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diff --git a/40255.txt b/40255.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a175588..0000000 --- a/40255.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13097 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Cultural History of Marlborough, -Virginia, by C. Malcolm Watkins - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Cultural History of Marlborough, Virginia - An Archeological and Historical Investigation of the Port - Town for Stafford County and the Plantation of John Mercer, - Including Data Supplied by Frank M. Setzler and Oscar H. - Darter - -Author: C. Malcolm Watkins - -Release Date: July 16, 2012 [EBook #40255] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MARLBOROUGH, VIRGINIA *** - - - - -Produced by Pat McCoy, Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - TRANSCRIBER NOTES: - - Words or letters contained within underscores, i.e. _Proceedings_, - indicate italics in the original. - - Letters or numbers preceded by ^ (carat) indicate superscripts. - Multiple letter superscripts are contained within { } brackets. - - Initials followed by a period (.) and contained within [ ] brackets - indicated a superscript letter above a period. For example: J^[S.]C. - - Footnotes have been moved to the end of each section. - - The List of Illustrations has been added to this project as - an aid to the reader. It does not appear in the original - book. - - Additional notes can be found at the end of this text. - - - - - SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION - - UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM - - [Illustration] - - BULLETIN 253 - - WASHINGTON, D.C. - - 1968 - - - - - The Cultural History - of Marlborough, Virginia - - An Archeological and Historical Investigation - of the - Port Town for Stafford County and the - Plantation of John Mercer, Including Data - Supplied by Frank M. Setzler and Oscar H. Darter - - C. MALCOLM WATKINS - - CURATOR OR CULTURAL HISTORY - MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY - - SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS - - SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION . WASHINGTON, D.C. . 1968 - - - - -_Publications of the United States National Museum_ - - -The scholarly and scientific publications of the United States National -Museum include two series, _Proceedings of the United States National -Museum_ and _United States National Museum Bulletin_. - -In these series, the Museum publishes original articles and monographs -dealing with the collections and work of its constituent museums--The -Museum of Natural History and the Museum of History and -Technology--setting forth newly acquired facts in the fields of -anthropology, biology, history, geology, and technology. Copies of each -publication are distributed to libraries, to cultural and scientific -organizations, and to specialists and others interested in the different -subjects. - -The _Proceedings_, begun in 1878, are intended for the publication, in -separate form, of shorter papers from the Museum of Natural History. -These are gathered in volumes, octavo in size, with the publication date -of each paper recorded in the table of contents of the volume. - -In the _Bulletin_ series, the first of which was issued in 1875, appear -longer, separate publications consisting of monographs (occasionally in -several parts) and volumes in which are collected works on related -subjects. _Bulletins_ are either octavo or quarto in size, depending on -the needs of the presentation. Since 1902 papers relating to the -botanical collections of the Museum of Natural History have been -published in the _Bulletin_ series under the heading _Contributions from -the United States National Herbarium_, and since 1959, in _Bulletins_ -titled "Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology," have -been gathered shorter papers relating to the collections and research of -that Museum. - -This work forms volume 253 of the _Bulletin_ series. - - FRANK A. TAYLOR - _Director, United States National Museum_ - -For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing -Office - -Washington, D.C. 20402--Price $3.75 - - - - -Contents - - - _Page_ - - Preface vii - - HISTORY 3 - - I. Official port towns in Virginia and origins of - Marlborough 5 - II. John Mercer's occupation of Marlborough, 1726-1730 15 - III. Mercer's consolidation of Marlborough, 1730-1740 21 - IV. Marlborough at its ascendancy, 1741-1750 27 - V. Mercer and Marlborough, from zenith to decline, - 1751-1768 49 - VI. Dissolution of Marlborough 61 - - ARCHEOLOGY AND ARCHITECTURE 65 - - VII. The site, its problem, and preliminary tests 67 - VIII. Archeological techniques 70 - IX. Wall system 71 - X. Mansion foundation (Structure B) 85 - XI. Kitchen foundation (Structure E) 101 - XII. Supposed smokehouse foundation (Structure F) 107 - XIII. Pits and other structures 111 - XIV. Stafford courthouse south of Potomac Creek 115 - - ARTIFACTS 123 - - XV. Ceramics 125 - XVI. Glass 145 - XVII. Objects of personal use 155 - XVIII. Metalwork 159 - XIX. Conclusion 173 - - GENERAL CONCLUSIONS 175 - - XX. Summary of findings 177 - - Appendixes 181 - - A. Inventory of George Andrews, Ordinary Keeper 183 - B. Inventory of Peter Beach 184 - C. Charges to account of Mosley Battaley 185 - D. "Domestick Expenses," 1725 186 - E. John Mercer's reading, 1726-1732 191 - F. Credit side of John Mercer's account with Nathaniel - Chapman 193 - G. Overwharton Parish account 194 - H. Colonists identified by John Mercer according to - occupation 195 - I. Materials listed in accounts with Hunter and Dick, - Fredericksburg 196 - J. George Mercer's expenses while attending college 197 - K. John Mercer's library 198 - L. Botanical record and prevailing temperatures, 17 209 - M. Inventory of Marlborough, 1771 211 - - Index 213 - - - - -List of Illustrations - - Figure - John Mercer's Bookplate 1 - Survey plates of Marlborough 2 - Portrait of John Mercer 3 - The Neighborhood of John Mercer 4 - King William Courthouse 5 - Mother-of-pearl counters 6 - John Mercer's Tobacco-cask symbols 7 - Wine-bottle seal 8 - French horn 9 - Hornbook 10 - Fireplace mantels 11 - Doorways 12 - Table-desk 13 - Archeological survey plan 14 - Portrait of Ann Roy Mercer 15 - Advertisement of the services of Mercer's stallion Ranter 16 - Page from Maria Sibylla Merian's _Metamorphosis Insectorum - Surinamensium efte Veranderung Surinaamsche Insecten_ 17 - Aerial Photograph of Marlborough 18 - Highway 621 19 - Excavation plan of Marlborough 20 - Excavation plan of wall system 21 - Looking north 22 - Outcropping of stone wall 23 - Junction of stone Wall A 24 - Looking north in line with Walls A and A-II 25 - Wall A-II 26 - Junction of Wall A-I 27 - Wall E 28 - Detail of Gateway in Wall E 29 - Wall B-II 30 - Wall D 31 - Excavation plan of Structure B 32 - Site of Structure B 33 - Southwest corner of Structure B 34 - Southwest corner of Structure B 35 - South wall of Structure B 36 - Cellar of Structure B 37 - Section of red-sandstone arch 38 - Helically contoured red-sandstone 39 - Cast-concrete block 40 - Dressed red-sandstone block 41 - Fossil-embedded black sedimentary stone 42 - Foundation of porch at north end of Structure B 43 - Plan of mansion house 44 - The Villa of "the magnificent Lord Leonardo Emo" 45 - Excavation plan of Structure E 46 - Foundation of Structure E 47 - Paved floor of Room X, Structure E 48 - North wall of Structure E 49 - Wrought-iron slab 50 - Excavation plan of structures north of Wall D 51 - Structure F 52 - Virginia brick from Structure B 53 - Structure D 54 - Refuse found at exterior corner of Wall A-II and Wall D 55 - Excavation plan of Structure H 56 - Structure H 57 - 1743 drawing showing location of Stafford courthouse 58 - Enlarged detail from figure 58 59 - Excavation plan of Stafford courthouse foundation 60 - Hanover courthouse 61 - Plan of King William courthouse 62 - Tidewater-type pottery 63 - Miscellaneous common earthenware types 64 - Buckley-type high-fired ware 65 - Westerwald stoneware 66 - Fine English stoneware 67 - English Delftware 68 - Delft plate 69 - Delft plate 70 - Whieldon-type tortoiseshell ware 71 - Queensware 72 - Fragment of Queensware 73 - English white earthenwares 74 - Polychrome Chinese porcelain 75 - Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain 76 - Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain 77 - Wine bottle 78 - Bottle seals 79 - Octagonal spirits bottle 80 - Snuff bottle 81 - Glassware 82 - Small metalwork 83 - Personal miscellany 84 - Cutlery 85 - Metalwork 86 - Ironware 87 - Iron door and chest hardware 88 - Tools 89 - Scythe 90 - Farm gear 91 - - - Illustration - Front and back cast-concrete block 1 and 2 - Iron tie bar 3 - Cross section of plaster cornice molding from - Structure B 4 - Reconstructed wine bottle 5 - Fragment of molded white salt-glazed platter 6 - Iron bolt 7 - Stone scraping tool 8 - Indian celt 9 - Milk pan 10 - Milk pan 11 - Ale mug 12 - Cover of jar 13 - Base of bowl 14 - Handle of pot lid or oven door 15 - Buff-earthenware cup 16 - High-fired earthenware pan rim 17 - High-fired earthenware jar rim 18 - Rim and base profiles of high-fired earthenware jars 19 - Base sherd from unglazed red-earthenware water cooler 20 - Rim of an earthenware flowerpot 21 - Base of gray-brown, salt-glazed-stoneware ale mug 22 - Stoneware jug fragment 23 - Gray-salt-glazed-stoneware jar profile 24 - Drab-stoneware mug fragment 25 - Wheel-turned cover of white, salt-glazed teapot 26 - Body sherds of molded, white salt-glaze-ware pitcher 27 - English delftware washbowl sherd 28 - English delftware plate 29 - English delftware plate 30 - Delftware ointment pot 31 - Sherds of black basaltes ware 32 - Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain saucer 33 - Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain plate 34 - Beverage bottle 35 - Beverage-bottle seal 36 - Complete beverage bottle 37 - Cylindrical beverage bottle 38 - Cylindrical beverage bottle 39 - Octagonal, pint-size beverage bottle 40 - Square gin bottle 41 - Square snuff bottle 42 - Wineglass, reconstructed 43 - Cordial glass 44 - Sherds of engraved-glass wine and cordial glasses 45 - Clear-glass tumbler 46 - Octagonal cut-glass trencher salt 47 - Brass buckle 48 - Brass knee buckle 49 - Brass thimble 50 - Chalk bullet mold 51 - Fragments of tobacco-pipe bowl 52 - White-kaolin tobacco pipe 53 - Slate pencil 54 - Fragment of long-tined fork 55 - Fragment of long-tined fork 56 - Fork with two-part handle 57 - Trifid-handle pewter spoon 58 - Wavy-end pewter spoon 59 - Pewter teapot lid 60 - Steel scissors 61 - Iron candle snuffers 62 - Iron butt hinge 63 - End of strap hinge 64 - Catch for door latch 65 - Wrought-iron hasp 66 - Brass drop handle 67 - Wrought-iron catch or striker 68 - Iron slide bolt 69 - Series of wrought-iron nails 70 - Series of wrought-iron flooring nails and brads 71 - Fragment of clouting nail 72 - Hand-forged spike 73 - Blacksmith's hammer 74 - Iron wrench 75 - Iron scraping tool 76 - Bit or gouge chisel 77 - Jeweler's hammer 78 - Wrought-iron colter from plow 79 - Hook used with wagon 80 - Bolt with wingnut 81 - Lashing hook from cart 82 - Hilling hoe 83 - Iron reinforcement strip from back of shovel handle 84 - Half of sheep shears 85 - Animal trap 86 - Iron bridle bit 87 - Fishhook 88 - Brass strap handle 89 - - - - -Preface - - -A number of people participated in the preparation of this study. The -inspiration for the archeological and historical investigations came -from Professor Oscar H. Darter, who until 1960 was chairman of the -Department of Historical and Social Sciences at Mary Washington College, -the women's branch of the University of Virginia. The actual excavations -were made under the direction of Frank M. Setzler, formerly the head -curator of anthropology at the Smithsonian Institution. None of the -investigation would have been possible had not the owners of the -property permitted the excavations to be made, sometimes at considerable -inconvenience to themselves. I am indebted to W. Biscoe, Ralph -Whitticar, Jr., and Thomas Ashby, all of whom owned the excavated areas -at Marlborough; and T. Ben Williams, whose cornfield includes the site -of the 18th-century Stafford County courthouse, south of Potomac Creek. - -For many years Dr. Darter has been a resident of Fredericksburg and, in -the summers, of Marlborough Point on the Potomac River. During these -years, he has devoted himself to the history of the Stafford County area -which lies between these two locations in northeastern Virginia. -Marlborough Point has interested Dr. Darter especially since it is the -site of one of the Virginia colonial port towns designated by Act of -Assembly in 1691. During the town's brief existence, it was the location -of the Stafford County courthouse and the place where the colonial -planter and lawyer John Mercer established his home in 1726. Tangible -evidence of colonial activities at Marlborough Point--in the form of -brickbats and potsherds still can be seen after each plowing, while John -Mercer's "Land Book," examined anew by Dr. Darter, has revealed the -original survey plats of the port town. - -In this same period and as early as 1938, Dr. T. Dale Stewart (then -curator of physical anthropology at the Smithsonian Institution) had -commenced excavations at the Indian village site of Patawomecke, a few -hundred yards west of the Marlborough Town site. The aboriginal -backgrounds of the area including Marlborough Point already had been -investigated. As the result of his historical research connected with -this project, Dr. Stewart has contributed fundamentally to the present -undertaking by foreseeing the excavations of Marlborough Town as a -logical step beyond his own investigation. - -Motivated by this combination of interests, circumstances, and -historical clues, Dr. Darter invited the Smithsonian Institution to -participate in an archeological investigation of Marlborough. -Preliminary tests made in August 1954 were sufficiently rewarding to -justify such a project. Consequently, an application for funds was -prepared jointly and was submitted by Dr. Darter through the University -of Virginia to the American Philosophical Society. In January 1956 grant -number 159, Johnson Fund (1955), for $1500 was assigned to the program. -In addition, the Smithsonian Institution contributed the professional -services necessary for field research and directed the purchase of -microfilms and photostats, the drawing of maps and illustrations, and -the preparation and publication of this report. Dr. Darter hospitably -provided the use of his Marlborough Point cottage during the period of -excavation, and Mary Washington College administered the grant. Frank -Setzler directed the excavations during a six-week period in April and -May 1956, while interpretation of cultural material and the searches of -historical data related to it were carried out by C. Malcolm Watkins. - -At the commencement of archeological work it was expected that traces of -the 17th- and early 18th-century town would be found, including, -perhaps, the foundations of the courthouse. This expectation was not -realized, although what was found from the Mercer period proved to be -of greater importance. After completion, a report was made in the 1956 -_Year Book_ of the American Philosophical Society (pp. 304-308). - -After the 1956 excavations, the question remained whether the principal -foundation (Structure B) might not have been that of the courthouse. -Therefore, in August 1957 a week-long effort was made to find -comparative evidence by digging the site of the succeeding 18th-century -Stafford County courthouse at the head of Potomac Creek. This disclosed -a foundation sufficiently different from Structure B to rule out any -analogy between the two. - -It should be made clear that--because of the limited size of the -grant--the archeological phase of the investigation was necessarily a -limited survey. Only the more obvious features could be examined within -the means at the project's disposal. No final conclusions relative to -Structure B, for example, are warranted until the section of foundation -beneath the highway which crosses it can be excavated. Further -excavations need to be made south and southeast of Structure B and -elsewhere in search of outbuildings and evidence of 17th-century -occupancy. - -Despite such limitations, this study is a detailed examination of a -segment of colonial Virginia's plantation culture. It has been prepared -with the hope that it will provide Dr. Darter with essential material -for his area studies and, also, with the wider objective of increasing -the knowledge of the material culture of colonial America. Appropriate -to the function of a museum such as the Smithsonian, this study is -concerned principally with what is concrete--objects and artifacts and -the meanings that are to be derived from them. It has relied upon the -mutually dependent techniques of archeologist and cultural historian and -will serve, it is hoped, as a guide to further investigations of this -sort by historical museums and organizations. - -Among the many individuals contributing to this study, I am especially -indebted to Dr. Darter; to the members of the American Philosophical -Society who made the excavations possible; to Dr. Stewart, who reviewed -the archeological sections at each step as they were written; to Mrs. -Sigrid Hull who drew the line-and-stipple illustrations which embellish -the report; Edward G. Schumacher of the Bureau of American Ethnology, -who made the archeological maps and drawings; Jack Scott of the -Smithsonian photographic laboratory, who photographed the artifacts; and -George Harrison Sanford King of Fredericksburg, from whom the necessary -documentation for the 18th-century courthouse site was obtained. - -I am grateful also to Dr. Anthony N. B. Garvan, professor of American -civilization at the University of Pennsylvania and former head curator -of the Smithsonian Institution's department of civil history, for -invaluable encouragement and advice; and to Worth Bailey formerly with -the Historic American Buildings Survey, for many ideas, suggestions, and -important identifications of craftsmen listed in Mercer's ledgers. - -I am equally indebted to Ivor Noel Hume, director of archeology at -Colonial Williamsburg and an honorary research associate of the -Smithsonian Institution, for his assistance in the identification of -artifacts; to Mrs. Mabel Niemeyer, librarian of the Bucks County -Historical Society, for her cooperation in making the Mercer ledgers -available for this report; to Donald E. Roy, librarian of the Darlington -Library, University of Pittsburgh, for providing the invaluable clue -that directed me to the ledgers; to the staffs of the Virginia State -Library and the Alexandria Library for repeated courtesies and -cooperation; and to Miss Rodris Roth, associate curator of cultural -history at the Smithsonian, for detecting Thomas Oliver's inventory of -Marlborough in a least suspected source. - -I greatly appreciate receiving generous permissions from the University -of Pittsburgh Press to quote extensively from the _George Mercer Papers -Relating to the Ohio Company of Virginia_, and from Russell & Russell to -copy Thomas Oliver's inventory of Marlborough. - -To all of these people and to the countless others who contributed in -one way or another to the completion of this study, I offer my grateful -thanks. - - C. MALCOLM WATKINS - - Washington, D.C. - 1967 - - - - -The Cultural History - -of - -Marlborough, Virginia - -[Illustration: Figure 1.--JOHN MERCER'S BOOKPLATE.] - - - - -HISTORY - - - - -I - -_Official Port Towns in Virginia and Origins of Marlborough_ - - -ESTABLISHING THE PORT TOWNS - -The dependence of 17th-century Virginia upon the single -crop--tobacco--was a chronic problem. A bad crop year or a depressed -English market could plunge the whole colony into debt, creating a chain -reaction of overextended credits and failures to meet obligations. -Tobacco exhausted the soil, and soil exhaustion led to an ever-widening -search for new land. This in turn brought about population dispersal and -extreme decentralization. - -After the Restoration in 1660 the Virginia colonial government was faced -not only with these economic hazards but also with the resulting -administrative difficulties. It was awkward to govern a scattered -population and almost impossible to collect customs duties on imports -landed at the planters' own wharves along hundreds of miles of inland -waterways. The royal governors and responsible persons in the Assembly -reacted therefore with a succession of plans to establish towns that -would be the sole ports of entry for the areas they served, thus making -theoretically simple the task of securing customs revenues. The towns -also would be centers of business and manufacture, diversifying the -colony's economic supports and lessening its dependence on tobacco. To -men of English origin this establishment of port communities must have -seemed natural and logical. - -The first such proposal became law in 1662, establishing a port town -for each of the major river valleys and for the Eastern Shore. But the -law's sponsors were doomed to disappointment, for the towns were not -built.[1] After a considerable lapse, a new act was passed in 1680, this -one better implemented and further reaching. It provided for a port town -in each county, where ships were to deliver their goods and pick up -tobacco and other exports from town warehouses for their return -voyages.[2] One of its most influential supporters was William Fitzhugh -of Stafford County, a wealthy planter and distinguished leader in the -colony.[3] "We have now resolved a cessation of making Tob^o next year," -he wrote to his London agent, Captain Partis, in 1680. "We are also -going to make Towns, if you can meet with any tradesmen that will come -and live at the Town, they may have privileges and immunitys."[4] - -[Illustration: Potomack River] - -[Illustration: Figure 2.--Survey plats of Marlborough as copied in John -Mercer's Land Book showing at bottom, John Savage's, 1731; and top, -William Buckner's and Theodorick Bland's, 1691. (The courthouse probably -stood in the vicinity of lot 21.)] - -Some of these towns actually were laid out, each on a 50-acre tract of -half-acre lots, but only 9 tracts were built upon. The Act soon lagged -and collapsed. It was unpopular with the colonists, who were obliged to -transport their tobacco to distant warehouses and to pay storage fees; -it was ignored by shipmasters, who were in the habit of dealing directly -with planters at their wharves and who were not interested in making it -any easier for His Majesty's customs collectors.[5] - -Nevertheless, efforts to come up with a third act began in 1688.[6] -William Fitzhugh, especially, was articulate in his alarm over -Virginia's one-crop economy, the effects of which the towns were -supposed to mitigate. At this time he referred to tobacco as "our most -despicable commodity." A year later, he remarked, "it is more uncertain -for a Planter to get money by consigned Tob^o then to get a prize in a -lottery, there being twenty chances for one chance."[7] - -In April 1691 the Act for Ports was passed, the House, significantly, -recording only one dissenting vote.[8] Unlike its predecessor, which -encouraged trades and crafts, this Act was justified purely on the basis -of overcoming the "great opportunity ... given to such as attempt to -import or export goods and merchandises, without entering or paying the -duties and customs due thereupon, much practised by greedy and covetous -persons." It provided that all exports and imports should be taken up or -set down at the specified ports and nowhere else, under penalty of -forfeiting ship, gear, and cargo, and that the law should become -effective October 1, 1692. The towns again were to be surveyed and laid -out in 50-acre tracts. Feoffees, to be appointed, would grant half-acre -lots on a pro rata first-cost basis. Grantees "shall within the space of -four months next ensueing such grant begin and without delay proceed to -build and finish on each half acre one good house, to containe twenty -foot square at the least, wherein if he fails to performe them such -grant to be void in law, and the lands therein granted lyable to the -choyce and purchase of any other person." Justices of the county courts -were to fill vacancies among the feoffees and to appoint customs -collectors.[9] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [1] WILLIAM WALLER HENING, _The Statutes at Large Being a - Collection of All the Laws of Virginia_ (New York, 1823), - vol. 2, pp. 172-176. - - [2] Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 471-478. - - [3] William Fitzhugh was founder of the renowned Virginia - family that bear his name. As chief justice of the Stafford - County court, burgess, merchant, and wealthy planter, he - epitomized the landed aristocrat in 17th-century Virginia. - See "Letters of William Fitzhugh," _Virginia Magazine of - History & Biography_ (Richmond, 1894), vol. 1, p. 17 - (hereinafter designated _VHM_), and _William Fitzhugh and His - Chesapeake World_ (1676-1701), edit. Richard Beale Davis - (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, for the - Virginia Historical Society, 1963). - - [4] _VHM_, op. cit., p. 30. - - [5] ROBERT BEVERLEY, _The History and Present State of - Virginia_, edit. Louis B. Wright (Chapel Hill: The University - of North Carolina Press, 1947), p. 88; PHILIP ALEXANDER - BRUCE, _Economic History of Virginia_, 2nd ed. (New York: P. - Smith, 1935), vol. 2, pp. 553-554. - - [6] _Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia_ - (hereinafter designated _JHB_) 1659/60-1693, edit. H. R. - McIlwaine (Richmond, Virginia: Virginia State Library, 1914), - pp. 303, 305, 308, 315. - - [7] "Letters of William Fitzhugh," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1895), - vol. 2, pp. 374-375. - - [8] _JHB 1659/60-1693_, op. cit. (footnote 6), p. 351. - - [9] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 3, pp. 53-69. - - -THE PORT TOWN FOR STAFFORD COUNTY - -The difficulties confronting the central and local governing bodies in -putting the Acts into effect are illustrated by the attempts to -establish a port town for Stafford County. Under the act of 1680 a town -was to be built at "Peace Point," where the Catholic refugee Giles Brent -had settled nearly forty years before, but there is no evidence that -even so much as a survey was made there. The 1691 Act for Ports located -the town at Potomac Neck, where Accokeek Creek and Potomac Creek -converge on the Potomac River. Situated about three miles below the -previously designated site, it was again on Brent property, lying within -a tract leased for life to Captain Malachi Peale, former high sheriff of -Stafford. On October 9, 1691, the Stafford Court "ordered that Mr. -William Buckner deputy Surveyor of this County shall on Thursday next -... repair to the Malachy Peale neck being the place allotted by act of -assembly for this Town and Port of this County and shall then and there -Survey and Lay Out the said Towne or Port ... to the Interest that all -the gentlemen of and all other of the Inhabitants may take up such Lot -and Lots as be and they desire...." On the same day John Withers and -Matthew Thompson, both justices of the peace, were appointed "Feoffees -in Trust." Young Giles Brent, "son and heir of Giles Brent Gent. late of -this county dec^{ed}" and not yet 21, selected Francis Hammersley as his -guardian. - -Hammersley in this capacity became the administrator of Brent's -affairs, and accordingly it was agreed that 13,000 pounds of tobacco -should be paid to him in exchange for the 50 acres of town land owned by -Brent.[10] - -Actually, 52 acres were surveyed, "two of the said acres being the Land -belonging to and laid out for the Court House according to a former Act -of Assembly and the other fifty acres pursuant to the late Act for -Ports." The "former Act of Assembly" which had been passed in 1667 had -stipulated the allotment of two-acre tracts for churches and court -houses, which in case the lots "be deserted y^e land shall revert to y^e -1st proprietor...."[11] For the extra two acres Hammersley was given 800 -pounds of tobacco in addition. Of the total of 13,800 pounds, 3450 were -set aside to compensate Malachi Peale for the loss of his leasehold. - -The order for the survey to be made was a formality, since the plat had -actually been drawn ahead of time by Buckner on August 16, nearly two -months before; clearly the Staffordians were eager to begin their town. -Buckner's plat was copied by his superior, Theodorick Bland, and entered -in the now-missing Stafford Survey Book. John Savage, a later surveyor, -in 1731 provided John Mercer with a duplicate of Bland's copy, which has -survived in John Mercer's Land Book (fig. 2).[12] - -On February 11, 1692, the feoffees granted 27 lots to 15 applicants. -John Mercer's later review of the town's history in this period states -that "many" of the lots were "built on and improved."[13] Two ordinaries -were licensed, one in 1691 and one in 1693, but no business activity -other than the Potomac Creek ferry seems to have been conducted.[14] Any -future the town might have had was erased by the same adverse reactions -that had killed the previous port acts. The merchants and shippers used -their negative influence and on March 22, 1693, a "bill for suspension -of y^e act for Ports &c till their Maj^{ts} pleasure shall be known -therein or till y^e next assembly" passed the house. In due course the -act was reviewed and returned unsigned for further consideration. -William Fitzhugh, on October 17, 1693, dutifully read the -recommendation of the Committee of Grievances and Properties "That the -appointment of Ports & injoyneing the Landing and Shipping of all goods -imported or to be exported at & from the same will (considering the -present circumstances of the Country) be very injurious & burthensome to -the Inhabitants thereof and traders thereunto."[15] Doubtless dictated -by the Board of Trade in London, the recommendation was a defeat for -those who, like Fitzhugh, sought by the establishment of towns to break -tobacco's strangle-hold on Virginia. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [10] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694 (MS bound with - order book for 1664-1688, but paginated separately), pp. 175, - 177, 180, 189. - - [11] "Mills," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1903), vol. 10, pp. 147-148. - - [12] John Mercer's Land Book (MS., Virginia State Library). - - [13] _JHB, 1742-1747; 1748-1749_ (Richmond, 1909), pp. - 285-286. - - [14] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, pp. 184, 357. - - [15] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 3, pp. 108-109. - - -THE ACT FOR PORTS OF 1705 AND THE NAMING OF MARLBOROUGH - -Nevertheless, the town idea was hard to kill. In 1705 Stafford's port -town, along with those in the other counties, was given a new lease on -life when still another Act for Ports, introduced by Robert Beverley, -was passed. This Act repeated in substance the provisions of its -immediate forerunner, but provided in addition extravagant inducements -to settlement. Those who inhabited the towns were exempted from -three-quarters of the customs duties paid by others; they were freed of -poll taxes for 15 years; they were relieved from military mustering -outside the towns and from marching outside, excepting the "exigency" of -war (and then only for a distance of no more than 50 miles). Goods and -"dead provision" were not to be sold outside within a 5-mile radius, and -ordinaries (other than those within the towns) were not permitted closer -than 10 miles to the towns' boundaries, except at courthouses and ferry -landings. Each town was to be a free "burgh," and, when it had grown to -30 families "besides ordinary keepers," "eight principal inhabitants" -were to be chosen by vote of the "freeholders and inhabitants of the -town of twenty-one years of age and upwards, not being servants or -apprentices," to be called "benchers of the guild-hall." These eight -"benchers" would govern the town for life or until removal, selecting a -"director" from among themselves. When 60 families had settled, -"brethren assistants of the guild hall" were to be elected similarly to -serve as a common council. Each town was to have two market days a week -and an annual five-day fair. The towns listed under the Act were -virtually the same as before, but this time each was given an official -name, the hitherto anonymous town for Stafford being called Marlborough -in honor of the hero of the recent victory at Blenheim.[16] - -The elaborate vision of the Act's sponsors never was realized in the -newly christened town, but there was in due course a slight resumption -of activity in it. George Mason and William Fitzhugh, Jr. (the son of -William Fitzhugh of Stafford County) were appointed feoffees in 1707, -and a new survey was made by Thomas Gregg. The following year seven more -lots were granted, and for an interval of two years Marlborough -functioned technically as an official port.[17] - -Inevitably, perhaps, history repeated itself. In 1710 the Act for Ports, -like its predecessors, was rescinded. The reasons given in London were -brief and straightforward; the Act, it was explained, was "designed to -Encourage by great Priviledges the settling in Townships." These -settlements would encourage manufactures, which, in turn, would promote -"further Improvement of the said manufactures, And take them off from -the Planting of Tobacco, which would be of Very Ill consequence," thus -lessening the colony's dependence on the Kingdom, affecting the import -of tobacco, and prejudicing shipping.[18] Clearly, the Crown did not -want the towns to succeed, nor would it tolerate anything which might -stimulate colonial self-dependence. The Virginia colonists' dream of -corporate communities was not to be realized. - -Most of the towns either died entirely or struggled on as crossroads -villages. A meager few have survived to the present, notably Norfolk, -Hampton, Yorktown, and Tappahannock. Marlborough lasted as a town until -about 1720, but in about 1718 the courthouse and several dwellings were -destroyed by fire and "A new Court House being built at another Place, -all or most of the Houses that had been built in the said Town, were -either burnt or suffered to go to ruin."[19] - -The towns were artificial entities, created by acts of assembly, not by -economic or social necessity. In the few places where they filled a -need, notably in the populous areas of the lower James and York Rivers, -they flourished without regard to official status. In other places, by -contrast, no law or edict sufficed to make them live when conditions did -not warrant them. In sparsely settled Stafford especially there was -little to nurture a town. It was easier, and perhaps more exciting, to -grow tobacco and gamble on a successful crop, to go in debt when things -were bad or lend to the less fortunate when things were better. In the -latter case land became an acceptable medium for the payment of debts. -Land was wealth and power, its enlargement the means of greater -production of tobacco--tobacco again the great gamble by which one would -always hope to rise and not to fall. When one could own an empire, why -should one worry about a town? - -FOOTNOTES: - - [16] Ibid., pp. 404-419. - - [17] "Petition of John Mercer" (1748), (Ludwell papers, - Virginia Historical Society), _VHM_ (Richmond, 1898), vol. 5, - pp. 137-138. - - [18] _Calendar of Virginia State Papers and Other - Manuscdit. William P. Palmer, M.D. - (Richmond, 1875), vol. 1, pp. 137-138. - - [19] _JHB, 1742-1747; 1748-1749_ (Richmond, 1909), pp. - 285-286. - - -ESTABLISHING COURTHOUSES - -The administrative problems that contributed to the establishment of the -port towns also called for the erection of courthouses. As early as 1624 -lower courts had been authorized for Charles City and Elizabeth City in -recognition of the colony's expansion, and ten years later the colony -had been divided into eight counties, with a monthly court established -in each. By the Restoration the county courts possessed broadly expanded -powers and were the administrative as well as the judicial sources of -local government. In practice they were largely self-appointive and were -responsible for filling most local offices. Since the courts were the -vehicles of royal authority, it followed that the physical symbols of -this authority should be emphasized by building proper houses of -government. At Jamestown orders were given in 1663 to build a statehouse -in lieu of the alehouses and ordinaries where laws had been made -previously.[20] - -In the same year, four courthouses annually were ordered for the -counties, the burgesses having been empowered to "make and Signe -agreements w^{th} any that will undertake them to build, who are to give -good Caution for the effecting thereof with good sufficient bricks, -Lime, and Timber, and that the same be well wrought and after they are -finished to be approved by an able surveyor, before order be given them -for their pay."[21] Such buildings were to take the place of private -dwellings and ordinaries in the same way as did the statehouse at -Jamestown. It was no accident that legislation for houses of government -coincided with that for establishing port towns. Each reflected the need -for administering the far-flung reaches of the colony and for -maintaining order and respect for the crown in remote places. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [20] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 2, pp. 204-205. - - [21] _JHB, (1659/60-1693)_, op. cit. (footnote 6), p. 28. - - -THE COURTHOUSE IN THE PORT TOWN FOR STAFFORD COUNTY - -Stafford County, which had been set off from Westmoreland in 1664, was -provided with a courthouse within a year of its establishment. Ralph -Happel in _Stafford and King George Courthouses and the Fate of -Marlborough, Port of Entry_, has given us a detailed chronicle of the -Stafford courthouses, showing that the first structure was situated -south of Potomac Creek until 1690, when it presumably burned.[22] The -court, in any event, began to meet in a private house on November 12, -1690, while on November 14 one Sampson Darrell was appointed chief -undertaker and Ambrose Bayley builder of a new courthouse. A contract -was signed between them and the justices of the court to finish the -building by June 10, 1692, at a cost of 40,000 pounds of tobacco and -cash, half to be paid in 1691 and the remainder upon completion.[23] - -With William Fitzhugh the presiding magistrate of the Stafford County -court as well as cosponsor of the Act for Ports, it was foreordained -that the new courthouse should be tied in with plans for the port town. -The Act for Ports, however, was still in the making, and it was not -possible to begin the courthouse until after its passage in the spring. -On June 10, 1691, it was "Ordered by this Court that Capt. George Mason -and Mr. Blande the Surveyor shall immediately goe and run over the -ground where the Town is to Stand and that they shall then advise and -direct M^r Samson Darrell the Cheife undertaker of the Court house for -this County where he shall Erect and build the same."[24] - -The court's order was followed by a hectic sequence that reflects, in -general, the irresponsibilities, the lack of respect for law and order, -and the frontier weaknesses which made it necessary to strengthen -authority. It begins with Sampson Darrell himself, whose moral -shortcomings seem to have been legion (hog-stealing, cheating a widow, -and refusing to give indentured servants their freedom after they had -earned it, to name a few). Darrell undoubtedly had the fastidious -Fitzhugh's confidence, for certainly without that he would not have been -appointed undertaker at all. In his position in the court, Fitzhugh -would have been instrumental in selecting both architect and -architecture for the courthouse, and Darrell seems to have met his -requirements. Fitzhugh, in fact, had sufficient confidence in Darrell to -entrust him with personal business in London in 1688.[25] - -Although several months elapsed before a site was chosen, enough of the -new building was erected by October to shelter the court for its monthly -assembly. In the course of this session, there occurred a "most -mischievous and dangerous Riot,"[26] which rather violently inaugurated -the new building. During this disturbance, the pastor of Potomac Parish, -Parson John Waugh,[27] upbraided the court while it was "seated" and -took occasion to call Fitzhugh a Papist. The court, taking cognizance of -"disorders, misrules and Riots" and "the Fatal consequences of such -unhappy malignant and Tumultuous proceeding," thereupon restricted the -sale of liquor on court days (thus revealing what was at least accessory -to the disturbance).[28] Fitzhugh's letter to the court concerning this -episode mentions the "Court House" and the "Court house yard," adding to -Happel's ample documentation that the new building was by now in use. - -During the November session, James Mussen was ordered into custody for -having "dangerously wounded M^r. Sampson Darrell."[29] This suggests -that the sequence of disturbances may have been associated with the -unfinished state of the courthouse, which, like the town, symbolized the -purposes of Fitzhugh and the property-owning aristocracy. Certain it is -that Darrell, publicly identified with Fitzhugh, was violently assaulted -and that "a complaint was made to this Court that Sampson Darrell the -chief undertaker of the building and Erecting of a Court house for this -county had not performed the same according to articles of agreement." -He and Bayley accordingly were put under bond to finish the building by -June 10, 1692. By February Bayley was complaining that he had not been -paid for his work, "notwithstanding your pet^r as is well known to the -whole County hath done all the carpenters work thereof and is ready to -perform what is yet wanting." On May 12, less than a month from the -deadline for completion, Darrell was ordered to pay Bayley the money -owing, and Bayley was instructed to go on with the work. Nearly six -months later, on November 10, Darrell again was directed to pay Bayley -the full balance of his wages, but only "after the said Ambrose Bayley -shall have finished and Compleatly ended the Court house."[30] - -No description of the courthouse has been found. The Act of 1663 seems -to have required a brick building, although its wording is ambiguous. -Even if it did stipulate brick, the law was 28 years old in 1691, and -its requirements probably were ignored. Although Bayley, the builder, -was a carpenter, this would not preclude the possibility that he -supervised bricklayers and other artisans. Brick courthouses were not -unknown; one was standing in Warwick when the Act for Ports was passed -in 1691. Yet, the York courthouse, built in 1692, was a simple building, -probably of wood.[31] In any case, the Stafford courthouse was a -structure large enough to have required more than a year and a half to -build, but not so elaborate as to have cost more than 40,000 pounds of -tobacco. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [22] RALPH HAPPEL, "Stafford and King George Courthouses and - the Fate of Marlborough, Port of Entry," _VHM_ (Richmond, - 1958), vol. 66, pp. 183-194. - - [23] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 187. - - [24] Ibid., p. 122. - - [25] _William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World (1676-1701)_, - op. cit. (footnote 3), p. 241. - - [26] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 194. - - [27] Ibid., p. 182. - - [28] In Virginia recurrent English fears of Catholic - domination were reflected at this time in hysterical rumors - that the Roman Catholics of Maryland were plotting to stir up - the Indians against Virginia. In Stafford County these - suspicions were inflamed by the harangues of Parson John - Waugh, minister of Stafford Parish church and Chotank church. - Waugh, who seems to have been a rabble rouser, appealed to - the same small landholders and malcontents as those who, a - generation earlier, had followed Nathaniel Bacon's - leadership. So seriously did the authorities at Jamestown - regard the disturbance at Stafford courthouse that they sent - three councillors to investigate. See "Notes," _William & - Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine_ (Richmond, 1907), - 1st ser., vol. 15, pp. 189-190 (hereinafter designated _WMQ_) - [1]; and Richard Beale Davis' introduction to _William - Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, op. cit. (footnote 3), - pp. 35-39, and p. 251. - - [29] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 167. - - [30] Ibid., pp. 194, 267, 313. - - [31] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 3, p. 60; EDWARD M. - RILEY, "The Colonial Courthouses of York County, Virginia," - _William & Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine_ - (Williamsburg, 1942), 2nd ser., vol. 22, pp. 399-404 - (hereinafter designated _WMQ_ [2]). - - -LOCATION OF THE STAFFORD COURTHOUSE - -The location of the building is indicated by a notation on Buckner's -plat of the port town: "The fourth course (runs) down along by the Gutt -between Geo: Andrew's & the Court house to Potomack Creek." A glance at -the plat (fig. 2) will disclose that the longitudinal boundaries of all -the lots south of a line between George Andrews' "Gutt" run parallel to -this fourth course. Plainly, the courthouse was situated near the head -of the gutt, where the westerly boundary course changed, near the end of -"The Broad Street Across the Town." It may be significant that the -foundation (Structure B) on which John Mercer's mansion was later built -is located in this vicinity. - -In or about the year 1718 the courthouse "burnt Down,"[32] while it was -reported as "being become ruinous" in 1720, with its "Situation very -inconvenient for the greater part of the Inhabitants." It was then -agreed to build a new courthouse "at the head of Ocqua Creek."[33] Aquia -Creek was probably meant, but this must have been an error and the "head -of Potomac Creek" intended instead. Happel shows that it was built on -the south side of Potomac Creek. Thus, the burning of the Marlborough -courthouse in 1718 merely speeded up the forces that led to the end of -the town's career. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [32] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). - - [33] _Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial Virginia_ - (Richmond, 1930), vol. 2, p. 527. - - -MARLBOROUGH PROPERTY OWNERS - -Not only was Marlborough foredoomed by external decrees and adverse -official decisions, but much of its failure was rooted in the local -elements by which it was constituted. The great majority of lot holders -were the "gentlemen" who were so carefully distinguished from "all other -of the Inhabitants" in the order to survey the town in 1691. Most were -leading personages in Stafford, and we may assume that their purchases -of lots were made in the interests of investment gains, not in -establishing homes or businesses. Only three or four yeomen and ordinary -keepers seem to have settled in the town. - -Sampson Darrell, for example, held two lots, but he lived at Aquia -Creek.[34] Francis Hammersley was a planter who married Giles Brent's -widow and lived at "The Retirement," one of the Brent estates.[35] -George Brent, nephew of the original Giles Brent, was law partner of -William Fitzhugh, and had been appointed Receiver General of the -Northern Neck in 1690. His brother Robert also was a lot holder. Both -lived at Woodstock, and presumably they did not maintain residences at -the port town.[36] Other leading citizens were Robert Alexander, Samuel -Hayward, and Martin Scarlett, but again there is little likelihood that -they were ever residents of the town. John Waugh, the uproarious pastor -of Potomac Parish, also was a lot holder, but he lived on the south side -of Potomac Creek in a house which belonged to Mrs. Anne Meese of London. -His failure to pay for that house after 11 years' occupancy of it, which -led to a suit in which Fitzhugh was the prosecutor, does not suggest -that he ever arrived at building a house in the port town.[37] - -Captain George Mason was a distinguished individual who lived at -"Accokeek," about a mile and a half from Marlborough. He certainly built -in the town, for in 1691 he petitioned for a license to "keep an -ordinary at the Town or Port for this county." The petition was granted -on condition that he "find a good and Sufficient maintenance and -reception both for man and horse." Captain Mason was grandfather of -George Mason of Gunston Hall, author of the Virginia Bill of Rights, and -was, at one time or another, sheriff, lieutenant colonel and commander -in chief of the Stafford Rangers, and a burgess. He participated in -putting down the uprising of Nanticoke Indians in 1692, bringing in -captives for trial at the unfinished courthouse in March of that -year.[38] Despite his interest in the town, however, it is unlikely that -he ever lived there. - -Another lot owner was Captain Malachi Peale, whose lease of the town -land from the Brents had been purchased when the site was selected. He -also was an important figure, having been sheriff. He may well have -lived on one of his three lots, since he was a resident of the Neck to -begin with. John Withers, one of the first feoffees and a justice of the -peace, was a lot holder also. George Andrews and Peter Beach, somewhat -less distinguished, were perhaps the only full-time residents from among -the first grantees. After 1708 Thomas Ballard and possibly William -Barber were also householders. - -Thus, few of the ingredients of an active community were to be found at -Marlborough, the skilled craftsmen or ship's chandlers or merchants who -might have provided the vitality of commerce and trade not having at any -time been present. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [34] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 251. - - [35] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12); - _William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, op. cit. - (footnote 3), p. 209. - - [36] Ibid., pp. 76, 93, 162, 367. - - [37] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 203; _William - Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, op. cit. (footnote 3), - pp. 209, 211. - - [38] Ibid., pp. 184, 230; John Mercer's Land Book, op. cit. - (footnote 12); _William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, - op. cit. (footnote 3), p. 38. - - -HOUSING - -It is likely that most of the houses in the town conformed to the -minimum requirements of 20 by 20 feet. They were probably all of wood, a -story and a half high with a chimney built against one end. Forman -describes a 20-foot-square house foundation at Jamestown, known as the -"House on Isaac Watson's Land." This had a brick floor and a fireplace -large enough to take an 8-foot log as well as a setting for a brew -copper. The ground floor consisted of one room, and there was probably a -loft overhead providing extra sleeping and storage space.[39] The -original portion of the Digges house at Yorktown, built following the -Port Act of 1705 and still standing, is a brick house, also 20 feet -square and a story and a half high. Yet, brick houses certainly were not -the rule. In remote Stafford County, shortly before the port town was -built, the houses of even well-placed individuals were sometimes -extremely primitive. William Fitzhugh wrote in 1687 to his lawyer and -merchant friend Nicholas Hayward in London, "Your brother Joseph's -building that Shell, of a house without Chimney or partition, & not one -tittle of workmanship about it more than a Tobacco house work, carry'd -him into those Arrears with your self & his other Employees, as you -found by his Accots. at his death."[40] Ancient English puncheon-type -construction, with studs and posts set three feet into the ground, was -still in use at Marlborough in 1691, as we know from the contract for -building a prison quoted by Happel.[41] No doubt the houses there -varied in quality, but we may be sure that most were crude, inexpertly -built, of frame or puncheon-type construction, and subject to -deterioration by rot and insects. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [39] HENRY CHANDLEE FORMAN, _Jamestown and St. Mary's_ - (Baltimore, 1938), pp. 135-137. - - [40] _William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, op. cit. - (footnote 3), p. 203. - - [41] HAPPEL, op. cit. (footnote 22), p. 186; Stafford County - Order Book, 1689-1694, pp. 210-211. - - -FURNISHINGS OF TWO MARLBOROUGH HOUSES - -Like George Mason, George Andrews ran an ordinary at the port town, -having been licensed in 1693, and he also kept the ferry across Potomac -Creek.[42] He died in 1698, leaving the property to his grandson John -Cave. From the inventory of his estate recorded in the Stafford County -records (Appendix A) we obtain a picture not only of the furnishings of -a house in the port town, but also of what constituted an ordinary.[43] -We are left with no doubt that as a hostelry Andrews' house left much to -be desired. There were no bedsteads, although six small feather beds -with bolsters and one old and small flock bed are listed. (Flock -consisted of tufted and fragmentary pieces of wool and cotton, while -"Bed" referred not to a bedframe or bedstead but to the tick or -mattress.) There were two pairs of curtains and valances. In the 17th -century a valance was "A border of drapery hanging around the canopy of -a bed."[44] Curtains customarily were suspended from within the valance -from bone or brass curtain rings on a rod or wire, and were drawn around -the bed for privacy or warmth. Where high post bedsteads were used, the -curtains and valances were supported on the rectangular frame of the -canopy or tester. Since George Andrews did not list any bedsteads, it is -possible that his curtains and valances were hung from bracketed frames -above low wooden frames that held the bedding. Six of his beds were -covered with "rugs," one of which was "Turkey work." There is no -indication of sheets or other refinements for sleeping. - -Andrews' furniture was old, but apparently of good quality. Four "old" -cane chairs, which may have dated back as far as 1660, were probably -English, of carved walnut. The "old" table may have had a turned or a -joined frame, or possibly may have been a homemade trestle table. An -elegant touch was the "carpet," which undoubtedly covered it. Chests of -drawers were rare in the 17th century, so it is surprising to find one -described here as "old." A "cupboard" was probably a press or court -cupboard for the display of plates and dishes and perhaps the pair of -"Tankards" listed in the inventory. The latter may have been pewter or -German stoneware with pewter mounts. The "couch" was a combination bed -and settee. As in every house there were chests, but of what sort or -quality we can only surmise. A "great trunk" provided storage. - -Andrews' hospitality as host is symbolized by his _lignum vitae_ -punchbowl. Punch itself was something of an innovation and had first -made its appearance in England aboard ships arriving from India early in -the 1600's. It remained a sailor's drink throughout most of the century, -but had begun to gain in general popularity before 1700 in the colonies. -What is more remarkable here, however, is the container. Edward M. Pinto -states that such _lignum vitae_ "wassail" bowls were sometimes large -enough to hold five gallons of punch and were kept in one place on the -table, where all present took part in the mixing. They were lathe-turned -and usually stood on pedestals.[45] George Andrews' nutmeg graters, -silver spoons, and silver dram cup for tasting the spirits that were -poured into the punch were all elegant accessories. - -Another resident whose estate was inventoried was Peter Beach.[46] One -of his executors was Daniel Beach, who was paid 300 pounds of tobacco -annually from 1700 to 1703 for "sweeping" and "cleaning" the courthouse -(Appendix B). Beach's furnishings were scarcely more elaborate than -Andrews'. Unlike Andrews, he owned four bedsteads, which with their -curtains and fittings (here called "furniture") varied in worth from 100 -to 1500 pounds of tobacco. Here again was a cupboard, while there were -nine chairs with "flag" seats and "boarded" backs (rush-seated chairs, -probably of the "slat-back" or "ladder-back" variety). Eight more chairs -and five stools were not described. A "parcel of old tables" was listed, -but only one table appears to have been in use. There were pewter and -earthenware, but a relatively few cooking utensils. An "old" pewter -tankard was probably the most elegant drinking vessel, while one -candlestick was a grudging concession to the need for artificial light. -The only books were two Bibles; the list mentions a single indentured -servant. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [42] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 195. - - [43] Stafford County Will Book, Liber Z, pp. 168-169. - - [44] _A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles_ - (Oxford, 1928), vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 18. - - [45] EDWARD H. PINTO, _Treen, or Small Woodware Throughout - the Ages_ (London, 1949), p. 20. - - [46] Stafford County Will Book, Liber Z, pp. 158-159. - - -THE GREGG SURVEY - -In 1707, after the revival of the Port Act, the new county surveyor, -Thomas Gregg, made another survey of the town. This was done apparently -without regard to Buckner's original survey. Since Gregg adopted an -entirely new system of numbering, and since his survey was lost at an -early date, it is impossible to locate by their description the sites of -the lots granted in 1708 and after. - -Forty years later John Mercer wrote: - - It is certain that Thomas Gregg (being the Surveyor of Stafford - County) did Sep 2^d 1707 make a new Survey of the Town.... it is as - certain that Gregg had no regard either to the bounds or numbers of - the former Survey since he begins his Numbers the reverse way - making his number 1 in the corner at Buckner's 19 & as his Survey - is not to be found its impossible to tell how he continued his - Numbers. No scheme I have tried will answer, & the Records differ - as much, the streets according to Buckner's Survey running thro the - House I lived in built by Ballard tho his whole lot was ditched in - according to the Bounds made by Gregg.[47] - -Whatever the intent may have been in laying out formal street and lot -plans, Marlborough was essentially a rustic village. If Gregg's plat ran -streets through the positions of houses on the Buckner survey, and vice -versa, it is clear that not much attention was paid to theoretical -property lines or streets. Ballard apparently dug a boundary ditch -around his lot, according to Virginia practice in the 17th century, but -the fact that this must have encroached on property assigned to somebody -else on the basis of the Buckner survey seems not to have been noted at -the time. Rude houses placed informally and connected by lanes and -footpaths, the courthouse attempting to dominate them like a village -schoolmaster in a class of country bumpkins, a few outbuildings, a boat -landing or two, some cultivated land, and a road leading away from the -courthouse to the north with another running in the opposite direction -to the creek--this is the way Marlborough must have looked even in its -best days in 1708. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [47] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). - -THE DEATH OF MARLBOROUGH AS A TOWN - -Could this poor village have survived had the courthouse not burned? It -was an unhappy contrast to the vision of a town governed by "benchers of -the guild hall," bustling with mercantile activity, swarming on busy -market days with ordinaries filled with people. This fantasy may have -pulsated briefly through the minds of a few. But, after the abrogation -of the Port Act in 1710, there was little left to justify the town's -existence other than the courthouse. So long as court kept, there was -need for ordinaries and ferries and for independent jacks-of-all-trades -like Andrews. But with neither courthouse nor port activity nor -manufacture, the town became a paradox in an economy and society of -planters. - -Remote and inaccessible, uninhabited by individuals whose skills could -have given it vigor, Marlborough no longer had any reason for being. It -lingered on for a short time, but when John Mercer came to transform the -abandoned village into a flourishing plantation, "Most of the other -Buildings were suffered to go to Ruin, so that in the year 1726, when -your Petitioner [i.e., Mercer] went to live there, but one House -twenty-feet square was standing."[48] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [48] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). - - - - -II - -_John Mercer's Occupation of Marlborough, 1726-1730_ - - -MERCER'S ARRIVAL IN STAFFORD COUNTY - -By 1723 Marlborough lay abandoned. George Mason (III), son of the late -sheriff and ordinary keeper in the port town, held the now-empty title -of feoffee, together with Rice Hooe. In that year Mason and Hooe -petitioned the General Court "that Leave may be given to bring in a Bill -to enable them to sell the said Land [of the town] the same not being -built upon or Inhabited." The petition was put aside for consideration," -but within a week--on May 21, 1723--it was "ordered That Rice Hooe & -George Mason be at liberty to withdraw their petition ... and that the -Committee to whom it was referred be discharged from proceeding -thereon."[49] - -This curious sequence remains unexplained. Had the committee informally -advised the feoffees that their cause would be rejected, suggesting, -therefore, that they withdraw their petition? Or had something -unexpected occurred to provide an alternative solution to the problem of -Marlborough? - -Possibly it was the latter, and the unexpected occurrence may have been -the arrival in Stafford County of young John Mercer. There is no direct -evidence that Mercer was in the vicinity as early as 1723; but we know -that he appeared before 1725, that he had by then become well acquainted -with George Mason, and that he settled in Marlborough in 1726. - -Mercer's remarkable career began with his arrival in Virginia at the -age of 16. Born in Dublin in 1704, the son of a Church Street merchant -of English descent--also named John Mercer--and of Grace Fenton Mercer, -John was educated at Trinity College, and then sailed for the New World -in 1720.[50] How Mercer arrived in Virginia or what means he brought -with him are lost to the record. From his own words written toward the -end of his life we know that he was not overburdened with wealth: - - "Except my education I never got a shilling of my fathers or - any other relations estate, every penny I ever got has been - by my own industry & with as much fatigue as most people have - undergone."[51] - -From his second ledger (the first, covering the years 1720-1724, having -been lost) we learn that he was engaged in miscellaneous trading, -sailing up and down the rivers in his sloop and exchanging goods along -the way. Where his home was in these early years we do not know, but it -would appear that he had been active in the Stafford County region for -some time, judging from the fact that by 1725 he had accumulated L322 -4s. 5-1/2d. worth of tobacco in a warehouse at the falls of the -Rappahannock.[52] He certainly had encountered George Mason before then, -and probably Mason's uncles, John, David, and James Waugh, the sons of -Parson John Waugh, all of whom owned idle Marlborough properties. - -Mercer's friendship with the Masons was sufficiently well established by -1725 that on June 10 of that year he married George's sister Catherine. -This marriage, most advantageous to an aspiring young man, was -celebrated at Mrs. Ann Fitzhugh's in King George County with the -Reverend Alexander Scott of Overwharton Parish in Stafford County -officiating.[53] Thus, allied to an established family that was "old" by -standards of the time and sponsored socially by a representative of the -Fitzhughs, Mercer was admitted at the age of 21 to Virginia's growing -aristocracy. - -In this animated and energetic youth, the Masons and Waughs probably saw -the means of bringing Marlborough back to life. Mercer, for his part, no -doubt recognized the advantages that Marlborough offered, with its -sheltered harbor and landing, its fertile, flat fields, and airy -situation. That it could be acquired piecemeal at a minimum of -investment through the provisions of the Act for Ports was an added -inducement. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [49] _JHB, 1712-1726_ (Richmond, 1912), pp. 336, 373. - - [50] "Journals of the Council of Virginia in Executive - Session 1737-1763," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1907), vol. 14, pp. - 232-235. - - [51] _George Mercer Papers Relating to the Ohio Company of - Virginia_, comp. and edit. by Lois Mulkearn (Pittsburgh: - University of Pittsburgh Press, 1954), p. 204. - - [52] John Mercer's Ledger B is the principal source of - information for this chapter. It was begun in 1725 and ended - in 1732. The original copy is in the library of the Bucks - County Historical Society, Doylestown, Pennsylvania, a - photostatic copy being in the Virginia State Library. Further - footnoted references to the ledger are omitted, since the - source in each case is recognizable. - - [53] JAMES MERCER GARNET, "James Mercer," _WMQ_ [1] - (Richmond, 1909), vol. 17, pp. 85-98. Mrs. Ann Fitzhugh was - the widow of William Fitzhugh III, who died in 1713/14. She - was the daughter of Richard Lee and lived at "Eagle's Nest" - in King George County (see "The Fitzhugh Family," VHM - [Richmond, 1900], vol. 7, pp. 317-318). - - -JOHN MERCER AS A TRADER - -During 1725 Mercer pressed ahead with his trading enterprises. From his -ledger we learn that he sold Richard Ambler of Yorktown 710 pounds of -"raw Deerskins" for L35 10s. and bought L200 worth of "sundry goods" -from him. Between October 1725 and February 1726 he sold a variety of -furnishings and equipment to Richard Johnson, ranging from a "horsewhip" -and a "silk Rugg" to "1/2 doz. Shoemaker's knives" and an "Ivory Comb." -In return he received two hogsheads of tobacco, "a Gallon of syder -Laceground," and raw and dressed deerskins. He maintained a similar -long account with Mosley Battaley (Battaille) (Appendix C). From William -Rogers of Yorktown[54] he bought L12 3s. 6d. worth of earthenware, -presumably for resale. The tobacco which he had accumulated at the falls -of the Rappahannock he sold for cash to the Gloucester firm of Whiting & -Montague, paying Peter Kemp two pounds "for the extraordinary trouble of -y^r coming up so far for it." - -[Illustration: Figure 3.--PORTRAIT OF JOHN MERCER, artist unknown. About -1750. (_Courtesy of Mrs. Thomas B. Payne._)] - -His sloop was the principal means by which Mercer conducted his -business. Occasionally he rented it for hire, once sharing the proceeds -of a load of oystershells with George Mason and one Edgeley, who had -sailed the sloop to obtain the shells. Only one item shows that Mercer -extended his mercantile activities to slaves: on February 18, 1726, he -sold a mulatto woman named Sarah to Philemon Cavanaugh "to be paid in -heavy tobacco each hhd to weigh 300 Neat." - -That Mercer was turning in the direction of a legal career is revealed -in his first account of "Domestick Expenses" for the fall of 1725 -(Appendix D). We find that he was attending court sessions far and wide: -"Cash for Exp^s at Stafford & Spotsylvania," "Cash for Exp^s Urbanna," -the same for "Court Ferrage at Keys." He already was reading in the law, -and lent "March's Actions of Slander," "Washington's Abridgm^t of y^e -Statutes," and "an Exposition of the Law Terms" to Mosley Battaley. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [54] William Rogers, who died in 1739, made earthenware and - stoneware at Yorktown after 1711. See C. MALCOLM WATKINS and - IVOR NOEL HUME, "The 'Poor Potter' of Yorktown" (paper 54 in - _Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology_, - U.S. National Museum Bulletin 249, by various authors; - Washington: Smithsonian Institution), 1967. - - -SETTING UP HOUSEKEEPING - -Mercer's domestic-expense account is full of evidence that he was -preparing to set up housekeeping. He bought "1 China punch bowl," 10s.; -"6 glasses," 3s.; "1 box Iron & heaters," 2s. 6d.; "1 p^r fine -blankets," 1s. 13d.; "Earthen ware," 10s.; "5 Candlesticks," 17s. 6d.; -"1 Bed Cord," 2s.; "3 maple knives & forks," 2s.; "1 yew haft knife & -fork & 1 p^r Stilds [steelyards?]," 1s. 10-1/2d.; "1 p^r Salisbury -Scissors," 2s. 6d.; and "1 speckled knife & fork," 5d. - -In addition, he accepted as payment for various cloth and materials sold -to Mrs. Elizabeth Russell the following furniture and furnishings: - - Ster. L s. d. - By a writing desk D^o 5 - By a glass & Cover D^o 7 6 - By 18^l Pewter at 1/4 D^o 1 4 - By 6 tea Cups & Sawcers 2/ D^o 12 - By 2 Chocolate Cups 1/ D^o 2 - By 2 Custard Cups 9^d D^o 1 6 - By 1 Tea Table painted with fruit D^o 14 - By 6 leather Chairs @ 7/ 2 2 - By a small walnut eating table 8 - By 1/2 doz. Candlemoulds 10 - By a Tea table 18 - By a brass Chafing dish 5 - By 6 copper tart pans 6 - -At the time of this purchase, the only house standing at Marlborough was -that built by Thomas Ballard in 1708. It was inherited by his godson -David Waugh,[55] who now apparently offered to let his niece Catherine -and her new husband occupy it. Mercer later referred to it as "the -House I lived in built by Ballard."[56] From his own records we know -that he moved to Marlborough in 1726. He did so probably in the summer, -since on June 11 he settled with Charles McClelland for "cleaning out -y^e house." Unoccupied for years and small in size, it was a humble -place in which to set up housekeeping, and indeed must have needed -"cleaning out." It also must have needed extensive repairs, since Mercer -purchased 1500 tenpenny nails "used about it." - -Throughout 1726 Mercer acquired household furnishings, made repairs and -improvements, and obtained the necessities of a plantation. On February -1 he acquired "3 Ironbacks" (cast-iron firebacks for fireplaces) for L8 -4s. 2d., as well as "2 p^r hand Irons" for 15s. 5d., from Edmund Bagge. -From George Rust he bought "3 Cows & Calves" for L7 10s., a featherbed -for L3 10s., and an "Iron pot" for 5s. - -His reckoning with John Dogge opens with a poignant note, "By a Child's -Coffin": Mercer's first-born child had died. On the same account was "an -Oven," bought for 17 shillings. Dogge also was credited with "bringing -over 10 sheep from Sumners" (a plantation at Passapatanzy, south of -Potomac Creek). Rawleigh Chinn was paid for "plowing up & fencing in my -yard" and for "fetching 3 horses over the Creek." Also credited to Chinn -was an item revealing Mercer's sporting enthusiasm: "went on y^e main -race ... 15/." - -From Alexander Buncle, Mercer acquired one dozen table knives, three -chamber-door locks, two pairs of candle snuffers, and two broad axes. -His account with Alexander McFarlane in 1726, the credit side of which -is quoted here in part, is a further illustration of the variety of -hardware and consumable goods that he required: - - L s. d. - 2 p^r men's Shooes 9 - 1 Razor & penknife 2 6 - 2-1/4 gall Rum 6 9 - 9 gals. molasses 13 - 12^1 brown Sugar 6 - 6-1/4 double refined D^o 20^d 10 5 - 1 felt hat 2 4 - 1 q^t Limejuice 1 - 2 doz. Claret 1 10 - 2 lanthorns 6 - 1 funnell 7-1/2 - 1 quart & 1 pint tin pot 1 10-1/2 - - * * * - - By 2 doz & 8 bottles Claret 2 8 - By a woman's horsewhip 3 - By 1^{oz} Gunpowder - By 10^l Shot - By 1 wom^s bound felt [hat] - -Mercer's comments, added three years later to this record, signify the -complexities of credit accounting in the plantation economy: "In July -1729 I settled Accounts w^{th} M^r M^cFarlane & paid him off & at the -same time having Ed Barry's note on him for 1412^l Tob^o (his goods -being extravagantly dear) I paid him 1450^l Tob^o to M^r Thos Smith to -ball^{ns} accts." - -Another of Mercer's accounts was with Edward Simm. From Simm, Mercer -acquired the following in 1726: - - L s. d. - 1 horsewhip 4 - 1 fine hat 12 - 9 y^{ds} bedtick 3/4 1 10 - 1 p^r Spurs 8 - 1 Curry Comb & brush 2 9 - 2 p^r mens Shooes 5/ 10 - 1 p^r Chelloes 1 10 - 2 p^r wom^s gloves 2/ 4 - 2 p^r D^o thread hose 9 - 2 p^r mens worsted d^o 8 - 2 p^r ch^{kr} yarn 3 4 - 1 Sifter 2 - 1 frying pan 4 6 - 7 quire of paper 1-1/4 9 8 - 6 silk Laces 4^d 2 - -FOOTNOTES: - - [55] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). - - [56] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). - - -ACQUIRING LAND AND BUILDING A NEW HOUSE - -Mercer's first actual ownership of property came as a result of his -marriage. In 1725 he purchased from his wife Catherine 885 acres of land -near Potomac Church for L221 5s. and another tract of 1610 acres on -Potomac Run for L322.[57] His occupancy of the Ballard house, meanwhile, -was arranged on a most informal basis, three years having been allowed -to pass before he paid his first and only rent--a total of 12 -shillings--to his uncle-in-law David Waugh. - -In January 1730 the following appears under "Domestick Expenses": "To -bringing the frame of my house from Jervers to Marlbro ... 40/." -Associated with this are items for 2000 tenpenny nails, 2000 eightpenny -nails, and 1000 sixpenny nails, together with "To Chandler Fowke for -plank," "To J^{no} Chambers &c bring board from Landing," and "To John -Chambers & Robt Collins for bringing Bricks & Oyster Shells." - -In the same month the account of Anthony Linton and Henry Suddath -includes the following: - - By building a house at Marlborough when finished - by agreement L10.0.0 - By covering my house & building a Chimney 3.0.0 - -Clearly, the Mercers had outgrown the temporary shelter which the little -Ballard house had given them. Now a new house was under construction, -with the steps plainly indicated. To obtain timber of sufficient size to -frame the house it was necessary to go where the trees grew. The nearest -thickly forested area was north of Potomac Creek and Potomac Run. The -appropriate timbers apparently grew on property owned by Mercer but -occupied by the widow of James Jervis (or "Jervers"). Not only did the -trees grow there, but we may be sure that there they were also felled, -hewn, and cut, and the finished members fitted together on the ground to -form the frame of the new house. It was a time-honored English building -practice to prepare the timbers where they were felled, shaping them, -drilling holes for "trunnels" (wooden pegs or "tree nails"), inscribing -coded numbers with lumber markers, and then knocking the prefabricated -members apart and transporting them to the building site.[58] - -Oystershells and bricks for the chimney were brought from Cedar Point -and Boyd's Hole, south of Marlborough, by Chambers and Collins. Shells -were probably burned at the house site to make lime for mortar. Chambers -was paid 12 pence a day for 32-1/2 days' work spread over a period from -October 1730 to February 1731. Hugh French had been paid for 1000 bricks -on August 24, 1730, while James Jones, on October 3, 1730, was -recompensed three shillings for "9 days of work your Man plaistering my -House & making 2 brick backs." - -[Illustration: Figure 4.--THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF JOHN MERCER. Detail from -J. Dalrymple's revision (1755) of the map of Virginia by Joseph Fry and -Peter Jefferson. Marlborough is incorrectly designated "New Marleboro." -(_Courtesy of the Library of Congress._)] - -The new house was thus brought to completion early in 1731. That it was -a plain and simple house is apparent from the small amount of labor and -the relatively few quantities of material. It appears to have had two -fireplaces only and one chimney. Although the house was wooden, there is -no evidence that it had any paint whatsoever, inside or out. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [57] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). - - [58] CHARLES F. INNOCENT, _The Development of English - Building Construction_ (Cambridge, England: Cambridge - University Press, 1916), pp. 23-61. - - -FURNISHING THE HOUSE - -Other than a child's chair and a bedstead costing 10 shillings, -purchased from Enoch Innes in 1729, little furniture was acquired before -1730. Listed in "Domestick Expenses" for 1729-1730 are minor accessories -for the new house, such as HL hinges, closet locks, a "scimmer," a pair -of brass candlesticks, milk pans, pestle and mortar, "1/2 doz plates," a -"Cullender," a candlebox, earthenware, and a pepperbox, together with -several handtools. - - -MERCER'S VARIED ACTIVITIES AND INTERESTS - -The agricultural aspects of a plantation were increasingly in evidence. -In 1729 Rawleigh Chinn was paid for "helping to kill the Hogs," -"pasturage of my cattle," and "making a gate." Edward Floyd was credited -with L4 6s. 7-1/2d. for "Wintering Cattle, taking care of my horse & -Sheep to Aug. 1729." John Chinn seems to have been Mercer's jockey, for -as early as 1729 he was entering the races which abounded in Virginia, -and "went on y^e race w^{th} Colt 1729." - -In this early period we find considerable evidence of a typical young -Virginian's fondness for gaming and sport. One finds scattered through -Mercer's account with Robert Spotswood such items as "To won at the Race -... 8.9" and "To won at Liew at Col^o Mason's ... 7.3." (Loo was an -elegant 18th-century game played with Chinese-carved mother-of-pearl -counters.) Mercer participated in several sporting events at Stafford -courthouse, for court sessions continued, as in the previous century, -to be social as well as legal and political occasions. This is -illustrated in a credit to Joseph Waugh: "By won at a horse race at -Stafford Court and Attorney's fee ... L1."; on the debit side of Enoch -Innes's account: "To won at Quoits & running with you ... 1/3"; and in -Thomas Hudson's account, where four shillings were marked up "To won -pitching at Stafford Court." - -Mercer's diversions were few enough, nevertheless, and it is apparent -that he devoted more time to reading than to gaming. In 1726 he borrowed -from John Graham (or Graeme) a library of 56 volumes belonging to the -"Hon^{ble} Col^o Spotswood"[59] (Appendix E). Ranging from the Greek -classics to English history, and including Milton, Congreve, Dryden, -Cole's Dictionary, "Williams' Mathematical Works," and "Present State of -Russia," they were the basis for a solid education. That they included -no lawbooks at a time when Mercer was preparing for the law is an -indication of his broad taste for literature and learning. - -Marlborough, we can see, was occupied by a young man of talent, energy, -and creativity. He alone, of the many men who had envisioned a center of -enterprise on Potomac Neck, was possessed of the drive and the simple -directness to make it succeed. For George Mason and the Waughs, Mercer -was the ideal solution for their Marlborough difficulties. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [59] Col. Alexander Spotswood, Governor of Virginia and a - resident of Spotsylvania County, was at this time living in - London. He authorized John Graham (or Graeme) of St. James, - Clerkenwell, Middlesex, to "take possession of his iron works - in Virginia, with plantations, negroes, stocks, and manage - the same." By 1732 Spotswood regretted that he had "committed - his affairs to the care of a mathematician, whose thoughts - were always among the stars." In 1737 Graham became professor - of natural philosophy and mathematics in the College of - William and Mary. See "Historical & Genealogical Notes," WMQ - [1] (Richmond, 1909), vol. 17, p. 301 (quoting Basset, - _Writings of William Byrd_, p. 378). - - - - -III - -_Mercer's Consolidation of Marlborough, 1730-1740_ - - -MERCER THE YOUNG LAWYER - -The 1730's opened a golden age in the Virginia colony. There was an -interval of peace in which trade might flourish; there were new laws -which favored the tobacco planter and led to the building of resplendent -mansions along Virginia's shores. John Mercer wasted no time in grasping -the opportunities that lay about him. With shrewd foresight he made law -his major objective, thus raising himself above most of his -contemporaries. At the same time he began an extensive purchasing of -property, so that within a decade he was to become one of the major -landed proprietors in the colony. Planting and legal practice each -augmented the other in Mercer's prosperity, which was assured by a -classic combination of energy, ability, and outgoing personality. As -with many successful men, Mercer had an eye for meticulous detail; the -documents he left behind were a treasury of methodically kept records. - -His Ledger B reveals that as early as 1730 his legal career was becoming -firmly established. It records fee accounts, charges for drawing deeds, -writing bonds, and representing clients in various courts. In that year -he "subscribed to Laws of Virginia" through William Parks, the -Williamsburg printer and stationer, and began to build up a substantial -law library, which was augmented by the purchase of 40 lawbooks from -Robert Beverley. - - -DIFFICULTIES IN ACQUIRING MARLBOROUGH - -On October 13, 1730, Mercer obtained title from David Waugh to the -Ballard house and lots on the basis of the "Statute for transforming -uses into possessions." At the same time he acquired the three lots -originally granted to John Waugh, while nine months later he was given -the release of the three lots inherited by George Mason from his -father.[60] Mercer's foothold in Marlborough was now secure. - -Following these developments, he "employed the County Surveyor to lay -off the several Lots he had purchased," which led to the discovery of -the previously mentioned disparities and conflicts between the Buckner -survey of 1691 and the missing Gregg survey of 1707. For some reason the -town now lacked feoffees, so Mercer "applied to the County Court of -Stafford on the tenth day of June one thousand seven hundred and -thirty-one and the said Court then appointed Henry Fitzhugh Esquire and -James Markham Gent. Feofees of the said Town." Mercer stated that he -"proposed making great Improvements ... and wanted to take up several -other Lots to build on." The court thereupon ordered John Savage, the -county surveyor, to make a new survey, "having regard to the Buildings -and Improvements then standing"--a significant instruction, intended no -doubt to permit the reconciling of conflicting titles with respect to -what actually was built.[61] - -The new survey was laid out July 23, 1731, "in the presence of the said -Feoffees," and drawn with the same plan and numbering as Buckner's, -except that an additional row of lots was applied along the western -border of the town, compressing slightly the former lots as planned by -Buckner and pushing them eastward (fig. 2). This extra row, we have -reason to believe, was added with "regard to the Buildings and -Improvements then standing." - -At the time of the survey, the feoffees told Mercer "that he might -proceed in his Buildings and Improvements on any the said Lots not -before granted," promising that they would at any time make him "any -Title they could lawfully pass." A proposal by Fitzhugh to give title to -any lots already purchased or any which Mercer might take up under terms -of the Port Act of 1705 was discouraged by Mercer's lawyer, Mr. Hopkins, -who took the view that, since the three surveys conflicted, the deeds -would not be good. Accordingly, Fitzhugh and Mercer applied for an -"amicable Bill," or suit in chancery, in the General Court, in order "to -have Savage's or any particular Survey established." The request was -shelved, however, and still was unanswered in 1748. - -The extra row of lots and the court's instructions to Savage to make his -survey with "Regard to the Buildings and Improvements then Standing" -seem to be correlated. Savage made a significant notation on his survey -plat: "The lots marked 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, & 21 joining to the Creek are -in possession of Mr. John Mercer who claims them under Robinson, -Berryman, Pope & Parry, & under Ballard & under John Waugh dec^{ed}, all -w^{ch} he says have been built on and saved." On the Buckner plat the -lots bearing these numbers comprise a block of six in the southwest -corner of the town, extending up from the creek in two 3-tiered rows -(fig. 2). The plat included the lots near the head of the "gutt" where -the courthouse appears to have stood, as well as the land on which -Structure B (the foundation of Mercer's mansion) was excavated. The lots -appear in the same relationship on Savage's survey, except that the new -row bounds them on the west. - -We know that the Robinson-Berryman-Pope-Parry lot was the same lot -originally granted to Robert Alexander in 1691, numbered 19 on -Buckner's plat. It was granted to its later owners according to the -Gregg survey in 1707, and was then described as "being the first Lott -known in the Survey Platt by number 1." From Mercer we have learned -already that Gregg made "his number 1 in the corner at Buckner's 19." -The other five lots were claimed under Ballard and John Waugh. Waugh was -granted one lot in 1691--Buckner's number 20--and acquired two more in -1707. All three appear to have been in the corner block of six lots. In -any case, these six lots equal the number of lots known to have been -granted the above-listed lot holders. Both of Ballard's lots were -granted in 1707. His lot number 19 (Gregg survey), where Mercer first -lived, is described as "bounding Easterly with a lott surveyed for Mr. -John Waugh Westerly with a Narrow street Northerly with a lott not yet -surveyed, Southerly with the first main Street which is parallel with -Potomac Creek." We do not know which of Waugh's lots is meant, nor do we -know Gregg's street plan, except that it was at odds with Buckner's. But -it is probable that Ballard's lot (Gregg's number 19) was the same as -Buckner's number 21, that the crosstown street on Gregg's plat lay to -the south of the lot rather than to the north of it, as on Buckner's -plat, and that one of Waugh's lots lay to the east of it.[62] - -Assuming that the two acres for the courthouse were located near the -head of the "gutt" and that Ballard's lot 19 was approximately the same -as Buckner's 21, it is apparent that Ballard's lot must have overlapped -the courthouse lots in the confusion between the two surveys. Since -Mercer was living on Ballard's lot, he probably infringed on the -courthouse property. Even though the courthouse had been burned and -abandoned, the two acres assigned to it were required to revert to the -original owner, as provided in the Act of 1667, concerning church and -courthouse lands. In this case, the courthouse land, having been -"deserted," had reverted to the heir of Giles Brent. - -Mercer's embarrassment at this state of affairs must have been great. -However, the addition by Savage of a whole new row of lots along the -westerly border of the town created new acreage, sufficient both to -reconcile the conflict and to provide compensatory land to satisfy the -Brents. Unfortunately, the Savage survey, as we have noted, was not made -official, and Mercer was forced to continue his questionable occupancy -of properties whose titles were in doubt. - -[Illustration: Figure 5.--KING WILLIAM COURTHOUSE, about 1725. Mercer -often pleaded cases here. (From a Civil War period negative.) (_Courtesy -of Historic American Buildings Survey, Library of Congress._)] - -What is most significant to us in all this is the inference that the -courthouse, the Ballard house which Mercer occupied, and the Structure B -foundation were all in close proximity. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [60] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). - - [61] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). - - [62] Stafford County Will Book, Liber Z, pp. 407, 431, 497. - - -LARGE PROPERTY ACQUISITIONS - -Mercer's next purchase of Marlborough property was on July 28, 1737, -when he bought the three lots granted in 1691 to George Andrews from -Andrews' grandson, John Cave. Meanwhile, he began large-scale -acquisitions of lands elsewhere. By 1733 he had acquired an aggregate of -8096 acres in Prince William County. In addition, he obtained a "Lease -for three Lives" on three large tracts belonging to William Brent, -adjoining Marlborough, so that he controlled virtually all of Potomac -Neck.[63] - -Thus, after 1730 we find Mercer's fortune already well established and -increasing. No longer a youthful trader plying the Potomac in his sloop, -he was now a gentleman planter and influential lawyer. He lived in a new -house, owned some parts of Marlborough, and was building "improvements" -on others. Almost overnight he had become a landed proprietor. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [63] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). - - -SUCCESS AT LAW AND CONFLICTS WITH LAWYERS - -The source of Mercer's newly made wealth is easily discovered. His -ledger shows an income from legal fees in 1730 amounting to L291 10s. -10-1/2d. In 1731 the figure climbed to L643 18s. 2d., then leveled off -to L639 11s. 2-1/2d. the following year. For a young man still in his -twenties and self-trained in the law, this was a remarkable achievement. -His success perhaps is attributable to a single event that stemmed from -youthful brashness and vigorous outspokenness. Early in 1730, in a -daring gesture on behalf of property owners and taxpayers, he protested -against privileges granted in an act passed by the Assembly the previous -year "for encouraging Adventurers in Iron Works." Presented in the form -of a proposition, the protest was read before the Stafford court by -Peter Hedgman. The reaction to it in Williamsburg, once it had reached -the ears of the Assembly, was immediate and angry. The House of -Burgesses - - _Resolv'd_ That the Proposition from _Stafford_ County in relation - to the Act past in the last Session of this Assembly for - encouraging Adventurers in Iron Works is a scandalous and Seditious - Libel Containing false and scandalous Reflections upon the - Legislature and the Justices of the General Court and other Courts - of this Colony. - - _Resolv'd_ That _John Mercer_ the Author and Writer of that paper - and _Peter Hedgman_ one of the Subscribers who presented the same - to the Court of Stafford County to be certified to the General - Assembly are guilty of a high Misdemeanour. - - _Order'd_ That the said _John Mercer_ and _Peter Hedgman_ be sent - for in Custody of the Serjeant at Arms attending this House to - answer their said Offence at the Bar of this House.[64] - -Mercer and Hedgman made their apologies to the House, received their -reprimands, and paid their fines. But this protest, so offensive to the -dignity of the lawmakers, had its effect in forcing amendments to the -act, particularly in removing the requirement for building public roads -leading from the ironworks to the ore supplies and shipping points. To -those living in Stafford, particularly in the neighborhood of the -proposed Accokeek Ironworks, near Marlborough, this concession must have -elevated Mercer to the level of a hero.[65] - -Mercer's frank disposition led him into other difficulties during the -first years of his practice. His insistence on the prompt payment of -debts and his opposition to stays of execution following suits had won -him enemies at Prince William court. Charges of improper legal -activities were brought against him; these were investigated at -Williamsburg, with the result that on June 13, 1734, he was suspended -from practicing law in Virginia for a period of six months.[66] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [64] _JHB, 1727-1734; 1736-1740_ (Richmond, 1910), p. 66. - - [65] Ibid., p. xxi. - - [66] _Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial Virginia_ - (Richmond, Virginia: D. Bottom, superintendent of public - printing, 1925), vol. 4, p. 328. - - -TEMPORARY RETIREMENT, THE ABRIDGMENT, AND GUARDIANSHIP OF GEORGE MASON - -Deprived temporarily of his principal livelihood, Mercer set out to -write an _Abridgment of the Laws of Virginia_. The task completed, he -petitioned the General Court on April 23, 1735, for "leave to Print an -Abridgment compil'd by him of all the Laws of this Colony & to have the -benefit of the Sale thereof." On the same day he petitioned for a -renewal of his license, which was granted with the exception of the -right to practice in Prince William, where he was to remain _persona non -grata_ generally thereafter.[67] - -Soon after these events his brother-in-law and old acquaintance, George -Mason, drowned. Mercer was designated co-guardian of 10-year-old George -Mason IV, who came to live at Marlborough. Young George later grew up to -be the master of Gunston Hall and, as the author of the Virginia Bill of -Rights, to stand among the intellectuals whose ideas influenced the -Revolution and the framing of the Constitution. In these formative -years, young George Mason surely must have been affected by the strong -legal mind and cultivated tastes of his uncle.[68] - -On October 14, 1737, the _Virginia Gazette_ carried the following -advertisement: - - _This Day is Published_ - - An Exact Abridgment of the Laws of VIRGINIA, in Force and Use, to - this present time. By - - John Mercer. - -At long last, after innumerable delays, the _Abridgment_ was in print. -From a financial point of view it was a conspicuous failure. Too few -Virginians, apparently, were sufficiently interested to buy it. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [67] Ibid., p. 348. - - [68] KATE MASON ROWLAND, _The Life of George Mason_ (New York - and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1892), vol. 1, p. 49. - - -DOMESTIC FURNISHINGS AND SERVANTS - -During this eventful decade of the 1730's Mercer acquired the things -needed for the proper maintenance of his house and properties. One -requisite was Negro servants. From Pat Reyant he bought "a Girl named -Margaret" for 43 pounds of tobacco in 1730. In 1731 he bought Deborah, -Phillis, Peter, Nan, and Bob. The following year he obtained Lucy, Will, -and George, and, in 1733, Nero. His purchases increased as his -landholdings increased. In 1736 he bought five slaves, three of whom he -aptly named Dublin, Marlborough, and Stafford. - -To help feed his slaves during this early period, Mercer apparently -depended in part upon Stafford's wealth of natural resources. At least -we find a record of wild game entered on the same page and under the -same heading as his "Negroes" account in the ledger. There it is noted -that he purchased 42 ducks from Natt Hedgman on November 19, 1730, and -20 ducks from Rawleigh Chinn the same day, paying for them in powder and -shot. Two swans and a goose, as well as venison, appear on the list. -Payment for these was made in powder, shot, and wool. - -He continued, meanwhile, to equip his house. From John Foward (or -Foard), a London merchant, he bought a "frying pan" and "2 doz. -bottles," "1 tomahawk," "2 stock-locks," "1 padlock," "2 best padlocks," -"1 drawingknife," "9 p^r hinges," "3 clasp knives," and "1 gall. -Maderas." In April 1731, he bought from Captain Foward: - - L s. d. - 1 bellmettle skillet 4-1/2^{oz} at 2/ 9 - 1 copper Sausepan 7 - 1 Small D^o 5 4 - 1 hunting whip 5 - 1 halfcheck bridle 7 - 1 fine hat 12 - 1 wig Comb 6 - -Also in 1731 he bought "6 rush bottom Chairs" for 17 shillings and a -spinning wheel for 10 shillings from William Hamitt. The "writing desk" -which he had bought in 1725 apparently needed extensive and expensive -repairs, for in March 1731 there appears an item under "Domestick -Expenses," "To W^m Walker for mending Scoutore L1." (_Scoutore_ was one -of many corrupt spellings of _escritoire_, a slant-top desk.) William -Walker was a Stafford County cabinetmaker and builder, about whom we -shall hear much more. - -One of the most active accounts was that of Nathaniel Chapman,[69] who -directed the newly established Accokeek Ironworks. In 1731 he sold -Mercer several hundred nails of different descriptions, a variety of -hoes, ploughs, wedges, door latches, and heaters for smoothing irons. -One item is "By putting a leg in an old Iron Pott"; another is "By Col -Mason p^d for mending a snuff box. 2.6" (Appendix F). - -In 1732 he paid Thomas Staines L1 for "a Cradle," "two Bedsteads," and -"a weekes work." From John Blane, during the same year, he purchased -2500 tenpenny nails and the same quantity of eightpenny nails. He also -bought from Blane 4 "basons," a porringer, 100 needles, 2 penknives, a -gross of "thread buttons," and a pair of large "Scissars." Again, in -1732 he obtained from William Nisbett a quantity of miscellaneous goods, -including 10 parcels of earthenware and a pewter dish weighing 4 to 5 -ounces. He also settled with Samuel Stevens for "your share in making a -Canoe." - -FOOTNOTES: - - [69] Nathaniel Chapman headed the Accokeek Ironworks, - referred to by Mercer in Ledger G as "Chapman's Works at Head - of Bay." Although Mercer had opposed the act, which gave - privileges to the ironworks, he was a lifelong friend of - Chapman, who testified in his behalf in 1734 and served with - him on the Ohio Company Committee in the 1750's and 1760's. - Chapman was executor for the estates of Lawrence and - Augustine Washington. - - -TOBACCO WAREHOUSES - -The Tobacco Act of 1730 provided for the erection of public tobacco -warehouses, and Marlborough was selected as one of the sites.[70] In -1731 Mercer's account with John Waugh included "Timber for 2500 boards -@25/.L3.2.6" and "Posts & Ceils for two Warehouses, 12 shillings." In -April 1732 he settled accounts with Captain Henry Fitzhugh for "building -a Warehouse & Wharf & 6 prizes" at 3000 pounds of tobacco, or L15. The -prizes probably were "incentive awards" for the workmen. Included in -Fitzhugh's account were "3 days work of Caesar & Will," ten shillings, -and "4319 very bad Clapboards at 1/2^d y^e board." On March 25 he paid -Anthony Linton for 1820 clapboards, allowing him eight shillings for -"sawing of Boards." The warehouses were in operation in 1732, as we -learn from Mercer's "Account of Inspectors," but they suffered the fate -of all official enterprises at Marlborough, for in 1734 "the same were -put down, as being found very inconvenient."[71] The actual date of -their termination was November 16, 1735, when a new warehouse was -scheduled for completion at the mouth of Aquia Creek.[72] The expression -"put down" does not seem to mean that the warehouses were torn down, but -that they were officially discontinued. He apparently, however, -continued to use them for his own purposes. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [70] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 4, p. 268. - - [71] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). - - [72] _JHB, 1727-1734; 1736-1740_, op. cit. (footnote 6), p. - 202. - - -PERSONAL ACTIVITIES - -During the 1730's Mercer recorded a minimum of recreational activities. -Those that he did list are representative of the society of which he was -a part. Making wagers was a favorite amusement. For example, he was owed -L7 16s. by "Col^o George Braxton To a Wager you laid me at Cap^t Rob^t -Brooke's house before M^r James Reid, Will^m Brooke &c Six Guineas to -one that Col^o Spotswood would not during the Reign of K. George that -now is, procure a Commission as Chief or Lieu^t Gov^r of Virginia." In -1731 he paid William Brent "By a pistole won of me about Hedgman's -wrestling with and throwing Fra^s Dade. L1.1.12." He also paid L2 10s. -to James Markham "By [my] part on the Race on Stotham's horse." There -are other scattered references to wagers on horseraces. - -Mercer had become a vestryman in Overwharton Parish as early as 1730, -and appears to have been made responsible for all legal matters -pertaining to that church. His account, shown in detail in Appendix G, -is of interest in showing that violations of moral law were held -accountable to the church and that fines for convictions were paid to -the church. Mercer, representing the parish, collected a portion of each -fine as his fee. - -Most of his energies now seem to have been divided between the law and -the substantial responsibilities for managing his plantations. The -increasing extent of tobacco cultivation is revealed in the tobacco -account with "M^r Jonathan Foward, Merchant in London" (presumably John -Foward, mentioned earlier), extending from 1733 to 1743. This account -lists shipments of 129 hogsheads of tobacco, totaling L643 1s. 11d. (if -we include a few extraneous items, such as "To an over charge in Lemons" -and "To a Still charg'd never sent"). Several similar accounts involve -proceeds from tobacco. In 1734 and 1738, for example, he shipped 54 -hogsheads to William Stevenson, another London merchant, for L207 7d. on -the ships _Triton_, _Snake_, _Brooks_, and _Elizabeth_. - -[Illustration: Figure 6.--MOTHER-OF-PEARL COUNTERS, or "fish," used in -playing 18th-century games, including Loo, at which Mercer once won 7s. -3d. from Col. George Mason (III). These examples, collected in -Massachusetts, are probably late 18th century. (USNM 61.399.)] - -Marlborough's full transition to a seat of tobacco-planting empire is -now clearly discernible. In so becoming, it was typical of the -consolidation of wealth, property, and power in Virginia as the -mid-century approached. Land had become both a substitute for tobacco in -lean years and the means for paying off debts. The same land in better -years yielded crops to its new owners, so that a relatively few dynamic -men were able to amass great wealth and form a ruling aristocracy. The -varieties of talents in men like Mercer--who, besides being a planter, -was an accomplished lawyer and able administrator--placed them in the -ascendancy over their less able fellows. The vigor and ability with -which such men were endowed fostered the remarkable class of leaders of -the succeeding generation, who had so much to do with founding the -nation. - - - - -IV - -_Marlborough at its Ascendancy, 1741-1750_ - - -TRAVEL - -On April 12, 1741, Mercer was admitted to practice at the General Court -in Williamsburg.[73] His trip there on that occasion was typical of the -journeys which took him at least twice yearly to the capital. On the -first day of this Williamsburg trip he rode "To Col^o Taliaferro's," a -distance of 19 miles. The following day "To Caroline Court" (18 miles), -the next "To M^r Hubbard's" (30 miles), then as far as "M^r J^{no} -Powers" (24 miles), and finally "To Furneas & Williamsburg" (30 miles). -The route was usually to West Point, or Brick House on the opposite -shore in New Kent County, and thence either directly to Williamsburg, or -by way of New Kent courthouse. Stopovers were made either at ordinaries -or at the houses of friends.[74] - -Mercer's travels, summarized in the journal that he kept in the back of -Ledger B from 1730 until his death in 1768, were prodigious. In 1735, -for example, he journeyed a total of 4202 miles and was home only 119 -days. This pace had slackened considerably in the period we are now -considering, but, nevertheless, he was not at home more than 218 days -out of any one year of the decade 1741-1750. This energetic and restless -moving about was common among the leading planters, but in Mercer's case -it seems to have reached its ultimate. Practicing law, playing politics, -acquiring property, and becoming acquainted with people led him all over -Virginia. - -A representative sample from the journal covers the period of September -and October 1745. It will be noted that the days of the week are -indicated alphabetically, a through g, as in the calendar of the Book of -Common Prayer. The mileage traveled each day is entered at the right. - - 1 F to Potomack Church & home 10 - 2 g at home - 3 a to Tylers & Spotsylvania Court 14 - 4 b to M^r Daniels[75] & home 14 - 5 c to M^r Moncure's,[76] my Survey & home 20 - 6 d to King George Court & W^m Walkers'[77] 24 - 7 e to M^{rs}. Spoore's[78] my Survey & home 20 - 8 F at home - 9 g M^r Moncure's my Survey & home 20 - 10 a to Stafford Court & home 20 - 11 b at home - 12 c to M^{rs} Mason's[79] Survey 18 - 13 d at D^o 10 - 14 e at D^o 15 - 15 F to Potomack Church & M^r Moncure's 18 - 16 g home 6 - 17 a at home - 18 b D^o - 19 c to M^{rs} Spoore & M^{rs} Taliaferro's 17 - 20 d at M^r Taliaferro's 14 - 21 e To Fredericksburg & M^{rs} Taliaferro's - 22 F To Doctor Potter's[80] & M^{rs} Taliaferro's. - Lost my horses 2 - 23 g To M^r Moncure's 9 - 24 a home 10 - 25 b at home - 26 c D^o - 27 d D^o - 28 e to M^r Moncure's, Vestry & home 16 - 29 F at home - 30 g D^o - - October - - 1 a at home - 2 b to M^r Moncure's & Fredericksburg Fair 15 - 3 c at the Fair - 4 d to M^r Moncure's & home 15 - 5 e at home - 6 F to M^{rs} Taliaferro's 17 - 7 g to Caroline Court h^o & George Hoomes's[81] 20 - 8 a to Newcastle 50 - 9 b to M^r Anderson's & M^r Gray's [82] 14 - 10 c to New Kent Courth^s & M^r Gray's 14 - 11 d to Furnau's & Williamsburg 17 - 12 e at Williamsburg - -[He remained at Williamsburg until November 6.] - -Such itineraries were punctuated by periods of staying at Marlborough, -but even then there were day-long journeys to Stafford courthouse, to -church, or to a survey. The courthouse, which succeeded that at -Marlborough, was situated on the south side of Potomac Creek, about -three miles upstream from the old site. Mercer almost invariably took -the 10-mile-long land route through the site of the present village of -Brook, along the Fredericksburg road past Potomac Church, then along the -headwaters of Potomac Run on a now-disused road leading to Belle Plains. -Just before reaching the courthouse, which stood on a rise of land some -distance back from the creek, he passed "Salvington," the mansion of -Joseph Selden.[83] Near the water, and in sight of the courthouse, stood -the house of John Cave, whose grandfather in 1707 had bought his land -from Sampson Darrell, undertaker of the Marlborough courthouse.[84] Near -it, on a foundation still visible, Cave built the warehouse that bore -his name, and through him passed much of the tobacco that Mercer raised -locally. Occasionally, when he had business to do at Cave's, Mercer -would return home by water, as he did on August 14, 1746: - - to Stafford Court & M^r Cave's 11 - home by water 5 - -FOOTNOTES: - - [73] John Mercer's journal, kept in the back of Ledger B. - - [74] Col. John Taliaferro was a justice of Spotsylvania - County court and one of the original trustees of - Fredericksburg. He lived at the "Manor Plantation," Snow - Creek, Spotsylvania County, and died in 1744 ("Virginia - Council Journals, 1726-1753," _VHM_ [Richmond, 1927], vol. - 35, p. 415). Benjamin Hubbard lived in Caroline County ("The - Lovelace Family and its Connections," _VHM_ [Richmond, 1921], - vol. 29, p. 367); John Powers was apparently a resident of - King William County (Ida J. Lee, "Abstracts from King William - County Records," WMQ [2] [Williamsburg, 1926], vol. 6, p. - 72); "Furnea's" seems to have been an ordinary between - Williamsburg and New Kent. - - [75] Peter Daniel was a burgess and leading citizen of - Stafford County, who, as vestryman, signed the advertisement - for bids to build a new Aquia Church in 1751. _Virginia - Gazette_, June 6, 1751. - - [76] The Reverend Mr. John Moncure was minister of - Overwharton Parish. - - [77] See pp. 25, 35-36, 46-47 and footnote 95 for further - references to William Walker. Mercer's visit on this occasion - probably relates to Walker's tentative appointment to rebuild - Aquia Church. - - [78] Mrs. Ann Spoore of Stafford County. - - [79] Probably Mercer's sister-in-law, Mrs. Ann Mason, mother - of George Mason of Gunston Hall. - - [80] Dr. Henry Potter lived in Spotsylvania County. His - estate was advertised for sale the following April 17 in the - _Virginia Gazette_. - - [81] George Hoomes was a justice of Caroline County court. He - was appointed in 1735, the same year in which John Mercer - qualified to practice law at the same court. "Extracts from - the Records of Caroline County," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1912), vol. - 20, p. 203. - - [82] Probably Thomas Anderson (see p. 35 and footnote 93); - William Gray was justice of New Kent County. - - [83] Joseph Selden's estate passed to his son Samuel, who - married Mercer's eldest daughter, Sarah Ann Mason Mercer. See - John Melville Jennings, ed., "Letters of James Mercer to John - Francis Mercer," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1951), vol. 59, pp. 89-91. - - [84] Fredericksburg district-court papers, file 571, bundle - F, nos. 36-43 (through George F. S. King, Fredericksburg); - Stafford County Will Book, Liber Z, p. 383 (August 5, 1707). - - -VEHICLES - -During the 1740's Mercer's travels were often by chaise or chariot. We -learn from Ledger G that he bought "a fourwheel Chaise" from Charles -Carter[85] in September 1744, a significant step in emulating the -manners and ways of Virginia's established aristocrats. Three years -later he purchased "a Sett of Chaisewheels" from Francis Hogans, a -Caroline County wheelwright, and in June 1748 he discounted as an -overcharge the cost of "a Chaise worth nothing" in his account with the -English mercantile firm of Sydenham & Hodgson.[86] A "chaise" could have -been one of several types of vehicles, but it was probably "a carriage -for traveling, having a closed body and seated for one to three -persons," according to Murray's _A New Oxford Dictionary_. - -[Illustration: Figure 7.--JOHN MERCER'S TOBACCO-CASK SYMBOLS, drawn in -his Ledger G. The "home plantation" (Marlborough) is symbolized by the -initial C, probably in honor of his wife Catherine. Sumner's quarters at -Passapatanzy is indicated by S, and Bull Run quarters by B. (_Courtesy -of Bucks County Historical Society._)] - -In 1749 Mercer bought a "chariot" from James Mills of Tappahannock for -L80. Doubtless an elegant piece of equipage, this was, we learn from -Murray, "a light four-wheeled carriage with only back seats, and -differing from the post-chaise in having a coach-box." In November 1750 -he paid John Simpson, a Fredericksburg wheelwright, 10 shillings for -"wedging & hooping the Chariotwheels" and 9 shillings for "mending 3 -fillys & 3 Spokes in D^o."[87] - -At the same time he bought a "p^r Cartwheels" for L2 and a "Tumbling -Cart" for L1 6s. from Simpson. Murray tells us that a "tumble cart" or a -"tumbril cart" was a dung cart, designed to dump the load. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [85] Ledger G (original at Bucks County Historical Society) - covers the period 1744-1750, with some entries in 1751 and a - few summary accounts covering Mercer's career. Further - footnoted references to this ledger will be omitted. Charles - Carter lived at "Cleve" in King George County, near Port - Royal, fronting on the Rappahannock. See FAIRFAX HARRISON, - "The Will of Charles Carter of Cleve," _VHM_ (Richmond, - 1923), vol. 31, pp. 42-43. - - [86] Sydenham & Hodgson was a London mercantile firm, - represented in Virginia by Jonathan Sydenham. Mercer - identified the firm in Ledger G as "Merchants King George" - and noted in his journal on January 20, 1745, that he visited - at "Mr. Sydenham's." In 1757 the two men were referred to - elsewhere as "Messrs. Sydenham & Hodgson of London." See - "Proceedings of the Virginia Committee of Correspondence, - 1759-67," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1905), vol. 12, pp. 2-4. - - [87] Extensive research has been conducted by Colonial - Williamsburg, Inc., on the forms of vehicles used by such - Virginians as Mercer and his contemporaries. - - -TOBACCO CASK BRANDS - -Hogsheads and casks of tobacco were branded with the symbols or initials -of the original owners. Many of the brands are recorded explicitly in -the ledger. Mercer, at the beginning of his career, used a symbol M. As -his plantations multiplied, however, three symbols were adopted, based -on his own two initials. Tobacco casks from Bull Run were marked -I^[B.]M. Those from Sumner's Quarters bore the brand I^[S.]M, while the -"Home Plantation" at Marlborough had casks marked I^[C.]M (fig. 8). - -The interpretation of these symbols warrants some digression. In the -17th century, and indeed in the 18th century also, the triangular cipher -to indicate the initials of man and wife was commonly used to mark -silver, pewter, china, delftware, linens, and other objects needing -owners' identifications. The common surname initial was placed at the -top, the husband's first-name initial at the lower left, and the wife's -at the lower right. This arrangement was used consistently in the 17th -century. In the 18th century, however, variations began to appear in the -colonies, although not, apparently, in England. Silver made in New York -and Philadelphia during the 1700's presents the initials reading from -left to right, with the husband's at the lower left, the wife's at top -center, and the surname initial at the lower right. The large keystone -of the Carlyle house in Alexandria, built in 1751, bears a triangular -arrangement of John and Sarah Carlyle's initials: J^[S.]C.[88] - -Like Carlyle, Mercer used initials in this fashion, but also, as we have -seen, in two other combinations in which "J. M." remains constant, the -upper center initial having a subordinate significance. "S" signifies -Sumner's Quarters, and "B," Bull Run Quarters. "C" on seals and brands -having to do with Marlborough apparently refers to Catherine, honoring -her as Mercer's wife and mistress of the home plantation. The -possibility that "C" stands for Cave's warehouse may be dismissed as -being inconsistent with the other two marks, the tobacco from Sumner's -Quarters having also been shipped through Cave's, and that from Bull Run -Quarters having been stored at the Occaquan warehouse.[89] - -John Withers also used the left-to-right arrangement, I^[H.]W, although -Henry Tyler, a planter whose account is mentioned in Mercer's Ledger, -used the conventional three-letter cipher, H^[T.]M. These marks occurred -on casks transmitted to Mercer as payments, and are recorded in Ledger G -(fig. 7). - -FOOTNOTES: - - [88] GAY MONTAGUE MOORE, _Seaport in Virginia_ (Richmond, - 1949), p. 62. - - [89] C. MALCOLM WATKINS, "The Three-initial Cipher: - Exceptions to the Rule," _Antiques_ (June 1958), vol. 73, no. - 6, pp. 564-565. - - -TOBACCO EXCHANGE - -Tobacco, before being transferred to another owner, was examined by -official inspectors. Mercer kept a special "Inspector's Notes" account -where he kept track of fees due the inspectors. Direct payments of -tobacco were made in transactions with William Hunter and Charles Dick, -the Fredericksburg merchants from whom Mercer bought most of his goods -and supplies. To others, however, payments were made in a complexity of -tobacco notes, legal-fee payments, and plain barter. Tobacco shipped -overseas was usually handled by Sydenham & Hodgson. Also involved with -tobacco transactions in England were two Virginia merchants, Major John -Champe, a distinguished resident of King George County who lived at -Lamb's Creek plantation, and William Jordan, of Richmond County, both of -whom arranged for purchases of books, furniture, and other English -imports for Mercer. - -The following are excerpts from Sydenham & Hodgson's account in Ledger -G: - - 1745 L s. d. - June To 8 hhds. tob^o consigned 63 5 5 - you by the - Pri[n]ce of Denmark - November To 6 hhds by the 29 15 9 - Harrington - 1746 - May To 5 hhds by Cap^n - Lee LOST - Feb To 10 hhds by Cap^t 51 14 8 - Perry - 1747 - Septemb^r To 10 hhds by Cap^t 35 9 8 - Perryman - 1748 - June To 10 hhds by Cap^n - Donaldson LOST - 1749 - Septemb^r To 24 hhds tob^o sold 162 17 14 - Mr. Jordan - -Revealed in this account are the hazards of shipping goods overseas in -the 18th century. A partnership apparently figured in the second loss at -sea, however, as the following entry in Ledger G shows: - - June 1747 By Profit & Loss for the half L75.15.3-3/4 - of 20 hhds by Donaldson - in the Cumberland & Lost - By William Jordan for the - other half. - -Between 1747 and 1750 Mercer lost a total of 107 hogsheads of tobacco. -Over and above this, however, he shipped overseas tobacco to the amount -of L385 11s. 7d., during the same period. - - -CLIENTS - -Mercer's success was gained despite the failures of a great many persons -to pay the fees they owed him. In 1745 he listed 303 "Insolvents, bad & -doubtful debts." That matters were no worse may be attributed to a high -average of responsible clients. Among them were such well-known -Virginians as Daniel Dulaney, William and Henry Fitzhugh, William -Randolph, Augustine, John, and Lawrence Washington, Gerard Fowke, -Richard Taliaferro, John and Daniel Parke Custis, Andrew and Thomas -Monroe, George Tayloe, George Lee, George Wythe, and William Ramsay. - -[Illustration: Figure 8.--WINE-BOTTLE SEAL on bottle excavated at -Marlborough, with same arrangement of initials used in the Marlborough -tobacco seal.] - - -CLOTHING - -By the early 1740's Mercer was in a position to surround himself with -symbols of wealth and prestige. Clothes, a traditional measure of -affluence, were now a growing concern for himself and his family. -Between 1741 and 1744, the ledger reveals, he purchased from William -Hunter a greatcoat, women's stockings, women's calf shoes, morocco -pumps, a "fine hat," three felt hats, two dozen "plaid hose," two pairs -of men's shoes, one pair of "Women's Spanish Shoes," and "2 p^r Calf -D^o." In 1744 and 1745 he bought from Charles Dick two pairs of "women's -coll'^d lamb gloves," two pairs of silk stockings, "1 velvet laced -hood," a "laced hat," a "Castor" (i.e., beaver) hat, "fine thread -stockings," silk handkerchiefs, a "flower'd pettycoat," worsted -stockings, and buckskin gloves. From Hugh MacLane, a Stafford tailor, he -obtained a suit in 1745. - -The rise in Mercer's wealth and prestige is reflected in his -patronizing Williamsburg tailors, beginning in 1745 when he settled with -George Charleston for a tailor's bill of L6 10s. In 1748 he paid -Charleston four shillings for "Collar lining a Velvet Waistcoat." In -1749 he purchased a "full trimm'd velvet Suit" from Charles Jones, the -work and materials totaling L7 7s. 4-1/4d., while in 1750 he spent L11 -2s. 1-1/2d. on unitemized purchases from the same tailor. In that year -he bought also from Robert Crichton, a Williamsburg merchant, "a -flower'd Velvet Waistcoat, L5." As the decade advanced, Mercer played -with increasing consciousness the role of wealthy gentleman, as his -choice of tailors shows. - - -MATERIALS - -Textile materials, as seen under "General Expenses" and in the accounts -of Hunter and Dick, ran the gamut of the usual imported fabrics, as well -as rare, expensive elegancies. An alphabetical list of the materials -mentioned in these accounts, with definitions, is given in Appendix I. - -From this list we gain an impression of great diversity and refinement -in the materials used for clothing and interior decoration, as well as -of a tremendous amount of sewing, embroidering, and making of clothes at -home, probably typical of most of the great plantations in the middle of -the century. - - -WEAVING - -In addition to fine imported materials, there were needed blankets, work -clothes for slaves, and fabrics for other practical purposes. To these -ends Mercer employed several weavers in various parts of Virginia. In -1747 William Threlkeld wove 109 yards of woolen cloth at fourpence a -yard. During that year and the next, John Booth of King George County -wove an indeterminate amount for a total of L2 4d. In 1748 John -Fitzpatrick wove 480 yards of cotton at fourpence a yard, and William -Mills wove 30 yards of "cloath." Much of the work appears to have been -done in payment for legal services. - -Weaving and spinning evidently were done at Marlborough, as they were at -most plantations. In 1744 Mercer recorded under "General Charges" that -he had sold a loom to Joseph Foxhall. In 1746 he bought a spinning wheel -from Captain Wilson of Whitehaven, England, purchasing three more from -him in 1748. Wool cards also appear in the accounts. In January 1748 -Mercer charged William Mills with "3 months Hire of Thuanus the Weaver, -L3," which suggests that Thuanus was an indentured white servant (his -name does not occur on the list of slaves) employed at Marlborough and -hired out to Mills, a Stafford County weaver. - - -PERSONAL ACCESSORIES - -In contrast to the elegancies of dress materials and clothing, Mercer -left little evidence of jewelry, toilet articles, or other personal -objects. In Ledger G we find "2 horn combs" bought for fivepence, an -ivory comb for tenpence, two razors, two strops, snuff-boxes, bottles of -snuff, "a smelling bottle," and "buck-handled" and silver-handled -penknives. From John Hyndman, a Williamsburg merchant, Mercer acquired a -set of silver buckles for L1 10s., and from William Woodford he bought -"a gold watch, Chain & Swivel" for the not-trifling sum of L64 6s. 3d. - -Like most successful men, Mercer had his portrait painted. During the -General Court sessions held in the spring and fall of 1748 in -Williamsburg, he lodged with William Dering, the dancing master and -portrait painter. Dering lived in the house still standing on the -capitol green, now known as the Brush-Everard house. In Dering's account -we find: "by drawing my picture, L9.2.9."[90] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [90] See J. HALL PLEASANTS, "William Dering, a - mid-eighteenth-century Williamsburg Portrait Painter," _VHM_ - (Richmond, 1952), vol. 60, pp. 53-63. - - -FOOD AND DRINK - -Good food and drink played an important part in Mercer's life, as it did -in the lives of most Virginia planters. In the ledger accounts are found -both double-refined and single-refined sugar, bohea tea, coffee, -nutmegs, cinnamon, mace, and chocolate. Most meats were provided by the -plantation and thus are not mentioned, while fish were caught from the -plantation sloop or by fixed nets. However, Thomas Tyler of the Eastern -Shore sold Mercer a barrel of drumfish and four and one-half bushels of -oysters, while Thomas Jones, also of the Eastern Shore, provided a -barrel of pork for 47s. 6d. in 1749. Earlier there appeared a ledger -item under "General Charges" for 1775 pounds of pork. - -Molasses was an important staple, and Mercer bought a 31-gallon barrel -of it from one "Captain Fitz of the Eastern Shore of Maryland" in 1746 -and 30 gallons the next year, charging both purchases to his wife. In -1750 he received 88 gallons of molasses and 255 pounds of "muscovy -sugar" from Robert Todd. Muscovy sugar was the same as "muscavado" -sugar, the unrefined brown sugar of the West Indies, known in Spanish as -_mascabado_. - -[Illustration: Figure 9.--FRENCH HORN dated 1729. Mercer purchased a -"french horn" like this from Charles Dick in 1743. (USNM 95.269.)] - -Beverages and the fruits to go with them were bought in astonishing -quantities between 1744 and 1750. Major Robert Tucker, a Norfolk -merchant, exchanged a "Pipe of Wine" worth L26 and a 107-1/2-gallon -hogshead of rum valued at L22 in return for Mercer's legal services. -Again as a legal fee, Mercer received 55 gallons of "Syder" from Janet -Holbrook of Stafford and bought 11 limes from John Mitchelson of York -for 12 shillings. From William Black he purchased "11 dozen and 11 -bottles of Ale" at 13 shillings, and from John Harvey "5-1/12 dozen of -Claret" for L11 6d. "Mark Talbott of the Kingdom of Ireland E^{sq}" sold -Mercer a pipe of wine for L3 3s. - - -LIFE OF THE CHILDREN - -During the 1740's Mercer's first four surviving children, George, John -Fenton, James, and Sarah Ann Mason Mercer,[91] were growing up, and the -accounts are scattered through with items pertaining to their care and -upbringing. There are delightful little hints of Mercer's role as the -affectionate father. On May 17, 1743, "By Sundry Toys" appears in -Hunter's account; an item of "1 horses 1^d" in Dick's account for 1745 -was undoubtedly a toy. Most charming of all the entries in the latter -account is "1 Coach in a box 6^d. 4 Toys. 8^d, 2 Singing birds." The -birds may have occupied a birdcage and stand bought from George Rock, -the account for which was settled a year later. - -[Illustration: Figure 10.--MERCER LISTED A HORNBOOK in his General -Account in 1743. It probably resembled this typical hornbook in the -collection of Mrs. Arthur M. Greenwood.] - -"1 french horn" and "3 trumpets" are listed in the Dick account. The -horn was probably used in hunting; the three trumpets were bought -perhaps for the three boys. Mercer's library contained one book of music -entitled _The Musical Miscellany_, which may have furnished the scores -for a boyish trio of trumpets. Music and dancing were a part of the life -at Marlborough, and in 1745 an entry under "General Charges" reads "To -DeKeyser for a years dancing four children L16," while in the following -year ninepence was paid William Allan "for his Fidler." In 1747 "Fiddle -strings" were bought from Fielding Lewis in Fredericksburg for 2s. -4-1/2d. - -From the ledger we also learn much about the children's clothing: -child's mittens and child's shoes, boy's pumps, boy's shoes, girl's -shoes, boy's collared lamb gloves, two pairs of "girl's clock'd -Stocking," "2 p^r large boys Shoes 6^l 2 p^r smaller 5/ ... 1 p^r girls -22^d, 1 p^r smaller 20^d," boy's gloves, and "Making a vest and breeches -for George" in October 1745. In 1748 Captain Wilson brought from England -"a Wig for George," worth 12 shillings. George then had reached the age -of 15 and young manhood. Hugh MacLane, the Stafford tailor, was employed -to make clothes for the three boys--a suit for George, and a suit, vest, -coat, and breeches each for James and John. - -That the children were educated according to time-honored methods is -revealed in the "General Expenses" account for May 1743, where "1 -hornbook 3^d" is entered. The hornbook was an ancient instructional -device consisting of a paddle-shaped piece of wood with the alphabet and -the Lord's Prayer printed or otherwise lettered on paper that was glued -to the wood and covered for protection with thin sheets of transparent -horn. Elaborate examples sometimes were covered with tooled leather, or -were made of ivory, silver, or pewter. The mention of hornbooks in -colonial records is a great rarity, although they were commonplace in -England until about 1800. - -The Mercer children were taught by private tutors. One, evidently -engaged in England, was the Reverend John Phipps, who was paid a salary -of L100 annually and, presumably, his board and lodging. Mercer noted in -his journal on November 18, 1746, that "Mr Phipps came to Virginia." -That Mr. Phipps left something to be desired was revealed years later in -the letter written in 1768 by John to George Mercer, who was then in -England, asking him to find a tutor for his younger children: "... the -person you engage may not pretend, as M^r Phipps did that tho' he -undertook to instruct my children he intended boys only, & I or my wife -might teach the girls. As I have mentioned M^r Phipps, it must remind -you that a tutor's good nature & agreeable temper are absolutely -necessary both for his own ease & that of the whole family."[92] - -In 1750 George entered the College of William and Mary. He had a room at -William Dering's house, and the account of "Son's Maintenance at -Williamsburg" provides an interesting picture of a well-to-do -college-boy's expenses, chargeable to his father. Such items as "To Cash -p^d for Lottery Tickets" (L7 10s. 6d.), "To Covington the Dancing Master -... 2.3," "To W^m Thomson for Taylor's work" (L1 9s. 6d.), "To p^d for -Washing" (L1 1s.), and "To Books for sundrys" (L22 4s. 7-1/2d.) show a -variety of obligations comparable to those sometimes encountered on a -modern campus. The entire account appears in Appendix J. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [91] Born 1733, 1735, 1736, and 1738, respectively. - - [92] _George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. 202. - - -BUILDING THE MANOR HOUSE - -As early as 1742 the ledger shows that Mercer was building steadily, -although the nature of what he built is rarely indicated. Hunter's -account for 1742 lists 2500 tenpenny nails and 1000 twenty-penny nails, -while in the following year the same account shows a total of 4200 -eightpenny nails, 5000 tenpenny, 2000 fourpenny, and 1000 threepenny -nails. The following tools were bought from Hunter in 1744: paring -chisel, 1-1/2-inch auger, 3/4-inch auger, socket gouge, broad axe, adze, -drawing knife, mortice chisel, a "square Rabbit plane," and "plough Iron -& plains." In Charles Dick's account we find purchases in 1745 of 16,000 -flooring brads, 4000 twenty-penny nails, 2000 each of fourpenny, -sixpenny, eightpenny, and tenpenny brads, and 60,000 fourpenny nails. - -Beginning in 1744 Mercer made great purchases of lumber. Thomas Tyler of -the Eastern Shore sold him 2463 feet of plank in that year, and in 1745 -made several transactions totaling 5598 feet of 1-, 1-1/2-, and 2-inch -plank, as well as 23,170 shingles. In 1746 Charles Waller of Stafford -sold Mercer 5193 feet of 1-, 1-1/4-, and 1-1/2-inch plank. In the same -year James Waughhop of Maryland provided "4000 foot of Plank of -different thicknesses for L12," and in May 1749, "2300 foot of 1-1/2 -Inch Plank at 7/." Mercer made several similar purchases, including -14,700 shingles, from Robert Taylor of the Eastern Shore. - -Where all these materials were used is a matter for conjecture. We know -that Mercer made "Improvements" to the extent of "saving" 40 lots under -the terms of the Act for Ports and Towns, and that a great deal of -construction work, therefore, was going on. One building was probably a -replacement for a warehouse, for a laconic entry in his journal on New -Year's day of 1746 notes that "My warehouses burnt." These were -doubtless the buildings erected in 1732 and officially vacated in 1735. -That at least one eventually was rebuilt for Mercer's own use is known -from an overseer's report of 1771 (Appendix M). - -The windmill, the foundations of which still remain in part near the -Potomac shore, was probably built in 1746. Mercer's cash account for -that year includes an item of 2s. 6d. for "Setting up Mill," which -apparently meant adjusting the millstones for proper operation. In -August he paid Nathaniel Chapman L22 19s. 8-3/4d. "in full for Smith's -work." A windmill, with its bearings, levers, lifts, and shafts, would -seem to have been the only structure requiring such a costly amount of -ironwork. - -The most elaborate project of all, however, is clearly discernible in -the ledger. In 1746 Thomas Anderson,[93] in consideration of cash and -legal services, charged for "making & burning 40^m Stock bricks" at 4 -pounds 6 pence per 1000. In the same year David Minitree, described by -Mercer as a "Bricklayer," came to Marlborough from Williamsburg. -Minitree was more than an ordinary bricklayer, however, for he had -worked on the Mattaponi church, and later, between 1750 and 1753, was to -build Carter's Grove for Carter Burwell.[94] - -The credit side of Minitree's account in Ledger G is as follows: - - L s. d. - 1746 - Decemb^r 5 By making & burning 9 5 7-1/2 - 41,255 Bricks at 4/6 - - 1747 - Septemb^r By stacking & burning 16 9-1/2 - 11,200 D^o at 1/6 - By making & burning 14 2 10 - 62,849 D^o at 4/6 - By making & burning 4 6 - 1000 D^o at 4/6 - By short paid of my 9-1/2 - Order on Maj^r - Champe - By building part of 10-1/2 - my House - -The last item, in particular, is clear indication that an architectural -project of importance was underway and that Mercer had set about to make -Marlborough the equal of Virginia's great plantations. Only "part of my -house" was built by Minitree, yet his bill was more than five times the -total cost of Mercer's previous house, completed in 1730! - -Since it was customary in Virginia to make bricks on the site of a new -house, utilizing the underlying clay excavated from the foundation, -Minitree, as well as Anderson, made his bricks at Marlborough before -using them. Mortar for laying bricks was made of lime from oystershells. -In 1747 and 1748, we learn from the ledger, 61-1/2 hogsheads of -oystershells were bought from Abraham Basnett, an "Oysterman," payment -having been made in cash, meat, and brandy. "Flagstones &c" were -obtained in 1747 through Major John Champe at a cost of L36 4s. 6d. -These may have been the same stones brought up as "a load of stone" by -"Boatswain Davis" of Boyd's Hole in Passapatanzy in October 1747 for L4 -5s. 5d. - -Early in 1748 a new set of developments concerning the house took place. -Major William Walker of Stafford, revealed in the journal and the -ledgers as an old acquaintance of Mercer's, then became the -"undertaker," or contractor, for the house. Walker was a talented man -who had started out as a cabinetmaker, a craft in which his brother -Robert still continued. Whiffen (_The Public Buildings of Williamsburg_) -shows that he both designed and built a glebe house for St. Paul's -Parish, Hanover County, in 1739-1740, and the steeple for St. Peter's -Church in New Kent the latter year. Also in 1740 he built a bridge -across the Pamunkey for Hanover County. At the same time that he was -engaged on Mercer's mansion, he undertook in March 1749 to rebuild the -burned capitol at Williamsburg. He died 11 months later before bringing -either of these major projects to completion.[95] - -Walker's carpenter was William Monday. Mercer settled with Monday in -March 1748 for a total bill of L126 16s. 2-1/2d., but with a protest -addressed to himself in the ledger: "By work done about my House which -is not near the value as by Maj^r Walker's Estimate below, yet to avoid -Disputes & as he is worth nothing I give him Credit to make a full -Ballance." - -Meanwhile, William Bromley, a joiner, had gone to work on the interior -finish. Like Minitree and Walker, Bromley represented the highest -caliber of artisanship in the colony. Eighteen years later Mercer -referred to Bromley, "who," he said, "I believe was the best architect -that ever was in America."[96] Bromley employed several apprentices, -among them an Irishman named Patterson.[97] For the interval from July -9, 1748, to December 25, 1750, Bromley was paid L140 1s. 1/2d., almost -entirely for wages. The payment included "3 p^r hollows & rounds / 6 -plane irons / 1 gallon Brandy." For the same period Andrew Beaty, also a -joiner, received L113 5s. 1-1/2d. On June 19, 1749, Mercer noted in his -journal, "Beaty's apprentice came to work." These men were specialists -in framing woodwork and in making paneling, doors, wainscoting, and -exterior architectural elements of wood. - -The opulence of the building's finish is indicated by a charge on -Walker's account for "his Carver's work 69 days at 5/, L17. 15...." -Previously, while Minitree was still working on the house, an item had -been entered in August 1747, "To Cash paid for cutting the Chimneypiece -... 6.3." A chimneypiece was usually the ornamental trim or facing -around a fireplace opening, although in this instance the overpanel may -have been meant. - -Jacob Williams, a plasterer, worked 142-1/2 days for a total of L22 4s. -4d., while his helper Joseph Burges was employed 43 days for L5 7s. 6d. -Walker charged L3 8s. 11d. for "his Painters work about my house," and -a purchase of "42 gallons of Linseed Oyl" was recorded in the general -charges account. Three books of goldleaf, which Mercer had obtained from -George Gilmer, the Williamsburg apothecary, were charged, together with -paint, to Walker. - -In May 1750, a charge by George Elliot, "Turner, Stafford," was -recorded, "By turning 162 Ballusters at 6^d, L4.1...." Another item, for -supplying "341-1/2 feet Walnut Plank at 2^d," settled in October, may -have been for the wood of which the balusters were made. - -Thomas Barry, "Bricklayer," carried on the work that Minitree had not -completed. His account for 1749 follows: - - L s. d. - - By Building the Addition to my House 26 - 22 Arches at 6/ 6 12 - 900 Coins & Returns at 6/ 2 14 - A Frontispiece 3 10 - Underpinning & altering the Cellar 2 - raising a Chimney 1 5 - building an Oven 15 - building a Kiln 1 - building a Kitchen 9 10 - 3 Arches at 6/ 18 - 2 Plain D^o at 2/6 5 - 500 Coins & returns at 6/ 1 10 - -- -- -- - 55 19 0 - -Expensive stone was imported for the house by Captain Roger Lyndon, -master of the _Marigold_, whose account occurs in the ledger: - - L s. d. - - 1749 April By 630 Bricks at 20/ p^r m. 10 - - Dec^r By Gen'l Charges for hewn - Stone from M^r Nicholson[98] 65 16 4 - - 1750 June By Gen'l Charges for - sundrys by the Marigold - - By Do for freight of - Stones to my House 5 - -It is interesting to note that bricks, probably carried from England as -ballast, were brought by Captain Lyndon. - -[Illustration: Figure 11.--FIREPLACE MANTELS illustrated in William -Salmon's _Palladio Londonensis_. - -(_Courtesy of the Library of Congress._)] - -Not all the hewn stone was fashioned in England. William Copein, a -Prince William County mason, and Job Wigley were employed together in -1749 to the amount of L2 8s. In 1750 Copein was paid by Mercer for 64 -days of work at 3s. 1d. per day, totaling L9 17s. 4d. Copein was another -accomplished craftsman, the marks of whose skill still are to be seen in -the carved stone doorways of Aquia Church in Stafford County and in the -baptismal font at Pohick Church in Fairfax. - -The design of the house will be considered in more detail later in the -light of both archeological and documentary evidence. It is already -quite clear, however, that the new mansion was remarkably elaborate, -reflecting the workmanship of some of Virginia's best craftsmen. The -most significant clues to its inspiration are found in the titles of -four books which Mercer purchased in 1747. These are listed in the -inventory of his books in Ledger G as follows: - - "Hoppne's Architecture." This was probably _The Gentlemans and - Builders Repository on Architecture Displayed. Designs Regulated - and Drawn by E. Hoppus, and engraved by B. Cole. Containing useful - and requisite problems in geometry ... etc_, (1738). Edward Hoppus - was "Surveyor to the Corporation of the London Assurance." He also - edited Salmon's _Palladio Londonensis_. We find no writer on - architecture named Hoppne and assume this was a mistake. - - "Salmon's Palladio Londonensis." _Palladio Londonensis: or the - London Art of Building_, by William Salmon, which appeared in at - least two editions, in 1734 and in 1738, had a profound influence - on the formal architecture of the colonies during the mid-century. - - "Palladio's Architecture." The Italian Andrea Palladio was the - underlying source of English architectural thought from Christopher - Wren down to Robert Adam. Under the patronage of Lord Burlington, - this book was brought out in London in an English translation by - Giacomo Leoni under the title _The Architecture of A. Palladio; in - Four Books_. It had appeared in three editions prior to this - inventory, in 1715, 1721, and 1742, according to Fiske Kimball - (_Domestic Architecture of the American Colonies and of the Early - Republic_; New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1924, p. 58). Mercer - probably owned one of these. - - "Langley's City & Country Builder." _City and Country Builder's and - Workman's Treasury of Design_ by Battey Langley, 1740, 1745. This - was another copybook much used by builders and provincial - architects. - -[Illustration: Figure 12.--DOORWAYS ILLUSTRATED IN WILLIAM SALMON'S -_Palladio Londonensis_ (the London Art of Building), one of the books -used by William Bromley, the chief joiner who worked on Mercer's -mansion. (_Courtesy of the Library of Congress._)] - -All four of these books were listed in succession in the ledger and -bracketed together. Next to the bracket are the initials "WB," to -indicate that the books had been lent to someone who bore those -initials. In this case it is virtually certain that the initials are -those of William Bromley, to whom the books would have been of utmost -importance in designing the woodwork of the house. - -Door hardware was purchased from William Jordan in June 1749, according -to an item for "Locks & Hinges" that amounted to the large sum of L13 -8s. 8d. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [93] Probably the same Thomas Anderson whose appointment as - tobacco inspector at Page's warehouse, Hanover County, was - unsuccessfully protested on the basis that the job required - "a person skilled in writing and expert in accounts" - (_Calendar of Virginia State Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 18), - vol. 1, pp. 233-234). A letter to Thomas Anderson of Hanover - County was listed as uncalled for at the Williamsburg Post - Office in August, 1752 (_Virginia Gazette_; all references to - the _Gazettes_ result from use of LESTER J. CAPPON and STELLA - F. DUFF, _Virginia Gazette Index 1736-1780_ [Williamsburg, - 1950], and microfilm published by The Institute of Early - American History and Culture [Williamsburg, 1950]). - - [94] See THOMAS TILESTON WATERMAN, _The Mansions of Virginia, - 1706-1776_ (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina - Press, 1946), pp. 183-184, and MARCUS WHIFFEN, _The Public - Buildings of Williamsburg_ (Williamsburg, Virginia: Colonial - Williamsburg, Inc., 1958), pp. 84, 133, 218. - - [95] WHIFFEN, ibid., pp. 134-137, 217; _JHB, 1742-1747; - 1748-1749_ op. cit. (footnote 6), p. 312; _JHB, 1752-1755; - 1756-1758_ (Richmond, 1909), p. 28. - - [96] Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_, September 26, 1766. - Mercer spelled the name _Brownley_ in Ledger G, but in the - _Gazette_ article it is printed consistently as _Bromley_. As - published in the _George Mercer Papers_ it is spelled, and - perhaps miscopied, _Bramley_. We have chosen _Bromley_ as the - most likely spelling, in the absence of other references to - him. - - [97] _George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. 204. - - [98] Captain Timothy Nicholson was a London merchant and - shipmaster engaged in the Virginia trade with whom Mercer - arranged several transactions. - - -DOMESTIC FURNISHINGS - -As the mansion progressed, so did the acquisition of furnishings -suitable to its elegance. As early as 1742, doubtless in anticipation of -the new house, Mercer had bought from Hunter a "lanthorn," three -porringers, two cotton counterpanes at 27s., a plate warmer for 7s. 6d., -a half-dozen plates for 3s. 6d., a half-dozen deep plates for 6s., a -dozen "Stone Coffee cups" for 18d., a dozen knives and forks for 3s., -two tin saucepans at 4d. each, and "4 Dishes, 19-1/2 lib." (obviously -large pewter chargers). In 1743 he bought "5 gallon Basons 4/7" and "2 -pottle Basons at 2/4" (for toilet use), "1 Soop Spoon 1/," and "1 Copper -Chocolate pot 7/6 & mull Stick 6^d," "2 blew & W^t Jugs 2/" (probably -Westerwald stoneware), and "1 Flanders Bed Bunt, 25" (colored cotton or -linen used for bedcovers). - -In 1744 Mercer acquired from Charles Dick 4 candlesticks for a penny -each, 2 pairs of large hinges, a "hair sifter," "2 kitchen buck hand -knives," 12 cups and saucers for 2s., "1 milkmaid 2^d" (probably a -shoulder yoke), and "1 bucket 1/2^d." In 1745 a 5-gallon "Stone bottle" -for 3s. 6d., "1 doz. butcher knives," a hearthbroom, six spoons for a -shilling, a pair of scissors, "8 Chamberdoor Locks w^{th} brass knobs -L2," and "1 Sett finest China 35/, 2 punch bowls ... 2.7" were -purchased. - -The following year Mercer paid a total of L23 for a silver sugar dish, -weighing 8 oz., 5 dwt.; one dozen teaspoons and tray, 8 oz., 7 dwt.; a -teapot and frame, 26 oz., 8 dwt. This lot of silver probably was bought -at second hand, having been referred to as "Pugh's Plate p^d Edw^d -Wright as by Rec^t." He paid John Coke, a Williamsburg silversmith, L1 -6s. for engraving and cleaning it. In the meanwhile, in 1745, he had -sold Coke L6 worth of old silver. He also sold a quantity of "old Plate" -for L15 17s. 3d. to Richard Langton in England through Sydenham & -Hodgson. In 1747 he made a large purchase of silver from the silversmith -William King[99] of Williamsburg: - - oz. dwt. L s. d. - - May 1747 - By Bernard Moore for 1 Cup 51 1 30 8 3 - - By James Power for 1 Waiter 8 7-1/2 4 14 2-1/2 - - By a pair of Sauceboats 25 8 - - By a large Waiter 29 3 48 11 3-1/2 - - By a smaller D^o 23 8 - - By a small D^o 8 8 - -------------------------------- - 148 15-1/2 @ 11/3 84 13 9 - -In March 1748, Mercer settled with Captain Lyndon for the following: - - L s. d. - - 1 superfine large gilt Sconce glass 6 16 - 1 D^o 5 5 - 1 Walnut & gold D^o 2 10 - 1 Marble Sideboard 32/6 Bragolo [sic] 32/6 3 5 - -The following June he bought a marble table from William Jordan and in -October "4 looking Glasses," which Jordan obtained from Sydenham & -Hodgson. - -Meanwhile, William Walker's brother Robert made 14 chairs for Mercer, on -which William's carver spent 54 days. The total cost was L30 8s. The -quality of Mercer's furniture is illustrated further by a purchase in -1750 from Lyonel Lyde,[100] a London merchant, of L43 13s. worth of -"Cabinet Ware from Belchier." Belchier was a leading London furniture -maker, whose shop in 1750 was located on the "south side of St. Paul's, -right against the clock." Sir Ambrose Heal, in _The London Furniture -Makers_, illustrates a superb japanned writing cabinet in green and gold -chinoiserie made by Belchier in 1730.[101] Belchier also supplied -Shalstone Manor, the Buckinghamshire estate of Henry Purefoy, with a -table-desk in 1749 (fig. 13).[102] - -The ledger notes other occasional purchases of furniture during this -period. In 1746 Mercer paid cash "for oysters & a bedsteed," in the -amount of 10s. 6d. In September 1748, he bought "an Escritoire" from -tutor John Phipps, for which he paid L5. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [99] Probably William King, who married Elizabeth Edwards in - Stafford in 1738. He was the son of Alfred King, whose - parents were William King (d. 1702) and Judith Brent of - Stafford. His account with Mercer seems to indicate that he - was a silversmith. "Notes and Queries," _The King Family, - VHM_ (Richmond, 1916), vol. 24, p. 203. - - [100] The _Virginia Gazette_ on January 27, 1738, announced - that Major Cornelius Lyde, "Son of Mr. _Lionel Lyde_, an - eminent merchant in Bristol, died at his House in _King - William_ County." Later it referred to "Capt. Lyonel Lyde of - Bristol, [master of] the _Gooch_." Mercer's account with Lyde - in Ledger G is headed "M^r Lyonel Lyde, Merch^t in London." - Lyde died in 1749 before Mercer settled his account. - Elsewhere in the ledger is an account with "Mess^{rs} Cooper, - Macartney, Powel, & Lyde. E^{xrs} of Lyonel Lyde." Another - Lyonel Lyde, who became "Sir Lyonel" by 1773, was evidently - heir to the business. - - [101] SIR AMBROSE HEAL, _The London Furniture Makers from the - Restoration to the Victorian Era, 1660-1840_ (London: - Batsford, 1953), pp. 6, 13, 236, 237. - - [102] GEORGE E. ELAND, _The Purefoy Letters_ (London: - Sidgwick & Jackson, Ltd., 1931), vol. 1, pp. 98, 107, 111, - 177, and pl. 11. - - -LIGHTING DEVICES - -Artificial lighting for the manor house receives sparse mention. The -four candlesticks bought in 1744 for a penny each were probably of iron -or tin for kitchen use. Candlesticks purchased earlier probably remained -in use, sufficing for most illumination. It is a modern misconception -that colonial houses were ablaze at night with lamplight and -candlelight. Candles were expensive to buy and time-consuming to make, -while lamps rarely were used before the end of the century in the more -refined areas of households. The principal use of candles was in guiding -one's way to bed or in providing the minimum necessary light to carry on -an evening's conversation. During cold weather, fireplaces were a -satisfactory supplement. In general, early to bed and early to rise was -the rule, as William Byrd has shown us, and artificial light was only a -minor necessity. - -[Illustration: Figure 13.--TABLE-DESK made in 1749 for Henry Purefoy of -Shalstone Manor in Buckinghamshire by John Belchier of London. In the -following year, John Mercer received L43 13s. worth of "Cabinet Ware" -from that noted cabinetmaker. (_Reproduced from_ Purefoy Letters, -1735-1753, _G. Bland, ed., Sidgwick and Jackson, Ltd., London, 1931, by -courteous permission of the publisher_.)] - -Nevertheless, some illumination was needed in the halls and great rooms -of colonial plantation houses, especially when guests were present--as -they usually were. The three sconce glasses which Captain Lyndon -delivered to Mercer in 1748 were doubtless elegant answers to this -requirement. These glasses were mirrors with one or more candle -branches, arranged so that the light would be reflected and multiplied. -On special occasions, these, and perhaps some candelabra and a -scattering of candlesticks to supplement them, provided concentrations -of light; for such affairs the use of ordinary tallow candles, with -their drippings and smoke, was out of the question. A pleasant -alternative is indicated by the purchase in April 1749 of "11-1/2 lib. -Myrtle Wax att 5d ... 14.4-1/2" and "4 lib Beeswax 6/" from Thomas Jones -of the Eastern Shore. Similar purchases also are recorded. Myrtle wax -came from what the Virginians called the myrtle bush, better known today -as the bayberry bush. Its gray berries yielded a fragrant aromatic wax -much favored in the colonies. In making candles it was usually mixed -with beeswax, as was evidently the case here. A clean-burning, superior -light source, it was nonetheless an expensive one. Burning in the -brackets of the sconce glasses at Marlborough, heightening the shadows -of the Palladian woodwork and, when snuffed, emitting its faint but -delicious fragrance, it must have been a delight to the eyes and the -nostrils alike. - - -NEGROES - -Negroes played an increasingly important part in the life of -Marlborough, particularly after the manor house was built. Between 1731 -and 1750 Mercer purchased 89 Negroes. Most of these are listed by name -in the ledger accounts. Forty-six died in this period, while 25 were -born, leaving a total of 66 Negroes on his staff in 1750. In 1746 he -bought 6 men and 14 women at L21 10s. from Harmer & King in -Williamsburg. The new house and the expanded needs for service were -perhaps the reasons for this largest single purchase of slaves. - -There is no indication that Mercer treated his slaves other than well, -or that they caused him any serious difficulties. On the other hand, his -frequent reference to them by name, the recording of their children's -names and birth dates in his ledger, and the mention in his journal of -new births among his slave population all attest to an essentially -paternalistic attitude that was characteristic of most Virginia planters -during the 18th century. Good physical care of the Negroes was motivated -perhaps as much by self-interest in protecting an investment as by -humane considerations, but, nonetheless, we find such items in the -ledger as "To Cash p^d Doctor Lynn for delivering Deborah." - -That discipline served for the Negroes as it usually did for all -colonials, whether the lawbreaker were slave, bondsman, or free citizen, -is indicated by an entry in the Dick account: "2 thongs w^{th} Silk -lashes 1/3." One must bear in mind that corporal punishment was accepted -universally in the 18th century. Its application to slaves, however, -usually was left to the discretion of the slave owner, so that the -restraint with which it was administered depended largely upon the -humanity and wisdom of the master. - -The use of the lash was more often than not delegated to the overseer, -who was hired to run, or help run, the plantation. It was the overseer -who had a direct interest in eliciting production from the field hands; -a sadistic overseer, therefore, might create a hell for the slaves under -him. It is clear from Mercer's records that some of his overseers caused -problems for him and that at least one was a brutal man. For October -1747 a chilling entry appears in the account of William Graham, an -overseer at Bull Run Quarters: "To Negroes for one you made hang -himself. L35." Entered in the "Negroes" account, it reappears, somewhat -differently: "To William Graham for Frank (Hanged) L35 Sterling. L50. -15." This is one of several instances on record of Negroes driven to -suicide as the only alternative to enduring cruelties.[103] In this -case, Graham was fined 50 shillings and 1293 pounds of tobacco. - -We do not know, of course, whether other Negroes listed as dead in -Mercer's account died of natural causes or whether cruel treatment -contributed to their deaths. In the case of a homesick Negro named Joe, -who ran away for the third time in 1745, Mercer seems reluctantly to -have resorted to an offer of reward and an appeal to the law. Even so, -he declined to place all the blame on Joe. Joe had been "Coachman to -Mr. Belfield of Richmond County" and in the reward offer Mercer states -that Joe - - ... was for some time after he first ran away lurking about the - Widow Belfield's Plantation.... He is a short, well-set Fellow, - about 26 Years of Age, and took with him several cloaths, among the - rest a Suit of Blue, lined and faced with Red, with White Metal - Buttons, Whoever will secure and bring home the said Negroe, shall - receive Two Pistoles Reward, besides what the Law allows: And as I - have a great Reason to believe, that he is privately encouraged to - run away, and then harboured and concealed, so that the Person or - Persons so harbouring him may be thereof convicted, I will pay to - such Discoverer Ten Pistoles upon Conviction. This being the third - Trip he has made since I bought him in _January_ last, I desire he - may receive such Correction in his Way home as the Law directs, - when apprehended.[104] - -Whether Joe received the harsh punishment his offense called for is not -recorded. However, in 1748 Mercer accounted for cash paid for "Joe's -Lodging & burial L3. 10.," suggesting that Joe enjoyed death-bed care -and a decent burial, even though he may have succumbed to "such -correction ... as the law directs." - -As has already been suggested, his overseers seem to have given Mercer -more trouble than his slaves. One was Booth Jones of Stafford, about -whom Mercer confided in his ledger, "By allowed him as Overseer tho he -ran away about 5 weeks before his time was out by w^{ch} I suffered more -damage than his whole wages. L3. 11." Meanwhile, in 1746 William -Wheeland, an overseer at Bull Run Quarters, "imbezilled" 40 barrels of -corn. - -James Savage was one of the principal overseers and seems to have been -in charge first at Sumner's Quarters and then at Bull Run Quarters. John -Ferguson succeeded him at the former place. William Torbutt was also at -Bull Run, while Mark Canton and Nicholas Seward were overseers at -Marlborough. - -The outfitting of slaves with proper clothes, blankets, and coats was an -important matter. It called for such purchases as 121 ells of -"ozenbrigs" from Hunter in 1742. "Ozenbrigs" was a coarse cloth of a -type made originally in Oznabruck, Germany,[105] and was traditionally -the Negro field hand's raiment. Many purchases of indigo point to the -dying of "Virginia" cloth, woven either on the plantation or by the -weavers mentioned earlier. Presumably, shoes for the Negroes were made -at Marlborough, judging from a purchase from Dick of 3-1/4 pounds of -shoe thread. The domestic servants were liveried, at least after the -mansion was occupied. William Thomson, a Fredericksburg tailor, made "a -Coat & Breeches [for] Bob, 11/." Bob was apparently Mercer's personal -manservant, who had served him since 1732. Thomson also was paid L4 16s. -2d. for "Making Liveries." The listing of such materials as "scarlet -duffel" and "scarlet buttons" points to colorful outfitting of slaves. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [103] _Virginia Gazette_, July 10, 1752; BRUCE, op. cit. - (footnote 5), vol. 2, pp. 107-108; ULRICH BONNELL PHILLIPS, - _American Negro Slavery_ (New York & London: D. Appleton, - 1918), pp. 271, 272, 381. - - [104] _Virginia Gazette_, September 12, 1745. - - [105] GEORGE FRANCIS DOW, _Everyday Life in the Massachusetts - Bay Colony_ (Boston: The Society for the Preservation of New - England Antiquities, 1935), p. 78. - - -SAILING, FISHING, HUNTING - -Water transportation was essential to all the planters, most of whom -owned sloops. We have seen that Mercer used a sloop for his earliest -trading activities before he settled at Marlborough, and it is apparent -that in the 1740's either this same sloop or another which may have -replaced it still was operated by him. Hauling tobacco to Cave's -warehouse, picking up a barrel of rum in Norfolk or a load of lumber on -the Eastern Shore were vital to the success of the plantation. To equip -the sloop, 14 yards of topsail, ship's twine, and a barrel of tar were -purchased in 1747. Mercer had two Negroes named "Captain" and -"Boatswain," and we may suppose that they had charge of the vessel. Such -an arrangement would not have been unique, for many years after this, in -1768, Mercer wrote that "a sloop of M^r Ritchie's that came around from -Rapp^a for a load of tobacco stopped at my landing; his negro skipper -brought me a letter from M^r Mills...."[106] - -That there was considerable hunting at Marlborough is borne out by -repeated references to powder, shot, gunpowder, and gunflints. Fishing -may have been carried on from the sloop and also in trap-nets of the -same sort still used in Potomac Creek off the Marlborough Point shore. -In 1742 purchases were made of a 40-fathom seine and 3 perch lines, and -in 1744 of 75 fishhooks and 2 drumlines. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [106] _George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. 208. - - -BOOKS - -In Ledger G, Mercer listed all the books of his library before 1746. He -then listed additions as they occurred through 1750 (Appendix K). This -astonishing catalog, disclosing one of the largest libraries in Virginia -at that time, reveals the catholicity of Mercer's tastes and the -inquiring mind that lay behind them. Included in the catalog are the -titles of perhaps the most important law library in the colony. - -The names of all sorts of books on husbandry and agriculture are to be -found in the list: "Practice of farming," "Houghton's Husbandry," -"Monarchy of the Bees," "Flax," "Grass," and Evelyn's "A Discourse of -Sallets." Mercer's interest in brewing, which later was to launch a -full-scale, if abortive, commercial enterprise is reflected in "London -Brewer," "Scott's Distilling and Fermentation," "Hops," and the "Hop -Gardin," while "The Craftsman," "Woollen Manufacture," and "New -Improvements" indicate his concern with the efficiency of other -plantation activities. - -He displayed an interest in nature and science typical of an -18th-century man: "Bacon's Natural History," "Gordon's Cosmography," -"Gordon's Geography," "Atkinson's Epitome of Navigation," "Ozamun's -Mathematical Recreations," "Keill's Astronomy," and "Newton's Opticks." -Two others were "Baker's Microscope" and "Description of the Microscope -&c." It may be significant that in 1747 Mercer bought three microscopes -from one "Doctor Spencer" of Fredericksburg, the books on the subject -and the instruments themselves possibly having been intended for the -education of the three boys. - -"150 Prints of Ovid's Metamorphosis" appears, in addition to "Ovid's -Metamorphosis and 25 Sins," for which Mercer paid L8 6s. to William -Parks in 1746. "Catalog of Plants" and "Merian of Insects" are other -titles related to natural science. - -Many books on history and biography are listed--for example, "Life of -Oliver Cromwell," "Lives of the Popes," "Life of the Duke of Argyle," -"Hughes History of Barbadoes," "Catholick History," "History of -Virginia," "Dr. Holde's History of China," "The English Acquisitions in -Guinea," "Purchas's Pilgrimage." - -There are 25 titles under "Physick & Surgery," reflecting the planter's -need to know the rudiments of medical care for his slaves and family. -Art, architecture, and travel interested him also, and we find such -titles as "Noblemen's Seats by Kip," "Willis's Survey of the -Cathedrals," "8 Views of Scotland," "Perrier's Statues," "Pozzo's -Perspective," "100 Views of Brabant & Flanders," "History of -Amphitheatres." There was but one title on music--"The Musical -Miscellany," mentioned previously. "Report about Silver Coins" was -probably an English report on the exchange rate of silver coinage in the -various British colonies. - -Mercer kept abreast of English literature of his own and preceding -generations: "Swift's Sermons," the "Spectator" and the "Tatler," -"Pope's Works," "Turkish Spy," "Tom Brown's Letters from the Dead to the -Living," "Pamela," "David Simple," "Joseph Andrews," "Shakespeare's -Plays," "Ben Jonson's Works," "Wycherley's Plays," "Prior's Works," -"Savage's Poems," "Cowley's Works," and "Select Plays" (in 16 volumes), -to mention but a few. The classics are well represented--"Lauderdale's -Virgil," "Ovid's Art of Love," "Martial" (in Greek), as well as a Greek -grammar and a Greek testament. There were the usual sermons and -religious books, along with such diverse subjects as "Alian's Tacticks -of War," "Weston's Treatise of Shorthand" and "Weston's Shorthand -Copybook," and "Greave's Origin of Weights, &c." He subscribed to the -_London Magazine_ and the _Gentleman's Magazine_, and received regularly -the _Virginia Gazette_. - -While most of Mercer's books were for intellectual edification or -factual reference, a few must have served the purpose of sheer visual -pleasure. Such was Merian's magnificent quarto volume of hand-colored -engraved plates of Surinam insects, with descriptive texts in Dutch. The -18th-century gentleman's taste for the elegant, the "curious," and the -aesthetically delightful were all satisfied in this luxurious book, -which would have been placed appropriately on a table for the pleasure -of Mercer's guests.[107] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [107] MARIA SIBYLLA MERIAN, _Metamorphosis Insectorum - Surinamensium efte Veranderung Surinaamsche Insecten_ - (Antwerp, 1705). - - -THE PETITION - -Although overseeing the construction of his mansion, buying the -furniture for it, and assembling a splendid library would have been -sufficient to keep lesser men busy, Mercer was absorbed in other -activities as well. On May 10, 1748, for example, he recorded in his -journal that he went "to Raceground by James Taylor's & Wid^o -Taliaferro's,"[108] traveling 50 miles to do so. On December 13, 1748, -he went "to Stafford Court & home. Swore to the Commission of the -Peace," thus becoming a justice of the peace for Stafford County. - -[Illustration: Figure 14.--ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY PLAN superimposed over -detail of 1691 plat, showing southwest corner of town developed by -Mercer. It can be seen that the mansion foundation was in the area near -the change of course "by the Gutt between Geo. Andrew's & the Court -house," hence in the vicinity of the courthouse site.] - -In the meanwhile, years had gone by, and no action had been taken on the -suit in chancery brought in the 1730's to establish Savage's survey of -Marlborough as the official one. During this time, Mercer had continued -to build on various lots other than those he owned, "relying on the -Lease and Consent of [the feoffees], at the Expense of above Fifteen -Hundred Pounds, which Improvements would have saved forty lots." -Finally, "judging the only effectual way to secure his Title would be to -procure an Act of General Assembly for that purpose,"[109] Mercer -applied to the Stafford court to purchase the county's interest in the -town, to which the court agreed on August 11, 1747, the price to be -10,000 pounds of tobacco. Since this transaction required legislative -approval, Mercer filed with the House of Burgesses the petition which -has served so often in these pages to tell the history of Marlborough. - -Mercer argued in the petition that the county had nothing to lose--that -it "had received satisfaction" for at least 30 lots, some of which he -might be obliged to buy over again; that, considering the history of the -town, no one but himself would be likely to take up any other lots, the -last having been subscribed to in 1708; and that his purchase of the -town would be not to the county's disadvantage but rather to his own -great expense. He was willing to accept an appraisal from "any one -impartial person of Credit" who would say the town was worth more, and -to pay "any Consideration this worshipful House shall think just." - -He pointed out that the two acres set aside for the courthouse were -excluded and that they "must revert to the Heir of the former -Proprietor, (who is now an Infant)." He did not indicate in the petition -that he himself was the guardian of William Brent, infant heir to the -courthouse property. It is most significant, therefore, that in asking -for favorable action he added, "except the two acres thereof, which were -taken in for a Courthouse, as aforesaid and which he is willing to lay -of as this worshipful House may think most for the Benefit of Mr. -William Brent, the Infant, to whom the same belongs, _or to pay him -double or treble the worth of the said two acres, if the same is also -vested in your Petitioner_." (Italics supplied.) Plainly, Mercer had -much at stake in obtaining title to the courthouse land. This supports -the hypothesis that the Gregg survey of 1707 infringed on the courthouse -land, that Ballard's lot 19 on the Gregg survey overlapped it, and that -Mercer's first two houses, and now his mansion, were partly on land that -rightfully belonged to his ward, William Brent. Mercer apparently had so -built over all the lower part of Marlborough without regard to title of -ownership, and had so committed himself to occupancy of the courthouse -site, that he was now in the embarrassing position of having to look -after William Brent's interests when they were in conflict with his own. -Likely it is that he had depended too much on acceptance of the -still-unauthorized Savage survey to correct the previous discrepancies -by means of its extra row of lots. - -Still further indication that the courthouse land was at issue is found -in the proceedings that followed the petition. In these, there are -repeated references to Mercer's having been called upon to testify "as -the Guardian of William Brent." Clearly, the legislators were concerned -with the effect the acceptance of the petition would have on Brent's -interests. If Mercer, as seems likely, was building his mansion on the -courthouse land, the burgesses had reason to question him. In any case, -the House resolved in the affirmative "That the said Petition be -rejected".[110] - -This setback was only temporary, however. The wider problems of -Marlborough had at least been brought to light, so that by the time the -next fall session was held Mercer's 18-year-old suit to have Savage's -designated the official survey finally was acted upon: - -"At a General Court held at the Court House in Williamsburg the 12th -October 1749" the John Savage survey of 1731 was "Decreed & Ordered" to -be "the only Survey" of Marlborough. The problem of overlapping -boundaries occasioned by the conflicts between the first two surveys was -solved neatly. Mercer agreed to accept lots 1 through 9, 22 and 25, and -33, 34, 42, and 43, "instead of the s^d 17 lots so purchased." The new -lots extended up the Potomac River shore, while the "s^d 17 lots" were -those which he had originally purchased and had built upon. Since he had -"saved" these 17 lots by building on them, according to the old laws for -the town, "it is further decreed & ordered that the said Town of -Marlborough grant & convey unto the s^d John Mercer in fee such & so -many other Lotts in the said Town as shall include the Houses & -Improvm^{ts} made by the said John Mercer according to the Rate of 400 -square feet of Housing for each Lot so as the Lots to be granted for any -House of greater Dimensions be contiguous & are not separated from the -said House by any of the Streets of the said Town."[111] - -Thus, Mercer's original titles to 17 lots were made secure by -substituting new lots for the disputed ones he had occupied. This device -enabled the feoffees to sell back the original lots--at L182 per -lot--with new deeds drawn on the basis of the Savage survey. The final -provision that lots be contiguous when a house larger than the minimum -400 square feet was built on them, and that the house and lots should -not be separated by streets from each other, guaranteed the integrity of -the mansion and its surrounding land. No mention was made here, or in -subsequent transfers, of the courthouse land. Presumably it was -conveniently forgotten, Mercer perhaps having duly recompensed his ward. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [108] James Taylor lived in Caroline County; the "Wid^o - Taliaferro" was probably Mrs. John Taliaferro of - Spotsylvania. - - [109] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). - - [110] _JHB, 1742-1747; 1748-1749_, op. cit. (footnote 6), pp. - 285-286. - - [111] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). - - -HEALTH AND MEDICINE - -Three weeks before his petition was read in the House, Mercer became -ill. On October 26, 1748, he noted in his journal, "Very ill obliged to -keep my bed." This was almost his first sickness after years of -apparently robust health. Such indispositions as he occasionally -suffered had occurred, like this one, at Williamsburg, where -conviviality and rich food caused many another colonial worthy to -founder. In this case, anxiety over the outcome of his petition may have -brought on or aggravated his ailment. In any event, he stayed throughout -the court session at the home of Dr. Kenneth McKenzie, who treated him. -On November 3 he noted that he was "On Recovery," and two days later -"went out to take the air." The following appears in his account with -Dr. McKenzie: - - October 1748: By Medicines & Attendance myself & Ice L7.19.11 - By Lodging &c 7 weeks 6. 6. 7 - -From William Parks, on another occasion, he bought "Rattlesnake root," -which was promoted in 18th-century Virginia as a specific against the -gout, smallpox, and "Pleuritick and Peripneumonic Fevers."[112] Twice he -bought "British oyl," a favorite popular nostrum sold in tall, square -bottles, and on another occasion "2 bottles of Daffy's Elixir."[113] In -1749 he settled his account with George Gilmer, apothecary of -Williamsburg, for such things as oil of cinnamon, Holloways' Citrate, -"Aqua Linnaean," rhubarb, sago, "Sal. Volat.," spirits of lavender, and -gum fragac. The final item in the account was for April 22, 1750, for "a -Vomit." The induced vomit, usually by a tartar emetic, was an accepted -cure for overindulgence and a host of supposed ailments. That inveterate -valetudinarian and amateur physician, William Byrd, was in the habit of -"giving" vomits to his sick slaves.[114] - -In November and December 1749 Mercer sustained his first long illness, -during which he was attended by "Doctor Amson." "Taken sick" at home on -November 13, he evidently did not begin to recover until December 11. -Whatever improvement he may have made must have received a setback on -the last day of the year, when he recorded in his journal: "Took about -60 grains of Opium & 60 grains of Euphorbium by mistake instead of a -dose of rhubarb." - -FOOTNOTES: - - [112] Ten years earlier a vogue for rattlesnake root had been - established, apparently by those interested in promoting it. - On June 16, 1738, Benjamin Waller wrote to the editor of the - _Virginia Gazette_ extolling the virtues of rattlesnake root - in a testimonial. He claimed it cured him quickly of the - gout, and, he wrote, "I am also fully convinced this Medicine - has saved the Lives of many of my Negroes, and others in that - Disease, which rages here, and is by many called a - _Pleurisy_; And that it is a sure Cure in a Quartan Ague." - Two weeks later the _Gazette_ carried "Proposals for Printing - by Subscription a _Treatise_ on the DISEASES of _Virginia_ - and the Neighbouring Colonies ... To which is annexed, An - Appendix, showing the strongest Reasons, _a priori_, that the - Seneca Rattle-Snake Root must be of more use than any - Medicine in the _Materia Medica_." - - [113] See GEORGE B. GRIFFENHAGEN and JAMES HARVEY YOUNG, "Old - English Patent Medicines in America," (paper 10 in - _Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology: - Papers 1-11_, U.S. National Museum Bulletin 218, by various - authors; Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1959). - - [114] _The Secret Diary of William Byrd of Westover, - 1709-1712_, edit. Louis B. Wright and Marian Tingling. - (Richmond, Virginia: The Dietz Press, 1941), p. 188 (for - example). - - -RELIGION AND CHARITIES - -Mercer's religious observances were irregular, although usually when he -was home he attended Potomac Church. At the same time he continued as a -vestryman in Overwharton Parish (which included Potomac and Aquia -churches). On September 28, 1745, the vestry met to decide whether to -build a new Aquia church or to repair the old one. They "then proceeded -to agree with one _William Walker_, an Undertaker to build a new brick -Church, Sixty Feet Square in the Clear, for One Hundred and Fifty Three -Thousand Nine Hundred and Twenty Pounds of Transfer Tobacco."[115] In -October Mercer entered in Ledger G, under the Overwharton Parish -account, "To drawing articles with Walker." In December he charged the -parish with "2 bottles claret" and "To Robert Jackson for mending the -Church Plate." Jackson was a Fredericksburg silversmith.[116] - -The following March, the proprietors of the Accokeek Ironworks -petitioned the Committee on Propositions and Grievances with an -objection to the vestry's decision to rebuild, claiming that "as the -said Iron-Works lie in the Parish aforesaid, and employ many Tithables -in carrying on the same, they will labour under great Hardships -thereby...."[117] The petition was rejected, but nothing seems to have -been done on the new church until three months after Walker's death in -February 1750, when Mourning Richards was appointed undertaker.[118] - -Mercer's charities in this decade form a short list. His only outright -gift was his "Subscription to Protestant working-Schools in Ireland. To -my annual Subscription for Sterling L5.5." In 1749 he did L12 3s. worth -of legal work for the College of William and Mary, which he converted -into "Subscriptions to Schools" of equal value; in other words, he -donated his services. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [115] Op. cit. (footnote 19), p. 203. - - [116] _Virginia Gazette_, October 20, 1752; RALPH BARTON - CUTTEN, _The Silversmiths of Virginia_ (Richmond, 1953), pp. - 39-40. - - [117] Op. cit. (footnote 19), p. 199. - - [118] WHIFFEN, op. cit. (footnote 94), p. 142. - - -CATHERINE MERCER'S DEATH AND ANN ROY'S ARRIVAL - -On April 1, 1750, Mercer went to Williamsburg for the spring session and -stopped en route to visit his friend Dr. Mungo Roy at Port Royal in -Caroline County. He remained at Williamsburg until the seventh, except -for going on the previous day to "Greenspring" to be entertained by -Philip Ludwell in the Jacobean mansion built a century earlier by -Governor Berkeley. Again stopping off at Port Royal, he returned home on -May 10. He remained there until June 15, when he made the laconic entry -in his journal: "My wife died between 3 & 4 at noon." What time this -denotes is unclear. - -Following this loss--Catherine Mercer was only 43--Mercer remained at -home for five days, then visited his sister-in-law Mrs. Ann Mason. The -next night he stayed with the pastor of Aquia Church, Mr. Moncure, then -returned to Marlborough and remained there for nearly a month. -Meanwhile, he purchased from Fielding Lewis, at a cost of L3 18s. -7-1/2d., "sundrys for mourning." William Thomson, the Stafford tailor, -made his mourning clothes. The preparations for the funeral must have -been elaborate; it was not held until July 13. - -[Illustration: Figure 15.--PORTRAIT OF ANN ROY MERCER, John Mercer's -second wife and the daughter of Dr. Mungo Roy of Port Royal, painted in -1750 or shortly thereafter. (_Courtesy of Mrs. Thomas B. Payne._)] - -At the end of July Mercer went to Williamsburg, thence to Yorktown, and -from there to Hampton and Norfolk by water on an "Antigua Ship," -returning to Hampton on August 5 on a "Negro Ship," evidently having -caught passage on oceangoing traders. The younger children remained in -Williamsburg with George and a nurse. On September 8 he went to Port -Royal and stayed "at Dr. Roy's." He returned home on the 10th, then went -back to Port Royal on the 14th, staying at Dr. Roy's until the 20th, -attending Sunday church services during his visit. He returned home -again on the 23rd, only to visit Dr. Roy once more on the 28th. The -October court session drew him to Williamsburg, where he remained until -November 7. While there, he purchased the following from James -Craig,[119] a jeweler: - - L s. d. - - By a pair of Earrings 2 12 - By a pair of Buttons 2 12 - By a plain Ring 1 1 6 - -On November 8 he returned to Dr. Roy's. On the 10th he added a -characteristically sparse note to his chronicle, "Married to Ann Roy." - -The period for mourning poor Catherine was short indeed. But the mansion -at Marlborough needed a mistress, and Mercer's children, a mother. A new -chapter was about to open as the decade closed. From the meticulous -records that Mercer kept, it has been possible to see Mercer as a -dynamic cosmopolite, accomplishing an incredible amount in a few short -years. His constant physical movement from place to place, his reading -of the law and of even a fraction of his hundreds of books in science, -literature, and the arts, his managing of four plantations, attending -two monthly court sessions a year at Williamsburg, looking after the -legal affairs of hundreds of clients, concerning himself with the design -and construction of a remarkable house and selecting the furnishings for -it--all this illustrates a personality of enormous capacity. - -Marlborough was now a full-fledged plantation. Although the legacy of an -earlier age still nagged at Mercer and prevented him from holding title -to much of the old town, he had, nevertheless, transformed it, gracing -it with the outspread grandeur of a Palladian great house. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [119] "James CRAIG, _Jeweller_, from LONDON Makes all sorts - Jeweller's Work, in the best Manner at his Shop in _Francis_ - Street (facing the Main Street) opposite to Mr. Hall's new - Store." _Virginia Gazette_, September 25, 1746. - - - - -V - -_Mercer and Marlborough, from Zenith to Decline, 1751-1768_ - - -THE OHIO COMPANY - -The long last period of Mercer's life and of the plantation he created -began at a time of growing concern about the western frontier and the -wilderness beyond it. In 1747 this concern had been expressed in the -founding of the Ohio Company of Virginia by a group of notable colonial -leaders: Thomas Cresap, Augustine Washington, George Fairfax, Lawrence -Washington, Francis Thornton, and Nathaniel Chapman. George Mason was an -early member, and so, not surprisingly, was John Mercer, whose prestige -as a lawyer was the primary reason for his introduction to the company. -We learn from the minutes of the meeting on December 3, 1750. - - "[Resolved] That it is absolutely necessary to have proper Articles - to bind the Company that Mason ..., Scott & Chapman or any two of - them, apply to John Mercer to consider and draw such Articles and - desire him attend the next general meeting of the Company at - Stafford Courthouse...."[120] - -At the meeting in May 1751, Mercer presented the Articles and was -"admitted as a Partner on advancing his twentieth part of the whole -Expence."[121] From then on he was virtually secretary of the company, -as well as its chief driving force. He was made a committee member with -Lawrence Washington, Nathaniel Chapman, James Scott, and George Mason, -who was treasurer. The "Committee" was the central or executive board. - -With the leading members living in Stafford County or nearby, most of -the meetings of both the company and the committee were held at Stafford -courthouse, and occasionally in private houses of the members. We can -imagine with what pride Mercer noted in his journal for February 5-7, -1753, "Ohio Committee met at my house." The important role played by the -Ohio Company in the Mercers' lives--and by them in the Company--is fully -recounted in the _George Mercer Papers Relating to the Ohio Company of -Virginia_. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [120] _The George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. - 5. - - [121] Ibid. - - -GEORGE, JOHN, AND JAMES - -Mercer doubtless threw himself into the Ohio Company's affairs with -characteristic drive and enthusiasm. We may surmise that there was heady -talk at Marlborough about the frontier and of dangerous exploits against -the Indians and the French--enough, at least, to have stirred youthful -cravings for adventure among the Mercer boys. Certain it is that George -and John Fenton, aged 19 and 18, respectively, joined the frontier -regiment of their neighbor Colonel Fry as young officers "upon the first -incursions of the French."[122] - -James, aged 16 and too young for soldiering, exhibited an unusual -aptitude for architecture. His talent was noticed by William Bromley, -the master joiner on the mansion house, who told Mercer that James "had -a most extraordinary turn to mechanicks." On the strength of this, -Mercer decided that James should become a master carpenter or joiner, -then synonymous with "architect." In America in 1753 professional -architects, as we know them, did not exist; gentlemen, some very -talented, designed and drafted, while skilled joiners or carpenters -followed general directions, executing, engineering, and inventing as -they went along. - -Mercer's decision was as unconventional as it was prescient, being made -at a time when gentlemen were not expected to learn a trade, yet at a -moment when the respected place the professional architect was later to -have could be envisioned. Indeed, he explained his feeling that those -who possessed architectural skills "were more beneficial members of -society, and more likely to make a fortune, with credit, than the young -Gentlemen of those times, who wore laced jackets attended for -improvement at ordinaries, horse races, cock matches, and gaming -tables." Motivated by this honest sense of values, forged in the -experience of a self-made man, Mercer proceeded to bind James -"apprentice to Mr. Waite, a master carpenter and undertaker (of -Alexandria), who covenanted to instruct him in all the different -branches of that business. At the same time I bound four young Negro -fellows (which I had given him) to Mr. Waite, who covenanted to instruct -each of them in a particular branch. These, I expected, when they were -out of their time, would place him in such a situation as might enable -him to provide for himself, if I should not be able to do any more for -him. It is notorious that I received the compliments of the Governour, -several of the Council, and many of the best Gentlemen in the country, -for having set such an example, which, they said, they hoped would -banish that false pride that too many of their countrymen were actuated -by." - -On June 25, 1753, Mercer noted in his journal, "At home. Bound son James -& Peter & Essex to W^m Waite for 5 y^{rs}." However commendable this -effort to banish "false pride" may have been, it was probably not a -realistic solution for James' career. James, as we shall see, was to -make his own choice later and was to follow with great distinction in -his father's footsteps as a lawyer. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [122] All the foregoing quotations in this section are from - Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_, September 26, 1766. - - -GROWING BURDENS, RESPONSIBILITIES, AND DEBTS - -Meanwhile, Mercer had announced his intention to publish a new edition -of the _Abridgment_. In doing so, he adopted a hostile, testy approach -that was unusual even in 18th-century advertising. Implying that he was -doing a favor to an ungrateful populace, he stated in the Virginia -_Gazette_ on August 16, 1751, "I have been prevail'd upon to print it, -if I have a prospect of saving myself, though the Treatment I met from -the Subscribers to the last had determined me never to be again -concerned in an Undertaking of this Kind." On the following February 20, -he announced in the _Gazette_ that if there were 600 subscribers by the -last of the next General Court he would send the copy to press. If not, -he would return the money to those who had subscribed, "which I should -not have troubled myself with, if I could have thought of any other -Expedient to secure myself against the base Usage I met with from the -Subscribers to my former _Abridgment_, who left above 1200 of them on my -Hands." This kind of advertising had its predictable response: -publication of the new _Abridgment_ was postponed indefinitely. - -The first suggestion that all was not well in Mercer's financial affairs -was given in an advertisement in the _Gazette_ on April 10, 1752. In -this he noted that he had agreed to pay the debts of one Francis -Wroughton, a London merchant, out of Wroughton's effects. However, -although Wroughton's effects had not materialized, he promised to make -payment anyway, "notwithstanding a large Ballance due to myself." He -concluded, "Besides Mr. _Wroughton's_ Debts, I have some of my own (and -not inconsiderable) to pay, therefore I hope that such Gentlemen as are -indebted to me will, without putting me to the Blush which a Dunn will -occasion, discharge their Debts...." - -Perhaps to alleviate these difficulties, he had advertised in the -Gazette on the previous March 15 that he would lease "3,000 Acres of -extraordinary good fresh Land, in Fairfax and Prince William," but there -is no evidence that he was successful. - -Signs of irritability became increasingly noticeable. In 1753 he -outraged his fellow justices at Stafford court--so much so that they -brought charges against him before the Executive Council "for -misbehavior as a Justice."[123] It was decided that, although "his -Conduct had been in some Respects blameable, particularly by his -Intemperance, opprobrious Language on the Bench, and indecent Treatment -of the other Justices, ... that in Consideration of his having been a -principal Instrument in a due Administration of Justice, and expediting -the Business of the County, it has been thought proper to continue him -Judge of the Court."[124] - -A growing burden of debt, in contrast to the prosperity of the preceding -decade, clearly affected Mercer's attitude, as we can see in a Gazette -advertisement on November 7, 1754: "I will not undertake any new, or -finish any old Cause, 'til I receive my Fee, or Security for it to my -liking: And I hope such Gentlemen as for above these seven years past -have put me off with Promises every succeeding General Court will think -it reasonable now to discharge their accounts." Concurrent with -indebtedness was an almost annual increase in the size of his family. In -1752 Grace Fenton Mercer was born, the next year Mungo Roy, and in 1754 -Elinor. - -At the same time, he still pursued the restless activity that -characterized his earlier years. On July 24, 1753, Mercer went "to -Balthrop's, Smith's Ordin^{ry} & Vaulx's,"[125] a distance of 27 miles, -during which he "Overset." On the 25th he went on eight miles farther -"to Col^o Phil Lee's"[126] for a three-day meeting of the Ohio Company, -then went the whole 35 miles home on the 28th. On September 6 he was -called eight miles away "to Boyd's hole on Inquest as Coroner & home by -4 in the morn^g," while the next day he was "at home. Son Mungo Roy born -ab^t 2 in the morning." On the 19th Mungo Roy was christened. Four days -later he went 15 miles to Fredericksburg for the christening of William -Dick's son Alexander, returning home the next day. The following day -Mercer journeyed 14 miles and back to "Holdbrook's Survey" by way of -Mountjoy's, and repeated the trip the next day, stopping at Major -Hedgman's[127] coming and going. On October 5 he made a three-day trip -to Williamsburg, covering the distance in stretches of 16, 52, and 42 -miles per day, respectively. He went by way of Port Royal, where he "Met -M^r Wroughton," presumably the London merchant whose creditors he had -agreed to pay. The second day took him by way of King William -courthouse. On the return on November 4-6, he came via Chiswell's -Ordinary[128] and New Kent courthouse (which he noted had "Burnt"), -covering a total of 110 miles. - -On June 3, 1754, his clerk reported to duty, according to a journal -entry: "Rogers came here at L50 p^r annum." Rogers remained in Mercer's -employ until 1768. - -Mercer seems to have been driving himself to the limit, not to achieve -success as in the prior decades, but rather to hold secure what he -already had. The specter of debt now hung over him, as it did over -nearly every planter, under the increasing burdens of the French and -Indian War. The 17th-century wisdom of William Fitzhugh and Robert -Beverley in seeking to lead the colony away from complete dependence -upon tobacco was apparent to those who would remember. Marlborough, -although still technically a town, was now in reality a tobacco -plantation, and Mercer, despite his status as a lawyer, was as -irretrievably committed to the success or failure of tobacco as was -Fitzhugh 70 years earlier. The hard years were now upon all, and, like -his equally hard-pressed debtors, Mercer was suffering from them. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [123] _Executive Journals of the Council_, op. cit. (footnote - 66), vol. 5, p. 410. - - [124] Ibid., p. 434. - - [125] The Balthrop family lived in King George County; - Smith's ordinary has not been identified; "Vaulx's" probably - refers to the home of Robert Vaulx of Pope's Creek, - Westmoreland County. Vaulx was father-in-law of Lawrence - Washington and died in 1755. - - [126] Philip Ludwell Lee, proprietor of "Stratford," - Westmoreland County, 1751-1775, grandfather of General Robert - E. Lee. "Old Stratford and the Lees who Lived There," - _Magazine of the Society of Lees of Virginia_ (Richmond, May - 1925), vol. 3, no. 1, p. 15. - - [127] Peter Hedgman was another Stafford County leader. He - was burgess from 1742 to 1755. "Members of the House of - Burgesses," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1901), vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 249. - - [128] George Fisher visited Chiswell's ordinary: "On Monday - May the 12th 1755, at Day Break, about half an hour after - Four in the morning, I left Williamsburg to proceed to - Philadelphia.... About Eight o'clock, by a slow Pace, I - arrived at Chiswell's Ordinary. Two Planters in the Room, I - went into, were at Cards (all Fours) but on my arrival, - returned into an inner Room." "Narrative of George Fisher," - _WMQ_ [1] (Richmond, 1909), vol. 17, pp. 164-165. - - -LIFE AT MARLBOROUGH DURING THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS - -On March 11, 1755, after nearly 30 years of uncertainty about his titles -to Marlborough, Mercer at last was granted the entire 52-acre town in a -release from the feoffees, Peter Daniel and Gerard Fowke. This was made -with the provision that he should be "Eased from making improvements on -the other twenty-six Lots (those not built upon), to prevent their -forfeiture and the County will be wholly reimbursed, which it is not -probable it ever will be otherwise as only one Lot has been taken up in -forty-seven years last past and there is not one House in the said town -which has not been built by the said Mercer."[129] - -While the day-to-day events of Marlborough went on much as ever, the -conflict between the British and the French spread from Canada southward -along the western ridge of the Appalachians. This expansion, inevitably, -was reflected in the Mercers' activities in many ways, both great and -small. As the struggle approached its climax, Braddock's troops came to -Virginia in March 1755, and were quartered in Alexandria. Among them was -John Mercer's brother, Captain James Mercer, who was a professional -soldier. On March 25 John left Marlborough for Alexandria, probably to -greet James and to have him billeted at William Waite's house where -young son James already was living as Waite's apprentice. This bringing -together of two far-flung members of the Mercer family had unanticipated -results. Captain James was a British gentlemen-officer, untouched by the -leveling influences of colonial life and therefore untempted to banish -"false pride" by any such radical means as John had employed with young -James. Indeed, the sight of his nephew learning a mechanical trade must -have been a rude shock, for we learn from John Mercer that Captain James -"found means to make his nephew uneasy under his choice; and I was from -that time incessantly teazed, by those who well knew their interest over -me, until I was brought to consent very reluctantly that he should quit -the plumb and square" and become a lawyer.[130] - -Mercer returned to Marlborough by way of George Mason's, near the place -where a few months later William Buckland was to begin work on "Gunston -Hall." He remained there all day on April 1--"at M^r Mason's wind -bound," he wrote in his journal. The next day he went "home through a -very great gust." - -The problems of managing a plantation went on through peace and through -war. Besides a multitude of Negroes, there were also indentured white -servants at Marlborough. One of these ran away and was advertised in the -_Virginia Gazette_ on May 2, 1755: - - ... a Servant Man named _John Clark_, he pretends sometimes to be a - Ship-Carpenter by Trade, at other Times a Sawyer or a Founder ... - he is about 5 feet 7 inches high, round Shoulders, a dark - Complexion, grey eyes, a large Nose and thick Lips, an _Englishman_ - by birth; had on when he went away, a blue Duffil Frock with flat - white Metal Buttons and round Cuffs, red corded Plush Breeches, old - grey Worsted Stockings, old Shoes, and broad Pewter Buckles, brown - Linen wide Trousers, some check'd Shirts, and a Muslin Neckcloth; - had also an old Beaver Hat bound round with Linen. - -On October 24, the _Gazette_ carried another advertisement related to -Mercer's problems of personnel: - - A Miller that understands the Management of a Wind-mill, and can - procure a proper Recommendation, may have good Wages, on applying - to the Subscriber during the General Court, at _Williamsburg_, or - afterwards, at his House in _Stafford_ County, before the last Day - of November, or if any such Person will enclose his Recommendation, - and let me know his Terms by the Post from _Williamsburg_, he may - depend on meeting an Answer at the Post-Office there, without - Charge, the first Post after his Letter comes to my Hands. _John - Mercer_ - -In the meanwhile, the war had broken out in full scale, and the disaster -at Fort Duquesne had taken place. Mercer apparently learned the bad news -at a Stafford court session, for he noted in his journal on July 9, -after observing his attendance at court, "General Braddock defeated." We -can imagine his concern, for both George and John Fenton were -participants in the campaign. - -On April 18, 1756, John Fenton was killed in action while fighting under -Washington.[131] Curiously, his death was not mentioned in the journal. -Instead, we learn of the death of John Mercer's horse on the way to -Williamsburg in April and of the fact that, on his return in May, Mercer -lost his way and traveled 46 miles in a day. He tells us that he went -"to M^r Moncure's by water" on May 26, a distance of 15 miles, and that -he made a round trip from Mr. Moncure's to Aquia Church for a total of -12 miles. On July 14, he noted that he went "to Maj^r Hedgman's & -returning thrown out of the chaise & very much bruised." - -The demands of the war are revealed in journal entries made in June -1757. On the 20th he wrote, "to Court to prick Soldiers & home," and on -the 27th, "to Court to draft Soldiers & home." As at other times in the -journal, birth and death, in their tragic immediacy and repetitiveness, -were juxtaposed in September: on the 24th, "Son John born"; on the 27th, -"Brother James died at Albany"; on the 28th, "Son John died." - -In 1758 George Mason ran for the office of burgess from both Stafford -and Fairfax. On July 11, Mercer went to the Stafford elections, where -"Lee & Mason" were chosen. On the 15th, he went "to M^r Selden's & home -by water to see M^r Mason," who evidently had come to Marlborough for a -visit. Four days later, he traveled to Alexandria for the elections -there and saw "Johnston & Mason" elected. - -In the fall of 1758 he went, as usual, to Williamsburg. His route this -time was long and devious, taking him to both Caroline and King William -County courthouses on the way, for a total of 121 miles in five days. We -learn of one of the hazards of protracted journeys in the 18th century -from a notation repeated daily in his journal for four days following -his arrival: "at Williamsburg Confined to Bed with the Piles." - -On November 15, soon after his return to Marlborough, Mercer was sworn -to the new commission of Stafford justices. Five days previously his son -Catesby had been buried, but, as usually happened, new life came to take -the place of that which had survived so briefly. On May 17, 1759, Mercer -recorded, "Son John Francis born at 7 in the Evening." John Francis -evidently was given an auspicious start in life by a christening of more -than ordinary formality: "May 28. to Col^o Harrison's with the Gov^r Son -christened." - -During 1759 the second edition of the _Abridgment_ was published in -Glasgow, Scotland, this time with neither public notice nor -recrimination.[132] On November 25, Mercer met the growing problem of -his indebtedness by deeding equal shares of some of his properties, as -well as whole amounts of others, to George and James Mercer, Marlborough -and a few other small holdings excepted. Fifty Negroes were included in -the transaction. This action was followed immediately by the release of -the properties under their new titles to Colonel John Tayloe and Colonel -Presley Thornton for a year, thus providing cash by which George and -James could pay L3000 of John Mercer's debts.[133] - -The Ohio Company was experiencing its difficulties also. Mercer's -importance in it was demonstrated by his appointment to "draw up a full -State of the Company's Case setting forth the Hardships We labour under -and the Reasons why the Lands have not been settled and the Fort -finished according to Royal Instructions...."[134] This was his most -responsible assignment during his activity in the company. - -Indebtedness throughout these years lurked constantly in the background, -now and then breaking through acutely. In 1760, for example, William -Tooke, a London merchant, brought suit to collect L331 1s. 6d. which -Mercer owed him. Two years later Capel Hanbury sued Mercer for L31 -10s.[135] - -In 1761 George Washington and George Mercer ran for burgesses from -Frederick County in the Shenandoah Valley, and both were elected. John -Mercer, evidently anxious to be present for the election, undertook the -arduous journey to Winchester, leaving Marlborough on May 15. His -itinerary was as follows: - - May 15 to Fredericksburg 15 - 16 to Nevill's Ordinary 37 - 17 to Ashby's Combe's & Winchester 32 - 18 at Winchester (Frederick Election) - (Geo Washington and Geo Mercer elected) - 19 to M^r Dick's Quarter 18 - 20 to Pike's M^r Wormley's Quarter 12 - 21 to Snickers's Little River Quarters & Nevill's 60 - 22 to Fallmouth & home 50 - -In the previous year Anna had been born, and now, on December 14, 1761, -Maria arrived. Between the 8th and the 20th of August, 1762, entries -were made that suggest that there was an epidemic of sorts at -Marlborough: "Cupid died // Tom (Poll's) died // Daughter Elinor died // -Miss B. Roy died." In his long letter to George, written in 1768, he -reflected on the fact that, although through the years 98 Negroes had -been born at Marlborough, he, at that time, had fewer than the total of -all he had ever bought. "Your sister Selden," he wrote "attributes it to -the unhealthiness of Patomack Neck, which there may be something in.... -I thank God, however, that my own family has been generally as healthy -as other people's."[136] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [129] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). - - [130] Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_, September 26, - 1766. - - [131] John Clement Fitzpatrick, ed., _The Writings of George - Washington_ (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, - 1931), vol. 1, p. 318. - - [132] "Journals of the Council of Virginia in Executive - Sessions, 1737-1763," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1907), vol. 14, p. 232 - (footnote). - - [133] _The George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. - 190. - - [134] Ibid., p. 179. - - [135] "Proceedings of the Virginia Committee of - Correspondence 1759-67," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1905), vol. 12, p. - 4. - - [136] _The George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. - 213. - - -THE END OF THE WAR AND THE STAMP ACT - -The year 1763 marked the end of the war. It also signaled a turning -point in the colonies' relations with England. In a royal proclamation -the King prohibited the colonies from expanding westward past the -Appalachian ridge, in effect nullifying the Ohio Company's claims and -objectives. George Mercer was appointed agent of the company and was -dispatched to England to plead its cause. - -By this time Britain was beginning to apply the other allegedly -oppressive measures which preceded the Revolution. Antismuggling laws -were enforced, implemented by "writs of assistance," thus increasing -colonial burdens which had been avoided previously by widespread -smuggling. The South was particularly hard hit by parliamentary orders -forbidding the colonies the use of paper money as legal tender for -payment of debts. In a part of the world where a credit economy and -chronic indebtedness made a flexible currency essential, this measure -was a disastrous matter. - -Despite the ominousness of the times, Mercer continued with the daily -routine, the minutiae of which filled his journal. He noted on January -9, 1763, that he went to Potomac Church--"Neither Minister or clerk -there." On February 21 he went a mile--probably up Potomac Creek--to -watch "John Waugh's halling the Saine & home." On March 1 his merchant -friend John Champe was buried. After the funeral Mercer went directly to -Selden's for an Ohio Company meeting. - -From December 10 until March 1765, Mercer was sick. Of this interval, he -wrote George in 1768 that "My business had latterly so much encreased, -together with my slowness in writing, & Rogers, tho a tolerable good -clerk, was so incapable of assisting me out of the common road, that -when you saw me at Williamsburg, I was reduced by my fatigue, to a very -valetudinary state."[137] Indebtedness, overwork, advancing age, and the -reverses of the times had evidently caused a crisis. - -Passage of the Stamp Act in 1765, to raise revenues to support an army -of occupation in the colonies, struck close to John Mercer, for George, -while in England, had been designated stamp officer for Virginia. George -returned to Williamsburg, little expecting the hostile greeting he was -to receive from a crowd of angry planters. Quickly disavowing his new -office, he returned the stamps the following day. - -Many made the most of George's tactical blunder in accepting the -stamp-officer appointment. Indeed, the Mercers seem to have been made -the scapegoats for the frustrations and turmoil into which the mother -country's actions had plunged the colony. George Mercer was hanged in -effigy at Westmoreland courthouse, and James Mercer took to the -_Gazettes_ to defend him. There were counterattacks on James while he -was absent in Frederick County, and Mercer himself rushed in with a -lengthy satirical diatribe entitled "Prophecy from the East." Occupying -all the space normally devoted to foreign news in Purdie & Dixon's -_Virginia Gazette_ for September 26, 1766, this struck out at anonymous -attackers whom Mercer scathingly nicknamed Gibbet, Scandal, Pillory, and -Clysterpipe. He later explained to George that James' "antagonist was -backed by so many anonymous scoundrels, that I was drawn in during his -abscence at the springs in Frederick to answer I did not know whom tho -it since appears D^r Arthur Lee was the principal, if not the only -assassin under different vizors, & he was so regardless of truth that he -invented & published the most infamous lies as indisputable facts: on -your brother's return I got out of the scrape but from a paper war it -turned to a challenge, which produced a skirmish, in which your bro. -without receiving any damage broke the Doctors head, & closed his eyes -in such a manner as obliged him to keep his house sometime...."[138] - -Of John Mercer's own attitude towards the Stamp Act there can be no -question. On November 1, 1765, he noted in his journal, "The damned -Stamp Act was to have taken place this day but was proved initially -disappointed." He is said to have written a tract against the Stamp Act, -although no copy has survived. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [137] Ibid., p. 187. - - [138] Ibid. - - -THE CLOSING YEARS[139] - -The elements of tragedy mark Mercer's final years--the tragedy of John -Mercer and Marlborough interwoven with the epic failures of the colonial -experiment. Prompted by his illness, he quit his legal practice in the -courts in 1765. In the same year he "gave notice to the members of the -Ohio Company, that my health & business would not longer allow me to -concern myself in their affairs which they had entirely flung upon my -hands." He also "on account of my deafness, refused to act as a justice, -which I should not have done otherwise, as I have the satisfaction to -know that I have done my country some service in this station." - -Heavily in debt, disillusioned and embittered by the dwindling results -of his struggles, he wrote that "I have attended the bar thirty-six -years, through a perpetual hurry and uneasiness, and have been more -truly a slave than any one I am, or ever was, master of; yet have not -been able, since the first day of last January, to command ten pounds, -out of near ten thousand due me." Recoiling from his situation, he -desperately sought a way out and a means to recover his losses. With -self-deceptive optimism he seized upon the idea of establishing a -brewery at Marlborough, since "our Ordinaries abound & daily increase -(for drinking will continue longer than anything but eating)." -Accordingly, he built a brewhouse and a malthouse, each 100 feet long, -of brick and stone, together with "Cellars, Cooper's house & all the -buildings, copper & utensils whatever, used about the brewery." He -depended at first on his windmill for grinding the malt, but to avoid -delays on windless days, "I have now a hand-mill fixed in my brewhouse -loft that will grind 50 bushels of malt (my coppers complement) every -morning they brew." - -To get his project under way, Mercer plunged further into the depths of -debt by buying 40 Negroes "to enable me to make Grain sufficient to -carry on my brewery with my own hands." These cost L8000, "a large part -of which was unpaid, for payment of which I depended on the Brewery -itself & the great number of Debts due to me." But the external fate -which was driving him closer and closer to destruction now struck with -the death of John Robinson, treasurer of the colony, who, having lent -public funds promiscuously to debtor friends, had left a deficiency of -L100,000 in the colonial treasury. A chain reaction of suits developed, -threatening James Hunter of Fredericksburg, Mercer's security for -purchase of the slaves. - -The brewery lumbered and stumbled. Mercer's first brewer, a young Scot -named Wales, prevailed upon him to spend L100 to alter the new -malthouse. On September 16, 1765, William King, evidently a master -brewer, arrived. He immediately found fault with Wales' changes in the -malthouse. Within three weeks, however, King died. King's nephew, named -Bailey, then came unannounced with a high recommendation as a brewer -from a man he had served only as a gardener. Mercer was impressed: "You -may readily believe I did not hesitate to employ Bailey on such a -recommendation, more especially as he agreed with King in blaming the -alteration of the malt house & besides found great fault with Wales's -malting." Faced with rival claims as to which could brew better beer, -Mercer allowed each to brew separately. "Yet though Bailey found as much -fault with Wales's brewing as he did with his malting, that brewed by -Wales was the only beer I had that Season fit to drink." Wales, however, -brewed only L40 worth of beer, barely enough to pay his wages, let alone -maintenance for himself and his wife. Although Bailey brewed enough to -send a schooner load of it to Norfolk, it was of such "bad character" -that only two casks were sold, the remainder having been stored with -charges for two months, then brought back to Marlborough, where an -effort to distill it failed. - -In 1766 there was a similar tale. Five hundred fifty bushels of malt -were produced, but much of the beer and ale was bad. In January 1766, -Andrew Monroe[140] was employed as overseer. "Wales complains of my -Overseer & says that he is obliged to wait for barley, coals & other -things that are wanted which, if timely supplied with he could with six -men & a boy manufacture 250 bushels a week which would clear L200.... My -Overseer is a very good one & I believe as a planter equal to any in -Virginia but you are sensible few planters are good farmers and barley -is a farmer's article," Mercer wrote to George. Besides the overhead of -slaves and nonproductive brewers, the establishment required the -services of two coopers at L20 per year. - -Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_ for April 10, 1766, carried the -advertisement of Mercer's brewery: - - To be SOLD, at the MARLBOROUGH BREWERY - - STRONG BEER AND PORTER at 18d. and ALE at 1s. the gallon, - _Virginia_ currency, in cask, equal in goodness to any that can be - imported from any part of the world, as nothing but the genuine - best MALT and HOPS will be used, without any mixture or substitute - whatsoever; which, if the many treaties of brewing published in - _Great Britain_ did not mention to be frequently used there, the - experience of those who have drunk those liquors imported from - thence would point out to be the case, from their pernicious - effects. - - The severe treatment we have lately received from our Mother - Country, would, I should think, be sufficient to recommend my - undertaking (though I should not be able to come up to the English - standard, which I do not question constantly to do) yet, as I am - satisfied that the goodness of every commodity is its best - recommendation, I principally rely upon that for my success; and my - own interest, having expended near 8000 l. to bring my brewery to - its present state, is the best security I can give the publick to - assure them of the best usage, without which such an undertaking - cannot be supported with credit. - - The casks to be paid for at the rate of 4s. for barrels, 5s. for - those between 40 and 50 gallons, and a penny the gallon for all - above 50 gallons; but if they are returned in good order, and - sweet, by having been well scalded as soon as emptied, the price of - them shall be returned or discounted. - - Any person who sends bottles and corks may have them carefully - filled and corked with beer or porter at 6s. or with ale at 4s. the - dozen. I expect, in a little time, to have constant supply of - bottles and corks; and if I meet the encouragement I hope for, - propose setting up a glasshouse for making bottles, and to provide - proper vessels to deliver to such customers as favour me with their - orders such liquors as they direct, at the several landings they - desire, being determined to give all the satisfaction in the power - of - - Their most humble servant, - JOHN MERCER - -Foolhardy though the brewery was, a glass factory would have been the -pinnacle of folly. Yet it was seriously on Mercer's mind. In his letter -to George he wrote: - - A Glass house to be built here must I am satisfied turn to great - profit, they have some in New England & New York or the Jerseys & - find by some resolves the New England men are determined to - increase their number. - -Despite his manifest failure, Mercer confidently attempted to persuade -George of the possibilities of the brewery and even the glasshouse. -Shifting from one proposal to another, he suggested that he could "rent -out all my houses and conveniences at a reasonable rate," or take in a -partner, although "I have so great a dislike for all partnerships, -nothing but my inability to carry it on my self could induce me to enter -into one." - -In spite of these desperate thrashings about in a struggle to survive, -Mercer's empire was collapsing. When Monroe arrived as overseer, he - - found [according to Mercer] but 8 barrels of corn upon my - plantation, not enough at any of my quarters to maintain my people, - a great part of my Stock dead (among them some of my English colts - & horses in the 2 last years to the am^t of L 375. 10. --) & the - rest of them dying, which would have infallibly have been their - fate if it had not been for the straw of 1000 bushels of barley & - the grains from the brewhouse.... Convinced of his [Monroe's] - integrity, I have been forced to submit the entire management of - all the plantation to him. - -The following passage from the letter summarizes Mercer's financial -predicament: - - "I reced in 1764 L1548 ... 4 ... 3-1/2 & in 1765 L961 ... 5 ... - 4-1/2 but since I quitted my practice I reced in 1766 no more than - L108 ... 16 ... 1 of which I borrowed L24.10.--& 7 ... 1 ... 6 was - re'ced for the Governor's fees. L20 ... 8 ... 4 I got for Opinions - &c and from the brewery L28 ... 3 ... the remaining L28 ... 16 is - all I received out of several thousands due for all my old & new - debts. In 1767 I reced L159 ... 9 ... 3 of which borrowed L5 ... 15 - ...--the governor's fees L10 ... 7 ... 6 reced for opinions &c L49 - ... 6 ...--from the brewhouse L66 ... 14 ... of which L94 ... 14 - ... 3 was from the brewery & 9 in 1766 I gave a collector L20 - besides his board ferrage & expences & finding him horses & his - whole collection during the year turned out to be L27 ... 2 ... 10. - In the two years my taxes levied and quitrents amounted to L199 ... - 8 ... 1 which would have left a ballance of L1 . 13 . 3 in my - favour in that time from the brewery & my practice (if it could be - so called) & all my debts, in great part of which you and your - brother are jointly & equally interested. What then remained to - support me & a family consisting of about 26 white people & 122 - negroes? Nothing but my crops, after that I had expended above - L100, for corn only to support them, besides rice & pork to near - that value & the impending charge of L125 for rent, of L140 to - overseers yearly, remained, & L94 ... 14 ... 3 out of those crops, - as I have already mentioned, proceeding from the brewery, was - swallowed up in taxes (tho the people in England say we pay none, - but I can fatally prove that my estate from which I did not receive - sixpence has, since the commencement of the war, paid near a - thousand pounds in taxes only)." - -On December 25, 1766, Mercer made public his situation in Rind's -_Virginia Gazette_: - - The great Number of Debts due to me for the last seven Years of my - Practice, and the Backwardness of my Clients (in attending whose - Business, I unhappily neglected my own) to make me Satisfaction, - would of itself, if I had had no other Reason, have obliged me to - quit my Practice. And when I found that by such partial Payments as - I chanced to receive I was able to keep up my Credit, I can appeal - to the Public, whether any Person, who had so many outstanding - Debts, was less importunate, or troublesome, to his Debtors, But - when I found, upon my quitting the Bar, all Payments cease, and - that I would not personally wait upon my Clients, I could not - approve of the Method of Demand, by the Sheriff, too commonly in - Practice, without Necessity. I therefore employed a Receiver, who, - ever since the first day of _January_ last, has been riding through - the _Northern Neck_, and even as far as _Williamsburg_, and who to - this Time has not been able, out of near ten thousand Pounds, to - collect as much as will pay his own Wages, and discharge my public - taxes (for Proof of which I will produce my Books to any Gentleman - concerned or desirous to see them). This too, at a Time when my own - Debts contracted by the large Expences I have been at for some - Years past for establishing a Brewery, has disabled me by any other - Means from discharging them, (except when they would take lands, - Assignments of Debts, or any thing I can spare, without Detriment - to my Plantations or Brewery). Selling Lands avail nothing, I have - bonds for some sold four or five Years ago but I can't get the - Money for them. I therefore cannot be thought too unreasonable to - give this public Notice (which the Circumstances of the Country - make most disagreeable to me) that I shall be against my - inclination obliged to bring Suits, immediately after next _April_ - General Court, against all persons indebted to me who do not before - that Time, discharge their Debts to me or my Son _James Mercer_, - who will have my Books during the said Court to settle with every - Person applying to him. And as some Persons have since my quitting - the Practice, sent to me for Opinions and to settle Accounts - without sending my Fees, to prevent any more Applications of that - Sort, I give this Public Notice, that tho' I shall always be ready - to do any Thing of that Kind (which can be done at my own House) - upon receiving an adequate Satisfaction for it, it will be in vain - to expect it be any Messenger they may send without they send the - Money. There are some Gentlemen who must know that nothing in this - Advertisement can relate to them but that any of their Commands - will at any Time, be readily complied with by their - - and the Public's - humble Servant - JOHN MERCER - Dec. 8, 1766 - -[Illustration: Figure 16.--ADVERTISEMENT of the services of Mercer's -stallion Ranter. Andrew Monroe, grandfather of the President, was -Mercer's overseer. (Purdie's _Virginia Gazette_, April 18, 1766.)] - -Andrew Monroe, as manager of the plantation, advertised over his own -name in Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_, of April 18, 1766, the -services of "The well known Horse RANTER," an English stallion imported -by Mercer in 1762 (fig. 16). One senses that without Monroe, Marlborough -would have collapsed completely. In spite of his ministrations, -however, there were difficulties with the staff. Purdie & Dixon's -_Gazette_ carried the following on June 6, 1766: - - MARLBOROUGH, STAFFORD county, May 26, 1766. - - Run away from the subscriber, some time last _February_, a Negro - man named TEMPLE, about 35 years old, well set, about 5 feet 6 - inches high, has a high forehead, and thick bush beard; he took a - gun with him, and wore a blue double breasted jacket with horn - buttons. I suspect he is harboured about _Bull Run_, in _Fauquier_ - county, where he formerly lived. I bought him, with his mother and - sister, from Mr. _Barradall's_ executors in _Williamsburg_ above 20 - years ago, and expected he would have returned home; but as he has - been so long gone, I am doubtful he may endeavour to get out of the - country by water, of which he may understand something, as he was - two years on board the _Wolf_ sloop of war in the _West Indies_, - and carries the marks of the discipline he underwent on board. - - Likewise run away last Whitsun holydays two indented servants, - imported from LONDON last September, viz. JOSEPH WAIN of Bucknell, - in the county of Oxford, aged 22 years, about 5 feet 4 inches high, - round shouldered, stoops pretty much in his walk, has a down look, - and understands ploughing. WILLIAM CANTRELL of Warwickshire, aged - 19, about the same height, and stoops a little, but not so much as - WAIN, has a scar under one of his eyes, but which is uncertain, has - some marks of the smallpox, his hair is of a dark brown and short, - but Wain's is cut off, he pretends to understand ploughing and - country business, and has drove a waggon since he has been in my - service; they both have fresh look. The clothes they left home in - were jackets of red plaids, brown linen shirts, _Russia_ drill - breeches with white metal buttons, and thread stockings; _Cantrell_ - with an old hat and new shoes, and _Wain_ with a new hat and old - shoes; But as it is supposed that they were persuaded to elope with - four _Scotch_ servants belonging to the widow _Strother_, on - _Potowmack_ run in this county, whom they went to see, and who went - off at the same time, it is probable that they may exchange their - clothes, or have provided some other. It is supposed that they will - make for _Carolina_, where it is said an uncle of one of Mr. - _Strother's_ servants lives; and as several horses are missing - about the same time in these parts, it is very probable they did - not choose to make such a journey on foot. Whoever secures my - servants and Negro, or any of them shall, besides the reward - allowed by law, be paid any reasonable satisfaction, in proportion - to the distance and extraordinary trouble they may be put to. - - JOHN MERCER - -Mercer seems to have been concerned principally with his brewers and -with the wasteful scheme they furthered with their incompetencies. Even -they seem to have been beyond his strength, for he became ill in January -1766, and suffered recurrently the rest of the year. From his journal we -can detect a once-strong man's struggle against the first warnings of -approaching death: - - August 26 Rode 6 m. & home had a fever 12 - 27 sick - 28 Rode 5 m. & home 10 - 29 2 m. & D^o had an Ague 4 - 30 D^o - 31 D^o - Sept 1 Had an Ague - 2 Rode 5 m. & home 10 - - * * * - - Sept 22 to M^r Selden's & ret'^d abo^t a mile - but went back 12 - 23 home by 12 and went to bed 10 - 24 Confined to my bed - (remained so rest of month) - Oct 1 Confined to my bed and very ill - 5 D^o Sat up a little - 6 D^o Better - 7 D^o D^o - 8 Drove out 3 m & home 6 - -He informed George that after his return from Mr. Selden's on September -23 he was for "several days under strong delerium and had the rattles." -By the beginning of 1768, however, he was able to boast that "I think I -may safely aver that I have not been in a better [state of health] any -time these twenty years past, & tho' I am not so young, my youngest -daughter ... was born the 20th day of last January." - -On April 22, 1766, he noted in the journal that the "Kitchen roof -catched fire" and on May 15 that he "Took Possion [sic] of my summer -house." The latter was probably located in the garden, where, during his -convalescence in the spring, he was able to make a meticulous record of -the blooming of each plant, flower, tree, and shrub, constituting a most -interesting catalog of the wild and cultivated flora of 18th-century -Marlborough. The catalog is indicative of Mercer's ranging interests and -his knowledge of botanical terms (see Appendix L). That the garden was -perhaps as interesting as the house is borne out by the fact that in -1750, as the house was reaching completion, Mercer had brought from -England a gardener named William Blacke, paying Captain Timothy -Nicholson for his passage. - -Mercer's close attention to the natural phenomena around him began with -his illness in 1766. On January 4, only a few days after he had become -ill, he installed a thermometer in his room, and eight days later moved -it to his office. Regularly, from then until the close of his journal, -except when he was absent from Marlborough, he recorded the minimum and -maximum readings. One has only to look at the figures for the winter -months to realize that "heated" rooms, as we understand them, were -little known in the 18th century. Only on Christmas Eve in 1767 did the -temperature range from a low of 41 deg. to as high as 63 deg., because, as -Mercer noted, "A good fire raised the Thermometer so high." - -Although Mercer apparently found surcease from his cares in the peaceful -surroundings at Marlborough, his responsibilities went on nevertheless. -The cost of keeping slaves remained an enormous and wasteful one: "Every -negroes cloaths, bedding, corn, tools, levies & taxes will stand yearly -at least in L5," he wrote to George. In his letter he placed an order -through George for clothing, which included 25 welted jackets "for my -tradesmen & white servants," indicating the large number of white -workmen on his staff. It also included 20 common jackets, 45 pair of -woolen breeches, 1 dozen greatcoats, 5 dozen stockings, 1-1/2 dozen for -boys and girls, 4 dozen "strong felt hats & 600 Ells of ozenbrigs. We -shall make Virg^a cloth enough to cloath the women and children, but -shall want 50 warm blankets & 2 doz of the Russia drab breeches." -Against the advice of his merchant friend Jordan, he declined to order a -superior grade of jacket for his Negroes that would last two years, -since "most negroes are so careless of their cloathes & rely so much on -a yearly support that I think such jackets as I had are cheapest & last -the year very well." - -He ordered George to buy new sheeting for family use, including "84 yds -of such as is fit for comp^a," inasmuch as "my wife is ashamed of her -old sheets when any strangers come to the house." He also placed an -order for windmill sails, which, he observed, were costly in the colony, -and could be made only at Norfolk. - - My millwrights directions were - The Drivers 3 foot 6 inches broad } - } 23 feet long. - The leaders 3 3 } - - A Suit I had made at Norfolk by those dimensions proved too long, - something, they should be of Duck N^o. 2. - - -In addition, he ordered nails, 50 yards of haircloth, a yard wide, for -the malt kiln, a "drill plow with brass seed boxes for wheat, turnips, -lucarn pease &c," and a considerable number of books, particularly for -his children. "Bob. Newbery at the Bible & Sun in S^t. Paul's -churchyard can best furnish you at the cheapest rate with books best -adapted to the real instruction as well as amusement of children from -two to six feet high." - -The long letter was finally finished on January 28, 1768, its great -length partly dictated by the fact that the river had frozen, -immobilizing the posts. He noted in his journal that on February 16 he -was in Fredericksburg and "dined at my Sons being my birthday and 63 -y^{rs} old." On the 24th he attended a meeting of the Ohio Company at -Stafford courthouse and on March 14 returned there for a court session. -The next day he went home to Marlborough, perhaps never to leave again. -The journal ended at the close of the month. The next that we hear of -him appeared in Rind's _Virginia Gazette_ on October 27: - - On Friday, the 14th instant, died at his house in Stafford County, - John Mercer, Esq., who had practiced the law with great success in - this colony upwards of forty years. He was a Gentleman of great - natural abilities inspired by an extensive knowledge, not only in - his profession, but in several other branches of polite literature. - He was of a humane, generous and chearful disposition, a facetious - companion, a warm friend, an affectionate husband, a tender parent, - and an indulgent master. - -[Illustration: Figure 17.--PLATE FROM MARIA SIBYLLA MERIAN'S -_Metamorphosis Insectorum Surinamensium efte Veranderung Surinaamsche -Insecten_ (Antwerp, 1705), an elegant work in Mercer's Library.] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [139] All quotations and sources not otherwise identified in - this section are from John Mercer's letter to George, - December 22, 1767-January 28, 1768. _The George Mercer - Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), pp. 186-220. - - [140] Grandfather of President James Monroe. - "Tyler-Monroe-Grayson-Botts," _Tyler's Quarterly Historical - Genealogical Magazine_ (Richmond, 1924), vol. 5, p. 252. - - - - -VI - -_Dissolution of Marlborough_ - - -JAMES MERCER'S ADMINISTRATION OF THE ESTATE - -James Mercer was now "manager" of John Mercer's estate. George, heavily -in debt, remained in England never returning to Virginia. The staggering -task of rescuing the estate from bankruptcy was left to James. The -immediate necessity was to reduce wasteful overhead at Marlborough and -to liquidate non-essential capital investment. On December 15, 1768, -James advertised in Rind's _Virginia Gazette_: - - A large and well chosen collection of BOOKS, being all the library - of the late _John Mercer_, Esq., deceased, except such as are - reserved for the use of his children. Those to be sold consist of - more than 1200 volumes now at home, with which it is hoped may be - reckoned upwards of 400 volumes which appear to be missing by the - said _Mercer's_ catalogue.... The borrowers are hereby requested to - return them before the 19th of _December_ next, the day appointed - for the appraising of the estate.... - - Also to be sold, about 20 mares and colts, and 40 pair of cows and - calves. The colts are the breed of the beautiful _horse Ranter_, - who is for sale; his pedigree has been formerly published in this - Gazette, by which it will appear he is as well related as any horse - on the continent. He cost 330 l. currency at his last sale, about 4 - years ago, and is nothing worse except in age, and that can be but - little in a horse kept for the sole use of covering.... - -Except for attempting to dispose of the library and the horses and -livestock, no significant changes were undertaken until after September -7, 1770, when John Mercer's widow, Ann Roy Mercer, died. Reduction of -the plantation to simpler terms then began in earnest. Purdie & Dixon's -_Virginia Gazette_ published the following advertisement on October 25, -1770: - - _To be SOLD on MONDAY the 19th of NOVEMBER, if fair, otherwise next - fair day, at MARLBOROUGH, the seat of the late JOHN MERCER Esq: - deceased._ - - The greatest part of his personal estate (except slaves) consisting - of a variety of household furniture too tedious to mention; a - number of well chosen books, in good condition; a very large and - choice flock of horses, brood mares, and colts, all blooded, and - mostly from that very beautiful and high bred horse _Ranter_ a - great number of black cattle, esteemed the best in the colony, - equal in size to any beyond the Ridge, but superiour to them, - because they will thrive in shorter pastures; also 700 ounces of - fashionable plate, and a genteel family coach, not more than seven - years old, seldom used, with harness for six horses. Those articles - were appraised, in December 1768, to 1738 l. The horses and black - cattle are since increased, and now are in very good order; so that - any person inclinable to purchase may depend on having enough to - choose out of. - - Also will then be sold several articles belonging to a BREWERY, - _viz._ a copper that boils 500 gallons, several iron bound buts - that contain a whole brewing each, coolers, &c. &c. and a quantity - of new iron hoops and rivets for casks of different forms, lately - imported. - - Purchasers above 6 l. will have credit until the _Fredericksburg - September_ fair, on giving bond with security, with interest from - the day of sale; but if the money is paid when due, the interest - will be abated. - - Proper vessels will attend at _Pasbytansy_, for the conveyance of - such as come from that side of _Potomack_ Creek. - -It is clear that Ranter and his colts, as well as the cattle, had not -been disposed of at the former sale. Further, it is obvious that there -was an end to brewing at Marlborough, a result which James must have -been all too glad to bring about. - -This sale, however, was also unsuccessful. In the May 9, 1771, issue of -Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_ we learn that "The wet Weather last -_November_ having stopped the Sale of the personal Estate of the late -_John Merser_, Esquire, the Remainder ... will be sold at _Marlborough_, -on Monday, the 27th of this Month, if fair...." We learn that the family -beds, apparently alone of the furniture, had been sold, and that the -chariot had been added to the sales list. Apparently the library still -remained largely intact, as "a great Collection of well chosen Books" -was included. Ranter was still for sale, now at a five percent discount -"allowed for ready money." - -But again--so an advertisement of June 13 reads in the same paper--the -sale was "prevented by bad Weather." June 20 was appointed the day for -the postponed sale. This time an additional item consisted of 200 copies -of Mercer's "old Abridgment" (doubtless the 1737 edition), to be sold at -five shillings each. - -In the meanwhile, James had employed one Thomas Oliver, apparently of -King George County, as overseer for the four plantations which were in -his custody--Aquia, Accokeek, Belvedere, and Marlborough. On May 31, -1771, Oliver made a detailed report to Mercer on "the true state & -Condition of the whole Estate and its Contents as they appear'd when -this return was fill'd up".[141] Included in it was an inventory of -every tool, outbuilding, vehicle, and servant. The Marlborough portion -of this is given in Appendix M. Oliver added an N.B. summarizing the -condition of the animals and the physical properties. The following of -his remarks are applicable to Marlborough: - - ... The work of the Mill going on as well as Can be Expected till - M^r. Drains is better, the Schoo and Boat unfit for any Sarvice - whatsoever till repair'd. if Capable of it. the foundation of the - Malt house wants repairing. the Manor house wants lead lights in - some of the windows. the East Green House wants repairing. the west - d^o wants buttments as a security to the wall on the south side. - The barn, tobacco houses at Marlbrough & Acquia must be repaired as - soon as possible.... five stables at Marlbrough plantation must be - repair'd before winter. we have sustai'd no damage from Tempest or - Floods. it will Expedient to hyer a Carpinder for the woork wanted - can not be accomplish'd in time, seeing the Carpenders must be - taken of for harvest which is Like to be heavy. I will advertise - the sale at Stafford Court and the two parish Churches to begin on - the 20th of June 1771.... P.S. The Syder presses at Each plantation - & Syder Mill at Marlborough totally expended.... Negro Sampson - Marlbro Company Sick of the Gravel.... Negro Jas Pemberton at - Marlb^h Sick Worme Fever. - -The sale as advertised and, presumably, as posted by Oliver was again a -failure. Apparently no one attended. The situation must have been -regarded then as desperate, for James advertised on August 29, 1771, in -Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_ substantially the same material as -before. This time, however, it was "To be SOLD, at the Townhouse in -_Fredericksburg_, on the 24th day of _September_ next (being the second -Day of the Fair)." Added to the former list were "About two Hundred -Weight of HOPS of last Crop," "About four hundred Weight of -extraordinary good WOOL with a variety of Woollen and Linen Wheels, -Reels, &c.," as well as "A Number of GARDEN FLOWER POTS of different -forms. Some ORANGE, LEMON and other EVERGREENS, in Boxes and Pots." The -valuable but unwanted Ranter was again put up. - -But once more bad luck and an apathetic (and probably impecunious) -populace brought failure to the sale. On October 24, 1771, Purdie & -Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_ printed the following advertisement and James -Mercer's final public effort to convert some of his father's estate into -cash: - - _To be SOLD to the highest Bidders, some Time Next Week, before the - RALEIGH Tavern in Williamsburg,_ - - The beautiful Horse RANTER, a genteel FAMILY COACH, with Harness - for six Horses, also several Pieces of FASHIONABLE PLATE, yet - remaining of the Estate of the late John Mercer, Esquire, deceased. - Credit will be allowed until the 25th of April next, the Purchasers - giving Bond and Security, with Interest from the Sale; but if the - Money is paid when due, the Interest will be abated. - - Any Person inclinable to purchase RUSHWORTH'S COLLECTION may see - them at the Printing Office, and know the Terms. At the same Place - are lodged several Copies of the old Abridgment of the VIRGINIA - LAWS, containing so many Precedents for Magistrates that they are - esteemed well worth five Shillings, the Price asked for them. - - JAMES MERCER - - _Williamsburg, October 24._ - - N.B. The Plate is lodged with Mr. Craig, and may be seen by any - inclinable to purchase. - -James did not attempt to sell the plantation itself or the slaves, but -evidently sought to reestablish Marlborough on an efficient and -profitable basis. That he failed to do so is brought out in a letter -that George Mason wrote to George Washington on December 21, 1773. In it -is expressed the whole tragic sequence of debt compounding debt in the -plantation economy and the insurmountable burden of inherited -obligations: - - The embarrass'd Situation of my Friend Mr. Jas. Mercer's Affairs - gives Me much more Concern than Surprize. I always feared that his - Aversion to selling the Lands & Slaves, in Expectation of paying - the Debts with the Crops & Profits of the Estate, whilst a heavy - Interest was still accumulating, wou'd be attended with bad - Consequences, independent of his Brother's Difficulties in England; - having never, in a single Instance, seen these sort of Delays - answer the Hopes of the Debtor. When Colo. [George] Mercer was - first married, & thought in affluent circumstances by his Friends - here, considerable purchases of Slaves were made for Him, at high - prices (& I believe mostly upon Credit) which must now be sold at - much less than the cost: He was originally burthened with a - proportionable part of his Father's Debts: most of which, as well - as the old Gentleman's other Debts, are not only still unpaid, but - must be greatly increased by Interest; so that even if Colo. Mercer - had not incurr'd a large Debt in England, He wou'd have found his - Affairs here in a disagreeable Situation. I have Bye me Mr. James - Mercer's Title-Papers for his Lands on Pohick Run & on Four-mile - Run, in this County; which I have hitherto endeavoured to sell for - Him in Vain: for as he Left the Price entirely to Me, I cou'd not - take less for them than if they had been my own.[142] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [141] _A Documentary History of American Industrial Society_, - edit. John P. Commons (New York: Russell & Russell, 1958), - vol. 1, facsimile opp. p. 236. - - [142] _Letters to Washington_, and _Accompanying Papers_, - edit. S. M. Hamilton (Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin, - 1901), vol. 4, p. 286. - - -MARLBOROUGH DURING AND AFTER THE REVOLUTION - -Despite the seeming unwisdom of doing so, James Mercer held on to -Marlborough until his death. He was an active patriot in the Revolution, -serving as a member of the Virginia Committee of Safety. Marlborough, -too, seems to have been a participant in the war, when Lord Dunmore, on -a last desperate foray, sailed his ships up the Potomac and attacked -several plantations. That Marlborough was a target we learn from the -widow of Major George Thornton of the Virginia militia, who "was at the -bombardment of Marlborough, the seat of Judge Mercer, on the -Potomac...."[143] In Purdie's _Virginia Gazette_ of August 2, 1776, we -read: - - Lord Dunmore, with his motley band of pirates and renegradoes, have - burnt the elegant brick house of William Brent, esq., at the mouth - of Acquia Creek, in Stafford county, as also two other houses lower - down the Potowmack River, both the property of widow ladies. - -Marlborough was no longer the property of a "widow lady," but accurate -reporting even today is not universal, and Marlborough may have been -meant. In any case, the mansion was not destroyed, although we do not -know whether any other buildings at Marlborough were damaged or not. - -John Francis Mercer, James' half brother, appears to have lived at -Marlborough after his return from the Revolution. He served with -distinction, becoming aide-de-camp to the eccentric and difficult -General Charles Lee in 1778. When Lee was court-martialed after the -Battle of Monmouth, John Francis resigned, but reentered the war in -1780.[144] He apparently settled at Marlborough after the surrender at -Yorktown, at which he was present. In 1782 he was elected to both the -Virginia House of Delegates and the Continental Congress. General Lee -died the same year, stipulating in his will: - - To my friend John [Francis] Mercer, Esq., of Marlborough, in - Virginia, I give and bequeath the choice of two brood mares, of all - my swords and pistols and ten guineas to buy a ring. I would give - him more, but, as he has a good estate and a better genius, he has - sufficient, if he knows how to make good use of them.[145] - -It is not probable that John Francis' "genius" was sufficient to make -profitable use of Marlborough. He moved to Maryland in 1785, and later -became its Governor.[146] - -James Mercer died on May 23, 1791. In 1799 the Potomac Neck properties -were advertised for sale or rent by John Francis Mercer in _The -Examiner_ for September 6. We learn from it that there were overseer's -houses, Negro quarters and cornhouses, and that "the fertility of the -soil is equal to any in the United States, besides which the fields all -lay convenient to banks (apparently inexhaustible) of the richest marle, -which by repeated experiments made there, is found to be superiour to -any other manure whatever." "30 or 40 Virginia born slaves, in families, -who are resident on the lands" were made "available." - -FOOTNOTES: - - [143] GEORGE BROWN GOODE, _Virginia Cousins_ (Richmond, - 1887), p. 213. - - [144] Ibid. - - [145] "Berkeley County, West Virginia," _Tyler's Quarterly - Historical and Genealogical Magazine_ (Richmond, 1921), vol. - 3, p. 46. - - [146] Ibid. - - -THE COOKE PERIOD: MARLBOROUGH'S FINAL DECADES - -The plantation was bought by John Cooke of Stafford County. Cooke took -out an insurance policy on the mansion house on June 9, 1806, with the -Mutual Assurance Society of Virginia.[147] From this important document -(fig. 43) we learn that the house had a replacement value of $9000, and, -after deducting $3000, was "actually worth six thousand Dollars in ready -money." The policy shows a plan with a description: "Brick Dwelling -House one Story high covered with wood, 108 feet 8 Inches long by 28-1/2 -feet wide, a Cellar under about half the House." Running the length of -the house was a "Portico 108 feet 8 Inches by 8 feet 4 Inches." A -"Porch 10 by 5 f." stood in front of the "portico," and another was -located at the northeast corner of the building, "8 by 6 feet." The -policy informs us that the house was occupied not by Cooke, but by John -W. Bronaugh, a tenant or overseer. - -The records do not reveal how long the mansion survived. That by the -beginning of the century it had already lost the dignity with which -Mercer had endowed it and was heading toward decay is quite evident. -After John Cooke's death Marlborough was again put up for sale in 1819, -but this time nothing was said of any buildings, only that the land was -adapted to the growth of red clover, that the winter and spring -fisheries produced $2500 per annum, and that "Wild Fowl is in -abundance."[148] - -Undoubtedly as the buildings disintegrated, their sites were leveled. -There remained only level acres of grass, clover, and grain where once a -poor village had been erected and where John Mercer's splendid estate -had risen with its Palladian mansion, its gardens, warehouses, and -tobacco fields. Even in the early 19th century the tobacco plantation, -especially in northern Virginia, had become largely a thing of the past. -Within the memory of men still alive, the one structure still standing -from Mercer's time was the windmill. Except for the present-day fringe -of modern houses, Marlborough must look today much as it did after its -abandonment and disintegration. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [147] Policy no. 1134. On microfilm, Virginia State Library. - - [148] _Virginia Herald_, December 15, 1819. - - - - -ARCHEOLOGY - -AND - -ARCHITECTURE - - - - -[Illustration: Figure 18.--AERIAL PHOTOGRAPH OF MARLBOROUGH. The -outlines of the excavated wall system and Structure B foundation can be -seen where Highway 621 curves to the east.] - - -VII - -_The Site, its Problem, and Preliminary Tests_ - -The preceding chapters have presented written evidence of Marlborough's -history and of the human elements that gave it life and motivation. -Assembled mostly during the years following the excavations, this -information was not, for the most part, available in 1956 to guide the -archeological survey recounted here. Neither was there immediate -evidence on the surface of the planted fields to indicate the importance -and splendor of Marlborough as it existed in the 18th century. - -In 1954, when Dr. Darter proposed that the Smithsonian Institution -participate in making excavations, he presented a general picture of -colonial events at Marlborough. He also provided photostats of the two -colonial survey plats so frequently mentioned in Part I (fig. 2). From -information inscribed on the 1691 plat, it was clear that a town had -been laid out in that year, that it had consisted of 52 acres divided -into half-acre lots, and that two undesignated acres had been set aside -for a courthouse near its western boundary. It was known also that John -Mercer had occupied the town in the 18th century, that he had built a -mansion there, that a circular ruin of dressed lime-sandstone was the -base of his windmill, and that erosion along the Potomac River bank had -radically changed the shoreline since the town's founding 263 years -earlier. But nobody in 1954 could point out with any certainty the -foundation of Mercer's mansion, nor was anyone aware of the brick and -the stone wall system, the two-room kitchen foundation, or the trash -pits and other structures that lay beneath the surface, along with many -18th-century household artifacts. It remained for the archeologist to -recover such nonperishable data from the ground. - -In August 1954 Messrs. Setzler, Darter, and Watkins spent three days at -Marlborough examining the site, making tests, and, in general, -determining whether there was sufficient evidence to justify extended -excavations. The site is located in the southeastern portion of what was -known in the 17th century as Potowmack Neck (now Marlborough Point), -with the Potomac River on the east and Potomac Creek on the south (map, -front endpaper). It is approached from the northeast on Highway 621, -which branches from Highway 608 about 2-1/2 miles from the site. Highway -608 runs from Aquia Creek westward to the village of Brooke, situated on -the Richmond, Fredericksburg, and Potomac Railroad about four miles east -of the present Stafford courthouse on U.S. Route 1. Highway 621 takes a -hilly, winding course through the woods until it debouches onto the -flat, open peninsula of the point. The river is visible to the east, as -the road travels slightly east of due south, passing an intersecting -secondary road that runs west and south and then west again. The latter -road ends at the southwestern extremity of the Neck, where Accokeek -Creek, which meanders along the western edge of the Neck, feeds into -Potomac Creek. At the point near the Potomac Creek shore where this road -takes its second westerly course lies the site of the Indian village of -Patawomecke, excavated between 1938 and 1940 by T. D. Stewart. - -[Illustration: Figure 19.--HIGHWAY 621, looking north from the curve in -the road, with site of Structure B at right.] - -Beyond this secondary road, Highway 621 continues southward to a small -thicket and clump of trees where it curves sharply to the east, its -southerly course stopped by fenced-in lots of generous size (with modern -houses built on them) that slope down to Potomac Creek. After the -highway makes its turn, several driveways extend from it toward the -creek. One of these driveways, obviously more ancient than the others, -leaves the highway about 200 feet east of the clump of trees, cutting -deeply through high sloping banks, where vestiges of a stone wall crop -out from its western boundary (fig. 22), and ending abruptly at the -water's edge. Highway 621 continues to a dead end near the confluence of -creek and river. - -Some 200 feet west of the turn in the highway around the clump of trees, -is a deep gully (or "gutt" in 17th-century terminology) that extends -northward from Potomac Creek almost as far as the intersecting road that -passes the site of the Indian village. This gully is overgrown with -trees and brush, and it forms a natural barrier that divides the lower -portion of the point into two parts. A few well-spaced modern houses -fringe the shores of the point, while the flat land behind the houses is -given over almost entirely to cultivation. - -Since the two colonial land surveys were not drawn to scale, some -confusion arose in 1954 as to their orientation to the surviving -topographic features. However, the perimeter measurements given on the -1691 plat make it clear that the town was laid out in the southeastern -section of the point, and that the "gutt" so indicated on the plat is -the tree-lined gully west of the turn in the highway. - -Bordering the clump of trees at this turn could be seen in 1954 a short -outcropping of brick masonry. A few yards to the north, on the opposite -side of the road, crumbled bits of sandstone, both red and gray, were -concentrated in the ditch cut by a highway grader. In the fields at -either side of the highway, plow furrows disclosed a considerable -quantity of brick chips, 18th-century ceramics, and glass sherds. - -In the field east of the clump of trees and north of the highway, -opposite the steep-banked side road leading down to Potomac Creek, could -be seen in a row the tops of two or three large pieces of gray stone. -These stones were of the characteristic lime-sandstone once obtained -from the Aquia quarries some four miles north, as well as from a -long-abandoned quarry above the head of Potomac Creek. It was decided to -start work at this point by investigating these stones, in preference to -exploring the more obvious evidence of a house foundation at the clump -of trees. This was done in the hope of finding clues to lot boundaries -and the possible orientation of the survey plats. Excavation around -these vertically placed stones disclosed that they rested on a -foundation layer of thick slabs laid horizontally at the undisturbed -soil level. Enough of this wall remained _in situ_ to permit sighting -along it toward Potomac Creek. The sight line, jumping the highway, -picked up the partly overgrown stone wall that extends along the western -edge of the old roadway to the creek, indicating that a continuous wall -had existed prior to the present layout of the fields and before the -construction of the modern highway. - -The excavation along the stone wall was extended northward. At a -distance of 18.5 feet from the highway the stone wall ended at a -junction of two brick wall foundations, one running north in line with -the stone wall and the other west at a 90 deg. angle. These walls, each a -brick and a half thick, were bonded in oystershell lime mortar. Test -trenches were dug to the north and west to determine whether they were -enclosure walls or house foundations. Since it was soon evident that -they were the former, the next question was whether they were lot -boundaries matching those on the plat. If so, it was reasoned, then a -street must have run along the east side of the north-south coursing -wall. Accordingly, tests were made, but no supporting evidence for this -inference was found. - -Nevertheless, the indications of an elaborate wall system, a probable -house foundation, and a wealth of artifacts in the soil were enough to -support a full-scale archeological project, the results of which would -have considerable historical and architectural significance. Determining -the meaning of the walls and whether they were related to the town -layout or to Mercer's plantation, learning the relationship of the -plantation to the town, discovering the sites of the 1691 courthouse and -Mercer's mansion, and finding other house foundations and significant -artifacts--all these were to be the objectives of the project. The -problem, broadly considered, was to investigate in depth a specific -locality where a 17th-century town and an 18th-century plantation had -successively risen and fallen and to evaluate the evidence in the light -of colonial Virginia's evolving culture and economy. Accordingly, plans -were made, a grant was obtained from the American Philosophical Society, -as recounted in the introduction, and intensive work on the site was -begun in 1956. - - - - -VIII - -_Archeological Techniques_ - -The archeologist must adopt and, if necessary, invent the method of -excavation best calculated to produce the results he desires, given the -conditions of a particular site. The Marlborough site required other -techniques than those conventionally employed, for instance, in -excavating prehistoric American Indian sites. Moreover, because the -Marlborough excavations constituted a limited exploratory survey, the -grid system used customarily in colonial-site archeology was not -appropriate here, and a different system had to be substituted. It was -decided in 1956 to begin, as in 1954, at obvious points of visible -evidence and to follow to their limits the footings of walls and -buildings as they were encountered, rather than to remove all of the -disturbed soil within a limited area. By itself this was a simple -process, but to record accurately what was found by this method and -relate the features to each other required the use mainly of an alidade -and a stadia rod. Only to a limited extent were some exploratory -trenches dug and careful observations made of the color and density of -soil, so as to detect features such as wooden house foundations, -postholes, and trash pits. Once located, such evidence had to be -approached meticulously with a shaving or slicing technique, again -taking careful note of soil changes in profile. - -All this required the establishment of an accurate baseline and a number -of control points by means of alidade and stadia-rod measurements. Then -eight points for triangulation purposes in the form of iron pipes were -established at intervals along the south side of the highway, east of -its turn at the clump of trees, on the basis of which the accompanying -maps were plotted. The full extent of the excavations is not shown in -detail on these maps, particularly in connection with the walls and -structures. The walls, for example, were exposed in trenches 5 feet -wide. Similar trenches were dug around the house foundations as evidence -of them was revealed. - - - - -IX - -_Wall System_ - - -DESCRIPTIONS OF EXCAVATIONS - -On April 2, 1956, the junction point of the three walls found in the -1954 test was reexcavated. The bottom layer of horizontally placed -stones 1.8-1.9 feet wide was found _in situ_, while most of the vertical -stones from the second course had been broken or knocked off by repeated -plowing. Construction of the highway had completely removed a section of -the wall. The corner of the two brick walls was revealed to have been -superimposed on the northernmost foundation block of the stone wall, -thus indicating that the stone wall preceded the building of the brick -ones. The upper stone block that had been removed to make room for this -brick corner still lay a few feet to the east where it had been cast -aside in the 18th century. This part of the stone wall, together with -its continuation beyond the highway to the creek, was designated Wall A -(figs. 21 and 24). - -Exposure of the brick wall running westward from Wall A (designated Wall -A-I) disclosed broken gaps in the brickwork, the gaps ranging from 1.8 -to 3 feet in length, and the intervening stretches of intact wall, from -7.33 to 8 feet. Eight-foot spacings are normal for the settings of -modern wooden fence posts, as such a fence south of the highway -illustrated. It is assumed, therefore, that, following the destruction -of the exposed part of the brick wall, a wooden fence was built along -the same line, requiring the removal of bricks to permit the setting of -fence posts (fig. 26). - -Wall A-I intersected the modern highway at an acute angle, disappeared -thereunder and reappeared beyond. South of the clump of trees it abutted -another wall of different construction which ran continuously in the -same direction for 28 feet. Because of their manner of construction, the -two walls at their point of juncture were not integrated and, hence, -probably were constructed at different times. The 28-foot section later -proved to be the south wall of the mansion, designated as B. (This wall -will be considered when that structure is described, as will another -section that continued for less than 4 feet to the point where a 12-foot -modern driveway crossed over it.) - -To the west of the driveway another wall (B-I), still in line with Wall -A-I, extended toward the "gutt." Of this only one brick course remained, -a brick and a half thick. About midway in its length were slight -indications that the wall footings had been expanded for a short -distance, as though for a gate; however, the crumbled condition of the -brick and mortar fragments made this inference uncertain. - -Near the edge of the "gutt," 146 feet from the southwest corner of the -Structure B main foundation, Wall B-I terminated in an oblique-angled -corner, the other side of which was designated Wall B-II. This wall ran -384 feet in a southwesterly direction under trees and beneath a -boathouse along the "gutt," ending at the back of Potomac Creek. It was -constructed of rough blocks of the fossil-imbedded marl that underlies -Marlborough and crops out along the Potomac shore. Walls A, A-I, B-I, -and B-II, together with the creek bank, form an enclosure measuring a -little over two acres. - -Returning to the point of beginning excavation, the brick wall which is -extended north from stone wall A (designated as Wall A-II) was followed -for a distance of 175 feet. Like Wall A-I, it was a brick and a half -thick (a row of headers lying beside a row of stretchers), and was -represented for a distance of 36 feet by two courses. Beyond this point -for another 30 feet, a shift in the contour of the land, allowing deeper -plowing in relation to the original height of the wall, had caused the -second course of bricks to be knocked off. From there on, only -occasional clusters of bricks remained, the evidence of the wall -consisting otherwise of a thin layer of mortar and brick. - -Wall A-II terminated in a corner. The other side of the corner was of -the same construction and ran westerly at right angles for a total -distance of 264.5 feet, passing beneath the highway (north of the turn) -and stopping against the southeast corner of a structure designated E. -Extending south from Structure E was an 84-foot wall (Wall E) a brick -and a half thick, laid this time in Flemish bond (header-stretcher-header) -in several courses. - -Another east-west wall, of which only remnants were found, joined Wall -E and its southern terminus. Six feet west of Wall E this fragmentary -wall widened from three to four bricks in thickness in what appeared to -be the foundation of a wide gate, with a heavy iron hinge-pintle _in -situ_; beyond this it disappeared in a jumble of brickbats. - -Upon completion of the wall excavations, a return was made to Wall A, -where a visible feature had been observed, although not investigated. -This feature was a three-sided, westward projection from Wall A, -similarly built of Aquia-type stone, forming with Wall A a long, narrow -enclosure. The southern east-west course of this structure meets Wall A -approximately 62 feet north of the creek-side terminus of Wall A and -extends 59 feet to the west. The north-south course runs 100 feet to its -junction with the northern east-west segment. The latter segment is only -55 feet long, so the enclosure is not quite symmetrical. No excavations -were made here. However, in line with the north cross wall of the -enclosure, trenches were dug at four intervals in a futile effort to -locate evidence of a boundary wall in the present orchard lying to the -east of the road to the creek. - - -SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATED WITH WALLS - - _Date_ - _Artifact_ _of Manufacture_ _Provenience_ - - Wine-bottle base. Diameter, 1735-1750 Adjacent to junction - 5-1/8 inches. of Walls A, A-I, - (USNM 59.1717 fig. 29; ill. 35) A-II, 13 inches - above wall base and - undisturbed soil. - - Wine-bottle base. Diameter, 1750-1770 Surface - 4-5/8 inches. - (USNM 60.117) - - Polychrome Chinese-porcelain 1730-1770 In disturbed soil - teacup base. between junction of - Blue-and-white porcelain sherds. Walls A, A-I, A-II, - (USNM 60.118; 60.121) and modern Highway - 621. - - Buckley coarse earthenware. (USNM Surface - 60.80; 60.108; 60.136; 60.140) - - Staffordshire white salt-glazed ca. 1760 Surface - ware. - (USNM 60.106) - - Brass knee buckle. (USNM 60.139; ca. 1760 Surface - fig. 83e; ill. 49) - - Hand-forged nails. Surface - - Scraping tool. (USNM 60.133; fig. Surface - 89b; ill. 76) - - Fragment of bung extractor. (USNM Surface - 60.134; fig. 89d) - - Sherds of heavy lead-glass decanter ca. 1720 Trenches beside Wall - and knop of large wineglass or B-2. - pedestal-bowlstem. (USNM 60.149) - - Westerwald stoneware. before 1750 Surface - (USNM 60.104; 60.121) - - Tidewater-type earthenware. (USNM - 60.141; 60.154) - - Iron gate pintle. (USNM 60.90; figs. Wall E gateway, 6 - 29 and 88) inches from west - end, south side, - 13 inches above - undisturbed soil, - in bricks in - second course. - - Brass harness ring. (USNM 60.53; 2 inches west of - figs. 29 and 83i) Wall E gateway, on - top of third course - of bricks, 7 inches - above undisturbed - soil. - - Bridle bit. (USNM 60.67; figs. 29 5 inches west of - and 91c) Wall E gateway, - first course, 4 - inches above - undisturbed soil. - - Bottle seal, marked with "I^[C.]M" (See matching Underneath bridle - and first three digits of date seal dated 1737 bit (see above). - "173...." (USNM 60.68) on wine bottle, - USNM 59.1688; - fig. 78; ill. 37) - - Fragment of iron potlid (USNM 60.69; Southwest corner of - fig. 87a) Wall E gateway, 7 - inches above - undisturbed soil, - at lowest brick - course. - - Indian celt, with hole drilled for 16 inches east of - use as pendant. (USNM 60.87) southwest corner of - Wall E gateway, at - undisturbed soil, - 7 inches below wall - base. - - Iron loop from swingletree. (USNM 30 inches east of - 60.86) southwest corner of - Wall E gateway, at - undisturbed soil, - 7 inches below wall - base. - - Wine-bottle base. Diameter 4-1/2 1735-1750 Wall E gateway. Top - inches (USNM 60.83) course of bricks, - 16 inches north of - pintle (see above). - - Iron plow colter. (USNM 60.88, Wall E gateway. Top - ill. 79) course of bricks, - 5.5 feet east of - pintle (see above). - -In addition to the artifacts listed above numerous others were excavated -from the trenches, although few of these have archeological value for -purposes of analyzing the structures. Only the finds accompanied by -depth and provenience data are significant in evaluating these -structures, and in the case of the gateway few are helpful to any -degree. The fragmentary bottle seal found there matches exactly a whole -seal that occurs on a wine bottle described in a subsequent section. -That seal is dated 1737, and thus this seal must have been similarly -dated. Its presence near the lowest level suggests that the wall was in -construction at the time the seal was deposited. Bottles were used for -a long time, however, so the seal may have reached its final resting -place years later than 1737. The Indian celt no doubt fell from the -topsoil while the trench in which the wall was built was being -excavated. The swingletree gear next to it probably was left there -during the construction. The colter, although it appears to be of early -18th-century origin, may have been in use late in the 18th century after -the wall had been removed. Since the colter is badly bent, it may have -struck the top of the underground wall foundation, and, having been -torn off from the plow, perhaps was left on the bricks where it fell. - -[Illustration: Figure 20.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Marlborough.] - -[Illustration: Figure 21.--EXCAVATION PLAN of wall system.] - -[Illustration: Figure 22.--LOOKING NORTH up the old road leading to the -creek side.] - -[Illustration: Figure 23.--OUTCROPPING OF STONE WALL along old road from -creek side.] - -[Illustration: Figure 24.--JUNCTION OF STONE WALL A, running from creek -side to this point, with brick Wall A-I at top left, Wall A-II at -right.] - -[Illustration: Figure 25.--LOOKING NORTH in line with Walls A and A-II, -Wall A-I joining at right angles.] - -[Illustration: Figure 26.--WALL A-II. Breaks in wall date from -subsequent placement of fence posts.] - -[Illustration: Figure 27.--JUNCTION OF WALL A-I with southeast corner of -Structure B.] - -[Illustration: Figure 28.--WALL E, south of kitchen, showing gateway -foundation.] - -[Illustration: Figure 29.--DETAIL OF GATEWAY in Wall E, showing iron -pintle for gate hinge in place; also bridle bit (see fig. 91c), harness -ring, and bottle base (see ill. 35).] - -[Illustration: Figure 30.--WALL B-II looking toward Potomac Creek, with -"Gutt," shown in 1691 survey, at right.] - -[Illustration: Figure 31.--WALL D, looking east toward Potomac River -from Structure E (kitchen).] - - -HISTORICAL DATA AND INTERPRETATION OF WALL SYSTEM - -John Mercer commented with exasperation in his Land Book about the -unresolved discrepancies between the Buckner survey of 1691 and the -missing Gregg survey of 1707 (p. 14). There are as many disparities -between Buckner's plat and the plat resulting from the Savage survey of -1731. In the latter a new row of lots is added along the western -boundary, pushing the Buckner lots eastward. Where in the Buckner plat -the lots and streets in the lower part of the town west of George -Andrews' lots turn westerly 1 deg. from the indicated main axis of the town, -paralleling the 30-pole fourth course of the town bounds which runs to -the creek's edge, the Savage map shows no such change. Yet Savage, in -describing the courses of the survey in a written note on the plat, -shows that he followed the original bounds. He does note a 4 deg., 10-pole -error in the course along Potomac Creek, "which difference gives several -Lots more than was in the old survey making one Row of Lots more than -was contained therein each containing two thirds of an Acre." This was -doubtless a contrivance designed to reconcile the Gregg and Buckner -surveys and also to benefit John Mercer. - -In any case, it is clear that the plats themselves are both unreliable -and inaccurate. What was actual was shown in the archeological survey of -1956 with its record of boundary walls and at least one street. An -attempt has been made in figure 14 to give scale to the Buckner survey -by superimposing the archeological map over it. There, Wall B-II, if -extended north for 111 feet beyond its length of 384 feet to equal the -30 poles (495 feet) of the fourth course, would exactly touch the -southwest corner of lot 21 where the fourth course began. But, in spite -of this congruence, the other features of the plat are distorted and -disagree with the slightly northwest-southeast basic orientation of the -street and wall system. The simplest explanation might be that the -layout was made on the basis of the 1707 Gregg survey. Since it was -following the second Act for Ports of 1705 that the town achieved what -little growth it made prior to Mercer's occupancy, it is probable that -the town's orientation was made according to this survey. - -Whether or not this is the case, the road to the creek side was -fundamental to the town, and probably was built early in its history and -maintained after the town itself was abandoned. We know from -archeological evidence that Wall A antedates the brick walls that were -connected with it. Further evaluation of the wall system in relation to -the entire site will be made later. It may be concluded for now that -Wall A and the road beside it represent the main axis of the town as it -was laid out before Mercer's arrival, that the stone walls were built -before that event, that Wall B-II follows the fourth course somewhat -according to Buckner's plat, and that the brick walls may date as late -as 1750, as some of the associated artifacts suggest. - -[Illustration: Figure 32.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Structure B.] - - - - -X - -_Mansion Foundation_ - -(_Structure B_) - - -DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS - -With the exception of Wall A, the protruding bit of brickwork near the -clump of trees (where Highway 621 makes its turn to the southeast) was -the only evidence remaining above ground in 1956 of Marlborough's past -grandeur. Designated Structure B, it was plainly the remains of a cellar -foundation, which the tangled thicket of vines and trees adjacent to it -tended to confirm. Since its location corresponded with the initially -estimated position of the courthouse, it seemed possible that the -foundation might have survived from that structure. - -Excavation of Structure B began accidentally when the excavators began -following the westward course of Wall A-I, as described in the preceding -section on the "Wall System." Wall A-I abutted, but did not mesh with, -the corner of two foundation walls, one of which ran northward and the -other continued on for 28 feet in the same direction as Wall A-I. The -brickwork in the 28-foot stretch of Wall A-I was laid in a step-back, -buttress-type construction. At the bottom course the wall was 2.65 feet -thick, diminishing upward for five successive courses to a minimum of -1.5 feet. A wall running northward--the east foundation wall--was -exposed for 16 feet from the point of its junction with Wall A-I until -it disappeared under the highway. It was found to have the same -buttress-type construction. There was no evidence of a cellar within the -area enclosed by the foundation walls south of the highway. - -Excavation of the east foundation wall was resumed north of the -highway, but here no buttressing was found, with evidence of a cellar -visible instead. This evidence consisted of a curious complex of -features, comprising remnants of two parallel cross walls only 4.5 feet -apart with a brick pavement between 4.8 feet below the surface. The east -wall and the cross walls had flush surfaces. The northerly cross wall -was tied into the brickwork of the east wall, showing that it was built -integrally with the foundation. The northerly cross wall had been -knocked down, however, to within five courses on the floor level. The -pavement was fitted against it. - -The southerly cross wall was not tied into the brickwork of the east -wall, and the pavement had been torn up next to it. Thus it was evident -that this wall had been erected subsequent to the building of the -foundation, that it had shortened the cellar by 4.5 feet, and that the -cellar extended southward to a point beneath the highway where it was -impossible to excavate. Documentary evidence to confirm this alteration -will be shown below (p. 91). - -Extending 12.5 feet north of the original cross wall was another -cellarless section, with step-back buttressing again featuring the -foundation wall. Another paved cellar was in evidence north of this, -extending for 26 feet, with a final 14.25-foot cellarless portion as far -as the north wall of the structure. The interior of the cellar, to the -extent that inviolate trees and shrubs made it possible to determine, -was filled with brickbats and debris, large portions of which were -removed. Evidence, however, of construction of cross walls and of floor -treatment remained concealed. - -[Illustration: Figure 33.--SITE OF STRUCTURE B before excavating, -looking northeast.] - -The entire length of this extraordinary foundation totaled 108 feet. - -The northwest corner of Structure B was not excavated because it was -hidden beneath a group of cedar trees which could not be disturbed. -South of the trees, however, the section of the west-wall foundation was -exposed to a length of 15.5 feet. This section was situated partly in, -and partly north of, the north cellar area. The cross measurement, from -outer edge to outer edge, was 28 feet, the same as the length of the -south foundation wall. Another short section of the west foundation wall -also was exposed from the southwest corner as far as a private driveway -which limited the excavation. - -Abutting the exterior of the north wall of the foundation a flagstone -pavement was found, extending 8.45 feet northward and 16 feet westward -from the northeast corner. Against the foundation, within this space, -was a U-shaped brick wall, forming a hollow rectangle 5 feet by 3.6 feet -(inside). The space was filled with ashes, loose bricks, and other -refuse. This brickwork was the foundation for a small porch, the -lime-sandstone slabs surrounding it having been an apron or a small -terrace. - -Extending westward from the cedar trees, beyond the projected 28-foot -length of the north wall, was a short section of brick wall foundation, -the outer surface of which was faced with slabs of red sandstone and -dressed on the top with a cyma-reversa molding. The tops of the slabs -were rough, but each had slots and channels for receiving iron tie bars -(ill. 3) that were still in place. This wall was inset four inches to -the south of the alignment of the main north foundation wall. - -[Illustration: Figure 34.--SOUTHWEST CORNER OF STRUCTURE B. Piazza -foundation extends to left, with red sandstone block at junction of -piazza with main foundation. To the left of top of sign, molded -red-sandstone trim can be seen which apparently surrounded the piazza. -Bricks in front of trim appear to have been added later as step -foundation. Brick buttressing of main-foundation footing appears at -right.] - -The northwest corner of this additional structure was hidden under the -highway. Even now, however, the discerning eye can pick up the contour -of a wall running parallel with the west foundation wall under the -blacktop pavement. For a brief distance, between the point where the -road swings eastward from it and the private driveway covers it again, -excavation exposed this wall. Designated Wall C, it was 22 inches thick, -entirely of brick, with no evidence remaining of red sandstone on the -outside. The exterior surface was 9.5 feet beyond the west foundation -wall. - -At the southwest corner of the foundation, evidence matching that at the -northwest corner was found. Here, again inset 4 inches from the line of -the main south foundation wall, were to be seen the tops of -red-sandstone slabs like those found at the north end (fig. 36), in this -case with one tie rod still in place. The driveway obscured the point to -which the corner of this extending structure could presumably be -projected. Subsequent construction against the sandstone slabs had -covered their surfaces with a rubble of brick and mortar that appeared -to be the foundation for masonry steps (fig. 35). Projecting out from -the southwest corner of the foundation was a rectangular red-sandstone -block which appeared to be the corner of these superimposed steps. -Although situated under the driveway, it was apparent by projection that -Wall B-I joined the southwest corner of Wall C. It will be demonstrated -from surviving records that Wall C, with its connecting sections, was -the foundation of a full-length veranda. - -The belief which persisted for a time that Structure B might have been -the courthouse was dispelled by documentary evidence showing that it was -John Mercer's mansion. - -[Illustration: Figure 35.--SOUTHWEST CORNER OF STRUCTURE B, showing -molded-sandstone trim with added brickwork in front. Bricks also covered -red-sandstone block, lower right. (Diagonally placed bricks at left are -not part of structure.)] - - -SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATED WITH STRUCTURE B - - _Date - _Artifact_ of Manufacture_ _Provenience_ - - 2 rim sherds from ca. 1730 Beneath flagstone in - brown-banded; porch apron north - "drab," stoneware of Structure B. - mug (USNM - 59.1754; fig. 67b) - - Iron candle-snuffer 1730-1750 Debris at south end - (USNM 59.1825; ill. 62) of Structure B. - - Small crescent-shaped Debris at south end - chopping knife of Structure B. - (USNM 59.1837; fig. 85a) - - Silver teaspoon ca. 1730-1750 Wall debris near - (USNM 59.1827; fig. 86d) north end. - -In addition, there was the usual variety of 18th-century delftware, -Nottingham and white salt-glazed stoneware, pieces of a Westerwald -stoneware chamber pot, and much miscellaneous iron, of which only a -hinge fragment and a supposed shutter fastener probably were associated -with the house. None of this material has provenience data, nearly all -of it having turned up in the process of trenching. Little of it, -therefore, throws much light on the history of the structure. The most -important artifacts found in and around Structure B are those of an -architectural nature, and these will be considered primarily in the -following section. - - -ARCHITECTURAL DATA AND ANALYSIS OF STRUCTURE B - -That the "manor house," as Thomas Oliver called it in 1771, was an -extraordinary building is both revealed in the Structure B foundation -and confirmed by the insurance-policy sketch of 1806. Long, low, and -narrow, fronted by a full-length veranda and adorned with stone trim for -which we can find no exact parallel in 18th-century America, it was as -individualistic as John Mercer himself. Yet, far from being a vernacular -anachronism or a mere eccentricity, it was apparently rich with the -Georgian mannerisms that made it very much an expression of its age. - -[Illustration: Figure 36.--SOUTH WALL OF STRUCTURE B, looking east. Base -of veranda extends to bottom of picture at left. Molded-sandstone trim -appears through brick rubble that has been attached to it, evidently as -base for steps.] - -The measurements made of the foundation when excavated, as we have seen, -show a length of 108 feet and a width of 28 feet for the main structure, -with an overall width, including the projecting Wall C, of 37 feet 6 -inches. The insurance policy states a length of 108 feet 8 inches and a -width of 29 feet 6 inches for the main foundation, plus a separate width -for the "portico" (as the structure above Wall C was called) of 8 feet -4 inches. These small discrepancies probably lie in the differences -between measuring a standing house and a foundation. - -Despite the fact that the foundation was far from fully excavated -because of the presence of trees and highway, it is clear, nevertheless, -that two cellars of unequal size were situated within the main -foundation, separated by sections where there were no cellars. These -findings correspond with the notation on the insurance-policy plan, "a -Cellar under about half the House." - -[Illustration: Figure 37.--CELLAR OF STRUCTURE B, showing remains of -original cross wall at left and added cross wall at right. Mercer -probably referred to the latter in 1749 in his account with Thomas -Barry: "Underpinning and altering the cellar."] - -The partly destroyed cross wall extends about midway across the -foundation, acting as a retaining wall. As described above, this cross -wall was found to be tied into the brick pavement that abutted it on the -south side. - -The bricks in the main foundation walls and in the partly destroyed -cross wall and pavement, on the basis of sample measurements, show a -usual dimension of about 8-1/2 by 2-3/4 by 4 inches. An occasional -9-inch brick occurs--about 10 percent of the sample. - -In contrast, the bricks in the second cross wall are all 9 inches long, -except two that are 8-1/2 inches and one that is 8-3/4 inches. Similar -sizes prevail in the bricks exposed in the "portico" foundation (Wall -C) at the south end. The significance of these brick sizes will be -discussed later. - -It is clear that Wall C was the foundation of the "portico," and that by -"portico" the writer of the insurance policy meant veranda or loggia. -The policy also shows a "Porch 10 by 5 f." extending from the middle of -the veranda. The highway now covers this spot. - -In the space between the two parallel cross walls within the main -foundation, the debris yielded a large section of a heavy, red-sandstone -arch, 14 inches wide, 9 inches thick, and 3 feet 2 inches long. This -arch was roughhewn on the flat surfaces and on about half of the outer -curved surface, or extrados. The inner surface, or intrados, and the -remainder of the extrados are smoothly dressed (fig. 38). At the south -end of the main foundation another curved red-sandstone piece was -recovered. This piece curves laterally and has a helically sloped top -surface. It is 25 inches long, 14-1/2 inches high at the highest point, -and 9 inches thick. Presumably, it was part of a flanker for a formal -outdoor stair or steps (fig. 39). Also at the south end was found a -cast-mortar block with grooves on the back for metal or wooden -fastenings (USNM 59.1823; fig. 40). This was perhaps part of a simulated -ashlar doorframe. A few gauged or "rubbed" bricks occur that are -slightly wedge shaped. - -[Illustration: Figure 38.--SECTION OF RED-SANDSTONE ARCH found in -cellar, presumably from an arcade surrounding the veranda.] - -Turning to the documentary evidence, one may recall that an item dated -September 1747, "By building part of my House," appeared in David -Minitree's account in Ledger G. Two years later, in 1749, several items -related to the house appeared in the account of Thomas Barry, "By -Building the Addition to my House/ By 22 Arches/ By 900 Coins & Returns/ -By a Frontispiece/ By Underpinning & altering the Cellar." In 1749 and -1750 William Copein was paid for mason's work. - -[Illustration: Figure 39.--HELICALLY CONTOURED red sandstone, possibly a -flanker for the steps at the south end of the veranda, near which it was -found.] - -[Illustration: Figure 40.--CAST-CONCRETE BLOCK, probably part of a -rusticated door enframement. Found at south end of Structure B. (See -ills. 1 and 2.)] - -[Illustration: Figure 41.--DRESSED RED-SANDSTONE SLAB (originally in one -piece), molded on both edges. Although last used as a doorstep in -Structure E, this slab was probably designed as trim for the sides of -steps connected with the main house (Structure B).] - -[Illustration: Illustrations 1 and 2.--Front and back of cast-concrete -block, probably part of a rusticated door enframement (fig. 40). -One-fourth. (USNM 59.1823.)] - -[Illustration: Figure 42.--FOSSIL-EMBEDDED black sedimentary stone, used -for hearths and fireplace surrounds in the mansion.] - -There is a clear sequence here. "Building part of my house" referred to -the basic brick structure built in 1747 by Minitree on the main -foundation. The work of William Monday, the carpenter, followed in 1748. -This doubtless included building the roof, setting beams, laying floors, -and building partitions. Then in 1749 Barry built the "Addition to my -House"--almost certainly the veranda. The item for 22 arches is -difficult to understand unless one relates it to the veranda and divides -the figure in two. The veranda was probably an arcade having 11 arched -openings, with arched facings of rubbed brick both inside and outside -the arcade. Thus, for the bricklayer, each actual arch would have -required two arches of brick. The intrados, or undersurfaces, of the -arches were probably red sandstone, like the fragmentary arch found in -the site; the basic element of the arch was then faced on each side with -bricks also arranged in an arch formation. The arcade at Hanover -courthouse seems to have been built in a somewhat similar fashion, -except that there the brick facing appears on the exterior of the arch -only. The "900 Coins and Returns" probably are gauged bricks, that is, -bricks ground smooth on a grindstone to provide a different texture and -richer red color to contrast with the ordinary wall brick. They were -widely used in Virginia mansions of the 18th century for corner and arch -decoration. At Marlborough over 600 rubbed bricks would have been -required to trim the piers of 11 arches, while the remainder may have -decorated the porch. The porch, we may be sure, was the "Frontispiece." - -[Illustration: Illustration 3.--Iron tie bar used to secure dressed -red-sandstone slabs to each other. One-fourth. (USNM 59.1833.)] - -[Illustration: Figure 43.--FOUNDATION OF PORCH at north end of Structure -B, surrounded by flagstone pavement.] - -The item for "Underpinning & altering the cellar" probably refers to the -knocked-out original cross wall and the added parallel cross wall, -although the reasons for the change will always remain a mystery. As has -been noted, the average brick sizes in the main foundation, on the one -hand, and those of bricks in the new cellar cross wall and in the -veranda were mostly different. Probably the distinctions represent the -differences between Minitree's and Barry's bricks. - -[Illustration: Figure 44.--PLAN OF MANSION HOUSE drawn on a Mutual -Assurancy Society of Virginia policy of 1806 after the house was -acquired by John Cooke. (_Courtesy of Virginia State Library._)] - -The detailed sequence of joiners', plasterers', and painters' work -during the 1748-1750 period has already been given attention in the -historical section, enough to indicate that the mansion was one of -luxurious appointments. The insurance policy describes it as a "Brick -Dwelling House one Story high covered with wood." In modern parlance -this would be called a story-and-a-half house with a wood-shingled roof. -The veranda, probably in the form of an arcade, was trimmed with dressed -red sandstone and perhaps paved with the squares and oblongs of this -material found scattered around the site. The small projecting porch -mentioned in the insurance policy provided a central pavilion. The -appearance of the house from here on must be left wholly to speculation -with only hints to guide us. We know, for instance, that a considerable -amount--three books--of gold leaf was employed. Was there, perhaps, a -small gilded cupola to break the long expanse of roof line? Were the 162 -ballusters, purchased from George Elliott towards the time of -completion, made for staircases indoors or for a balustrade along the -roof? Or did they border the roof of the veranda? To these questions -there can be no answer. Another question is whether the house, described -as one story high, was built over a high basement or near ground level. -Here we have evidence pointing to the latter, since the foundation had -two separate cellars, equalling "a Cellar under about half the House." A -high or English basement, by contrast, would have been continuous. -Furthermore, the veranda was at, or near, the ground level. The ground -floor thus might have been as much as 3 feet higher, reached by steps -from the veranda--but not a whole story higher. The depth of the -cellars, ranging from about 4 to 5 feet below ground level, implies that -the first floor was not more than 3 feet above ground level. - -Suggestions as to details of trim and finish are made here and there, -again in fragmentary hints. Several broken pieces of a dark-gray, -fossil-embedded marble survive from the "chimney-pieces" and hearths of -fireplaces (fig. 42). They may be the "hewn stone from Mr. Nicholson" -paid for in 1749. A piece of plaster cyma-recta cornice molding shows -that some rooms, at least, had plaster rather than wooden ceiling trim -(USNM 59.1829, ill. 4). Thomas Oliver's statement that "the Manor house -wants lead lights in some of the windows" suggests an unparalleled -anachronism, since the term "lead light" is an ancient one referring to -casement sashes of leaded glass. But it is inconceivable, in the context -of colonial architectural history, that this house should have had -leaded-casement windows, and it is very probable, therefore, that the -semiliterate Oliver was indulging in a rural archaism to which he had -transferred the meaning of "sash lights." The latter term was used -commonly to denote double-hung, wooden-sash windows, such as Georgian -houses still feature. In support of this inference is the complete lack -of archeological evidence of leaded-glass windows. - -[Illustration: Illustration 4.--Cross section of plaster cornice molding -from Structure B. Same size. (USNM 59.1829.)] - -The cellarless areas of the foundation may have provided the footings -for chimneys. These probably stood several feet from the ends, perhaps -serving clusters of four corner fireplaces each, for each floor. One may -surmise that there was a hip roof, with a chimney rising through each -hip. A porch at the north end had a rectangular brick base 4 by 6 feet, -surrounded by a flagstone area 16 feet wide and 8 feet 5 inches in -extent from the house. This evidence, however, differs from the figures -given in the insurance plan which shows a "Porch 8 by 6 feet." - -The mansion embodied some characteristics which are traditional in -Virginia house design and others which are without parallel. The -elongated plan indicated by the foundation was more frequently -encountered in Virginia dwellings of the late 17th and early 18th -centuries than in the "high Georgian" mansions of the 1740's and 1750's. -Turkey Island, for example, built in Henrico County in the 17th century, -was 103 feet long, 5 feet less than Marlborough.[149] The additions to -Governor Berkeley's Green Spring Plantation, built during the late 17th -century, consisted of an informal series of rooms, one room in depth for -the most part. Waterman is of the opinion that Green Spring was "in a -sense an overgrown cottage without the real attributes of a -mansion."[150] The excavations conducted in 1954 by Caywood have altered -the basis for this opinion somewhat, but, with its 150-foot length, -Green Spring remains an early example of the elongated plan.[151] - -Aside from being elongated, Marlborough derives from the ubiquitous -informal brick cottage of Virginia. So indigenous is this vernacular -form that it is often found in houses of considerable pretension, even -in the 18th century. Such are the Abingdon glebe house in Gloucester -County, Gunston Hall in Fairfax, and the Chiswell Plantation, known as -"Scotchtown," in Hanover. Robert Beverley noted the Virginians' fondness -for this style, commenting that they built many rooms on a floor because -frequent high winds would "incommode a towering Fabrick"--an explanation -as delightful as it is absurd.[152] - -That these one-story houses could be completely formal is demonstrated -in the unique early 18th-century addition to Fairfield (Carter's Creek -Plantation) in Gloucester County, which burned in 1897. This dwelling -had a full hip roof, with dormers to light the attic rooms, and a high -basement. Its classical cornice was bracketed with heavy modillions, -while a massive chimney protruded from the slope of the hip.[153] -Gunston Hall, on the other hand, reverted to the gable-end form. -Although essentially a Virginia cottage, it is richly adorned with -Georgian architectural detail. Completed in 1758, only eight years after -Marlborough, and owned by Mercer's nephew George Mason, this building -may be more closely related to Marlborough than any other existing -house.[154] - -[Illustration: Figure 45.--THE VILLA of "the magnificent Lord Leonardo -Emo" at "_Fanzolo_, in the _Trevigian_;" illustrated in _The -Architecture of A. Palladio_ (Giacomo Leoni, ed., 3rd edition, -corrected, London, 1742). Palladio's was one of the works owned by -Mercer and probably used by Bromley. The arcaded loggias of the -one-story wings of this building may have contributed to the inspiration -of Marlborough. (_Courtesy of the Library of Congress._)] - -Of all the one-story Virginia houses that have come to our attention, -only Marlborough has a full-length veranda. To be sure, there are -multiple-story houses with full-length verandas, the most notable being -Mount Vernon. Elmwood, built just before the Revolution in Essex County, -is another, having a foundation plan similar to Marlborough's.[155] The -Mount Vernon veranda is part of the remodeling of 1784, so that neither -house reached its finished state until a quarter of a century after -Marlborough's completion. Marlborough may thus at the outset have been -unique among Virginia dwellings in having such a veranda. However, -full-length verandas on buildings other than dwellings were not unknown -in Virginia prior to the construction of Marlborough, for they occurred -in an almost standard design in the form of arcaded loggias in county -courthouses. Typical were King William and Hanover County courthouses, -both built about 1734 (figs. 5 and 61). - -The arcaded loggia is Italian in origin and is traceable here to -Palladio, whose influence was diffused to England and the colonies in a -variety of ways. We know that _The Architecture of A. Palladio_ was one -of four architectural works acquired by Mercer in 1748 and apparently -lent to his "architect," joiner William Bromley. The direct influence of -this work on the overall plan of Marlborough probably was negligible. -However, Palladio illustrates the villa of "the magnificent Lord -Leonardo Emo" at "_Fanzolo_, in the _Trevigian_" (fig. 45), which may -have caught Mercer's eye. This building had a central, raised pavilion -with two one-story wings, each approximately 100 feet long. Each wing -had a full-length, arcaded veranda. The wings were intended for stables, -granaries, and so forth. Palladio commented: - - "People may go under shelter every where about this House, which is - one of the most considerable conveniences that ought to be desir'd - in a Country-house."[156] - -Mercer may have been impressed by this argument and by the arcade in the -design. He was already familiar with arcades at the capitol at -Williamsburg and at the College of William and Mary, as well as at -outlying courthouses where he practiced, the courthouse at Stafford -probably included. In any case, he did not have the veranda built until -1748 or 1749, after the main structure had been completed. It is -significant, in this regard, that it was not until March 1748 that he -settled accounts with Sydenham & Hodgson for the four architectural -books (including Palladio). - -A formal garden apparently was laid out in the nearly square, walled -enclosure behind the mansion. It is perhaps wholly a coincidence that -Palladio, writing about the villa at Fanzolo, commented, "On the back of -this Building there is a square Garden." - -[Illustration: Figure 46.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Structure E, looking -southwest.] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [149] HENRY CHANDLEE FORMAN, _The Architecture of the Old - South_ (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1948), pp. - 74-75. - - [150] Op. cit. (footnote 94), p. 21. - - [151] LOUIS CAYWOOD, _Excavations at Green Spring Plantation_ - (Yorktown, 1955), pp. 11, 12, maps nos. 3 and 4. - - [152] ROBERT BEVERLEY, op. cit. (footnote 5), p. 289. - - [153] WATERMAN, op. cit. (footnote 94), pp. 23-26; FISKE - KIMBALL, _Domestic Architecture of the American Colonies and - of the Early Republic_ (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, - 1927), p. 42. - - [154] ROSAMOND RANDALL BEIRNE and JOHN HENRY SCARFF, _William - Buckland, 1734-1774; Architect of Virginia and Maryland_ - (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1958). - - [155] WATERMAN, op. cit. (footnote 94), p. 298. - - [156] ANTONIO PALLADIO, _The Architecture of A. Palladio ... - Revis'd, Design'd, and Publish'd By Giacomo Leoni ... The - Third Edition, Corrected ..._ (London, 1742), p. 61, pl. 40. - - - - -XI - -_Kitchen Foundation_ (_Structure E_) - - -DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS - -Structure E was a brick foundation, 17 feet by 32 feet, situated at the -northwest corner of the enclosure-wall system. Its south wall was -continuous with Wall D, which joined it, and was at right angles to Wall -E. The latter abutted it in line with an interior foundation wall which -bisected the structure into two room areas, designated X and Y. Thus it -once stood like a bastion extending outside the enclosure walls, but -remaining integral with them and affording a controlled entrance to the -enclosure (fig. 46). - -The east end of Structure E extended under a modern boundary fence to -the present edge of the highway. Ditching of the highway had cut into -the foundation and exposed the debris and slabs of stone in place, which -indeed had provided the first clues to the existence of the structure. -Clearance of the easterly area, Room X, revealed a pavement of roughly -rectangular slabs of mixed Aquia-type lime-sandstone and red sandstone. -These slabs were flaked, eroded, and discolored, as though they had been -exposed to great heat. The pavement was not complete, some stones having -apparently been removed. The scattered locations of the stones remaining -_in situ_ implied that the entire room was originally paved. - -Between the northwest corner of Room X and a brick abutment 5 feet to -the south was a rectangular area where the clay underlying the room had -been baked to a hard, red, bricklike mass (fig. 49). Wood ash was -admixed with the clay. This was clearly the site of a large fireplace, -where constant heat from a now-removed hearth had penetrated the clay. -Extending north 3.8 feet beyond the bounds of the room at this point was -a U-shaped brick foundation 4.75 feet wide. Near the southeast corner of -the room, just outside of the foundation, which it abutted, was a -well-worn red-sandstone doorstep, which located the site of the door -communicating between Structure E and the interior of the -enclosure--and, of course, between Structure E and Structure B, the -distance between which was 100 feet. - -Room Y, extending west beyond the corner of the enclosure walls was -perhaps an addition to the original structure. The disturbed condition -of the bricks where this area joined Room X, however, obscured any -evidence in this respect. In the northeast corner, against the opposite -side of the fireplace wall in Room X, was another area of red-burned -clay. Lying across this was a long, narrow slab of wrought iron, 34.5 by -6 inches (fig. 50), which may have served in some fashion as part of a -stove or fire frame. In any case, a small fireplace seems to have been -located here. Approximately midway in the west wall of Room Y, against -the exterior, lay a broken slab of red sandstone, which obviously also -served as a doorstone. That it had been designed originally for a more -sophisticated purpose is evident in the architectural treatment of the -stone, which is smoothly dressed with a torus molding along each edge -and a diagonal cut across one end (fig. 41). No evidence of floor -remained in this room, except for a smooth surface of yellow clay which -became sticky when exposed to rain. - -[Illustration: Figure 47.--FOUNDATION of Structure E (kitchen).] - -The north half of Room Y was filled with broken bricks, mortar, plaster, -nails, and--significantly--small bits of charred wood and burned -hornets' nests. The concentration of debris here could be explained by -the collapse of the chimney as well as the interior wall into the room. -The crumbly condition of the southwest portion of the exterior-wall -foundation also may indicate a wall collapse. Few artifacts were -recovered in this area. - -North of Room X lay a large amount of rubble and artifacts, suggesting -that the north wall had fallen away from the building, perhaps carrying -with it shelves of dishes and utensils. Both rooms contained ample -evidence in the form of ash, charcoal, burned hornets' nests, and -scorched flagstones to demonstrate that a fire of great heat had -destroyed the building. - - -ARCHITECTURAL DATA AND INTERPRETATION - -John Mercer's account with Thomas Barry (Ledger G) itemizes for 1749, -"building a Kitchen/ raising a Chimney/ building an oven." It is clear -from the features of Structure E, its relation to Structure B, and the -custom prevalent in colonial Virginia of building separate dependencies -for the preparation of food, that Structure E was the kitchen referred -to in Barry's account. Like this building, kitchens elsewhere were -almost invariably two rooms in plan--a cooking room and a pantry or -storage room. One of the earliest--at Green Spring--had a large -fireplace for the kitchen proper, and in the second room a smaller -fireplace, both served by a central chimney. An oven stood inside the -building between the larger fireplace and the wall.[157] At Stratford -(ca. 1725) the kitchen is similarly planned, as it is at Mannsfield -(Spotsylvania County).[158] Mount Vernon has an end chimney in its -kitchen, and only one fireplace. The floor of the kitchen proper is -paved with square bricks, while the second room has a clay floor. The -Stratford kitchen is paved with ordinary bricks. Such examples can be -multiplied several times. - -[Illustration: Figure 48.--PAVED FLOOR OF ROOM X, Structure E, showing -HL door hinge in foreground. (See fig. 88a.)] - -The physical relationship of the kitchen to the main house in Virginia -plantations was dictated in part by convenience and in part by the -Palladian plans that governed the architecture of colonial mansions. -Structure E's relationship to Structure B is representative of that -existing between most kitchens and their main buildings. Mount Vernon, -Stratford, Blandfield, Nomini Hall, Rosewell, and many other plantations -have, or had, kitchens located at points diagonal to the house and on -axes at right angles to them. Usually each was balanced by a dependency -placed in a similar relationship to the opposite corner of the house. -Sometimes covered walkways connected the pairs of dependencies, curved -as at Mount Vernon, Mount Airy, and Mannsfield, or straight as at -Blandfield in Essex County (1771). Marlborough, as we shall see, was not -typical in its layout, but the relationship between kitchen and house -was the customary one. - -The thickness of the foundations in Structure E was the width of four -bricks--approximately 17 inches. As usual in the case of the lower -courses of a foundation, the bricks were laid in a somewhat random -fashion. The intact portions of the south and west walls revealed -corners of bricks laid end to end so as to expose headers on both sides. -The east wall showed pairs of bricks placed at right angles to each -other, so that headers and stretchers appeared alternately. On the north -wall of Room X bricks were laid as headers on the outside and as -stretchers, one behind the other, on the inside. These variations -probably are due to different bricklayers having worked on the -building simultaneously. Since oddly assorted courses would have been -below ground level, care for their appearance was minimal. Finished -exterior brickwork was required only above the lowest point visible to -the eye. - -[Illustration: Figure 49.--NORTH WALL of Structure E, looking east. Sign -stands on partition wall between Rooms X and Y and in front of -rectangular section of burnt red clay, upon which fireplace hearth -stood. Projecting foundation at left may have supported an oven. Iron -slab (see fig. 50) lies _in situ_ with trowel on top.] - -Brick sizes ran from 9 to 9-1/2 inches long, 4 to 4-1/2 inches wide, and -2-1/4 to 2-3/4 inches thick. These measurements are similar to those of -bricks in the veranda foundation and the added cellar cross wall of -Structure B. It is apparent from Ledger G that the elements in Structure -B, as well as the kitchen, were all built by Thomas Barry. Barry -probably used bricks that he himself made, according to the custom of -Virginia bricklayers, so that the archeological and documentary -evidences of the extent of his work in the two buildings reinforce each -other. - -The protruding rectangle of bricks at the north end of Structure E -resembles the foundation for steps in Structure B. However, its position -directly adjacent to what must be assumed to have been the fireplace -precludes the possibility of its having been the location for a step. -Moreover, the pavement and doorstones at the west and south demonstrate -that the floor of the kitchen was at ground level, so that a raised -step at the north side would have been not only unnecessary, but -impossible. - -[Illustration: Figure 50.--WROUGHT-IRON SLAB, found in Room Y, Structure -E, behind fireplace. Purpose unknown. Size, 6 by 35 inches.] - -We know from the ledger that Barry built an oven and raised a chimney. -That the latter was a central chimney may be assumed on the basis of the -evidence of the two fireplaces placed back to back. There is, however, -no archeological evidence that there was an oven within the structure, -and every negative indication that there was not. The rectangular -protrusion, exactly in line with the end of the fireplace thus was -apparently the foundation for a brick oven, the domed top of which -extended outside the building, with its opening made into the north end -of the fireplace. Protruding ovens are known in New York and New -England, but none in Virginia has come to the writer's attention. On the -other hand, protruding foundations like the one here are also unknown -in Virginia kitchens, except where slanting ground, as at Mount Vernon, -has made steps necessary. - -It may be concluded that Structure E was the plantation kitchen, that it -was built in 1749, that it had two rooms (a cookroom with fireplace -paving and a large fireplace, and a second room with a smaller -fireplace), that an oven built against the exterior of the building -opened into the north end of the fireplace, and that the first, and -probably the only, floor was at ground level. Archeological evidence -points to final destruction of the building by fire. (Mercer indicated -that fire had threatened it previously in the entry in his journal for -April 22, 1765, which noted "kitchen roof catch'd fire.") In the form of -datable artifacts, it also shows that the structure was destroyed in the -early 19th century, since the latest ceramic artifacts date from about -1800. - -[Illustration: Figure 51.--EXCAVATION PLAN of structures north of Wall -D.] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [157] CAYWOOD, loc. cit. (footnote 151). - - [158] WATERMAN, loc. cit. (footnote 94). - - - - -XII - -_Supposed Smokehouse Foundation_ (_Structure F_) - - -DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS - -A nearly square foundation, measuring 18.3 feet by 18.6 feet, with a -narrow extended brick structure protruding from it, was situated some 45 -feet north of Wall D, about midway in the wall's length. It was oriented -on a north-northwest--south-southeast axis, quite without reference to -the wall system. The foundation walls and the narrow extension were -exposed by excavation, but the interior area within the walls was not -excavated, except for 2-foot-wide trenches along the edges of the walls. - -The foundation itself, about 2 feet thick, consisted of brick -rubble--tumbled and broken bricks, not laid in mortar and for the most -part matching bricks found elsewhere in Marlborough structures. -Scattered among the typical Virginia bricks and brickbats were several -distinctively smaller and harder dark-red bricks measuring 7-1/4 inches -by 3-1/2 inches (fig. 53). - -The most interesting feature of the structure was its narrow extension. -This had survived in the form of two parallel walls laid in three brick -courses without mortar, the whole projecting from the southeasterly -wall. The interior measurement between the walls was 1.75 feet and the -exterior overall width was 4 feet. Its southern extremity had an opening -narrowed to 1 foot in width by bricks placed at right angles to the -walls. Approximately 5 feet to the north the passage formed by the walls -was narrowed to 1 foot by three tiers of one brick, each tier laid -parallel to the passage on each side. At 8.7 feet from its southern -terminus the extension intersected the main foundation. Just north of -this intersection, bricks laid within the passage were stepped up to -form a platform two courses high and one course lower than the top of -the foundation. A fluelike opening was formed by two rows of brick laid -on top of the platform, narrowing the passage to a width of 5 inches. -North of the southeast foundation wall there remained a strip of four -bricks in two courses at the level of the opening, forming a thin -continuation of the platform for 3.25 feet. - - -SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS IN STRUCTURE F - -The narrow extension contained several bushels of unburned oystershells -and some coals. There was limited evidence of burning, although the -shells were not affected by fire. A small variety of artifacts was -found, few of which dated later than the mid-18th century. The flue or -fire chamber yielded the following artifacts: - - 59.1717 Wine-bottle basal fragments, 5-5-1/2 inches, - mid-18th-century form - - 59.1721 Stem of a taper-stem, teardrop wineglass, misshapen from - having been melted, ca. 1730-1740 - - 59.1723 Green window glass, one sherd with rolled edge of crown - sheet - - 59.1724 Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain - - 59.1725 "Yellowware" sherd, probably made before 1750 - - 59.1727 Westerwald gray-and-blue salt-glazed stoneware - - 59.1728 Buckley black-glazed ware - - 59.1730 Miscellaneous late 17th- and early 18th-century delftware - fragments - - 59.1731 Staffordshire salt-glazed white stoneware, some with molded - rims, ca. 1760 - - 59.1734 Half of sheep shears (ill. 85) - - 59.1735 Convex copper escutcheon plate (fig. 83g) - - 59.1736 Brass-hinged handle or pull for strap (fig. 83j, ill. 89) - -[Illustration: Figure 52.--STRUCTURE F (supposed smokehouse foundation). -Firing chamber in foreground.] - -Elsewhere, in the trenches next to the foundation walls, artifacts -typical of those occurring in other parts of the site were found. Worth -mentioning are pieces of yellow-streaked, red earthen "agate" ware, -sometimes attributed to Astbury or Whieldon, and sherds of -cord-impressed Indian pottery. - - -ARCHITECTURAL ANALYSIS - -Since the interior of this structure was not excavated, many -uncertainties remain as to its identity. The peculiar fluelike -structure passing through its foundation, the rubble of bricks used to -form the foundation, the huge quantities of oystershells in the flue, -with partly burnt coals underneath, give rise to various speculations. -So does the orientation of the structure, which is off both the true and -polar axes and is also unrelated to the mansion or the wall system. - -The most likely explanation seems to be that Structure F was the -foundation of a smokehouse. A recently excavated foundation in what was -known as Brunswick Town, North Carolina, is almost identical (except for -the use of ballast stone in the fire chamber and the building -foundation). This also is believed to be a smokehouse foundation, since -similar structures are still remembered from the days of their -use.[159] - -[Illustration: Figure 53.--VIRGINIA BRICK from Structure B (left) 9 by 4 -by 2-3/4 inches. Right, small brick from Structure F, probably imported, -7-1/4 by 3-1/2 by 1-3/4 inches. Perhaps one of the 630 bricks brought on -the _Marigold_ by Captain Roger Lyndon and purchased by John Mercer.] - -The position of the Marlborough structure, outside of the enclosure wall -but not far from the kitchen, the relative crudeness of its -construction, and its off-axis orientation, support the likelihood of -its being a utilitarian structure. The firing chamber and the flue show -unquestionably that it was a building requiring heat or smoke. -Marlborough had two greenhouses, according to Thomas Oliver's inventory, -and these would have required heating equipment. But the small size of -this structure and the absence of any indication of tile flooring or -other elaboration suggested by contemporary descriptions of greenhouses -seem to rule out this possibility. - -[Illustration: Figure 54.--STRUCTURE D, an unidentified structure with -debris-filled refuse pit at left.] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [159] STANLEY SOUTH, "An Unusual Smokehouse is Discovered at - Brunswick Town," _Newsletter_, Brunswick County Historical - Society (Charlotte, N.C., August 1962), vol. 2, no. 3. - - - - -XIII - -_Pits and Other Structures_ - - -STRUCTURE D - -An exploratory trench was dug northward several yards from a point on -Wall D, on axis with Structure B. An irregularly shaped remnant of -unmortared-brick structure, varying between two and three bricks wide -and one course high was discovered at the undisturbed level. This -measured 8.5 feet by 6 feet. Adjacent to it, extending 5.8 feet and -having a width varying from 6.5 to 7 feet, was a pit 2 feet 8 inches -deep, dug 2 feet below the undisturbed clay level, and filled with a -heavy deposit of artifacts, oystershells, and animal bones. The artifact -remains were the richest in the entire site. Some of the most -significant of these are the following: - - 59.1656 Key (fig. 88) - - 59.1942 Iron bolt (ill. 69) - - 59.1663} - 59.2029} Two-tined forks (ill. 55-57) - 59.1939} - - - 59.1664 Jeweler's hammer (ill. 78) - - 59.1665 Fragments of a penknife (fig. 85c) - - 59.1668 Knife blade and Sheffield handle (fig. 86b) - - 59.1669} - 59.1670} Pewter trifid-handle spoons (fig. 86f and g, ill. 58) - - 59.1672 Pewter "wavy-end" spoon (fig. 86e, ill. 59) - - 59.1675 Fragments of reeded-edge pewter plate (fig. 86a) - - 59.1676 Pewter teapot lid (fig. 86c, ill. 60) - - 59.1678 Brass rings (fig. 83i) - - 59.1680 Steel scissors (ill. 61) - - 59.1681 Large fishhook (ill. 88) - - 59.1682 Chalk bullet mold (fig. 84b, ill. 51) - - 59.1685 Slate pencil (fig. 85d, ill. 54) - - 59.1687 Octagonal spirits bottle (fig. 80) - - 59.1688 Wine bottle: seal "I^[C.]M 1737" (fig. 78, ill. 37) - - 59.1679 Handle sherd of North Devon gravel-tempered earthenware - (ill. 15) - - 59.1698 Buckley high-fired, black-glazed earthenware (fig. 65) - - 59.1699 Buckley high-fired, amber-glazed earthenware pan sherds - (fig. 65, ills. 17 and 18) - - 59.1700 Brown-decorated yellowware cup or posset-pot sherds (fig. - 64c, ill. 16) - - 59.1701 Nottingham-type brown-glazed fine stoneware sherds (fig. - 67a) - - 59.1762 Sherd of Westerwald blue-and-gray stoneware, with part of - "GR" medallion showing (fig. 66d) - - 59.1704 Large sherds of brown-glazed Tidewater-type earthenware pan - (fig. 63a, ill. 11) - - 59.1706 Blue-and-white delft plate, Lambeth, ca. 1720 (fig. 69) - - 59.1707 Blue-and-white delft plate, [?]Bristol, ca. 1750 (fig. 70) - - 59.1714 Kaolin tobacco-pipe bowls, and one wholly reconstructed - pipe (fig. 84f, ill. 53) - - 59.1715 Steel springtrap for small animals (ill. 86) - - (Also numerous sherds of Staffordshire white salt-glazed ware and - creamware. A single disparate sherd of pink, transfer-printed - Staffordshire ware, dating from about 1835, is the only intrusive - artifact in the deposit.) - -The bones were virtually all pork refuse, except for a few rabbit bones. -The oystershells, found in every refuse deposit, reflect the universal -taste for the then-abundant oyster. - -[Illustration: Figure 55.--REFUSE FOUND AT EXTERIOR CORNER of Wall A-II -and Wall D.] - -The significance of the structure is not clear. It was probably the -site of a privy, the remaining bricks having been part of a brick floor -in front of the pit. - - -STRUCTURE G - -A few feet southeast of Structure D, another much smaller pit was found, -surrounded on two sides by a partial-U-shaped single row and single -course of bricks. This brickwork measured 5 feet in length, with a -4-foot appendage at one end and a 7-foot appendage at the other. The pit -was small and shallow. Typical ceramic artifacts were found, as well as -fragments of black basaltes ware (ill. 32) and some early 19th-century -whiteware. The function of this pit is unknown. - - -PIT AT JUNCTION OF WALLS A-II AND D - -Just north of the northeast corner of the wall system a small trash pit -was uncovered. It contained a scattering of wine- and gin-bottle -sherds, a few miscellaneous, small, ceramic-tableware fragments, and -about one-third of a blue-and-white Chinese porcelain plate (figs. 55 -and 77). - - -UNIDENTIFIED FOUNDATION NEAR POTOMAC CREEK (STRUCTURE H) - -About 60 feet from the shore of Potomac Creek, at the southeast corner -of the old road that runs from the highway to the creek, bordered by -Wall A, were indications of a brick foundation. This structure was -explored to the extent of its width (about 15 feet) for a distance -northward of 17 feet, then the east wall was traced 22 feet farther -north until it disappeared into the bankside and a thicket. The -excavated area disclosed quantities of brickbats, a layer of soil, a -number of burnt bricks, a layer of black charcoal ash, and a 6-inch -deposit of clay. The brick walls were 1.5 feet thick. The structure -had been built into the hillside, so that the north end was presumably a -deep basement. - -[Illustration: Figure 56.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Structure H.] - -[Illustration: Figure 57.--STRUCTURE H, from Potomac Creek shore, -looking northeast.] - -Artifacts were few. A complete scythe (fig. 90) was found embedded in -the clay above the brickwork on the east side of the structure, and next -to it a large body sherd of black-glazed Buckley ware. A few small -ceramic sherds occurred--pieces of redware with trailed slip (fig. 64), -and small bits of delft, salt glaze, and Chinese porcelain. - -The location and implied shape of the building suggest that it had a -utilitarian purpose. Near the waterfront, it would conveniently have -served as a warehouse, or possibly as either the brewhouse or malthouse, -each described by Mercer as having been 100 feet long, of brick and -stone. Whether one was of brick and the other of stone, or both were -brick and stone in combination, is not clear. There was no evidence of -stonework in Structure H. On the other hand, the 100-foot-long -rectangular stone enclosure, of which Wall A formed a part, shows no -evidence of brickwork. The purposes of both these structures must, for -now, remain unexplained, but association with the brewery seems -plausible. - - - - -XIV - -_Stafford Courthouse South of Potomac Creek_ - - -INTRODUCTION - -The chief archeological problem of Marlborough at the time of excavation -was whether or not Structure B had served as the foundation for both the -courthouse and for John Mercer's mansion. Although the possibility still -remains that the sites of the two buildings overlapped, preceding -chapters have demonstrated that the foundation was constructed by Mercer -for his house, and that it did not stand beneath the courthouse. - -However, in 1957 it was thought that exploration of the -late-18th-century courthouse site, located upstream on the south side of -Potomac Creek, might reveal a structure of similar dimensions which -would help to confirm the possibility that Structure B had originated -with the Marlborough courthouse. Furthermore, the Potomac Creek site was -of interest by itself and was closely related to John Mercer's legal and -judicial career. - -The location of the site is depicted in surveys included with suit -papers of 1743 and 1805.[160] These papers were brought to our attention -by George H. S. King of Fredericksburg, and were mentioned in Happel's -carefully documented history of the Stafford and King George -courthouses.[161] Previously, we had been led to the site by a former -sheriff of Stafford County, who recalled listening as a boy to -descriptions of the old courthouse building by an ancient whose memory -went back to the early years of the 19th century. The old man's -recollections, in turn, were reinforced by similar recountings of elders -in his own youth. Unscientific though the value of such information may -be, it emerges from folk memories that often remain sharp and clear in -rural areas, spanning in the minds of two or three individuals the -periods of several conventional generations. As clues, at least, they -are never to be ignored. In this case we were taken to a rubble-strewn -site on an eminence that overlooks Potomac Creek. At the foot of a -declivity below, on the old Belle Plains road, we were shown another -obvious evidence of structure, which we were told had been the jail. -Just to the east of this where a road leads away to the site of Cave's -tobacco warehouse (now the "Stone Landing"), we were informed that the -stocks had once stood. - -Of the latter two sites we have no confirming evidence, although both -claims are plausible enough. No archeological effort was made to -investigate them, since funds were limited. The surveys of 1743 and 1805 -are sufficient to confirm with accuracy the courthouse site. -Accordingly, an archeological exploration was made between August 19 and -August 23, 1957, revealing unmistakably the footings of a courthouse. As -will be shown, these footings in no way bore a resemblance to the -Structure B foundation. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [160] Fredericksburg Suit Papers, 1745-1805 (MS., - Fredericksburg, Virginia, courthouse). - - [161] HAPPEL, op. cit. (footnote 22), pp. 183-194. - - -HISTORICAL BACKGROUND - -The history of the Potomac Creek courthouse site has been presented -thoroughly by Happel, but a brief review is in order here. Happel shows -that a courthouse was ordered built in 1665, a year after the -establishment of Stafford as a county. He quotes a court reference in -1667 to the road along the south shore of Potomac Creek, running from -the "said Ferry," near the head of the Creek, "to the Court house to the -horse Bridge," which he identifies as having spanned Passapatanzy Gut. -In his opinion, this courthouse was near the mouth of the Creek, but he -fails to show that it equally well may have been near the site of the -later 18th-century structures. - -[Illustration: Figure 58.--DRAWING MADE IN 1743, showing location of -Stafford courthouse south of Potomac Creek (orientation to south). -(Fredericksburg Suit Papers.)] - -[Illustration: Figure 59.--ENLARGED DETAIL from lower right portion of -figure 58, showing location of Stafford courthouse south of Potomac -Creek.] - -We have seen that in 1690 court was first held in Thomas Elzey's house, -seemingly located near the 18th-century courthouse site, and that orders -were given that it continue to meet there until the new courthouse was -ready. The history of the new courthouse at Marlborough has already been -recounted, its final demise occurring about 1718. The court's official -removal from Marlborough was agreed upon July 20, 1720, and, as already -noted, "the head of Ocqua Creek" was designated for the new site, -although obviously by error, since Potomac Creek plainly was intended. - -Happel tells us that the Potomac Creek building burned in 1730 or early -1731 and that the justices were ordered on April 27, 1731, to rebuild at -the same place. It is this next building that was depicted on the 1743 -survey plat (see fig. 58). In 1744 a bill was presented in the Assembly -to relieve persons who had suffered or "may suffer" from the loss of -Stafford County records "lately consumed by Fire";[162] apparently the -courthouse had again burned. There seems to have been a delay of about -five years in rebuilding it this time. Pressures to relocate it were -exerted in the meanwhile and hearings were held by the Governor's -Council on a petition to "remove the Court House lower down."[163] The -Council listened, then "Ordered, that the new Court House be built where -the old one stood."[164] - -[Illustration: Figure 60.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Stafford courthouse -foundation.] - -This settled, Nathaniel Harrison and Hugh Adie contracted in 1749 with -the justices of Stafford court to build a "Brick Courthouse, for the -Consideration of 44500 lb. of Tobacco, to be furnished by the last of -October, 1750."[165] Harrison was a distinguished member of the colony -who, as a widower, had moved to Stafford County the previous year and -had married Lucy, the daughter of Robert ("King") Carter of "Corotoman" -and widow of Henry Fitzhugh of "Eagle's Nest."[166] Harrison, who later -built "Brandon" for himself in King George County, probably provided the -capital and the materials, and perhaps the design, of the courthouse. -Adie, of whom nothing is known, was doubtless the carpenter or -bricklayer who actually did the work. - -[Illustration: Figure 61.--HANOVER COURTHOUSE, whose plan dimensions -correspond closely to the Stafford foundation.] - -The construction was delayed by "many Disappointments, and the Badness -of the Weather." Finally, in the spring of 1751, it was about to be -brought to completion, "when it was feloniously burnt to the -Ground."[167] In April 1752 a special act was passed in order to permit -a levy to be made which would allow the Stafford court to reimburse -Harrison and Adie for the amount of work which they had accomplished on -the courthouse and the value of the materials they had provided.[168] - -No record exists of the contract for the next--and last--courthouse -building on the Potomac Creek site. Quite possibly Harrison and Adie -again did the work. This building was used until removal of the court to -a new building completed between 1780 and 1783 on a site near the -present Stafford courthouse. It remained standing throughout most of the -19th century, according to local memory. In surveys of 1804 and 1805 the -structure was identified as the "old court house." - -FOOTNOTES: - - [162] _JHB_, 1742-1749 (Richmond, 1909), p. 127. - - [163] Ibid. - - [164] _Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial - Virginia_ [November 1, 1739-May 7, 1754], (Richmond, 1945), - p. 282. - - [165] _JHB, 1752-1755; 1756-1758_ (Richmond, 1939), p. 55. - - [166] "Harrison of James River," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1924), vol. - 32, p. 200. - - [167] See footnote 165. - - [168] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 6, pp. 280-281. - - -DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS - -Excavations were conducted in the simplest manner possible, in order to -arrive at the objective of determining the dimensions of the courthouse -without exceeding available funds. An exploratory trench soon exposed a -line of rubble and disturbed soil. This line was followed until the -entire outline of the building was revealed. At several points bricks in -mortar still remained _in situ_, especially at the south end. Two brick -piers extended 4 feet 5 inches into the structure, midway along the -south wall at a distance of 5 feet 9 inches apart. - -[Illustration: Illustration 5.--Above, left, reconstructed wine bottle -from Potomac Creek courthouse site. One-fourth.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 6.--Top, right, fragment of molded white -salt-glazed-ware platter from Potomac Creek courthouse site. One-half.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 7.--Lower, right, iron bolt from Potomac -Creek courthouse site. One-half.] - -The emerging evidence indicated that the structure was rectangular, -approximately 52 feet long and 26 feet wide, with a T-shaped projection -25 feet wide extending out a distance of 14 feet 5 inches from the -center of the east wall of the building. - - -SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATED WITH POTOMAC CREEK COURTHOUSE - -Few artifacts occurred in the small area excavated at the courthouse -site. Those which did, significantly, related either to the structure -itself or to the eating and drinking that probably occurred either -alfresco or within the courthouse building. We know that the Ohio -Company Committee met there for many years, beginning in 1750, and -doubtless lunches and refreshments were served to the members during the -day, before they returned to the tavern or to neighboring plantations to -dine and spend the night. - -Portions of wine bottles (of the same dimensions as the Mercer "1737" -bottle from Marlborough) were found (ill. 5), along with small -fragments of late 18th-century types. A section of the rim of a large, -octagonal, white, salt-glazed-ware platter with a wreath and lattice -design was recovered from the north-wall footings (ill. 86), and -fragments of a salt-glazed-ware dinner plate occurred in the south -trench. An oystershell found nearby suggests how the platter may have -been used. Two pieces of a white salt-glazed-ware posset pot round out a -picture of elegant eating and drinking in the 1760's, as do the -fragments of polished, agate octagonal-handled knives and forks. The -latter were badly damaged by fire. - -[Illustration: Illustration 8.--Above, left, stone scraping tool. -One-half.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 9.--Above, right, Indian celt. Found near -gate in Wall E. One-half.] - -Pieces of blue-and-white delft punch bowls were found, as well as a -sherd of polychrome delft which dated apparently from 1740 to 1760. Two -sherds of creamware plates with wavy edges in the "Catherine" shape -reflect the last years of official use of the courthouse. A tantalizing -find is a small fragment of cobalt-blue glass, blown in a mold to make -panels or oval indentations. This piece may have come from a large bowl -or sweetmeat dish. - -Three sherds of black-glazed red earthenware are the only evidence of -utilitarian equipment. Pipe-stems belong to the mid- and -late-18th-century category. A George II copper penny is dated 1746. A -large mass of pewter, melted beyond recognition, was found near the -south end of the structure. Bits of charcoal are held within it. The -pewter originally may have been in the form of mugs or tankards. - -[Illustration: Figure 62.--PLAN OF KING WILLIAM COURTHOUSE, whose plan -dimensions correspond closely to the Stafford foundation. (_Courtesy of -Historic American Buildings Survey, Library of Congress._)] - -Evidence of the structure is found in a large number of hand-forged -nails, in quantities of window glass melted and distorted, and in pieces -of plaster. The last is the typical hard, coarse oystershell plaster of -the area, having a smooth surface coat, except for fine lines left by -the trowel. There is no evidence of paint. A small slide bolt of wrought -iron probably fitted on a cupboard door, or possibly the gate in the bar -(ill. 87). Another iron fixture is not identified. - -Two kinds of window glass occurred. One, the earliest type, is a thin, -yellowish glass which is coated with irridescent scale caused by the -breakdown of the glass surface. None of this glass shows signs of fire -or, at least, of melting. The remainder is a grayish-blue aquamarine, -much of it melted and distorted, and some of it accumulated in thick -masses where tremendous heat caused the panes literally to fold up. A -fragment of yellowish-green glass pane, related to the early type and -again coated with scale, varies in thickness and was apparently from a -bullseye. No evidence exists of diamond-shaped panes, but, as should be -expected, there is indication of square-cornered panes in both types of -glass. - - -ARCHITECTURAL ANALYSIS - -The plan of the footings (fig. 60) shows a T-shaped foundation. This was -an immediate clue to the nature of the structure, for the T-shaped -courthouse was virtually a standard 18th-century form in Virginia. This -foundation, in fact, is almost a replica of the plans of both King -William and Hanover County courthouses, each built about 1734[169] -(figs. 5, 61, and 62). - -The King William courthouse measures 50 feet 4-1/4 inches long and 26 -feet 4 inches wide in the main structure. Its T section extends 14 feet -9 inches to the original end (to which an extension has been added) and -has a width of 23 feet 10-1/4 inches. The Stafford foundation is 52 feet -long and 26 feet wide in the main structure. The T-section is 14 feet 5 -inches long and 25 feet wide. A closer comparison could scarcely be -expected. - -Hanover's length is 52 feet 4-1/2 inches, the width of the main section -27 feet 10 inches, while the T-section is 15 feet 2-1/2 inches long (in -its original part) and 26 feet 7 inches wide. - -A third example, completed in 1736, is the Charles City County -courthouse.[170] The measurements of this building are not available to -us, but close examination of photographs discloses a building of about -the same size. - -The earliest of these T-shaped buildings thus far recorded was the York -County courthouse, completed in 1733. Destroyed in 1814, its site has -been excavated by the National Park Service. Its foundation, measuring -59 feet 10 inches in length and 52 feet in full depth, including the T, -was somewhat larger than the others known to us. The records show that -it was rather elaborate, with imported-stone floors and compass-head -windows.[171] - -All these buildings had arcaded verandas. Marcus Whiffen raises the -question as to which of them, if any, was the prototype, then concludes -by speculating that none was, and that all four may have derived from -the 1715 courthouse at Williamsburg, the dimensions of which, however, -remain unknown. The introduction of the loggia first at the College of -William and Mary and then at the capitol led him to postulate that its -use in a courthouse also would have originated in Williamsburg.[172] The -Stafford foundation showed no trace of stone paving where an arcade -might have been, but, since virtually all the bricks had been taken -away, it is likely that such a valuable commodity as flagstones also -would have been removed as soon as the building was destroyed or -dismantled. Two brick piers at the west end of the structure (fig. 36) -remain a mystery. They are equidistant from the longitudinal walls, and -may have been the foundations for a chimney. However, their positions do -not relate to the floor or chimney plans at Hanover or King William -courthouses, the other features of which are so nearly comparable. One -would suppose every basic characteristic of the Stafford building would -have been the same as in these buildings. The piers were perhaps late -additions or modifications. - -The roof was apparently of wood; there were no evidences of slate -shingles. The bricks were approximately 8-1/2 inches by 4 inches by -2-3/4 inches, and were probably laid in a patterned Flemish bond, as at -Hanover or King William, since some of the bricks were glazed. No lead -or other signs of "calmes" used in leaded sash were found, so we must -assume that the 1665 courthouse was built elsewhere. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [169] MARCUS WHIFFEN, "The Early County Courthouses of - Virginia," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians - (Amherst, Mass., 1959), vol. 18, no. 1, pp. 2-10. - - [170] Ibid. - - [171] RILEY, op. cit. (footnote 31), pp. 402 ff. - - [172] WHIFFEN, op. cit. (footnote 169), p. 4. - - -CONCLUSION - -It may be assumed that the Potomac Creek courthouse, which was built of -brick, resembled the courthouses of Hanover, King William, and Charles -City, and that its architecture, symbolizing the authority of Virginia's -government, reflected the official style expressed in the government -buildings at Williamsburg. All the successive Stafford courthouses from -1722 on probably were built on the old foundations; if so, the Stafford -building was the earliest T-form courthouse yet known in Virginia. Its -similarity to the three structures built in the 1730's shows that an -accepted form had developed, possibly, as Whiffen suggests, deriving -from a prototype in Williamsburg. - -The courthouse bears no resemblance, either in its shape or the absence -of a basement, to the Structure B foundation at Marlborough. The site, -reached more easily than Marlborough from any direction, dictated the -removal to it of the courthouse in 1722, thus contributing to the demise -of Marlborough as a town. The last structure, especially, was -historically important because of the meetings of the Ohio Company held -in it. It is of particular interest to the story of Marlborough because -John Mercer was, for most of its existence, the senior justice of the -Stafford court. - - - - -ARTIFACTS - -[Illustration: Figure 63.--TIDEWATER-TYPE POTTERY: a, milk pan (ill. -11); b, base of bowl (ill. 14); c, pan-rim sherds; d, base of ale mug -(ill. 12).] - - - - -XV - -_Ceramics_ - -Most of the ceramic artifacts found at Marlborough can be dated within -John Mercer's period of occupancy (1726-1768). A meager scattering of -late 18th- and early 19th-century whitewares and stonewares reflects the -John Francis Mercer and Cooke ownerships (1768-1819). - - -COARSE EARTHENWARE - -TIDEWATER TYPE.--Mercer's purchase in 1725 of L12 3s. 6d. worth of -earthenware from William Rogers (p. 16, footnote 54) probably was made -for trading purposes, judging from the sizable cost. Rogers operated a -stoneware and earthenware pottery in Yorktown, which evidently was -continued for a considerable time after his death in 1739.[173] An -abundance of waster sherds (unglazed, underfired, overfired, or -misshapen fragments cast aside by the potter), supposedly from Rogers' -output, has been found as street ballast and fill in Yorktown and its -environs. Microscopic and stylistic comparison with these sherds relates -numerous Marlborough sherds to them in varying degrees. For purposes of -tentative identification, the ware will be designated "Tidewater type." -Some of the ware may have been produced in Rogers' shop, while other -articles resembling the Yorktown products may have been made of similar -clay and fired under conditions comparable to those at Yorktown. - -A Marlborough milk pan (USNM 59.1961, ill. 11, and USNM 59.1580) has a -salmon-colored body and a lustrous mahogany glaze with fine manganese -streaking. Another milk pan (USNM 59.2039, ill. 2, fig. 63a) has a buff -body and a glaze of uneven thickness that ranges in color from thin -brown with black flecking to a glutinous dark brown approaching black. -The most typical glaze color, influenced by the underlying predominant -pinkish-buff body, is a light mahogany with black specks or blotches. It -occurs at Marlborough on a small sherd (USNM 60.201). A variant glaze -occurring on pottery found in Yorktown appears here in a yellowish-buff -sherd flecked with black (USNM 60.154). The flecking is only in part -applied with manganese; it is also the effect of ocherous and -ferruginous particles which protrude through the surface of the body, -assuming a dark color. Occasionally the manganese is spread liberally, -so that the natural body color shows through only as flecks in a reverse -effect (USNM 59.1855); now and then the vessel is uniformly black (USNM -60.141). - -Tidewater-type forms found at Marlborough include milk pans 15 inches in -diameter and about 4-1/4 inches deep (in 1729 Mercer bought "2 milk -pans" for 5d. and 5 "gallon basons" for 4s. 7d.), a black-glazed jar -cover with indicated diameter of 6-1/2 inches (USNM 59.2013), and -fragments of other pans and bowls of indeterminate sizes. A portion of -an ale mug has a tooled base and black glaze (USNM 59.2043, fig. 63d, -ill. 12). Its diameter is 3-5/8 inches. - -MOLDED-RIM TYPE.--This is a type of redware with a light-red body and -transparent, ginger-brown lead glaze. It is characterized by a rolled -rim and a tooled platform or channel above the junction of rim and side. -A small number of pan and bowl rims was found at Marlborough. The ware -is usually associated with early 18th-century materials from such sites -as Jamestown, Kecoughtan, Williamsburg, and Rosewell. It may have -originated in England. - -NORTH DEVON GRAVEL-TEMPERED WARE.--The coarse kitchenware made in -Bideford and Barnstaple and in the surrounding English villages of North -Devon is represented by only two sherds. This ware is characterized by a -dull, reddish-pink body, usually dark-gray at the core, and by a gross -waterworn gravel temper. It occurs in contexts as early as 1650 at -Jamestown and as late as 1740-1760 at Williamsburg. One of the -Marlborough sherds is part of a large pan. It is glazed with a -characteristic amber lead glaze (USNM 60.202). The other sherd is a -portion of an unglazed handle, probably from a potlid (USNM 59.1679, -ill. 15).[174] - -SLIP-LINED REDWARE.--Numerous 18th-century sites from Philadelphia to -Williamsburg have yielded a series of bowls and porringers characterized -by interior linings of slip that is streaked and mottled with manganese. -These are glazed on both surfaces, the outer surface and a border above -the slip on the inner surface usually ginger-brown in color. Comparative -examples are a bowl from the Russell site at Lewes, Delaware, dating -from the first half of the 18th century, and several pieces from -pre-Revolutionary contexts at Williamsburg. A deposit excavated by H. -Geiger Omwake near the south end of the Lewes and Rehoboth Canal in -Delaware included sherds from a context dated late 17th- to mid-18th -centuries.[175] Several fragments of bowls occur in the Marlborough -material (USNM 59.1613, 59.1856, fig. 64g). - -ENGLISH YELLOWWARE.--The few sherds of so-called combed ware occurring -at Marlborough, although only the base fragments connect, all seem to -have come from a single cup or posset pot having a buff body and -characteristically decorated with spiraled bands of dark-brown slip that -were created by combing through an outer coating of white slip, -revealing an underlayer of red slip. The vessel was glazed with a clear -lead glaze (USNM 59.1700, fig. 64c, ill. 16). Comparative dated -examples of this ware include a posset pot dated 1735.[176] A chamber -pot bearing the same kind of striping was excavated by the National Park -Service at Fort Frederica, Georgia (1736-ca. 1750). A piece similar to -that from Marlborough was found in the Rosewell deposit, and another in -the Lewis Morris house site, Morrisania, New York.[177] Although this -type of ware was introduced in England about 1680, its principal use in -America seems to have occurred largely between 1725 and 1775. -Archeological evidence is corroborated by newspaper advertisements. In -1733 the _Boston Gazette_ advertised "yellow ware Hollow and Flat by the -Crate" and again in 1737 "yellow and Brown Earthenware." In 1763 the -_Gazette_ mentioned "Crates of Yellow Liverpool Ware," Liverpool being -the chief place of export for pottery made in Staffordshire, the -principal source for the combed wares.[178] - -BUCKLEY WARE.--I. Noel Hume has identified a class of high-fired, -black-glazed earthenware found in many 18th-century sites in Virginia. -He has done so by reference to _The Buckley Potteries_, by K. J. -Barton,[179] and to waster sherds in his possession from the Buckley -kiln sites in Flintshire, North Wales. The ware probably was made in -other potteries of the region also. This durable pottery, more like -stoneware than earthenware, is represented by a large number of jar and -pan fragments. Two body types occur, each characterized by a mixture of -red and buff clay. In the more usual type the red clay dominates, with -laminations and striations of buff clay running through it in the manner -of a coarse sort of agateware. The other is usually grayish buff with -red streaks, although sometimes the body is almost entirely buff, still -showing signs of lamination. The glaze is treacly black, often applied -unevenly and sometimes pitted with air bubbles. The body surfaces have -conspicuous turning ridges. Rims are usually heavy and flat, sometimes -as wide as 1-1/2 inches. A variant of the ware is represented in a milk -pan with a dominantly red body which has a clear-amber, rather than -black, glaze. (USNM 59.1887, ills. 17, 18, and 19 and fig. 65). - -[Illustration: Illustration 10.--Milk pan. Salmon-red earthenware. -Lustrous black lead glaze. Tidewater type. One-fourth. (USNM 59.1961.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 11.--Milk pan. Salmon-red earthenware. -Dull-brown glaze. Tidewater type. See figure 63a. One-fourth. (USNM -59.2039.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 12.--Ale mug. Salmon-red earthenware. -Lustrous black lead glaze. Tidewater type. See figure 63d. One-half. -(USNM 59.2043.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 13.--Cover of jar (profile). Salmon-red -earthenware. Brownish-black lead glaze. Tidewater type. Same size. (USNM -59.2013.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 14.--Base of bowl. Salmon-red earthenware. -Light reddish-brown glaze speckled with black. Virginia type. One-half. -See figure 63b. (USNM 59.2025.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 15.--Handle of pot lid or oven door. North -Devon gravel-tempered ware. One-half. (USNM 59.1679.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 16.--Buff-earthenware cup with combed -decoration in brown slip. Lead glaze. (Conjectural reconstruction.) -One-fourth. See figure 64c. (USNM 59.1700.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 17.--High-fired earthenware pan rim. Buff -paste laminated with red. Red slip on exterior. Black glaze inside. Type -made in Buckley, Flintshire, North Wales. One-half.] - -[Illustration: Figure 64.--MISCELLANEOUS COMMON EARTHENWARE TYPES, -probably all imported from England: a, "molded-rim" types of redware; b, -handle of large redware storage jar, probably English; c, base of -brown-striped Staffordshire yellowware cup; d, sherd of black-glazed -ware; e and f, two slip-decorated sherds; g, redware crimped-edge baking -pan, coated with slip; and h, slip-lined manganese-streaked sherds.] - - -MISCELLANEOUS.--Several unique specimens and groups of sherds are -represented: - -1. A large, outstanding, horizontal, loop handle survives from a storage -jar with a rich red body. Two thumb-impressed reinforcements, splayed at -each end, secure the handle to the body wall. The top of the handle has -four finger impressions for gripping; the lead glaze appears in a finely -speckled ginger color (USNM 59.2049, fig. 64b). - -2. A single fragment remains from a slip-decorated bowl or open vessel. -The body is hard and dark red, the glaze dark olive-brown. The fragment -is glazed and slipped on both sides (USNM 59.1614, fig. 64e). Other -small sherds of a similar ware are redder in color and without slip. -Another, with lighter red body and olive-amber glaze, is slip decorated -(USNM 60.161, fig. 64f). - -[Illustration: Illustration 19.--Rim and base profiles of -high-fired-earthenware jars. Buff paste, laminated with red. Black -glaze. Buckley type, Flintshire, North Wales. One-half. (USNM 59.2032, -59.1611, and 59.1782.)] - -3. A unique sherd has a gray-buff body and shiny black glaze on both -surfaces (USNM 59.1815). - -4. A group of pale-red unglazed fragments is from the bottom of a water -cooler. A sherd which preserves parts of the base and lower body wall -has a hole in which a spigot could be inserted (USNM 59.2061, ill. 20). - -5. Fragments of a flowerpot have a body similar to the foregoing, but -are lined with slip under a lead glaze. A rim fragment has an ear handle -with thumb-impressed indentations attached to it (USNM 60.203, ill. 21). - -6. Two sherds of a redware pie plate, notched on the edge and lined with -overglazed slip decorated with brown manganese dots, imitate -Staffordshire yellowware, but are probably of American origin (USNM -59.1612, fig. 64g). - -[Illustration: Illustration 18.--High-fired-earthenware jar rim. Red -paste, laminated with buff. Black glaze. Buckley type. One-half. (USNM -59.2067.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 20.--Base sherd from unglazed -red-earthenware water cooler, with spigot hole. One-half. (USNM -59.2061.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 21.--Rim of an earthenware flowerpot, handle -with thumb impressions attached. Slip-decorated, olive-amber lead glaze. -One-fourth. (USNM 60.203.)] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [173] WATKINS and NOEL HUME, op. cit. (footnote 54). - - [174] C. MALCOLM WATKINS, "North Devon Pottery and Its Export - to America in the 17th Century," (paper 13 in _Contributions - from the Museum of History and Technology: Papers 12-18_, - U.S. National Museum Bulletin 225, by various authors; - Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1963), 1960. - - [175] The Russell site was excavated by members of the Sussex - Archeological Society of Lewes, Delaware. Artifacts from the - site are now in the Smithsonian Institution, as are those - found by H. Geiger Omwake at the end of the Lewes and - Rehoboth Canal. - - [176] JOHN ELIOT HODGKINS, F.S.A., and EDITH HODGKINS, - _Examples of Early English Pottery, Named, Dated, and - Inscribed_ (London, 1897), p. 57, fig. 128. - - [177] J. E. MESSHAM, B.A., and K. J. BARTON, "The Buckley - Potteries," _Flintshire Historical Society Publications_, - vol. 16, pp. 31-87. - - [178] GEORGE FRANCIS DOW, _The Arts and Crafts in New - England, 1764-1775_ (Topsfield, Mass., 1927), pp. 84, 85, 92. - - [179] MESSHAM and BARTON, loc. cit. (footnote 177). - - -STONEWARE - -RHENISH STONEWARES.--The stoneware potters who worked in the vicinity of -Grenzhausen in the Westerwald in a tributary of the Rhine Valley held a -far-flung market until the mid-18th century. It was not until the -Staffordshire potters brought out their own salt-glazed whitewares that -the colorful blue-and-gray German products suffered a decline. Before -that, Rhenish stonewares were widely used in England and the colonies; -those for the British market frequently were decorated with medallions -in which the reigning English monarch's initial appeared. Elaborate -incising and blue-cobalt coloring gave a highly decorative character to -the ware, while salt thrown into the kiln during the firing combined -with the clay to provide a hard, clean surface matched only by -porcelain. - -[Illustration: Figure 65.--BUCKLEY-TYPE HIGH-FIRED WARE with laminated -body. Four pieces at top have predominantly red body, streaked with -buff. All have black glaze, except two at lower right, which have amber -glaze.] - -John Mercer, like so many of his fellow colonials, owned Westerwald -stoneware. From Ledger G, we know that in 1743 he bought "2 blew & W^t -Jugs 2/." From the artifacts it is clear that he not only had large -globose jugs, but also numerous cylindrical mugs and chamber pots. A -small group of sherds has a gray-buff paste, more intricately incised -than most. Internally the paste surface is a light-pinkish buff. These -sherds are probably of the late 17th century, or at least earlier than -the predominantly gray wares of the 18th century, which have hastily -executed designs.[180] Only two "GR" emblems (_Guglielmus_ or _Georgius -Rex_), both from mugs, were recovered (fig. 66d). - -[Illustration: Illustration 22.--Base of gray-brown, -salt-glazed-stoneware ale mug. Rust-brown slip inside. Same size. (USNM -59.1780.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 23.--Stoneware jug fragment. Dull red with -black dots. Same size. (USNM 59.1840.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 24.--Gray, salt-glazed-stoneware jar -profile. Probably first quarter, 19th century. Same size. (USNM -59.1615.)] - -MISCELLANEOUS GRAY-AND-BROWN SALT-GLAZED STONEWARE.--The shop of William -Rogers apparently made stoneware of fine quality in the style of the -London stoneware produced in the Thames-side potteries.[181] Wasters -from Yorktown streets and foundations indicate many varieties of colors -and glaze textures, some of which are matched in the Marlborough sherds. -Admittedly, it is not possible to distinguish with certainty the -fragments of Yorktown stoneware from their English counterparts. Sherds -of a pint mug, externally gray in the lower half and mottled-brown in -the upper, may be a Yorktown product (USNM 59.1780, ill. 22). The -interior is a rusty brown. Fragments of the shoulder of a very large -jug, mottled-brown externally and lined in a dull red like that often -found on Yorktown wasters, also have body resemblances. (Mercer bought a -five-gallon "stone bottle" from Charles Dick in 1745.) - -[Illustration: Figure 66.--WESTERWALD STONEWARE: a, chamber-pot sherds -and handle fragments; b, sherds having yellowish body, probably late -17th or early 18th century; c, sherds of curve-sided flagon; d, sherds -of cylindrical mugs including one with "GR" seal.] - -There are numerous other types of coarse stoneware of unknown origins, -including one sherd with a dull-red glaze and black decorative spots -(USNM 59.1840, ill. 23). - -NOTTINGHAM-TYPE STONEWARE.--Several sherds of stoneware of the type -usually ascribed to Nottingham appeared at Marlborough. This ware is -characterized by a smooth, lustrous, metallic-brown glaze. The fragments -are apparently from different vessels. One is a foot rim of a posset pot -or jug. Several body sherds have fluting or paneling formed by molding, -with turning lines on the interior showing that the molding was executed -after the forms were shaped. One sherd is decorated with shredded clay -applied before firing when the clay was wet. It appears to come from the -globose portion of a small drinking jug with a vertical collar. A -handle section comes from a pitcher or posset pot. Interior colors range -from a brownish mustard to a reddish brown. Nottingham stoneware was -made throughout the 18th century,[182] but these sherds correspond to -middle-of-the-century forms (fig. 67a). - -[Illustration: Figure 67.--FINE ENGLISH STONEWARE: a, Nottingham type; -b, "drab" stoneware covered with white slip--brown-bordered mug sherds -in _upper left_ came from beneath flagstone north of mansion-house -porch, about 1725, "scratch-blue" stoneware, _below_, is about 1750; c, -"degenerate scratch-blue" stoneware is about 1790; d, "white salt-glaze" -ware _at bottom_ is hand-thrown; _upper right_ is molded, about 1760; e, -plate and platter fragments.] - -DRAB STONEWARE.--The dominant position attained by the Staffordshire -potters in the 18th century is due to unremitting efforts to achieve the -whiteness of porcelain in their native products. Improvements in -stoneware were mostly in this direction, with the first steps plainly -evidencing what they failed to achieve. One of the earlier attempts has -a gray body coated with white pipe-clay slip obtained at Bideford in -North Devon. This slip created the superficial appearance of porcelain, -as did tin enamel on the surface of delftware. Although some Burslem -potters were making "dipped white stoneware" by 1710,[183] it does not -seem to have occurred generally until about 1725. Salt glaze was applied -in the same manner as on the earlier and coarser stonewares. Mugs in -this ware were banded with an iron-oxide slip, presumably to cover up -defects around the rims. - -[Illustration: Figure 68.--ENGLISH DELFTWARE: a, 17th- and early -18th-century sherds; b, blue-and-white sherd of the first half of the -18th century; c, polychrome fragments, third quarter of the 18th -century; d, ointment pots with pink body, 18th century.] - -Several sherds of this drab stoneware were found at Marlborough, -including the base of a jug with curving sides and pieces of tall mugs -with brown rims (USNM 59.1893, fig. 67b, ill. 25). The body is -characteristically gray, while the slip, although sometimes dull white, -is usually a pleasant cream tone. Two sherds were found beneath the -flagstones around the north porch of Structure B, where they probably -fell before 1746 (USNM 59.1754). - -One of the Burslem stoneware potters between 1710 and 1715 made what he -called "freckled ware."[184] Possibly this describes a sherd of a -thin-walled mug from Marlborough (USNM 59.1636) which is coated with -white slip inside and is finely speckled, or "freckled," in brown on the -outside. Its body is the gray of the drab stoneware, but with a high -content of micaceous and siliceous sand. Simeon Shaw, the early -19th-century historian of the Staffordshire potteries, asserted that -what he called "Crouch" ware was first made of brick clay and fine sand -in 1690, and by 1702 of dark-gray clay and sand.[185] Although his dates -are questioned by modern authorities, his order of the progressive -degrees of refinement in the paste are acceptable as he suggests them. -In respect to the Marlborough sherd, although it is coarser than the -white-coated fragments described above, it answers very well Shaw's -description of sandy-gray "Crouch" ware. - -[Illustration: Illustration 25.--Drab-stoneware mug fragment, rim coated -with iron oxide. Staffordshire, 1720-30. Same size. (USNM 59.1893.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 26.--Wheel-turned cover of white, -salt-glazed teapot. Staffordshire. Same size. (USNM 59.1622.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 27.--Body sherds of molded, white -salt-glazed-ware pitcher or milk jug. Staffordshire. Same size. (USNM -59.1894.)] - -WHITE SALT-GLAZED WARE.--About 1720 calcined flints were added to the -body of the Staffordshire stoneware, thus making possible a homogeneous -white body that did not require a coating of slip between the body and -the glazed surface.[186] With this ware the Staffordshire potters came -closer to their goal of emulating porcelain. - -At Marlborough the earliest examples of this improved ware are found in -two sherds with incised decorations that were scratched into the wet -clay (USNM 59.1819, Fig. 67b); the incised lines next were filled with -powdered cobalt before firing. This technique is known as "scratch -blue," dated examples of which, existing elsewhere, range from 1724 to -1767. The body in the Marlborough specimens is still rather drab, the -whiteness of the later ware not yet having been achieved. No slip was -used, however, so that the surface color is a pleasant pale gray. One -sherd is from a cup with a slightly flaring rim. The exterior decoration -is in the form of floral sprigs, while the inside has a row of -double-scalloped lines below the rim. The other fragment is from a -saucer. Possibly the cup is part of Mercer's purchase in 1742 of a dozen -"Stone Coffee cups," for which he paid 18d. In Boston "White stone -Tea-Cups and Saucers" were advertised in 1745, and "blue and white ... -Stone Ware" in 1751.[187] - -A later variant on the "scratch blue" is a class of salt-glazed ware -that resembles Westerwald stoneware. Here loops, sworls, and horizontal -grooves are scratched into the paste. The cobalt is smeared more or less -at random, some of it lying on the surface, some running into the -incised channels. This style of decoration was applied mostly to chamber -pots but also to small bowls and cups. Fragments of all these forms -occurred at Marlborough (fig. 67c). - -After 1740 the body was greatly improved, resulting in an attractive -whiteware. Many wheel-turned forms were produced, and these were -liberally represented at Marlborough in fragments of pitchers, mugs, -teapots, teacups, bowls, posset pots, and casters (fig. 67d). - -[Illustration: Figure 69.--DELFT PLATE. Lambeth, about 1720. (See ill. -29.)] - -In the middle of the 18th century a process was developed for making -multiple plaster-of-paris molds from brass or alabaster matrices[188] -and then casting plates and other vessels in them by pouring in the -stoneware clay, diluted in the form of slip. The slip was allowed to -dry, and the formed utensil was removed for firing. This molded -salt-glazed ware occurs in quantity in the Marlborough finds, suggesting -that there were large sets of it. One design predominates in plates, -platters, and soup dishes: wavy edges, borders consisting of panels of -diagonal lattices--with stars or dots within the lattices framed in -rococo scrolls, and areas of basket-weave designs between the panels. On -a large platter rim the lattice-work is plain, somewhat reminiscent of -so-called Chinese Chippendale design. The pattern is presumably the -design referred to in the _Boston News Letter_ for May 29, 1764: "To be -sold very cheap. Two or three Crates of white Stone Ware, consisting -chiefly of the new fashioned basket Plates and Oblong Dishes."[189] One -fragment comes from a cake plate with this border design and a heavily -decorated center (fig. 67e). - -[Illustration: Figure 70.--DELFT PLATE. Probably Lambeth, about 1730 to -1740. (See ill. 30.)] - -Other molded patterns include gadrooning combined with scalloping on a -plate-rim sherd. A rim section with molded rococo-scrolled edge is from -a "basket weave" sauceboat. Considerably earlier are pieces of a pitcher -or milk jug with a shell design (USNM 59.1894, ill. 27). One rare sherd -appears to come from a rectangular teapot or tray. All the white -salt-glazed ware from Marlborough represents the serviceable but -decorative tableware of everyday use. It must have been purchased during -the last 10 years of Mercer's life. - -TIN-ENAMELED EARTHENWARE.--The art of glazing earthenware with opaque -tin oxide and decorating it with colorful designs was an Islamic -innovation which spread throughout the Mediterranean and northward to -Holland and England. Practiced in England before the close of the 16th -century, it became in the 17th and the first half of the 18th centuries -a significant source of English tableware, both at home and in America. -Because of its close similarity to the Dutch majolica of Delft, the -English version was popularly called "delftware," even though made in -London, Bristol, or Liverpool. - -[Illustration: Illustration 28.--English-delftware washbowl sherd. -Blue-dash decoration inside. See figure 68b. Same size. (USNM 60.75.)] - -Surprisingly, a minimum of tin-enameled wares was found at Marlborough, -with several sherds reflecting the Port Town period. One of the latter -shows the lower portion of a heavy, dark-blue floral spray, growing up, -apparently, from a flowerpot. A section of foot rim and the contour of -the sherd show that this was a 17th-century charger, probably dating -from about 1680 (USNM 60.177, fig. 68a). The leaves are painted in the -same manner as on a Lambeth fuddling cup.[190] A section of a plate with -no foot rim includes an inner border which encircles the central panel -design. It consists of two parallel lines with flattened spirals joined -in a series between the lines. The glaze is crackled. This probably -dates from the same period as the preceding sherd (USNM 60.99, fig. -68a). Sherds from a larger specimen, without decoration, have the same -crackled enamel (USNM 59.2059). There is also a fragment decorated with -small, blue, fernlike fronds, again suggesting late 17th-century origin -(USNM 59.1756, fig. 68a). A small handle, the glaze of which has a -pinkish cast, is decorated with blue dashes, and probably was part of a -late 17th-century cup (USNM 59.1730, fig. 68a). - -[Illustration: Illustration 29.--English delftware plate. One-half. See -figure 69. (USNM 59.1707.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 30.--English delftware plate. One-half. See -figure 70. (USNM 59.1706.)] - -Several fragments of narrow rims from plates with blue bands probably -date from the first quarter of the 18th century. A reconstructed plate -with the simplest of stylized decoration was made at Lambeth about 1720 -(USNM 59.1707, fig. 69). This plate has a wavy vine motif around its -upward-flaring rim, in which blossoms are suggested by stylized pyramids -of three to four blocks formed by brush strokes about 1/4-inch wide, -alternating with single blocks. The central motif consists of two -crossed stems with a pyramid at each end and two diagonal, block brush -strokes intersecting the crossed stems. A large fragment of a washstand -bowl also has similar plain, block brush strokes along a border defined -by horizontal lines--in this case a triplet of three strokes, one above -two, alternating with a single block. Edges of similar brush strokes on -the lower portion of the bowl remain on the fragment. Garner shows a -Lambeth mug embodying this style of decoration combined with a -suggestion of Chinoiserie around the waist. He ascribes to it a date of -"about 1700," although the block-brush-stroke device, with variations, -was practiced until the 1760's at Lambeth.[191] The Marlborough bowl -fragment may be from one of the "2 pottle Basons" bought by Mercer in -1744 (fig. 68b, ill. 28). - -[Illustration: Illustration 31.--Delftware ointment pot. Bluish-white -tin-enamel glaze. One-half. (USNM 59.1842.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 32.--Sherds of black basaltes ware. Same -size. (USNM 59.2021.)] - -Another reconstructed plate, probably a Lambeth piece, has blue -decoration in the Chinese manner. It dates from about 1730 to 1740 (USNM -59.1706, fig. 70). Several small bowl sherds seem to range from the -early to the middle 18th century. Polychrome delft is represented by -only three sherds, all apparently from bowls, and none well enough -defined to permit identification. - -There are several fragments of ointment pots, all 18th-century in shape. -Three sherds of tin-enameled redware are probably continental European. -Two of these have counterparts from early 17th-century contexts at -Jamestown. A blue-decorated handle sherd from a large jug or posset pot -is also 17th century. - -The predominance of early dating of tin-enamel sherds and the relatively -few examples of it from any period suggest that much of what was found -either was used in the Port Town or was inherited by the Mercers, -probably by Catherine, and used when they were first married. It also -points up the fact that delftware early went out of fashion among -well-to-do families. - -ENGLISH FINE EARTHENWARES.--The fine earthen tablewares introduced in -Staffordshire early in the 18th century, largely in response to the new -tea-drinking customs, are less well represented in the Marlborough -artifacts than are those made later in the century. Apparently, the -contemporary white salt-glazed ware was preferred. - -[Illustration: Figure 71.--WHIELDON-TYPE tortoiseshell ware, about -1760.] - -MARBLED WARE.--The Staffordshire factories of Thomas Astbury and Thomas -Whieldon were responsible for numerous innovations, including fine -"marbled" wares in which clays of different colors were mixed together -so as to form a veined surface. The technique itself was an old one, but -its application in delicate tablewares was a novelty. Although Astbury -was the earlier, it was Whieldon who exploited the technique after -starting his potworks at Little Fenton about 1740.[192] From Marlborough -come three meager sherds of marbled ware, probably from three -different vessels (USNM 59.1625, 59.1748, 59.1851). They are brownish -red with white veining under an amber lead glaze. A posset pot of these -colors in the Victoria and Albert Museum is supposed, by Rackham, to -date from about 1740.[193] - -[Illustration: Figure 72.--QUEENSWARE, about 1800.] - -BLACK-GLAZED FINE REDWARE.--Whieldon made a black-glazed, fine redware, -as did Maurice Thursfield at Jackfield in Shropshire.[194] A fragment of -a black-glazed teapot handle was found at Marlborough, although the -body is more nearly a hard grayish brown than red (USNM 59.1638). - -TORTOISESHELL WARE.--Cream-colored earthenware was introduced as early -as 1725, supposedly by Thomas Astbury, Jr. It was not until the middle -of the century, however, that Whieldon began the use of clouded glaze -colors over a cream-colored body. After 1756 Josiah Wedgwood became his -partner and helped to perfect the coloring of glazes. In 1759 Wedgwood -established his own factory, and both firms made tortoiseshell ware in -the same molds used for making salt-glazed whiteware.[195] From -Marlborough there are several sherds of gadroon-edge plates and -basket-weave-and-lattice plates, as well as a piece of a teapot cover. -Tortoiseshell ware was advertised in Boston newspapers from 1754 to 1772 -(fig. 71).[196] - -QUEENSWARE.--Josiah Wedgwood brought to perfection the creamware body -about 1765, naming it "Queensware" after receiving Queen Charlotte's -patronage. Wedgwood took out no patents, so that a great many factories -followed suit, notably Humble, Green & Company at Leeds in Yorkshire -(later Hartley, Green & Company).[197] - -[Illustration: Figure 73.--FRAGMENT OF QUEENSWARE PLATTER with portion -of Wedgwood mark.] - -[Illustration: Figure 74.--ENGLISH WHITE EARTHENWARES: a, "pearlware" -with blue-and-white chinoiserie decoration, late 18th century; b, two -whiteware sherds, one "sponged" in blue and touched with yellow, the -other "sponged" in gray; c, shell-edge and polychrome wares, early 19th -century; and d, polychrome Chinese porcelain.] - -[Illustration: Figure 75.--POLYCHROME Chinese porcelain.] - -The Marlborough creamware sherds are all plain (with one exception), -consisting of fragments of wavy-edge plates, bowls, and platters in -Wedgwood's "Catherine shape," introduced about 1770, as well as mugs and -pitchers (fig. 72). A piece of a large platter has impressed in it the -letters WEDG, running up to the fracture. Below this is the number 1 -(USNM 59.1997, fig. 73). - -WHITEWARES USED IN THE FEDERAL PERIOD.--During the late 1770's Wedgwood -introduced his "pearlware,"[198] in which the yellow cast of the cream -body was offset by a touch of blue. With the use of a nearly colorless -glaze that was still slightly bluish, it was now possible to make a -successful underglaze-blue decoration. These whitewares were made in -three principal styles by Wedgwood's many imitators, as well as by -Wedgwood himself. The most familiar of these styles is the molded -shell-edge ware, which was used in virtually every place to which -Staffordshire wares penetrated after 1800. In a plain creamware version, -this was another Wedgwood innovation of about 1765.[199] After 1780, the -ware was white, with blue or green borders. The Wedgwood shell-edge -design has a slightly wavy edge, and the shell ridges vary in depth and -length. At least one Leeds version has a regular scalloped edge, like -those found on several other Marlborough sherds. In the 19th century the -ware became coarser and heavier, as well as whiter, and in some cases -the shell edge was no longer actually molded but simply suggested by a -painted border. Some variants were introduced that were not intended to -be shell edge in design, but merely blue or green molded patterns. A -Marlborough sherd from one of these has a gadrooned edge and molded -swags and palmettes. Except for two late rims, painted but not molded, -the shell-edge wares from Marlborough probably date from John Francis -Mercer's period in the late 1700's and from John Bronaugh's occupancy of -the mansion during the Cooke period in the first decade of the 19th -century (fig. 74c). - -[Illustration: Figure 76.--BLUE-AND-WHITE Chinese porcelain.] - -The success of the new whiteware in permitting the use of underglaze -blue resulted in a second class that is decorated in the Chinese -manner, after the style of English delft and porcelain. This type was -popular between 1780 and 1790, especially in the United States, where -many whole specimens have survived above ground. Several sherds are -among the Marlborough artifacts and appear to have come entirely from -hollow forms, such as bowls and pitchers.[200] Sherds from a -blue-and-white mug with molded designs, including the shell motif around -the handle, have been found also. - -[Illustration: Figure 77.--BLUE-AND-WHITE Chinese porcelain.] - -The third class of whiteware, which was heavily favored in the export -trade, consisted of a gay, hand-decorated product, popular at the end of -the 18th, and well into the 19th, century. It had pleasing variety, with -floral designs in soft orange, green, brown, and blue, often with brown -or green borders. A few examples of this later whiteware occur among the -Marlborough artifacts (fig. 74b). One sherd from a small bowl is mottled -in blue and touched with yellow (USNM 59.1805, fig. 74b). Another is -also mottled, but in gray and blue. Such wares as the latter were made -by Hartley, Green & Company at Leeds before the factory's demise in 1820 -(USNM 59.1950, fig. 74b).[201] - -The transfer-printed wares that were so popular in America after 1820 -are represented by a mere eight sherds, which is in accord with evidence -that the mansion house was unoccupied or destroyed after 1819. Of these -sherds, only five can be dated before 1830. Two are pink, -transfer-printed sherds of about 1835-45, and one is gray-blue, dating -from about 1840-1850. - -BLACK BASALTES WARE.--Another late 18th-century innovation by Wedgwood, -imitated by his competitors, was a fine stoneware with a black body, -called black basaltes because of its resemblance to that mineral. A few -sherds of this were found at Marlborough. Typically, they are glazed on -the insides only. They postdate John Mercer by twenty or thirty years. - -[Illustration: Illustration 33.--Blue-and-white Chinese-porcelain saucer -(fig. 76, top left). One-half.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 34.--Blue-and-white Chinese-porcelain plate -(fig. 77, top left). One-fourth. (USNM 60.122.)] - -CHINESE PORCELAIN.--Oriental porcelain was introduced to the English -colonies at a very early date, as we know from 17th-century contexts at -Jamestown. As early as 1725 John Mercer acquired "1 China Punch bowl." -Presumably the "6 tea cups & Sawcers," "2 chocolate cups," and "2 -custard cups" obtained by him the same year were also porcelain. Even -before 1740, porcelain was occurring with increasing frequency in -America. We are told that in 1734, for example, it can be calculated -that about one million pieces of it left Canton for Europe.[202] -Doubtless a large proportion was reexported to the colonists. William -Walker, Mercer's undertaker for the mansion, left at his death in 1750: -"1 Crack'd China bowl," "1 Quart Bowl 6/, 1 large D^o 12.6," "6 China -cups & Sawcers 5/," and "12 China plates 15/." - -It is not surprising, therefore, that 18th-century China-trade porcelain -sherds occurred with high incidence at Marlborough. Mercer's accounts -show that he acquired from Charles Dick in 1745 "1 Sett finest China" -and "2 punch bowls." From the archeological evidence it would appear -that he had supplemented this several times over, perhaps after 1750 in -the period for which we have no ledgers. - -Most of the porcelain is blue and white. One group has cloudy, blurred -houses and trees, impressionistic landscapes, and flying birds. This -pattern occurs in fragments of teacups, small bowls, and a coffee cup. -Another type has a border of diamonds within diamonds, elaborate floral -designs delicately drawn, and a fine thin body. Similar sherds were -found at Rosewell. At Marlborough the design survived in teacups, coffee -cups, and saucers. There are several additional border designs, some -associated with Chinese landscape subjects or human figures (figs. 76, -ill. 24, and fig. 77, ill. 25). A coarse type with a crudely designed -border hastily filled in with solid blue is represented in a partly -reconstructed plate (USNM 60.122, fig. 77). - -Polychrome porcelain is found in lesser amounts, although in almost as -much variety. Three sherds of a very large punchbowl are decorated in -red and blue. Fragments of a small bowl have delicate red medallions -with small red and black human figures in their centers. Fine borders -occur in red and black. Gold, yellow, and green floral patterns -constitute another class (fig. 75). - -Almost all the porcelain is of high quality, probably reaching a peak -during Mercer's middle and prosperous years between 1740 and 1760. We -cannot expect to find any porcelain purchased after his death in 1768, -and certainly none appears to be connected with the Federal period or -with the so-called "Lowestoft" imported in the American China trade -after the Revolution. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [180] See BERNARD RACKHAM, _Catalogue of the Glaisher - Collection of Pottery & Porcelain in the Fitzwilliam Museum, - Cambridge_ [England] Cambridge, England: (Cambridge - University Press, 1935), vol. 2, pl. 150 B no. 2053; and vol. - 1, p. 264. - - [181] I. NOEL HUME, "Excavations at Rosewell, Gloucester - County, Virginia, 1957-1959," (paper 18 in _Contributions - from the Museum of History and Technology: Papers 12-18_, - U.S. National Museum Bulletin 225, by various authors; - Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1963), 1962. J. PAUL - HUDSON, "Earliest Yorktown Pottery," _Antiques_ (New York, - May 1958), vol. 73, no. 5, pp. 472-473; WATKINS and NOEL - HUME, loc. cit. (footnote 173). - - [182] RACKHAM, op. cit. (footnote 180), vol. 1, p. 158. - - [183] W. B. HONEY, "English Salt Glazed Stoneware," - [abstract] _English Ceramic Circle Transactions_ (London, - 1933), no. 1, p. 14. - - [184] Ibid. - - [185] Ibid.; BERNARD RACKHAM, _Early Staffordshire Pottery_ - (London, n.d.), p. 20. - - [186] BERNARD RACKHAM and HERBERT READ, _English Pottery_ - (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1924), p. 88. - - [187] DOW, op. cit. (footnote 178), pp. 86-87. - - [188] RACKHAM, op. cit. (footnote 185), p. 92. - - [189] DOW, op. cit. (footnote 178), p. 92. - - [190] A. M. GARNER, _English Delftware_ (New York: D. Van - Nostrand and Co., Inc., 1948), fig. 23B. - - [191] Ibid., fig. 37. - - [192] RACKHAM, op. cit. (footnote 185), p. 28. - - [193] Ibid., pl. 57. - - [194] RACKHAM and READ, op. cit. (footnote 186), p. 96. - - [195] Ibid., p. 97. - - [196] DOW, op. cit. (footnote 178), pp. 85-95. - - [197] RACKHAM, op. cit. (footnote 185), p. 29; RACKHAM and - READ, op. cit. (footnote 186), pp. 107-109. - - [198] W. B. HONEY, _English Pottery and Porcelain_ (London: - 1947), p. 89. [F99] _Wedgwood Catalogue of Bodies, Glazes and - Shapes Current for 1940-1960_ (Burslem, Stoke-on-Trent: - Warwick Savage, n.d.), pp. M1, M2. - - [200] "The Editor's Attic" and cover: _Antiques_ (New York, - June 1928), vol. 13, no. 6, pp. 474-475. - - [201] RACKHAM and READ, op. cit. (footnote 186), p. 110. - - [202] J. A. LLOYD HYDE, _Oriental Lowestoft_ (New York: - Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936), p. 23. - - - - -XVI - -_Glass_ - - -BOTTLES - -ROUND BEVERAGE BOTTLES.--Bottles of dark-green glass were used in the -colonial period for wine, beer, rum, and other potables. Although some -wines and liquors were shipped in the bottle, they were distributed for -the most part in casks, hogsheads, and "pipes" before 1750. John Mercer -recorded the purchases of several pipes of wine--kinds unspecified--a -pipe being a large or even double-size hogshead. He purchased rum by the -gallon, in quantities that ranged from 2 quarts in 1744 to "5 galls -Barbadoes Spirits" in 1745 and a "hhd 107-1/2 gall Rum" in 1748. - -Bottles were used largely for household storage and for the serving of -liquors. They were kept filled in the buttery as a convenience against -going to the cellar each time a drink was wanted. Bottles usually were -brought directly to the table,[203] although the clear-glass decanter -was apparently regarded as a more genteel dispenser. Mercer, like his -contemporaries, bought his own bottles, as when he purchased "2 doz -bottles" from John Foward in 1730. The previous year he had acquired a -gross of corks, which would customarily have been inserted in his -bottles and secured by covering with cloth, tying around the lips or -string rings with packthread, and sealing with warm resin and pitch. - -Some wines were purchased in the bottle. In 1726 Mercer bought "2 doz & -8 bottles Claret" and "1 doz Canary" from Alexander McFarlane. In 1745 -he charged Overwharton Parish for "2 bottles Claret to Acquia," -apparently for communion wine. Whether all this was shipped from the -vineyards in bottles, or whether Mercer brought his own bottles to be -filled from the storekeepers' casks is not revealed. - -An insight into the kinds of alcoholic drinks consumed in Virginia in -Mercer's early period is given in the official price-list for the sale -of alcoholic beverages set forth in the York County Court Orders in -1726:[204] - -This Court do Sett the Rate Liquors as followeth: - - L s. d. - Liquors - Rated - - Each diet 1 - - Lodging for each person 7-1/2 - - Stable Room & Fodder - for each horse p^r night 11-1/4 - - Each Gallon corn 7-1/2 - - Wine of Virg^a produce - p Quart 5 - - French Brandy p Quart 4 - - Sherry & Canary Wine - p Quart 4 4-1/2 - - Red & white Lisbon p^r - Quart & Claret 3 1-1/2 - - Madera Wine p Quart 1 10-1/2 - - Fyall wine p Quart 1 3 - - French Brandy Punch - p Quart 2 - - Rum & Virg^a Brandy - p^r Quart 3-3/4 - - Rum punch & flip p^r - Quart 7-1/2^d made with - white sugar 9 - - Virg^a midling beer & - Syder p^r Quart 3-3/4 - - Fine bottled Syder p^r - Quart 1 3 - - Bristoll Beer Bottles 1 - - Arrack p^r Quart 10 - -[Illustration: Figure 78.--WINE BOTTLE, sealed with initials of John and -Catherine Mercer, dated 1737 (see p. 148). Found in Structure D refuse -pit. Height, 8 inches. (See also ill. 37.)] - -It will be noted that Bristol beer was sold by the bottle, probably just -as it was shipped, and "Fine bottled Syder" apparently came in quart -bottles. Probably the wines were dispensed from casks in wine measures. -Mercer bought Citron water in bottles, a half dozen at a time, as he did -"Mint, Orange flower & Tansey D^o," in 1744. - -Round beverage bottles ranged in shape from, roughly, the form of a -squat onion at the beginning of the 18th century to narrow cylindrical -bottles towards the end of the century. The earliest bottles were -free-blown without the constraint of a mold, hence there were many -variations in shape. After about 1730 bottles were blown into crude clay -molds which imparted a roughly cylindrical or taper-sided contour below -sloping shoulders and necks. These marked the first recognition of -binning as a way of storing wines in bottles laid on their sides. About -1750 the Bristol glasshouses introduced cylindrical brass molds.[205] -From then on the problem of stacking bottles in bins was solved and -virtually all round beverage bottles thenceforward were cylindrical with -long necks. - -[Illustration: Illustration 35.--Beverage bottle. First quarter, 18th -century. Reconstruction based on whole bottle found at Rosewell. -One-half. (USNM 59.1717.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 36.--Above, beverage-bottle seal, with -initials of John and Catherine Mercer, matching the tobacco-cask mark -used for tobacco grown at the "home plantation" (Marlborough). See -figures 8 and 79. Same size. (USNM 59.1689.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 37.--At right, complete beverage bottle, -dated 1737, with initials of John and Catherine Mercer (fig. 78). Same -size. (USNM 59.1688.)] - -At Marlborough the earliest form of wine bottle is represented by a -squat neck and a base fragment (USNM 59.1717, ill. 35), both matching -onion-shaped bottles of the turn of the century, such as one excavated -at Rosewell (USNM 60.660). Except for these fragments, the oldest form -from Marlborough may be seen in the complete bottle found in refuse pit -D (USNM 59.1688; fig. 78, ill. 37). This bottle is typical of the -transitional form, sealed examples of which regularly occur bearing -dates in the 1730's. Its sides are straight for about three inches above -the curve of the base, tapering slightly to the irregular shoulder that -curves in and up to a neck with wedge-shaped string ring. Two inches -above the base is a seal, bearing the initials I^[C.]M above a -decorative device and the date 1737. The arrangement of initials exactly -matches that found on Mercer's tobacco-cask seals (p. 30 and footnote -89) indicating the "home plantation" at Marlborough. - -[Illustration: Figure 79.--BOTTLE SEALS. (See ill. 36.)] - -Seals were applied by dropping a gather of glass on the hot surface of a -newly blown bottle, then pressing into this deposit of glass a brass -stamp bearing a design, initials, date, etc. Three similar seals from -broken bottles also were found. The same arrangement of initials, but -with no date or device of any kind, occurs on seven different seals -(fig. 79, ills. 36 and 37). - -The diameter of the base of the sealed beverage bottle is 5-1/2 inches, -the widest diameter occurring on any bottle fragments from Marlborough, -excepting the early specimen mentioned above. Bases in gradually -decreasing dimensions vary from this size to 2-3/4 inches. Six bases run -from 5 inches to 5-1/2 inches; 11 are over 4-1/2 inches and up to 5 -inches; 4 are over 4 inches and up to 4-1/2 inches; 3 are over 3-1/2 -inches and up to 4 inches; none, except the smallest of 2-3/4 inches, -found in a mid-19th-century deposit, is less than 3-3/4 inches. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [203] LADY SHEELAH RUGGLES-BRISE, _Sealed Bottles_ (London: - Country Life, Ltd.; New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1949), - p. 18. - - [204] _York County (Virginia) Orders & Wills 1716-1726_ (in - York County courthouse, Yorktown, Va.), no. 15, p. 571. - - [205] "Old English Wine Bottles," _The Wine and Spirit Trade - Record_ (London, December 17, 1951), pp. 1570-1571. - - -BEVERAGE-BOTTLE BASES - - _USNM_ _Inches in_ - _No._ _Diameter_ _Provenience_ - - 59.1688 5-1/2 Refuse pit D - 59.1717 6 Structure F, firing chamber - 59.1717 4-1/2 Structure F, firing chamber - 59.1717 4-3/4 Structure F, firing chamber - 59.1717 4-7/8 Structure F, firing chamber - 59.1717 5 Structure F, firing chamber - 59.1717 5-1/8 Structure F, firing chamber - 59.1793 2-3/4 S.W. corner, Structure B - 59.1870 5-1/4 Wall D, trench - 59.1918 4 Structure E, N. side, Room X - 59.1921 3-3/4 Debris area, N.E. corner, Structure E - 59.1957 5 Structure F, N.E. corner of pavement - 59.1957 5 Structure F, N.E. corner of pavement - 59.1998 4-3/4 Structure E, N. of fireplace, Room X - 59.1998 4-3/4 Structure E, N. of fireplace, Room X - 59.2007 3-7/8 North of Structure E, lowest level - 59.2007 4-1/4 North of Structure E, lowest level - 60.83 4-1/2 Wall E, gateway - 60.103 4-3/4 Trench along Wall E - 60.117 5-1/8 Junction of Walls A-I and A-II - 60.117 4-5/8 Junction of Walls A-I and A-II - 60.120 5-1/2 Trash pit no. 2 - 60.123 5-1/2 Trash pit no. 2 - - -Since beverage-bottle diameters diminished from about 5 inches in the -1750's and 1760's to about 4 inches in the 1770's and 1780's and to -3-1/2 inches in the 1790's and early 1800's, the peak of their incidence -at Marlborough occurs between 1750 and 1770, the period of greatest -opulence in the Mercer household. - -[Illustration: Illustration 38.--Upper left, cylindrical beverage -bottle, about 1760. One-fourth. (USNM 59.1998.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 39.--Upper right, cylindrical beverage -bottle, late 18th or early 19th century. One-fourth. (USNM 59.1976, -59.2007.)] - -OCTAGONAL BEVERAGE BOTTLES.--A rarely seen variation from the round -beverage bottle is a club-shaped, octagonal, molded type with long neck, -perhaps so shaped in order to permit packing in cases. Cider is said to -have been put up in such bottles, and it is also possible that brandies -and liqueurs were delivered in them. A quart-size bottle of this shape -at Colonial Williamsburg bears the seal "I. Greenhow WmsBgh. 1769." -Another, purchased in England, in the G. H. Kernodle collection at the -Smithsonian Institution, also has a seal with the name "Jn^o Collings, -1736" (USNM 59.2170). A pint-size example, 9 inches high and dated 1736, -is illustrated in plate 95e in the Wine Trade Loan Exhibition -catalog.[206] A restored bottle of this form from Marlborough (USNM -59.1687, fig. 80, ill. 40) is 8 inches high, but bears no seal. Among -the glass found at Marlborough are also three bases and other fragments -of similar bottles. - -[Illustration: Illustration 40.--Octagonal, pint-size beverage bottle. -See figure 80. Half size. (USNM 59.1687.)] - -SQUARE "GIN" BOTTLES.--Square bottles, usually called "gin" bottles, -occur in the Marlborough material. Two base sections and lower pieces of -the flat sides have been partly restored (USNM 59.1685, 59.1686, ill. -41), and a neck and shoulder have survived. The bases are 4 inches -square, and the whole bottles were probably about 10 inches high. They -did not taper but maintained a continuous dimension from shoulder to -base. The bases, which are rounded on the corners, have a slightly domed -kick-up with a ring-shaped pontil mark. The glass is olive green. The -necks are squat--barely 7/8 inch--and have wide string rings midway in -their length. - -[Illustration: Figure 80.--OCTAGONAL SPIRITS BOTTLE.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 41.--Square gin bottle. One-fourth. (USNM -59.1686, base; 59.1685, top.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 42.--Square snuff bottle. One-half. See -figure 81. (USNM 59.1680.)] - -[Illustration: Figure 81.--SNUFF BOTTLE. (See ill. 42.)] - -Square "gin" bottles were designed for shipment in wooden boxes with -compartments in which the bottles fit snugly. Although Dutch gin -customarily was shipped in bottles of this shape, indications are that -the square bottles may have been used for other purposes than holding -gin. For one thing, Mercer's ledgers mention no purchases of gin. There -is, in fact, almost no evidence of the sale of gin in Virginia; a single -announcement of Holland gin available in Williamsburg in 1752 is the -exception until 1773, when gin was again advertised in the _Virginia -Gazette_.[207] Its sale had been prohibited in England in 1736.[208] For -another thing, square bottles were both imported and manufactured in -America for sale new. In 1760 the Germantown glassworks in Braintree, -Massachusetts, made "Round and square Bottles, from one to four Quarts; -also Cases of Bottles of all Sizes ...,"[209], while George Ball, of New -York, in 1775 advertised that he imported "Green glass Gallon square -bottles, Two quart ditto, Pint ditto."[210] - -[Illustration: Illustration 43.--Upper left, wineglass, reconstructed -from base fragment having enamel twist for stem. One-half. (USNM -59.1761.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 44.--Upper right, cordial glass. One-fourth. -(USNM 59.1607.)] - -A smaller base (USNM 59.1642) has a high kick-up, the dome of which -intersects the sides of the base so that the bottle rests on four points -separated by arcs. This fragment measures 3 inches square. An even -smaller version (USNM 59.1977) is 2-3/4 inches. - -SNUFF BOTTLES.--Several items in Mercer's ledgers record the purchase of -snuff, such as one for a "bottle of snuff" in 1731 for 15d., another in -1743 for 3s., and a third in 1744 for 1s. 6d. Among the artifacts is a -partly restored bottle of olive-green glass, shaped like a gin bottle -but of smaller dimensions, with a 2-1/4-inch-wide mouth (USNM 59.1686, -fig. 81). The bottle is 3-3/4 inches square and 7 inches tall. It has a -low kick-up and a smooth pontil mark. Also among the artifacts are a -matching base and several sherds of similar bottles. - -[Illustration: Illustration 45.--Sherds of engraved-glass wine and -cordial glasses (fig. 82c). Same size. (USNM 59.1634, 59.1864.)] - -MEDICINE BOTTLES.--Only a few fragments of medicine bottles occurred in -the Marlborough artifacts. This is surprising, in view of Mercer's many -ailments and his statements that he had purchased "British Oyl," -"Holloway's Citrate," and other patent nostrums of his day. A round base -from a greenish, cylindrical bottle (USNM 59.2056) seems to represent an -Opadeldoc bottle. Another base is rectangular with notched corners. The -last, as well as the base of a molded, basket-pattern scent bottle (USNM -59.2093) may be early 19th century in date. Other medicine-bottle -fragments are all 19th century, some quite late (fig. 82). - -FOOTNOTES: - - [206] _Wine Trade Loan Exhibition of Drinking Vessels_ - [catalog] (London, 1933), no. 226, p. 26, pl. 95. - - [207] CAPPON & DUFF, _Virginia Gazette Index 1736-1780_, op. - cit. (footnote 93), vol. 1, p. 451. - - [208] ANDRE SIMON, _Drink_ (New York: Horizon Press, Inc., - 1953), pp. 139-140. - - [209] DOW, op. cit. (footnote 178), p. 104. - - [210] RITA SUSSWEIN, _The Arts & Crafts in New York, - 1726-1776_ (New York: J. J. Little and Ives Co., 1938), p. - 99. (Printed for the New-York Historical Society.) - - -TABLE GLASS - -A minimum of table-glass sherds was recovered, and these were -fragmentary. Glass is scarcely mentioned in Mercer's accounts, although -there is no reason to suppose that Marlborough was any less well -furnished with fine crystal than with other elegant objects that we know -about. Three sherds of heavy lead glass have the thickness and contours -of early 18th-century English decanters, matching more complete -fragments from Rosewell and a specimen illustrated in plate 98a in -the Wine Trade Loan Exhibition catalog.[211] Two fragments are body -sherds; the third is from a lip and neck. - -[Illustration: Illustration 46.--Clear-glass tumbler blown in a ribbed -mold (fig. 82b). Same size. (USNM 59.1864.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 47.--Octagonal cut-glass trencher salt (fig. -82a). Same size. (USNM 59.1830.)] - -[Illustration: Figure 82.--GLASSWARE: a, cut-glass salt (ill. 47); b, -tumbler base (ill. 46); c, engraved sherds (ill. 45); d, tumbler and -wineglass sherds; e, part of candle arm (see p. 154); f, mirror -fragment; g, window glass; and h, medicine-bottle sherds.] - -Several forms of drinking glasses are indicated. A fragment of a foot -from a long-stemmed cordial glass shows the termini of white-enamel -threads that were comprised in a double enamel-twist stem. The twists -consisted of a spiral ribbon of fine threads near the surface of the -stem, with a heavy single spiral at the core. The indicated diameter of -the foot is 3-1/4 inches (USNM 59.1761, ill. 43). - -Fragments of large knops are probably from heavy baluster wineglasses -dating from Mercer's early period before 1750. A teardrop stem from a -trumpet-bowl wineglass has been melted past recognition in a fire. The -stem of a bucket-bowl cordial glass has suffered in the same manner -(USNM 59.1607). Still with their shapes intact are two stems and base -sections of bucket-bowl wineglass. Two engraved bowl sherds from -similar-shaped cordial glasses and a rim sherd from another engraved -piece are the only fragments with surface decoration (USNM 59.1634, -59.1864, ill. 45). Several sherds of foot rims, varying in diameter, -were found, including one with a folded or "welted" edge. - -Tumblers, depending on their sizes, were used for strong spirits, toddy, -flip, and water. The base and body sherds of a molded tumbler from -Marlborough are fluted in quadruple ribs that are separated by panels -1/4-inch wide (USNM 59.1864, fig. 82c, ill. 46). Plain, blown tumbler -bases have indicated diameters of 3 inches. - -A few unusual, as well as more typical, forms are indicated by the -Marlborough glass sherds. One small fragment comes from a large flanged -cover, probably from a sweetmeat bowl or a posset pot. A specimen of -more than usual interest is a pressed or cast cut-glass octagonal -trencher salt (USNM 59.1830, fig. 82a, ill. 47). This artifact reflects -silver and pewter salt forms of about 1725. A curved section of a heavy -glass rod is apparently from a chandelier, candelabrum, or sconce glass -(USNM 59.1696, fig. 82e). We have seen that Mercer, in 1748, bought "1 -superfine large gilt Sconce glass." - -Although precise dates cannot be ascribed to any of this glass, it all -derives without much question from the period of Mercer's occupancy of -Marlborough. - -FOOTNOTES: - - [211] Op. cit. (footnote 206), no. 244, p. 66, pl. 68. - - -MIRROR AND WINDOW GLASS - -We know from the ledgers that there were sconce and looking glasses at -Marlborough. Archeological refuse supplies us with confirmation in -pieces of clear lead glass with slight surviving evidence of the tinfoil -and mercury with which the backs originally were coated. One piece (USNM -59.1693) has a beveled edge 7/8 inch wide, characteristic of plate-glass -wall mirrors of the colonial period. A curved groove on this piece, -along which the fracture occurred, is probable evidence of engraved -decoration. - -Window glass is of two principal types. One has a pale-olive cast. A few -fragments of this type have finished edges, indicating that they are -from the perimeters of sheets of crown glass and that Mercer purchased -whole crown sheets and had them cut up. It may be assumed that this -greenish glass is the oldest, perhaps surviving from Mercer's early -period. - -The other type is the more familiar aquamarine window glass still to be -found in 18th-century houses. A large corner of a rectangular pane has -the slightly bent contour of crown glass, which is the English type of -window glass made by blowing great bubbles of glass which were spun to -form huge discs. The discs sometimes were cut up into panes of stock -sizes and then shipped to America, or else were sent in whole sheets, to -be cut up by storekeepers here or to be sold directly to planters and -other users of window glass in quantity. - -The centers of these sheets increased in thickness and bore large scars -where the massive pontil rods which had held the sheets during their -manipulation were broken off. The center portions also were cut into -panes, which were used in transom lights and windows where light was -needed but a view was not. Hence they served not only to utilize an -otherwise useless part of the crown-glass sheets, but also to impart a -decorative quality to the window. They are still known to us as -"bullseyes." A piece of a bullseye pane of aquamarine glass occurs in -the Marlborough finds. The pontil scar itself is missing, but the thick -curving section leaves little doubt as to its original appearance. A -similar fragment was found at Rosewell. - - - - -XVII - -_Objects of Personal Use_ - - -Costume accessories recovered at Marlborough are extremely few. There -are six metal buttons, all of them apparently 18th century. One of flat -brass (USNM 59.2004) has traces of gilt adhering to the surface; another -of similar form (USNM 60.85) is silver; a third (USNM 59.2004) is -copper. The silver button, 7/8 inch in diameter, could be one of two -dozen vest buttons bought by Mercer for 18 pence each in 1741. A brass -button with silver surface was roll-plated in the Sheffield manner (USNM -59.2004), thus placing its date at some time after 1762. "White -metal"--a white brass--was commonly used for buttons in the 18th -century, and is seen here in a fragmentary specimen (USNM 59.2004). One -hollow button of sheet brass shows the remains of gilding (USNM 60.73). -Only one example was found--a dark-gray shell button--that was used on -under-garments (USNM 59.1819). - -Among the personal articles are two brass buckles, one a simple half -buckle (USNM 70.72, fig. 83d, ill. 48), the other a knee buckle (USNM -60.139, fig. 83e, ill. 49). Except possibly for a pair of scissors to be -mentioned later, a brass thimble is the only artifactual evidence of -sewing (USNM 60.74, fig. 83b, ill. 50). Four thimbles, mentioned in -Ledger B, were purchased in 1729, and four in 1731.) - -Parts of a penknife that were found consist of ivory-casing fragments, -steel frame, knife blade, single-tined fork, and other pieces (USNM -50.1665, fig. 85). Two chalk marbles attest to the early appeal of that -traditional game, as well as to the ingenuity that went into making the -marbles of this material (USNM 59.1682). Chalk also was used to make a -bullet mold, half of which, bearing an M on the side, has survived (USNM -59.1682, fig. 84b, ill. 51). A musket ball (USNM 59.1682) from the site -could have been made in it. Two gun flints (USNM 59.1629 and 59.1647, -fig. 84a) are of white chert. - -[Illustration: Illustration 48.--Left, brass buckle (see fig. 83d). Same -size. (USNM 60.72.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 49.--Center, brass knee buckle (fig. 83e). -Same size. (USNM 60.139.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 50.--Right, brass thimble (fig. 83b). Same -size. (USNM 60.74.)] - -An English halfpenny, dated 1787, was found near the surface in the -kitchen debris of Structure E (USNM 59.2041, fig. 83c). Considerably -worn, it may have been dropped after the destruction of the building. -Two fragments of flat slate were found (USNM 60.95 and 60.113), as well -as a hexagonal slate pencil (USNM 59.1685, fig. 85, ill. 54). It is -clear that slates were used at Marlborough, probably when Mercer's -children were receiving their education from the plantation tutors. - -[Illustration: Illustration 51.--Chalk bullet mold with initial "M" -(fig. 84b). Same size. (USNM 59.1682.)] - -[Illustration: Figure 83.--SMALL METALWORK: a, copper and white metal -buttons; b, brass thimble; c, English halfpenny, 1787; d, brass buckle; -e, brass knee buckle; f, brass harness ornament; g, escutcheon plates -for drawer pulls and keyholes; h, drop handle; i, curtain and harness -rings; and j, brass strap handle.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 52.--Left, fragments of tobacco-pipe bowl -with decoration molded in relief. Same size. (USNM 59.2003.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 53.--Above, white-kaolin tobacco pipe (fig. -84f). One-half. (USNM 59.1714.)] - -[Illustration: Figure 84.--PERSONAL MISCELLANY: a, chert gun "flint;" b, -chalk bullet mold and bullet; c, bullet; d, marble; e, piece of chalk; -and f, white clay pipes and fragment of terra-cotta pipestem.] - -[Illustration: Figure 85.--CUTLERY: a, chopping knife; b, table-knife -blades; c, parts of penknife; and d, pieces of slate and slate pencil.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 54.--Slate pencil (see fig. 85d). Same size. -(USNM 59.1685.)] - -As usual in colonial sites, quantities of pipestem and bowl fragments -were recovered. Virtually all the bowls reflect the typical -Georgian-period white-clay pipe form, with only minor variations. Most -of the stems have bores ranging from 4/64 inch (1750-1800) to 6/64 inch -(1650-1750). A single stem fragment from a terra cotta pipe of a kind -found at Jamestown and Kecoughtan, probably dropped by an Indian or -early white trader, is early 17th century (fig. 84f), while two -white-clay stem fragments have bores of 1/8 inch (1620-1650). A fragment -of a pipe bowl has molded decoration in relief, with what appear to be -masonic emblems framed on a vine wreath (USNM 59.2003, ill. 52). - - - - -XVIII - -_Metalwork_ - - -SILVER - -[Illustration: Illustration 55.--Left, fragment of long-tined fork. -Second-half (?), 17th century. One-half. (USNM 59.1663.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 56.--Center, fragment of long-tined fork. -Early 18th century. One-half. (USNM 59.2029.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 57.--Right, fork which had two-part handle -of wood, bone, or silver. One-half. (USNM 59.1939.)] - -Mercer, as we have seen, had a lavish supply of plate. Little of this, -understandably, was likely to have been thrown away or lost, except for -an occasional piece of flatware. One such exception is a teaspoon from -the Structure B foundation (USNM 59.1827, fig. 86). It has a typical -early Georgian form--ribbed handle, elliptical bowl, and leaf-drop -handle attachment on back of the bowl. As in the case of small objects -worked after the marks were applied, this has evidence of two distorted -marks. Corrosion has obliterated such details as may have been visible -originally, although there are fairly clear indications of the leopard's -head crowned and lion passant found on London silver. - -TABLE CUTLERY.--Fragmentary knives and forks from the site date mostly -from before 1750. Forks are all of the long, double-tine variety. One, -which may date back to the second half of the 17th century, has a -delicate shank, widening to a tooled, decorative band, with shaft -extending downward which was originally enclosed in a handle of horn, -bone, or wood (USNM 59.1663, ill. 55). A fragment of a narrow-bladed -knife (USNM 59.1882, fig. 85) may be of the same period as the fork. Two -forks, each with one long tine intact, show evidence of having had flat -cores for wood or silver handles (USNM 59.2029, 59.1939, ills. 56 and -57). The shanks, differing in length from each other, are turned in an -ogee shape. Three blades, varying in completeness, are of the curved -type used with "pistol-grip" handles (USNM 59.1667-1668, 59.1939). A -straight blade fragment (USNM 59.1999) is probably contemporary with -them. Only two knife fragments (USNM 59.1799 and 59.2082) appear to be -19th century (fig. 85). - -One of the most unusual artifacts is a half section of a hollow -Sheffield-plated pistol-grip knife handle. Sheffield plate was -introduced in 1742 by a process that fused sheets of silver to sheets of -copper under heat and pressure.[212] The metal, as here, was sometimes -stamped (USNM 59.1668, fig. 86b). - -[Illustration: Figure 86.--METALWORK: a, rim of pewter dish; b, table -knife with Sheffield-plated handle; c, lid of pewter teapot (ill. 60); -d, silver teaspoon; e, wavy-end pewter spoon, early 18th-century shape; -f and g, two trifid-end pewter spoons, late 17th-century shape (holes in -g were probably drilled to hold cord for suspension from neck).] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [212] SEYMOUR B. WYLER, _The Book of Sheffield Plate_ (New - York: Crown Publishers, 1949), pp. 4-5. - - -PEWTER - -Three, whole pewter spoons, as well as several fragments of spoons, were -salvaged from the large trash pit (Structure D). Two whole specimens and -a fragment of a third are trifid-handle spoons cast in a mold that was -probably made about 1690. One of these (USNM 59.1669, fig. 86g, ill. 58) -has had two holes bored at the top of the handle, probably to enable the -user to secure it by a cord to his person or to hang it from a loop. -This circumstance, plus the presence of such an early type of spoon in -an 18th-century context, suggests that the spoons were made during the -Mercer period for kitchen or slave use from a mold dating back to the -Port Town period. The spoons themselves may, of course, have survived -from the Port Town time and have been relegated to humble use on the -plantation. - -A somewhat later spoon, with "wavy-end" handle, comes from a mold of -about 1710. It has the initial N scratched on the handle (USNM 59.1672, -fig. 86e, ill. 59). Another fragmentary example has a late type of -wavy-end handle, dating perhaps ten years later (USNM 59.1672). - -[Illustration: Illustration 58.--Trifid-handle pewter spoon (fig. 86g). -One-half. (USNM 59.1669.)] - -A pewter teapot lid with tooled rim and the remains of a finial may be -as early as 1740 (USNM 59.1676, fig. 86c, ill. 60). Two rim fragments of -a pewter plate also were found (USNM 59.1675, fig. 86a). - - -KITCHEN AND OTHER HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS - -CUTLER'S WORK.--In 1725 Mercer bought a pair of "Salisbury Scissors"; -there is no clue as to what is meant by the adjectival place name. He -purchased another pair of scissors in 1744. In any case, a pair of -embroidery scissors, with turned decoration that one would expect to -find on early 18th-century scissors, was found in the site (USNM -59.1680, ill. 61). - -[Illustration: Illustration 59.--Wavy-end pewter spoon (fig. 86e). -One-half. (USNM 59.1672.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 60.--Pewter teapot lid (fig. 86c). Same -size. (USNM 59.1676.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 61.--Steel scissors. One-half. (USNM -59.1680.)] - -[Illustration: Figure 87.--IRONWARE: a, lid for iron pot; b, cooking-pot -fragments; c, andiron leg; d, iron ladle; and e, two beaters for -box-irons.] - -IRONWARE.--Pieces of two types of iron pot were found. One type is a -large-capacity version, holding possibly five gallons. It has horizontal -ribbing and vertical mold seams (USNM 59.1645, 59.1845, 59.60.147, -fig. 87). Such, perhaps, was the "gr[ea]t pot" weighing 36 pounds which -Mercer bought from Nathaniel Chapman of the Accokeek Iron Works in 1731. -Two other fragments are from a smaller pot. The inventory taken in 1771 -(Appendix M) lists five "Iron Potts for Negroes," that were probably -smaller than those used in the plantation kitchen. - -Two heaters for box irons were found in the kitchen debris. A heavy -layer of mortar adhered to one, suggesting that it may have been built -into the brickwork--whether by accident or design there is no way of -telling. In that case, however, the specimen would antedate 1749 (USNM -59.2024, 59.2026, fig. 87). Box irons were hollow flatirons into which -pre-heated cast-iron slugs or "heaters" were inserted. Two or more -heaters were rotated in the fire, one always being ready to replace the -other as it cooled. In 1725 Mercer bought a "box Iron & heaters," and -in 1731, from Chapman, "2 heaters." - -Other kitchen iron includes the fragmentary bowl and stem of a -long-handled iron stirring spoon (USNM 59.1812), an iron kettle cover -(USNM 60.69), and the leg of a large, heavy pair of andirons (USNM -59.1826, fig. 87). A small, semicircular chopping knife has a thin steel -blade and an iron shank that originally was inserted in a wooden handle. -Lettering, now almost obliterated, was impressed in the metal of the -blade: "SHEFFIELD WORKS 6 ENGLISH...." (USNM 59.1834, fig. 85a). - -[Illustration: Illustration 62.--Iron candle snuffers. One-fourth. (USNM -59.1825.)] - -FURNITURE HARDWARE.--A few metal furniture fittings were recovered. Six -curtain rings, cut from sheet brass and trimmed with a file, vary from -7/8 inches to 1-1/4 inches. On tubular ring (USNM 60.53, fig. 83) may -have been used as a curtain ring, although signs of wear suggest that -it perhaps may have been a drawer pull. A small, brass, circular -escutcheon (USNM 59.1735, fig. 83) comes from a teardrop-handle fixture -of the William and Mary style. A round keyhole escutcheon has tooled -grooves and holes for four nails (USNM 59.1630, fig. 83), and dates from -about 1750. The handsomest specimen of furniture trim found is an -escutcheon plate with engraved linear decoration dating from about 1720 -(USNM 60.71, fig. 83). An iron bale handle was probably on a trunk -or chest (USNM 60.130, fig. 88e). A small strap hinge (USNM 59.1657, -fig. 88) is like those found on the lids of 18th-century wooden chests, -while a butt hinge may have served on the lid of the escritoire which -Mercer owned in 1731 (ill. 63). - -[Illustration: Figure 88.--IRON DOOR AND CHEST HARDWARE: a, large HL -hinge; b, plate from box lock; c, small H hinge for cupboard; d, part of -H door hinge; e, bale handle from trunk; f, latch bar or striker; g, -small hinges; h, keys; i, latch catch; j, staples; k, part of latch -handle; and l, pintles for strap hinges.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 63.--Iron butt hinge of type used on -escritoire lids and other similar items. Same size.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 64.--End of strap hinge. One-half. (USNM -60.146.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 65.--Catch for door latch. Same size. (USNM -59.1801.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 66.--Wrought-iron hasp. One-half. (USNM -59.1655.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 67.--Brass drop handle. Same size. (USNM -59.1944.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 68.--Wrought-iron catch or striker from door -latch. One-half. (USNM 59.1768.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 69.--Iron slide bolt. One-half. (USNM -59.1942.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 70.--Series of wrought-iron nails. -One-half.] - - -ARCHITECTURAL AND STRUCTURAL HARDWARE - -Iron was a fundamental material in the construction of any 18th-century -building. Mercer's ledgers make repeated references to the purchase of -hinges, locks, latches, and other related iron equipment. Most of this -material was obtained from local merchants and was probably English in -origin. However, the ledger records numerous purchases from Nathaniel -Chapman of iron that was undoubtedly made at his ironworks. It is -probable also that many simple appliances were made at Marlborough by -slaves or indentured servants trained as blacksmiths. - -HINGES.--Hand-forged strap hinges were employed throughout the colonies -from the first period of settlement to the middle of the 19th century. -In addition to the many fragments that probably came from such hinges, -one artifact is a typical spearhead strap-hinge terminal with a square -hole for nailing (USNM 60.146, ill. 64). Three pintles--L-shaped pivots -on which strap hinges swung--were recovered. One was found at the site -of a gate or door in the wall south of the kitchen (USNM 60.59, fig. -88l). - -[Illustration: Illustration 71.--Series of wrought-iron flooring nails -and brads. One-half.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 72.--Fragment of clouting nail. Same size.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 73.--Hand-forged spike. One-half. (USNM -59.1811.)] - -Fragments from at least four different H and HL hinges occur. Several -entries in the ledgers refer to the purchase of such hinges. A nearly -complete HL hinge, probably used on a large door, recalls an item in the -account with Charles Dick for June 14, 1744, "2 p^r large hinges 9/" -(USNM 59.1945, fig. 88). A piece of a smaller H or HL hinge is of the -type used on interior doors (USNM 59.1767, fig. 88), while a still -smaller section of an H hinge was perhaps used on a cupboard door. H -hinges were more properly known as "side hinges," and we find Mercer -using that term in 1729 when he bought a pair of "Sidehinges" for 9d. -"Cross-garnet" hinges, where a sharply tapering, spear-headed strap -section is pivoted by a pin inserted in a stationary, rectangular butt -section, are represented by three imperfect specimens (USNM 59.1657 and -59.1881, fig. 88). Both these types are named, described, and -illustrated by Moxon.[213] - -[Illustration: Figure 89.--TOOLS: a, block-plane blade; b, scraping tool -(ill. 76); c, gouge chisel (ill. 77); d, part of bung extractor; e, -fragment of ax; f, three dogs or hooks; g, pothook; and h, shim or pin.] - -LOCKS, LATCHES, AND KEYS.--Only one remnant of the ubiquitous -18th-century "Suffolk" thumb-press door latch was found at Marlborough. -This fragment comprises the handle but not the cusps at the ends, by -which the age might be determined (USNM 60.137, fig. 88). Mercer -purchased an "Iron door latch" from Nathaniel Chapman for ninepence in -1731. In a complete assemblage for these latches, a thumb press lifts a -latch bar on the reverse side of the door, disengaging it from a catch -driven into the edge of the jamb. One large latch bar was recovered -(USNM 59.1972, fig. 88f), as well as two catches (USNM 59.1644, fig. -88i, and 59.1801, ill. 65). Sliding bolts were the usual locking devices -when simple thumb latches were used. A survival of one of these is seen -in a short iron rod with a shorter segment of rod attached to it at -right angles (USNM 59.1942, ill. 69). - -Purchases of padlocks are recorded, but there is no archeological -evidence for them. However, a well-made hasp (USNM 59.1655, ill. 66) has -survived, and also three staples (USNM 59.1644, 59.1659, 59.2027, fig. -88j). Mercer bought six staples in 1742 at a penny each. - -Apparently the principal doors of both the 1730 house and the mansion -were fitted with box locks, or "stock-locks," in which wood and iron -were usually combined. A heavy iron plate comes from such a lock (USNM -59.1943, fig. 88). Two stock-locks were bought from John Foward in 1731. -Another was purchased from William Hunter in 1741. In the same year -Mercer acquired from Charles Dick "8 Chamberdoor Locks w^{th} brass -knobs." If by knob was meant a drop handle, then a fine brass specimen -may be one of these (USNM 59.1944, fig. 83h, ill. 67). Fragments of -three iron keys have survived, the smallest of which may have been used -with a furniture lock (USNM 59.1644 and 59.1656, fig. 88h). - -[Illustration: Illustration 74.--Left, blacksmith's hammer. One-half. -(USNM 59.2081.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 75.--Center, iron wrench. One-half. (USNM -60.91.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 76.--Right, iron scraping tool (fig. 89b). -One-half. (USNM 60.133.)] - -NAILS AND SPIKES.--The ledgers point to a constant purchasing of nails -which is reflected in the great quantity recovered from the excavations. -A 1731 purchase from Chapman comprised 2-, 3-, 4-, 6-, 8-, 10-, 12-, and -20-penny nails, while in the 1740's not only nails but 4-, 6-, 8-, and -10-penny brads were purchased, as well as 20-penny flooring brads. -Excepting the last, nearly all these sizes occur in the artifacts. There -is also a variety of heavy spikes, ranging from 3 inches to 7 inches in -length (see ills. 70-73). - -[Illustration: Illustration 77.--Left, bit or gouge chisel (see fig. -89c). One-half. (USNM 59.1644.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 78.--Right, jeweler's hammer. Same size. -(USNM 59.1664.)] - -FOOTNOTES: - - [213] ALBERT H. SONN, _Early American Wrought Iron_ (New - York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1928), vol. 2, p. 9. - - -HANDCRAFT TOOLS - -Marlborough, like most 18th-century plantations, was to a large extent -self-sufficient, and therefore it is not surprising to find handtools of -several kinds. A blacksmith's hammer (USNM 59.2081, ill. 74), for -example, strengthens the view that there may have been blacksmiths at -Marlborough. Other tools include a smoothing-plane blade of iron with a -1-inch steel tip (USNM 59.1897, fig. 89a); a set wrench for a 3/4-inch -square nut or bolt (possibly for bed bolts), equipped originally with a -wooden handle (USNM 60.91, ill. 75); a steel scraping tool or chisel -with handle set at an angle (USNM 60.133, fig. 89b, ill. 76); a small -half-round bit or gouge chisel (USNM 59.1644, fig. 89c, ill. 77). Three -crude lengths of iron with stubby L-shaped ends appear to be work-bench -dogs (fig. 89f). - -One fine tool is from the equipment of a jeweler or a clockmaker (USNM -59.1664, ill. 78). It is a very small hammer with a turned, bell-shaped -striking head. Originally balanced by a sharp wing-shaped peen, which -was, however, badly rusted and which disintegrated soon after being -found, the tool has a tubular, tinned, sheet-iron shaft handle which is -secured by a brass ferrule to the head and brazed together with brass. -The lower end is plugged with brass, where a longer handle perhaps was -attached. In 1748 Sydenham & Hodgson, through William Jordan, imported -for Mercer "A Sett Clockmakers tools." This entry is annotated, -"Return'd to M^r Jordan." Although the hammer cannot be related to this -particular set of tools, the ledger item suggests that fine work like -clockmaking may have been conducted at Marlborough. This tool may have -been used in the process. - -[Illustration: Figure 90.--SCYTHE found against outside of east wall, -Structure H.] - - -FARMING, HORSE, AND VEHICLE GEAR - -The 1771 inventory is in some ways a more significant summary of -18th-century plantation equipment than are the artifacts found at -Marlborough, since its list of tools is longer than the list of tool -artifacts and is pin-pointed in time. However, artifacts define -themselves concretely and imply far more of such matters as workmanship, -suitability to purpose, source of origin, or design and form, than do -mere names. The Marlborough tools and equipment, moreover, correspond, -as far as they go, very closely with the items in the inventory, thus -becoming actualities experienced by us tactually and visually. - -[Illustration: Illustration 79.--Wrought-iron colter from plow. -One-fourth. (USNM 60.88.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 80.--Hook used with wagon or oxcart gear. -One-half. (USNM 60.9.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 81.--Left, bolt with wingnut. One-half. -(USNM 60.145.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 82.--Right, lashing hook from cart or -agricultural equipment. One-half. (USNM 59.2030.)] - -For instance, the inventory lists 22 plows at Marlborough. Among the -finds is an iron colter from a colonial plow in which the colter was -suspended from the beam and locked into the top of the share (USNM -60.88, ill. 79). The colter is bent and torn from exhaustive use -(Chapman, in 1731, fitted a plow "w^{th} Iron" for Mercer). From it we -learn a good deal about the size of the plow on which it was used and -the shallow depth of the furrows it made. - -[Illustration: Figure 91.--FARM GEAR: a, part of collapsible-top fitting -from carriage; b, chain, probably from whiffletree; c, part of bridle -bit; d, iron stiffener from a saddle; e, worn chain link; f, base of -handle of a currycomb; g, rivet and washer; h, piece of iron harness -gear; i and j, two horseshoes; and k, chain to which a strap was -attached--probably harness gear.] - -Four chain traces were on the list, one of which is represented by a -length of flat links attached to a triangular loop to which the leather -portion of the traces was fastened (USNM 60.64, fig. 91b). The halves -of two snaffle bits (USNM 59.2078, 60.67, fig. 91c; ill. 87) correspond -to an item for eight "Bridle Bitts." (A "snafflebit" costing 1s. 8d. was -among Mercer's purchases for 1743.) A third bit, crudely made of twisted -wire attached to odd-sized rings, is a makeshift device probably dating -from the 19th century. Three ox chains listed in the inventory are not -distinctly in evidence in the artifacts, although a heavy hook, broken -at the shank, is of the type used to fasten an ox chain to the yoke -(USNM 60.9, ill. 80). - -Archeological evidence of the two oxcarts and one wagon listed in the -inventory is confined to nuts and bolts that might have been used on -such vehicles. A long axle bolt (USNM 59.1802) measures 23 inches. A -small bolt or staple, split at one end and threaded at the other, has a -wingnut (USNM 60.145, ill. 81). A hook with a heavy, diamond-shaped -backplate and a bolt hole was perhaps used on a wagon to secure lashing -(USNM 59.2030, ill. 82). A heavy, curved piece of iron with a large -hole, probably for a clevice pin, appears to be from the end of a wagon -tongue, while a carefully made bolt with hand-hammered head (USNM -59.1821) and a short rivet with washer (USNM 59.1881, fig. 91g) in place -seem also to be vehicle parts. - -[Illustration: Illustration 83.--Hilling hoe. One-fourth. (USNM -59.1848.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 84.--Iron reinforcement strip from back of -shovel handle. One-half. (USNM 59.1847.)] - -The inventory listed four complete harnesses, the remains of which are -probably to be found in four square iron buckles (USNM 59.1644, 59.1901, -60.131, fig. 91h), a brass ring (USNM 59.1678, fig. 83), and an -ornamental brass boss (USNM 59.1878, fig. 83j). - -Twelve "Swingle trees" (whippletree, whiffletree, singletree) are listed -in the inventory. The artifacts include three iron loops or straps -designed to be secured to the swingletrees. One (USNM 59.2042, fig. 91b) -still has two large round links attached. (In 1731 Chapman fitted -ironwork to a swingletree.) - -Ten "Hillinghows," 17 "Weeding hows," and 8 "Grubbing hows" are listed. -In the long Chapman account for 1731 we see that Mercer then purchased -"5 narrow hoes" and "2 grubbing hoes." The only archeological evidence -of hoes is a fragmentary broad hoe (probably a hilling hoe) (USNM -59.1848, ill. 83) and the collar of another. - -[Illustration: Illustration 85.--Half of sheep shears. One-half. (USNM -59.1734.)] - -Thirteen axes are listed in the inventory. Again we find Nathaniel -Chapman providing a "new axe" in 1731 for five shillings, while William -Hunter sold Mercer "2 narrow axes" and "4 Axes" in 1743. One broken ax -head occurs among the artifacts, worn back from repeated grinding and -split at the eye (USNM 59.1740, fig. 89e). - -There were four spades and an iron shovel at Marlborough in 1771. An -iron reinforcement from a shovel handle occurred in the site (USNM -59.1847, ill. 84), while a slightly less curved strip of iron may have -been attached to a spade handle (USNM 59.1662). Once more in Chapman's -account we find evidence of local workmanship in an item for "1 Spade." - -[Illustration: Illustration 86.--Animal trap. One-third. (USNM -59.1715.)] - -Thirteen scythes were listed in 1771; perhaps the one excavated from the -foundation of Structure H on Potomac Creek may have been among these -(USNM 59.2400, fig. 90). There were eight sheep shears; half of a sheep -shears was found in Structure G (USNM 59.1734, ill. 85). Of the other -items on the list, a few, such as stock locks and hammers, have already -been mentioned, while the remainder of the list is not matched by -artifacts. An item for a chalk-line is supported by a piece of chalk -(USNM 59.1683, fig. 84). - -[Illustration: Illustration 87.--Iron bridle bit (see fig. 91c). Same -size.] - -[Illustration: Illustration 88.--Fishhook. One-half. (USNM 59.1681.)] - -[Illustration: Illustration 89.--Brass strap handle (see fig. 83j). Same -size. (USNM 59.1736.)] - -A few specimens are not matched in the inventory. One is a springtrap of -hand-forged, hand-riveted iron (USNM 59.1715, ill. 86) for catching -animals. Another is a fishhook (USNM 59.1681, ill. 88), possibly one of -95 bought in 1744. An iron stiffener for the framework of a saddle is -fitted with 10 rivets for securing the leather and upholstery (USNM -59.1847, fig. 91d). The third artifact is an elegantly designed brass -fitting for a leather curtain or strap (USNM 59.1736, fig. 83j, ill. -89). It is fitted with a copper rivet at the stationary end for securing -leather or cloth; just below the rivet is a recessed groove and shelf, -perhaps to receive a reinforced edge; to the lower part of this is -hinged a long handle cut in a leaf design. An iron hinge bar is part of -the equipment for folding back the top of a chaise (USNM 60.178, fig. -91a). There are several horseshoes, two whole shoes and numerous -fragments (fig. 91i and j). Finally, the handle shaft and decorative -attachment of an iron currycomb (USNM 59.2077, fig. 91f) recalls -Mercer's purchase of "1 curry comb and brush" in 1726. - - - - -XIX - -_Conclusions_ - - -Almost no exclusively 17th century artifacts were found at Marlborough; -at least, there were very few sherds or objects that could not have -originated equally well in the 18th century. The exceptions are the -following: Westerwald blue-and-white stoneware with gray-buff paste; -several sherds of delft and other tin-enameled ware, late 17th century -in type, and an early 17th-century terra cotta pipestem. Otherwise, we -find a scattering of things belonging to types that occurred in both -centuries: North Devon gravel-tempered ware, which was imported both in -the late 17th and early 18th centuries; yellow-and-brown "combed" ware, -which elsewhere occurs most commonly in 18th century contexts; pewter -trifid-handle spoons, the form of which dates from about 1690 but which -may have been cast at a later date in an old mold (a wavy-end spoon in -the style of 1710 may also have been cast later). Fragments of an -onion-shaped wine bottle may date from the first decade of the 18th -century, but the presence of such bottles in the Rosewell trash pit -shows that bottles, being too precious to throw away, were kept around -until they were broken--in the case of Rosewell for 60 or 70 years. Thus -the Marlborough sherds cannot be excluded from the Mercer period. The -same may be said of a late 17th-century type of fork. Thus, there is -virtually no evidence of the Port Town occupation, especially as the few -17th-century artifacts that were found may well have belonged to the -Mercers rather than to Marlborough's previous occupants. - -The ceramics and glass are the most readily datable artifacts, and -these coincide almost altogether with the period of John Mercer's -lifetime. Common earthenwares are predominantly Tidewater and Buckley -types, with a scattering of others, most of which are recurrent among -other Virginia and Maryland historic-site artifacts. No distinct type -emerges to suggest that there may have been a local Stafford potter. -Common stonewares occur in such a variety of types that no source or -date can be attributed, although there is some evidence of the work of -William Rogers' shop in Yorktown. Westerwald stonewares are -predominantly of the blue-and-gray varieties commonest in the second -quarter of the 18th century. - -There is only a small quantity of delftware, but a great deal of Chinese -porcelain. Evidences are that the first kinds of English refined wares, -such as drab stoneware, Nottingham stoneware, and agateware, were used -at Marlborough, thus pointing to an awareness of current tastes and -innovations. The large quantity of white salt-glazed ware suggests that, -although it was a cheap commercial product, it was regarded as handsome -and congenial to the environment of a plantation house that was -maintained in formal style. - -Except for the white salt-glazed ware, which was probably acquired in -the 1760's, most of the table ceramics date from about 1740 to 1760. -Bottles and the few datable table-glass fragments are also primarily -from this period. Creamwares and late 18th- and early 19th-century -whitewares diminish sharply in numbers, reflecting a more austere life -at Marlborough in its descent to an overseer's quarters. Later -19th-century wares are insignificant in quantity or in their relation to -the history of Marlborough. Tool and hardware forms are less diagnostic. -Most of them correspond to ledger entries and to the 1771 inventory, so, -without contradictory evidence, they may be assumed to date from John -Mercer's period. - -In general, the artifacts illustrate the best of household equipment -available in 18th-century Virginia, and the tools and hardware indicate -the extensiveness of the plantation's activities and its heavy reliance -on blacksmith work. - - - - -GENERAL CONCLUSIONS - - - - -XX - -_Summary of Findings_ - - -Marlborough's beginnings as a town in 1691 cast the shape that has -endured in a few vestiges even until today. The original survey of Bland -and Buckner remains as evidence, and by it we are led to believe that -the courthouse was located near the "Gutt" to the west of the town, near -a change of course that affected the western boundary and all the -north-south streets west of George Andrews' lots. Archeological -excavation in the area disclosed Structure B, which subsequent evidence -proved to be the foundation of Mercer's mansion, built at the pinnacle -of his career between 1746 and 1750. No evidence exists that this -foundation was associated earlier with the courthouse. - -Two years after the second Act for Ports was passed in 1705, the second -survey was made and was lost soon thereafter. There is evidence that the -house built by William Ballard in 1708, on a lot "ditched in" according -to this plat, was also in the vicinity of the courthouse. After Mercer -moved into this house in 1726, it became clear that the two surveys were -at odds, and a new survey was ordered and made in 1731. The maneuvers -which followed make it fairly clear that Mercer's residence was -encroaching upon the two acres that had been set aside for the -courthouse, which by Act of Assembly had reverted to the heirs of Giles -Brent after the courthouse had burned and been abandoned about 1718. The -1731 plat provided a whole new row of lots along the western boundary of -the town, while pushing the original lots slightly to the east. This -device would have assured the integrity of the courthouse land, while -relieving Mercer of the uncertainty of his title. When Mercer's -petition to acquire Marlborough was submitted in 1747 (the 1731 plat -still remained unaccepted), he offered to buy the courthouse land for -three times its worth. Since Mercer was guardian of the heir, "Mr. -William Brent, the Infant," he was called upon to testify in this -capacity at the hearings on his petition. Thus the courthouse, Ballard's -house, and Mercer's mansion all appear to have been involved in a -boundary difficulty, and we may assume, therefore, that the courthouse -during its brief career stood close to the spot where Mercer later built -his mansion. - -This difficulty, in particular, was influential in determining the shape -of the town, the manner in which Mercer developed the property and the -peculiarities that made Marlborough unique. It was not until 1755 that -he was permitted to acquire all the town and by that time Marlborough's -character had already been fixed. We have seen that its outstanding -feature, the mansion, was architecturally sophisticated, that leading -craftsmen worked on it, and that it was as highly individualistic as its -master. It was lavishly furnished not only with material elegancies but -with a library embracing more than a thousand volumes. - -Aside from the mansion, the area most actively developed by Mercer lay -between it and Potomac Creek, with some construction to the north and -the east. In 1731, Mercer built two warehouses which probably stood near -the waterside at Potomac Creek where his sloop and schooner and visiting -vessels found sheltered anchorage. These burned in 1746, but must -subsequently have been rebuilt, since Thomas Oliver in his 1771 report -to James Mercer commented that the "tobacco houses" must be repaired as -soon as possible. They were probably among the buildings that Mercer had -constructed up to 1747, when he reported that he had "saved" 17 of the -town's lots by building on them. These lots comprised 8-1/2 acres in the -southwest portion of the town. - -The windmill was built on land near the river shore, east of the -mansion. It was probably located a considerable distance from the shore, -although erosion in recent times has eaten back the cliff. In the fall -of 1958, half of the stone foundations collapsed, leaving a well-defined -profile of the stone construction. Fragments of mid-century-type wine -bottles found in the lower course of the stones support other evidence -that the mill was built in 1746. - -Mercer mentioned his "office" in 1766. This may have been a detached -building used for a law office. Oliver in 1771 listed a barn, a cider -mill, two "grainerys," three cornhouses, five stables, and tobacco -houses. He mentioned also that "the East Green House wants repairing, -the west d^o wants buttments as a security to the wall on the south -side." - -Besides the malthouse and brewhouse built in 1765 (which may have been -situated at Structure H and the 100-foot-long stone-wall enclosure -attached to Wall A), John Mercer in his 1768 letter mentioned "Cellars, -Cooper's house and all the buildings, copper & utensil whatever used -about the brewery," as well as the "neat warm" house built for the -brewer. When the property was advertised in 1791, "Overseers houses," -"Negroe quarters," and "Corn houses" also were mentioned. - -The development of the area in the southwest portion of the plantation -probably sustained--or established for the first time--the character -originally intended for Marlborough Town. The situation of the mansion -was undoubtedly affected by this, as indeed must have been the whole -plantation plan. The archeological evidence alone shows that the plan -was abnormal in terms of the typical 18th-century Virginia plantation. -The rectangular enclosure formed by the brick walls east of the mansion -doubtless framed the formal garden over which the imported English -gardener, William Black, presided. It connected at the northwest with -the kitchen in such a way that the kitchen formed a corner of the -enclosure, becoming in effect a gatehouse, protecting the mansion's -privacy at the northwest from the utilitarian slave quarter and -agricultural precincts beyond. Walls A-I and A-II, however, related the -mansion directly to this plantation-business area and caused it to serve -also as a gate to the enclosure. - -The position of the kitchen dependency northwest of the house is the -only suggestion of Palladian layout, other than the garden. The southern -aspect of the house and the rigid boundary to domestic activity imposed -by Walls A-I and A-II probably prevented construction of a balancing -unit to the southwest. Slave quarters, stables, and perhaps the barn -apparently were located to the north. - -Since it was not until 1755 that Mercer came into full title to the -town, the town plan and its legal restrictions were influential in -determining the way in which the plantation was to grow. The house and -the surrounding layout were, therefore, wholly peculiar to the special -circumstances of Marlborough and probably also to the individuality of -its owner. The approach to the house from the waterside was to the south -end of the building, leading up to it by the still-existing road from -the creek and along the old "Broad Street across the Town," which -probably bordered Walls A-I and B-I. The mansion thus had a little of -the character of a feudal manor house, as well as some of the appearance -of an English townhouse that abuts the street, with the seclusion of its -yards and gardens defended by walls. In many respects it only slightly -resembled, in its relationship to surrounding structures, the more -representative plantations of its period. - -The house was well oriented to view, ventilation, and dominant location. -The veranda, which afforded communication from one part to another -out-of-doors, as well as a place to sit, was exposed to the prevailing -southwesterly summer winds. In the winter it was equally well placed so -as to be in the lee of northeast storms sweeping down the Potomac. The -view, hidden today by trees, included Accokeek Creek and a lengthy vista -up Potomac Creek. Presumably, a road or driveway skirted the kitchen at -the west and perhaps ended in a driveway in front of the house. The gate -in Wall E south of the kitchen would have been a normal entrance for -horses and vehicles. - -Within the garden was the summerhouse built by Mercer in 1765. From the -east windows and steps of the house and from the garden could be seen -the Potomac, curving towards the bay, and the flailing "drivers" of the -windmill near the Potomac shore. - -The excavated and written records of Marlborough are a microcosm of -Virginia colonial history. They depict the emergence of central -authority in the 17th century in the establishment of the port town as -a device to diversify the economy and control the collecting of duties. -In the failure of the town, they demonstrate also the failure of -colonial government to overcome the tyranny of tobacco and the -restrictive policies of the mother country. They go on to show in great -detail the emergence in the 18th century of a familiar American -theme--the self-directed rise of an individual from obscure beginnings -to high professional rank, social leadership, personal wealth, and -cultural influence. They demonstrate in Mercer's career the inherent -defects of the tobacco economy as indebtedness mounted and economic -strains stiffened. In Mercer's concern with the Ohio Company and -westward expansion they reflect a colony-wide trend as population -increased and the need grew for more arable land and areas in which to -invest and escape from economic limitations. They show that the war with -the French inevitably ensued, with its demands on income and manpower, -while following this came the enforcement of trade laws and the -immediate irritants which led to rebellion. So Marlborough gives a sharp -reflection of Virginia's history prior to the Revolution. It was touched -by most of what was typical and significant in the period, yet in its -own details it was unique and individual. In this seeming anomaly -Marlborough is a true illustration of its age, when men like Mercer were -strong individuals but at the same time typifying and expressing the -milieu in which they lived. - -Mercer's rise to wealth and leadership occurred at a time when favorable -laws held out the promise of prosperity, while boundless lands offered -unparalleled opportunities for investment. It remained for those best -able to take advantage of the situation; Mercer's self-training in the -law, his driving energy, and his ability to organize placed him among -these. The importance of his position is signified by the justice-ship -that he held for so many years in Stafford County court; the brick -courthouse on the hill overlooking the upper reaches of Potomac Creek -was the architectural symbol of this position. Although most of his -income was derived from legal practice, it was his plantation that was -the principal expression of his interests and his energies. Mercer was -in this respect typical of his peers, whose intellectual and -professional leadership, on the one hand, and agricultural and business -enterprise, on the other, formed a partnership within the individual. -The great plantation house with its sophisticated elegancies, its -outward formalities, and its rich resort for the intellect in the form -of a varied library, was the center and spirit of the society of which -men like Mercer were leaders. With the death of the system came the -death of the great house, and the rise and fall of Marlborough -symbolizes, as well as anything can, the life cycle of Virginia's -colonial plantation order. - - - - -Appendixes - - - - -APPENDIX A - -Inventory of George Andrews, Ordinary Keeper - -[Stafford County Will Book--Liber Z--1699-1709--p. 168 ff.] - - An Inventory of the Estate of George Andrews taken the (six) - October 1698. 6 small feather beads with Bolsters 5 Ruggs 1 Turkey - Work 1 Carpet 1 old small Flock Bed boulster Rugg 4 pair Canvis - Shooks 2 pair Curtains and valleins 4 Chests 1 old Table 1 Couch 1 - Great Trunk 1 small ditto 1 Cupboard 2 Brass Kettles 1 pieis Dowlas - 2 spits 1 Driping pan & fender 6 Iron Pots 5 pair Pot-hooks 6 - dishes 1 bason 2 dozen of plates 4 old chairs made of kain 9 head - horses + mares 3 Colts of 1 year old each 4 head Oxen 2 Chaine - Staples 8 Yoaks 7 Cows + calves 1 Bull 2 barron cows 2 five year - old stears 6 Beasts of a year old each 30 head of sheep being yews - and lambs 4 Silver spoons 1 Silver dram cup 1 Lignum vitae punch - Bowl 1 Chaffing Dish 1 Brass Mortar & Iron Pestle 2 ditto & 1 great - iron pestle 1 broad ax 2 narrow D^o 1 Tennant Saw 1 Whipsaw 1 - drawing knife 2 augurs 1 Frow 1 pair Stilliards & too with Canhooks - 1 Saddle & Curb bridle 3 servants 2 Men 1 Woman 3 years + 6 months - to serve 1 Welshman 4 years to serve the other servant named - Garrard Moore 13 months to serve 1 old Chest drawers 1 old plow 1 - old pair Cart wheels w^{th} a Cart 2 old Course Table Cloths & 8 - Napkins 4 Towels 1 Gall^n Pott 1 Paile Pott 2 Chamber Potts 2 - tankards a parsil of old Bottles 1 old Looking Glass 1 Grid Iron 1 - Flesh fork & Skimmer 1 pair Spit hooks Iron square 3 pair Iron - tongs 2 Nutmeg graters 3 Candlesticks 1 old Great Boat old Sails - Hawsers Graplin 1 Box Iron 1 Warming pan 2 pair Pot racks - - Jurat in Curia - - Returned by - John Waugh Jun^r - - - - -APPENDIX B - -Inventory of Peter Beach - -[Stafford County Will Book--Liber Z--1699-1709--p. 158-159.] - - Estate of Peter Beach. Inventory taken by William Downham, Edward - Mountjoy, W^m Allen "having mett together at the house of Mr. - Peter Beach." - - "Dan'l Beach - Alex and Mary Waugh executors Nov. 20, 1702" - - To 4 three year old heifers. at 350 Tob^o p 1400 - - To 1 stear 6 years old at 600 To 5 D^o 4 year old at 2000 2600 - - To the 2 yr old at 2800 To 2 Bulls at 600 3400 - - To 8 Cows & Calves at 4000 To 2 Barron Cows 900 4900 - - To 1 Mare & Mare Filly at 1200 To 1 two year old horse 400 1600 - - To 1 D^o 5 years old at 1000 To 1 very old D^o at 150 1150 - - To 1 Feather bedd + Bedstead + furniture 1500 To 1 do at 1200 2700 - - To 2 D^o at 2000 To 1 Old Flock Bed + Feather pillow at 300 2300 - - To one servant Bot 9 years to serve 3000 to 4 stoolth 8 Chairs - @ 160- 3160 - - To 9 old flagg & boarded Chairs 130 To 1 small old table & stool - 100 230 - - To 1 old Standing Cupboard 150 To Looking Glass at 30 100 - - To 1 pair small Stilliards at 60 to 1 Iron Spit+Dripping pan - at 80 140 - - To 1 pair old Tongs and fire shovel at 30 To 2 Ladles+Chafing - Dish 50 80 - - To 1 old Narrow Ax + frow at 30 To 1 Box Iron & Heaters at 25 55 - - To a passel of Glass Bottles at 40 To a Parcel of old Iron at 50 90 - - To 8 old Pewter Dishes and three Basons Ditto at 228 - - To 1 small Table Cloth + 6 Napkins at 50 to 4 Tinpanns 1 Copper - Sawspan at 150 100 - - To 2 2 quart Potts 1 Pewter Tankard Old 20 - - To 1 old Warming Pan 20 To 1 Brass candlestick 1 Skimmer Old 15 35 - - To pasl of Earthen Ware 50 To 3 Iron Potts 2 p^r potthooks 250 - To 1 Brass Kettle at 300 600 - - To 1 Brass kettle at 60 To 23 pewter plates old 110 To 4 old - Chests 250 420 - - To 1 Frying Pan 1 Meal Sifter 15 To a parcel of old Tables and - Cyder Cask 350 365 - - To 1 Pewter Sheaf[214] 50 To 1 old Gun 100 To 2 Bibles at 40 190 - - To 1 Pewter Chamber Pott 10 To 3 Pewter Salts 1 Dram Cup 15 25 - - To 1 pair Iron Spansils[215] at 50 - ----- - Total [_sic_] 26010 - - -Daniel Beach was janitor of the Court House, being paid 200 pounds -tobacco annually 1700-1703: - - 1700 and 1701--"To Daniel Beach for cleaning the Court House" - 1702 and 1703--"To Daniel Beach for Sweeping the Courthouse." - -FOOTNOTES: - - [214] A cluster or bundle of things tied up together; a - quantity of things set thick together. [New Oxford - Dictionary] - - [215] SPANCEL: A rope or fetter for hobbling cattle, horses, - etc.; especially, a short, round rope used for fettering the - hind legs of a cow during milking. [New Oxford Dictionary] - - - - -APPENDIX C - -Charges to Account of Mosley Battaley for Goods Sold by Mercer - -[From Ledger B, p. 1] - - L s. d. - 1725 - October - - 12^{th} To Ball^{ns}. y^r Acco^{tt} Book - A for (75) 3 10 3 - To a Sword & Belt 14 - To 1 Snuff 8 - To 1 best worsted Cap 5 - To 1 p^r Neats Leather Saddlebags 12 9 - To 2 silk Romall handkerchiefs @ 3/ 6 - To 1 p^r Seersuckers 1 13 - To 1 fine Hat N^o 7 13 6 - To Cornelius Tacitus in fol. 7 - - 13^{th} To 1 p^r mens white topt Gloves 1 6 - To 50 4^p Nails 2 - - 14^{th} To 5-1/4 y^{ds} Broadcloath at - 9/ 2 7 3 - To 7 y^{ds} Shalloone at 2/ 14 - To 8 Sticks Mohair at 3^d 2 - To 7 doz Coatbuttons at 7-1/2^d 4 4-1/2 - To 4 doz. breast d^o at 3-3/4 1 3 - To 3 hanks Silk at 9^d 2 3 - To 1-1/4 y^{ds} Wadding at 10^d 1 3 - To 1 p^r Stone buttons set in Silver 5 - - 15^{th} To 1 p^r large Scissars 7-1/2 - To 1 p coll^d binding 1 7-1/2 - To 1 p holland tape 1 6 - To 6 ells broad Garlix N^o F at 2/11 17 6 - To 1 p^r womens wash gloves 1 6 - - 19^{th} To 1 y^d black ribband 10 - To 1 horn & Ivory knife & fork 1 - - 21 To 1 fine hat N^o 7 13 6 - To 1/4 y^d Persian 1 3 - To 2 y^{ds} silk Ferritting at 5^d 10 - - 22 To Cash won on the Race against Cobler 5 - - 29 To 1/4 y^d broadcloath 2 3 - To 1 q^t Rum 1 3 - To a Sword & Belt 14 3 - To Club in Punch 2 - To 1^L sugar & 1 q^t Rum 2 - - 30 To Club with Quarles 9 - - Novb^r 20 To 1 quire best paper 1 6 - - Dec^r 13 To 1 narrow axe 2 3 - 16 To 1200 10^d Nails 5 - 30 To 1 p^r Shooebuckles 7-1/2 - To 100 6^d Nails 9 - To y^r Stafford Clks notes - 162^L tob^o 1 3 - - Feb 5 To Cash on Acc^t Thomas Harwood 10 - ------------------- - Mar 5 To D^o 18 6 11-1/2 - ------------------- - 21 To 1 q^t Rum & 1^L Sugar 2 3 - - Ap^l 3 To 2 q^{ts} D^o & 1 y^d Muslin 6 - - 26 To 1 q^t D^o to Tho^s Benson 1 6 - - Sept^r 16^{th} To 1/2 y^ Druggett 1 10-1/2 - To 2 y^{ds} Wadding 1 6 - To p^d for rolling down - Thomson's hhd. tob^o 10 - ------------------- - L19 10 1 - - - - -APPENDIX D - -"Domestick Expenses" - -[From Ledger B] - - L s. d. - 1725 - - Sept^r 9^{th} To Cash for Exp^s at Stafford - & Spotsylvania 1 3 - To 7-1/2 y^{ds} Grown Linnen - Sarah & Pitts 7 6 - To 11 fowls & 1 quarter beef 17 6 - To 100^L Sugar to this day expended 2 16 6 - To Cash for Exp^s Urbanna 3 1-1/2 - To Horsehire &c 6 - To p^d John Marnix for bringing - my Sloop 2^d 10 - To p^d his ferrage 1 3 - To Cash for Exp^s Poplar Spring 1 3 - To Exp^s at Bowcocks 10 - To Exp^s at M^{rs}. Powers's 1 5 7-1/2 - To a man to cart down Cook & barber 1 3 - To Exp^s at Gibbons's 2 - To Exp^s at Dalton's 15 - To given Serv^{ts} at Col^o - Page's 2 6 - To 1-1/2 doz. red Port at 22/6 1 13 9 - To 1-1/2 doz. mountain at 30/ - [Note 1] 2 5 - To Exp^s poplar Spring 2 3 - To 1 bar^l tar & pitch for the - Sloop 1 6 6 - To 50^1 pork 8 4 - To 25^l bisquet 3 6 - To 1 China punch bowl 10 - To 6 Glasses 3 - To 8^l Candles 6 - To given Servants at M^r Standard's 3 1-1/2 - To Ferrage & Exp^s Piscattaway - & Hob's Hole 4 4-1/2 - To Exp^s Essex Court & - Ferrage at Keys 1 3 - To p^d William Warrell Wages 1 - To p^d Patrick Cowan D^o 1 2 11 - To horsehire from York 2 - To a Trunk 6 - To a Saddle & Furniture self 3 15 - To 1-1/2 y^d Cotton 2 5-1/4 - To 1 horsewhip 6 9 - To 1 p^r Shooes & buckles Pitts 6 7-1/2 - Oct^r 2 To 2 silk Romall handkerchiefs - [Note 2] 6 - To 6 loaves 9^s 38-3/4^L double - refin'd Sugar 2 18 7-1/2 - To 2^l Tea at 15/ 1 10 - To 6^l Chocolate 15 - To 15-1/4^l Castile Soap at 13^d 17 1-3/4 - To 15^l Gunpowder at 9^d 11 3 - To 1 mans worsted Cap 3 10-1/2 - To 1 Wig Comb & Case 9 - To 1 purse wrought with Silver 2 3 - To 2 p^r buttons set in Silver at 3/ 6 - To 1 p^c 9^d 14-3/4 Ells bag - holland at 7/10-1/2 5 14 2 - To 2 p^r mens fine worsted hose at 6/ 12 - To 2 p^r mens fine thread D^o at 5/ 10 - To 1 p^r womens silk D^o 12 - To 1 p^r womens fine worsted D^o 5 6 - To 1 p^r Scissars with silver Chain 10 6 - To 1 box Iron & heaters 9 9 - To 1 fine hat n^o 6 12 - To 1 fine Dandriff Comb 1 6 - To 1 ounce fine thread 7-1/2 - To 1 fine hat N^o 7 9 - To 30 y^{ds} fine Dutch Check at 2/6 3/15 - To 1 m^s pins 1 6 - To 2 p^c tape 2 4 - To 1 hat N^o 5 gave Sam 2 6 - To 1 quire best paper 1 3 - To 1 Storebook 1 5 - To 1 p^r Seersuckers 1 13 - To 1 hoop petticoat 1 1 - To 1 womans side Saddle & furniture 3 11 3 - To 2 y^{ds} silver ribband at 22-1/2 3 9 - To 1 hat N^o 12 9 - To 1 y^d fine strip't muslin 6 - To 1 y^d fine Kenting [Note 3] 4 - To 4-1/2 y^{ds} white Cotton Sarah at 18^d 5 9 - To 4-1/2 y^{ds} filletting D^o at - 3^d [Note 4] 1 1-1/2 - To 2 skeins thread 2 - To 1 p^r wom^s wash gloves 1 6 - To 1/4^l w^t bio: thread 1 5 - To 1/2 doz: plates 7 6 - To 2 porringers 2 6 - To 1 p^r fine blankets 1 13 - To 1 y^d fine strip'd muslin 6 - To 1 Cadow Sarah [Note 5] 3 6 - To Earthen Ware 10 - To 1-1/2 bushel Wheat 4 6 - To 2 fowls 10 - To Battalay's Account for - Rum both in day 2 1 3 - To 1-1/2 y^d red Cotton 2 5-1/4 - To 1 p^r womens Shooes 3 6 - To 1 p^r patterdashers [Note 6] 14 3 - To 5 Candlesticks 17 6 - To 1 Bed Cord 2 - To 3 maple knives & forks 2 - Oct^r 22 To Cash lost at a Race 2 - To Tho^s Watts for Ditto 10 - To Expences there 1 4 - To 6 y^{ds} silk ferriting at 5^d - [Note 7] 2 6 - 25 To 16-1/2 y^{ds} Cantaloons at 7-1/2 - for Pease [Note 8] 10 3-3/4 - To 1 P^r mens thread hose 5 - To 1 p^r mens silk Ditto 1 1 - To 2-1/4 y^{ds} fine Kenting at 4/6 10 1-1/2 - 26 To 1 p^r wom^s worsted hose 3 - To 1 knife & fork 8 - 27 To a Steer 1 11 9 - To 2 yew haft knives & forks 1 3 - 28 To 2 q^{ts} Rum 4 6 - To 1 yew haft knife & fork & - 1 p^r Studds 1 10-1/2 - 29 To 1 p^r Salisbury Scissars 2 6 - To 1-1/2 Gallon Rum 4 6 - To 1 speckled knife & fork 5 - Nov^r 4 To 1 writing Desk 5 16 8 - To 1 Glass & Cover 8 9 - To 18^l Pewter at 1 8 - To 6 tea Cups & Saucers 14 - To 2 Chocolate Cups 2 4 - To 2 Custard Cups 1 9 - To 1 Tea Table painted with - fruit 16 4 - To 6 leather Chairs at 7/ 2 2 - To 1 sm^l walnut eating table 8 - To 1/2 doz Candlemoulds 10 - - - - -GLOSSARY - - - 1. "Mountain: 5. (In full _mountain wine_). A variety of Malaga - wine, made from grapes grown on the mountains."--_A New English - Dictionary on Historical Principles,_ Sir James A. H. Murray, ed., - vol. 6 (Oxford, 1908), p. 711. - - 2. "Romal: 1. A silk or cotton square or handkerchief, sometimes - used as a head-dress; a thin silk or cotton fabric with a - handkerchief pattern."--Ibid., vol. 8, pt. 1 (Oxford, 1910), p. - 764. - - 3. "Kenting: A kind of fine linen cloth."--Ibid., vol. 5, (Oxford, - 1901), p. 673. - - 4. "Filleting: 2. a. A woven material for binding; tape; a piece of - the same; a band or bandage."--Ibid., vol. 4 (Oxford, 1901), p. - 217. - - 5. "Caddow: A rough woolen covering ... 1880. _Antrim & Down - Gloss._ (E. D. S.) _Cadda_, _Caddaw_, a quilt or coverlet, a cloak - or cover; a small cloth which lies on a horse's back."--Ibid., vol. - 2 (Oxford, 1893), p. 13. - - 6. Patterdashers. Probably the same as "spatter-dash. A legging or - gaiter extending to the knee, worn as a protection from water and - mud." Webster's _New International Dictionary of the English - Language_, second ed., unabridged; Springfield, Mass., G. & C. - Merriam Co., 1958. - - 7. Ferreting. Same as "Ferret. 2. A stout tape most commonly made - of cotton, but also of silk; then known as Italian ferret." Murray, - _op. cit._, (no. 1) vol. 4 (Oxford, 1901), p. 165. - - 8. "Cantoloon. _Obs._ A wollen stuff manufactured in the 18th c. in - the west of England." Ibid., vol. 2: (Oxford, 1893), p. 79. - - 9. "Soosy ... 1858. Simmond's _Dictionary of Trade._ Soocey, a - mixed striped fabric of silk and cotton in India."--Ibid., vol. 9. - pt. 1 (Oxford, 1919), p. 428. - - L s. d. - - To 1 Tea table 18 - To 1 brass chaffing dish 5 - To 6 copper tart pans 6 - Nov^r 4^{th} To 1 p^r mens yarn hose 2 - To 1 silk Romal 3 - To Expences Spotsylvania Court &C 1 7 4 - To 1 p^r bellows - To 2 funnells - To Coffeepot, teapots, &c 7 - To 1 Seabed Sheets Table Linnen &c 3 10 - To Cash to Pitts to bear - Expences at Court 2 9 - To a pack of Cards 9 - To 1 pair mens Shooes 5 - 6 To 1 silk Romall handkerchief 3 - 11 To 6-1/2 y^{ds} Cantaloons @ 9^d 4 8-1/2 - 17 To 16 q^r 22 y^{ds} Scotch Cloth - @20^d-1/4 1 17 1-1/2 - 20 To p^d William Warrell Wages - for this day 1 6 8-1/2 - 22 To 6-1/4^l tallow @ 6^d 3 16 - To 3-1/2 y^{ds} Cantaloons & 40^l - coll'd thread 3 4 - To 1 maple knife & fork 1 - 25 To 154^l pork at 1-1/2 19 3 - To 91^l D^o at 1-1/2 11 4-1/2 - Dec^r 19 To 2 p^r wom^s Shooes 11 - X^tmas To Cash for Lost at Cards & - sundry Expenses 1 18 19 - To p^d Thomas Morris for pork 6 7 5 - To p^d Pitts Wages till February 4 19 9-1/2 - To p^d Thomas Collins D^o - till March 18 2 - To 3 Ells y^d w^d Garlix 3/ 9 - To sundrys from M^r Crompton p^r Acc^t 1 19 1-1/2 - Feb 26 To 1 q^t rum 27 4 q^{ts} D^o 7 6 - Mar 2 To 2 q^{ts} D^o 5. 1 q^{ts} D^o 7 - 2 q^{ts} D^o 8^{th}. 5 q^{ts} D^o 15 - 9 To 2 q^{ts} D^o - To sundry Exp^s to this Day 1 - 10 To 2 q^t Rum 12th 2 q^{ts} D^o - 15th 2 q^{ts} D^o 9 - 15 To 5 p^{ts} Rum 1^l Sugar & 2 - y^{ds} Check 7 6 - 18 To 7 gall^s Rum & 16^l Sugar 2 9 6 - To Cash for taking up W^m Hall's horse 10 - To D^o at Stafford Court 4 - To Sundrys to W^m Dunn 1 17 6 - June 11 To cleaning out the house 6 9 - To 1500 10^d Nails used about it. 11 3 - To 1 doz. Canary 1 10 - To p^d Tho^s Collins his Wages to May 11 3 - To 2 doz & 8 bottles Claret 2 8 - To 3 Cows & Calves & 1 featherbed 11 - To 1 [?] Chints 18 - To 21-1/2y^{ds} coll^d blew at 2.6 2 13 1-1/2 - To 15 y^{ds} course Check at 16^d 1 - To 12 y^{ds} best D^o 18 - To Account Rum &c to this day 2 10 - To Wheat Corn fowls &c 3 2 3 - To sundrys of M^c farlane as p^r Acc^t 5 11 1-1/2 - To sundrys of Alex^r Buncle as p^r D^o 15 17 9-1/2 - To 7-1/2 y^{ds} y^d w^d Check @ - 2/ to W^m Dunn 15 - To 2-1/2 y^{ds} brown linnen @ - 10^d to D^o 2 1 - To p^d M^{rs} Bourne for sundrys 5 - To p^d for a Coffin & digging - ye Child's grave 1 5 - To sundry Expences for fowls &c 17 4 - To John Chinn's Acc^t ferrages - &c for going to W^{ms}burgh 2 5 6 - To 2 p^r Andirons 2 Trunks &c 2 7 6 - To 2 dishes & 4-3/4 y^{ds} India - Persian 1 13 1-1/2 - To 1 p^r Shooes & buckles 6 - To Cash to Bates to go for my horse 7 2 - To D^o lost at Race & gave - Scarlett Handcock 2 12 - To Cash for Exp^s 3 9 - To John Barber for going to Gloucester 11 6 - To gave W^m Johnson 7-1/2 - To paid for Apples 6 - To paid Eliz^a Rowsey Wages 6 9 - To 5 gall^s Rum 1 5 - To sundrys bought of Thomas - Hudson as by his account 12 6 10 - To 1 y^d princes Linnen W^m Johnson 1 3 - To Cash for 1/2 doz. Spoons &c 4 10-1/2 - To D^o for Exp^s on a Journey - to W^{ms}burgh 1 19 3-1/2 - To Mosley Battaley's Acc^t for - his fee for 1726 2 10 - To allowed him for extraordinary - service 4 15 1 - To Peter Whitings Account Palms & - Sail Needles 2 6 - 56^1 Cordage 1 8 3 - To Cha^s McClelland's - Account for sundrys - Going to Col^o Mason's - for Eliz Rowsey 10 - Going to York & sundrys 1 5 6 - Going to Nich^o Smith's 10 - To Rob^t Spotswood's - Account for sundrys 1 10 - To Geo. Rust's Acc^t for 1 Ironpot 5 - To John Dagge's Acc^t of sundrys - 1 Oven 17 6 - Bringing over 10 Sheep from Sumn^{rs} 5 - To John Randolph's Acc^t for - Lawyers fees 4 2 - To Esme Stewart's D^o for Toys 2 - To George Walker D^o for Law Charges 4 15 5 - To 2 Gall^s Rum of Simon Peirson 10 - To John Maulpus's Acc^t for - 2 bar^{ls} Corn 1 1 - To Thomas Hudson's D^o for - 2 bar^{ls} D^o 15 - To Joshua Davis's D^o for paid - Thomas Jefferies for a Gun 2 - To M^r Graeme's Acc^t for sundry books 2 9 3 - To Jn^o Quarles's D^o for 1 p^r - sm^l Stilliards 7 6 - To Hen Woodcock's D^o for Ferrages 9 - To Harry Beverley's D^o for - Lawyer's fees 4 2 - To Rob^t Wills's Acc^t for sundrys 18 8 - To Rose Dinwiddie's Acc^t for - 1 p^r mens yarn hose & 2 - bush^{ls} Wheat 7 6 - To Peter Hedgman's D^o for sundrys 2 2 7 - To Mary Fitzhugh's D^o for 8 - bus^{ls} Wheat 9 - To Lazarus Pepper's D^o for Quitrent - of 187 Acres of Land 4 6 - To Quitrents of 2087 Acres of - Land for the year 1725 2 8 - To Cash Account for sundrys 11 8 - To Rawleigh Chinn's Acc^t for sundrys 0 0 0 - Keeping my horse for a Race 15 - 1-1/2 barr^l Corn 15 - 1 Shoat 18 Fodder 17^d - 5 Geese 7/6 10 5 - 4 days hire Moll 1 3 - Dressing Deerskins for Will Dunn 4 - Plowing & fencing my Garden 1 4 - A Gun 18 - To Alexand^r M^cfarlane's Acc^t - A Caddow & 1 p^r blankets 16 - 1 wom^s horsewhip 6 - 1L Gunpowder & 10^L Shot 5 10 - 1 womans bound felt 4 6 - To 12^l Gunpowder & 20^l Shot 2 - To Henry Floyd's Acc^t for 5 pecks Corn 2 6 - To Ja^s Whalley's D^o for 7 fowls 3 - To Ja^s Horsenaile's D^o for sundrys 1 19 9 - To John Holdbrook's Acc^t - for taylor's work 2 11 6 - To John Tinsley's Acc^t for - Fodder & tallow 14 - To Hugh French's Acc^t for a - Serv^t woman 12 - To D^r Roy for a visit & - medicines my Child 12 6 - To Edw^d Snoxall's Acc^t for 1 - bush^l hommonybeans 4 - To Edw^d Simm's Acc^t for sundrys 6 11 11 - To Ralph Falconer's D^o for D^o 1 10 - To Tho^s Eves for fowls 4 6 - To 1 olives 5 - To 1 pair mens Shooes W^m Dunn 5 - To 3 Ells Dowlass D^o 5 6 - To 1-1/2 bush^l Corn 3 - To 3-3/4 y^{ds} Check for finding - my Saddle 5 - To 10 y^{ds} fustian 2/6 1 5 - To 5-1/4 doz Coat Buttons 10^d 4 2 - To 3 hanks silk & 2 hanks mohair 3 2 - To 4 Soosey handkerchiefs [Note 9] 12 - To 12 yd^s Check & 1 p^r mens gloves 4 - To 2 yd^s Wadding 1 6 - To 6-1/4 bush^{ls} Corn 13 - To 2-3/4 bush^{ls} pease 11 - To 2 bush^{ls} potatoes 4 - -------------------- - L285 2 3-1/4 - - - - -APPENDIX E - -Mercer's Reading 1726-1732 - -[From Ledger B] - - - _Mr. John Graeme_ - - 1726 By sundry Book bo^d of him belong^s to the Hon^{ble} Col^o - Spotswood. Viz. - The History of England 3 vols L4. 2 - Clarendon's History 6 vols 2. 2 - Tillotson's Works 15 vols 5.15 - Plutarch's Lives 5 vols 1.10 - Dryden's Virgil 3 vols 17.6 - Cowley's Works 2 vols 13. - Milton's Paradise Lost 6.6 - Secret Memories 7.7 - Chamberlayne's State of England 6.6 - Wilkin's Mathematical Works 5.6 - Petronius 5. - Tilly's Orations 5.6 - [Symbol: dagger]Bible 4 - Hudibras 2 vol 5.3 - Callipoedia 2. - Dunster's Horace 6. - De Gennes Voyage 3. - Banquet of Xenophon 3. - Congreve's Plays 4. - Lock's Essays 12. - Evelyn's Gardening 1. - [Symbol: dagger]Littleton's Dictionary } - [Symbol: dagger]Present State of Russia } - [Symbol: dagger]Sedley's Works } 1. - [Symbol: dagger]New Voyages } - [Symbol: dagger]New Travels } - [Symbol: dagger]Cole's Dictionary } - -[All except those marked by [Symbol: dagger] are listed as returned on -the debit side] - - - * * * * * - - - Law Books Bought of Mat Stotham - May 1732 Salkeld's Reports 1.18. - Ventris's Reports 1.15. - Jacob's Law Dictionary 1. 8. - Maxims of Equity 10. - Cursus Cancellaris 6. - Hearn's Pleader 1. 5. - Lilly's Practical Register 2 vol 14. - Treatise of Trespasses 6. - Laws of Evidence 8. - Laws of Ejectments 8. - The 5 last extraordinary scarce - - - _Account of Books lent & to whom_ (1730) - - History of the Netherlands Jn^o Savage - July 13 Coles's Dictionary - History of the Royal Society Col^o Fitzhugh - Rochesters Works Andrew Forbes - Evelyn's Sylva Ralph Falkner - Woods Institutes 1^{st} Vol. Parson Rose - Mathesis Juvenilia } - Ozenam's Mathem. Recreations } Edmund Bagge - Cockers Arithmetick Robert Jones - 30 Mariners Compass rectified M^r Savage - Travels thro' Italy &c Cap^t Hedgman - Daltons Justice D^o - - -_A Catalogue of the Books bought March 1730 of Mr Rob^t Beverley_ - - Coke's Reports temp Eliz^a Reg 1.10 - Dalton's Officium Vicecomitum 1. - Coke upon Littleton 1. - Cokes 2^d, 3^d & 4^{th} Institutes 2. 4 - Cooks Reports 1. - Laws of Virginia fol^o printed two 1. 4 - Compleat Clerk 12. - Swinburne [18th-century author] 12. - Laws of the Sea 14. - Godolphin's Orphans Legacy 9. - Symboleography 14. - Sheppards Grand Abridgment 1.10. - Three Sets of Wingates Abridgm^t of Statutes 15. - Instructor Clericalis in 7 parts 1.15. - Woods Institutes 2 vol 8vo 12. - Placita Generalia 5. - Tryals per pair 5. - Practical Register 6. - Law of Obligations & Conditions 3.6 - Reads Declarations 4. - Clerks Tutor 6. - Prasca Cancellaria 6. - Fitzherberts new Naturabrevium 6. - Brownlows Declarations 6. - Clerks Guide 3.6 - Melloy de Jure maritime 6. - Grounds of the Law 3. - Compleat Attorney 5. - Terms of the Law 5. - Finch's Law 3. - Doctor & Student 3. - Greenwood of Courts 3.6 - Law of Conveyances 3. - Practice of Chancery 5. - English Liberties 2. - Reports in Chancery 3. - Meriton 3. - Exact Constable 1. - Littletons Tenures 2. - Written Laws of Virginia 25. - --------- - L46. 7.6 - Woodbridge of Agriculture - The Compleat Angler - Salmons Dispensatory - The accomplished Cook - History of the Royal Society - - March y^e 4th 1730, I promise to deliver the above mentioned - books being fifty two in number to M^rJohn Mercer or his Order - on demand. - - Witness my hand the day & year abovewritten. - - Rob^t Beverley - Test John Chew Copy - - - - -APPENDIX F - -Credit side of Mercer's account with Nathaniel Chapman - -[From Ledger B. Nathaniel Chapman was Superintendent of the Accokeek -Iron Works.] - - - 1731 - - Sep 9 By Ball^[a.] bro^[t.] from fol 36 L . 2.4 - By 500 2^d Nails @ 2/5 p m . 2.5 - By 500 3^d D 3/ 3. - By 1^m 4^d D^o 4/ 4. - By 6^m 6^d D^o 5/ 10. - By 4^m 8^d D^o 7/9 1.11. - By 4^m 10^d D^o 9/6 1.18. - By 8^m 12^d D^o 12/ 1.16. - By 2^m 20^d D^o 14/ 1. 8. - By 1 handsaw file 5^d .5 - By 1 p^r mens wood - heel shooes 6/6 6.6 - By 1 half Curb - bridle 6/ 6. - By 1 halter 2/4 2.4 - By 1 boys hat 2/ 2. - 25 By 1 coll^d thread 3/ 3. - Oct 29 By 16 1-1/2 20^d } - Nailes }2000 20^d @ 1. 6. - By 27 1-1/2 24^d D^o } 13/ - By 2^m 8^d D^o 7/ 15.6 - By 4^m 10^d D^o 9/6 1.16. - By 5^m 12^d D^o 12/ 3. - January 1 By 1 p^r girls Shooes - By 4y^{ds} Cotton 2/4 9.4 - By 1 double Girth 2/ 2. - By 1 Garden hoe - By 2-1/2 y^{ds} Kersey 4/1-1/2 10.3-3/4 - By 1-1/2 y^{ds} Shalloone 1/9 2.7-1/2 - By my Ord^r in favour of W^m Holdbrook 4. 1.3-1/2 - By 2 hanks sowing Silk 9^d 1.6 - By Cash overpaid 1.2 - By 1-1/2 y^d Garlix N^o 24 2.5 - 10 By 1 Iron pot g^t 36^l-1/2 at 4^d 12.2 - By 1 bushel Salt 2.6 - By 1 new Axe 5. - By 1 p^r pothooks & wedges 16^l-1/2 at 8^d 11. - Feb. 7 By 1 plough & Swingle tree fitted - of w^{th} Iron 9.6 - By 5 narrow hoes 12.6 - By 2 grubbing hoes 10^l-1/2 at 8^d 7. - By 1 Ironwedge 4^l-1/2 at 8^d 3. - By 2 new horse Collars 8. - By 2 p^r Hames & Ironwork 1.6 - By 2 p^r Iron traces g^t 19^{lb} at 8^d 12.8 - By Iron door Latch 9 - By 1 Ironrake 1.6 - By 2 Heaters - By putting a leg in an old Iron pott - Mar By 17-1/2 double refin'd Sugar @ 16^d 1. 3. - By 100^l Sugar 35/& 3 gall^s Rum 7/6 2. 2.6 - - -------------- - L28.15.8-3/4 - - - - -APPENDIX G - -Overwharton Parish Account - -[From Ledger B] - - - ------------------------------------+--------------------------------- - | - Overwharton Parish Dr. | Contra - | - 1730 |1730 - March | March 15 - To a Book to keep the | By W^m Holdbrook's fine - Parish Register L1.11. | for Adultery L5 - To drawing Bonds between | By Ebenezer Moss's for - Blackburn & the | swearing & Sabbath - Churchwardens ab^t | breaking 1.15. - building the Church 1. | By Edward Franklyn's for - To fee v Moss 11.8 | swearing when reced 3. - Ballenger | - Cabnet | -------- - | L9.15. - | - 15 | - To 1/3 W^m Holdbrooks's | - fine 1.13.4 | - To 1/3 Eliz^a Bear's D^o | - To fee v Franklyn 1. | - To paid Burr Harrison by | - Ord^o Vestry 2.10. | - ------- | - L8.11 | - L1.4 | - ------- | - L9.15 | - 1732 |1732 - April | - To fee v Coulter L .15. | March 25 - | By Ball^a 1.4 - | By Eliz^a Ballengers fine - | for a bastard - | By Alice Jefferies' D^o - | By Ann Holt's D^o - - - - -APPENDIX H - -Colonists Identified by Mercer According to Occupation - -[From Ledger G] - - - William Hunter Merchant Fredericksburg - Jonathan Foward Merchant London - William Stevenson Merchant London - Robert Rae Merchant Falmouth - Robert Tucker Merchant Norfolk - David Minitree Bricklayer [Williamsburg] - Thomas Ross Merchant Alexandria - William Monday Carpenter - Abraham Basnett Oysterman - John Booth Weaver - John Pagan Merchant Fairfax - John Grigsby Smith Stafford - Francis Hogans Wheelwright Caroline - Doctor Spencer [Physician] Fredericksburg - William Threlkeld Weaver - Elliott Benger Loftmaster Gen'l. - William Brownley [Bromley] Joiner - Andrew Beaty Joiner - George Wythe Attorney-at-Law Williamsburg - William Jackson Wheelwright Stafford - James Griffin Carpenter - William Thomson Tailor Fredericksburg - Jacob Williams Plasterer - Joseph Burges Plasterer - Henry Threlkeld Merchant Quantico - Cavan Dulany Attorney-at-law [Prince William?] - Peter Murphy Sawyer - John Fitzpatrick Weaver - Cuthbert Sandys Merchant Fredericksburg - Henry Mitchell Merchant Occaquan - John Harnett Ship Carpenter Nanjemoy - John Graham Merchant Essex - Fielding Lewis Merchant Fredericksburg - Robert Duncanson Merchant Fredericksburg - John Fox Smith Fredericksburg - Robert Gilchrist Merchant Port Royal - Robert Jones Attorney-at-Law Surrey - [Jonathan] Sydenham & Hodgson Merchants King George - Watson & Cairnes Merchants Nansemond - William Prentis Merchant Williamsburg - William Mills Weaver Stafford - Thomas Barry Bricklayer - Edward Powers Shoemaker Caroline - Clement Rice Shoemaker King George - William Ramsay Merchant Fairfax - Andrew Sproul Merchant Norfolk - Richard Savage Merchant Falmouth - Charles Dick Merchant Fredericksburg - William Miller Horse Jockey Augusta - Charles Jones Tailor Williamsburg - Peter Scott Joiner Williamsburg - William Copen [Copein] Mason Prince William - John Blacke Gardener Marlborough - Richard Gamble Barber Williamsburg - Launcelot Walker Merchant - John Rider Waterman Maryland - John Proby Pilot Hampton - John Hyndman Merchant Williamsburg - James Craig Jeweler Williamsburg - Robert Crichton Merchant Williamsburg - John Simpson Wheelwright Fredericksburg - George Charleton Tailor Williamsburg - Hugh MacLane Tailor Stafford - William Kelly Attorney Prince William - Walter Darcy Harnessmaker - John Carlyle Merchant Fairfax - ---- Kirby Mason King George - - - - -APPENDIX I - -Materials Listed in Accounts with Hunter and Dick, Fredericksburg -Alphabetical Summary of Materials listed in Ledger G in Mercer's -accounts with William Hunter and Charles Dick, merchants of -Fredericksburg. Definitions are based on information in _A New Oxford -Dictionary_, Webster's _New International Dictionary_ (second edition, -unabridged), _Every Day Life in the Massachusetts_ Bay Colony, by George -F. Dow (Boston, 1935), and a series of articles by Hazel E. Cummin in -_Antiques_: vol. 38, pp. 23-25, 111-112; vol. 39, pp. 182-184; vol. 40, -pp. 153-154, 309-312. - - ALLAPINE: A mixed stuff of wool and silk, or mohair and cotton. - - BOMBAYS: Raw cotton. - - BOMBAZINE: A twilled or corded dress material of silk and worsted, - sometimes also of cotton and worsted, or of worsted alone. In - black, used for mourning. - - BROADCLOTH: A fine, smooth woolen cloth of double width. - - BUCKRAM: A kind of coarse linen or cotton fabric, stiffened with - gum or paste. Murray quotes Berkeley, _Alicphr_ ... (1832), "One of - our ladies ... stiffened with hoops and whalebone and buckram." - - CALAMANCO: A light-weight material of wool or mohair and wool, - sometimes figured or striped, sometimes dyed in clear, bright - colors, and calendered to a silky gloss to resemble satin. - - CALICO: Murray defers to Chambers' _Cyclopaedia_ definition (1753): - "An Indian stuff made of cotton, sometimes stained with gay and - beautiful colours ... Calicoes are of divers kinds, plain, printed, - painted, stain'd, dyed, chints, muslins, and the like." It is not - to be confused with the modern material of the same name. - - CAMBRIC: A fine white linen or cotton fabric, much used for - handkerchiefs and shirts, originally made at Cambray in Flanders. - - CAMLET: A class of fine-grained material of worsted or mohair and - silk, sometimes figured, sometimes "watered." _Moreen_ is one of - its subtypes. - - CHECK: Any checked, woven or printed, material. - - DUFFEL: A woven cloth with a thick nap, synonymous with _shag_. - Made originally at Duffel, near Antwerp. In a passage quoted by - Murray, Defoe (_A Tour of Great Britain_) mentions its manufacture - at Witney, "a Yard and three quarters wide, which are carried to - New England and Virginia." - - FRIEZE: A coarse woolen cloth with a nap on one side. - - GARLIX: Linen made in Gorlitz, Silesia, in several shades of - blue-white and brown. - - HOLLAND: A linen material, sometimes glazed, first made in Holland. - - KERSEY (often spelled "Cresoy" by Mercer): A coarse, long-fiber - woolen cloth, usually ribbed, used for stockings, caps, etc. - - SHALLOON: A closely woven woolen material used for linings. - - PRUNELLA: A stout, smooth material, used for clergymen's gowns, and - later for the uppers of women's shoes. - - TAMMY: A plain-woven worsted material, with open weave. Used plain, - it served for flour bolts, soup and milk strainers, and sieves. - Dyed and glazed, and sometimes quilted, it was used for curtains, - petticoat linings, and coverlets. - - TARTAN: Woolen cloth woven in Scotch plaids. - -In addition to these fabrics, there are listed "China Taffety," -"Silv^r Vellum," "worsted," "Pomerania Linnen," "Russia Bedtick," -"Irish linnen," "1 yd. India Persian," "worsted Damask," "Mechlin lace" -(a costly Belgian pillow lace, of which Mercer purchased nine yards of -"No. 3" at five shillings, and eight yards of "N^o 4" at six -shillings), "sprig Linnen," and "6 silk laces at 4-1/2." - -For trimming and finishing, one finds white thread, black thread, nun's -thread, brown thread, blue thread, red thread, colored thread (all -bought by the pound), gingham and hair buttons, "gold gimp ribband," -"pair Womens buckles," fringe, coat buttons, vest buttons, scarlet -buttons, silver coat buttons, shirt buttons, "mettle" vest buttons, -"fine" shirt buttons, "course" shirt buttons, "Card sleeve buttons," -silver sleeve buttons, and cording. There were several purchases of -haircloth, used principally in stiffening lapels and other parts of -men's clothing, but used also for towels, tents, and for drying malt and -hops. - - - - -APPENDIX J - -Account of George Mercer's Expenses while Attending the College of -William and Mary - -[From Ledger G] - - - Son's Maintenance at Williamsburg, Dr. - - 1750 - April 5 - To Cash L 1. 7.6 - To D^o p^d M^r. Robinson for Entranc L4.12. - M^r. Graeme D^o 4.12. - M^r. Preston D^o 4. 6. 8 - M^r. Davenport D^o 1.12. 6 - Housekeeper 3.10. - for Candles 15.10 - for Pocket money 3. 6. 4 22.15.4 - -------- - To Cash p^d for Lottery Tickets 7.10.6 - To D^o p^d for washing 1. 1. - To M^r Dering for Board 5. - To Peter Scott for mending a Table 2.6 - To Housekeeping at Williamsburg for sundrys Viz - A Featherbed & furniture L8. - A Desk 1. 1. 6 - An oval Table 1. 1. - 3 Chairs 7/ 1. 1. 11. 3.6 - --------- -------- - July - To General Charges for sundrys Viz - To Cash p^d M^r Preston as advanced for - George L2. 3 - to George 2. 3 - to the Usher 1.11. 3 5.17.3 - --------- - - August - To Cash p^d the Nurse attending J^{no} - & Ja^s L2. 3. - to John & James 1. 1. 6 3. 4.6 - --------- - - To W^m Thomson for Taylors work 3.10.6 - Septemb^r - To Cash to George 1. 1.6 - October - To D^o to D^o to John James & Nurse 6. 9. - To John Holt for sundrys 4. 5.7-1/2 - To James Cocke for D^o 1.15.9 - To Covington the dancing master 2. 3. - To James Power for Cash to George 2.3 - To William Prentis for sundrys 18. 1.3-1/2 - To Rich^d Gamble for two wigs & shaving 5. 7.3 - To Books for sundrys 22. 4.7-1/2 - To W^m Thomson for Taylors work 1. 9.6 - -------------- - L126.13.1-1/2 - - - - -APPENDIX K - -John Mercer's Library - -[From Ledger G] - -"The prices are the first Cost in Sterling money exclusive of -Commission, Shipping or other Charges." - - Sterling - LAW BOOKS - - _Abridgments_ - Cases in Equity abridged L 18. - Danvers's Abridgment 3 vol 3.10. - Viner's Abridgment 6 vol 8. 8. - Davenport's Abridgm^t of Coke on Littleton 2. - Hughes's Abridgm^t 2 vol 10. - Ireland's Abridgm^t of Dyer's Reports 2. - Rolle's Abridgm^t interleaved 2 vol 5. - Salmon's Abridgm^t of the State trials 1.15. - Statutes abridged by Cay 2 vol 2.10. - State trials abridged 1 vol 5.6 - Virginia Laws Abridged 8. - - _Conveyancing_ - Ars Clericalis 1 vol 4.6 - Compleat Conveyancer 5. - Clerk's Guide 5. - Clerk & Scriveners Guide 8. - Herne's Law of Conveyances 2. - Lawyer's Library 3.6 - West's Symboleography 5. - - _Courts & Courtkeeping_ - Attorneys Practise in C B 6. - Attorney's Practise in B R 2 vol 12. - Coke's Institutes 4^{th} Part 15. - RK Crown Circuit Companion 6. - History of the Chancery 2.6 - AR Practise in Chancery 2 vol 7. - Practick Part of the Law 6. - GI Rules of Practise commonplaced 4. - Practise of Chancery 1672 1.6 - AR Harrison's Chancery Practiser 6. - - _Crown_ - Coke's Institutes 3rd Part 15. - Hale's History of the Pleas of the Crown 2.10. - 2 vol/ - Hawkins Pleas of the Crown 1.10. - Hale's Continuation of the Crown Laws 2.6 - Sutton de Pace Regis 5. - - _Dictionaries_ - Consell's Interpreter 10. - Jacobus's Law Dictionary 1. 8. - Law French Dictionary 6. - RI Students Law Dictionary 5. - AR Term's de la Loy 5. - - _Entries_ - Aston's 3. - TA Brown Lows' Declarations 12. - AR Bohun's Declarations 6. - Brown's modus intrandi, 2 vol 12. - Clift's 1.10. - Coke's 1. 1. - Lilly's 1. 5. - Mallory's Quarer Impedit 17. - Placila generalia & specialia 3. - Rastallo 1. 1. - Robinson's 10. - Read's Declarations 3. - Vidiano 10. - Thompson's 1. - _Justices of Peace_ - Justicio vade mecum 2. - Keble's Assistant to Justices 5. - Manual for Justices 1641 2. - - _Maxims_ - Doctor & Student 3.6 - Finch's Law 4. - Francis's Maxims of Equity 8. - Hale's History & Analysis of the Laws 6. - Hale's Hereditary Descants 1.6 - Hawks's Grounds of the Laws of England 3. - Perkins's Laws 2.6 - Treatise of Equity 8.6 - Woods Institutes of the Laws of England 1. 5. - - _Miscellanies_ - Booth's Real Actions 8. - GI Baron & ferne 6. - Billinghurst of Bankrupts 1.6 - Britton 5. - Brown of fines & Recoveries 5. - Coke's Institutes. Comments on Littleton - Part 2 3. - GI Cane's English Liberties 2. - GI Curson's Laws of Estates tail 4.6 - Domat's Civil Law 2 vol 2. 0. - Dugdale's Origine's Judiciales 2. - Duncomb's Trials perpais 6. - Ejectments, Law of 5. - GI Errors, Law of 6. - GI Everyman his own Lawyer 5. - Evidence, Laws of 6. - GI Jacoba's Lex Mercatoria 5. - GI Jus or Law of Masters & Servants 3. - Landlord's Laws 3. - GI Law Quibbles 4.6 - Laws of Liberty & Property 2. - March's Actions for Slander & Arbitrations 4. - Molloy de jura maritimi & navali 7. - GI Obligations Laws of 5. - Sea Laws 12. - GI Treatise of Trover & Conversion 2. - GI Trespasses (Law of) Vi & armis 6. - Virginia Laws Purvis's 12. - Virginia Laws by Parks 2 Vol 2. - Uses & Trials (Law of) 6. - GI Usury (Law of) 2.6 - Freeholders Companion 5. - Turnbull's System of the Civil Law 2 vol 12. - Jacobs's Collection of Steads for commonplaces 1.6 - Chronica Iuridicialia abridged 4. - Naval Trade 2 vol. 10. - GI Law & Lawyers laid open 2.6 - Freeholders Companion 5. - Law of Devises & Revocations 3.6 - Piffendorf's Law of Nature & Nations 1. 8. - Views of Civil & Ecclesiastical Law 2.6 - Study & Body of the Law 3. - Treatise of Bills of Exchange 2.6 - - _Parliament_ - Cases in Parliament 16. - Hunt's Postscript 4. - - _Readings_ - Alleyne's 9. - Anderson's 1.15. - Barnardiston's 1. 1. - Bentses & Dalison's 10. - Bridgman's 18. - Bulstrode's 4. 4. - Brownlow's & Goldenborough's 7. - Carter's 8. - Carthero's 1. 2. - Cases in Chancery 3 P^{ts} 1.10. - Cases in B R & B C from 2^d W^m 12 Mod 1.10. - Cases in Law & Equity by Macclesfield 10 Mod 1. 4. - Coke's 11 Parts 15. - 12 & 13 Parts 7. - Comberbach's 17. - Croke's 3 vol 2.12.6 - Cary's 3. - Clayton's 3.6 - Davis's 11. - Dyer's 1.11.6 - Farraday's 7 Mod 9. - FitzGibbons's 14. - Gilbert's Rep^{ts} in Equity & Excheq^r 15. - Godbolt's 1. 1. - Hardres's 2.10. - Hetley's 10. - Hobart's 16. - Holt's 1.10. - Hutton's 13. - Jenkins's Centuries 16. - Jones's (D^r. W^m.) 2. 5. - Jones's (Tho^s.) 15. - Keble's 3 vol 1.15. - Keilway's 14. - Keylings 9. - Lane's 16. - Latch's 8. - Leonard's 4. 4. - Loving's 3 Parts 2 vol 2. . - Ley's 7. - Lilly's 9. - Littleton's 11. - Lutneyche's 2 vol 4. 4. - Modern Cases in Law & Equity 8 & 9 Mod 1. 4. - Modern Reports 6 vol 5. 5. - Moore's 18. - Marsh's 3. - Noy's 16. - Owens 16. - Palmer's 12. - Plowden's 2. 5. - Pollersten's 2. 2. - Popham's 14. - Precedents in Chancery 1. 5. - Raymond's (D^r. Tho^s.) 2.10. - Reports in Chancery in Finch's time 16. - Rolles' Reports 2.10. - Reports in Chancery 4 vol 15. - Salkeld's 3 vol 2.16. - Savile's 6. - Saunders's 1. 7.6 - Sherver's 2 vol 2. - Select Cases in Can S. in Ld. King's time . 8. - Siderfin's 2. - Skinner's 1.10. - Styles's 1.10. - Talbot's Cases in Equity 15. - Tothill's Transactions in Chancery 1.6 - Vaughan's 2.10. - Ventris's 1.15. - Vernon's 2 vol 2. 5. - Wynch's 16. - William's 2 vol 2.16. - Year Books 9 vol 3. 7.6 - Yelverton's 5. - Zouch's Cases in the Civil Law 2.6 - Cases in Chan & B R in Ld Hardwick's time 12. - Special & Select Law Cases 1641 6. - - _Sheriffs_ - Treatise of Replevins 3. - - _Statutes_ - Keble's Statutes 2.10. - Statutes concerning Bankrupts 2.6 - - _Tables_ - Index to the Reports 12. - Repertorium Iuridicum 2. - - _Tithes & Laws of the Clergy_ - Hughes's Parson's Law 1.6 - - _Wills Ex^{rs} &c_ - Godolphin's Orphan's Legacy 12. - Meriton's Touchstone of Wills 1.6 - AR Nelson's Lex Testimentaria 7. - GI Swinburne of last Wills 6. - Wentworth's Office of Executors 2. - - _Writs_ - AR Bohun's English Lawyer 5. - Fitzherbert with Hale's Notes 16. - Fitzherbert's Natura Brevium 6. - Registrum Brevium 1. 1. - - _Omitted_ - Laws of Maryland 1. - Statutes of Excise 1.6 - - - OTHER BOOKS - - _Arts & Sciences_ - Alian's Tacticks of War 8. - Smith's Distilling & Fermentation 5. - Weston's Treatise of Shorthand 1. 1. - Weston's Shorthand Copybook 4. - - _Classicks_ - - {Greek Grammar 2.6 - GM {Greek Testament 3.6 - Martial 2.6 - - _Dictionaries_ - Colgrave's French Dictionary 15. - Salmon's Family Dict. 6. - Bailey's English Diet 7. - GM Schrevelii Lexicon 7.6 - Echard's Gazetteer's Interpreter 3.6 - Cole's English Dictionary 2.6 - - _Divinity_ - Tillotson's Sermons 3 vol 2.10. - Bibles trua 1.10. - Leigh of Religion & Learning 10. - Stillingfleck's Origines Sacra 1. - Life of King David 6. - Newton on Daniel 3. - The Sum of Christian Religion 10. - Weeks Preparation 2.6 - Whole Duty of Man 2.6 - The Sacrament explained 2. - The Country Parson's Advice 1.6 - Addy's Shorthand Bible .10. - Atterbury Lewis's Sermons 2 vol 10.6 - Atterbury Francis's Sermons 4 vol 1. 2. - South's Sermons 6 vol 1.12.6 - AS Warburton's divine Legation of Moses 2 vol 16.6 - Revelation examin'd with Candour 2 vol 9.6 - Scott's Christian Life 1. - - _History_ - Universal History 4 vol 9.11.6 - Rushworth's Collections 8 vol 8.16. - Rapin's History of England 2 vol 2.10. - Keating's History of Ireland 1. 1. - Burnet's History of his own Times 2 vol 2.10. - Purchas's Pilgrimage 1. - Cop's History of Ireland 2 vol 2.10. - History of Europe 13 vol at 5/ 3. 5. - Historical Register 26 vol at 3/ 3.18. - Antiquitatum variarum Auctores 2.6 - History of the Turks 4^{th} vol 4.6 - Jeffery of Monmouth 4. - Burnet's History 3 vol 9. - Bladen's Caesar's Commentaries 4.6 - History of the Fifth General Council 12. - Machiavel's History of Florence 4. - Roman History Echard's 5^{th} vol 4. - Lehontan's Voyages 2^d vol 4. - Description of the 17 Provinces 2. - The English Acquisitions in Guinea &c 2. - Burnet's Travels 1.6 - Heylyn's Help to English History 3.6 - History of Spain 1.6 - Catholick History 2. - History of Virginia 2.6 - DuStalde's History of China 4 vol 1. - - _Husbandry & Gardening_ - Quintinye's Gardener 1. - Woodbridge of Agriculture 8. - Evelyn's Sylvia 12. - Houghton's Husbandry 4 vol 1. 2. - Bradley's Husbandry 3 vol 15. - Gardening 2 vol 6. - new Improvements 6. - ancient husbandry 4. - practical Discourses 8. - Farmer's Director 2.6 - Ladies Director 2.6 - Hop Garden 1.6 - Dictionarium Rusticum 6. - CD Monarchy of the Bees 1.6 - A Discourse of Sallets 1. - Pocket Farrier 1. - Miscellanies of the Dublin Society 5. - {Spectator 8 vol 1. - GM {Tatler 4 vol 10. - {Addison's Works 4 vol 10. - {Guardian 2 vol 5. - Pope's Letters 2 vol 5. - Present State of Great Britain 6. - Persian Letters 2 vol 5. - Sedley's Works 1 vol 5. - Carson's Lucubrations 2. - Acc^t of Society for Reformation of Manners 2.6 - Aristarchus Anti Bentlianus 2. - Dissertation on the Thebaan Legion 2.6 - Secret History of Whitehall 2. - The Western Martyrology 2.6 - GM Memoria Technica 2.6 - Erasmus's Praise of Folly 2.6 - Turkish Spy 5 & 6 vol 4. - Tom Brown's Letters from the Dead to the Living 2.6 - The Intelligencer 2.6 - Rone's Lives 4. - The Dublin Almanack 1. - Maxims & Reflections on Plays 2. - Report about Silver Coins 1.6 - Essay for Amendment of them 2. - Feltham's Resolves 4. - The Minister of State 6. - Treatise of Honour 5. - Lyropadia 6. - Hutchinson on Virtue 4. - T. Scott on the Passions 2. - Lansdowne's Works 3 vol 7.6 - Works of the Learned 13 vol 4.11. - Boyle's Adventures 3. - Leisure Hours Amusement 3. - - _News & Politicks_ - London Magazine 11 vol 3.17. - Gentlemen's Magazine 4 vol 1. 6. - The Britton 2.6 - Common Sense 2 vol 6. - The Freeholder 2.6 - The Craftsman 6 vol 18. - Pues Occurrences 5. - The True Britton 2 vol 12. - - _Philosophy & Mathematicks_ - Rarities of Gresham Colledge 16. - Bacon's natural History 10. - Physiologia 12. - - GF Derham's Physico Theology 5. - Astro Theology 4. - Sturmy's Mariners Magazine 14. - Gordon's Cosmography 5. - Geography 5. - Ozanam's Mathematical Recreations 5. - Atkinson's Epitome of Navigation 5. - General Steads for natural History 1.6 - Seaman's Calendar - RI Newton's Opticks 6. - Keill's Astronomy 6. - Baker's Microscope 5.6 - Mathew's Invenitis 3 vol 15. - - _Physick & Surgery_ - - JM Salmon's Herbal 2 vol 2.12. - {Dispensatory 6. - JM {Synopsis Medicina 8. - {Ars Chirurgica 8. - {Medicina Practica 6. - JM Beerhaave's Method of the dying Physic 4. - JM Sydehamii Opuscula 4. - JM Wiseman's Surgery 2 vol 10. - JM Sanctorius's Aphorisms 5. - Quiney's Dispensatory 6.6 - JM Strother on Sickness & Health 3.6 - JM on Causes & Cures 2.6 - JM Criticon Febrium 2.6 - Shaw's Practises of Physick 2 vol 10. - Arbuthnot of Aliment 3.6 - JM London Dispensatory 3.6 - AS Andrey on Worms 4. - JM Friends Emmencologia 3. - JM Pitcarn's Dissertationes 6. - JM Friends' Praelectioned Chymica 2.6 - AS Short's Dissertation on Coffee & Tea 2.6 - JM Robinson Consumptions 5.6 - JM Drake's Anatomy 2 vol 10. - JM History of Physic 2 vol 8. - JM Mead on Poysons 4. - - _Plays & Poetry_ - - Killigrew's Plays 10. - Ignoramus Latin & English 3.6 - Shakespears Plays 8 vol 1. 5. - Ben Johnsons Works 10. - Wycherley's Plays 5. - Blackmore's Elize 8. - DuBartas's Works 12. - Prior's Works 3. - Pope's Works 9 vol 1. 5. - GM Homers Iliad 6 vol 15. - Homers Odyssey 5 vol 12.6 - Savage's Poems 2.6 - GM Thomsons Seasons 2.6 - Rochesters Poems 2^d vol 3. - Caroley's Works 3 vol 9. - Lauderdale's Virgil 2 vol 5. - Theocritus 1.6 - Broome's Poems 3.6 - Ovid's Art of Love 3. - Creech's Lucretius 2 vol 8. - Barbers Poems 5. - Wallace 2. - Sandys' Paraphrase on the divine Poems 6. - - _Trade_ - Roberts's Map of Commerce 1. - Davenant on Trade & Plantations 2 vol 8. - - _Omitted_ - - GB Annesley's Trial 5.6 - Speeches at Atterbury's Trial 5. - Ladies Physical Directory 2.6 - Calvins Sermons 2.6 - Nunnery Tales 4. - Wingate's Arithmetick 4. - Lloyd's Consent of time 7.6 - Memoirs of secret Service 2.6 - Views of France 2. - Account of the Treaty of Uxbridge 2.6 - May's Cookery 3. - The Triumphs of Peace 1.6 - S^r. Walter Raleigh of a War with Spain 2.6 - The Romish Horseleech 2.6 - Conjectura Cabbalistica 2. - Miscellanies by Swift & Pope 4 vol 3. - The Syren 4. - The Musical Miscellany 6 vol 18. - -[The following are evidently subsequent additions to the library, which -seems thus far to have been cataloged before 1746. The following books -listed are referred to the accounts on which they were purchased.] - - 1746 - - April To Maj^r. John Champe for sundrys viz. - Viner's Abridgment 4 vol L5.16. - Ld. Raymond's Reports 2 vol 3. - Freeman's Reports 1.15. - Lilly's Conveyancer 1.15. - Comyn's Reports 1.10. - Dalton's Officium Vicic 1. 2. - Swinburne [18th-century author] of Wills 1. - Herne's Pleader 19. - Petyt's Ius Parliamentarium. 18. - Tremaine's Pleas of the Crown 15. - Wood's Institutes of the Civil Law 13. - Trott's Plantation Laws 12. - Reports B R 4, 5, 6, 7, & 8 Ann 12. - Duke's Law of Charitable Uses 10. - GI Abridg^t State Tryals 9 vol 1.16. - AR Practising Attorney 2 vol 9. - GI Naval Trade 2 vol 9. - AR Attorney & Pleaders' Treasury 2 vol 10. - Compleat Sheriff 5.6 - Orders of the Court of Chancery 5.6 - GI Law of Testaments & Last Wills 5.6 - Ex^{rs}. & Adm^{rs} 5. - Trespasses 5. - Merchants 5. - GI Awards 4.6 - Ejectments 4.6 - GI Actions upon the Cse 4.6 - Tenures 4.6 - Errors 4. - Trials in high Treason 4. - Mortgages 4. - Covenants 4. - GI Executions 4. - Estates Tail 3.6 - GI Securities 3.6 - Infants 3.6 - Last Wills 3.6 - Obligations 3. - Master & Servant 3. - GI Landlords 2.8 - Actions 2.6 - Inheritances 2.6 - Pledges 2.6 - Bastardy 1.6 - Non compos 1.6 - Trover & Conversion 1.6 - Appeals 2. - GI Select Trials at the Old Baily 4 vol 11. - New Retorna Brevium 4.6 - Bacon's Law Tracts 4.6 - History & Practise of Common Pleas 4. - Doctrina placitandi 4. - AR Wentworth's Office of Ex^{rs} 4. - Notes of Cses in C B in points of Practise 4. - Treasures of Ireland 3.6 - English Liberties 3.6 - Treatise of Frauds 2.6 - Book of Oaths 2.6 - Blunt's Fragments Antiquitatis 2.6 - Woman's Lawyer 2. - Judgments in C B & B R 2. - Essay for regulating the Laws 2. - Philips's Grandeur of the Laws 2. - Special Law Cases 1.6 - Bellew's Cases from Statham 1.6 - Lawyer's Light 1.6 - Ius Tratrum 1. - Critica Iuris Genissa 1. - Bibliotheca Legum 1. - Chambers's Dictionary 2 vol 4. 4. - Milton's Works 2 vol 2. 2. - Universal History 5^{th}. 39/ 6^{th} 44 - 7^{th} 57 6. 7.6 - Arbuthnot's Tables 16. - History of Europe 5 vol 15. - Grays Hudibras 2 vol 13. - History of Peter the Great 3 vol 13. - Nature displayed 4 vol 12. - Treatise of Money & Exchanges 10.6 - English Compendium 2 vol 10.6 - Irish & Scotch each 7.6 15. - London Magazine for 1743 & 1744 13.2 - Present State of Great Britain 5.6 - GF Dycke's Dictionary 5.6 - Blandy's Tables 4.6 - Geography reformed 3.6 - Hewit's Tables 1.8 - Trunk Matt & Cord 14. - --------- - 53.13.6 - - - Sterling Curr^t - Entry 2/ Cartage 1/ - Searchers 1/ - Shipping & Warfage 2/6 - Waterage 2/6 Gill Lad 6^d . 9.6 - Commission at 2 pr Cent 1. 1.10 - Freight & Primage - 2-1/2 p^r Cent 1. 7.7-1/4 - Insurance Policy & - 1/2 p^r Cent - Commission to pay 98 - in case of Loss 11. 6.6-3/4 67.18. - - November - To M^r William Jordan for Sundrys Viz - Broughton's Dictionary 2 vol fol - L1. 5. - WW Grey's Hudibras 2 - 11. 6 - Modern Husbandman 3 - 13. - GM Rollins Belles Lettres 2 sets 4 - 1. 1. - Pamela 4 - 8. 8 - David Simple 1 - 2. 2 - Joseph Andrews 2. 2 - {Harskey's Virgil 2. 8-1/2 - GM { Terence 2. 8-1/2 - { Horace 2. 8-1/2 - Epistle on drinking 5-1/2 - Pleasures of Imagination 11 - Swift's Sermons 5-l/2 - Bulingbroke's Remarks 2. 4 - GM Rollins Ancient History 13 vol 2. 5. 6 - Irish Historical Library 3. 7. 4.3-1/2 9.11. - ---------- - 1747 - April - To Cash pd for 2 of Stith's - Histories of Virg^a 1. 1. 8 - Debates in Parliament 21 3.18. - A Common prayer book 10. 5. 9. 8 - ---------- - GM To William Parks for - Ainsworth's Dictionary 2.10. - Memoirs of Pope's Life &c 12. 6 3. 2. 6 - ---------- - To Doctor McKenzie for the - History of London 3.14. 3 - CD Lives of the Admirals - 4 vol 2. 2. 3 5.16. 6 - IP To M^r Jordan for 20 vol - Universal History 7.14. - - October - IS To Doctor McKenzie for - Costlogon's 2 vol D^o 8. 1. 4 - {To Cash paid for Bustorf's - Herbron Lexicon .13. - GM{ Heereboord's Burgersdicius 4. - - March - To Mrs. Grace Mercer for sundrys Viz - {Clark's Romer 2 vol .13. - {Murphy's Leucian. Lucian 3. 6 - {Robertson's Lexicon 1. - {Passons Lexicon 3. 6 - GM {Trapp's Virgil 3 vol 9. - {Kennet's Antiquities . 5. - {Potter's Antiquities 2 vol 10.10 - {Salust Minellii 2. 6 - {Rowe's Salust 2. 2 - {Brown's Roman History 2. 2 - Ainsworth's Dictionary 1. 7. - {Geographia Classica 4. 6 - {Button's Introduction 2. 8-1/2 - GM {Erhard's Terence 2. 6 - {Plutarch's Lives 8 vol 2. - {Francis's Horace 4 vol 13. - Gay's Tables 2. 2 - GB Tom Brown's Works 4 vol 13. - PS Delaney's Sermons 3. 3 - Subscription to Shakespear 10.10 9.10. 7-1/2 - --------- - To D^o for Residue of - Subscription to Shakespear 10.10 - To Sydenham & Hdgson for sundrys Viz - AM Conduct of the Dutchess - of Marlborough 4. - The other side of the - Question 5. - Practise of the Ecclesiastical - Courts 3. 6 - IR Motts Geography 2 vol. fol. maps - bound 4.14. - Continuation of Rapin 3 vol - fol 5.10. - Salmon's modern History 3 vol - 4^o 3. 3. - {Hoppnes Architecture 4^o 10. - {Salmon's Palladio Londonensis - 4^o 7. - WB {Palladio's Architecture 4^o 4. - {Langley's City & Country - Builder 14. - London Magazine 1745, 6, 7 19. 6 - Winer's Abridgment 3 vol fol 4.10. - Milton's Political Works 2 vol - fol 2. 6. - A Box 2. 6 - ---------- - L23.11. 6 - - Commission Insurance &c - 26 pc^t 6. 2. 7 - Exchange at 40 pc^t 11.17. 7-1/2 41.11. 8-1/2 - - To William Jordan for sundrys Viz - {London Magazine - 1745, 6. 7. 8 1.12. 6 - not {Salmon's Gazetteer 3. 6 - [?] { Chronology 10. - recd {A large Map of the World 2. 6 - ---------- - 1749 - Oct. - To Nath Walthoe for the Harleian - Miscellany 8 vol 6. 6. - To D^o for Guthrie's History of - England in Sheets 4. 4. - To Cash for Popple's Maps 1.11. 3 - - 1750 - May - To W^m Parks for sundrys 7.19 - Aug - To Lyonel Lyde for sundrys - L49.8 sterl^g 26 pC^t 49. 8 - ------------------------------- - 439. 7. 9 91.13.11-1/2 - 25 pC^t 109.16.11-1/4 549. 4. 8-1/4 - ------------------------------- - 640.18. 7-3/4 - - 1746 [Currency] - Feb. - By Gabriel Jones for sundrys marked GJ 13.19. 8 - - 1749 - May - By W^m Walker for Grey's Hudibras 16. 1 - - 1750 - May - By John Sutherland for Coeltagon's - Dictionary 8. 1. 4 - June - By George Mason for Rollins belles - Letters 15. 23.12. 1 - ------------------------------- - L617. 6. 6-3/4 - - 1750 - April - To W^m Parks for sundrys Viz - Noblemens Seats by Kip (38) L1. 2. 6 - Johnson's Lives of Highwaymen &c 1. 2. 6 - Willis's Survey of the Cathedrals - 3 vol 1.19. - Select Plays 16 vol 3. 3. - 8 Views of Scotland 12. - - Aug^t - To Lyonel Lyde for sundrys bo^t of Osborn Viz - Universal History 20 vol gilt L9. 8. 6 - Merian of Insects 2.10. 9 - Gallia et Helvatia Urbes 1.16. 3 - Theatrum Urbium Germanis 2 vol 4.11. 4 - Noblemen's Seats by Kip (80) 1.16. 3 - Churches Palaces & Gardens in - France 5. 1. 6 - Pozzo's Perspective 1.16. 3 - Perrier's Statues 2. 5. 8 - 100 Views of Brabant & Flanders 1.10. 6 - 150 Prints of Ovid's Metamorphosis 1.10. 6 - Cases in Parliament 8 vol 18. 5. 5 - Father Paul's History 15. 3 51. 8. 2 - - To D^o for sundrys bo^t of George Strahan - AR Ld Raymond's Reports 2 vol 4. 7 - Barnardiston's Reports in BA 2 vol 2.18 - IP Freeman's Reports 2.12. 2 - AR Comyns's Reports 2. 3. 6 - Viners Abridgment 14^{th} vol 2. 3. 6 - AR Barnardiston's Reports in Canc^[Symbol] 1.12. - Fortescues Reports 1. 9. - AR Talbot's Reports 1. 1. 9 - AR Shoner's Cases in Parliament 18.10 - Goldesborough's Reports 5. - Catalogue of Law Books 2. 2 19.12.11 - To M^{rs} Grace Mercer for sundrys Viz - GM Preceptor 2 vol L .13. - County of Waterford 8. 3 - County of Devon 7. 3 - Life of King David 7. - Lives of the Popes 1^{st} vol 5. 3 - Delany's Sermons 4. 9 - Practise of Farming 3. 9 - Practical farmer 2 parts 2. - Dublin Societies Letters 3. 3 - AM Hervey's Meditations 3. 3 - London Brewer 1. 8 - Hops 8 - Bees 8 - Grass Seeds 8 - Flax 5 - Saffron 4 - Woollen Manufacture 4 3. 2. 7 - ----------- - To Cash as paid for sundrys Viz - Catalogue of Plants L 10. 6 - Political View 2. - History of Amphitheatres 4. - Northern Memoirs 2. 6 - Life of Oliver Cromwell 3. - The Fool 6. - The Citizen 2. - Greaves's Origin of Weights &c 2. 6 - Steele's Romish History 1. 3 - D^r Henry Wooten's Pieces 1. 3 - Account of Naval Victories 1. 3 - Tennent's Physical Enquiries 1. - D^r Ratcliffe's Life 6 - Extract of Cheyney's Life & Writings 1. 3 - History of Nadir Cha 1. 3 - Court Register 1. 6 - Description of the microscope Ec 6 - Richmond Rarities 1. 3 2. 3. 6 - ----------- - - To John Mitchelson for sundrys Viz - Life of the Duke of Argyle 7. 6 - Parnell's Poems 4. 6 - Young's Night Thoughts 5. 3 - Farquhar's Works 2 vol 10. 6 - Fenton's Poems 4. 6 - Devil on Crutches 2 vol 7. 6 - History of the Royal Family 4. 6 - GM 2 Fer's Geography 9. - Hughes's History of Barbadoes 1.15. 4. 8. 3 - --------------------------- - 706. .11-3/4 - -1750 By Sons for the following Books - Thomson's Travels 4 vol 15. - Thomson's Seasons 3. 1-1/2 - Pope's Homer 6 vol 18. 9 - Rollins Ancient History 13 vol 2.17. - Trap's Virgil 3 vol 11. 3 - Echard's Terence 3. 1-1/2 - Ainsworth's Dictionary 2.10. - Spectator 8 1. 5. - Tatler 4 12. 6 - Addison's Works 4 12. 6 - Guardian 2 6. 3 - Rollins Belles Lettres 4 13. 1-1/2 - Hankey's Virgil 3. 4 - Terence 3. 4 - Horace 3. 4 - Buxtorp's Hebrew Lexicon 13. - Heerebord's Burgersdicius 4. - Clark's Homer 2 vol 16. 3 - Murphy's Lucian 4. 4-1/2 - Robertson's Lexicon 1. 5. - Passor's Lexicon 4. 4-1/2 - Kennet's Antiquities 6. 3 - Potter's Antiquities 2 vol 13. 6 - Salust Minellii 3. 1-1/2 - Rowe's Salust 2. 8-1/2 - Brown's Roman History 2. 8-1/2 - Geographica Classica 5. 7-1/2 - Button's Introduction 3. 4 - Plutarch's Lives 8 vol 2.10. - Francis's Horace 4 16. 3 - Greek Grammar 3. 1-1/2 - Greek Testament 4. 4-1/2 - Schrevelii Lexicon 9. 4-1/2 - Memoria Technica 3. 1-1/2 21. 8. 1-1/2 - ------------- - By Gerard Fowke for Dycke's Dictionary 11. - By Sons for the Preceptor 2 vol 13. 6 - Fer's Geography 3. 16. 6 - ------------- - By Profit & Loss for Freeman's Reports L2.12. 2 - Universal History 20 vol 7.14. 10. 6. 2 - ------------- - By Robert Roseby by his Bro. Alexander - Ld. Raymond's Reports 2 vol L4.10. - Comyns Reports 2. 5. - Barnardiston's Reports in Cane 1.13. - Talbot's Reports 1. 2. 6 - Shower's Cases in Parliament 19. 6 10.10. - ------------- - 662. 9. 2-1/4 - --------------- - L706. .11-3/4 - - - - -APPENDIX L - -Botanical Record and Prevailing Temperatures - - Dates when flowers, trees, and plants bloomed in 1767, with - temperatures, extracted from John Mercer's journal, in back of - Ledger B - - - _Temp._ - March - 21 46-63 Daffodil - Hyacinths 6 - Violet - Narcissous - 22 60-69 Almond - Apricot - 24 37-47 Plum sm^l - 30 45-48 May Cherry - Cucumber hotbed - 31 44-52 Beans - Pease - - April - 1 47-48 Dwarf Iris - 2 41-52 Peach - Hyacinth s d 10 - D^od 5 - Cowslips - 3 44-50 rain all night & morn - 6 44-46 D^o all night & day - 7 44-50 Cherry y & b D^o all night - Plum Comm. - Wild currant - 9 48-32 Peach d bl - Asparagus - Radishes - Crown Imperial - 12 44-54 Tulip early - 13 54-62 Pear - Wall flower - 15 48-53 Frittillary rain all night - 16 46-60 Green Sagia - 17 48-55 Prickson - 18 48-60 Columbine - Tulips - Strawberry - 20 34-60 Lilac - Catchfly Julia - - April - 22 46-51 Jonquil - 24 46-62 Formantil - 26 70-78 Syringa - Persian Lilac - Honeysuckle Virg^a - Hyacinth dw ... purp. - 28 60-65 Iris la^r blue - Narcissus w. - 30 64-70 Parrot Tulip - - May - 1 54-60 Rose - 3 53-57 Mourn^g bride rain in the night - Peony w^t - Hyacinth dou. bl. - 4 55-63 Purple Stocks D^o in the night & morn. - 5 59-66 White D^o - 6 54-67 Agerolis - Peony red - 7 60-72 Honeysuckle - 8 59-72 Spiderwort - Horsechestnut - Snow drop - 9 59-65 Yellow Lilly - Borage - 10 59-65 Fraxinella - 11 66-68 Yellow s Rose - Fringe tree - 12 64-68 Grass pinks - 13 63-70 Annual stock - 14 65-72 Madeira Iris - Sweet w^m - 15 60-76 Corn Hay fine rain in the night - 16 60-70 Spiraea frietus - 17 56-74 Feath^r Hyacinth - - May - - 18 67-80 Corn Hay Whitsunday - 19 70-82 White rose - 20 72-83 Poppy - Bladder Senna - 21 75-80 Foxglove - Swamp Laurel - Sm^l bl. Iris - Scorzancea - Monthly Rose - Orange - Lemon - Citron - 22 73-84 Indian Pink a fine rain - 23 72-76 Larkspur - 24 63-68 Queen's july fl. - 25 61-70 Wing'd pea - 26 63-70 Monks hood - 27 65-72 Catch fly - 28 68-79 Apscynum - Sago - 29 71-79 Sparrow Wistle - L. Weymouth's world - 30 75-77 Sp Broom A fine rain - Dorch. yell Rose - 31 73-80 Great Poppy - - June - - 1 73-70 Pinks - 2 64-73 Gumbogia - 3 64-79 W^r Lilly - Apscinum vine - - June - - 4 74-76 Prickly pear - 5 70-64 Jessamine A fine rain - 6 60-71 Holyock - 7 63-73 Crysanthemum - Virg^a Spike - Sweet Sultan - Orange Lilly - 9 65-70 Cat Spa - 14 70-81 Flos Adonis - 15 72-82 Pleurisy root - 17 75-82 Yucca - African Marigold - 19 70-78 Southern wood - 23 70-82 Elacampana - 24 74-82 Rock Rose - Oriental Asmart - 29 82-92 Afr marigold y. - - July - 3 Althaea frutea - 5 70 Coxcomb rain all day - 7 72-84 Amaranth ordes - 8 74-80 Virg^a Saffron - 9 75-87 Partridge berr^s - 11 84-84 Passion flow^r - 16 73-76 Marvel of Peru - 18 76-84 Swamp Sweet - 20 76-86 Martagon Virg. - 23 76-85 Cardinal fl. - Sunflower - - - - -APPENDIX M - -Inventory of Marlborough, 1771 [John Mercer's widow, Ann Roy Mercer, -died at Marlborough September 2, 1770. By the next spring, James Mercer -was operating Marlborough as one of four plantations owned by him. The -overseer was Thomas Oliver. At the end of May 1771 Oliver drew up a -statement of the conditions of the plantations and made a detailed -inventory. This document has been reproduced in facsimile in _A -Documentary History of American Industrial Society_.[216] - -The following excerpts consist of the inventory, as it applied to -Marlborough only, and of Oliver's statement at the end. The "return," as -he called it, covered the period from May 1 to May 31, 1771. The -reference to advertising the "sale" is apparently concerned with one of -the unsuccessful public sales of John Mercer's personal property.] - - 56 Horn Cattle - 28 Cavallrey - 128 Sheap - . Swine - 22 Plowes - 8 Clevices - 8 Clevispins - 11 leading lines - 4 Chaine traces - 4 Roap traces - 8 Bridle Bitts - 8 Back bands - 8 Haimes - 6 Ox Yoaks - 3 Ox Chains - 2 Ox Carts - 1 Waggons Compleat - 4 Horse Harness d^o - 4 Horse Collers - 12 Swingle trees - . Threshing Instruments - 4 Fanns - 2 Sieves - 1 Riddles - 1 Halfe bushel Measure - 1 Halfe Barrel Measure - 1 Harrows - 10 Hillinghows - 17 Weeding hows - 8 Grubbing hows - 1 Syder press - 1 Syder Mill - 15 Axes - 4 Wedges - 1 Iron Shovels - 4 Spades - 3 Hay forks - . Hay Rakes - 2 Dung forks - 13 Scythes - 4 Cradles - . Sickles - 8 Sheap Shears - 1 Barns - 2 Grainerys - 3 Corn Houses - 5 Stables - 4 Stock locks - 1 Padlocks - 6 Mealbags - 1 Boats - 1 Schoos - 1 Cannow - 1 Seaines - 2 Cross cutt Saws - 1 Whip Saws - 2 Hand Saws - 3 Adzes - 5 Chisels - 1 Hammers - 1 Frows - 2 Gimblets - 2 Drawing knives - 7 Broad Axes - 1 Gouges - 1 Compasses - 3 Augers - 2 2 Yard Rules - 1 Chalk lines - 3 Sawfiles - 1 Curriers knives - 1 Tanners knives - 1 Tobacco Cask Branding Irons - 5 Iron Potts for Negroes - 1 Grinding Stoans - 6 Scyth stoans - 1 Sarvants - 29 Negroes in Crop - 25 Negroes out of Crop - 9 Hyerd out - 63 Total amount of Negroes - -N.B. the Casuality in sheap are 11 sold to M^r Lowery. 1 to Doct^r -Clemense. 1 held for the house. dy'd a little time after being Castrated -5 (18) as in the Collem of decress. 1 Calfe dy'd five days after Being -Cutt. the remainder of the stock in good Condition. two mares excepted. -the work of the Mill going on as well as Can be Expected till M^r. -Drains is better. the Schoo and Boat unfit for Any Sarvice whatsoever -till repair'd. if Capable of it. the foundation of the Malt house wants -repairing. the Manor house wants lead lights in some of the windows. the -East Green House wants repairing, the west d^o wants buttments as a -security to the wall on the south side. the Barn, tobacco houses at -Marlborough & Acquia must be repaired as soon as possible. The two -tobacco houses at Belvaderra are in good order. five stables on -Marlborough plantation must also be repair'd before winter. we have -sustai'd no damage from Tempests or Floods. it will Expedient to hyer a -Carpinder for the woork wanted can not be accomplish'd in time, seeing -the Carpenders must be taken of for harvest which is Like to be heavy. I -will advertise the sale at Stafford Court and the two parish Churches to -begin on the 20th of June 1771. this is all the intelligence this month -requiers. P.S. The Syder presses at each plantation & Syder Mill at -Marlbrough to tally Expended ... Negro Sampson Marlbro Company Sick of -the Gravel. Negress Deborah Sick of a Complication of dis^s. Negro -Tarter acqui Company Sick plurisy. Negress Phillis sick Accokeeck -Company Kings Evil Negro Jas Pemberton at Marlb^h Sick Worme fever. - - ThS. Oliver - For - Ja^s. Mercer Esq^r - -FOOTNOTES: - -[216] Edit. John P. Commons (New York: Russell & Russell, 1958), vol. 1, -facsimile opp. p. 236. Quoted through kind permission of Russell & -Russell, publishers. - - - - -Index - - - - - _Abridgment of the Laws of Virginia_, 24, 62-63; second edition, 50, - 53 - Accokeek: plantation, 12, 62; ironworks, 23, 24, 25, 47, 162, 193 - Act for Encouraging Adventurers in Ironworks, Mercer's protest - against, 23 - Acts for Towns (1662), 5; - (1680), 5, 7 - Act for Ports (1691), 7, 10, 34; - suspension of, 8 - Act for Ports (1705), 8, 12, 22, 45, 83, 177; - suspension of, 9 - Adie, Hugh, 118 - agricultural implements: - hoe, 25, 170 (illustr.) - plow, 25; - drill plow, 59; - iron for, 34; - colter for, 73, 168-169 (illustr.) - scythe, iron, 113, 114, 168 (illustr.), 171 - spade, 170-171 - Alexander, Robert, 12, 22 - Alexandria, 50, 52, 53 - Alexandria Library, viii - Allan, William, 34 - Allen, William, 184 - Ambler, Richard, 16 - American Philosophical Society, vii, viii, 69; _Year Book_ of, viii - Amson, Doctor, 46 - amusements: - cards, 51 - dancing, 33, 34 - game counters, 26 (illustr.) - horse racing, 20, 26, 43 - loo, 20, 26 - lottery, 34 - music, 33, 34; books on, 43 - pitching, 20 - quoits, 20 - racing (unspecified), 17 - wagers, 26 - wrestling, 26 - Anderson, Thomas (brickmaker,) 28, 35 - andirons, 17, 162 (illustr.) - Andrews, George (ordinary keeper), 11, 12, 13, 23, 44, 82, 177; - inventory of, 183 - "Antigua Ship," 47 - apothecary, 36 (_See also_ medicine) - Aquia (plantation), 62 - Aquia Church (_See under_ church) - Aquia Creek, 11, 12 - archeological techniques, 70 - arches, 36, 91, 94 - architect, 36 (_See also_ joiner; carpenter) - architecture, books on, 37, 38, 43, 98 - _Architecture of A. Palladio_, 98 (illustr. from) - art, books on, 43, 200 - Ashby, ----, 53 - Ashby, Thomas, vii - Astbury, Thomas (Staffordshire potter), 108, 138, 139 - Astbury, Thomas, Jr. (Staffordshire potter), 139 - - Bacon, Nathaniel, 10 - Bagge, Edmund, 17, 192 - Bailey, ---- (brewer), 55 - Bailey, Worth, viii - ball, musket, 155, 157 (illustr.) - Ballard, Thomas, 12, 14, 17, 22 - Ballard, William, 177 - Balthrop, ----, 51 - Barber, William, 12 - Barradall, Mr., 58 - Barry, Ed, 18 - Barry, Thomas (bricklayer), 36, 91, 95, 102, 104, 105 - basaltes ware (_See under_ stoneware) - basins, 25, 39; - earthenware, 125; - pottle, 39, 138 - Basnett, Abraham ("oysterman"), 35 - Battaley (Battaille), Mosley, 16, 17; - Mercer's account for, 185 - Bayley, Ambrose, 10, 11 - Beach, Daniel, 184 - Beach, Peter, 12, 13; - inventory of, 184 - Beaty, Andrew (joiner), 36 - bed (_See under_ furniture) - bed cord, 17 - Belchier, John (cabinetmaker), 40 - Belfield, Mr., 42 - Belle Plains, 28 - Belvedere (plantation), 62 - Bensen, Thomas, 185 - Berkeley, Governor, 47, 97 - Berryman, ----, 22 - beverages: - ale, 33, 55, 56; - arrack, 145; - Barbadoes spirits, 145; - beer, 55, 145, 146 (Bristol); - bottles for, 145-152; - brandy, 36, 145; - chocolate, 32; - cider, 16, 33, 62, 145, 146, 149; - citron water, 146; - claret, 17, 18, 33, 46, 145; - coffee, 32; - corn, 145; - gin, 150-151; - lime juice, 17; - Lisbon, 145; - Madeira, 25, 145; - "Mint [water]," 146; - "Orange flower [water]," 146; - porter, 56; - punch, 13 145; - rum, 17, 33, 42, 145; - sherry, 145; - "Tansey,' 146; - tea, 32; - wine, 33, 145, 145 (Fyall) - (_See also_ bottle; cup; glass; chocolate pot; teapot) - Beverley, Robert, 8, 21, 51, 97, 192 - biography, books of, 43 - birds, singing, 33; - birdcage, 33 - Biscoe, W., vii - Black, William, 33, 178 - Blacke, William (gardener), 58 - blacksmith, 35, 167, 174 (_See also_ ironworks) - Bland, Theodorick, 7, 8. 10, 177 - Blane, John, 25 - boat, 62; - canoe, 25; - "Schoo" (schooner), 62, 177; - sloop, 15, 16, 32, 42, 177 - bones, animal, 111 - bookplate, John Mercer's, iv (illustr.) - books, 14, 17, 20, 33, 34, 36, 42; - Mercer's reading, 191; - purchase of, 191-192, 198-208; - sale of, 61-62 - Booth, John (weaver), 32 - botanical record, 209-210 (_See also_ garden) - bottles, 25, 56, 145-152; - canary, 145; - cider, 149; - closure for, 145; - gin, 112, 150-151 (illustr.); - medicine, 152, 153 (illustr.); - methods of making, 146-149; - octagonal, 149 (illustr.); - scent, 152; - smelling, 32; - snuff, 32, 151 (illustr.), 152; - spirits, 111, 150 (illustr.); - stoneware, 39; - wine, 72, 107, 111, 112, 119 (illustr.), 145-149 (illustr.), 173, - 178; - wine, seal for, 31 (illustr.), 73, 111, 146-149 (illustr.) - bowl: - creamware, 141; - delftware, 137 (illustr.); - earthenware, 124 (illustr.), 127 (illustr.); - porcelain, 144; - redware, 125, 126, 128; - stoneware, 136; - whiteware, 143 - box iron, heaters for, 17, 162 (illustr.) (_See also_ smoothing iron) - Boyd's Hole, 18, 35, 51 - Braddock, General, 52 - Braintree (Mass.), 151 - brands, on tobacco casks, 29-30 - brass, 17, 39, 59, 72, 73, 108, 155 (_See also_ specific forms) - Braxton, Colonel, 26 - Brent, George, 12 - Brent, Giles, 7, 12, 22; - widow of, 12; - heirs of, 177 - Brent, Giles, Jr., 7 - Brent, Robert, 12 - Brent, William, 23, 26 - Brent, William (infant), 45, 177; - house burned, 63 - brewer, 55, 58; - house for, 178 - brewery, 55, 56-57, 61, 178; - sale at, 56; - sale of, 61; - still, 26, 61 - (_See also_ Marlborough, buildings) - brewing, books on, 43 - Brick House (village in New Kent County), 27 - bricklayers, 35, 36, 103-104, 118 - bricklaying, 94-95; 103-104, 111, 112; - Flemish bond, 72, 121 - brickmaking, 35 (_See also_ building materials) - bridge, 35 - bridle, 25; - bit for, 73, 169 (illustr.), 171 (illustr.) - Bromley, William (turner), 36, 38, 39, 50, 98 - Bronough, John W., 64 - Brook (village), 28, 67 - Brooke, William, 26 - _Brooks_ (ship), 26 - broom, hearth, 39 - Brunswick Town (North Carolina), 108 - brush, curry, 18, 172 - bucket, 39 - Buckland, William, 52 - buckle: - brass, 72, 155 (illustr.), 156 (illustr.); - iron, 170; - pewter, 52; - silver, 32 - Buckley ware (_See under_ earthenware) - Bucknell (Oxford County), 58 - Buckner, William, 7, 8, 21, 22, 177 (_See also_ Marlborough, survey - 1691) - Bucks County Historical Society, viii, 28 - building materials: - ballusters, 36, 96 - bricks, 9, 11, 18, 35, 36, 67, 68, 71, 72, 91, 94, 102, 107, 109 - (illustr.), 112; - sizes of, 90, 95, 104, 121 - clapboards, 25 - concrete, 92 (illustr.), 93 (illustr.) - flagstones, 35, 86, 97, 101, 102, 121 - gold leaf, 36, 95 - lime, 9, 35, 69 - linseed oil, 36 - lumber, 9, 18, 25, 34, 36 - marble, 96 - mortar, 35, 69, 102, 162 - oystershells, 16, 18, 35, 69, 107, 108, 111 - paint, 36 - plaster, 96, 97 (illustr.), 102, 121 - shingles, 34 - stone, 35, 36, 68, 71, 72, 86, 87, 89, 91 (illustr.), 92 (illustr.), - 94 (illustr.), 101 - Bull Run Quarters, 29, 30, 42; - slaves at, 41, 58 - bullet (_See_ ball) - Buncle, Alexander, 17 - Burges, Joseph (house painter), 36 - Burwell, Carter, 35 - buttons, 25, 42, 47, 52, 155; - brass, 155; - copper, 155, 156 (illustr.); - horn, 58; - Sheffield-plated, 155; - shell, 155; - silver, 155; - white metal, 42, 58, 156 (illustr.) - Byrd, William, 46 - - cabinetmakers, 25, 35, 40 - candle, 40; - beeswax for, 41; - myrtle wax for, 41; - tallow, 41 - candle box, 20 - candlemolds, 17 - candlestick, 14, 17, 20 (brass), 39, 40, 41, 153 (glass, illustr.) - (_See also_ sconce) - canoe, 25 - Canton, Mark, 42 - Cantrell, William (servant), 58 - Carlyle, John, 30 - Carlyle, Sarah, 30 - Caroline Courthouse, 27, 28 - carpenter, 36, 50, 62, 91, 118; - apprentices, 50 - carpet, 13 - cart (_See under_ vehicle) - Carter, Charles, 28 - Carter, Lucy, 118; - marriage to Nathaniel Harrison, 118 - Carter, Robert ("King"), 118 - carver, 36, 40 - casks, 29, 30, 55, 56, 61, 145, 146; - hogsheads, 26, 30, 31, 33, 145; - "pipes," 33, 145 - Cavanaugh, Philemon, 17 - Cave, John, 13, 23, 28, 42 - Caywood, Louis, 97 - Cedar Point, 18 - celt, Indian, 73, 119 (illustr.) - ceramics, 68, 105, 125-144; - Indian, 108; - methods of manufacture, 135-136 - (_See also_ specific forms and types) - chair (_See under_ furniture) - chaise (_See under_ vehicle) - chalk, 155, 171 - chamberpots: stoneware, 88, 132 (illustr.); - yellowware, 126 - Chambers, John, 18 - Champe, Major John (merchant), 31, 35, 54 - Chapman, Nathaniel, 25, 35, 49, 162, 166, 169, 170-171; - Mercer's account with, 193 - charger, delftware, 137; pewter, 39 - chariot (_See under_ vehicle) - charities, John Mercer's, 47 - Charles City Courthouse, 9 - Charleston, George (tailor), 32 - chelloes, 18 - chest (_See under_ furniture) - Chew, John, 192 - chimney, 12, 20, 36, 97, 102, 105 (_See also_ mantel; fireplace) - china, 39, 144 (_See also_ porcelain) - Chinn, John, 20 - Chinn, Rawleigh, 17, 20, 25 - chinoiserie, 136, 137, 140 (illustr.), 142 - Chiswell's Ordinary, 51 - Chiswell Plantation, 97 - chocolate pot, copper, 39 - Chotank Church, 10 - church: - Aquia, 27, 37, 46-47, 52, 145; - undertaker for, 46, 47; - church plate, 46 (_See also_ Overwharton Parish) - Chotank, 10 - Hanover, 35 - Mattaponi, 35 - New Kent, 35 - Pohick (Fairfax), 37 - Potomac, 27, 28, 46, 54 (_See also_ Overwharton Parish) - Stafford Parish, 10 - church, brick, 46 - cider press, 62 (_See also_ beverages) - Clark, John (servant), 52 - Cleve (plantation), 28 - clothing, 31-32; - breeches, 34, 42, 52, 58, 59; - "Russia," 59 - children's, 34 - coat, 42; - greatcoat, 31, 59 - gloves, 18, 31, 34; - mittens, 34 - handkerchief, 31 - hat, 17, 18, 25, 31, 52, 58, 59; - "Castor," 31; - hood, 31 - hose, 18 - indentured servant apparel, 52, 59 - jacket, 58, 59 - liveries, 42 - mourning, 47 - neckcloth, 52 - petticoat, 31 - shirts, 52, 58 - shoes, 17, 18, 31, 34, 42, 52, 58 - slave apparel, 42, 58, 59 - stockings, 31, 34, 52, 58, 59 - suit, 31, 32 - trousers, 52 - vest, 34 - waistcoat, 32 - (_See also_ textiles) - coach (_See under_ vehicle) - coachman, 42 - coal, 56, 107, 108 - coffin, child's, 17 - coins, 119, 155-156 (illustr.) - Coke, John (silversmith), 39 - colander, 20 - College of William and Mary, 20, 34, 47, 99, 121; - account of George Mercer's expenses while attending, 197 - Collings, Jn^o, 149 - Collins, Robert, 18 - Colonial Williamsburg, Inc., viii, 30, 149 - comb: curry, 18, 169, 172 (and brush); - horn, 32; - ivory, 16, 32; - wig, 25 - Combe, ----, 53 - combed ware (_See under_ earthenware) - Cooke, John, 64, 96, 125 - cooper, 56; - house for, 55 - Cooper, Macartney, Powel & Lyde, 40 - Copein, William (mason), 37, 91 - copper, 17, 55, 103, 119, 178 (_See also_ specific items) - corks, 56, 145 - court: Spotsylvania, 27; - Williamsburg, 27 - courthouse: - Caroline, 27, 28, 53 - Charles City, 9, 121, 122 - Elizabeth City, 9 - Hanover, 98, 118 (illustr.), 121, 122 - King William, 23 (illustr.), 51, 53, 98, 120 (illustr. floor plan), - 121, 122 - Marlborough, vii, 8, 11, 45; - (1691), 28; - cleaning, 13, 184; - construction of, 11; - contract to build, 10; - destruction of, 9, 11; - location of, 11, 44, 67; - trial in, 12; - New Kent, 27, 28, 51 - Potomac Creek, vii, viii, 7, 10, 11, 20, 28, 49, 99, 177; - architectural analysis of, 121; - artifacts from, 119-121; - burning of, 118; - excavations, 115-122; - excavation plan of, 118; - historical background, 115-118; - map showing location of, 116, 117; - surveys, 115 - Stafford (_See_ Potomac Creek) - Warwick, 11 - Westmoreland, 54 - Williamsburg, 121 - York (1692), 11, 121 - courthouses, brick, 11, 118 - Covington, ---- (dancing master), 34 - cows, 17, 20, 61 - Craig, James (jeweler), 47 - creamware (_See under_ earthenware) - Cresap, Thomas, 49 - Crichton, Robert (merchant), 32 - crops: barley, 56; - corn, 42, 56, 57; - hops, 56, 62; - malt, 55, 56; - peas, 59; - rice, 57; - turnips, 59; - wheat, 59 - (_See also_ food; tobacco) - - _Cumberland_ (ship), 31 - cup, 39; - chocolate, 17, 144; - coffee, 39, 144; - custard, 17, 144; - dram, 13; - fuddling, 137; - handle, 137; - tea, 17, 72, 136, 144; - delftware, 137; - earthenware, 127 (illustr.), - porcelain, 72, 144; - silver, 13, 39; - stoneware, 39, 144; - yellowware, 128 (illustr.) - curry comb, 18, 169 (illustr.), 172 (and brush) - curtains, 13; - bed, 13; - fittings, 172; - rings for, 13, 156 (illustr.), 162-163 - Custis, Daniel Parke, 31 - Custis, John, 31 - - Dade, Francis, 26 - dancing master, 32, 33, 34 - Daniel, Peter, 27, 52 - Darlington Library, viii - Darrell, Sampson, 10, 11, 28 - Darter, Oscar H., vii, viii, 67 - Davis, Boatswain, 35 - Dekeyser, ---- (dancing master), 33 - delftware, 88, 107, 114, 136-137, 173; - English, 111, 134 (illustr.), 136, 138 - (_See also_ specific forms) - Dering, William (dancing master), 32, 34 - Dick: "Mr. Dick's Quarter," 53 - Dick, Alexander, 51 - Dick, Charles (merchant), 31, 34, 39, 132, 144, 165, 167; - textiles listed in Mercer's accounts with, 196 - Dick, William, 51 - dish, 39; - chafing, 17; - oblong, 136; - sugar, 39; - brass, 17; - pewter, 25, 39, 160 (illustr.); - silver, 39; - stoneware, 136 - doctor, 41, 46 (_See also_ medicine) - Dogge, John, 17 - Donaldson, Captain, 31 - door knobs, 39; - brass, 167 - doors, 37, 38 (illustr.) - Downham, William, 184 - Drains, Mr., 62 - ducks, 25 - Dulaney, Daniel, 31 - Dunmore, Lord, 63 - - earthenware, 13, 16, 17, 20, 25, 129 - "agate," 108, 173 - black-glazed, 119, 139 - Buckley, 72, 107, 111, 113, 114, 126-128, 130 (illustr.), 173 - combed ware, 126, 173 - creamware, 111, 141, 173 - marbled, 138-139 - molded-rim type, 125-126 - North Devon gravel-tempered, 111, 126, 173 - pearlware, 140 (illustr.), 141 - polychrome, 140, 143 - queensware, 139 (illustr.), 140 - redware, 114, 125-126, 128 - shell-edged, 140, 141-142 - Tidewater type, 73, 111, 124-125 (illustr.), 173 - tortoiseshell ware, 128 (illustr.), 139 - transfer-printed, 143-144 - whiteware, 112, 140 (illustr.), 173 - yellowware, 107, 111, 126, 128 (illustr.) - (_See also_ specific forms) - Edgeley, ----, 16 - education, 34; - hornbook, 33, 34; - slate, 156, 158; - slate pencil, 111, 156, 158; - tutor, 34 - (_See also_ College of William and Mary) - Edwards, Elizabeth, 39 - _Elizabeth_ (ship), 26 - Elizabeth City Courthouse, 9 - Elliot, George (turner), 36, 96 - Elzey, Thomas, 117 - Emo, Lord Leonardo, 98 - - Fairfax, George, 49 - Falkner, Ralph, 192 - Falmouth (Virginia), 53 - Ferguson, John (overseer), 42 - ferry, Potomac Creek, 8, 13 - fiddler, 34 - fireback, iron, 17 - fireplaces, 12, 20, 41, 94, 96, 97, 101, 102, 104, 105 - (_See also_ chimney; mantel) - Fisher, George, 51 - fishhooks, 42, 111, 171 (illustr.) - fishing, 32, 42, 54, 64; - drumlines, 42; - perch lines, 42; - seine, 42, 54 - Fitz, Captain, 32 - Fitzhugh, Colonel, 192 - Fitzhugh, Ann, 16 - Fitzhugh, Henry, 21, 25, 31, 118; - widow of, 118 - Fitzhugh, William, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 31, 51 - Fitzhugh, William, Jr., 9 - Fitzhugh, William III, 16 - Fitzpatrick, John (weaver), 32 - flagon, stoneware, 132 (illustr.) - floors (_See_ pavement) - flower pots, 62; - earthenware, 129 (illustr.) - Foard (Foward), John, 25 - food, 192; - cinnamon, 32; - fish, 32; - lemons, 26; - limes, 33; - lime juice, 17; - mace, 32; - molasses, 17, 32-33; - nutmegs, 32; - oysters, 32, 40; - pork, 32, 57; - spices, 32; - sugar, 17, 32, 33 (muscovy); - venison, 25; - wild game, 25 - (_See also_ crops) - Forbes, Andrew, 192 - forks, 111, 159 (illustr.); - wooden handled, 17 - Forman, Henry Chandlee, 12 - Fort Frederica (Georgia), 126 - Foward (Foard), John (merchant), 25, 26, 167 - Foward, Jonathan, 26 - Fowke, Chandler, 18 - Fowke, Gerard, 31, 52 - Foxhall, Joseph, 32 - Fredericksburg, vii, 28, 30, 31, 34, 42, 43, 46, 53, 55, 59, 62, 196 - freckled ware (_See under_ stoneware) - French, Hugh, 18 - Fry, Colonel, 49 - funnel, 17 - Furnea's (Furnau's) Ordinary, 27, 28 - furniture: - beds, 13, 20, 25, 40; - bolsters, 13; - covers, 39; - feather, 13, 17; - flock, 13; - tick, 18 - chairs, cane, 13; - child's, 20; - leather, 17; - rush seat, 13, 25 - chest, handle for, 163 (illustr.), 165; - chest of drawers, 13 - cradle, 25 - cupboard, 13 - couch, 13 - desk, 17; - repair of, 25 - escritoire, 25, 40, 165 - looking glass, 39 - painted, 17 - sale of, 61-62 - sconce glass, 39, 41 - sideboard, 39 - stools, 13 - table, 13, 17; - marble, 39 - - garden, 99; - botanical record of, 209-210 - gardener, 58, 178 - Garner, A. M., 137 - Garvan, Anthony N. B., viii - gateway, 80, 81; - pintle for, 73, 81 - _George Mercer Papers Relating to the Ohio Company of Virginia_, viii, - 15, 59 - Gilmer, George (apothecary), 36 - glass, 17 (and cover), 68, 145-154; - bowl, 119, 154; - candelabrum, 153 (illustr.), 154; - decanter, 73, 145, 152-154; - mirror, 153 (illustr.), 154; - posset pot, 154; - salt, 153 (illustr.), 154; - window, 62, 96, 107, 121, 153 (illustr.), 154 - (_See also_ bottle) - glasses, 17; - cordial, 152 (illustr.), 154; - looking, 39; - sconce, 39, 41, 154; - tumbler, 152, 153 (illustr.), 154; - wine, 73, 107, 152 (illustr.), 153 (illustr.), 154 - glasshouse, 56; - Bristol, 148; - Germantown, 151 - glassmaking techniques, 146, 148-149, 151-152, 154 - _Gooch_ (ship), 40 - goose, 25 - Graham (Graeme), John, 20, 191 - Graham, William (overseer), 41 - grater, nutmeg, 13 - Gray, William, 28 - greenhouse, 62, 109, 178 - Gregg, Thomas (surveyor), 9, 14, 21, 22 - (_See also_ Marlborough, survey 1707) - Grenzhausen (Germany), 129 - gun flints, 42, 155, 157 (illustr.) - gunpowder, 18, 25, 42 - - Hamitt, William, 25 - Hammersley, Francis, 7, 12 - Hampton (Virginia), 9, 47 - Hanbury, Capel, 53 - hand mill, 55 - Hanover Church, 35 - Hanover County, 35 - Happel, Ralph, 10, 115 - hardware, 193 - bolt, 111, 119 (illustr.), 121, 164 (illustr.), 166, 167, 168 - (illustr.), 170 - brad, 34, 165, 167 - chain, 169; - for door, 39 - escutcheon plate, 108, 156 (illustr.), 163 - handle or pull, 108, 156 (illustr.), 163 (illustr.), 164 (illustr.), - 165, 167, 171 (illustr.) - hasp, 164 (illustr.), 166 - hinge, 25, 39, 163 (illustr.), 164 (illustr.), 165-166; - butt, 164 (illustr.); - HL, 20, 103, 163 (illustr.), 165; - H, 163 (illustr.), 165 - hook, 166 (illustr.), 168 (illustr.), 170 - key, 111, 163 (illustr.), 167 - latches, 25, 163 (illustr.), 164 (illustr.), 166 - locks, 17, 20, 25, 39, 163 (illustr.), 166-167 - nails, 17, 18, 25, 34, 72, 102, 121, 165 (illustr.), 167 - nuts and bolts, 170 - pin, 166 (illustr.) - pintle, gate, 73 - rivet and washer, 169 (illustr.) - shutter fastener, 88 - slab, 105 (illustr.) - spike, 165, 167 - staples, 163 (illustr.), 166 - swingletree loop, 73, 170; - chain, 169 - tie bar, 87, 94 (illustr.) - Harmer & King, 41 - harnesses, 61, 170; - fittings for, 73, 156 (illustr.), 169 (illustr.), 170 - _Harrington_ (ship), 31 - Harrison, Colonel, 53 - Harrison, Lucy Carter, 118 - Harrison, Nathaniel, 118 - Hartley, Green & Company, 140-141, 143 - Harvey, John, 33 - Harwood, Thomas, 185 - Hayward, Joseph, 12; - house of, 12 - Hayward, Nicholas, 12 - Hayward, Samuel, 12 - hearth (_See_ fireplace) - Hedgman, Major Peter, 23, 24, 51, 53 - Historic American Buildings Survey, viii, 120 - history, books on, 20, 43, 191, 200 - Hogans, Francis (wheelwright), 30 - hogs, 20 - Holbrook, Janet, 33 - Holdbrook, ----, 51 - Hooe, Rice, 15 - Hoomes, George, 28 - Hopkins, Mr., 22 - Hoppus, Edward, 37 - horn, objects made from, 32, 58 - (_See also_ specific items; musical instruments) - hornbook, 33 (illustr.), 34 - horses, 17, 20, 26, 56 (and colts), 61, 63; - Ranter, 57, 61-62 (sale of) - horseshoes, 169 (illustr.), 172 - houses: - Alexandria, Carlyle house, 30 - Carter's Grove, 35 - Corotoman, 118 - Eagle's Nest, 118 - Essex County--Elmwood, 98; - Blandfield, 103 - Gloucester County--Abingdon glebe house, 97; - Fairfield, 97 - Greenspring, 47, 97, 102 - Gunston Hall, 12, 52, 97 - Hanover, Scotchtown, 97 - Henrico County, Turkey Island, 97 - Jamestown, Isaac Watson's, 12 - Joseph Hayward's, 12 - King George County, Brandon, 118 - Marlborough, 9, 12-13, 17 - John Mercer's (1730), 18, 22, 45 - John Mercer's "Manor House," 45; - construction of, 34-38, 62, 177, 178; - excavation of, 84-99; - insurance policy for, 64, 96; - inventory of, viii, 62, 88, 96, 109, 168, 177, 211-212; - plan of, 96 (illustr.) - Morrisania (New York), Lewis Morris House, 126 - Mount Airy, 103 - Mount Vernon, 98, 103, 105 - Salvington, 28 - Shalstone Manor, 40 - Stratford, 51, 102, 103 - Spotsylvania County, Mannsfield, 102, 103 - Williamsburg, Brush-Everard House, 32 - Yorktown, Digges house, 12 - house, brick, 12, 63 - house, glebe, 35, 97 - house, wooden, 12, 20 - Hubbard, Benjamin, 27 - Hudson, J. Paul, 131 - Hudson, Thomas, 20 - Hull, Sigrid, viii - Humble, Green & Co., 140-141 - Hunter, James, 55 - Hunter, William (merchant), 30-31, 33, 34, 39, 42, 167, 170; - textiles listed in Mercer's account with, 196 - hunting, 42; - hunting horn, 33 - husbandry, books on, 43 - Hyndman, John (merchant), 32 - - indentured servants, 14, 32, 52, 53, 58; - apparel of, 52, 58, 59; - Thuanus (weaver), 32 - Indian, 158; - celt, 73, 119; - pottery, 108; - trial of Nanticoke Indians, 12 - indigo, 42 - Innes, Enoch, 20 - insurance policy, 64, 88-89, 95, 97; - house plan drawn on, 96 (illustr.) - inventory: George Andrews, 183; - Peter Beach, 184; - Marlborough (taken by Thomas Oliver, 1771), viii, 62, 88, 96, 109, - 168, 177, 211-212 - iron, 121, 161-167; - slab, 104, 105 - (_See also_ specific items; hardware; tools) - ironworks: Accokeek, 23, 24, 25, 47, 162, 193; - Mercer's protest against Act for Encouraging Adventures in, 23-24 - ivory, 16, 32 - - Jackson, Robert (silversmith), 46 - Jamestown, 9, 12, 126, 158 - jar: cover, 125, 127 (illustr.); - storage, 128 (illustr.); - earthenware, 125, 127, 128; - Buckley ware, 126, 129 (illustr.); - stoneware, 131 (illustr.) - Jervers, 18 - Jervis, James (widow of), 18 - jeweler, 47, 167-168; - jeweler's tools, 111, 167-168 - jewelry: earrings, 47; - ring, 47, 63 - jockey, 20 - Johnson Fund, vii - Johnson, Richard, 16 - Johnston, ----, elected as burgess, 53 - Joiner, 36, 38, 50 - Jones, Booth (overseer), 42 - Jones, Charles, 32 - Jones, James, 18 - Jones, Robert, 192 - Jones, Thomas, 32, 41 - Jordan, William (merchant), 31, 39, 168 - jugs, 39; - delftware, 138; - stoneware, 131 (illustr.), 134; - white salt-glazed, 135 (illustr.), 136 - - Kecoughtan, 126, 158 - Kemp, Peter, 16 - Kernodle, G. H., 149 - kiln, 36; - malt kiln, 59 - King, George Harrison Sanford, viii, 115 - King, William (silversmith), 39, 55 - King, William (brewer), 55 - King William Courthouse (_See under_ courthouse) - kitchen (_See_ Marlborough, buildings) - knife, 17, 111, 158 (illustr.), 160 - butcher, 39 - chopping, 88, 158 (illustr.), 162 - clasp, 25 - and fork, 17, 39, 159 - pen, 17, 25, 32, 111, 155, 158 (illustr.) - shoemaker's, 16 - agate-handled, 119 - horn-handled, 39 - Sheffield-handled, 111, 160 (illustr.) - silver-handled, 32 - wooden-handled, 17 - - laces, 18 - ladle, iron, 162 (illustr.) - Lamb's Creek (plantation), 31 - Land Book, John Mercer's, vii, 6, 8, 45, 82 - Langley, Battey, 39 - Langton, Richard, 39 - lanterns, 17, 39 - laundry irons, heaters for, 17, 25, 162 - law, books on, 17, 21, 191-192, 198-200 - ledgers, John Mercer's, 15, 16; - Ledger B, 16, 209; - Ledger G, 28, 29, 32, 102, 104, 105, 129; - contents of, 185-208; - accounts for domestic expenses, 186-190 - Lee, Captain, 31 - Lee, Dr. Arthur, 54 - Lee, General Charles, 63; - death of, 63; - will of, 63 - Lee, George, 31 - Lee, Colonel Philip Ludwell, 51 - Leoni, Giacomo, 98 - Lewes (Delaware), 126 - Lewis, Fielding, 34, 47 - library: Colonel Spotswood's, 20; - John Mercer's, 21, 42-43, 61-62 (sale of), 198-208 (purchase of) - (_See also_ books) - lighting devices, 40, 41 (_See also_ candle; candlestick; sconce) - _lignum vitae_, 13 - Linton, Anthony, 18, 25 - literature, English, books of, 43 - Little River Quarters, 53 - loom, 32 (_See also_ weavers) - Ludwell, Philip, 47 - Lyde, Major Cornelius, 40 - Lyde, Lyonel (merchant), 40 - Lyndon, Captain Roger, 36, 39, 41, 109 - Lynn, Doctor, 41 - - MacLane, Hugh (tailor), 31 - malt, 55, 56; - malt kiln, 59; - malt house, 55, 62 - mantels, 36, 37 (illustr.) (_See also_ fireplace) - maps, 6, 19, 44, 116, 117 - marbles, chalk, 155, 157 (illustr.) - _Marigold_ (ship), 36, 109 - Markham, James, 21, 26 - Marlborough: - abandonment of, 14 - aerial photograph, 66 - buildings-- - barn, 62, 113, 178 - brewhouse, 55, 114, 178 - cider mill, 62, 178 - cooper's house, 55, 178 - corn houses, 64, 178 - grainery, 178 - greenhouse, 62, 109, 178 - houses, 9, 12-13, 17 - kitchen, 36, 58, 67, 101-105, 109, 178 - malt house, 55, 62, 114, 178 - Negro quarters, 64 - office, 178 - overseers' houses, 64, 178 - privy, 112 - prison, 12-13 - smokehouse, 106-109 - stables, 62, 178 - summer house, 58, 178 - warehouses, tobacco, 62, 113, 114, 115, 177-178 - windmill, 35, 52, 64, 67, 178 - excavation plans, 44, 74, 75, 84, 100, 106, 113, 118 - inventory, viii, 62, 88, 96, 109, 168, 177, 211-212 - maps, 6 - naming, 9 - surveys-- - (1691), 6, 21, 44, 67, 68, 82-83, 177 - (1707), 9, 14, 21, 22, 45, 82-83 - (1731), 6, 21, 22, 45, 82, 177 - (1743), 117 - (_See also_ houses, Marlborough; slaves) - Mary Washington College, vii - mason, 37, 91 - Mason, Ann, 28, 47 - Mason, Catharine, 16 - Mason, George, 9, 12, 13 - Mason, Captain George, 10, 12 - Mason, Colonel George III, 15, 16, 20, 21, 24, 26, 28 - Mason, George IV, 24, 52, 53, 63, 97; - elected as burgess, 53 - mathematics, books on, 43 - Mattaponi church, 35 - McClelland, Charles, 17 - McFarlane, Alexander, 17, 18 - McKenzie, Doctor Kenneth, 46 - medicine, 41, 46; - books on, 43, 201; - bottles for, 152; - Aqua Linnaean, 46; - British oyl, 46, 152; - Daffy's Elixir, 46; - Euphorbium, 46; - gum fragac, 46; - Holloway's Citrate, 46, 152; - oil of cinnamon, 46; - Opadeldoc, 152; - opium, 46; - rattlesnake root, 46; - rhubarb, 46; - spirits of lavender, 46; - sago, 46 (_See also_ doctors; apothecary) - Mercer, Ann Roy, 48; - death of, 61, 211; - portrait of, 47 (illustr.) - Mercer, Anna, birth of, 53 - Mercer, Catesby, death of, 53 - Mercer, Catherine, 17, 18, 146, 147; - death of, 47 - Mercer, Elinor, 51; - death of, 53 - Mercer, George, 33, 34, 49, 52, 53 (elected as burgess), 54, 56, 59 - (_See also George Mercer Papers ..._) - Mercer, Grace Fenton, 15, 51 - Mercer, James, 33, 34, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, 57, 61, 62, 63; - death of, 64 - Mercer, Captain James, 52; - death of, 53 - Mercer, John, _passim_; - portrait of, 47 (illustr.); - death of, 59 - Mercer, John (father of John Mercer of Marlborough), 15 - Mercer, John III, birth and death of, 53 - Mercer, John Fenton, 33, 34, 49, 52; - death of, 52 - Mercer, John Francis, birth of, 53, 63, 64, 142 - Mercer, Maria, birth of, 53 - Mercer, Mungo Roy, 51 - Mercer, Sarah Ann Mason, 28, 33 - Meese, Anne, 12 - microscopes, 43 - mill, 35, 62; - windmill, 35, 52; - hand mill, 55 - Mills, James, 30 - Mills, William (weaver), 32 - Minitree, David (bricklayer), 35, 36, 91, 95 - Mitchelson, John, 33 - mold: bullet, chalk, 111, 155, 156 (illustr.), 157 (illustr.); - candle, 17; - tart, copper, 17 - Moncure, Reverend John, 27, 28, 47, 52 - Monday, William (carpenter), 36, 91 - Monroe, Andrew (overseer), 31, 55, 57 - Monroe, James, 55 - Monroe, Thomas, 31 - Moore, Bernard, 39 - mortar and pestle, 20 - mother-of-pearl, 26 - Mountjoy, ----, 51 - Mountjoy, Edward, 184 - mug: creamware, 141; - delftware, 137; - earthenware, 124 (illustr.), 125, 127 (illustr.); - stoneware, 88, 131 (illustr.), 132 (illustr.), 134, 135 (illustr.), - 136 - mull stick, 39 - music, book on, 33 - musical instruments: horn, French, 33 (illustr.); - fiddle strings, 34; - trumpet, 33 - Mussen, James, 11 - Mutual Assurance Society of Virginia, 64, 96 (_See also_ insurance - policy) - - Nanticoke Indians, 12 - National Park Service, 121, 126 - needles, 25 - Negroes, 25, 41; - "Negro Ship," 47; - skipper, 42 (_See also_ slaves) - Nevill's Ordinary, 53 - Newbery, Bob (London bookseller), 59 - New Kent Church, 35 - New Kent Courthouse (_See under_ courthouse) - Nicholson, Captain Timothy, 36, 58 - Niemeyer, Mabel, viii - Nisbett, William, 25 - Noel Hume, Ivor, viii, 126, 131 - Norfolk, 9, 33, 47, 55, 59 - - Occaquan warehouse, 30 - occupations, colonists identified by Mercer according to, 195 (_See - also_ specific occupations) - Ohio Company of Virginia, 25, 49, 51, 53, 54, 55, 59, 119, 122 (_See - also George Mercer Papers...._) - Oliver, Thomas (overseer), inventory by, viii, 62, 88, 96, 109, 168, - 177, 211-212 - Omwake, H. Geiger, 126 - ordinaries, 8, 11, 12, 13, 27, 28, 51, 53; - inventory of ordinary keeper, 183 - oven, 17, 36, 102, 104, 105 - Overwharton Parish, 16, 26, 27, 46, 145; - John Mercer's account for, 194 (_See also_ churches, Potomac and - Aquia) - - painter: house, 36; - portrait, 16, 32 - painting, 36 (_See also_ portrait) - Palladio, Andrea, 37, 98-99 - _Palladio Londonensis_ (book), 37, 38 - Pamunkey River, 35 - pan: baking, 128 (illustr.); - frying, 18, 25; - milk, 20, 124 (illustr.), 125, 127 (illustr.); - sauce, 25, 39; - Buckley ware, 126, 127 (illustr.); - copper, 25; - redware, 125 (illustr.); - Tidewater-type earthenware, 124 (illustr.), 125; - tin, 39 - paper, 18 - Parks, William, 21, 43 - Parry, ----, 22 - Partis, Captain, 5 - Passapatanzy, 17, 29, 35, 61 - Patterson, ----, 36 - pavement, 104, 105; - brick, 85, 102-103; - stone, 86, 97, 101, 121 - Peace Point, 7 - Peale, Captain Malachi, 7, 8, 12 - Pemberton, James, 62 - pepper box, 20 - Perry, Captain, 31 - Perryman, Captain, 31 - pestle, 20 - pewter, 13, 17, 52, 119, 160-161 (_See also_ specific items) - Phipps, Reverend John (tutor), 34, 40 - Pipe, ----, 53 - pipe (_See_ tobacco pipe) - pistols, 63 - pitcher: creamware, 141; - stoneware, 133, 135 (illustr.), 136; - whiteware, 143 - plasterer, 36 - plastering, 18; - plaster cornice molding, 96, 97 (illustr.) (_See also_ building - materials) - plates, 20, 39; - "basket," 136; - cake, 136; - pie, 129; - creamware, 119, 141; - delftware, English, 136 (illustr.), 137; - pewter, 111, 161; - porcelain, 144; - tortoiseshell ware, 140; - white salt-glazed, 119 - plate warmer, 39 - platter: creamware, 141; - queensware, 140 (illustr.); - white salt-glazed, 119 (illustr.) - Pohick Church (Fairfax), 37 - Pope, ----, 22 - porcelain, Chinese, 107, 112, 114, 140, 144, 173; - blue and white, 142 (illustr.), 143 (illustr.); - importation of, 144; - Lowestoft, 144; - polychrome, 140 (illustr.), 141 (illustr.), 144 (_See also_ - specific forms) - porringer, 25, 39 - Port Royal (Virginia), 28, 47, 51 - port towns, 5 (_See also_ Acts for Towns) - portrait, 32; - of John Mercer, 16 (illustr.); - of Ann Roy Mercer, 47 (illustr.) - posset pot: delftware, 138; - glass, 154; - marbled, 139; - stoneware, 119, 132, 133, 136; - yellowware, 126 - pot: lid, 73, 162 (illustr.), 126, 127 (illustr.); - ointment, 134 (illustr.), 138 (illustr.); - repair of, 25; - delftware, 134; - iron, 17, 161-162 (illustr.); - tin, 18 - Potawomake (Indian village), vii, 67 - Potomac Church (_See under_ church) - Potomac Creek (_See_ courthouse, Potomac Creek) - Potter, Doctor Henry, 28 - potteries: Burslem, 133, 134; - Little Fenton, 128; - Staffordshire, 135, 138; - Yorktown, 125, 131, 173 - powder (_See_ gunpowder) - Power, James, 39 - Powers, John, 27 - prison, 12 - punchbowl, 39, 119; - delftware, 119; - _lignum vitae_, 13; - porcelain, 17, 144 - Purefoy, Henry, 40 - - Ramsay, William, 31 - Randolph, William, 31 - razor, 17, 32; - strop, 32 - Reid, James, 26 - "Retirement, The" (plantation), 12 - Reyant, Pat, 24 - Richards, Mourning, 47 - rings: brass, 111, 170; - curtain, 13, 156 (illustr.), 162-163 (_See also_ jewelry) - Ritchie, Mr., 42 - Robinson, ----, 22 - Robinson, Berryman, Pope & Parry, 22 - Robinson, John, 55 - Rock, George, 33 - Rogers, ---- (clerk), 51, 54 - Rogers, William (potter), 16, 125, 131, 173 - Rose, Parson 192 - Rosewell (plantation), 126, 131, 144, 147, 148, 152, 154, 173 - Roth, Rodris, viii - Roy, Ann, marriage to John Mercer, 48 - Roy, Mrs. B., death of, 53-54 - Roy, Donald E., viii - Roy, Doctor Mungo 47, 48 - rug, silk, 16; "Turkey work," 13 - Russell, Elizabeth, 17 - Russell & Russell, viii - Russell site (Lewes, Delaware), 126 - Rust, George, 17 - - saddle stiffener, 169 (illustr.), 171 - sail, 42; - for windmill, 59 - sale, John Mercer's estate, 61-63 - Salmon, William, 37, 38 - sauceboat: silver, 39; - stoneware, 136 - saucer, 17, 39, 144; - Chinese porcelain, 144 (illustr.) - Savage, James (overseer), 42 - Savage John, 7, 8, 21, 82, 116, 192 (_See also_ Marlborough, survey - 1731 and 1743) - Scarlett, Martin, 12 - Schumacher, Edward G., viii - science, books on, 43, 192, 200 - scissors, 25, 39, 155; - "Salisbury," 17, 161; - steel, 111, 161 (illustr.) (_See also_ shears) - "sconce glass," 39, 41 - Scott, Reverend Alexander, 16 - Scott, Jack, viii - Scott, James, 49 - seal: wine bottle, 31 (illustr.), 73, 146-149; - "G R," 131, 132 (illustr.); - tobacco cask, 30, 148 - seed boxes, 59 - Selden, Mr., 53, 54, 58 - Selden, Joseph, 28 - Selden, Samuel, 28 - Setzler, Frank M., vii, 67 - Seward, Nicholas (overseer), 42 - Shaw, Simeon, 135 - shears, sheep, 108, 170 (illustr.), 171 - sheep, 17, 20 - sheets, 59 - shipping, 15, 16 (_See also_ boat) - shot, 18, 25, 42 - sifter, 18; - hair sifter, 39 - silver, 32, 39, 159; - church plate, 46; - sale of, 61, 62-63; - Sheffield, 111, 155, 159 (_See also_ specific items) - silversmith, 39, 46 - Simm, Edward, 18 - Simpson, John (wheelwright), 30 - skillet, bell metal, 25 - skimmer, 20 - skins, deer, 16, 31 (buckskin) - slate, 156, 158 (illustr.); - slate pencil, 111, 156, 158 (illustr.) - slaves, 16, 25, 41, 57; - carpenter's apprentices, 50; - clothing, 32, 42, 58, 59; - expenses regarding, 59, 160, 162; - number of Negroes born at Marlborough, 54; - punishment of, 41; - purchase of, 24, 53, 55, 58; - quarters of, 64, 178; - sale of, 16-17, 64; - suicide of, 41; - Bob, 24, 42; - Boatswain, 42; - Caesar, 25; - Captain, 42; - Cupid, death of, 53; - Deborah, 24, 41; - Dublin, 24; - Essex, 50; - Frank, 41; - George, 24; - Joe, 41-42; - Lucy, 24; - Margaret, 24; - Marlborough, 24; - Nan, 24; - Nero, 24; - Peter, 24, 50; - Phillis, 24; - Poll, 53; - Sampson, 62; - Sarah, 17; - Stafford, 24; - Temple, 58; - Tom (death of), 53; - Will, 24, 25 - - sloop (_See under_ boat) - Smith, Thomas, 18 - Smith's ordinary, 51 - smoothing iron, heaters, for, 25 (_See also_ box iron) - _Snake_ (ship), 26 - Snicker's Little River Quarters, 53 - snuff: bottle, 32; - box, 32, 25 (repair of) - snuffers, candle, 17; - iron, 88, 163 (illustr.) - Spencer, Doctor, 43 - spices (_See_ food) - spinning: reel, 62; - wheel, 25, 32, 62 - spoons: soup, 39; - tea, 39, 88, 160; - iron, 162; - pewter, 111, 160 (illustr.), 161 (illustr.), 173; - silver, 13, 39, 88, 159, 160 (illustr.) - Spoore, Ann, 28 - Spotswood, Colonel Alexander, 20, 26, 191 - Spotswood, Robert, 20 - spurs, 18 - stables, 62 - Stafford County, port town for, 7 - Stafford Parish Church, 10 - Stafford Rangers, 12 - Stafford Survey Book, 8 - Stamp Act, 54, 55; - George Mercer, stamp office, 54 - steelyards, 17 - Stevens, Samuel, 25 - Stevenson, William (merchant), 26 - Stewart, T. Dale, vii, viii, 67 - still, 26 - stoneware, 39, 125, 129, 131-136; - basaltes ware, 112, 138 (illustr.), 142; - brown-banded, 88; - "Crouch" ware, 135 - drab, 133 - "freckled ware," 134 - Nottingham, 88, 111, 132-133, 173 - salt-glazed, 114, 131-132 - "scratch-blue," 133 (illustr.), 135 - Westerwald, 39, 73, 88, 107, 111, 129, 131, 132, 173 - white salt-glazed, 72, 88, 108, 111, 133 (illustr.), 135-136, 173 - Stotham, Mat, 191 - Strother, Widow, 58 - Suddath, Henry, 18 - Sumner's Quarters (plantation at Passapatanzy), 17, 29, 30 - surveys (_See under_ Marlborough) - Sussex Archeological Society, 126 - swans, 25 - swords, 63 - Sydenham & Hodgson, 30, 31, 39, 99, 168 - Sydenham, Jonathan, 30 - - tailors, 31, 32-34, 42, 47 - Talbott, Mark, 33 - Taliaferro, Colonel John, 27, 28; - wife of, 43 - Taliaferro, Richard, 31 - tankard, pewter, 13 - Tappahannock (town), 9, 30 - tar, 42 - Tayloe, George, 31 - Tayloe, Colonel John, 53 - Taylor, James, 43 - Taylor, Robert, 34 - teapot: and frame, 39; - handle, 139; - lid for, 111, 135 (illustr.), 140, 160 (illustr.), 161 (illustr.); - earthenware, 139; - pewter, 111, 160, 161; - silver, 39; - stoneware, 135; - tortoiseshell ware, 140 - temperatures, 209 - textiles, 32; - listed in accounts, 193, 196; - blankets, 17, 42, 59; - cotton, 32; - counterpanes, 39; - drill, 58; - duffel, 42; - haircloth, 59; - linen, 39, 58; - "ozenbrigs," 42, 59; - sheets, 59; - silk, 31; - velvet, 32; - wool, 25, 32, 62; - worsted, 31 (_See also_ clothing; weaving; spinning) - thermometer, 59 - thimble, 155 (illustr.), 156 (illustr.) - Thompson, Matthew, 7 - Thomson, William (tailor), 34, 42, 47 - Thornton, Francis, 49 - Thornton, Major George, widow of, 63 - Thornton, Colonel Presley, 53 - Threlkeld, William (weaver), 32 - tobacco, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 25, 26, 30, 31, 41, - 42, 45, 46, 51, 118 (_See also_ warehouses) - tobacco cask symbols, 29 (illustr.), 30 - tobacco pipe, 119, 156, 157 (illustr.); - kaolin, 111, 157 (illustr.); - terra-cotta, 157 (illustr.), 158, 173 - Todd, Robert, 33 - Tooke, William (merchant), 53 - tools, 193; - adze, 34 - auger, 34 - ax, 17, 34, 166 (illustr.), 170 - bung extractor, 72, 166 (illustr.) - chisel, gouge, 166 (illustr.), 167 (illustr.); - mortice, 34; - paring, 34 - hammer, blacksmith's, 167 (illustr.); - jeweler's, 111, 167 (illustr.) - hollows and rounds, 36 - knife, draw, 25, 34 - plane, 34, 36, 166 (illustr.), 167 - scraping, iron, 72, 166 (illustr.), 167 (illustr.); - stone, 119 (illustr.) - shovel, 170 (illustr.) - socket gouge, 34 - tomahawk, 25 - wedges, 25 - wrench, 167 - Torbutt, William (overseer), 42 - toys, 33; - marbles, 155, 157 (illustr.) - trap, animal, 111, 171 (illustr.) - tray, 39; - silver, 39; - stoneware, 136 - trees, 62 - Trinity College, 15 - _Triton_ (ship), 26 - trunk, 13; - handle for, 163 (illustr.), 165 - Tucker, Major Robert (merchant), 33 - "Turkey work," 13 - turner, 36 - twine, ship's, 42 - Tyler, Henry, 30 - Tyler, Thomas, 32, 34 - Tylers, 27 - - University of Pennsylvania, viii - University of Pittsburgh, Darlington Library, viii - University of Pittsburgh Press, viii - University of Virginia, Mary Washington College, vii - - Vaulx, Robert, 51 - vehicles: carriage, fitting for, 169 (illustr.) - cart, tumbling, 30; - ox, 169 - chaise, 28, 30, 53; - hinge for, 172 - chariot, 28, 30; - sale of, 62 - coach, 61, 62 - wagon, 58, 170 (_See also_ sloop) - veranda, 90, 91, 95, 96, 97, 178 - Victoria and Albert Museum, 139 - Virginia, map of, 19 (illustr.) - Virginia Committee of Safety, 63 - Virginia State Library, viii - - wagon (_See under_ vehicle) - Wain, Joseph (servant), 58 - Waite, William (carpenter), 50, 52 - waiter, (_See_ tray) - Wales, Mr. (brewer), 55 - Walker, Robert (cabinetmaker), 40 - Walker, Major William (cabinetmaker), 25, 28, 35-36, 40, 46, 144 - Waller, Benjamin, 46 - Waller, Charles, 34 - warehouse: Occaquan, 30; - tobacco, 25, 34, 42, 62, 113, 115, 177, 178 - Warwick Courthouse, 11 - Washington, Augustine, 25, 31, 49 - Washington, George, 53, 63 - Washington, John, 31 - Washington, Lawrence, 25, 31, 49 - watch, gold, 32 - water cooler, earthenware, 129 (illustr.) - Watson, Isaac, 12 - Waugh, Alex, 184 - Waugh, David, 16, 17, 18, 21 - Waugh, James, 16 - Waugh, John (Parson), 10, 12, 16 - Waugh, John, Jr., 16, 21, 22, 25, 54, 183 - Waugh, Joseph, 20 - Waugh, Mary, 184 - Waughhop, James, 34 - weavers, 32, 42, 59 - Wedgwood, Josiah, 139, 140, 141, 142 - West Point (Virginia), 27 - wharf, 25 - Wheeland, William, 42 - wheels, 30 - wheelwright, 30 - Whieldon, Thomas, 108, 138, 139 - Whiffen, Marcus, 35, 121 - whip: horse, 16, 17, 18; - hunting, 25; - thong, 41 - Whitehaven (England), 32 - whiteware (_See under_ earthenware) - Whiting & Montague, 16 - Whitticar, Ralph, Jr., vii - wig, 34; - comb for, 25 - Wigley, Job (mason), 37 - Williams, Jacob (plasterer), 36 - Williams, T. Ben, vii - Williamsburg, 27, 32, 34, 35, 36, 39, 41, 47, 48, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, - 126; - capitol, 35, 99, 121; - courthouse, 121; - General Court, 27; - student life in, 34, 197 (_See also_ College of William and Mary) - Wilson, Captain, 32, 34 - Winchester (Virginia), 53 - windmill, 35, 52, 64, 67, 178; - sails for, 59 - windows, 38 (illustr.), 62, 96-97 (_See also_ glass, window) - wine (_See_ beverages) - Wine Trade Loan Exhibition, 149, 154 - Withers, John, 7, 12, 30 - _Wolf_ (sloop of war), 58 - Woodford, William, 32 - Woodstock, 12 - wool cards, 32 - Wormley, Mr., 53 - Wright, Edward, 39 - Wroughton, Francis (merchant), 50, 51 - Wythe, George, 31 - - yarn, 18 - yellowware (_See under_ earthenware) - yoke, 39 - York (County), 33; - courthouse (1692), 11 - Yorktown, 9, 16, 47, 125, 173 - - * * * * * - -TRANSCRIBER NOTES: - - Missing punctuation has been added and obvious punctuation - errors have been corrected. - - Archaic spellings and typographical errors have been retained with - the exception of those listed below. - - Page 9: "bee" changed to "be" (to be approved by an able surveyor). - - Page 21: "thiry-one" changed to "thirty-one" (one thousand seven - hundred and thirty-one). - - Page 39: "an" changed to "a" (he made a large purchase of silver). - - Page 55: deleted duplicate "as" (as I have the satisfaction to). - - Footnote 123: incorrectly references Footnote 115. This has - been corrected to reference Footnote 66. - - Footnote 140: "Geneaological" changed to "Genealogical" (Tyler's - Quarterly Historical Genealogical Magazine). - - Page 88: "18-century" changed to "18th-century" (we can find no - exact parallel in the 18th-century America). - - Page 96: "expance" changed to "expanse" (a small gilded cupola to - break the long expanse of the roof). - - Page 124, Illustration caption: "plan" changed to "pan" (a, milk - pan). - - Page 135: "homogenous" changed to "homogeneous" (thus making - possible a homogeneous white body). - - Page 144: "18-century" changed to "18th-century" (that 18th-century - China-trade porcelain sherds). - - Page 154: "chows" changed to "shows" (from a long-stemmed cordial - glass shows the termini). - - Page 154: "somprised" changed to "comprised" (threads that were - comprised in a double enamel-twist). - - Page 169, illustration caption: "probaby" changed to "probably" (b, - chain, probably from whiffletree). - - Page 173: "expecially" changed to "especially" (especially as the - few 17th-century artifacts). - - Page 178: "acitvity" changed to "activity" (the rigid boundar to - domestic activity). - - Page 178: "apparrently" changed to "apparently" (perhaps the bar - apparently were located to the north.) - - Page 188: "romall" changed to "Romal" for consistency (To 1 Romall - handkerchief). - - Page 188: "handkercheif" changed to "handkerchief" (To 1 silk Romall - handkerchief). - - Page 190: "handkercheifs" changed to "handkerchiefs" (To 4 Soosey - handkerchiefs). - - Page 209: "curran" changed to "currant" (Wild currant). - - Page 217: "Fallmouth" changed to "Falmouth" (Falmouth (Virginia)). - - Page 217: "Grorge" changed to "George" (George Mercer Papers - Relating to). - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Cultural History of Marlborough, -Virginia, by C. 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