -[81] _Cal._ p. 25. - -[82] _Archæologia_, lii. - -[83] In the A.S. dictionaries _Crepel_ stands for an underground passage: -there is said to be a Cripplegate on the Wansdyke. - -[84] _Archæologia_, lii. - -[85] Loftie's _London_, and _London_ in "Historic Towns" series; maps in -Green's _Short History_, and in Miss Norgate's _Angevin Kings_. - -[86] It seems necessary to notice these points in such excellent books, as -they are repeated in Sir W. Besant's _London_, p. 19, and more recent -works, as if they were settled. Mr. Loftie, in a still later book, _London -City_ (1891), writes: "We know that Aldgate was opened about sixty years -before FitzStephen's time. Aldersgate must have been made soon after the -Conquest, and Cripplegate, with its covered way to the Barbican, cannot -have been much later." In "Historic Towns" volume he says: "The -foundations of the North Gate were lately found in Camomile Street. The -massive masonry of the West Gate was also lately uncovered in Giltspur -Street." In his _London Afternoons_ Ludgate appears as probably the latest -of the gates. All this is conjecture and, as I have shown, contrary to the -evidence. - -[87] _London and Middlesex Archæological Society Trans._ vol. iii. - -[88] _Illustrations of Roman London._ - -[89] Thorpe's _Ancient Laws_. - -[90] Earle, _Land Charter_. - -[91] W. de G. Birch, _London Charters_. - -[92] Kemble, _Codex Dip._ No. 1074. - -[93] Leland, _Coll._ vol. i. - -[94] J. H. Round, _Calendar of French Documents_. - -[95] J. H. Round, _Feudal England_, p. 320. - -[96] _London and the Kingdom._ - -[97] Pauli, _Pictures of Old London_. - -[98] Price, _Hist. Guildhall_. In a deed, _temp._ Henry III., the Gildhall -of the Cologne Merchants is said to be near Hay Wharf, for which see Stow. - -[99] J. H. Round, _Calendar of French Documents_. See also _Soc de -Waremanshaker_ and St. Peter Ghent in Dugdale, vol. ii. p. 384. - -[100] _Calendar of St. Paul's Documents._ - -[101] Dugdale, vol. vi. p. 623. - -[102] _Codex Dip._ ii. p. 3. - -[103] _Heimskringla._ - -[104] C. F. Keary, _Vikings_, p. 125. - -[105] J. Earle, _Saxon Chronicles_. - -[106] It is true it has been shown by Mr. Round that about two centuries -later than this time _Arx_ was a technical word for a military tower, and -it is used by FitzStephen for the Tower of London itself: on the other -hand, passages cited in _Domesday and Beyond_, p. 187, show that earlier -it was convertible with _castrum_ or _burh_, and it is beginning to be -believed that _burh_ means a _castrum_ rather than a mound. Grants of -property run, "within Burh and without Burh, on Street and off Street." -Alfred himself writes of "Romeburh" and "Babylonburh." - -[107] It is usually said that the members of the gild entered Holy Trinity -Monastery, but this Mr. Round has shown is a misconception. - -[108] Alfred Memorial volume. - -[109] _Journal British Archæological Association_, 1900. - -[110] _Domesday and Beyond_, p. 192. - -[111] "I have been in White Hill in the Court of Cynvelyn" (Taliessin). -According to a Triad it was Arthur who disinterred the head of Bran, -disdaining to be so protected. - -[112] Dr. Maitland, _Domesday and Beyond_. - -[113] The Anglo-Saxon chronicler under 878 tells how Alfred made a -_geweorc_ at Athelney. - -[114] As to the Danes holding the burh with London, see above, p. 68. I -find London "and the Boro" mentioned together early in the thirteenth -century. - -[115] See G. R. Corner, _Archæologia_, vol. xxv. - -[116] Saxon Chronicle. - -[117] On the boundary of Paris Gardens was an embankment called the Old -Broad Wall. - -[118] See "House of Lewes Priory," _Archæologia_, vol. xxxviii. - -[119] So well informed a guide as Baedeker says the Abbey was so named -with reference to Eastminster by the Tower, which was only founded in the -fourteenth century. - -[120] See Sir J. H. Ramsay, vol. i. p. 422. - -[121] See, for example, Hardy and Page, _London and Middlesex Fines_, p. -3. This volume also shows that Norton Folgate was formerly called Norton -Folyot from a well-known family. - -[122] _Calendar of St. Paul's Documents_, p. 25. - -[123] A sixteenth-century London document has "stoop or post." - -[124] _Athenæum_, 8th July 1899. - -[125] Compare "portmeadows" and lands belonging to citizens elsewhere. At -Colchester in 1086 there was a strip eight perches wide surrounding the -town wall. As late as 1833 the borough of Bedford _included_ "a broad belt -of land." For a full account of the commonable fields of Cambridge and a -discussion of the subject generally, see Maitland's _Township and -Borough_. The London boundary was called the Line of Separation. - -[126] The common pasturage of Westminster is mentioned in a charter. - -[127] _London and Middlesex Archæological Society Trans._, vol. v. See -also for these documents Dr. Sharpe's _Letter Book C_. - -[128] See also Stow's account of the alienation of common lands. Mile-End, -according to Froissart, was "a fair plain place where the people of the -city did sport them in summer." - -[129] Fenchurch also seems to have been connected with this land, or at -least the eastern suburb. - -[130] The Friday fair of horses still lasted when Froissart wrote his -account of Wat Tyler. - -[131] _Township and Borough and Village Community._ - -[132] Hudson Turner. - -[133] _Making of England._ - -[134] See Green's _Conquest of England_. - -[135] In the summary of reigns at the end of Florence's Chronicle he -speaks more than once of "London and the adjacent country" as going -together. - -[136] See L. Gomme, _Village Community_, p. 212. - -[137] Munday. Loftie says there was another Romeland at Dowgate. - -[138] _Calendar of Ancient Deeds._ - -[139] See J. H. Round, _Commune of London_, p. 99. - -[140] Riley, Sharpe, Loftie's two books, _French Chronicle of London_, -notes. - -[141] Or Langbourne and Fenny-about, as the east and west halves of this -ward seem to have been sometimes called. - -[142] Sharpe's _Calendar of Wills_, vol. i. - -[143] _Calendar of Ancient Deeds_, vol. iii. - -[144] _Riley's Memorials._ - -[145] The _Liber Trinitatis_ states that the precinct of Holy Trinity -Aldgate was "of old" (pre-Conquest) one parish of Holy Rood. Two adjoining -parishes are mentioned in a twelfth century charter (_Commune of Lond._ p. -253)--St. Laurence de Judaismo and St. Marie de Aldermanebury. - -[146] _Judicia civitatis Londoniæ._ - -[147] _Liber Albus_, p. 80. - -[148] A document of about 1120-30 at St. Paul's gives us the name of -"Salidus, Bedellus Warde." - -[149] _Liber Albus_, p. 32. - -[150] _Archæological Journal_, vol. iv. p. 278. - -[151] Kemble, _Codex Dip._ 685. - -[152] See Dugdale, who is wrong, however, in saying it was called a -"Palatine tower." Stow applies this grant to Bridewell by mistake. - -[153] See the genealogy as given by Mr. Round. It is interesting to find -that the arms of Fitzwalter, the banner-bearer of London, a fess between -two cheverons, is but a difference from the three cheverons of Clare. - -[154] The arms of the Munfichets were similar to the arms of Clare, with -the difference only of a label of five points. From this fact we may -suppose that the families were allied. Munfichet Castle afterwards fell -into the hands of the Fitzwalters. - -[155] Howell's _Londinopolis_, 1657. - -[156] Dr. H. J. Nicholson, _History of the Abbey of St. Albans_, Newcourt, -and Maitland's _London_, vol. ii. p. 1051. - -[157] Dr. Sharpe considers that the Royal was the name of a street near -Dowgate, so called from La Reole, near Bordeaux. - -[158] T. E. Price, _Safe Deposit_, p. 29. - -[159] _Archæol._ xxix. - -[160] J. Kempe, _Archæologia_, vol. xxiv. - -[161] A large open Cheap is put in various parts by different writers. Mr. -Joseph Jacobs, in an interesting inquiry as to the Jewry, makes the ground -south of the Guildhall an open market. - -[162] _Codex Dip._ i. p. 133. The Wilton Domesday gives a _Magnus Vicus_ -at Winchester. - -[163] _Parentalia._ - -[164] _London and Middlesex Transactions_, vol. ii. - -[165] See J. E. Price, _Safe Deposit_. Price claims that the crypt found -by Wren at Bow Church and described as Roman by him is not the now -existing crypt. But the text and index of _Parentalia_ plainly prove that -the present church was built _on_ it, and therefore it was the existing -Norman structure. - -Price says that remains of a bridge were found in Bucklersbury, and that a -Roman road, possibly a continuation of that by Bow Church, passed here. - -[166] Hudson Turner's _Domestic Archr._, vol. i. App.; _Calendar of St. -Paul's Documents_, Sharpe's _Calendar of Wills_, _Calendar of Ancient -Deeds_, etc. In the last it is called Aphelingestrate in 1232. - -[167] Dr. Sharpe's _Calendar of Wills_. - -[168] Sharon Turner, _History of the Anglo-Saxons_. - -[169] Alfred Memorial volume, 1899. - -[170] Riley's _Memorials_. - -[171] Issac. - -[172] Godefroi's _Dictionary_. - -[173] It is designed on the pattern of the famous monogram of Justinian, -having for basis the letter N. - -[174] Still more recent finds at St. Albans seem to show that here also -the forum was an important building in the centre of the city. - -[175] See account of Saxon Winchester in Hudson Turner's _Domestic -Archr._, vol. i., and of _Canterbury before the Conquest_, by Geoff. -Faussett. - -[176] Winton Domesday mentions Fishmongers' Street, Tanner Street, and -Gold Street. - -[177] _The Golden Legend._ - -[178] Right through the Middle Ages the close of St. Paul's is called -_Atrium S. Pauli_. - -[179] _Parentalia._ - -[180] Thorpes' _Analecta_. - -[181] _Cotton Charters_, 11 Aug. 85. - -[182] Richard of Cirencester, also Stow. - -[183] See W. Maitland's _London_, and Green's _Conquest of England_. - -[184] _London and Middlesex Archæological Society's Trans._ vol. ii. - -[185] Sir H. Ellis, _Introduction to Domesday_. - -[186] See _Eng. Hist. Rev._ vol. xvi. - -[187] For the last see Round, _Geoffrey de Mandeville_. - -[188] For many other churches mentioned in the twelfth century see -_Calendar of St. Paul's Documents, Historical MSS. Reports_, which I have -not drawn upon in this place. Several other churches may be presumed to be -ancient from their dedication, such as St. Pancras (destroyed at the great -fire). Green (_Conquest of England_) attributes St. Augustine, St. -Gregory, St. Benet, and St. Faith, to Bishop Erkenwald. - -[189] For Strand churches see Sanders in _Archæologia_, vol. xxvi. Gibbs -found work which he thought was Roman under St. Martin's-in-the-Fields. -For an early foundation at Smithfield see Malcolm. - -[190] Dugdale, under Bermondsey. - -[191] The "Pedlar of Swaffham" and some Welsh stories refer to the bridge -in the same way. See Rhys, _Celtic Folklore_. - -[192] _Hist. MSS. Report of St. Paul's Documents_, p. 49. - -[193] See T. H. Round, _Commune of London_. - -[194] _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, p. 436. - -[195] Thorpe, pp. 97-103. - -[196] _London and the Kingdom._ In Winton Domesday is written _Chenictes -tenebat la chenictehalla ubi potabant gildam suam_. - -[197] Does this mean the lost charter constituting the mayor? - -[198] _Camden Society._ - -[199] Lick up the penny--Howell writes, "Some call London a Lickpenny, as -Paris is called a Pick-purse, because of feastings and other occasions of -expense." - -[200] Book now disappeared. See for this and Stone generally, Price's -_Roman Pavement in Bucklersbury_. It is not necessary that the note should -be as old as the book. - -[201] _London and Middlesex Archæological Society_, vol. v. - -[202] _Parentalia._ - -[203] This must be just the meaning of Berefridam--Burhfrid--Town-peace. - -[204] _Domesday and Beyond_, p. 192. - -[205] _Ibid._ p. 184. - -[206] Lincoln also had a gerefa in the seventh century (Bede, ii. 6). - -[207] _Geoffrey de Mandeville._ - -[208] Maitland's _London_ speaks of a list amongst the British Museum MSS. - -[209] See Round in _Dict. Nat. Biog._ and _Commune of London_. - -[210] F. Palgrave, _Rotuli Curiæ Regis_, vol. i. p. 12. - -[211] Skeat says the weight was called from Troyes, but gives no -conclusive reasons. See also _Notes and Queries_, 1871. Cripp's _English -Plate_ seems to prove this point. - -[212] In Rolls Series. - -[213] _Illus. Rom. Lond._ and valuable article, _Archæol._ xxix. - -[214] There may have been a tower on the Bush Lane site: I am speaking of -a large walled castrum. - -[215] Like the one which has left us its bath in Essex Street, Strand. The -1681 Catalogue of objects in the Museum of the Royal Society describes a -mosaic pavement found in Holborn near St. Andrew's. - -[216] At Bucklersbury, described by Price. - -[217] As many discoveries of walls and pavements have shown; as, for -instance, at the south end of Bishopsgate Street, in Threadneedle Street, -Lombard Street, at the Bank, the Royal Exchange, Bucklersbury, Cannon -Street, and the north side of Thames Street. - -[218] Roach Smith in _London and Middlesex Archæological Trans._ vol i. - -[219] I may say here that the drawing of the Roman pavement (Fig. 35) was -originally made for Roach Smith by Fairholt. - -[220] The mark P. LON. is first found on a coin of Diocletian. - -[221] Other plans by A. 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