diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-03-08 23:58:04 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-03-08 23:58:04 -0800 |
| commit | b3fb66c1da00f5c73a0aa1429f63002af804ed63 (patch) | |
| tree | 78b933abe94f6fb571da38a360c3a5e24b7dfec2 /40255-0.txt | |
| parent | d04f097253e8c1a43b6ef3104702e2568b41440a (diff) | |
Diffstat (limited to '40255-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | 40255-0.txt | 12708 |
1 files changed, 12708 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/40255-0.txt b/40255-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d95ee1e --- /dev/null +++ b/40255-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,12708 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 40255 *** + + TRANSCRIBER NOTES: + + Words or letters contained within underscores, i.e. _Proceedings_, + indicate italics in the original. + + Letters or numbers preceded by ^ (carat) indicate superscripts. + Multiple letter superscripts are contained within { } brackets. + + Initials followed by a period (.) and contained within [ ] brackets + indicated a superscript letter above a period. For example: J^[S.]C. + + Footnotes have been moved to the end of each section. + + The List of Illustrations has been added to this project as + an aid to the reader. It does not appear in the original + book. + + Additional notes can be found at the end of this text. + + + + + SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION + + UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM + + [Illustration] + + BULLETIN 253 + + WASHINGTON, D.C. + + 1968 + + + + + The Cultural History + of Marlborough, Virginia + + An Archeological and Historical Investigation + of the + Port Town for Stafford County and the + Plantation of John Mercer, Including Data + Supplied by Frank M. Setzler and Oscar H. Darter + + C. MALCOLM WATKINS + + CURATOR OR CULTURAL HISTORY + MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY + + SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS + + SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION · WASHINGTON, D.C. · 1968 + + + + +_Publications of the United States National Museum_ + + +The scholarly and scientific publications of the United States National +Museum include two series, _Proceedings of the United States National +Museum_ and _United States National Museum Bulletin_. + +In these series, the Museum publishes original articles and monographs +dealing with the collections and work of its constituent museums--The +Museum of Natural History and the Museum of History and +Technology--setting forth newly acquired facts in the fields of +anthropology, biology, history, geology, and technology. Copies of each +publication are distributed to libraries, to cultural and scientific +organizations, and to specialists and others interested in the different +subjects. + +The _Proceedings_, begun in 1878, are intended for the publication, in +separate form, of shorter papers from the Museum of Natural History. +These are gathered in volumes, octavo in size, with the publication date +of each paper recorded in the table of contents of the volume. + +In the _Bulletin_ series, the first of which was issued in 1875, appear +longer, separate publications consisting of monographs (occasionally in +several parts) and volumes in which are collected works on related +subjects. _Bulletins_ are either octavo or quarto in size, depending on +the needs of the presentation. Since 1902 papers relating to the +botanical collections of the Museum of Natural History have been +published in the _Bulletin_ series under the heading _Contributions from +the United States National Herbarium_, and since 1959, in _Bulletins_ +titled "Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology," have +been gathered shorter papers relating to the collections and research of +that Museum. + +This work forms volume 253 of the _Bulletin_ series. + + FRANK A. TAYLOR + _Director, United States National Museum_ + +For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing +Office + +Washington, D.C. 20402--Price $3.75 + + + + +Contents + + + _Page_ + + Preface vii + + HISTORY 3 + + I. Official port towns in Virginia and origins of + Marlborough 5 + II. John Mercer's occupation of Marlborough, 1726-1730 15 + III. Mercer's consolidation of Marlborough, 1730-1740 21 + IV. Marlborough at its ascendancy, 1741-1750 27 + V. Mercer and Marlborough, from zenith to decline, + 1751-1768 49 + VI. Dissolution of Marlborough 61 + + ARCHEOLOGY AND ARCHITECTURE 65 + + VII. The site, its problem, and preliminary tests 67 + VIII. Archeological techniques 70 + IX. Wall system 71 + X. Mansion foundation (Structure B) 85 + XI. Kitchen foundation (Structure E) 101 + XII. Supposed smokehouse foundation (Structure F) 107 + XIII. Pits and other structures 111 + XIV. Stafford courthouse south of Potomac Creek 115 + + ARTIFACTS 123 + + XV. Ceramics 125 + XVI. Glass 145 + XVII. Objects of personal use 155 + XVIII. Metalwork 159 + XIX. Conclusion 173 + + GENERAL CONCLUSIONS 175 + + XX. Summary of findings 177 + + Appendixes 181 + + A. Inventory of George Andrews, Ordinary Keeper 183 + B. Inventory of Peter Beach 184 + C. Charges to account of Mosley Battaley 185 + D. "Domestick Expenses," 1725 186 + E. John Mercer's reading, 1726-1732 191 + F. Credit side of John Mercer's account with Nathaniel + Chapman 193 + G. Overwharton Parish account 194 + H. Colonists identified by John Mercer according to + occupation 195 + I. Materials listed in accounts with Hunter and Dick, + Fredericksburg 196 + J. George Mercer's expenses while attending college 197 + K. John Mercer's library 198 + L. Botanical record and prevailing temperatures, 17 209 + M. Inventory of Marlborough, 1771 211 + + Index 213 + + + + +List of Illustrations + + Figure + John Mercer's Bookplate 1 + Survey plates of Marlborough 2 + Portrait of John Mercer 3 + The Neighborhood of John Mercer 4 + King William Courthouse 5 + Mother-of-pearl counters 6 + John Mercer's Tobacco-cask symbols 7 + Wine-bottle seal 8 + French horn 9 + Hornbook 10 + Fireplace mantels 11 + Doorways 12 + Table-desk 13 + Archeological survey plan 14 + Portrait of Ann Roy Mercer 15 + Advertisement of the services of Mercer's stallion Ranter 16 + Page from Maria Sibylla Merian's _Metamorphosis Insectorum + Surinamensium efte Veranderung Surinaamsche Insecten_ 17 + Aerial Photograph of Marlborough 18 + Highway 621 19 + Excavation plan of Marlborough 20 + Excavation plan of wall system 21 + Looking north 22 + Outcropping of stone wall 23 + Junction of stone Wall A 24 + Looking north in line with Walls A and A-II 25 + Wall A-II 26 + Junction of Wall A-I 27 + Wall E 28 + Detail of Gateway in Wall E 29 + Wall B-II 30 + Wall D 31 + Excavation plan of Structure B 32 + Site of Structure B 33 + Southwest corner of Structure B 34 + Southwest corner of Structure B 35 + South wall of Structure B 36 + Cellar of Structure B 37 + Section of red-sandstone arch 38 + Helically contoured red-sandstone 39 + Cast-concrete block 40 + Dressed red-sandstone block 41 + Fossil-embedded black sedimentary stone 42 + Foundation of porch at north end of Structure B 43 + Plan of mansion house 44 + The Villa of "the magnificent Lord Leonardo Emo" 45 + Excavation plan of Structure E 46 + Foundation of Structure E 47 + Paved floor of Room X, Structure E 48 + North wall of Structure E 49 + Wrought-iron slab 50 + Excavation plan of structures north of Wall D 51 + Structure F 52 + Virginia brick from Structure B 53 + Structure D 54 + Refuse found at exterior corner of Wall A-II and Wall D 55 + Excavation plan of Structure H 56 + Structure H 57 + 1743 drawing showing location of Stafford courthouse 58 + Enlarged detail from figure 58 59 + Excavation plan of Stafford courthouse foundation 60 + Hanover courthouse 61 + Plan of King William courthouse 62 + Tidewater-type pottery 63 + Miscellaneous common earthenware types 64 + Buckley-type high-fired ware 65 + Westerwald stoneware 66 + Fine English stoneware 67 + English Delftware 68 + Delft plate 69 + Delft plate 70 + Whieldon-type tortoiseshell ware 71 + Queensware 72 + Fragment of Queensware 73 + English white earthenwares 74 + Polychrome Chinese porcelain 75 + Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain 76 + Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain 77 + Wine bottle 78 + Bottle seals 79 + Octagonal spirits bottle 80 + Snuff bottle 81 + Glassware 82 + Small metalwork 83 + Personal miscellany 84 + Cutlery 85 + Metalwork 86 + Ironware 87 + Iron door and chest hardware 88 + Tools 89 + Scythe 90 + Farm gear 91 + + + Illustration + Front and back cast-concrete block 1 and 2 + Iron tie bar 3 + Cross section of plaster cornice molding from + Structure B 4 + Reconstructed wine bottle 5 + Fragment of molded white salt-glazed platter 6 + Iron bolt 7 + Stone scraping tool 8 + Indian celt 9 + Milk pan 10 + Milk pan 11 + Ale mug 12 + Cover of jar 13 + Base of bowl 14 + Handle of pot lid or oven door 15 + Buff-earthenware cup 16 + High-fired earthenware pan rim 17 + High-fired earthenware jar rim 18 + Rim and base profiles of high-fired earthenware jars 19 + Base sherd from unglazed red-earthenware water cooler 20 + Rim of an earthenware flowerpot 21 + Base of gray-brown, salt-glazed-stoneware ale mug 22 + Stoneware jug fragment 23 + Gray-salt-glazed-stoneware jar profile 24 + Drab-stoneware mug fragment 25 + Wheel-turned cover of white, salt-glazed teapot 26 + Body sherds of molded, white salt-glaze-ware pitcher 27 + English delftware washbowl sherd 28 + English delftware plate 29 + English delftware plate 30 + Delftware ointment pot 31 + Sherds of black basaltes ware 32 + Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain saucer 33 + Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain plate 34 + Beverage bottle 35 + Beverage-bottle seal 36 + Complete beverage bottle 37 + Cylindrical beverage bottle 38 + Cylindrical beverage bottle 39 + Octagonal, pint-size beverage bottle 40 + Square gin bottle 41 + Square snuff bottle 42 + Wineglass, reconstructed 43 + Cordial glass 44 + Sherds of engraved-glass wine and cordial glasses 45 + Clear-glass tumbler 46 + Octagonal cut-glass trencher salt 47 + Brass buckle 48 + Brass knee buckle 49 + Brass thimble 50 + Chalk bullet mold 51 + Fragments of tobacco-pipe bowl 52 + White-kaolin tobacco pipe 53 + Slate pencil 54 + Fragment of long-tined fork 55 + Fragment of long-tined fork 56 + Fork with two-part handle 57 + Trifid-handle pewter spoon 58 + Wavy-end pewter spoon 59 + Pewter teapot lid 60 + Steel scissors 61 + Iron candle snuffers 62 + Iron butt hinge 63 + End of strap hinge 64 + Catch for door latch 65 + Wrought-iron hasp 66 + Brass drop handle 67 + Wrought-iron catch or striker 68 + Iron slide bolt 69 + Series of wrought-iron nails 70 + Series of wrought-iron flooring nails and brads 71 + Fragment of clouting nail 72 + Hand-forged spike 73 + Blacksmith's hammer 74 + Iron wrench 75 + Iron scraping tool 76 + Bit or gouge chisel 77 + Jeweler's hammer 78 + Wrought-iron colter from plow 79 + Hook used with wagon 80 + Bolt with wingnut 81 + Lashing hook from cart 82 + Hilling hoe 83 + Iron reinforcement strip from back of shovel handle 84 + Half of sheep shears 85 + Animal trap 86 + Iron bridle bit 87 + Fishhook 88 + Brass strap handle 89 + + + + +Preface + + +A number of people participated in the preparation of this study. The +inspiration for the archeological and historical investigations came +from Professor Oscar H. Darter, who until 1960 was chairman of the +Department of Historical and Social Sciences at Mary Washington College, +the women's branch of the University of Virginia. The actual excavations +were made under the direction of Frank M. Setzler, formerly the head +curator of anthropology at the Smithsonian Institution. None of the +investigation would have been possible had not the owners of the +property permitted the excavations to be made, sometimes at considerable +inconvenience to themselves. I am indebted to W. Biscoe, Ralph +Whitticar, Jr., and Thomas Ashby, all of whom owned the excavated areas +at Marlborough; and T. Ben Williams, whose cornfield includes the site +of the 18th-century Stafford County courthouse, south of Potomac Creek. + +For many years Dr. Darter has been a resident of Fredericksburg and, in +the summers, of Marlborough Point on the Potomac River. During these +years, he has devoted himself to the history of the Stafford County area +which lies between these two locations in northeastern Virginia. +Marlborough Point has interested Dr. Darter especially since it is the +site of one of the Virginia colonial port towns designated by Act of +Assembly in 1691. During the town's brief existence, it was the location +of the Stafford County courthouse and the place where the colonial +planter and lawyer John Mercer established his home in 1726. Tangible +evidence of colonial activities at Marlborough Point--in the form of +brickbats and potsherds still can be seen after each plowing, while John +Mercer's "Land Book," examined anew by Dr. Darter, has revealed the +original survey plats of the port town. + +In this same period and as early as 1938, Dr. T. Dale Stewart (then +curator of physical anthropology at the Smithsonian Institution) had +commenced excavations at the Indian village site of Patawomecke, a few +hundred yards west of the Marlborough Town site. The aboriginal +backgrounds of the area including Marlborough Point already had been +investigated. As the result of his historical research connected with +this project, Dr. Stewart has contributed fundamentally to the present +undertaking by foreseeing the excavations of Marlborough Town as a +logical step beyond his own investigation. + +Motivated by this combination of interests, circumstances, and +historical clues, Dr. Darter invited the Smithsonian Institution to +participate in an archeological investigation of Marlborough. +Preliminary tests made in August 1954 were sufficiently rewarding to +justify such a project. Consequently, an application for funds was +prepared jointly and was submitted by Dr. Darter through the University +of Virginia to the American Philosophical Society. In January 1956 grant +number 159, Johnson Fund (1955), for $1500 was assigned to the program. +In addition, the Smithsonian Institution contributed the professional +services necessary for field research and directed the purchase of +microfilms and photostats, the drawing of maps and illustrations, and +the preparation and publication of this report. Dr. Darter hospitably +provided the use of his Marlborough Point cottage during the period of +excavation, and Mary Washington College administered the grant. Frank +Setzler directed the excavations during a six-week period in April and +May 1956, while interpretation of cultural material and the searches of +historical data related to it were carried out by C. Malcolm Watkins. + +At the commencement of archeological work it was expected that traces of +the 17th- and early 18th-century town would be found, including, +perhaps, the foundations of the courthouse. This expectation was not +realized, although what was found from the Mercer period proved to be +of greater importance. After completion, a report was made in the 1956 +_Year Book_ of the American Philosophical Society (pp. 304-308). + +After the 1956 excavations, the question remained whether the principal +foundation (Structure B) might not have been that of the courthouse. +Therefore, in August 1957 a week-long effort was made to find +comparative evidence by digging the site of the succeeding 18th-century +Stafford County courthouse at the head of Potomac Creek. This disclosed +a foundation sufficiently different from Structure B to rule out any +analogy between the two. + +It should be made clear that--because of the limited size of the +grant--the archeological phase of the investigation was necessarily a +limited survey. Only the more obvious features could be examined within +the means at the project's disposal. No final conclusions relative to +Structure B, for example, are warranted until the section of foundation +beneath the highway which crosses it can be excavated. Further +excavations need to be made south and southeast of Structure B and +elsewhere in search of outbuildings and evidence of 17th-century +occupancy. + +Despite such limitations, this study is a detailed examination of a +segment of colonial Virginia's plantation culture. It has been prepared +with the hope that it will provide Dr. Darter with essential material +for his area studies and, also, with the wider objective of increasing +the knowledge of the material culture of colonial America. Appropriate +to the function of a museum such as the Smithsonian, this study is +concerned principally with what is concrete--objects and artifacts and +the meanings that are to be derived from them. It has relied upon the +mutually dependent techniques of archeologist and cultural historian and +will serve, it is hoped, as a guide to further investigations of this +sort by historical museums and organizations. + +Among the many individuals contributing to this study, I am especially +indebted to Dr. Darter; to the members of the American Philosophical +Society who made the excavations possible; to Dr. Stewart, who reviewed +the archeological sections at each step as they were written; to Mrs. +Sigrid Hull who drew the line-and-stipple illustrations which embellish +the report; Edward G. Schumacher of the Bureau of American Ethnology, +who made the archeological maps and drawings; Jack Scott of the +Smithsonian photographic laboratory, who photographed the artifacts; and +George Harrison Sanford King of Fredericksburg, from whom the necessary +documentation for the 18th-century courthouse site was obtained. + +I am grateful also to Dr. Anthony N. B. Garvan, professor of American +civilization at the University of Pennsylvania and former head curator +of the Smithsonian Institution's department of civil history, for +invaluable encouragement and advice; and to Worth Bailey formerly with +the Historic American Buildings Survey, for many ideas, suggestions, and +important identifications of craftsmen listed in Mercer's ledgers. + +I am equally indebted to Ivor Noël Hume, director of archeology at +Colonial Williamsburg and an honorary research associate of the +Smithsonian Institution, for his assistance in the identification of +artifacts; to Mrs. Mabel Niemeyer, librarian of the Bucks County +Historical Society, for her cooperation in making the Mercer ledgers +available for this report; to Donald E. Roy, librarian of the Darlington +Library, University of Pittsburgh, for providing the invaluable clue +that directed me to the ledgers; to the staffs of the Virginia State +Library and the Alexandria Library for repeated courtesies and +cooperation; and to Miss Rodris Roth, associate curator of cultural +history at the Smithsonian, for detecting Thomas Oliver's inventory of +Marlborough in a least suspected source. + +I greatly appreciate receiving generous permissions from the University +of Pittsburgh Press to quote extensively from the _George Mercer Papers +Relating to the Ohio Company of Virginia_, and from Russell & Russell to +copy Thomas Oliver's inventory of Marlborough. + +To all of these people and to the countless others who contributed in +one way or another to the completion of this study, I offer my grateful +thanks. + + C. MALCOLM WATKINS + + Washington, D.C. + 1967 + + + + +The Cultural History + +of + +Marlborough, Virginia + +[Illustration: Figure 1.--JOHN MERCER'S BOOKPLATE.] + + + + +HISTORY + + + + +I + +_Official Port Towns in Virginia and Origins of Marlborough_ + + +ESTABLISHING THE PORT TOWNS + +The dependence of 17th-century Virginia upon the single +crop--tobacco--was a chronic problem. A bad crop year or a depressed +English market could plunge the whole colony into debt, creating a chain +reaction of overextended credits and failures to meet obligations. +Tobacco exhausted the soil, and soil exhaustion led to an ever-widening +search for new land. This in turn brought about population dispersal and +extreme decentralization. + +After the Restoration in 1660 the Virginia colonial government was faced +not only with these economic hazards but also with the resulting +administrative difficulties. It was awkward to govern a scattered +population and almost impossible to collect customs duties on imports +landed at the planters' own wharves along hundreds of miles of inland +waterways. The royal governors and responsible persons in the Assembly +reacted therefore with a succession of plans to establish towns that +would be the sole ports of entry for the areas they served, thus making +theoretically simple the task of securing customs revenues. The towns +also would be centers of business and manufacture, diversifying the +colony's economic supports and lessening its dependence on tobacco. To +men of English origin this establishment of port communities must have +seemed natural and logical. + +The first such proposal became law in 1662, establishing a port town +for each of the major river valleys and for the Eastern Shore. But the +law's sponsors were doomed to disappointment, for the towns were not +built.[1] After a considerable lapse, a new act was passed in 1680, this +one better implemented and further reaching. It provided for a port town +in each county, where ships were to deliver their goods and pick up +tobacco and other exports from town warehouses for their return +voyages.[2] One of its most influential supporters was William Fitzhugh +of Stafford County, a wealthy planter and distinguished leader in the +colony.[3] "We have now resolved a cessation of making Tob^o next year," +he wrote to his London agent, Captain Partis, in 1680. "We are also +going to make Towns, if you can meet with any tradesmen that will come +and live at the Town, they may have privileges and immunitys."[4] + +[Illustration: Potomack River] + +[Illustration: Figure 2.--Survey plats of Marlborough as copied in John +Mercer's Land Book showing at bottom, John Savage's, 1731; and top, +William Buckner's and Theodorick Bland's, 1691. (The courthouse probably +stood in the vicinity of lot 21.)] + +Some of these towns actually were laid out, each on a 50-acre tract of +half-acre lots, but only 9 tracts were built upon. The Act soon lagged +and collapsed. It was unpopular with the colonists, who were obliged to +transport their tobacco to distant warehouses and to pay storage fees; +it was ignored by shipmasters, who were in the habit of dealing directly +with planters at their wharves and who were not interested in making it +any easier for His Majesty's customs collectors.[5] + +Nevertheless, efforts to come up with a third act began in 1688.[6] +William Fitzhugh, especially, was articulate in his alarm over +Virginia's one-crop economy, the effects of which the towns were +supposed to mitigate. At this time he referred to tobacco as "our most +despicable commodity." A year later, he remarked, "it is more uncertain +for a Planter to get money by consigned Tob^o then to get a prize in a +lottery, there being twenty chances for one chance."[7] + +In April 1691 the Act for Ports was passed, the House, significantly, +recording only one dissenting vote.[8] Unlike its predecessor, which +encouraged trades and crafts, this Act was justified purely on the basis +of overcoming the "great opportunity ... given to such as attempt to +import or export goods and merchandises, without entering or paying the +duties and customs due thereupon, much practised by greedy and covetous +persons." It provided that all exports and imports should be taken up or +set down at the specified ports and nowhere else, under penalty of +forfeiting ship, gear, and cargo, and that the law should become +effective October 1, 1692. The towns again were to be surveyed and laid +out in 50-acre tracts. Feoffees, to be appointed, would grant half-acre +lots on a pro rata first-cost basis. Grantees "shall within the space of +four months next ensueing such grant begin and without delay proceed to +build and finish on each half acre one good house, to containe twenty +foot square at the least, wherein if he fails to performe them such +grant to be void in law, and the lands therein granted lyable to the +choyce and purchase of any other person." Justices of the county courts +were to fill vacancies among the feoffees and to appoint customs +collectors.[9] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [1] WILLIAM WALLER HENING, _The Statutes at Large Being a + Collection of All the Laws of Virginia_ (New York, 1823), + vol. 2, pp. 172-176. + + [2] Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 471-478. + + [3] William Fitzhugh was founder of the renowned Virginia + family that bear his name. As chief justice of the Stafford + County court, burgess, merchant, and wealthy planter, he + epitomized the landed aristocrat in 17th-century Virginia. + See "Letters of William Fitzhugh," _Virginia Magazine of + History & Biography_ (Richmond, 1894), vol. 1, p. 17 + (hereinafter designated _VHM_), and _William Fitzhugh and His + Chesapeake World_ (1676-1701), edit. Richard Beale Davis + (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, for the + Virginia Historical Society, 1963). + + [4] _VHM_, op. cit., p. 30. + + [5] ROBERT BEVERLEY, _The History and Present State of + Virginia_, edit. Louis B. Wright (Chapel Hill: The University + of North Carolina Press, 1947), p. 88; PHILIP ALEXANDER + BRUCE, _Economic History of Virginia_, 2nd ed. (New York: P. + Smith, 1935), vol. 2, pp. 553-554. + + [6] _Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia_ + (hereinafter designated _JHB_) 1659/60-1693, edit. H. R. + McIlwaine (Richmond, Virginia: Virginia State Library, 1914), + pp. 303, 305, 308, 315. + + [7] "Letters of William Fitzhugh," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1895), + vol. 2, pp. 374-375. + + [8] _JHB 1659/60-1693_, op. cit. (footnote 6), p. 351. + + [9] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 3, pp. 53-69. + + +THE PORT TOWN FOR STAFFORD COUNTY + +The difficulties confronting the central and local governing bodies in +putting the Acts into effect are illustrated by the attempts to +establish a port town for Stafford County. Under the act of 1680 a town +was to be built at "Peace Point," where the Catholic refugee Giles Brent +had settled nearly forty years before, but there is no evidence that +even so much as a survey was made there. The 1691 Act for Ports located +the town at Potomac Neck, where Accokeek Creek and Potomac Creek +converge on the Potomac River. Situated about three miles below the +previously designated site, it was again on Brent property, lying within +a tract leased for life to Captain Malachi Peale, former high sheriff of +Stafford. On October 9, 1691, the Stafford Court "ordered that Mr. +William Buckner deputy Surveyor of this County shall on Thursday next +... repair to the Malachy Peale neck being the place allotted by act of +assembly for this Town and Port of this County and shall then and there +Survey and Lay Out the said Towne or Port ... to the Interest that all +the gentlemen of and all other of the Inhabitants may take up such Lot +and Lots as be and they desire...." On the same day John Withers and +Matthew Thompson, both justices of the peace, were appointed "Feoffees +in Trust." Young Giles Brent, "son and heir of Giles Brent Gent. late of +this county dec^{ed}" and not yet 21, selected Francis Hammersley as his +guardian. + +Hammersley in this capacity became the administrator of Brent's +affairs, and accordingly it was agreed that 13,000 pounds of tobacco +should be paid to him in exchange for the 50 acres of town land owned by +Brent.[10] + +Actually, 52 acres were surveyed, "two of the said acres being the Land +belonging to and laid out for the Court House according to a former Act +of Assembly and the other fifty acres pursuant to the late Act for +Ports." The "former Act of Assembly" which had been passed in 1667 had +stipulated the allotment of two-acre tracts for churches and court +houses, which in case the lots "be deserted y^e land shall revert to y^e +1st proprietor...."[11] For the extra two acres Hammersley was given 800 +pounds of tobacco in addition. Of the total of 13,800 pounds, 3450 were +set aside to compensate Malachi Peale for the loss of his leasehold. + +The order for the survey to be made was a formality, since the plat had +actually been drawn ahead of time by Buckner on August 16, nearly two +months before; clearly the Staffordians were eager to begin their town. +Buckner's plat was copied by his superior, Theodorick Bland, and entered +in the now-missing Stafford Survey Book. John Savage, a later surveyor, +in 1731 provided John Mercer with a duplicate of Bland's copy, which has +survived in John Mercer's Land Book (fig. 2).[12] + +On February 11, 1692, the feoffees granted 27 lots to 15 applicants. +John Mercer's later review of the town's history in this period states +that "many" of the lots were "built on and improved."[13] Two ordinaries +were licensed, one in 1691 and one in 1693, but no business activity +other than the Potomac Creek ferry seems to have been conducted.[14] Any +future the town might have had was erased by the same adverse reactions +that had killed the previous port acts. The merchants and shippers used +their negative influence and on March 22, 1693, a "bill for suspension +of y^e act for Ports &c till their Maj^{ts} pleasure shall be known +therein or till y^e next assembly" passed the house. In due course the +act was reviewed and returned unsigned for further consideration. +William Fitzhugh, on October 17, 1693, dutifully read the +recommendation of the Committee of Grievances and Properties "That the +appointment of Ports & injoyneing the Landing and Shipping of all goods +imported or to be exported at & from the same will (considering the +present circumstances of the Country) be very injurious & burthensome to +the Inhabitants thereof and traders thereunto."[15] Doubtless dictated +by the Board of Trade in London, the recommendation was a defeat for +those who, like Fitzhugh, sought by the establishment of towns to break +tobacco's strangle-hold on Virginia. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [10] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694 (MS bound with + order book for 1664-1688, but paginated separately), pp. 175, + 177, 180, 189. + + [11] "Mills," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1903), vol. 10, pp. 147-148. + + [12] John Mercer's Land Book (MS., Virginia State Library). + + [13] _JHB, 1742-1747; 1748-1749_ (Richmond, 1909), pp. + 285-286. + + [14] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, pp. 184, 357. + + [15] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 3, pp. 108-109. + + +THE ACT FOR PORTS OF 1705 AND THE NAMING OF MARLBOROUGH + +Nevertheless, the town idea was hard to kill. In 1705 Stafford's port +town, along with those in the other counties, was given a new lease on +life when still another Act for Ports, introduced by Robert Beverley, +was passed. This Act repeated in substance the provisions of its +immediate forerunner, but provided in addition extravagant inducements +to settlement. Those who inhabited the towns were exempted from +three-quarters of the customs duties paid by others; they were freed of +poll taxes for 15 years; they were relieved from military mustering +outside the towns and from marching outside, excepting the "exigency" of +war (and then only for a distance of no more than 50 miles). Goods and +"dead provision" were not to be sold outside within a 5-mile radius, and +ordinaries (other than those within the towns) were not permitted closer +than 10 miles to the towns' boundaries, except at courthouses and ferry +landings. Each town was to be a free "burgh," and, when it had grown to +30 families "besides ordinary keepers," "eight principal inhabitants" +were to be chosen by vote of the "freeholders and inhabitants of the +town of twenty-one years of age and upwards, not being servants or +apprentices," to be called "benchers of the guild-hall." These eight +"benchers" would govern the town for life or until removal, selecting a +"director" from among themselves. When 60 families had settled, +"brethren assistants of the guild hall" were to be elected similarly to +serve as a common council. Each town was to have two market days a week +and an annual five-day fair. The towns listed under the Act were +virtually the same as before, but this time each was given an official +name, the hitherto anonymous town for Stafford being called Marlborough +in honor of the hero of the recent victory at Blenheim.[16] + +The elaborate vision of the Act's sponsors never was realized in the +newly christened town, but there was in due course a slight resumption +of activity in it. George Mason and William Fitzhugh, Jr. (the son of +William Fitzhugh of Stafford County) were appointed feoffees in 1707, +and a new survey was made by Thomas Gregg. The following year seven more +lots were granted, and for an interval of two years Marlborough +functioned technically as an official port.[17] + +Inevitably, perhaps, history repeated itself. In 1710 the Act for Ports, +like its predecessors, was rescinded. The reasons given in London were +brief and straightforward; the Act, it was explained, was "designed to +Encourage by great Priviledges the settling in Townships." These +settlements would encourage manufactures, which, in turn, would promote +"further Improvement of the said manufactures, And take them off from +the Planting of Tobacco, which would be of Very Ill consequence," thus +lessening the colony's dependence on the Kingdom, affecting the import +of tobacco, and prejudicing shipping.[18] Clearly, the Crown did not +want the towns to succeed, nor would it tolerate anything which might +stimulate colonial self-dependence. The Virginia colonists' dream of +corporate communities was not to be realized. + +Most of the towns either died entirely or struggled on as crossroads +villages. A meager few have survived to the present, notably Norfolk, +Hampton, Yorktown, and Tappahannock. Marlborough lasted as a town until +about 1720, but in about 1718 the courthouse and several dwellings were +destroyed by fire and "A new Court House being built at another Place, +all or most of the Houses that had been built in the said Town, were +either burnt or suffered to go to ruin."[19] + +The towns were artificial entities, created by acts of assembly, not by +economic or social necessity. In the few places where they filled a +need, notably in the populous areas of the lower James and York Rivers, +they flourished without regard to official status. In other places, by +contrast, no law or edict sufficed to make them live when conditions did +not warrant them. In sparsely settled Stafford especially there was +little to nurture a town. It was easier, and perhaps more exciting, to +grow tobacco and gamble on a successful crop, to go in debt when things +were bad or lend to the less fortunate when things were better. In the +latter case land became an acceptable medium for the payment of debts. +Land was wealth and power, its enlargement the means of greater +production of tobacco--tobacco again the great gamble by which one would +always hope to rise and not to fall. When one could own an empire, why +should one worry about a town? + +FOOTNOTES: + + [16] Ibid., pp. 404-419. + + [17] "Petition of John Mercer" (1748), (Ludwell papers, + Virginia Historical Society), _VHM_ (Richmond, 1898), vol. 5, + pp. 137-138. + + [18] _Calendar of Virginia State Papers and Other + Manuscdit. William P. Palmer, M.D. + (Richmond, 1875), vol. 1, pp. 137-138. + + [19] _JHB, 1742-1747; 1748-1749_ (Richmond, 1909), pp. + 285-286. + + +ESTABLISHING COURTHOUSES + +The administrative problems that contributed to the establishment of the +port towns also called for the erection of courthouses. As early as 1624 +lower courts had been authorized for Charles City and Elizabeth City in +recognition of the colony's expansion, and ten years later the colony +had been divided into eight counties, with a monthly court established +in each. By the Restoration the county courts possessed broadly expanded +powers and were the administrative as well as the judicial sources of +local government. In practice they were largely self-appointive and were +responsible for filling most local offices. Since the courts were the +vehicles of royal authority, it followed that the physical symbols of +this authority should be emphasized by building proper houses of +government. At Jamestown orders were given in 1663 to build a statehouse +in lieu of the alehouses and ordinaries where laws had been made +previously.[20] + +In the same year, four courthouses annually were ordered for the +counties, the burgesses having been empowered to "make and Signe +agreements w^{th} any that will undertake them to build, who are to give +good Caution for the effecting thereof with good sufficient bricks, +Lime, and Timber, and that the same be well wrought and after they are +finished to be approved by an able surveyor, before order be given them +for their pay."[21] Such buildings were to take the place of private +dwellings and ordinaries in the same way as did the statehouse at +Jamestown. It was no accident that legislation for houses of government +coincided with that for establishing port towns. Each reflected the need +for administering the far-flung reaches of the colony and for +maintaining order and respect for the crown in remote places. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [20] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 2, pp. 204-205. + + [21] _JHB, (1659/60-1693)_, op. cit. (footnote 6), p. 28. + + +THE COURTHOUSE IN THE PORT TOWN FOR STAFFORD COUNTY + +Stafford County, which had been set off from Westmoreland in 1664, was +provided with a courthouse within a year of its establishment. Ralph +Happel in _Stafford and King George Courthouses and the Fate of +Marlborough, Port of Entry_, has given us a detailed chronicle of the +Stafford courthouses, showing that the first structure was situated +south of Potomac Creek until 1690, when it presumably burned.[22] The +court, in any event, began to meet in a private house on November 12, +1690, while on November 14 one Sampson Darrell was appointed chief +undertaker and Ambrose Bayley builder of a new courthouse. A contract +was signed between them and the justices of the court to finish the +building by June 10, 1692, at a cost of 40,000 pounds of tobacco and +cash, half to be paid in 1691 and the remainder upon completion.[23] + +With William Fitzhugh the presiding magistrate of the Stafford County +court as well as cosponsor of the Act for Ports, it was foreordained +that the new courthouse should be tied in with plans for the port town. +The Act for Ports, however, was still in the making, and it was not +possible to begin the courthouse until after its passage in the spring. +On June 10, 1691, it was "Ordered by this Court that Capt. George Mason +and Mr. Blande the Surveyor shall immediately goe and run over the +ground where the Town is to Stand and that they shall then advise and +direct M^r Samson Darrell the Cheife undertaker of the Court house for +this County where he shall Erect and build the same."[24] + +The court's order was followed by a hectic sequence that reflects, in +general, the irresponsibilities, the lack of respect for law and order, +and the frontier weaknesses which made it necessary to strengthen +authority. It begins with Sampson Darrell himself, whose moral +shortcomings seem to have been legion (hog-stealing, cheating a widow, +and refusing to give indentured servants their freedom after they had +earned it, to name a few). Darrell undoubtedly had the fastidious +Fitzhugh's confidence, for certainly without that he would not have been +appointed undertaker at all. In his position in the court, Fitzhugh +would have been instrumental in selecting both architect and +architecture for the courthouse, and Darrell seems to have met his +requirements. Fitzhugh, in fact, had sufficient confidence in Darrell to +entrust him with personal business in London in 1688.[25] + +Although several months elapsed before a site was chosen, enough of the +new building was erected by October to shelter the court for its monthly +assembly. In the course of this session, there occurred a "most +mischievous and dangerous Riot,"[26] which rather violently inaugurated +the new building. During this disturbance, the pastor of Potomac Parish, +Parson John Waugh,[27] upbraided the court while it was "seated" and +took occasion to call Fitzhugh a Papist. The court, taking cognizance of +"disorders, misrules and Riots" and "the Fatal consequences of such +unhappy malignant and Tumultuous proceeding," thereupon restricted the +sale of liquor on court days (thus revealing what was at least accessory +to the disturbance).[28] Fitzhugh's letter to the court concerning this +episode mentions the "Court House" and the "Court house yard," adding to +Happel's ample documentation that the new building was by now in use. + +During the November session, James Mussen was ordered into custody for +having "dangerously wounded M^r. Sampson Darrell."[29] This suggests +that the sequence of disturbances may have been associated with the +unfinished state of the courthouse, which, like the town, symbolized the +purposes of Fitzhugh and the property-owning aristocracy. Certain it is +that Darrell, publicly identified with Fitzhugh, was violently assaulted +and that "a complaint was made to this Court that Sampson Darrell the +chief undertaker of the building and Erecting of a Court house for this +county had not performed the same according to articles of agreement." +He and Bayley accordingly were put under bond to finish the building by +June 10, 1692. By February Bayley was complaining that he had not been +paid for his work, "notwithstanding your pet^r as is well known to the +whole County hath done all the carpenters work thereof and is ready to +perform what is yet wanting." On May 12, less than a month from the +deadline for completion, Darrell was ordered to pay Bayley the money +owing, and Bayley was instructed to go on with the work. Nearly six +months later, on November 10, Darrell again was directed to pay Bayley +the full balance of his wages, but only "after the said Ambrose Bayley +shall have finished and Compleatly ended the Court house."[30] + +No description of the courthouse has been found. The Act of 1663 seems +to have required a brick building, although its wording is ambiguous. +Even if it did stipulate brick, the law was 28 years old in 1691, and +its requirements probably were ignored. Although Bayley, the builder, +was a carpenter, this would not preclude the possibility that he +supervised bricklayers and other artisans. Brick courthouses were not +unknown; one was standing in Warwick when the Act for Ports was passed +in 1691. Yet, the York courthouse, built in 1692, was a simple building, +probably of wood.[31] In any case, the Stafford courthouse was a +structure large enough to have required more than a year and a half to +build, but not so elaborate as to have cost more than 40,000 pounds of +tobacco. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [22] RALPH HAPPEL, "Stafford and King George Courthouses and + the Fate of Marlborough, Port of Entry," _VHM_ (Richmond, + 1958), vol. 66, pp. 183-194. + + [23] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 187. + + [24] Ibid., p. 122. + + [25] _William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World (1676-1701)_, + op. cit. (footnote 3), p. 241. + + [26] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 194. + + [27] Ibid., p. 182. + + [28] In Virginia recurrent English fears of Catholic + domination were reflected at this time in hysterical rumors + that the Roman Catholics of Maryland were plotting to stir up + the Indians against Virginia. In Stafford County these + suspicions were inflamed by the harangues of Parson John + Waugh, minister of Stafford Parish church and Chotank church. + Waugh, who seems to have been a rabble rouser, appealed to + the same small landholders and malcontents as those who, a + generation earlier, had followed Nathaniel Bacon's + leadership. So seriously did the authorities at Jamestown + regard the disturbance at Stafford courthouse that they sent + three councillors to investigate. See "Notes," _William & + Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine_ (Richmond, 1907), + 1st ser., vol. 15, pp. 189-190 (hereinafter designated _WMQ_) + [1]; and Richard Beale Davis' introduction to _William + Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, op. cit. (footnote 3), + pp. 35-39, and p. 251. + + [29] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 167. + + [30] Ibid., pp. 194, 267, 313. + + [31] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 3, p. 60; EDWARD M. + RILEY, "The Colonial Courthouses of York County, Virginia," + _William & Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine_ + (Williamsburg, 1942), 2nd ser., vol. 22, pp. 399-404 + (hereinafter designated _WMQ_ [2]). + + +LOCATION OF THE STAFFORD COURTHOUSE + +The location of the building is indicated by a notation on Buckner's +plat of the port town: "The fourth course (runs) down along by the Gutt +between Geo: Andrew's & the Court house to Potomack Creek." A glance at +the plat (fig. 2) will disclose that the longitudinal boundaries of all +the lots south of a line between George Andrews' "Gutt" run parallel to +this fourth course. Plainly, the courthouse was situated near the head +of the gutt, where the westerly boundary course changed, near the end of +"The Broad Street Across the Town." It may be significant that the +foundation (Structure B) on which John Mercer's mansion was later built +is located in this vicinity. + +In or about the year 1718 the courthouse "burnt Down,"[32] while it was +reported as "being become ruinous" in 1720, with its "Situation very +inconvenient for the greater part of the Inhabitants." It was then +agreed to build a new courthouse "at the head of Ocqua Creek."[33] Aquia +Creek was probably meant, but this must have been an error and the "head +of Potomac Creek" intended instead. Happel shows that it was built on +the south side of Potomac Creek. Thus, the burning of the Marlborough +courthouse in 1718 merely speeded up the forces that led to the end of +the town's career. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [32] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). + + [33] _Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial Virginia_ + (Richmond, 1930), vol. 2, p. 527. + + +MARLBOROUGH PROPERTY OWNERS + +Not only was Marlborough foredoomed by external decrees and adverse +official decisions, but much of its failure was rooted in the local +elements by which it was constituted. The great majority of lot holders +were the "gentlemen" who were so carefully distinguished from "all other +of the Inhabitants" in the order to survey the town in 1691. Most were +leading personages in Stafford, and we may assume that their purchases +of lots were made in the interests of investment gains, not in +establishing homes or businesses. Only three or four yeomen and ordinary +keepers seem to have settled in the town. + +Sampson Darrell, for example, held two lots, but he lived at Aquia +Creek.[34] Francis Hammersley was a planter who married Giles Brent's +widow and lived at "The Retirement," one of the Brent estates.[35] +George Brent, nephew of the original Giles Brent, was law partner of +William Fitzhugh, and had been appointed Receiver General of the +Northern Neck in 1690. His brother Robert also was a lot holder. Both +lived at Woodstock, and presumably they did not maintain residences at +the port town.[36] Other leading citizens were Robert Alexander, Samuel +Hayward, and Martin Scarlett, but again there is little likelihood that +they were ever residents of the town. John Waugh, the uproarious pastor +of Potomac Parish, also was a lot holder, but he lived on the south side +of Potomac Creek in a house which belonged to Mrs. Anne Meese of London. +His failure to pay for that house after 11 years' occupancy of it, which +led to a suit in which Fitzhugh was the prosecutor, does not suggest +that he ever arrived at building a house in the port town.[37] + +Captain George Mason was a distinguished individual who lived at +"Accokeek," about a mile and a half from Marlborough. He certainly built +in the town, for in 1691 he petitioned for a license to "keep an +ordinary at the Town or Port for this county." The petition was granted +on condition that he "find a good and Sufficient maintenance and +reception both for man and horse." Captain Mason was grandfather of +George Mason of Gunston Hall, author of the Virginia Bill of Rights, and +was, at one time or another, sheriff, lieutenant colonel and commander +in chief of the Stafford Rangers, and a burgess. He participated in +putting down the uprising of Nanticoke Indians in 1692, bringing in +captives for trial at the unfinished courthouse in March of that +year.[38] Despite his interest in the town, however, it is unlikely that +he ever lived there. + +Another lot owner was Captain Malachi Peale, whose lease of the town +land from the Brents had been purchased when the site was selected. He +also was an important figure, having been sheriff. He may well have +lived on one of his three lots, since he was a resident of the Neck to +begin with. John Withers, one of the first feoffees and a justice of the +peace, was a lot holder also. George Andrews and Peter Beach, somewhat +less distinguished, were perhaps the only full-time residents from among +the first grantees. After 1708 Thomas Ballard and possibly William +Barber were also householders. + +Thus, few of the ingredients of an active community were to be found at +Marlborough, the skilled craftsmen or ship's chandlers or merchants who +might have provided the vitality of commerce and trade not having at any +time been present. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [34] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 251. + + [35] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12); + _William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, op. cit. + (footnote 3), p. 209. + + [36] Ibid., pp. 76, 93, 162, 367. + + [37] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 203; _William + Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, op. cit. (footnote 3), + pp. 209, 211. + + [38] Ibid., pp. 184, 230; John Mercer's Land Book, op. cit. + (footnote 12); _William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, + op. cit. (footnote 3), p. 38. + + +HOUSING + +It is likely that most of the houses in the town conformed to the +minimum requirements of 20 by 20 feet. They were probably all of wood, a +story and a half high with a chimney built against one end. Forman +describes a 20-foot-square house foundation at Jamestown, known as the +"House on Isaac Watson's Land." This had a brick floor and a fireplace +large enough to take an 8-foot log as well as a setting for a brew +copper. The ground floor consisted of one room, and there was probably a +loft overhead providing extra sleeping and storage space.[39] The +original portion of the Digges house at Yorktown, built following the +Port Act of 1705 and still standing, is a brick house, also 20 feet +square and a story and a half high. Yet, brick houses certainly were not +the rule. In remote Stafford County, shortly before the port town was +built, the houses of even well-placed individuals were sometimes +extremely primitive. William Fitzhugh wrote in 1687 to his lawyer and +merchant friend Nicholas Hayward in London, "Your brother Joseph's +building that Shell, of a house without Chimney or partition, & not one +tittle of workmanship about it more than a Tobacco house work, carry'd +him into those Arrears with your self & his other Employees, as you +found by his Accots. at his death."[40] Ancient English puncheon-type +construction, with studs and posts set three feet into the ground, was +still in use at Marlborough in 1691, as we know from the contract for +building a prison quoted by Happel.[41] No doubt the houses there +varied in quality, but we may be sure that most were crude, inexpertly +built, of frame or puncheon-type construction, and subject to +deterioration by rot and insects. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [39] HENRY CHANDLEE FORMAN, _Jamestown and St. Mary's_ + (Baltimore, 1938), pp. 135-137. + + [40] _William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World_, op. cit. + (footnote 3), p. 203. + + [41] HAPPEL, op. cit. (footnote 22), p. 186; Stafford County + Order Book, 1689-1694, pp. 210-211. + + +FURNISHINGS OF TWO MARLBOROUGH HOUSES + +Like George Mason, George Andrews ran an ordinary at the port town, +having been licensed in 1693, and he also kept the ferry across Potomac +Creek.[42] He died in 1698, leaving the property to his grandson John +Cave. From the inventory of his estate recorded in the Stafford County +records (Appendix A) we obtain a picture not only of the furnishings of +a house in the port town, but also of what constituted an ordinary.[43] +We are left with no doubt that as a hostelry Andrews' house left much to +be desired. There were no bedsteads, although six small feather beds +with bolsters and one old and small flock bed are listed. (Flock +consisted of tufted and fragmentary pieces of wool and cotton, while +"Bed" referred not to a bedframe or bedstead but to the tick or +mattress.) There were two pairs of curtains and valances. In the 17th +century a valance was "A border of drapery hanging around the canopy of +a bed."[44] Curtains customarily were suspended from within the valance +from bone or brass curtain rings on a rod or wire, and were drawn around +the bed for privacy or warmth. Where high post bedsteads were used, the +curtains and valances were supported on the rectangular frame of the +canopy or tester. Since George Andrews did not list any bedsteads, it is +possible that his curtains and valances were hung from bracketed frames +above low wooden frames that held the bedding. Six of his beds were +covered with "rugs," one of which was "Turkey work." There is no +indication of sheets or other refinements for sleeping. + +Andrews' furniture was old, but apparently of good quality. Four "old" +cane chairs, which may have dated back as far as 1660, were probably +English, of carved walnut. The "old" table may have had a turned or a +joined frame, or possibly may have been a homemade trestle table. An +elegant touch was the "carpet," which undoubtedly covered it. Chests of +drawers were rare in the 17th century, so it is surprising to find one +described here as "old." A "cupboard" was probably a press or court +cupboard for the display of plates and dishes and perhaps the pair of +"Tankards" listed in the inventory. The latter may have been pewter or +German stoneware with pewter mounts. The "couch" was a combination bed +and settee. As in every house there were chests, but of what sort or +quality we can only surmise. A "great trunk" provided storage. + +Andrews' hospitality as host is symbolized by his _lignum vitae_ +punchbowl. Punch itself was something of an innovation and had first +made its appearance in England aboard ships arriving from India early in +the 1600's. It remained a sailor's drink throughout most of the century, +but had begun to gain in general popularity before 1700 in the colonies. +What is more remarkable here, however, is the container. Edward M. Pinto +states that such _lignum vitae_ "wassail" bowls were sometimes large +enough to hold five gallons of punch and were kept in one place on the +table, where all present took part in the mixing. They were lathe-turned +and usually stood on pedestals.[45] George Andrews' nutmeg graters, +silver spoons, and silver dram cup for tasting the spirits that were +poured into the punch were all elegant accessories. + +Another resident whose estate was inventoried was Peter Beach.[46] One +of his executors was Daniel Beach, who was paid 300 pounds of tobacco +annually from 1700 to 1703 for "sweeping" and "cleaning" the courthouse +(Appendix B). Beach's furnishings were scarcely more elaborate than +Andrews'. Unlike Andrews, he owned four bedsteads, which with their +curtains and fittings (here called "furniture") varied in worth from 100 +to 1500 pounds of tobacco. Here again was a cupboard, while there were +nine chairs with "flag" seats and "boarded" backs (rush-seated chairs, +probably of the "slat-back" or "ladder-back" variety). Eight more chairs +and five stools were not described. A "parcel of old tables" was listed, +but only one table appears to have been in use. There were pewter and +earthenware, but a relatively few cooking utensils. An "old" pewter +tankard was probably the most elegant drinking vessel, while one +candlestick was a grudging concession to the need for artificial light. +The only books were two Bibles; the list mentions a single indentured +servant. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [42] Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 195. + + [43] Stafford County Will Book, Liber Z, pp. 168-169. + + [44] _A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles_ + (Oxford, 1928), vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 18. + + [45] EDWARD H. PINTO, _Treen, or Small Woodware Throughout + the Ages_ (London, 1949), p. 20. + + [46] Stafford County Will Book, Liber Z, pp. 158-159. + + +THE GREGG SURVEY + +In 1707, after the revival of the Port Act, the new county surveyor, +Thomas Gregg, made another survey of the town. This was done apparently +without regard to Buckner's original survey. Since Gregg adopted an +entirely new system of numbering, and since his survey was lost at an +early date, it is impossible to locate by their description the sites of +the lots granted in 1708 and after. + +Forty years later John Mercer wrote: + + It is certain that Thomas Gregg (being the Surveyor of Stafford + County) did Sep 2^d 1707 make a new Survey of the Town.... it is as + certain that Gregg had no regard either to the bounds or numbers of + the former Survey since he begins his Numbers the reverse way + making his number 1 in the corner at Buckner's 19 & as his Survey + is not to be found its impossible to tell how he continued his + Numbers. No scheme I have tried will answer, & the Records differ + as much, the streets according to Buckner's Survey running thro the + House I lived in built by Ballard tho his whole lot was ditched in + according to the Bounds made by Gregg.[47] + +Whatever the intent may have been in laying out formal street and lot +plans, Marlborough was essentially a rustic village. If Gregg's plat ran +streets through the positions of houses on the Buckner survey, and vice +versa, it is clear that not much attention was paid to theoretical +property lines or streets. Ballard apparently dug a boundary ditch +around his lot, according to Virginia practice in the 17th century, but +the fact that this must have encroached on property assigned to somebody +else on the basis of the Buckner survey seems not to have been noted at +the time. Rude houses placed informally and connected by lanes and +footpaths, the courthouse attempting to dominate them like a village +schoolmaster in a class of country bumpkins, a few outbuildings, a boat +landing or two, some cultivated land, and a road leading away from the +courthouse to the north with another running in the opposite direction +to the creek--this is the way Marlborough must have looked even in its +best days in 1708. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [47] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). + +THE DEATH OF MARLBOROUGH AS A TOWN + +Could this poor village have survived had the courthouse not burned? It +was an unhappy contrast to the vision of a town governed by "benchers of +the guild hall," bustling with mercantile activity, swarming on busy +market days with ordinaries filled with people. This fantasy may have +pulsated briefly through the minds of a few. But, after the abrogation +of the Port Act in 1710, there was little left to justify the town's +existence other than the courthouse. So long as court kept, there was +need for ordinaries and ferries and for independent jacks-of-all-trades +like Andrews. But with neither courthouse nor port activity nor +manufacture, the town became a paradox in an economy and society of +planters. + +Remote and inaccessible, uninhabited by individuals whose skills could +have given it vigor, Marlborough no longer had any reason for being. It +lingered on for a short time, but when John Mercer came to transform the +abandoned village into a flourishing plantation, "Most of the other +Buildings were suffered to go to Ruin, so that in the year 1726, when +your Petitioner [i.e., Mercer] went to live there, but one House +twenty-feet square was standing."[48] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [48] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). + + + + +II + +_John Mercer's Occupation of Marlborough, 1726-1730_ + + +MERCER'S ARRIVAL IN STAFFORD COUNTY + +By 1723 Marlborough lay abandoned. George Mason (III), son of the late +sheriff and ordinary keeper in the port town, held the now-empty title +of feoffee, together with Rice Hooe. In that year Mason and Hooe +petitioned the General Court "that Leave may be given to bring in a Bill +to enable them to sell the said Land [of the town] the same not being +built upon or Inhabited." The petition was put aside for consideration," +but within a week--on May 21, 1723--it was "ordered That Rice Hooe & +George Mason be at liberty to withdraw their petition ... and that the +Committee to whom it was referred be discharged from proceeding +thereon."[49] + +This curious sequence remains unexplained. Had the committee informally +advised the feoffees that their cause would be rejected, suggesting, +therefore, that they withdraw their petition? Or had something +unexpected occurred to provide an alternative solution to the problem of +Marlborough? + +Possibly it was the latter, and the unexpected occurrence may have been +the arrival in Stafford County of young John Mercer. There is no direct +evidence that Mercer was in the vicinity as early as 1723; but we know +that he appeared before 1725, that he had by then become well acquainted +with George Mason, and that he settled in Marlborough in 1726. + +Mercer's remarkable career began with his arrival in Virginia at the +age of 16. Born in Dublin in 1704, the son of a Church Street merchant +of English descent--also named John Mercer--and of Grace Fenton Mercer, +John was educated at Trinity College, and then sailed for the New World +in 1720.[50] How Mercer arrived in Virginia or what means he brought +with him are lost to the record. From his own words written toward the +end of his life we know that he was not overburdened with wealth: + + "Except my education I never got a shilling of my fathers or + any other relations estate, every penny I ever got has been + by my own industry & with as much fatigue as most people have + undergone."[51] + +From his second ledger (the first, covering the years 1720-1724, having +been lost) we learn that he was engaged in miscellaneous trading, +sailing up and down the rivers in his sloop and exchanging goods along +the way. Where his home was in these early years we do not know, but it +would appear that he had been active in the Stafford County region for +some time, judging from the fact that by 1725 he had accumulated £322 +4s. 5-1/2d. worth of tobacco in a warehouse at the falls of the +Rappahannock.[52] He certainly had encountered George Mason before then, +and probably Mason's uncles, John, David, and James Waugh, the sons of +Parson John Waugh, all of whom owned idle Marlborough properties. + +Mercer's friendship with the Masons was sufficiently well established by +1725 that on June 10 of that year he married George's sister Catherine. +This marriage, most advantageous to an aspiring young man, was +celebrated at Mrs. Ann Fitzhugh's in King George County with the +Reverend Alexander Scott of Overwharton Parish in Stafford County +officiating.[53] Thus, allied to an established family that was "old" by +standards of the time and sponsored socially by a representative of the +Fitzhughs, Mercer was admitted at the age of 21 to Virginia's growing +aristocracy. + +In this animated and energetic youth, the Masons and Waughs probably saw +the means of bringing Marlborough back to life. Mercer, for his part, no +doubt recognized the advantages that Marlborough offered, with its +sheltered harbor and landing, its fertile, flat fields, and airy +situation. That it could be acquired piecemeal at a minimum of +investment through the provisions of the Act for Ports was an added +inducement. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [49] _JHB, 1712-1726_ (Richmond, 1912), pp. 336, 373. + + [50] "Journals of the Council of Virginia in Executive + Session 1737-1763," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1907), vol. 14, pp. + 232-235. + + [51] _George Mercer Papers Relating to the Ohio Company of + Virginia_, comp. and edit. by Lois Mulkearn (Pittsburgh: + University of Pittsburgh Press, 1954), p. 204. + + [52] John Mercer's Ledger B is the principal source of + information for this chapter. It was begun in 1725 and ended + in 1732. The original copy is in the library of the Bucks + County Historical Society, Doylestown, Pennsylvania, a + photostatic copy being in the Virginia State Library. Further + footnoted references to the ledger are omitted, since the + source in each case is recognizable. + + [53] JAMES MERCER GARNET, "James Mercer," _WMQ_ [1] + (Richmond, 1909), vol. 17, pp. 85-98. Mrs. Ann Fitzhugh was + the widow of William Fitzhugh III, who died in 1713/14. She + was the daughter of Richard Lee and lived at "Eagle's Nest" + in King George County (see "The Fitzhugh Family," VHM + [Richmond, 1900], vol. 7, pp. 317-318). + + +JOHN MERCER AS A TRADER + +During 1725 Mercer pressed ahead with his trading enterprises. From his +ledger we learn that he sold Richard Ambler of Yorktown 710 pounds of +"raw Deerskins" for £35 10s. and bought £200 worth of "sundry goods" +from him. Between October 1725 and February 1726 he sold a variety of +furnishings and equipment to Richard Johnson, ranging from a "horsewhip" +and a "silk Rugg" to "1/2 doz. Shoemaker's knives" and an "Ivory Comb." +In return he received two hogsheads of tobacco, "a Gallon of syder +Laceground," and raw and dressed deerskins. He maintained a similar +long account with Mosley Battaley (Battaille) (Appendix C). From William +Rogers of Yorktown[54] he bought £12 3s. 6d. worth of earthenware, +presumably for resale. The tobacco which he had accumulated at the falls +of the Rappahannock he sold for cash to the Gloucester firm of Whiting & +Montague, paying Peter Kemp two pounds "for the extraordinary trouble of +y^r coming up so far for it." + +[Illustration: Figure 3.--PORTRAIT OF JOHN MERCER, artist unknown. About +1750. (_Courtesy of Mrs. Thomas B. Payne._)] + +His sloop was the principal means by which Mercer conducted his +business. Occasionally he rented it for hire, once sharing the proceeds +of a load of oystershells with George Mason and one Edgeley, who had +sailed the sloop to obtain the shells. Only one item shows that Mercer +extended his mercantile activities to slaves: on February 18, 1726, he +sold a mulatto woman named Sarah to Philemon Cavanaugh "to be paid in +heavy tobacco each hhd to weigh 300 Neat." + +That Mercer was turning in the direction of a legal career is revealed +in his first account of "Domestick Expenses" for the fall of 1725 +(Appendix D). We find that he was attending court sessions far and wide: +"Cash for Exp^s at Stafford & Spotsylvania," "Cash for Exp^s Urbanna," +the same for "Court Ferrage at Keys." He already was reading in the law, +and lent "March's Actions of Slander," "Washington's Abridgm^t of y^e +Statutes," and "an Exposition of the Law Terms" to Mosley Battaley. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [54] William Rogers, who died in 1739, made earthenware and + stoneware at Yorktown after 1711. See C. MALCOLM WATKINS and + IVOR NOËL HUME, "The 'Poor Potter' of Yorktown" (paper 54 in + _Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology_, + U.S. National Museum Bulletin 249, by various authors; + Washington: Smithsonian Institution), 1967. + + +SETTING UP HOUSEKEEPING + +Mercer's domestic-expense account is full of evidence that he was +preparing to set up housekeeping. He bought "1 China punch bowl," 10s.; +"6 glasses," 3s.; "1 box Iron & heaters," 2s. 6d.; "1 p^r fine +blankets," 1s. 13d.; "Earthen ware," 10s.; "5 Candlesticks," 17s. 6d.; +"1 Bed Cord," 2s.; "3 maple knives & forks," 2s.; "1 yew haft knife & +fork & 1 p^r Stilds [steelyards?]," 1s. 10-1/2d.; "1 p^r Salisbury +Scissors," 2s. 6d.; and "1 speckled knife & fork," 5d. + +In addition, he accepted as payment for various cloth and materials sold +to Mrs. Elizabeth Russell the following furniture and furnishings: + + Ster. £ s. d. + By a writing desk D^o 5 + By a glass & Cover D^o 7 6 + By 18^l Pewter at 1/4 D^o 1 4 + By 6 tea Cups & Sawcers 2/ D^o 12 + By 2 Chocolate Cups 1/ D^o 2 + By 2 Custard Cups 9^d D^o 1 6 + By 1 Tea Table painted with fruit D^o 14 + By 6 leather Chairs @ 7/ 2 2 + By a small walnut eating table 8 + By 1/2 doz. Candlemoulds 10 + By a Tea table 18 + By a brass Chafing dish 5 + By 6 copper tart pans 6 + +At the time of this purchase, the only house standing at Marlborough was +that built by Thomas Ballard in 1708. It was inherited by his godson +David Waugh,[55] who now apparently offered to let his niece Catherine +and her new husband occupy it. Mercer later referred to it as "the +House I lived in built by Ballard."[56] From his own records we know +that he moved to Marlborough in 1726. He did so probably in the summer, +since on June 11 he settled with Charles McClelland for "cleaning out +y^e house." Unoccupied for years and small in size, it was a humble +place in which to set up housekeeping, and indeed must have needed +"cleaning out." It also must have needed extensive repairs, since Mercer +purchased 1500 tenpenny nails "used about it." + +Throughout 1726 Mercer acquired household furnishings, made repairs and +improvements, and obtained the necessities of a plantation. On February +1 he acquired "3 Ironbacks" (cast-iron firebacks for fireplaces) for £8 +4s. 2d., as well as "2 p^r hand Irons" for 15s. 5d., from Edmund Bagge. +From George Rust he bought "3 Cows & Calves" for £7 10s., a featherbed +for £3 10s., and an "Iron pot" for 5s. + +His reckoning with John Dogge opens with a poignant note, "By a Child's +Coffin": Mercer's first-born child had died. On the same account was "an +Oven," bought for 17 shillings. Dogge also was credited with "bringing +over 10 sheep from Sumners" (a plantation at Passapatanzy, south of +Potomac Creek). Rawleigh Chinn was paid for "plowing up & fencing in my +yard" and for "fetching 3 horses over the Creek." Also credited to Chinn +was an item revealing Mercer's sporting enthusiasm: "went on y^e main +race ... 15/." + +From Alexander Buncle, Mercer acquired one dozen table knives, three +chamber-door locks, two pairs of candle snuffers, and two broad axes. +His account with Alexander McFarlane in 1726, the credit side of which +is quoted here in part, is a further illustration of the variety of +hardware and consumable goods that he required: + + £ s. d. + 2 p^r men's Shooes 9 + 1 Razor & penknife 2 6 + 2-1/4 gall Rum 6 9 + 9 gals. molasses 13 + 12^1 brown Sugar 6 + 6-1/4 double refined D^o 20^d 10 5 + 1 felt hat 2 4 + 1 q^t Limejuice 1 + 2 doz. Claret 1 10 + 2 lanthorns 6 + 1 funnell 7-1/2 + 1 quart & 1 pint tin pot 1 10-1/2 + + * * * + + By 2 doz & 8 bottles Claret 2 8 + By a woman's horsewhip 3 + By 1^{oz} Gunpowder + By 10^l Shot + By 1 wom^s bound felt [hat] + +Mercer's comments, added three years later to this record, signify the +complexities of credit accounting in the plantation economy: "In July +1729 I settled Accounts w^{th} M^r M^cFarlane & paid him off & at the +same time having Ed Barry's note on him for 1412^l Tob^o (his goods +being extravagantly dear) I paid him 1450^l Tob^o to M^r Thos Smith to +ball^{ns} accts." + +Another of Mercer's accounts was with Edward Simm. From Simm, Mercer +acquired the following in 1726: + + £ s. d. + 1 horsewhip 4 + 1 fine hat 12 + 9 y^{ds} bedtick 3/4 1 10 + 1 p^r Spurs 8 + 1 Curry Comb & brush 2 9 + 2 p^r mens Shooes 5/ 10 + 1 p^r Chelloes 1 10 + 2 p^r wom^s gloves 2/ 4 + 2 p^r D^o thread hose 9 + 2 p^r mens worsted d^o 8 + 2 p^r ch^{kr} yarn 3 4 + 1 Sifter 2 + 1 frying pan 4 6 + 7 quire of paper 1-1/4 9 8 + 6 silk Laces 4^d 2 + +FOOTNOTES: + + [55] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). + + [56] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). + + +ACQUIRING LAND AND BUILDING A NEW HOUSE + +Mercer's first actual ownership of property came as a result of his +marriage. In 1725 he purchased from his wife Catherine 885 acres of land +near Potomac Church for £221 5s. and another tract of 1610 acres on +Potomac Run for £322.[57] His occupancy of the Ballard house, meanwhile, +was arranged on a most informal basis, three years having been allowed +to pass before he paid his first and only rent--a total of 12 +shillings--to his uncle-in-law David Waugh. + +In January 1730 the following appears under "Domestick Expenses": "To +bringing the frame of my house from Jervers to Marlbro ... 40/." +Associated with this are items for 2000 tenpenny nails, 2000 eightpenny +nails, and 1000 sixpenny nails, together with "To Chandler Fowke for +plank," "To J^{no} Chambers &c bring board from Landing," and "To John +Chambers & Robt Collins for bringing Bricks & Oyster Shells." + +In the same month the account of Anthony Linton and Henry Suddath +includes the following: + + By building a house at Marlborough when finished + by agreement £10.0.0 + By covering my house & building a Chimney 3.0.0 + +Clearly, the Mercers had outgrown the temporary shelter which the little +Ballard house had given them. Now a new house was under construction, +with the steps plainly indicated. To obtain timber of sufficient size to +frame the house it was necessary to go where the trees grew. The nearest +thickly forested area was north of Potomac Creek and Potomac Run. The +appropriate timbers apparently grew on property owned by Mercer but +occupied by the widow of James Jervis (or "Jervers"). Not only did the +trees grow there, but we may be sure that there they were also felled, +hewn, and cut, and the finished members fitted together on the ground to +form the frame of the new house. It was a time-honored English building +practice to prepare the timbers where they were felled, shaping them, +drilling holes for "trunnels" (wooden pegs or "tree nails"), inscribing +coded numbers with lumber markers, and then knocking the prefabricated +members apart and transporting them to the building site.[58] + +Oystershells and bricks for the chimney were brought from Cedar Point +and Boyd's Hole, south of Marlborough, by Chambers and Collins. Shells +were probably burned at the house site to make lime for mortar. Chambers +was paid 12 pence a day for 32-1/2 days' work spread over a period from +October 1730 to February 1731. Hugh French had been paid for 1000 bricks +on August 24, 1730, while James Jones, on October 3, 1730, was +recompensed three shillings for "9 days of work your Man plaistering my +House & making 2 brick backs." + +[Illustration: Figure 4.--THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF JOHN MERCER. Detail from +J. Dalrymple's revision (1755) of the map of Virginia by Joseph Fry and +Peter Jefferson. Marlborough is incorrectly designated "New Marleboro." +(_Courtesy of the Library of Congress._)] + +The new house was thus brought to completion early in 1731. That it was +a plain and simple house is apparent from the small amount of labor and +the relatively few quantities of material. It appears to have had two +fireplaces only and one chimney. Although the house was wooden, there is +no evidence that it had any paint whatsoever, inside or out. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [57] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). + + [58] CHARLES F. INNOCENT, _The Development of English + Building Construction_ (Cambridge, England: Cambridge + University Press, 1916), pp. 23-61. + + +FURNISHING THE HOUSE + +Other than a child's chair and a bedstead costing 10 shillings, +purchased from Enoch Innes in 1729, little furniture was acquired before +1730. Listed in "Domestick Expenses" for 1729-1730 are minor accessories +for the new house, such as HL hinges, closet locks, a "scimmer," a pair +of brass candlesticks, milk pans, pestle and mortar, "1/2 doz plates," a +"Cullender," a candlebox, earthenware, and a pepperbox, together with +several handtools. + + +MERCER'S VARIED ACTIVITIES AND INTERESTS + +The agricultural aspects of a plantation were increasingly in evidence. +In 1729 Rawleigh Chinn was paid for "helping to kill the Hogs," +"pasturage of my cattle," and "making a gate." Edward Floyd was credited +with £4 6s. 7-1/2d. for "Wintering Cattle, taking care of my horse & +Sheep to Aug. 1729." John Chinn seems to have been Mercer's jockey, for +as early as 1729 he was entering the races which abounded in Virginia, +and "went on y^e race w^{th} Colt 1729." + +In this early period we find considerable evidence of a typical young +Virginian's fondness for gaming and sport. One finds scattered through +Mercer's account with Robert Spotswood such items as "To won at the Race +... 8.9" and "To won at Liew at Col^o Mason's ... 7.3." (Loo was an +elegant 18th-century game played with Chinese-carved mother-of-pearl +counters.) Mercer participated in several sporting events at Stafford +courthouse, for court sessions continued, as in the previous century, +to be social as well as legal and political occasions. This is +illustrated in a credit to Joseph Waugh: "By won at a horse race at +Stafford Court and Attorney's fee ... £1."; on the debit side of Enoch +Innes's account: "To won at Quoits & running with you ... 1/3"; and in +Thomas Hudson's account, where four shillings were marked up "To won +pitching at Stafford Court." + +Mercer's diversions were few enough, nevertheless, and it is apparent +that he devoted more time to reading than to gaming. In 1726 he borrowed +from John Graham (or Graeme) a library of 56 volumes belonging to the +"Hon^{ble} Col^o Spotswood"[59] (Appendix E). Ranging from the Greek +classics to English history, and including Milton, Congreve, Dryden, +Cole's Dictionary, "Williams' Mathematical Works," and "Present State of +Russia," they were the basis for a solid education. That they included +no lawbooks at a time when Mercer was preparing for the law is an +indication of his broad taste for literature and learning. + +Marlborough, we can see, was occupied by a young man of talent, energy, +and creativity. He alone, of the many men who had envisioned a center of +enterprise on Potomac Neck, was possessed of the drive and the simple +directness to make it succeed. For George Mason and the Waughs, Mercer +was the ideal solution for their Marlborough difficulties. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [59] Col. Alexander Spotswood, Governor of Virginia and a + resident of Spotsylvania County, was at this time living in + London. He authorized John Graham (or Graeme) of St. James, + Clerkenwell, Middlesex, to "take possession of his iron works + in Virginia, with plantations, negroes, stocks, and manage + the same." By 1732 Spotswood regretted that he had "committed + his affairs to the care of a mathematician, whose thoughts + were always among the stars." In 1737 Graham became professor + of natural philosophy and mathematics in the College of + William and Mary. See "Historical & Genealogical Notes," WMQ + [1] (Richmond, 1909), vol. 17, p. 301 (quoting Basset, + _Writings of William Byrd_, p. 378). + + + + +III + +_Mercer's Consolidation of Marlborough, 1730-1740_ + + +MERCER THE YOUNG LAWYER + +The 1730's opened a golden age in the Virginia colony. There was an +interval of peace in which trade might flourish; there were new laws +which favored the tobacco planter and led to the building of resplendent +mansions along Virginia's shores. John Mercer wasted no time in grasping +the opportunities that lay about him. With shrewd foresight he made law +his major objective, thus raising himself above most of his +contemporaries. At the same time he began an extensive purchasing of +property, so that within a decade he was to become one of the major +landed proprietors in the colony. Planting and legal practice each +augmented the other in Mercer's prosperity, which was assured by a +classic combination of energy, ability, and outgoing personality. As +with many successful men, Mercer had an eye for meticulous detail; the +documents he left behind were a treasury of methodically kept records. + +His Ledger B reveals that as early as 1730 his legal career was becoming +firmly established. It records fee accounts, charges for drawing deeds, +writing bonds, and representing clients in various courts. In that year +he "subscribed to Laws of Virginia" through William Parks, the +Williamsburg printer and stationer, and began to build up a substantial +law library, which was augmented by the purchase of 40 lawbooks from +Robert Beverley. + + +DIFFICULTIES IN ACQUIRING MARLBOROUGH + +On October 13, 1730, Mercer obtained title from David Waugh to the +Ballard house and lots on the basis of the "Statute for transforming +uses into possessions." At the same time he acquired the three lots +originally granted to John Waugh, while nine months later he was given +the release of the three lots inherited by George Mason from his +father.[60] Mercer's foothold in Marlborough was now secure. + +Following these developments, he "employed the County Surveyor to lay +off the several Lots he had purchased," which led to the discovery of +the previously mentioned disparities and conflicts between the Buckner +survey of 1691 and the missing Gregg survey of 1707. For some reason the +town now lacked feoffees, so Mercer "applied to the County Court of +Stafford on the tenth day of June one thousand seven hundred and +thirty-one and the said Court then appointed Henry Fitzhugh Esquire and +James Markham Gent. Feofees of the said Town." Mercer stated that he +"proposed making great Improvements ... and wanted to take up several +other Lots to build on." The court thereupon ordered John Savage, the +county surveyor, to make a new survey, "having regard to the Buildings +and Improvements then standing"--a significant instruction, intended no +doubt to permit the reconciling of conflicting titles with respect to +what actually was built.[61] + +The new survey was laid out July 23, 1731, "in the presence of the said +Feoffees," and drawn with the same plan and numbering as Buckner's, +except that an additional row of lots was applied along the western +border of the town, compressing slightly the former lots as planned by +Buckner and pushing them eastward (fig. 2). This extra row, we have +reason to believe, was added with "regard to the Buildings and +Improvements then standing." + +At the time of the survey, the feoffees told Mercer "that he might +proceed in his Buildings and Improvements on any the said Lots not +before granted," promising that they would at any time make him "any +Title they could lawfully pass." A proposal by Fitzhugh to give title to +any lots already purchased or any which Mercer might take up under terms +of the Port Act of 1705 was discouraged by Mercer's lawyer, Mr. Hopkins, +who took the view that, since the three surveys conflicted, the deeds +would not be good. Accordingly, Fitzhugh and Mercer applied for an +"amicable Bill," or suit in chancery, in the General Court, in order "to +have Savage's or any particular Survey established." The request was +shelved, however, and still was unanswered in 1748. + +The extra row of lots and the court's instructions to Savage to make his +survey with "Regard to the Buildings and Improvements then Standing" +seem to be correlated. Savage made a significant notation on his survey +plat: "The lots marked 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, & 21 joining to the Creek are +in possession of Mr. John Mercer who claims them under Robinson, +Berryman, Pope & Parry, & under Ballard & under John Waugh dec^{ed}, all +w^{ch} he says have been built on and saved." On the Buckner plat the +lots bearing these numbers comprise a block of six in the southwest +corner of the town, extending up from the creek in two 3-tiered rows +(fig. 2). The plat included the lots near the head of the "gutt" where +the courthouse appears to have stood, as well as the land on which +Structure B (the foundation of Mercer's mansion) was excavated. The lots +appear in the same relationship on Savage's survey, except that the new +row bounds them on the west. + +We know that the Robinson-Berryman-Pope-Parry lot was the same lot +originally granted to Robert Alexander in 1691, numbered 19 on +Buckner's plat. It was granted to its later owners according to the +Gregg survey in 1707, and was then described as "being the first Lott +known in the Survey Platt by number 1." From Mercer we have learned +already that Gregg made "his number 1 in the corner at Buckner's 19." +The other five lots were claimed under Ballard and John Waugh. Waugh was +granted one lot in 1691--Buckner's number 20--and acquired two more in +1707. All three appear to have been in the corner block of six lots. In +any case, these six lots equal the number of lots known to have been +granted the above-listed lot holders. Both of Ballard's lots were +granted in 1707. His lot number 19 (Gregg survey), where Mercer first +lived, is described as "bounding Easterly with a lott surveyed for Mr. +John Waugh Westerly with a Narrow street Northerly with a lott not yet +surveyed, Southerly with the first main Street which is parallel with +Potomac Creek." We do not know which of Waugh's lots is meant, nor do we +know Gregg's street plan, except that it was at odds with Buckner's. But +it is probable that Ballard's lot (Gregg's number 19) was the same as +Buckner's number 21, that the crosstown street on Gregg's plat lay to +the south of the lot rather than to the north of it, as on Buckner's +plat, and that one of Waugh's lots lay to the east of it.[62] + +Assuming that the two acres for the courthouse were located near the +head of the "gutt" and that Ballard's lot 19 was approximately the same +as Buckner's 21, it is apparent that Ballard's lot must have overlapped +the courthouse lots in the confusion between the two surveys. Since +Mercer was living on Ballard's lot, he probably infringed on the +courthouse property. Even though the courthouse had been burned and +abandoned, the two acres assigned to it were required to revert to the +original owner, as provided in the Act of 1667, concerning church and +courthouse lands. In this case, the courthouse land, having been +"deserted," had reverted to the heir of Giles Brent. + +Mercer's embarrassment at this state of affairs must have been great. +However, the addition by Savage of a whole new row of lots along the +westerly border of the town created new acreage, sufficient both to +reconcile the conflict and to provide compensatory land to satisfy the +Brents. Unfortunately, the Savage survey, as we have noted, was not made +official, and Mercer was forced to continue his questionable occupancy +of properties whose titles were in doubt. + +[Illustration: Figure 5.--KING WILLIAM COURTHOUSE, about 1725. Mercer +often pleaded cases here. (From a Civil War period negative.) (_Courtesy +of Historic American Buildings Survey, Library of Congress._)] + +What is most significant to us in all this is the inference that the +courthouse, the Ballard house which Mercer occupied, and the Structure B +foundation were all in close proximity. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [60] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). + + [61] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). + + [62] Stafford County Will Book, Liber Z, pp. 407, 431, 497. + + +LARGE PROPERTY ACQUISITIONS + +Mercer's next purchase of Marlborough property was on July 28, 1737, +when he bought the three lots granted in 1691 to George Andrews from +Andrews' grandson, John Cave. Meanwhile, he began large-scale +acquisitions of lands elsewhere. By 1733 he had acquired an aggregate of +8096 acres in Prince William County. In addition, he obtained a "Lease +for three Lives" on three large tracts belonging to William Brent, +adjoining Marlborough, so that he controlled virtually all of Potomac +Neck.[63] + +Thus, after 1730 we find Mercer's fortune already well established and +increasing. No longer a youthful trader plying the Potomac in his sloop, +he was now a gentleman planter and influential lawyer. He lived in a new +house, owned some parts of Marlborough, and was building "improvements" +on others. Almost overnight he had become a landed proprietor. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [63] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). + + +SUCCESS AT LAW AND CONFLICTS WITH LAWYERS + +The source of Mercer's newly made wealth is easily discovered. His +ledger shows an income from legal fees in 1730 amounting to £291 10s. +10-1/2d. In 1731 the figure climbed to £643 18s. 2d., then leveled off +to £639 11s. 2-1/2d. the following year. For a young man still in his +twenties and self-trained in the law, this was a remarkable achievement. +His success perhaps is attributable to a single event that stemmed from +youthful brashness and vigorous outspokenness. Early in 1730, in a +daring gesture on behalf of property owners and taxpayers, he protested +against privileges granted in an act passed by the Assembly the previous +year "for encouraging Adventurers in Iron Works." Presented in the form +of a proposition, the protest was read before the Stafford court by +Peter Hedgman. The reaction to it in Williamsburg, once it had reached +the ears of the Assembly, was immediate and angry. The House of +Burgesses + + _Resolv'd_ That the Proposition from _Stafford_ County in relation + to the Act past in the last Session of this Assembly for + encouraging Adventurers in Iron Works is a scandalous and Seditious + Libel Containing false and scandalous Reflections upon the + Legislature and the Justices of the General Court and other Courts + of this Colony. + + _Resolv'd_ That _John Mercer_ the Author and Writer of that paper + and _Peter Hedgman_ one of the Subscribers who presented the same + to the Court of Stafford County to be certified to the General + Assembly are guilty of a high Misdemeanour. + + _Order'd_ That the said _John Mercer_ and _Peter Hedgman_ be sent + for in Custody of the Serjeant at Arms attending this House to + answer their said Offence at the Bar of this House.[64] + +Mercer and Hedgman made their apologies to the House, received their +reprimands, and paid their fines. But this protest, so offensive to the +dignity of the lawmakers, had its effect in forcing amendments to the +act, particularly in removing the requirement for building public roads +leading from the ironworks to the ore supplies and shipping points. To +those living in Stafford, particularly in the neighborhood of the +proposed Accokeek Ironworks, near Marlborough, this concession must have +elevated Mercer to the level of a hero.[65] + +Mercer's frank disposition led him into other difficulties during the +first years of his practice. His insistence on the prompt payment of +debts and his opposition to stays of execution following suits had won +him enemies at Prince William court. Charges of improper legal +activities were brought against him; these were investigated at +Williamsburg, with the result that on June 13, 1734, he was suspended +from practicing law in Virginia for a period of six months.[66] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [64] _JHB, 1727-1734; 1736-1740_ (Richmond, 1910), p. 66. + + [65] Ibid., p. xxi. + + [66] _Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial Virginia_ + (Richmond, Virginia: D. Bottom, superintendent of public + printing, 1925), vol. 4, p. 328. + + +TEMPORARY RETIREMENT, THE ABRIDGMENT, AND GUARDIANSHIP OF GEORGE MASON + +Deprived temporarily of his principal livelihood, Mercer set out to +write an _Abridgment of the Laws of Virginia_. The task completed, he +petitioned the General Court on April 23, 1735, for "leave to Print an +Abridgment compil'd by him of all the Laws of this Colony & to have the +benefit of the Sale thereof." On the same day he petitioned for a +renewal of his license, which was granted with the exception of the +right to practice in Prince William, where he was to remain _persona non +grata_ generally thereafter.[67] + +Soon after these events his brother-in-law and old acquaintance, George +Mason, drowned. Mercer was designated co-guardian of 10-year-old George +Mason IV, who came to live at Marlborough. Young George later grew up to +be the master of Gunston Hall and, as the author of the Virginia Bill of +Rights, to stand among the intellectuals whose ideas influenced the +Revolution and the framing of the Constitution. In these formative +years, young George Mason surely must have been affected by the strong +legal mind and cultivated tastes of his uncle.[68] + +On October 14, 1737, the _Virginia Gazette_ carried the following +advertisement: + + _This Day is Published_ + + An Exact Abridgment of the Laws of VIRGINIA, in Force and Use, to + this present time. By + + John Mercer. + +At long last, after innumerable delays, the _Abridgment_ was in print. +From a financial point of view it was a conspicuous failure. Too few +Virginians, apparently, were sufficiently interested to buy it. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [67] Ibid., p. 348. + + [68] KATE MASON ROWLAND, _The Life of George Mason_ (New York + and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1892), vol. 1, p. 49. + + +DOMESTIC FURNISHINGS AND SERVANTS + +During this eventful decade of the 1730's Mercer acquired the things +needed for the proper maintenance of his house and properties. One +requisite was Negro servants. From Pat Reyant he bought "a Girl named +Margaret" for 43 pounds of tobacco in 1730. In 1731 he bought Deborah, +Phillis, Peter, Nan, and Bob. The following year he obtained Lucy, Will, +and George, and, in 1733, Nero. His purchases increased as his +landholdings increased. In 1736 he bought five slaves, three of whom he +aptly named Dublin, Marlborough, and Stafford. + +To help feed his slaves during this early period, Mercer apparently +depended in part upon Stafford's wealth of natural resources. At least +we find a record of wild game entered on the same page and under the +same heading as his "Negroes" account in the ledger. There it is noted +that he purchased 42 ducks from Natt Hedgman on November 19, 1730, and +20 ducks from Rawleigh Chinn the same day, paying for them in powder and +shot. Two swans and a goose, as well as venison, appear on the list. +Payment for these was made in powder, shot, and wool. + +He continued, meanwhile, to equip his house. From John Foward (or +Foard), a London merchant, he bought a "frying pan" and "2 doz. +bottles," "1 tomahawk," "2 stock-locks," "1 padlock," "2 best padlocks," +"1 drawingknife," "9 p^r hinges," "3 clasp knives," and "1 gall. +Maderas." In April 1731, he bought from Captain Foward: + + £ s. d. + 1 bellmettle skillet 4-1/2^{oz} at 2/ 9 + 1 copper Sausepan 7 + 1 Small D^o 5 4 + 1 hunting whip 5 + 1 halfcheck bridle 7 + 1 fine hat 12 + 1 wig Comb 6 + +Also in 1731 he bought "6 rush bottom Chairs" for 17 shillings and a +spinning wheel for 10 shillings from William Hamitt. The "writing desk" +which he had bought in 1725 apparently needed extensive and expensive +repairs, for in March 1731 there appears an item under "Domestick +Expenses," "To W^m Walker for mending Scoutore £1." (_Scoutore_ was one +of many corrupt spellings of _escritoire_, a slant-top desk.) William +Walker was a Stafford County cabinetmaker and builder, about whom we +shall hear much more. + +One of the most active accounts was that of Nathaniel Chapman,[69] who +directed the newly established Accokeek Ironworks. In 1731 he sold +Mercer several hundred nails of different descriptions, a variety of +hoes, ploughs, wedges, door latches, and heaters for smoothing irons. +One item is "By putting a leg in an old Iron Pott"; another is "By Col +Mason p^d for mending a snuff box. 2.6" (Appendix F). + +In 1732 he paid Thomas Staines £1 for "a Cradle," "two Bedsteads," and +"a weekes work." From John Blane, during the same year, he purchased +2500 tenpenny nails and the same quantity of eightpenny nails. He also +bought from Blane 4 "basons," a porringer, 100 needles, 2 penknives, a +gross of "thread buttons," and a pair of large "Scissars." Again, in +1732 he obtained from William Nisbett a quantity of miscellaneous goods, +including 10 parcels of earthenware and a pewter dish weighing 4 to 5 +ounces. He also settled with Samuel Stevens for "your share in making a +Canoe." + +FOOTNOTES: + + [69] Nathaniel Chapman headed the Accokeek Ironworks, + referred to by Mercer in Ledger G as "Chapman's Works at Head + of Bay." Although Mercer had opposed the act, which gave + privileges to the ironworks, he was a lifelong friend of + Chapman, who testified in his behalf in 1734 and served with + him on the Ohio Company Committee in the 1750's and 1760's. + Chapman was executor for the estates of Lawrence and + Augustine Washington. + + +TOBACCO WAREHOUSES + +The Tobacco Act of 1730 provided for the erection of public tobacco +warehouses, and Marlborough was selected as one of the sites.[70] In +1731 Mercer's account with John Waugh included "Timber for 2500 boards +@25/.£3.2.6" and "Posts & Ceils for two Warehouses, 12 shillings." In +April 1732 he settled accounts with Captain Henry Fitzhugh for "building +a Warehouse & Wharf & 6 prizes" at 3000 pounds of tobacco, or £15. The +prizes probably were "incentive awards" for the workmen. Included in +Fitzhugh's account were "3 days work of Caesar & Will," ten shillings, +and "4319 very bad Clapboards at 1/2^d y^e board." On March 25 he paid +Anthony Linton for 1820 clapboards, allowing him eight shillings for +"sawing of Boards." The warehouses were in operation in 1732, as we +learn from Mercer's "Account of Inspectors," but they suffered the fate +of all official enterprises at Marlborough, for in 1734 "the same were +put down, as being found very inconvenient."[71] The actual date of +their termination was November 16, 1735, when a new warehouse was +scheduled for completion at the mouth of Aquia Creek.[72] The expression +"put down" does not seem to mean that the warehouses were torn down, but +that they were officially discontinued. He apparently, however, +continued to use them for his own purposes. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [70] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 4, p. 268. + + [71] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). + + [72] _JHB, 1727-1734; 1736-1740_, op. cit. (footnote 6), p. + 202. + + +PERSONAL ACTIVITIES + +During the 1730's Mercer recorded a minimum of recreational activities. +Those that he did list are representative of the society of which he was +a part. Making wagers was a favorite amusement. For example, he was owed +£7 16s. by "Col^o George Braxton To a Wager you laid me at Cap^t Rob^t +Brooke's house before M^r James Reid, Will^m Brooke &c Six Guineas to +one that Col^o Spotswood would not during the Reign of K. George that +now is, procure a Commission as Chief or Lieu^t Gov^r of Virginia." In +1731 he paid William Brent "By a pistole won of me about Hedgman's +wrestling with and throwing Fra^s Dade. £1.1.12." He also paid £2 10s. +to James Markham "By [my] part on the Race on Stotham's horse." There +are other scattered references to wagers on horseraces. + +Mercer had become a vestryman in Overwharton Parish as early as 1730, +and appears to have been made responsible for all legal matters +pertaining to that church. His account, shown in detail in Appendix G, +is of interest in showing that violations of moral law were held +accountable to the church and that fines for convictions were paid to +the church. Mercer, representing the parish, collected a portion of each +fine as his fee. + +Most of his energies now seem to have been divided between the law and +the substantial responsibilities for managing his plantations. The +increasing extent of tobacco cultivation is revealed in the tobacco +account with "M^r Jonathan Foward, Merchant in London" (presumably John +Foward, mentioned earlier), extending from 1733 to 1743. This account +lists shipments of 129 hogsheads of tobacco, totaling £643 1s. 11d. (if +we include a few extraneous items, such as "To an over charge in Lemons" +and "To a Still charg'd never sent"). Several similar accounts involve +proceeds from tobacco. In 1734 and 1738, for example, he shipped 54 +hogsheads to William Stevenson, another London merchant, for £207 7d. on +the ships _Triton_, _Snake_, _Brooks_, and _Elizabeth_. + +[Illustration: Figure 6.--MOTHER-OF-PEARL COUNTERS, or "fish," used in +playing 18th-century games, including Loo, at which Mercer once won 7s. +3d. from Col. George Mason (III). These examples, collected in +Massachusetts, are probably late 18th century. (USNM 61.399.)] + +Marlborough's full transition to a seat of tobacco-planting empire is +now clearly discernible. In so becoming, it was typical of the +consolidation of wealth, property, and power in Virginia as the +mid-century approached. Land had become both a substitute for tobacco in +lean years and the means for paying off debts. The same land in better +years yielded crops to its new owners, so that a relatively few dynamic +men were able to amass great wealth and form a ruling aristocracy. The +varieties of talents in men like Mercer--who, besides being a planter, +was an accomplished lawyer and able administrator--placed them in the +ascendancy over their less able fellows. The vigor and ability with +which such men were endowed fostered the remarkable class of leaders of +the succeeding generation, who had so much to do with founding the +nation. + + + + +IV + +_Marlborough at its Ascendancy, 1741-1750_ + + +TRAVEL + +On April 12, 1741, Mercer was admitted to practice at the General Court +in Williamsburg.[73] His trip there on that occasion was typical of the +journeys which took him at least twice yearly to the capital. On the +first day of this Williamsburg trip he rode "To Col^o Taliaferro's," a +distance of 19 miles. The following day "To Caroline Court" (18 miles), +the next "To M^r Hubbard's" (30 miles), then as far as "M^r J^{no} +Powers" (24 miles), and finally "To Furneas & Williamsburg" (30 miles). +The route was usually to West Point, or Brick House on the opposite +shore in New Kent County, and thence either directly to Williamsburg, or +by way of New Kent courthouse. Stopovers were made either at ordinaries +or at the houses of friends.[74] + +Mercer's travels, summarized in the journal that he kept in the back of +Ledger B from 1730 until his death in 1768, were prodigious. In 1735, +for example, he journeyed a total of 4202 miles and was home only 119 +days. This pace had slackened considerably in the period we are now +considering, but, nevertheless, he was not at home more than 218 days +out of any one year of the decade 1741-1750. This energetic and restless +moving about was common among the leading planters, but in Mercer's case +it seems to have reached its ultimate. Practicing law, playing politics, +acquiring property, and becoming acquainted with people led him all over +Virginia. + +A representative sample from the journal covers the period of September +and October 1745. It will be noted that the days of the week are +indicated alphabetically, a through g, as in the calendar of the Book of +Common Prayer. The mileage traveled each day is entered at the right. + + 1 F to Potomack Church & home 10 + 2 g at home + 3 a to Tylers & Spotsylvania Court 14 + 4 b to M^r Daniels[75] & home 14 + 5 c to M^r Moncure's,[76] my Survey & home 20 + 6 d to King George Court & W^m Walkers'[77] 24 + 7 e to M^{rs}. Spoore's[78] my Survey & home 20 + 8 F at home + 9 g M^r Moncure's my Survey & home 20 + 10 a to Stafford Court & home 20 + 11 b at home + 12 c to M^{rs} Mason's[79] Survey 18 + 13 d at D^o 10 + 14 e at D^o 15 + 15 F to Potomack Church & M^r Moncure's 18 + 16 g home 6 + 17 a at home + 18 b D^o + 19 c to M^{rs} Spoore & M^{rs} Taliaferro's 17 + 20 d at M^r Taliaferro's 14 + 21 e To Fredericksburg & M^{rs} Taliaferro's + 22 F To Doctor Potter's[80] & M^{rs} Taliaferro's. + Lost my horses 2 + 23 g To M^r Moncure's 9 + 24 a home 10 + 25 b at home + 26 c D^o + 27 d D^o + 28 e to M^r Moncure's, Vestry & home 16 + 29 F at home + 30 g D^o + + October + + 1 a at home + 2 b to M^r Moncure's & Fredericksburg Fair 15 + 3 c at the Fair + 4 d to M^r Moncure's & home 15 + 5 e at home + 6 F to M^{rs} Taliaferro's 17 + 7 g to Caroline Court h^o & George Hoomes's[81] 20 + 8 a to Newcastle 50 + 9 b to M^r Anderson's & M^r Gray's [82] 14 + 10 c to New Kent Courth^s & M^r Gray's 14 + 11 d to Furnau's & Williamsburg 17 + 12 e at Williamsburg + +[He remained at Williamsburg until November 6.] + +Such itineraries were punctuated by periods of staying at Marlborough, +but even then there were day-long journeys to Stafford courthouse, to +church, or to a survey. The courthouse, which succeeded that at +Marlborough, was situated on the south side of Potomac Creek, about +three miles upstream from the old site. Mercer almost invariably took +the 10-mile-long land route through the site of the present village of +Brook, along the Fredericksburg road past Potomac Church, then along the +headwaters of Potomac Run on a now-disused road leading to Belle Plains. +Just before reaching the courthouse, which stood on a rise of land some +distance back from the creek, he passed "Salvington," the mansion of +Joseph Selden.[83] Near the water, and in sight of the courthouse, stood +the house of John Cave, whose grandfather in 1707 had bought his land +from Sampson Darrell, undertaker of the Marlborough courthouse.[84] Near +it, on a foundation still visible, Cave built the warehouse that bore +his name, and through him passed much of the tobacco that Mercer raised +locally. Occasionally, when he had business to do at Cave's, Mercer +would return home by water, as he did on August 14, 1746: + + to Stafford Court & M^r Cave's 11 + home by water 5 + +FOOTNOTES: + + [73] John Mercer's journal, kept in the back of Ledger B. + + [74] Col. John Taliaferro was a justice of Spotsylvania + County court and one of the original trustees of + Fredericksburg. He lived at the "Manor Plantation," Snow + Creek, Spotsylvania County, and died in 1744 ("Virginia + Council Journals, 1726-1753," _VHM_ [Richmond, 1927], vol. + 35, p. 415). Benjamin Hubbard lived in Caroline County ("The + Lovelace Family and its Connections," _VHM_ [Richmond, 1921], + vol. 29, p. 367); John Powers was apparently a resident of + King William County (Ida J. Lee, "Abstracts from King William + County Records," WMQ [2] [Williamsburg, 1926], vol. 6, p. + 72); "Furnea's" seems to have been an ordinary between + Williamsburg and New Kent. + + [75] Peter Daniel was a burgess and leading citizen of + Stafford County, who, as vestryman, signed the advertisement + for bids to build a new Aquia Church in 1751. _Virginia + Gazette_, June 6, 1751. + + [76] The Reverend Mr. John Moncure was minister of + Overwharton Parish. + + [77] See pp. 25, 35-36, 46-47 and footnote 95 for further + references to William Walker. Mercer's visit on this occasion + probably relates to Walker's tentative appointment to rebuild + Aquia Church. + + [78] Mrs. Ann Spoore of Stafford County. + + [79] Probably Mercer's sister-in-law, Mrs. Ann Mason, mother + of George Mason of Gunston Hall. + + [80] Dr. Henry Potter lived in Spotsylvania County. His + estate was advertised for sale the following April 17 in the + _Virginia Gazette_. + + [81] George Hoomes was a justice of Caroline County court. He + was appointed in 1735, the same year in which John Mercer + qualified to practice law at the same court. "Extracts from + the Records of Caroline County," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1912), vol. + 20, p. 203. + + [82] Probably Thomas Anderson (see p. 35 and footnote 93); + William Gray was justice of New Kent County. + + [83] Joseph Selden's estate passed to his son Samuel, who + married Mercer's eldest daughter, Sarah Ann Mason Mercer. See + John Melville Jennings, ed., "Letters of James Mercer to John + Francis Mercer," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1951), vol. 59, pp. 89-91. + + [84] Fredericksburg district-court papers, file 571, bundle + F, nos. 36-43 (through George F. S. King, Fredericksburg); + Stafford County Will Book, Liber Z, p. 383 (August 5, 1707). + + +VEHICLES + +During the 1740's Mercer's travels were often by chaise or chariot. We +learn from Ledger G that he bought "a fourwheel Chaise" from Charles +Carter[85] in September 1744, a significant step in emulating the +manners and ways of Virginia's established aristocrats. Three years +later he purchased "a Sett of Chaisewheels" from Francis Hogans, a +Caroline County wheelwright, and in June 1748 he discounted as an +overcharge the cost of "a Chaise worth nothing" in his account with the +English mercantile firm of Sydenham & Hodgson.[86] A "chaise" could have +been one of several types of vehicles, but it was probably "a carriage +for traveling, having a closed body and seated for one to three +persons," according to Murray's _A New Oxford Dictionary_. + +[Illustration: Figure 7.--JOHN MERCER'S TOBACCO-CASK SYMBOLS, drawn in +his Ledger G. The "home plantation" (Marlborough) is symbolized by the +initial C, probably in honor of his wife Catherine. Sumner's quarters at +Passapatanzy is indicated by S, and Bull Run quarters by B. (_Courtesy +of Bucks County Historical Society._)] + +In 1749 Mercer bought a "chariot" from James Mills of Tappahannock for +£80. Doubtless an elegant piece of equipage, this was, we learn from +Murray, "a light four-wheeled carriage with only back seats, and +differing from the post-chaise in having a coach-box." In November 1750 +he paid John Simpson, a Fredericksburg wheelwright, 10 shillings for +"wedging & hooping the Chariotwheels" and 9 shillings for "mending 3 +fillys & 3 Spokes in D^o."[87] + +At the same time he bought a "p^r Cartwheels" for £2 and a "Tumbling +Cart" for £1 6s. from Simpson. Murray tells us that a "tumble cart" or a +"tumbril cart" was a dung cart, designed to dump the load. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [85] Ledger G (original at Bucks County Historical Society) + covers the period 1744-1750, with some entries in 1751 and a + few summary accounts covering Mercer's career. Further + footnoted references to this ledger will be omitted. Charles + Carter lived at "Cleve" in King George County, near Port + Royal, fronting on the Rappahannock. See FAIRFAX HARRISON, + "The Will of Charles Carter of Cleve," _VHM_ (Richmond, + 1923), vol. 31, pp. 42-43. + + [86] Sydenham & Hodgson was a London mercantile firm, + represented in Virginia by Jonathan Sydenham. Mercer + identified the firm in Ledger G as "Merchants King George" + and noted in his journal on January 20, 1745, that he visited + at "Mr. Sydenham's." In 1757 the two men were referred to + elsewhere as "Messrs. Sydenham & Hodgson of London." See + "Proceedings of the Virginia Committee of Correspondence, + 1759-67," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1905), vol. 12, pp. 2-4. + + [87] Extensive research has been conducted by Colonial + Williamsburg, Inc., on the forms of vehicles used by such + Virginians as Mercer and his contemporaries. + + +TOBACCO CASK BRANDS + +Hogsheads and casks of tobacco were branded with the symbols or initials +of the original owners. Many of the brands are recorded explicitly in +the ledger. Mercer, at the beginning of his career, used a symbol M. As +his plantations multiplied, however, three symbols were adopted, based +on his own two initials. Tobacco casks from Bull Run were marked +I^[B.]M. Those from Sumner's Quarters bore the brand I^[S.]M, while the +"Home Plantation" at Marlborough had casks marked I^[C.]M (fig. 8). + +The interpretation of these symbols warrants some digression. In the +17th century, and indeed in the 18th century also, the triangular cipher +to indicate the initials of man and wife was commonly used to mark +silver, pewter, china, delftware, linens, and other objects needing +owners' identifications. The common surname initial was placed at the +top, the husband's first-name initial at the lower left, and the wife's +at the lower right. This arrangement was used consistently in the 17th +century. In the 18th century, however, variations began to appear in the +colonies, although not, apparently, in England. Silver made in New York +and Philadelphia during the 1700's presents the initials reading from +left to right, with the husband's at the lower left, the wife's at top +center, and the surname initial at the lower right. The large keystone +of the Carlyle house in Alexandria, built in 1751, bears a triangular +arrangement of John and Sarah Carlyle's initials: J^[S.]C.[88] + +Like Carlyle, Mercer used initials in this fashion, but also, as we have +seen, in two other combinations in which "J. M." remains constant, the +upper center initial having a subordinate significance. "S" signifies +Sumner's Quarters, and "B," Bull Run Quarters. "C" on seals and brands +having to do with Marlborough apparently refers to Catherine, honoring +her as Mercer's wife and mistress of the home plantation. The +possibility that "C" stands for Cave's warehouse may be dismissed as +being inconsistent with the other two marks, the tobacco from Sumner's +Quarters having also been shipped through Cave's, and that from Bull Run +Quarters having been stored at the Occaquan warehouse.[89] + +John Withers also used the left-to-right arrangement, I^[H.]W, although +Henry Tyler, a planter whose account is mentioned in Mercer's Ledger, +used the conventional three-letter cipher, H^[T.]M. These marks occurred +on casks transmitted to Mercer as payments, and are recorded in Ledger G +(fig. 7). + +FOOTNOTES: + + [88] GAY MONTAGUE MOORE, _Seaport in Virginia_ (Richmond, + 1949), p. 62. + + [89] C. MALCOLM WATKINS, "The Three-initial Cipher: + Exceptions to the Rule," _Antiques_ (June 1958), vol. 73, no. + 6, pp. 564-565. + + +TOBACCO EXCHANGE + +Tobacco, before being transferred to another owner, was examined by +official inspectors. Mercer kept a special "Inspector's Notes" account +where he kept track of fees due the inspectors. Direct payments of +tobacco were made in transactions with William Hunter and Charles Dick, +the Fredericksburg merchants from whom Mercer bought most of his goods +and supplies. To others, however, payments were made in a complexity of +tobacco notes, legal-fee payments, and plain barter. Tobacco shipped +overseas was usually handled by Sydenham & Hodgson. Also involved with +tobacco transactions in England were two Virginia merchants, Major John +Champe, a distinguished resident of King George County who lived at +Lamb's Creek plantation, and William Jordan, of Richmond County, both of +whom arranged for purchases of books, furniture, and other English +imports for Mercer. + +The following are excerpts from Sydenham & Hodgson's account in Ledger +G: + + 1745 £ s. d. + June To 8 hhds. tob^o consigned 63 5 5 + you by the + Pri[n]ce of Denmark + November To 6 hhds by the 29 15 9 + Harrington + 1746 + May To 5 hhds by Cap^n + Lee LOST + Feb To 10 hhds by Cap^t 51 14 8 + Perry + 1747 + Septemb^r To 10 hhds by Cap^t 35 9 8 + Perryman + 1748 + June To 10 hhds by Cap^n + Donaldson LOST + 1749 + Septemb^r To 24 hhds tob^o sold 162 17 14 + Mr. Jordan + +Revealed in this account are the hazards of shipping goods overseas in +the 18th century. A partnership apparently figured in the second loss at +sea, however, as the following entry in Ledger G shows: + + June 1747 By Profit & Loss for the half £75.15.3-3/4 + of 20 hhds by Donaldson + in the Cumberland & Lost + By William Jordan for the + other half. + +Between 1747 and 1750 Mercer lost a total of 107 hogsheads of tobacco. +Over and above this, however, he shipped overseas tobacco to the amount +of £385 11s. 7d., during the same period. + + +CLIENTS + +Mercer's success was gained despite the failures of a great many persons +to pay the fees they owed him. In 1745 he listed 303 "Insolvents, bad & +doubtful debts." That matters were no worse may be attributed to a high +average of responsible clients. Among them were such well-known +Virginians as Daniel Dulaney, William and Henry Fitzhugh, William +Randolph, Augustine, John, and Lawrence Washington, Gerard Fowke, +Richard Taliaferro, John and Daniel Parke Custis, Andrew and Thomas +Monroe, George Tayloe, George Lee, George Wythe, and William Ramsay. + +[Illustration: Figure 8.--WINE-BOTTLE SEAL on bottle excavated at +Marlborough, with same arrangement of initials used in the Marlborough +tobacco seal.] + + +CLOTHING + +By the early 1740's Mercer was in a position to surround himself with +symbols of wealth and prestige. Clothes, a traditional measure of +affluence, were now a growing concern for himself and his family. +Between 1741 and 1744, the ledger reveals, he purchased from William +Hunter a greatcoat, women's stockings, women's calf shoes, morocco +pumps, a "fine hat," three felt hats, two dozen "plaid hose," two pairs +of men's shoes, one pair of "Women's Spanish Shoes," and "2 p^r Calf +D^o." In 1744 and 1745 he bought from Charles Dick two pairs of "women's +coll'^d lamb gloves," two pairs of silk stockings, "1 velvet laced +hood," a "laced hat," a "Castor" (i.e., beaver) hat, "fine thread +stockings," silk handkerchiefs, a "flower'd pettycoat," worsted +stockings, and buckskin gloves. From Hugh MacLane, a Stafford tailor, he +obtained a suit in 1745. + +The rise in Mercer's wealth and prestige is reflected in his +patronizing Williamsburg tailors, beginning in 1745 when he settled with +George Charleston for a tailor's bill of £6 10s. In 1748 he paid +Charleston four shillings for "Collar lining a Velvet Waistcoat." In +1749 he purchased a "full trimm'd velvet Suit" from Charles Jones, the +work and materials totaling £7 7s. 4-1/4d., while in 1750 he spent £11 +2s. 1-1/2d. on unitemized purchases from the same tailor. In that year +he bought also from Robert Crichton, a Williamsburg merchant, "a +flower'd Velvet Waistcoat, £5." As the decade advanced, Mercer played +with increasing consciousness the role of wealthy gentleman, as his +choice of tailors shows. + + +MATERIALS + +Textile materials, as seen under "General Expenses" and in the accounts +of Hunter and Dick, ran the gamut of the usual imported fabrics, as well +as rare, expensive elegancies. An alphabetical list of the materials +mentioned in these accounts, with definitions, is given in Appendix I. + +From this list we gain an impression of great diversity and refinement +in the materials used for clothing and interior decoration, as well as +of a tremendous amount of sewing, embroidering, and making of clothes at +home, probably typical of most of the great plantations in the middle of +the century. + + +WEAVING + +In addition to fine imported materials, there were needed blankets, work +clothes for slaves, and fabrics for other practical purposes. To these +ends Mercer employed several weavers in various parts of Virginia. In +1747 William Threlkeld wove 109 yards of woolen cloth at fourpence a +yard. During that year and the next, John Booth of King George County +wove an indeterminate amount for a total of £2 4d. In 1748 John +Fitzpatrick wove 480 yards of cotton at fourpence a yard, and William +Mills wove 30 yards of "cloath." Much of the work appears to have been +done in payment for legal services. + +Weaving and spinning evidently were done at Marlborough, as they were at +most plantations. In 1744 Mercer recorded under "General Charges" that +he had sold a loom to Joseph Foxhall. In 1746 he bought a spinning wheel +from Captain Wilson of Whitehaven, England, purchasing three more from +him in 1748. Wool cards also appear in the accounts. In January 1748 +Mercer charged William Mills with "3 months Hire of Thuanus the Weaver, +£3," which suggests that Thuanus was an indentured white servant (his +name does not occur on the list of slaves) employed at Marlborough and +hired out to Mills, a Stafford County weaver. + + +PERSONAL ACCESSORIES + +In contrast to the elegancies of dress materials and clothing, Mercer +left little evidence of jewelry, toilet articles, or other personal +objects. In Ledger G we find "2 horn combs" bought for fivepence, an +ivory comb for tenpence, two razors, two strops, snuff-boxes, bottles of +snuff, "a smelling bottle," and "buck-handled" and silver-handled +penknives. From John Hyndman, a Williamsburg merchant, Mercer acquired a +set of silver buckles for £1 10s., and from William Woodford he bought +"a gold watch, Chain & Swivel" for the not-trifling sum of £64 6s. 3d. + +Like most successful men, Mercer had his portrait painted. During the +General Court sessions held in the spring and fall of 1748 in +Williamsburg, he lodged with William Dering, the dancing master and +portrait painter. Dering lived in the house still standing on the +capitol green, now known as the Brush-Everard house. In Dering's account +we find: "by drawing my picture, £9.2.9."[90] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [90] See J. HALL PLEASANTS, "William Dering, a + mid-eighteenth-century Williamsburg Portrait Painter," _VHM_ + (Richmond, 1952), vol. 60, pp. 53-63. + + +FOOD AND DRINK + +Good food and drink played an important part in Mercer's life, as it did +in the lives of most Virginia planters. In the ledger accounts are found +both double-refined and single-refined sugar, bohea tea, coffee, +nutmegs, cinnamon, mace, and chocolate. Most meats were provided by the +plantation and thus are not mentioned, while fish were caught from the +plantation sloop or by fixed nets. However, Thomas Tyler of the Eastern +Shore sold Mercer a barrel of drumfish and four and one-half bushels of +oysters, while Thomas Jones, also of the Eastern Shore, provided a +barrel of pork for 47s. 6d. in 1749. Earlier there appeared a ledger +item under "General Charges" for 1775 pounds of pork. + +Molasses was an important staple, and Mercer bought a 31-gallon barrel +of it from one "Captain Fitz of the Eastern Shore of Maryland" in 1746 +and 30 gallons the next year, charging both purchases to his wife. In +1750 he received 88 gallons of molasses and 255 pounds of "muscovy +sugar" from Robert Todd. Muscovy sugar was the same as "muscavado" +sugar, the unrefined brown sugar of the West Indies, known in Spanish as +_mascabado_. + +[Illustration: Figure 9.--FRENCH HORN dated 1729. Mercer purchased a +"french horn" like this from Charles Dick in 1743. (USNM 95.269.)] + +Beverages and the fruits to go with them were bought in astonishing +quantities between 1744 and 1750. Major Robert Tucker, a Norfolk +merchant, exchanged a "Pipe of Wine" worth £26 and a 107-1/2-gallon +hogshead of rum valued at £22 in return for Mercer's legal services. +Again as a legal fee, Mercer received 55 gallons of "Syder" from Janet +Holbrook of Stafford and bought 11 limes from John Mitchelson of York +for 12 shillings. From William Black he purchased "11 dozen and 11 +bottles of Ale" at 13 shillings, and from John Harvey "5-1/12 dozen of +Claret" for £11 6d. "Mark Talbott of the Kingdom of Ireland E^{sq}" sold +Mercer a pipe of wine for £3 3s. + + +LIFE OF THE CHILDREN + +During the 1740's Mercer's first four surviving children, George, John +Fenton, James, and Sarah Ann Mason Mercer,[91] were growing up, and the +accounts are scattered through with items pertaining to their care and +upbringing. There are delightful little hints of Mercer's role as the +affectionate father. On May 17, 1743, "By Sundry Toys" appears in +Hunter's account; an item of "1 horses 1^d" in Dick's account for 1745 +was undoubtedly a toy. Most charming of all the entries in the latter +account is "1 Coach in a box 6^d. 4 Toys. 8^d, 2 Singing birds." The +birds may have occupied a birdcage and stand bought from George Rock, +the account for which was settled a year later. + +[Illustration: Figure 10.--MERCER LISTED A HORNBOOK in his General +Account in 1743. It probably resembled this typical hornbook in the +collection of Mrs. Arthur M. Greenwood.] + +"1 french horn" and "3 trumpets" are listed in the Dick account. The +horn was probably used in hunting; the three trumpets were bought +perhaps for the three boys. Mercer's library contained one book of music +entitled _The Musical Miscellany_, which may have furnished the scores +for a boyish trio of trumpets. Music and dancing were a part of the life +at Marlborough, and in 1745 an entry under "General Charges" reads "To +DeKeyser for a years dancing four children £16," while in the following +year ninepence was paid William Allan "for his Fidler." In 1747 "Fiddle +strings" were bought from Fielding Lewis in Fredericksburg for 2s. +4-1/2d. + +From the ledger we also learn much about the children's clothing: +child's mittens and child's shoes, boy's pumps, boy's shoes, girl's +shoes, boy's collared lamb gloves, two pairs of "girl's clock'd +Stocking," "2 p^r large boys Shoes 6^l 2 p^r smaller 5/ ... 1 p^r girls +22^d, 1 p^r smaller 20^d," boy's gloves, and "Making a vest and breeches +for George" in October 1745. In 1748 Captain Wilson brought from England +"a Wig for George," worth 12 shillings. George then had reached the age +of 15 and young manhood. Hugh MacLane, the Stafford tailor, was employed +to make clothes for the three boys--a suit for George, and a suit, vest, +coat, and breeches each for James and John. + +That the children were educated according to time-honored methods is +revealed in the "General Expenses" account for May 1743, where "1 +hornbook 3^d" is entered. The hornbook was an ancient instructional +device consisting of a paddle-shaped piece of wood with the alphabet and +the Lord's Prayer printed or otherwise lettered on paper that was glued +to the wood and covered for protection with thin sheets of transparent +horn. Elaborate examples sometimes were covered with tooled leather, or +were made of ivory, silver, or pewter. The mention of hornbooks in +colonial records is a great rarity, although they were commonplace in +England until about 1800. + +The Mercer children were taught by private tutors. One, evidently +engaged in England, was the Reverend John Phipps, who was paid a salary +of £100 annually and, presumably, his board and lodging. Mercer noted in +his journal on November 18, 1746, that "Mr Phipps came to Virginia." +That Mr. Phipps left something to be desired was revealed years later in +the letter written in 1768 by John to George Mercer, who was then in +England, asking him to find a tutor for his younger children: "... the +person you engage may not pretend, as M^r Phipps did that tho' he +undertook to instruct my children he intended boys only, & I or my wife +might teach the girls. As I have mentioned M^r Phipps, it must remind +you that a tutor's good nature & agreeable temper are absolutely +necessary both for his own ease & that of the whole family."[92] + +In 1750 George entered the College of William and Mary. He had a room at +William Dering's house, and the account of "Son's Maintenance at +Williamsburg" provides an interesting picture of a well-to-do +college-boy's expenses, chargeable to his father. Such items as "To Cash +p^d for Lottery Tickets" (£7 10s. 6d.), "To Covington the Dancing Master +... 2.3," "To W^m Thomson for Taylor's work" (£1 9s. 6d.), "To p^d for +Washing" (£1 1s.), and "To Books for sundrys" (£22 4s. 7-1/2d.) show a +variety of obligations comparable to those sometimes encountered on a +modern campus. The entire account appears in Appendix J. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [91] Born 1733, 1735, 1736, and 1738, respectively. + + [92] _George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. 202. + + +BUILDING THE MANOR HOUSE + +As early as 1742 the ledger shows that Mercer was building steadily, +although the nature of what he built is rarely indicated. Hunter's +account for 1742 lists 2500 tenpenny nails and 1000 twenty-penny nails, +while in the following year the same account shows a total of 4200 +eightpenny nails, 5000 tenpenny, 2000 fourpenny, and 1000 threepenny +nails. The following tools were bought from Hunter in 1744: paring +chisel, 1-1/2-inch auger, 3/4-inch auger, socket gouge, broad axe, adze, +drawing knife, mortice chisel, a "square Rabbit plane," and "plough Iron +& plains." In Charles Dick's account we find purchases in 1745 of 16,000 +flooring brads, 4000 twenty-penny nails, 2000 each of fourpenny, +sixpenny, eightpenny, and tenpenny brads, and 60,000 fourpenny nails. + +Beginning in 1744 Mercer made great purchases of lumber. Thomas Tyler of +the Eastern Shore sold him 2463 feet of plank in that year, and in 1745 +made several transactions totaling 5598 feet of 1-, 1-1/2-, and 2-inch +plank, as well as 23,170 shingles. In 1746 Charles Waller of Stafford +sold Mercer 5193 feet of 1-, 1-1/4-, and 1-1/2-inch plank. In the same +year James Waughhop of Maryland provided "4000 foot of Plank of +different thicknesses for £12," and in May 1749, "2300 foot of 1-1/2 +Inch Plank at 7/." Mercer made several similar purchases, including +14,700 shingles, from Robert Taylor of the Eastern Shore. + +Where all these materials were used is a matter for conjecture. We know +that Mercer made "Improvements" to the extent of "saving" 40 lots under +the terms of the Act for Ports and Towns, and that a great deal of +construction work, therefore, was going on. One building was probably a +replacement for a warehouse, for a laconic entry in his journal on New +Year's day of 1746 notes that "My warehouses burnt." These were +doubtless the buildings erected in 1732 and officially vacated in 1735. +That at least one eventually was rebuilt for Mercer's own use is known +from an overseer's report of 1771 (Appendix M). + +The windmill, the foundations of which still remain in part near the +Potomac shore, was probably built in 1746. Mercer's cash account for +that year includes an item of 2s. 6d. for "Setting up Mill," which +apparently meant adjusting the millstones for proper operation. In +August he paid Nathaniel Chapman £22 19s. 8-3/4d. "in full for Smith's +work." A windmill, with its bearings, levers, lifts, and shafts, would +seem to have been the only structure requiring such a costly amount of +ironwork. + +The most elaborate project of all, however, is clearly discernible in +the ledger. In 1746 Thomas Anderson,[93] in consideration of cash and +legal services, charged for "making & burning 40^m Stock bricks" at 4 +pounds 6 pence per 1000. In the same year David Minitree, described by +Mercer as a "Bricklayer," came to Marlborough from Williamsburg. +Minitree was more than an ordinary bricklayer, however, for he had +worked on the Mattaponi church, and later, between 1750 and 1753, was to +build Carter's Grove for Carter Burwell.[94] + +The credit side of Minitree's account in Ledger G is as follows: + + £ s. d. + 1746 + Decemb^r 5 By making & burning 9 5 7-1/2 + 41,255 Bricks at 4/6 + + 1747 + Septemb^r By stacking & burning 16 9-1/2 + 11,200 D^o at 1/6 + By making & burning 14 2 10 + 62,849 D^o at 4/6 + By making & burning 4 6 + 1000 D^o at 4/6 + By short paid of my 9-1/2 + Order on Maj^r + Champe + By building part of 10-1/2 + my House + +The last item, in particular, is clear indication that an architectural +project of importance was underway and that Mercer had set about to make +Marlborough the equal of Virginia's great plantations. Only "part of my +house" was built by Minitree, yet his bill was more than five times the +total cost of Mercer's previous house, completed in 1730! + +Since it was customary in Virginia to make bricks on the site of a new +house, utilizing the underlying clay excavated from the foundation, +Minitree, as well as Anderson, made his bricks at Marlborough before +using them. Mortar for laying bricks was made of lime from oystershells. +In 1747 and 1748, we learn from the ledger, 61-1/2 hogsheads of +oystershells were bought from Abraham Basnett, an "Oysterman," payment +having been made in cash, meat, and brandy. "Flagstones &c" were +obtained in 1747 through Major John Champe at a cost of £36 4s. 6d. +These may have been the same stones brought up as "a load of stone" by +"Boatswain Davis" of Boyd's Hole in Passapatanzy in October 1747 for £4 +5s. 5d. + +Early in 1748 a new set of developments concerning the house took place. +Major William Walker of Stafford, revealed in the journal and the +ledgers as an old acquaintance of Mercer's, then became the +"undertaker," or contractor, for the house. Walker was a talented man +who had started out as a cabinetmaker, a craft in which his brother +Robert still continued. Whiffen (_The Public Buildings of Williamsburg_) +shows that he both designed and built a glebe house for St. Paul's +Parish, Hanover County, in 1739-1740, and the steeple for St. Peter's +Church in New Kent the latter year. Also in 1740 he built a bridge +across the Pamunkey for Hanover County. At the same time that he was +engaged on Mercer's mansion, he undertook in March 1749 to rebuild the +burned capitol at Williamsburg. He died 11 months later before bringing +either of these major projects to completion.[95] + +Walker's carpenter was William Monday. Mercer settled with Monday in +March 1748 for a total bill of £126 16s. 2-1/2d., but with a protest +addressed to himself in the ledger: "By work done about my House which +is not near the value as by Maj^r Walker's Estimate below, yet to avoid +Disputes & as he is worth nothing I give him Credit to make a full +Ballance." + +Meanwhile, William Bromley, a joiner, had gone to work on the interior +finish. Like Minitree and Walker, Bromley represented the highest +caliber of artisanship in the colony. Eighteen years later Mercer +referred to Bromley, "who," he said, "I believe was the best architect +that ever was in America."[96] Bromley employed several apprentices, +among them an Irishman named Patterson.[97] For the interval from July +9, 1748, to December 25, 1750, Bromley was paid £140 1s. 1/2d., almost +entirely for wages. The payment included "3 p^r hollows & rounds / 6 +plane irons / 1 gallon Brandy." For the same period Andrew Beaty, also a +joiner, received £113 5s. 1-1/2d. On June 19, 1749, Mercer noted in his +journal, "Beaty's apprentice came to work." These men were specialists +in framing woodwork and in making paneling, doors, wainscoting, and +exterior architectural elements of wood. + +The opulence of the building's finish is indicated by a charge on +Walker's account for "his Carver's work 69 days at 5/, £17. 15...." +Previously, while Minitree was still working on the house, an item had +been entered in August 1747, "To Cash paid for cutting the Chimneypiece +... 6.3." A chimneypiece was usually the ornamental trim or facing +around a fireplace opening, although in this instance the overpanel may +have been meant. + +Jacob Williams, a plasterer, worked 142-1/2 days for a total of £22 4s. +4d., while his helper Joseph Burges was employed 43 days for £5 7s. 6d. +Walker charged £3 8s. 11d. for "his Painters work about my house," and +a purchase of "42 gallons of Linseed Oyl" was recorded in the general +charges account. Three books of goldleaf, which Mercer had obtained from +George Gilmer, the Williamsburg apothecary, were charged, together with +paint, to Walker. + +In May 1750, a charge by George Elliot, "Turner, Stafford," was +recorded, "By turning 162 Ballusters at 6^d, £4.1...." Another item, for +supplying "341-1/2 feet Walnut Plank at 2^d," settled in October, may +have been for the wood of which the balusters were made. + +Thomas Barry, "Bricklayer," carried on the work that Minitree had not +completed. His account for 1749 follows: + + £ s. d. + + By Building the Addition to my House 26 + 22 Arches at 6/ 6 12 + 900 Coins & Returns at 6/ 2 14 + A Frontispiece 3 10 + Underpinning & altering the Cellar 2 + raising a Chimney 1 5 + building an Oven 15 + building a Kiln 1 + building a Kitchen 9 10 + 3 Arches at 6/ 18 + 2 Plain D^o at 2/6 5 + 500 Coins & returns at 6/ 1 10 + -- -- -- + 55 19 0 + +Expensive stone was imported for the house by Captain Roger Lyndon, +master of the _Marigold_, whose account occurs in the ledger: + + £ s. d. + + 1749 April By 630 Bricks at 20/ p^r m. 10 + + Dec^r By Gen'l Charges for hewn + Stone from M^r Nicholson[98] 65 16 4 + + 1750 June By Gen'l Charges for + sundrys by the Marigold + + By Do for freight of + Stones to my House 5 + +It is interesting to note that bricks, probably carried from England as +ballast, were brought by Captain Lyndon. + +[Illustration: Figure 11.--FIREPLACE MANTELS illustrated in William +Salmon's _Palladio Londonensis_. + +(_Courtesy of the Library of Congress._)] + +Not all the hewn stone was fashioned in England. William Copein, a +Prince William County mason, and Job Wigley were employed together in +1749 to the amount of £2 8s. In 1750 Copein was paid by Mercer for 64 +days of work at 3s. 1d. per day, totaling £9 17s. 4d. Copein was another +accomplished craftsman, the marks of whose skill still are to be seen in +the carved stone doorways of Aquia Church in Stafford County and in the +baptismal font at Pohick Church in Fairfax. + +The design of the house will be considered in more detail later in the +light of both archeological and documentary evidence. It is already +quite clear, however, that the new mansion was remarkably elaborate, +reflecting the workmanship of some of Virginia's best craftsmen. The +most significant clues to its inspiration are found in the titles of +four books which Mercer purchased in 1747. These are listed in the +inventory of his books in Ledger G as follows: + + "Hoppne's Architecture." This was probably _The Gentlemans and + Builders Repository on Architecture Displayed. Designs Regulated + and Drawn by E. Hoppus, and engraved by B. Cole. Containing useful + and requisite problems in geometry ... etc_, (1738). Edward Hoppus + was "Surveyor to the Corporation of the London Assurance." He also + edited Salmon's _Palladio Londonensis_. We find no writer on + architecture named Hoppne and assume this was a mistake. + + "Salmon's Palladio Londonensis." _Palladio Londonensis: or the + London Art of Building_, by William Salmon, which appeared in at + least two editions, in 1734 and in 1738, had a profound influence + on the formal architecture of the colonies during the mid-century. + + "Palladio's Architecture." The Italian Andrea Palladio was the + underlying source of English architectural thought from Christopher + Wren down to Robert Adam. Under the patronage of Lord Burlington, + this book was brought out in London in an English translation by + Giacomo Leoni under the title _The Architecture of A. Palladio; in + Four Books_. It had appeared in three editions prior to this + inventory, in 1715, 1721, and 1742, according to Fiske Kimball + (_Domestic Architecture of the American Colonies and of the Early + Republic_; New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1924, p. 58). Mercer + probably owned one of these. + + "Langley's City & Country Builder." _City and Country Builder's and + Workman's Treasury of Design_ by Battey Langley, 1740, 1745. This + was another copybook much used by builders and provincial + architects. + +[Illustration: Figure 12.--DOORWAYS ILLUSTRATED IN WILLIAM SALMON'S +_Palladio Londonensis_ (the London Art of Building), one of the books +used by William Bromley, the chief joiner who worked on Mercer's +mansion. (_Courtesy of the Library of Congress._)] + +All four of these books were listed in succession in the ledger and +bracketed together. Next to the bracket are the initials "WB," to +indicate that the books had been lent to someone who bore those +initials. In this case it is virtually certain that the initials are +those of William Bromley, to whom the books would have been of utmost +importance in designing the woodwork of the house. + +Door hardware was purchased from William Jordan in June 1749, according +to an item for "Locks & Hinges" that amounted to the large sum of £13 +8s. 8d. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [93] Probably the same Thomas Anderson whose appointment as + tobacco inspector at Page's warehouse, Hanover County, was + unsuccessfully protested on the basis that the job required + "a person skilled in writing and expert in accounts" + (_Calendar of Virginia State Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 18), + vol. 1, pp. 233-234). A letter to Thomas Anderson of Hanover + County was listed as uncalled for at the Williamsburg Post + Office in August, 1752 (_Virginia Gazette_; all references to + the _Gazettes_ result from use of LESTER J. CAPPON and STELLA + F. DUFF, _Virginia Gazette Index 1736-1780_ [Williamsburg, + 1950], and microfilm published by The Institute of Early + American History and Culture [Williamsburg, 1950]). + + [94] See THOMAS TILESTON WATERMAN, _The Mansions of Virginia, + 1706-1776_ (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina + Press, 1946), pp. 183-184, and MARCUS WHIFFEN, _The Public + Buildings of Williamsburg_ (Williamsburg, Virginia: Colonial + Williamsburg, Inc., 1958), pp. 84, 133, 218. + + [95] WHIFFEN, ibid., pp. 134-137, 217; _JHB, 1742-1747; + 1748-1749_ op. cit. (footnote 6), p. 312; _JHB, 1752-1755; + 1756-1758_ (Richmond, 1909), p. 28. + + [96] Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_, September 26, 1766. + Mercer spelled the name _Brownley_ in Ledger G, but in the + _Gazette_ article it is printed consistently as _Bromley_. As + published in the _George Mercer Papers_ it is spelled, and + perhaps miscopied, _Bramley_. We have chosen _Bromley_ as the + most likely spelling, in the absence of other references to + him. + + [97] _George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. 204. + + [98] Captain Timothy Nicholson was a London merchant and + shipmaster engaged in the Virginia trade with whom Mercer + arranged several transactions. + + +DOMESTIC FURNISHINGS + +As the mansion progressed, so did the acquisition of furnishings +suitable to its elegance. As early as 1742, doubtless in anticipation of +the new house, Mercer had bought from Hunter a "lanthorn," three +porringers, two cotton counterpanes at 27s., a plate warmer for 7s. 6d., +a half-dozen plates for 3s. 6d., a half-dozen deep plates for 6s., a +dozen "Stone Coffee cups" for 18d., a dozen knives and forks for 3s., +two tin saucepans at 4d. each, and "4 Dishes, 19-1/2 lib." (obviously +large pewter chargers). In 1743 he bought "5 gallon Basons 4/7" and "2 +pottle Basons at 2/4" (for toilet use), "1 Soop Spoon 1/," and "1 Copper +Chocolate pot 7/6 & mull Stick 6^d," "2 blew & W^t Jugs 2/" (probably +Westerwald stoneware), and "1 Flanders Bed Bunt, 25" (colored cotton or +linen used for bedcovers). + +In 1744 Mercer acquired from Charles Dick 4 candlesticks for a penny +each, 2 pairs of large hinges, a "hair sifter," "2 kitchen buck hand +knives," 12 cups and saucers for 2s., "1 milkmaid 2^d" (probably a +shoulder yoke), and "1 bucket 1/2^d." In 1745 a 5-gallon "Stone bottle" +for 3s. 6d., "1 doz. butcher knives," a hearthbroom, six spoons for a +shilling, a pair of scissors, "8 Chamberdoor Locks w^{th} brass knobs +£2," and "1 Sett finest China 35/, 2 punch bowls ... 2.7" were +purchased. + +The following year Mercer paid a total of £23 for a silver sugar dish, +weighing 8 oz., 5 dwt.; one dozen teaspoons and tray, 8 oz., 7 dwt.; a +teapot and frame, 26 oz., 8 dwt. This lot of silver probably was bought +at second hand, having been referred to as "Pugh's Plate p^d Edw^d +Wright as by Rec^t." He paid John Coke, a Williamsburg silversmith, £1 +6s. for engraving and cleaning it. In the meanwhile, in 1745, he had +sold Coke £6 worth of old silver. He also sold a quantity of "old Plate" +for £15 17s. 3d. to Richard Langton in England through Sydenham & +Hodgson. In 1747 he made a large purchase of silver from the silversmith +William King[99] of Williamsburg: + + oz. dwt. £ s. d. + + May 1747 + By Bernard Moore for 1 Cup 51 1 30 8 3 + + By James Power for 1 Waiter 8 7-1/2 4 14 2-1/2 + + By a pair of Sauceboats 25 8 + + By a large Waiter 29 3 48 11 3-1/2 + + By a smaller D^o 23 8 + + By a small D^o 8 8 + -------------------------------- + 148 15-1/2 @ 11/3 84 13 9 + +In March 1748, Mercer settled with Captain Lyndon for the following: + + £ s. d. + + 1 superfine large gilt Sconce glass 6 16 + 1 D^o 5 5 + 1 Walnut & gold D^o 2 10 + 1 Marble Sideboard 32/6 Bragolo [sic] 32/6 3 5 + +The following June he bought a marble table from William Jordan and in +October "4 looking Glasses," which Jordan obtained from Sydenham & +Hodgson. + +Meanwhile, William Walker's brother Robert made 14 chairs for Mercer, on +which William's carver spent 54 days. The total cost was £30 8s. The +quality of Mercer's furniture is illustrated further by a purchase in +1750 from Lyonel Lyde,[100] a London merchant, of £43 13s. worth of +"Cabinet Ware from Belchier." Belchier was a leading London furniture +maker, whose shop in 1750 was located on the "south side of St. Paul's, +right against the clock." Sir Ambrose Heal, in _The London Furniture +Makers_, illustrates a superb japanned writing cabinet in green and gold +chinoiserie made by Belchier in 1730.[101] Belchier also supplied +Shalstone Manor, the Buckinghamshire estate of Henry Purefoy, with a +table-desk in 1749 (fig. 13).[102] + +The ledger notes other occasional purchases of furniture during this +period. In 1746 Mercer paid cash "for oysters & a bedsteed," in the +amount of 10s. 6d. In September 1748, he bought "an Escritoire" from +tutor John Phipps, for which he paid £5. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [99] Probably William King, who married Elizabeth Edwards in + Stafford in 1738. He was the son of Alfred King, whose + parents were William King (d. 1702) and Judith Brent of + Stafford. His account with Mercer seems to indicate that he + was a silversmith. "Notes and Queries," _The King Family, + VHM_ (Richmond, 1916), vol. 24, p. 203. + + [100] The _Virginia Gazette_ on January 27, 1738, announced + that Major Cornelius Lyde, "Son of Mr. _Lionel Lyde_, an + eminent merchant in Bristol, died at his House in _King + William_ County." Later it referred to "Capt. Lyonel Lyde of + Bristol, [master of] the _Gooch_." Mercer's account with Lyde + in Ledger G is headed "M^r Lyonel Lyde, Merch^t in London." + Lyde died in 1749 before Mercer settled his account. + Elsewhere in the ledger is an account with "Mess^{rs} Cooper, + Macartney, Powel, & Lyde. E^{xrs} of Lyonel Lyde." Another + Lyonel Lyde, who became "Sir Lyonel" by 1773, was evidently + heir to the business. + + [101] SIR AMBROSE HEAL, _The London Furniture Makers from the + Restoration to the Victorian Era, 1660-1840_ (London: + Batsford, 1953), pp. 6, 13, 236, 237. + + [102] GEORGE E. ELAND, _The Purefoy Letters_ (London: + Sidgwick & Jackson, Ltd., 1931), vol. 1, pp. 98, 107, 111, + 177, and pl. 11. + + +LIGHTING DEVICES + +Artificial lighting for the manor house receives sparse mention. The +four candlesticks bought in 1744 for a penny each were probably of iron +or tin for kitchen use. Candlesticks purchased earlier probably remained +in use, sufficing for most illumination. It is a modern misconception +that colonial houses were ablaze at night with lamplight and +candlelight. Candles were expensive to buy and time-consuming to make, +while lamps rarely were used before the end of the century in the more +refined areas of households. The principal use of candles was in guiding +one's way to bed or in providing the minimum necessary light to carry on +an evening's conversation. During cold weather, fireplaces were a +satisfactory supplement. In general, early to bed and early to rise was +the rule, as William Byrd has shown us, and artificial light was only a +minor necessity. + +[Illustration: Figure 13.--TABLE-DESK made in 1749 for Henry Purefoy of +Shalstone Manor in Buckinghamshire by John Belchier of London. In the +following year, John Mercer received £43 13s. worth of "Cabinet Ware" +from that noted cabinetmaker. (_Reproduced from_ Purefoy Letters, +1735-1753, _G. Bland, ed., Sidgwick and Jackson, Ltd., London, 1931, by +courteous permission of the publisher_.)] + +Nevertheless, some illumination was needed in the halls and great rooms +of colonial plantation houses, especially when guests were present--as +they usually were. The three sconce glasses which Captain Lyndon +delivered to Mercer in 1748 were doubtless elegant answers to this +requirement. These glasses were mirrors with one or more candle +branches, arranged so that the light would be reflected and multiplied. +On special occasions, these, and perhaps some candelabra and a +scattering of candlesticks to supplement them, provided concentrations +of light; for such affairs the use of ordinary tallow candles, with +their drippings and smoke, was out of the question. A pleasant +alternative is indicated by the purchase in April 1749 of "11-1/2 lib. +Myrtle Wax att 5d ... 14.4-1/2" and "4 lib Beeswax 6/" from Thomas Jones +of the Eastern Shore. Similar purchases also are recorded. Myrtle wax +came from what the Virginians called the myrtle bush, better known today +as the bayberry bush. Its gray berries yielded a fragrant aromatic wax +much favored in the colonies. In making candles it was usually mixed +with beeswax, as was evidently the case here. A clean-burning, superior +light source, it was nonetheless an expensive one. Burning in the +brackets of the sconce glasses at Marlborough, heightening the shadows +of the Palladian woodwork and, when snuffed, emitting its faint but +delicious fragrance, it must have been a delight to the eyes and the +nostrils alike. + + +NEGROES + +Negroes played an increasingly important part in the life of +Marlborough, particularly after the manor house was built. Between 1731 +and 1750 Mercer purchased 89 Negroes. Most of these are listed by name +in the ledger accounts. Forty-six died in this period, while 25 were +born, leaving a total of 66 Negroes on his staff in 1750. In 1746 he +bought 6 men and 14 women at £21 10s. from Harmer & King in +Williamsburg. The new house and the expanded needs for service were +perhaps the reasons for this largest single purchase of slaves. + +There is no indication that Mercer treated his slaves other than well, +or that they caused him any serious difficulties. On the other hand, his +frequent reference to them by name, the recording of their children's +names and birth dates in his ledger, and the mention in his journal of +new births among his slave population all attest to an essentially +paternalistic attitude that was characteristic of most Virginia planters +during the 18th century. Good physical care of the Negroes was motivated +perhaps as much by self-interest in protecting an investment as by +humane considerations, but, nonetheless, we find such items in the +ledger as "To Cash p^d Doctor Lynn for delivering Deborah." + +That discipline served for the Negroes as it usually did for all +colonials, whether the lawbreaker were slave, bondsman, or free citizen, +is indicated by an entry in the Dick account: "2 thongs w^{th} Silk +lashes 1/3." One must bear in mind that corporal punishment was accepted +universally in the 18th century. Its application to slaves, however, +usually was left to the discretion of the slave owner, so that the +restraint with which it was administered depended largely upon the +humanity and wisdom of the master. + +The use of the lash was more often than not delegated to the overseer, +who was hired to run, or help run, the plantation. It was the overseer +who had a direct interest in eliciting production from the field hands; +a sadistic overseer, therefore, might create a hell for the slaves under +him. It is clear from Mercer's records that some of his overseers caused +problems for him and that at least one was a brutal man. For October +1747 a chilling entry appears in the account of William Graham, an +overseer at Bull Run Quarters: "To Negroes for one you made hang +himself. £35." Entered in the "Negroes" account, it reappears, somewhat +differently: "To William Graham for Frank (Hanged) £35 Sterling. £50. +15." This is one of several instances on record of Negroes driven to +suicide as the only alternative to enduring cruelties.[103] In this +case, Graham was fined 50 shillings and 1293 pounds of tobacco. + +We do not know, of course, whether other Negroes listed as dead in +Mercer's account died of natural causes or whether cruel treatment +contributed to their deaths. In the case of a homesick Negro named Joe, +who ran away for the third time in 1745, Mercer seems reluctantly to +have resorted to an offer of reward and an appeal to the law. Even so, +he declined to place all the blame on Joe. Joe had been "Coachman to +Mr. Belfield of Richmond County" and in the reward offer Mercer states +that Joe + + ... was for some time after he first ran away lurking about the + Widow Belfield's Plantation.... He is a short, well-set Fellow, + about 26 Years of Age, and took with him several cloaths, among the + rest a Suit of Blue, lined and faced with Red, with White Metal + Buttons, Whoever will secure and bring home the said Negroe, shall + receive Two Pistoles Reward, besides what the Law allows: And as I + have a great Reason to believe, that he is privately encouraged to + run away, and then harboured and concealed, so that the Person or + Persons so harbouring him may be thereof convicted, I will pay to + such Discoverer Ten Pistoles upon Conviction. This being the third + Trip he has made since I bought him in _January_ last, I desire he + may receive such Correction in his Way home as the Law directs, + when apprehended.[104] + +Whether Joe received the harsh punishment his offense called for is not +recorded. However, in 1748 Mercer accounted for cash paid for "Joe's +Lodging & burial £3. 10.," suggesting that Joe enjoyed death-bed care +and a decent burial, even though he may have succumbed to "such +correction ... as the law directs." + +As has already been suggested, his overseers seem to have given Mercer +more trouble than his slaves. One was Booth Jones of Stafford, about +whom Mercer confided in his ledger, "By allowed him as Overseer tho he +ran away about 5 weeks before his time was out by w^{ch} I suffered more +damage than his whole wages. £3. 11." Meanwhile, in 1746 William +Wheeland, an overseer at Bull Run Quarters, "imbezilled" 40 barrels of +corn. + +James Savage was one of the principal overseers and seems to have been +in charge first at Sumner's Quarters and then at Bull Run Quarters. John +Ferguson succeeded him at the former place. William Torbutt was also at +Bull Run, while Mark Canton and Nicholas Seward were overseers at +Marlborough. + +The outfitting of slaves with proper clothes, blankets, and coats was an +important matter. It called for such purchases as 121 ells of +"ozenbrigs" from Hunter in 1742. "Ozenbrigs" was a coarse cloth of a +type made originally in Oznabruck, Germany,[105] and was traditionally +the Negro field hand's raiment. Many purchases of indigo point to the +dying of "Virginia" cloth, woven either on the plantation or by the +weavers mentioned earlier. Presumably, shoes for the Negroes were made +at Marlborough, judging from a purchase from Dick of 3-1/4 pounds of +shoe thread. The domestic servants were liveried, at least after the +mansion was occupied. William Thomson, a Fredericksburg tailor, made "a +Coat & Breeches [for] Bob, 11/." Bob was apparently Mercer's personal +manservant, who had served him since 1732. Thomson also was paid £4 16s. +2d. for "Making Liveries." The listing of such materials as "scarlet +duffel" and "scarlet buttons" points to colorful outfitting of slaves. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [103] _Virginia Gazette_, July 10, 1752; BRUCE, op. cit. + (footnote 5), vol. 2, pp. 107-108; ULRICH BONNELL PHILLIPS, + _American Negro Slavery_ (New York & London: D. Appleton, + 1918), pp. 271, 272, 381. + + [104] _Virginia Gazette_, September 12, 1745. + + [105] GEORGE FRANCIS DOW, _Everyday Life in the Massachusetts + Bay Colony_ (Boston: The Society for the Preservation of New + England Antiquities, 1935), p. 78. + + +SAILING, FISHING, HUNTING + +Water transportation was essential to all the planters, most of whom +owned sloops. We have seen that Mercer used a sloop for his earliest +trading activities before he settled at Marlborough, and it is apparent +that in the 1740's either this same sloop or another which may have +replaced it still was operated by him. Hauling tobacco to Cave's +warehouse, picking up a barrel of rum in Norfolk or a load of lumber on +the Eastern Shore were vital to the success of the plantation. To equip +the sloop, 14 yards of topsail, ship's twine, and a barrel of tar were +purchased in 1747. Mercer had two Negroes named "Captain" and +"Boatswain," and we may suppose that they had charge of the vessel. Such +an arrangement would not have been unique, for many years after this, in +1768, Mercer wrote that "a sloop of M^r Ritchie's that came around from +Rapp^a for a load of tobacco stopped at my landing; his negro skipper +brought me a letter from M^r Mills...."[106] + +That there was considerable hunting at Marlborough is borne out by +repeated references to powder, shot, gunpowder, and gunflints. Fishing +may have been carried on from the sloop and also in trap-nets of the +same sort still used in Potomac Creek off the Marlborough Point shore. +In 1742 purchases were made of a 40-fathom seine and 3 perch lines, and +in 1744 of 75 fishhooks and 2 drumlines. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [106] _George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. 208. + + +BOOKS + +In Ledger G, Mercer listed all the books of his library before 1746. He +then listed additions as they occurred through 1750 (Appendix K). This +astonishing catalog, disclosing one of the largest libraries in Virginia +at that time, reveals the catholicity of Mercer's tastes and the +inquiring mind that lay behind them. Included in the catalog are the +titles of perhaps the most important law library in the colony. + +The names of all sorts of books on husbandry and agriculture are to be +found in the list: "Practice of farming," "Houghton's Husbandry," +"Monarchy of the Bees," "Flax," "Grass," and Evelyn's "A Discourse of +Sallets." Mercer's interest in brewing, which later was to launch a +full-scale, if abortive, commercial enterprise is reflected in "London +Brewer," "Scott's Distilling and Fermentation," "Hops," and the "Hop +Gardin," while "The Craftsman," "Woollen Manufacture," and "New +Improvements" indicate his concern with the efficiency of other +plantation activities. + +He displayed an interest in nature and science typical of an +18th-century man: "Bacon's Natural History," "Gordon's Cosmography," +"Gordon's Geography," "Atkinson's Epitome of Navigation," "Ozamun's +Mathematical Recreations," "Keill's Astronomy," and "Newton's Opticks." +Two others were "Baker's Microscope" and "Description of the Microscope +&c." It may be significant that in 1747 Mercer bought three microscopes +from one "Doctor Spencer" of Fredericksburg, the books on the subject +and the instruments themselves possibly having been intended for the +education of the three boys. + +"150 Prints of Ovid's Metamorphosis" appears, in addition to "Ovid's +Metamorphosis and 25 Sins," for which Mercer paid £8 6s. to William +Parks in 1746. "Catalog of Plants" and "Merian of Insects" are other +titles related to natural science. + +Many books on history and biography are listed--for example, "Life of +Oliver Cromwell," "Lives of the Popes," "Life of the Duke of Argyle," +"Hughes History of Barbadoes," "Catholick History," "History of +Virginia," "Dr. Holde's History of China," "The English Acquisitions in +Guinea," "Purchas's Pilgrimage." + +There are 25 titles under "Physick & Surgery," reflecting the planter's +need to know the rudiments of medical care for his slaves and family. +Art, architecture, and travel interested him also, and we find such +titles as "Noblemen's Seats by Kip," "Willis's Survey of the +Cathedrals," "8 Views of Scotland," "Perrier's Statues," "Pozzo's +Perspective," "100 Views of Brabant & Flanders," "History of +Amphitheatres." There was but one title on music--"The Musical +Miscellany," mentioned previously. "Report about Silver Coins" was +probably an English report on the exchange rate of silver coinage in the +various British colonies. + +Mercer kept abreast of English literature of his own and preceding +generations: "Swift's Sermons," the "Spectator" and the "Tatler," +"Pope's Works," "Turkish Spy," "Tom Brown's Letters from the Dead to the +Living," "Pamela," "David Simple," "Joseph Andrews," "Shakespeare's +Plays," "Ben Jonson's Works," "Wycherley's Plays," "Prior's Works," +"Savage's Poems," "Cowley's Works," and "Select Plays" (in 16 volumes), +to mention but a few. The classics are well represented--"Lauderdale's +Virgil," "Ovid's Art of Love," "Martial" (in Greek), as well as a Greek +grammar and a Greek testament. There were the usual sermons and +religious books, along with such diverse subjects as "Alian's Tacticks +of War," "Weston's Treatise of Shorthand" and "Weston's Shorthand +Copybook," and "Greave's Origin of Weights, &c." He subscribed to the +_London Magazine_ and the _Gentleman's Magazine_, and received regularly +the _Virginia Gazette_. + +While most of Mercer's books were for intellectual edification or +factual reference, a few must have served the purpose of sheer visual +pleasure. Such was Merian's magnificent quarto volume of hand-colored +engraved plates of Surinam insects, with descriptive texts in Dutch. The +18th-century gentleman's taste for the elegant, the "curious," and the +aesthetically delightful were all satisfied in this luxurious book, +which would have been placed appropriately on a table for the pleasure +of Mercer's guests.[107] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [107] MARIA SIBYLLA MERIAN, _Metamorphosis Insectorum + Surinamensium efte Veranderung Surinaamsche Insecten_ + (Antwerp, 1705). + + +THE PETITION + +Although overseeing the construction of his mansion, buying the +furniture for it, and assembling a splendid library would have been +sufficient to keep lesser men busy, Mercer was absorbed in other +activities as well. On May 10, 1748, for example, he recorded in his +journal that he went "to Raceground by James Taylor's & Wid^o +Taliaferro's,"[108] traveling 50 miles to do so. On December 13, 1748, +he went "to Stafford Court & home. Swore to the Commission of the +Peace," thus becoming a justice of the peace for Stafford County. + +[Illustration: Figure 14.--ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY PLAN superimposed over +detail of 1691 plat, showing southwest corner of town developed by +Mercer. It can be seen that the mansion foundation was in the area near +the change of course "by the Gutt between Geo. Andrew's & the Court +house," hence in the vicinity of the courthouse site.] + +In the meanwhile, years had gone by, and no action had been taken on the +suit in chancery brought in the 1730's to establish Savage's survey of +Marlborough as the official one. During this time, Mercer had continued +to build on various lots other than those he owned, "relying on the +Lease and Consent of [the feoffees], at the Expense of above Fifteen +Hundred Pounds, which Improvements would have saved forty lots." +Finally, "judging the only effectual way to secure his Title would be to +procure an Act of General Assembly for that purpose,"[109] Mercer +applied to the Stafford court to purchase the county's interest in the +town, to which the court agreed on August 11, 1747, the price to be +10,000 pounds of tobacco. Since this transaction required legislative +approval, Mercer filed with the House of Burgesses the petition which +has served so often in these pages to tell the history of Marlborough. + +Mercer argued in the petition that the county had nothing to lose--that +it "had received satisfaction" for at least 30 lots, some of which he +might be obliged to buy over again; that, considering the history of the +town, no one but himself would be likely to take up any other lots, the +last having been subscribed to in 1708; and that his purchase of the +town would be not to the county's disadvantage but rather to his own +great expense. He was willing to accept an appraisal from "any one +impartial person of Credit" who would say the town was worth more, and +to pay "any Consideration this worshipful House shall think just." + +He pointed out that the two acres set aside for the courthouse were +excluded and that they "must revert to the Heir of the former +Proprietor, (who is now an Infant)." He did not indicate in the petition +that he himself was the guardian of William Brent, infant heir to the +courthouse property. It is most significant, therefore, that in asking +for favorable action he added, "except the two acres thereof, which were +taken in for a Courthouse, as aforesaid and which he is willing to lay +of as this worshipful House may think most for the Benefit of Mr. +William Brent, the Infant, to whom the same belongs, _or to pay him +double or treble the worth of the said two acres, if the same is also +vested in your Petitioner_." (Italics supplied.) Plainly, Mercer had +much at stake in obtaining title to the courthouse land. This supports +the hypothesis that the Gregg survey of 1707 infringed on the courthouse +land, that Ballard's lot 19 on the Gregg survey overlapped it, and that +Mercer's first two houses, and now his mansion, were partly on land that +rightfully belonged to his ward, William Brent. Mercer apparently had so +built over all the lower part of Marlborough without regard to title of +ownership, and had so committed himself to occupancy of the courthouse +site, that he was now in the embarrassing position of having to look +after William Brent's interests when they were in conflict with his own. +Likely it is that he had depended too much on acceptance of the +still-unauthorized Savage survey to correct the previous discrepancies +by means of its extra row of lots. + +Still further indication that the courthouse land was at issue is found +in the proceedings that followed the petition. In these, there are +repeated references to Mercer's having been called upon to testify "as +the Guardian of William Brent." Clearly, the legislators were concerned +with the effect the acceptance of the petition would have on Brent's +interests. If Mercer, as seems likely, was building his mansion on the +courthouse land, the burgesses had reason to question him. In any case, +the House resolved in the affirmative "That the said Petition be +rejected".[110] + +This setback was only temporary, however. The wider problems of +Marlborough had at least been brought to light, so that by the time the +next fall session was held Mercer's 18-year-old suit to have Savage's +designated the official survey finally was acted upon: + +"At a General Court held at the Court House in Williamsburg the 12th +October 1749" the John Savage survey of 1731 was "Decreed & Ordered" to +be "the only Survey" of Marlborough. The problem of overlapping +boundaries occasioned by the conflicts between the first two surveys was +solved neatly. Mercer agreed to accept lots 1 through 9, 22 and 25, and +33, 34, 42, and 43, "instead of the s^d 17 lots so purchased." The new +lots extended up the Potomac River shore, while the "s^d 17 lots" were +those which he had originally purchased and had built upon. Since he had +"saved" these 17 lots by building on them, according to the old laws for +the town, "it is further decreed & ordered that the said Town of +Marlborough grant & convey unto the s^d John Mercer in fee such & so +many other Lotts in the said Town as shall include the Houses & +Improvm^{ts} made by the said John Mercer according to the Rate of 400 +square feet of Housing for each Lot so as the Lots to be granted for any +House of greater Dimensions be contiguous & are not separated from the +said House by any of the Streets of the said Town."[111] + +Thus, Mercer's original titles to 17 lots were made secure by +substituting new lots for the disputed ones he had occupied. This device +enabled the feoffees to sell back the original lots--at £182 per +lot--with new deeds drawn on the basis of the Savage survey. The final +provision that lots be contiguous when a house larger than the minimum +400 square feet was built on them, and that the house and lots should +not be separated by streets from each other, guaranteed the integrity of +the mansion and its surrounding land. No mention was made here, or in +subsequent transfers, of the courthouse land. Presumably it was +conveniently forgotten, Mercer perhaps having duly recompensed his ward. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [108] James Taylor lived in Caroline County; the "Wid^o + Taliaferro" was probably Mrs. John Taliaferro of + Spotsylvania. + + [109] Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). + + [110] _JHB, 1742-1747; 1748-1749_, op. cit. (footnote 6), pp. + 285-286. + + [111] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). + + +HEALTH AND MEDICINE + +Three weeks before his petition was read in the House, Mercer became +ill. On October 26, 1748, he noted in his journal, "Very ill obliged to +keep my bed." This was almost his first sickness after years of +apparently robust health. Such indispositions as he occasionally +suffered had occurred, like this one, at Williamsburg, where +conviviality and rich food caused many another colonial worthy to +founder. In this case, anxiety over the outcome of his petition may have +brought on or aggravated his ailment. In any event, he stayed throughout +the court session at the home of Dr. Kenneth McKenzie, who treated him. +On November 3 he noted that he was "On Recovery," and two days later +"went out to take the air." The following appears in his account with +Dr. McKenzie: + + October 1748: By Medicines & Attendance myself & Ice £7.19.11 + By Lodging &c 7 weeks 6. 6. 7 + +From William Parks, on another occasion, he bought "Rattlesnake root," +which was promoted in 18th-century Virginia as a specific against the +gout, smallpox, and "Pleuritick and Peripneumonic Fevers."[112] Twice he +bought "British oyl," a favorite popular nostrum sold in tall, square +bottles, and on another occasion "2 bottles of Daffy's Elixir."[113] In +1749 he settled his account with George Gilmer, apothecary of +Williamsburg, for such things as oil of cinnamon, Holloways' Citrate, +"Aqua Linnaean," rhubarb, sago, "Sal. Volat.," spirits of lavender, and +gum fragac. The final item in the account was for April 22, 1750, for "a +Vomit." The induced vomit, usually by a tartar emetic, was an accepted +cure for overindulgence and a host of supposed ailments. That inveterate +valetudinarian and amateur physician, William Byrd, was in the habit of +"giving" vomits to his sick slaves.[114] + +In November and December 1749 Mercer sustained his first long illness, +during which he was attended by "Doctor Amson." "Taken sick" at home on +November 13, he evidently did not begin to recover until December 11. +Whatever improvement he may have made must have received a setback on +the last day of the year, when he recorded in his journal: "Took about +60 grains of Opium & 60 grains of Euphorbium by mistake instead of a +dose of rhubarb." + +FOOTNOTES: + + [112] Ten years earlier a vogue for rattlesnake root had been + established, apparently by those interested in promoting it. + On June 16, 1738, Benjamin Waller wrote to the editor of the + _Virginia Gazette_ extolling the virtues of rattlesnake root + in a testimonial. He claimed it cured him quickly of the + gout, and, he wrote, "I am also fully convinced this Medicine + has saved the Lives of many of my Negroes, and others in that + Disease, which rages here, and is by many called a + _Pleurisy_; And that it is a sure Cure in a Quartan Ague." + Two weeks later the _Gazette_ carried "Proposals for Printing + by Subscription a _Treatise_ on the DISEASES of _Virginia_ + and the Neighbouring Colonies ... To which is annexed, An + Appendix, showing the strongest Reasons, _a priori_, that the + Seneca Rattle-Snake Root must be of more use than any + Medicine in the _Materia Medica_." + + [113] See GEORGE B. GRIFFENHAGEN and JAMES HARVEY YOUNG, "Old + English Patent Medicines in America," (paper 10 in + _Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology: + Papers 1-11_, U.S. National Museum Bulletin 218, by various + authors; Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1959). + + [114] _The Secret Diary of William Byrd of Westover, + 1709-1712_, edit. Louis B. Wright and Marian Tingling. + (Richmond, Virginia: The Dietz Press, 1941), p. 188 (for + example). + + +RELIGION AND CHARITIES + +Mercer's religious observances were irregular, although usually when he +was home he attended Potomac Church. At the same time he continued as a +vestryman in Overwharton Parish (which included Potomac and Aquia +churches). On September 28, 1745, the vestry met to decide whether to +build a new Aquia church or to repair the old one. They "then proceeded +to agree with one _William Walker_, an Undertaker to build a new brick +Church, Sixty Feet Square in the Clear, for One Hundred and Fifty Three +Thousand Nine Hundred and Twenty Pounds of Transfer Tobacco."[115] In +October Mercer entered in Ledger G, under the Overwharton Parish +account, "To drawing articles with Walker." In December he charged the +parish with "2 bottles claret" and "To Robert Jackson for mending the +Church Plate." Jackson was a Fredericksburg silversmith.[116] + +The following March, the proprietors of the Accokeek Ironworks +petitioned the Committee on Propositions and Grievances with an +objection to the vestry's decision to rebuild, claiming that "as the +said Iron-Works lie in the Parish aforesaid, and employ many Tithables +in carrying on the same, they will labour under great Hardships +thereby...."[117] The petition was rejected, but nothing seems to have +been done on the new church until three months after Walker's death in +February 1750, when Mourning Richards was appointed undertaker.[118] + +Mercer's charities in this decade form a short list. His only outright +gift was his "Subscription to Protestant working-Schools in Ireland. To +my annual Subscription for Sterling £5.5." In 1749 he did £12 3s. worth +of legal work for the College of William and Mary, which he converted +into "Subscriptions to Schools" of equal value; in other words, he +donated his services. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [115] Op. cit. (footnote 19), p. 203. + + [116] _Virginia Gazette_, October 20, 1752; RALPH BARTON + CUTTEN, _The Silversmiths of Virginia_ (Richmond, 1953), pp. + 39-40. + + [117] Op. cit. (footnote 19), p. 199. + + [118] WHIFFEN, op. cit. (footnote 94), p. 142. + + +CATHERINE MERCER'S DEATH AND ANN ROY'S ARRIVAL + +On April 1, 1750, Mercer went to Williamsburg for the spring session and +stopped en route to visit his friend Dr. Mungo Roy at Port Royal in +Caroline County. He remained at Williamsburg until the seventh, except +for going on the previous day to "Greenspring" to be entertained by +Philip Ludwell in the Jacobean mansion built a century earlier by +Governor Berkeley. Again stopping off at Port Royal, he returned home on +May 10. He remained there until June 15, when he made the laconic entry +in his journal: "My wife died between 3 & 4 at noon." What time this +denotes is unclear. + +Following this loss--Catherine Mercer was only 43--Mercer remained at +home for five days, then visited his sister-in-law Mrs. Ann Mason. The +next night he stayed with the pastor of Aquia Church, Mr. Moncure, then +returned to Marlborough and remained there for nearly a month. +Meanwhile, he purchased from Fielding Lewis, at a cost of £3 18s. +7-1/2d., "sundrys for mourning." William Thomson, the Stafford tailor, +made his mourning clothes. The preparations for the funeral must have +been elaborate; it was not held until July 13. + +[Illustration: Figure 15.--PORTRAIT OF ANN ROY MERCER, John Mercer's +second wife and the daughter of Dr. Mungo Roy of Port Royal, painted in +1750 or shortly thereafter. (_Courtesy of Mrs. Thomas B. Payne._)] + +At the end of July Mercer went to Williamsburg, thence to Yorktown, and +from there to Hampton and Norfolk by water on an "Antigua Ship," +returning to Hampton on August 5 on a "Negro Ship," evidently having +caught passage on oceangoing traders. The younger children remained in +Williamsburg with George and a nurse. On September 8 he went to Port +Royal and stayed "at Dr. Roy's." He returned home on the 10th, then went +back to Port Royal on the 14th, staying at Dr. Roy's until the 20th, +attending Sunday church services during his visit. He returned home +again on the 23rd, only to visit Dr. Roy once more on the 28th. The +October court session drew him to Williamsburg, where he remained until +November 7. While there, he purchased the following from James +Craig,[119] a jeweler: + + £ s. d. + + By a pair of Earrings 2 12 + By a pair of Buttons 2 12 + By a plain Ring 1 1 6 + +On November 8 he returned to Dr. Roy's. On the 10th he added a +characteristically sparse note to his chronicle, "Married to Ann Roy." + +The period for mourning poor Catherine was short indeed. But the mansion +at Marlborough needed a mistress, and Mercer's children, a mother. A new +chapter was about to open as the decade closed. From the meticulous +records that Mercer kept, it has been possible to see Mercer as a +dynamic cosmopolite, accomplishing an incredible amount in a few short +years. His constant physical movement from place to place, his reading +of the law and of even a fraction of his hundreds of books in science, +literature, and the arts, his managing of four plantations, attending +two monthly court sessions a year at Williamsburg, looking after the +legal affairs of hundreds of clients, concerning himself with the design +and construction of a remarkable house and selecting the furnishings for +it--all this illustrates a personality of enormous capacity. + +Marlborough was now a full-fledged plantation. Although the legacy of an +earlier age still nagged at Mercer and prevented him from holding title +to much of the old town, he had, nevertheless, transformed it, gracing +it with the outspread grandeur of a Palladian great house. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [119] "James CRAIG, _Jeweller_, from LONDON Makes all sorts + Jeweller's Work, in the best Manner at his Shop in _Francis_ + Street (facing the Main Street) opposite to Mr. Hall's new + Store." _Virginia Gazette_, September 25, 1746. + + + + +V + +_Mercer and Marlborough, from Zenith to Decline, 1751-1768_ + + +THE OHIO COMPANY + +The long last period of Mercer's life and of the plantation he created +began at a time of growing concern about the western frontier and the +wilderness beyond it. In 1747 this concern had been expressed in the +founding of the Ohio Company of Virginia by a group of notable colonial +leaders: Thomas Cresap, Augustine Washington, George Fairfax, Lawrence +Washington, Francis Thornton, and Nathaniel Chapman. George Mason was an +early member, and so, not surprisingly, was John Mercer, whose prestige +as a lawyer was the primary reason for his introduction to the company. +We learn from the minutes of the meeting on December 3, 1750. + + "[Resolved] That it is absolutely necessary to have proper Articles + to bind the Company that Mason ..., Scott & Chapman or any two of + them, apply to John Mercer to consider and draw such Articles and + desire him attend the next general meeting of the Company at + Stafford Courthouse...."[120] + +At the meeting in May 1751, Mercer presented the Articles and was +"admitted as a Partner on advancing his twentieth part of the whole +Expence."[121] From then on he was virtually secretary of the company, +as well as its chief driving force. He was made a committee member with +Lawrence Washington, Nathaniel Chapman, James Scott, and George Mason, +who was treasurer. The "Committee" was the central or executive board. + +With the leading members living in Stafford County or nearby, most of +the meetings of both the company and the committee were held at Stafford +courthouse, and occasionally in private houses of the members. We can +imagine with what pride Mercer noted in his journal for February 5-7, +1753, "Ohio Committee met at my house." The important role played by the +Ohio Company in the Mercers' lives--and by them in the Company--is fully +recounted in the _George Mercer Papers Relating to the Ohio Company of +Virginia_. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [120] _The George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. + 5. + + [121] Ibid. + + +GEORGE, JOHN, AND JAMES + +Mercer doubtless threw himself into the Ohio Company's affairs with +characteristic drive and enthusiasm. We may surmise that there was heady +talk at Marlborough about the frontier and of dangerous exploits against +the Indians and the French--enough, at least, to have stirred youthful +cravings for adventure among the Mercer boys. Certain it is that George +and John Fenton, aged 19 and 18, respectively, joined the frontier +regiment of their neighbor Colonel Fry as young officers "upon the first +incursions of the French."[122] + +James, aged 16 and too young for soldiering, exhibited an unusual +aptitude for architecture. His talent was noticed by William Bromley, +the master joiner on the mansion house, who told Mercer that James "had +a most extraordinary turn to mechanicks." On the strength of this, +Mercer decided that James should become a master carpenter or joiner, +then synonymous with "architect." In America in 1753 professional +architects, as we know them, did not exist; gentlemen, some very +talented, designed and drafted, while skilled joiners or carpenters +followed general directions, executing, engineering, and inventing as +they went along. + +Mercer's decision was as unconventional as it was prescient, being made +at a time when gentlemen were not expected to learn a trade, yet at a +moment when the respected place the professional architect was later to +have could be envisioned. Indeed, he explained his feeling that those +who possessed architectural skills "were more beneficial members of +society, and more likely to make a fortune, with credit, than the young +Gentlemen of those times, who wore laced jackets attended for +improvement at ordinaries, horse races, cock matches, and gaming +tables." Motivated by this honest sense of values, forged in the +experience of a self-made man, Mercer proceeded to bind James +"apprentice to Mr. Waite, a master carpenter and undertaker (of +Alexandria), who covenanted to instruct him in all the different +branches of that business. At the same time I bound four young Negro +fellows (which I had given him) to Mr. Waite, who covenanted to instruct +each of them in a particular branch. These, I expected, when they were +out of their time, would place him in such a situation as might enable +him to provide for himself, if I should not be able to do any more for +him. It is notorious that I received the compliments of the Governour, +several of the Council, and many of the best Gentlemen in the country, +for having set such an example, which, they said, they hoped would +banish that false pride that too many of their countrymen were actuated +by." + +On June 25, 1753, Mercer noted in his journal, "At home. Bound son James +& Peter & Essex to W^m Waite for 5 y^{rs}." However commendable this +effort to banish "false pride" may have been, it was probably not a +realistic solution for James' career. James, as we shall see, was to +make his own choice later and was to follow with great distinction in +his father's footsteps as a lawyer. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [122] All the foregoing quotations in this section are from + Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_, September 26, 1766. + + +GROWING BURDENS, RESPONSIBILITIES, AND DEBTS + +Meanwhile, Mercer had announced his intention to publish a new edition +of the _Abridgment_. In doing so, he adopted a hostile, testy approach +that was unusual even in 18th-century advertising. Implying that he was +doing a favor to an ungrateful populace, he stated in the Virginia +_Gazette_ on August 16, 1751, "I have been prevail'd upon to print it, +if I have a prospect of saving myself, though the Treatment I met from +the Subscribers to the last had determined me never to be again +concerned in an Undertaking of this Kind." On the following February 20, +he announced in the _Gazette_ that if there were 600 subscribers by the +last of the next General Court he would send the copy to press. If not, +he would return the money to those who had subscribed, "which I should +not have troubled myself with, if I could have thought of any other +Expedient to secure myself against the base Usage I met with from the +Subscribers to my former _Abridgment_, who left above 1200 of them on my +Hands." This kind of advertising had its predictable response: +publication of the new _Abridgment_ was postponed indefinitely. + +The first suggestion that all was not well in Mercer's financial affairs +was given in an advertisement in the _Gazette_ on April 10, 1752. In +this he noted that he had agreed to pay the debts of one Francis +Wroughton, a London merchant, out of Wroughton's effects. However, +although Wroughton's effects had not materialized, he promised to make +payment anyway, "notwithstanding a large Ballance due to myself." He +concluded, "Besides Mr. _Wroughton's_ Debts, I have some of my own (and +not inconsiderable) to pay, therefore I hope that such Gentlemen as are +indebted to me will, without putting me to the Blush which a Dunn will +occasion, discharge their Debts...." + +Perhaps to alleviate these difficulties, he had advertised in the +Gazette on the previous March 15 that he would lease "3,000 Acres of +extraordinary good fresh Land, in Fairfax and Prince William," but there +is no evidence that he was successful. + +Signs of irritability became increasingly noticeable. In 1753 he +outraged his fellow justices at Stafford court--so much so that they +brought charges against him before the Executive Council "for +misbehavior as a Justice."[123] It was decided that, although "his +Conduct had been in some Respects blameable, particularly by his +Intemperance, opprobrious Language on the Bench, and indecent Treatment +of the other Justices, ... that in Consideration of his having been a +principal Instrument in a due Administration of Justice, and expediting +the Business of the County, it has been thought proper to continue him +Judge of the Court."[124] + +A growing burden of debt, in contrast to the prosperity of the preceding +decade, clearly affected Mercer's attitude, as we can see in a Gazette +advertisement on November 7, 1754: "I will not undertake any new, or +finish any old Cause, 'til I receive my Fee, or Security for it to my +liking: And I hope such Gentlemen as for above these seven years past +have put me off with Promises every succeeding General Court will think +it reasonable now to discharge their accounts." Concurrent with +indebtedness was an almost annual increase in the size of his family. In +1752 Grace Fenton Mercer was born, the next year Mungo Roy, and in 1754 +Elinor. + +At the same time, he still pursued the restless activity that +characterized his earlier years. On July 24, 1753, Mercer went "to +Balthrop's, Smith's Ordin^{ry} & Vaulx's,"[125] a distance of 27 miles, +during which he "Overset." On the 25th he went on eight miles farther +"to Col^o Phil Lee's"[126] for a three-day meeting of the Ohio Company, +then went the whole 35 miles home on the 28th. On September 6 he was +called eight miles away "to Boyd's hole on Inquest as Coroner & home by +4 in the morn^g," while the next day he was "at home. Son Mungo Roy born +ab^t 2 in the morning." On the 19th Mungo Roy was christened. Four days +later he went 15 miles to Fredericksburg for the christening of William +Dick's son Alexander, returning home the next day. The following day +Mercer journeyed 14 miles and back to "Holdbrook's Survey" by way of +Mountjoy's, and repeated the trip the next day, stopping at Major +Hedgman's[127] coming and going. On October 5 he made a three-day trip +to Williamsburg, covering the distance in stretches of 16, 52, and 42 +miles per day, respectively. He went by way of Port Royal, where he "Met +M^r Wroughton," presumably the London merchant whose creditors he had +agreed to pay. The second day took him by way of King William +courthouse. On the return on November 4-6, he came via Chiswell's +Ordinary[128] and New Kent courthouse (which he noted had "Burnt"), +covering a total of 110 miles. + +On June 3, 1754, his clerk reported to duty, according to a journal +entry: "Rogers came here at £50 p^r annum." Rogers remained in Mercer's +employ until 1768. + +Mercer seems to have been driving himself to the limit, not to achieve +success as in the prior decades, but rather to hold secure what he +already had. The specter of debt now hung over him, as it did over +nearly every planter, under the increasing burdens of the French and +Indian War. The 17th-century wisdom of William Fitzhugh and Robert +Beverley in seeking to lead the colony away from complete dependence +upon tobacco was apparent to those who would remember. Marlborough, +although still technically a town, was now in reality a tobacco +plantation, and Mercer, despite his status as a lawyer, was as +irretrievably committed to the success or failure of tobacco as was +Fitzhugh 70 years earlier. The hard years were now upon all, and, like +his equally hard-pressed debtors, Mercer was suffering from them. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [123] _Executive Journals of the Council_, op. cit. (footnote + 66), vol. 5, p. 410. + + [124] Ibid., p. 434. + + [125] The Balthrop family lived in King George County; + Smith's ordinary has not been identified; "Vaulx's" probably + refers to the home of Robert Vaulx of Pope's Creek, + Westmoreland County. Vaulx was father-in-law of Lawrence + Washington and died in 1755. + + [126] Philip Ludwell Lee, proprietor of "Stratford," + Westmoreland County, 1751-1775, grandfather of General Robert + E. Lee. "Old Stratford and the Lees who Lived There," + _Magazine of the Society of Lees of Virginia_ (Richmond, May + 1925), vol. 3, no. 1, p. 15. + + [127] Peter Hedgman was another Stafford County leader. He + was burgess from 1742 to 1755. "Members of the House of + Burgesses," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1901), vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 249. + + [128] George Fisher visited Chiswell's ordinary: "On Monday + May the 12th 1755, at Day Break, about half an hour after + Four in the morning, I left Williamsburg to proceed to + Philadelphia.... About Eight o'clock, by a slow Pace, I + arrived at Chiswell's Ordinary. Two Planters in the Room, I + went into, were at Cards (all Fours) but on my arrival, + returned into an inner Room." "Narrative of George Fisher," + _WMQ_ [1] (Richmond, 1909), vol. 17, pp. 164-165. + + +LIFE AT MARLBOROUGH DURING THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS + +On March 11, 1755, after nearly 30 years of uncertainty about his titles +to Marlborough, Mercer at last was granted the entire 52-acre town in a +release from the feoffees, Peter Daniel and Gerard Fowke. This was made +with the provision that he should be "Eased from making improvements on +the other twenty-six Lots (those not built upon), to prevent their +forfeiture and the County will be wholly reimbursed, which it is not +probable it ever will be otherwise as only one Lot has been taken up in +forty-seven years last past and there is not one House in the said town +which has not been built by the said Mercer."[129] + +While the day-to-day events of Marlborough went on much as ever, the +conflict between the British and the French spread from Canada southward +along the western ridge of the Appalachians. This expansion, inevitably, +was reflected in the Mercers' activities in many ways, both great and +small. As the struggle approached its climax, Braddock's troops came to +Virginia in March 1755, and were quartered in Alexandria. Among them was +John Mercer's brother, Captain James Mercer, who was a professional +soldier. On March 25 John left Marlborough for Alexandria, probably to +greet James and to have him billeted at William Waite's house where +young son James already was living as Waite's apprentice. This bringing +together of two far-flung members of the Mercer family had unanticipated +results. Captain James was a British gentlemen-officer, untouched by the +leveling influences of colonial life and therefore untempted to banish +"false pride" by any such radical means as John had employed with young +James. Indeed, the sight of his nephew learning a mechanical trade must +have been a rude shock, for we learn from John Mercer that Captain James +"found means to make his nephew uneasy under his choice; and I was from +that time incessantly teazed, by those who well knew their interest over +me, until I was brought to consent very reluctantly that he should quit +the plumb and square" and become a lawyer.[130] + +Mercer returned to Marlborough by way of George Mason's, near the place +where a few months later William Buckland was to begin work on "Gunston +Hall." He remained there all day on April 1--"at M^r Mason's wind +bound," he wrote in his journal. The next day he went "home through a +very great gust." + +The problems of managing a plantation went on through peace and through +war. Besides a multitude of Negroes, there were also indentured white +servants at Marlborough. One of these ran away and was advertised in the +_Virginia Gazette_ on May 2, 1755: + + ... a Servant Man named _John Clark_, he pretends sometimes to be a + Ship-Carpenter by Trade, at other Times a Sawyer or a Founder ... + he is about 5 feet 7 inches high, round Shoulders, a dark + Complexion, grey eyes, a large Nose and thick Lips, an _Englishman_ + by birth; had on when he went away, a blue Duffil Frock with flat + white Metal Buttons and round Cuffs, red corded Plush Breeches, old + grey Worsted Stockings, old Shoes, and broad Pewter Buckles, brown + Linen wide Trousers, some check'd Shirts, and a Muslin Neckcloth; + had also an old Beaver Hat bound round with Linen. + +On October 24, the _Gazette_ carried another advertisement related to +Mercer's problems of personnel: + + A Miller that understands the Management of a Wind-mill, and can + procure a proper Recommendation, may have good Wages, on applying + to the Subscriber during the General Court, at _Williamsburg_, or + afterwards, at his House in _Stafford_ County, before the last Day + of November, or if any such Person will enclose his Recommendation, + and let me know his Terms by the Post from _Williamsburg_, he may + depend on meeting an Answer at the Post-Office there, without + Charge, the first Post after his Letter comes to my Hands. _John + Mercer_ + +In the meanwhile, the war had broken out in full scale, and the disaster +at Fort Duquesne had taken place. Mercer apparently learned the bad news +at a Stafford court session, for he noted in his journal on July 9, +after observing his attendance at court, "General Braddock defeated." We +can imagine his concern, for both George and John Fenton were +participants in the campaign. + +On April 18, 1756, John Fenton was killed in action while fighting under +Washington.[131] Curiously, his death was not mentioned in the journal. +Instead, we learn of the death of John Mercer's horse on the way to +Williamsburg in April and of the fact that, on his return in May, Mercer +lost his way and traveled 46 miles in a day. He tells us that he went +"to M^r Moncure's by water" on May 26, a distance of 15 miles, and that +he made a round trip from Mr. Moncure's to Aquia Church for a total of +12 miles. On July 14, he noted that he went "to Maj^r Hedgman's & +returning thrown out of the chaise & very much bruised." + +The demands of the war are revealed in journal entries made in June +1757. On the 20th he wrote, "to Court to prick Soldiers & home," and on +the 27th, "to Court to draft Soldiers & home." As at other times in the +journal, birth and death, in their tragic immediacy and repetitiveness, +were juxtaposed in September: on the 24th, "Son John born"; on the 27th, +"Brother James died at Albany"; on the 28th, "Son John died." + +In 1758 George Mason ran for the office of burgess from both Stafford +and Fairfax. On July 11, Mercer went to the Stafford elections, where +"Lee & Mason" were chosen. On the 15th, he went "to M^r Selden's & home +by water to see M^r Mason," who evidently had come to Marlborough for a +visit. Four days later, he traveled to Alexandria for the elections +there and saw "Johnston & Mason" elected. + +In the fall of 1758 he went, as usual, to Williamsburg. His route this +time was long and devious, taking him to both Caroline and King William +County courthouses on the way, for a total of 121 miles in five days. We +learn of one of the hazards of protracted journeys in the 18th century +from a notation repeated daily in his journal for four days following +his arrival: "at Williamsburg Confined to Bed with the Piles." + +On November 15, soon after his return to Marlborough, Mercer was sworn +to the new commission of Stafford justices. Five days previously his son +Catesby had been buried, but, as usually happened, new life came to take +the place of that which had survived so briefly. On May 17, 1759, Mercer +recorded, "Son John Francis born at 7 in the Evening." John Francis +evidently was given an auspicious start in life by a christening of more +than ordinary formality: "May 28. to Col^o Harrison's with the Gov^r Son +christened." + +During 1759 the second edition of the _Abridgment_ was published in +Glasgow, Scotland, this time with neither public notice nor +recrimination.[132] On November 25, Mercer met the growing problem of +his indebtedness by deeding equal shares of some of his properties, as +well as whole amounts of others, to George and James Mercer, Marlborough +and a few other small holdings excepted. Fifty Negroes were included in +the transaction. This action was followed immediately by the release of +the properties under their new titles to Colonel John Tayloe and Colonel +Presley Thornton for a year, thus providing cash by which George and +James could pay £3000 of John Mercer's debts.[133] + +The Ohio Company was experiencing its difficulties also. Mercer's +importance in it was demonstrated by his appointment to "draw up a full +State of the Company's Case setting forth the Hardships We labour under +and the Reasons why the Lands have not been settled and the Fort +finished according to Royal Instructions...."[134] This was his most +responsible assignment during his activity in the company. + +Indebtedness throughout these years lurked constantly in the background, +now and then breaking through acutely. In 1760, for example, William +Tooke, a London merchant, brought suit to collect £331 1s. 6d. which +Mercer owed him. Two years later Capel Hanbury sued Mercer for £31 +10s.[135] + +In 1761 George Washington and George Mercer ran for burgesses from +Frederick County in the Shenandoah Valley, and both were elected. John +Mercer, evidently anxious to be present for the election, undertook the +arduous journey to Winchester, leaving Marlborough on May 15. His +itinerary was as follows: + + May 15 to Fredericksburg 15 + 16 to Nevill's Ordinary 37 + 17 to Ashby's Combe's & Winchester 32 + 18 at Winchester (Frederick Election) + (Geo Washington and Geo Mercer elected) + 19 to M^r Dick's Quarter 18 + 20 to Pike's M^r Wormley's Quarter 12 + 21 to Snickers's Little River Quarters & Nevill's 60 + 22 to Fallmouth & home 50 + +In the previous year Anna had been born, and now, on December 14, 1761, +Maria arrived. Between the 8th and the 20th of August, 1762, entries +were made that suggest that there was an epidemic of sorts at +Marlborough: "Cupid died // Tom (Poll's) died // Daughter Elinor died // +Miss B. Roy died." In his long letter to George, written in 1768, he +reflected on the fact that, although through the years 98 Negroes had +been born at Marlborough, he, at that time, had fewer than the total of +all he had ever bought. "Your sister Selden," he wrote "attributes it to +the unhealthiness of Patomack Neck, which there may be something in.... +I thank God, however, that my own family has been generally as healthy +as other people's."[136] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [129] John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12). + + [130] Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_, September 26, + 1766. + + [131] John Clement Fitzpatrick, ed., _The Writings of George + Washington_ (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, + 1931), vol. 1, p. 318. + + [132] "Journals of the Council of Virginia in Executive + Sessions, 1737-1763," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1907), vol. 14, p. 232 + (footnote). + + [133] _The George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. + 190. + + [134] Ibid., p. 179. + + [135] "Proceedings of the Virginia Committee of + Correspondence 1759-67," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1905), vol. 12, p. + 4. + + [136] _The George Mercer Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. + 213. + + +THE END OF THE WAR AND THE STAMP ACT + +The year 1763 marked the end of the war. It also signaled a turning +point in the colonies' relations with England. In a royal proclamation +the King prohibited the colonies from expanding westward past the +Appalachian ridge, in effect nullifying the Ohio Company's claims and +objectives. George Mercer was appointed agent of the company and was +dispatched to England to plead its cause. + +By this time Britain was beginning to apply the other allegedly +oppressive measures which preceded the Revolution. Antismuggling laws +were enforced, implemented by "writs of assistance," thus increasing +colonial burdens which had been avoided previously by widespread +smuggling. The South was particularly hard hit by parliamentary orders +forbidding the colonies the use of paper money as legal tender for +payment of debts. In a part of the world where a credit economy and +chronic indebtedness made a flexible currency essential, this measure +was a disastrous matter. + +Despite the ominousness of the times, Mercer continued with the daily +routine, the minutiae of which filled his journal. He noted on January +9, 1763, that he went to Potomac Church--"Neither Minister or clerk +there." On February 21 he went a mile--probably up Potomac Creek--to +watch "John Waugh's halling the Saine & home." On March 1 his merchant +friend John Champe was buried. After the funeral Mercer went directly to +Selden's for an Ohio Company meeting. + +From December 10 until March 1765, Mercer was sick. Of this interval, he +wrote George in 1768 that "My business had latterly so much encreased, +together with my slowness in writing, & Rogers, tho a tolerable good +clerk, was so incapable of assisting me out of the common road, that +when you saw me at Williamsburg, I was reduced by my fatigue, to a very +valetudinary state."[137] Indebtedness, overwork, advancing age, and the +reverses of the times had evidently caused a crisis. + +Passage of the Stamp Act in 1765, to raise revenues to support an army +of occupation in the colonies, struck close to John Mercer, for George, +while in England, had been designated stamp officer for Virginia. George +returned to Williamsburg, little expecting the hostile greeting he was +to receive from a crowd of angry planters. Quickly disavowing his new +office, he returned the stamps the following day. + +Many made the most of George's tactical blunder in accepting the +stamp-officer appointment. Indeed, the Mercers seem to have been made +the scapegoats for the frustrations and turmoil into which the mother +country's actions had plunged the colony. George Mercer was hanged in +effigy at Westmoreland courthouse, and James Mercer took to the +_Gazettes_ to defend him. There were counterattacks on James while he +was absent in Frederick County, and Mercer himself rushed in with a +lengthy satirical diatribe entitled "Prophecy from the East." Occupying +all the space normally devoted to foreign news in Purdie & Dixon's +_Virginia Gazette_ for September 26, 1766, this struck out at anonymous +attackers whom Mercer scathingly nicknamed Gibbet, Scandal, Pillory, and +Clysterpipe. He later explained to George that James' "antagonist was +backed by so many anonymous scoundrels, that I was drawn in during his +abscence at the springs in Frederick to answer I did not know whom tho +it since appears D^r Arthur Lee was the principal, if not the only +assassin under different vizors, & he was so regardless of truth that he +invented & published the most infamous lies as indisputable facts: on +your brother's return I got out of the scrape but from a paper war it +turned to a challenge, which produced a skirmish, in which your bro. +without receiving any damage broke the Doctors head, & closed his eyes +in such a manner as obliged him to keep his house sometime...."[138] + +Of John Mercer's own attitude towards the Stamp Act there can be no +question. On November 1, 1765, he noted in his journal, "The damned +Stamp Act was to have taken place this day but was proved initially +disappointed." He is said to have written a tract against the Stamp Act, +although no copy has survived. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [137] Ibid., p. 187. + + [138] Ibid. + + +THE CLOSING YEARS[139] + +The elements of tragedy mark Mercer's final years--the tragedy of John +Mercer and Marlborough interwoven with the epic failures of the colonial +experiment. Prompted by his illness, he quit his legal practice in the +courts in 1765. In the same year he "gave notice to the members of the +Ohio Company, that my health & business would not longer allow me to +concern myself in their affairs which they had entirely flung upon my +hands." He also "on account of my deafness, refused to act as a justice, +which I should not have done otherwise, as I have the satisfaction to +know that I have done my country some service in this station." + +Heavily in debt, disillusioned and embittered by the dwindling results +of his struggles, he wrote that "I have attended the bar thirty-six +years, through a perpetual hurry and uneasiness, and have been more +truly a slave than any one I am, or ever was, master of; yet have not +been able, since the first day of last January, to command ten pounds, +out of near ten thousand due me." Recoiling from his situation, he +desperately sought a way out and a means to recover his losses. With +self-deceptive optimism he seized upon the idea of establishing a +brewery at Marlborough, since "our Ordinaries abound & daily increase +(for drinking will continue longer than anything but eating)." +Accordingly, he built a brewhouse and a malthouse, each 100 feet long, +of brick and stone, together with "Cellars, Cooper's house & all the +buildings, copper & utensils whatever, used about the brewery." He +depended at first on his windmill for grinding the malt, but to avoid +delays on windless days, "I have now a hand-mill fixed in my brewhouse +loft that will grind 50 bushels of malt (my coppers complement) every +morning they brew." + +To get his project under way, Mercer plunged further into the depths of +debt by buying 40 Negroes "to enable me to make Grain sufficient to +carry on my brewery with my own hands." These cost £8000, "a large part +of which was unpaid, for payment of which I depended on the Brewery +itself & the great number of Debts due to me." But the external fate +which was driving him closer and closer to destruction now struck with +the death of John Robinson, treasurer of the colony, who, having lent +public funds promiscuously to debtor friends, had left a deficiency of +£100,000 in the colonial treasury. A chain reaction of suits developed, +threatening James Hunter of Fredericksburg, Mercer's security for +purchase of the slaves. + +The brewery lumbered and stumbled. Mercer's first brewer, a young Scot +named Wales, prevailed upon him to spend £100 to alter the new +malthouse. On September 16, 1765, William King, evidently a master +brewer, arrived. He immediately found fault with Wales' changes in the +malthouse. Within three weeks, however, King died. King's nephew, named +Bailey, then came unannounced with a high recommendation as a brewer +from a man he had served only as a gardener. Mercer was impressed: "You +may readily believe I did not hesitate to employ Bailey on such a +recommendation, more especially as he agreed with King in blaming the +alteration of the malt house & besides found great fault with Wales's +malting." Faced with rival claims as to which could brew better beer, +Mercer allowed each to brew separately. "Yet though Bailey found as much +fault with Wales's brewing as he did with his malting, that brewed by +Wales was the only beer I had that Season fit to drink." Wales, however, +brewed only £40 worth of beer, barely enough to pay his wages, let alone +maintenance for himself and his wife. Although Bailey brewed enough to +send a schooner load of it to Norfolk, it was of such "bad character" +that only two casks were sold, the remainder having been stored with +charges for two months, then brought back to Marlborough, where an +effort to distill it failed. + +In 1766 there was a similar tale. Five hundred fifty bushels of malt +were produced, but much of the beer and ale was bad. In January 1766, +Andrew Monroe[140] was employed as overseer. "Wales complains of my +Overseer & says that he is obliged to wait for barley, coals & other +things that are wanted which, if timely supplied with he could with six +men & a boy manufacture 250 bushels a week which would clear £200.... My +Overseer is a very good one & I believe as a planter equal to any in +Virginia but you are sensible few planters are good farmers and barley +is a farmer's article," Mercer wrote to George. Besides the overhead of +slaves and nonproductive brewers, the establishment required the +services of two coopers at £20 per year. + +Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_ for April 10, 1766, carried the +advertisement of Mercer's brewery: + + To be SOLD, at the MARLBOROUGH BREWERY + + STRONG BEER AND PORTER at 18d. and ALE at 1s. the gallon, + _Virginia_ currency, in cask, equal in goodness to any that can be + imported from any part of the world, as nothing but the genuine + best MALT and HOPS will be used, without any mixture or substitute + whatsoever; which, if the many treaties of brewing published in + _Great Britain_ did not mention to be frequently used there, the + experience of those who have drunk those liquors imported from + thence would point out to be the case, from their pernicious + effects. + + The severe treatment we have lately received from our Mother + Country, would, I should think, be sufficient to recommend my + undertaking (though I should not be able to come up to the English + standard, which I do not question constantly to do) yet, as I am + satisfied that the goodness of every commodity is its best + recommendation, I principally rely upon that for my success; and my + own interest, having expended near 8000 l. to bring my brewery to + its present state, is the best security I can give the publick to + assure them of the best usage, without which such an undertaking + cannot be supported with credit. + + The casks to be paid for at the rate of 4s. for barrels, 5s. for + those between 40 and 50 gallons, and a penny the gallon for all + above 50 gallons; but if they are returned in good order, and + sweet, by having been well scalded as soon as emptied, the price of + them shall be returned or discounted. + + Any person who sends bottles and corks may have them carefully + filled and corked with beer or porter at 6s. or with ale at 4s. the + dozen. I expect, in a little time, to have constant supply of + bottles and corks; and if I meet the encouragement I hope for, + propose setting up a glasshouse for making bottles, and to provide + proper vessels to deliver to such customers as favour me with their + orders such liquors as they direct, at the several landings they + desire, being determined to give all the satisfaction in the power + of + + Their most humble servant, + JOHN MERCER + +Foolhardy though the brewery was, a glass factory would have been the +pinnacle of folly. Yet it was seriously on Mercer's mind. In his letter +to George he wrote: + + A Glass house to be built here must I am satisfied turn to great + profit, they have some in New England & New York or the Jerseys & + find by some resolves the New England men are determined to + increase their number. + +Despite his manifest failure, Mercer confidently attempted to persuade +George of the possibilities of the brewery and even the glasshouse. +Shifting from one proposal to another, he suggested that he could "rent +out all my houses and conveniences at a reasonable rate," or take in a +partner, although "I have so great a dislike for all partnerships, +nothing but my inability to carry it on my self could induce me to enter +into one." + +In spite of these desperate thrashings about in a struggle to survive, +Mercer's empire was collapsing. When Monroe arrived as overseer, he + + found [according to Mercer] but 8 barrels of corn upon my + plantation, not enough at any of my quarters to maintain my people, + a great part of my Stock dead (among them some of my English colts + & horses in the 2 last years to the am^t of £ 375. 10. --) & the + rest of them dying, which would have infallibly have been their + fate if it had not been for the straw of 1000 bushels of barley & + the grains from the brewhouse.... Convinced of his [Monroe's] + integrity, I have been forced to submit the entire management of + all the plantation to him. + +The following passage from the letter summarizes Mercer's financial +predicament: + + "I reced in 1764 £1548 ... 4 ... 3-1/2 & in 1765 £961 ... 5 ... + 4-1/2 but since I quitted my practice I reced in 1766 no more than + £108 ... 16 ... 1 of which I borrowed £24.10.--& 7 ... 1 ... 6 was + re'ced for the Governor's fees. £20 ... 8 ... 4 I got for Opinions + &c and from the brewery £28 ... 3 ... the remaining £28 ... 16 is + all I received out of several thousands due for all my old & new + debts. In 1767 I reced £159 ... 9 ... 3 of which borrowed £5 ... 15 + ...--the governor's fees £10 ... 7 ... 6 reced for opinions &c £49 + ... 6 ...--from the brewhouse £66 ... 14 ... of which £94 ... 14 + ... 3 was from the brewery & 9 in 1766 I gave a collector £20 + besides his board ferrage & expences & finding him horses & his + whole collection during the year turned out to be £27 ... 2 ... 10. + In the two years my taxes levied and quitrents amounted to £199 ... + 8 ... 1 which would have left a ballance of £1 . 13 . 3 in my + favour in that time from the brewery & my practice (if it could be + so called) & all my debts, in great part of which you and your + brother are jointly & equally interested. What then remained to + support me & a family consisting of about 26 white people & 122 + negroes? Nothing but my crops, after that I had expended above + £100, for corn only to support them, besides rice & pork to near + that value & the impending charge of £125 for rent, of £140 to + overseers yearly, remained, & £94 ... 14 ... 3 out of those crops, + as I have already mentioned, proceeding from the brewery, was + swallowed up in taxes (tho the people in England say we pay none, + but I can fatally prove that my estate from which I did not receive + sixpence has, since the commencement of the war, paid near a + thousand pounds in taxes only)." + +On December 25, 1766, Mercer made public his situation in Rind's +_Virginia Gazette_: + + The great Number of Debts due to me for the last seven Years of my + Practice, and the Backwardness of my Clients (in attending whose + Business, I unhappily neglected my own) to make me Satisfaction, + would of itself, if I had had no other Reason, have obliged me to + quit my Practice. And when I found that by such partial Payments as + I chanced to receive I was able to keep up my Credit, I can appeal + to the Public, whether any Person, who had so many outstanding + Debts, was less importunate, or troublesome, to his Debtors, But + when I found, upon my quitting the Bar, all Payments cease, and + that I would not personally wait upon my Clients, I could not + approve of the Method of Demand, by the Sheriff, too commonly in + Practice, without Necessity. I therefore employed a Receiver, who, + ever since the first day of _January_ last, has been riding through + the _Northern Neck_, and even as far as _Williamsburg_, and who to + this Time has not been able, out of near ten thousand Pounds, to + collect as much as will pay his own Wages, and discharge my public + taxes (for Proof of which I will produce my Books to any Gentleman + concerned or desirous to see them). This too, at a Time when my own + Debts contracted by the large Expences I have been at for some + Years past for establishing a Brewery, has disabled me by any other + Means from discharging them, (except when they would take lands, + Assignments of Debts, or any thing I can spare, without Detriment + to my Plantations or Brewery). Selling Lands avail nothing, I have + bonds for some sold four or five Years ago but I can't get the + Money for them. I therefore cannot be thought too unreasonable to + give this public Notice (which the Circumstances of the Country + make most disagreeable to me) that I shall be against my + inclination obliged to bring Suits, immediately after next _April_ + General Court, against all persons indebted to me who do not before + that Time, discharge their Debts to me or my Son _James Mercer_, + who will have my Books during the said Court to settle with every + Person applying to him. And as some Persons have since my quitting + the Practice, sent to me for Opinions and to settle Accounts + without sending my Fees, to prevent any more Applications of that + Sort, I give this Public Notice, that tho' I shall always be ready + to do any Thing of that Kind (which can be done at my own House) + upon receiving an adequate Satisfaction for it, it will be in vain + to expect it be any Messenger they may send without they send the + Money. There are some Gentlemen who must know that nothing in this + Advertisement can relate to them but that any of their Commands + will at any Time, be readily complied with by their + + and the Public's + humble Servant + JOHN MERCER + Dec. 8, 1766 + +[Illustration: Figure 16.--ADVERTISEMENT of the services of Mercer's +stallion Ranter. Andrew Monroe, grandfather of the President, was +Mercer's overseer. (Purdie's _Virginia Gazette_, April 18, 1766.)] + +Andrew Monroe, as manager of the plantation, advertised over his own +name in Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_, of April 18, 1766, the +services of "The well known Horse RANTER," an English stallion imported +by Mercer in 1762 (fig. 16). One senses that without Monroe, Marlborough +would have collapsed completely. In spite of his ministrations, +however, there were difficulties with the staff. Purdie & Dixon's +_Gazette_ carried the following on June 6, 1766: + + MARLBOROUGH, STAFFORD county, May 26, 1766. + + Run away from the subscriber, some time last _February_, a Negro + man named TEMPLE, about 35 years old, well set, about 5 feet 6 + inches high, has a high forehead, and thick bush beard; he took a + gun with him, and wore a blue double breasted jacket with horn + buttons. I suspect he is harboured about _Bull Run_, in _Fauquier_ + county, where he formerly lived. I bought him, with his mother and + sister, from Mr. _Barradall's_ executors in _Williamsburg_ above 20 + years ago, and expected he would have returned home; but as he has + been so long gone, I am doubtful he may endeavour to get out of the + country by water, of which he may understand something, as he was + two years on board the _Wolf_ sloop of war in the _West Indies_, + and carries the marks of the discipline he underwent on board. + + Likewise run away last Whitsun holydays two indented servants, + imported from LONDON last September, viz. JOSEPH WAIN of Bucknell, + in the county of Oxford, aged 22 years, about 5 feet 4 inches high, + round shouldered, stoops pretty much in his walk, has a down look, + and understands ploughing. WILLIAM CANTRELL of Warwickshire, aged + 19, about the same height, and stoops a little, but not so much as + WAIN, has a scar under one of his eyes, but which is uncertain, has + some marks of the smallpox, his hair is of a dark brown and short, + but Wain's is cut off, he pretends to understand ploughing and + country business, and has drove a waggon since he has been in my + service; they both have fresh look. The clothes they left home in + were jackets of red plaids, brown linen shirts, _Russia_ drill + breeches with white metal buttons, and thread stockings; _Cantrell_ + with an old hat and new shoes, and _Wain_ with a new hat and old + shoes; But as it is supposed that they were persuaded to elope with + four _Scotch_ servants belonging to the widow _Strother_, on + _Potowmack_ run in this county, whom they went to see, and who went + off at the same time, it is probable that they may exchange their + clothes, or have provided some other. It is supposed that they will + make for _Carolina_, where it is said an uncle of one of Mr. + _Strother's_ servants lives; and as several horses are missing + about the same time in these parts, it is very probable they did + not choose to make such a journey on foot. Whoever secures my + servants and Negro, or any of them shall, besides the reward + allowed by law, be paid any reasonable satisfaction, in proportion + to the distance and extraordinary trouble they may be put to. + + JOHN MERCER + +Mercer seems to have been concerned principally with his brewers and +with the wasteful scheme they furthered with their incompetencies. Even +they seem to have been beyond his strength, for he became ill in January +1766, and suffered recurrently the rest of the year. From his journal we +can detect a once-strong man's struggle against the first warnings of +approaching death: + + August 26 Rode 6 m. & home had a fever 12 + 27 sick + 28 Rode 5 m. & home 10 + 29 2 m. & D^o had an Ague 4 + 30 D^o + 31 D^o + Sept 1 Had an Ague + 2 Rode 5 m. & home 10 + + * * * + + Sept 22 to M^r Selden's & ret'^d abo^t a mile + but went back 12 + 23 home by 12 and went to bed 10 + 24 Confined to my bed + (remained so rest of month) + Oct 1 Confined to my bed and very ill + 5 D^o Sat up a little + 6 D^o Better + 7 D^o D^o + 8 Drove out 3 m & home 6 + +He informed George that after his return from Mr. Selden's on September +23 he was for "several days under strong delerium and had the rattles." +By the beginning of 1768, however, he was able to boast that "I think I +may safely aver that I have not been in a better [state of health] any +time these twenty years past, & tho' I am not so young, my youngest +daughter ... was born the 20th day of last January." + +On April 22, 1766, he noted in the journal that the "Kitchen roof +catched fire" and on May 15 that he "Took Possion [sic] of my summer +house." The latter was probably located in the garden, where, during his +convalescence in the spring, he was able to make a meticulous record of +the blooming of each plant, flower, tree, and shrub, constituting a most +interesting catalog of the wild and cultivated flora of 18th-century +Marlborough. The catalog is indicative of Mercer's ranging interests and +his knowledge of botanical terms (see Appendix L). That the garden was +perhaps as interesting as the house is borne out by the fact that in +1750, as the house was reaching completion, Mercer had brought from +England a gardener named William Blacke, paying Captain Timothy +Nicholson for his passage. + +Mercer's close attention to the natural phenomena around him began with +his illness in 1766. On January 4, only a few days after he had become +ill, he installed a thermometer in his room, and eight days later moved +it to his office. Regularly, from then until the close of his journal, +except when he was absent from Marlborough, he recorded the minimum and +maximum readings. One has only to look at the figures for the winter +months to realize that "heated" rooms, as we understand them, were +little known in the 18th century. Only on Christmas Eve in 1767 did the +temperature range from a low of 41° to as high as 63°, because, as +Mercer noted, "A good fire raised the Thermometer so high." + +Although Mercer apparently found surcease from his cares in the peaceful +surroundings at Marlborough, his responsibilities went on nevertheless. +The cost of keeping slaves remained an enormous and wasteful one: "Every +negroes cloaths, bedding, corn, tools, levies & taxes will stand yearly +at least in £5," he wrote to George. In his letter he placed an order +through George for clothing, which included 25 welted jackets "for my +tradesmen & white servants," indicating the large number of white +workmen on his staff. It also included 20 common jackets, 45 pair of +woolen breeches, 1 dozen greatcoats, 5 dozen stockings, 1-1/2 dozen for +boys and girls, 4 dozen "strong felt hats & 600 Ells of ozenbrigs. We +shall make Virg^a cloth enough to cloath the women and children, but +shall want 50 warm blankets & 2 doz of the Russia drab breeches." +Against the advice of his merchant friend Jordan, he declined to order a +superior grade of jacket for his Negroes that would last two years, +since "most negroes are so careless of their cloathes & rely so much on +a yearly support that I think such jackets as I had are cheapest & last +the year very well." + +He ordered George to buy new sheeting for family use, including "84 yds +of such as is fit for comp^a," inasmuch as "my wife is ashamed of her +old sheets when any strangers come to the house." He also placed an +order for windmill sails, which, he observed, were costly in the colony, +and could be made only at Norfolk. + + My millwrights directions were + The Drivers 3 foot 6 inches broad } + } 23 feet long. + The leaders 3 3 } + + A Suit I had made at Norfolk by those dimensions proved too long, + something, they should be of Duck N^o. 2. + + +In addition, he ordered nails, 50 yards of haircloth, a yard wide, for +the malt kiln, a "drill plow with brass seed boxes for wheat, turnips, +lucarn pease &c," and a considerable number of books, particularly for +his children. "Bob. Newbery at the Bible & Sun in S^t. Paul's +churchyard can best furnish you at the cheapest rate with books best +adapted to the real instruction as well as amusement of children from +two to six feet high." + +The long letter was finally finished on January 28, 1768, its great +length partly dictated by the fact that the river had frozen, +immobilizing the posts. He noted in his journal that on February 16 he +was in Fredericksburg and "dined at my Sons being my birthday and 63 +y^{rs} old." On the 24th he attended a meeting of the Ohio Company at +Stafford courthouse and on March 14 returned there for a court session. +The next day he went home to Marlborough, perhaps never to leave again. +The journal ended at the close of the month. The next that we hear of +him appeared in Rind's _Virginia Gazette_ on October 27: + + On Friday, the 14th instant, died at his house in Stafford County, + John Mercer, Esq., who had practiced the law with great success in + this colony upwards of forty years. He was a Gentleman of great + natural abilities inspired by an extensive knowledge, not only in + his profession, but in several other branches of polite literature. + He was of a humane, generous and chearful disposition, a facetious + companion, a warm friend, an affectionate husband, a tender parent, + and an indulgent master. + +[Illustration: Figure 17.--PLATE FROM MARIA SIBYLLA MERIAN'S +_Metamorphosis Insectorum Surinamensium efte Veranderung Surinaamsche +Insecten_ (Antwerp, 1705), an elegant work in Mercer's Library.] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [139] All quotations and sources not otherwise identified in + this section are from John Mercer's letter to George, + December 22, 1767-January 28, 1768. _The George Mercer + Papers_, op. cit. (footnote 51), pp. 186-220. + + [140] Grandfather of President James Monroe. + "Tyler-Monroe-Grayson-Botts," _Tyler's Quarterly Historical + Genealogical Magazine_ (Richmond, 1924), vol. 5, p. 252. + + + + +VI + +_Dissolution of Marlborough_ + + +JAMES MERCER'S ADMINISTRATION OF THE ESTATE + +James Mercer was now "manager" of John Mercer's estate. George, heavily +in debt, remained in England never returning to Virginia. The staggering +task of rescuing the estate from bankruptcy was left to James. The +immediate necessity was to reduce wasteful overhead at Marlborough and +to liquidate non-essential capital investment. On December 15, 1768, +James advertised in Rind's _Virginia Gazette_: + + A large and well chosen collection of BOOKS, being all the library + of the late _John Mercer_, Esq., deceased, except such as are + reserved for the use of his children. Those to be sold consist of + more than 1200 volumes now at home, with which it is hoped may be + reckoned upwards of 400 volumes which appear to be missing by the + said _Mercer's_ catalogue.... The borrowers are hereby requested to + return them before the 19th of _December_ next, the day appointed + for the appraising of the estate.... + + Also to be sold, about 20 mares and colts, and 40 pair of cows and + calves. The colts are the breed of the beautiful _horse Ranter_, + who is for sale; his pedigree has been formerly published in this + Gazette, by which it will appear he is as well related as any horse + on the continent. He cost 330 l. currency at his last sale, about 4 + years ago, and is nothing worse except in age, and that can be but + little in a horse kept for the sole use of covering.... + +Except for attempting to dispose of the library and the horses and +livestock, no significant changes were undertaken until after September +7, 1770, when John Mercer's widow, Ann Roy Mercer, died. Reduction of +the plantation to simpler terms then began in earnest. Purdie & Dixon's +_Virginia Gazette_ published the following advertisement on October 25, +1770: + + _To be SOLD on MONDAY the 19th of NOVEMBER, if fair, otherwise next + fair day, at MARLBOROUGH, the seat of the late JOHN MERCER Esq: + deceased._ + + The greatest part of his personal estate (except slaves) consisting + of a variety of household furniture too tedious to mention; a + number of well chosen books, in good condition; a very large and + choice flock of horses, brood mares, and colts, all blooded, and + mostly from that very beautiful and high bred horse _Ranter_ a + great number of black cattle, esteemed the best in the colony, + equal in size to any beyond the Ridge, but superiour to them, + because they will thrive in shorter pastures; also 700 ounces of + fashionable plate, and a genteel family coach, not more than seven + years old, seldom used, with harness for six horses. Those articles + were appraised, in December 1768, to 1738 l. The horses and black + cattle are since increased, and now are in very good order; so that + any person inclinable to purchase may depend on having enough to + choose out of. + + Also will then be sold several articles belonging to a BREWERY, + _viz._ a copper that boils 500 gallons, several iron bound buts + that contain a whole brewing each, coolers, &c. &c. and a quantity + of new iron hoops and rivets for casks of different forms, lately + imported. + + Purchasers above 6 l. will have credit until the _Fredericksburg + September_ fair, on giving bond with security, with interest from + the day of sale; but if the money is paid when due, the interest + will be abated. + + Proper vessels will attend at _Pasbytansy_, for the conveyance of + such as come from that side of _Potomack_ Creek. + +It is clear that Ranter and his colts, as well as the cattle, had not +been disposed of at the former sale. Further, it is obvious that there +was an end to brewing at Marlborough, a result which James must have +been all too glad to bring about. + +This sale, however, was also unsuccessful. In the May 9, 1771, issue of +Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_ we learn that "The wet Weather last +_November_ having stopped the Sale of the personal Estate of the late +_John Merser_, Esquire, the Remainder ... will be sold at _Marlborough_, +on Monday, the 27th of this Month, if fair...." We learn that the family +beds, apparently alone of the furniture, had been sold, and that the +chariot had been added to the sales list. Apparently the library still +remained largely intact, as "a great Collection of well chosen Books" +was included. Ranter was still for sale, now at a five percent discount +"allowed for ready money." + +But again--so an advertisement of June 13 reads in the same paper--the +sale was "prevented by bad Weather." June 20 was appointed the day for +the postponed sale. This time an additional item consisted of 200 copies +of Mercer's "old Abridgment" (doubtless the 1737 edition), to be sold at +five shillings each. + +In the meanwhile, James had employed one Thomas Oliver, apparently of +King George County, as overseer for the four plantations which were in +his custody--Aquia, Accokeek, Belvedere, and Marlborough. On May 31, +1771, Oliver made a detailed report to Mercer on "the true state & +Condition of the whole Estate and its Contents as they appear'd when +this return was fill'd up".[141] Included in it was an inventory of +every tool, outbuilding, vehicle, and servant. The Marlborough portion +of this is given in Appendix M. Oliver added an N.B. summarizing the +condition of the animals and the physical properties. The following of +his remarks are applicable to Marlborough: + + ... The work of the Mill going on as well as Can be Expected till + M^r. Drains is better, the Schoo and Boat unfit for any Sarvice + whatsoever till repair'd. if Capable of it. the foundation of the + Malt house wants repairing. the Manor house wants lead lights in + some of the windows. the East Green House wants repairing. the west + d^o wants buttments as a security to the wall on the south side. + The barn, tobacco houses at Marlbrough & Acquia must be repaired as + soon as possible.... five stables at Marlbrough plantation must be + repair'd before winter. we have sustai'd no damage from Tempest or + Floods. it will Expedient to hyer a Carpinder for the woork wanted + can not be accomplish'd in time, seeing the Carpenders must be + taken of for harvest which is Like to be heavy. I will advertise + the sale at Stafford Court and the two parish Churches to begin on + the 20th of June 1771.... P.S. The Syder presses at Each plantation + & Syder Mill at Marlborough totally expended.... Negro Sampson + Marlbro Company Sick of the Gravel.... Negro Jas Pemberton at + Marlb^h Sick Worme Fever. + +The sale as advertised and, presumably, as posted by Oliver was again a +failure. Apparently no one attended. The situation must have been +regarded then as desperate, for James advertised on August 29, 1771, in +Purdie & Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_ substantially the same material as +before. This time, however, it was "To be SOLD, at the Townhouse in +_Fredericksburg_, on the 24th day of _September_ next (being the second +Day of the Fair)." Added to the former list were "About two Hundred +Weight of HOPS of last Crop," "About four hundred Weight of +extraordinary good WOOL with a variety of Woollen and Linen Wheels, +Reels, &c.," as well as "A Number of GARDEN FLOWER POTS of different +forms. Some ORANGE, LEMON and other EVERGREENS, in Boxes and Pots." The +valuable but unwanted Ranter was again put up. + +But once more bad luck and an apathetic (and probably impecunious) +populace brought failure to the sale. On October 24, 1771, Purdie & +Dixon's _Virginia Gazette_ printed the following advertisement and James +Mercer's final public effort to convert some of his father's estate into +cash: + + _To be SOLD to the highest Bidders, some Time Next Week, before the + RALEIGH Tavern in Williamsburg,_ + + The beautiful Horse RANTER, a genteel FAMILY COACH, with Harness + for six Horses, also several Pieces of FASHIONABLE PLATE, yet + remaining of the Estate of the late John Mercer, Esquire, deceased. + Credit will be allowed until the 25th of April next, the Purchasers + giving Bond and Security, with Interest from the Sale; but if the + Money is paid when due, the Interest will be abated. + + Any Person inclinable to purchase RUSHWORTH'S COLLECTION may see + them at the Printing Office, and know the Terms. At the same Place + are lodged several Copies of the old Abridgment of the VIRGINIA + LAWS, containing so many Precedents for Magistrates that they are + esteemed well worth five Shillings, the Price asked for them. + + JAMES MERCER + + _Williamsburg, October 24._ + + N.B. The Plate is lodged with Mr. Craig, and may be seen by any + inclinable to purchase. + +James did not attempt to sell the plantation itself or the slaves, but +evidently sought to reestablish Marlborough on an efficient and +profitable basis. That he failed to do so is brought out in a letter +that George Mason wrote to George Washington on December 21, 1773. In it +is expressed the whole tragic sequence of debt compounding debt in the +plantation economy and the insurmountable burden of inherited +obligations: + + The embarrass'd Situation of my Friend Mr. Jas. Mercer's Affairs + gives Me much more Concern than Surprize. I always feared that his + Aversion to selling the Lands & Slaves, in Expectation of paying + the Debts with the Crops & Profits of the Estate, whilst a heavy + Interest was still accumulating, wou'd be attended with bad + Consequences, independent of his Brother's Difficulties in England; + having never, in a single Instance, seen these sort of Delays + answer the Hopes of the Debtor. When Colo. [George] Mercer was + first married, & thought in affluent circumstances by his Friends + here, considerable purchases of Slaves were made for Him, at high + prices (& I believe mostly upon Credit) which must now be sold at + much less than the cost: He was originally burthened with a + proportionable part of his Father's Debts: most of which, as well + as the old Gentleman's other Debts, are not only still unpaid, but + must be greatly increased by Interest; so that even if Colo. Mercer + had not incurr'd a large Debt in England, He wou'd have found his + Affairs here in a disagreeable Situation. I have Bye me Mr. James + Mercer's Title-Papers for his Lands on Pohick Run & on Four-mile + Run, in this County; which I have hitherto endeavoured to sell for + Him in Vain: for as he Left the Price entirely to Me, I cou'd not + take less for them than if they had been my own.[142] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [141] _A Documentary History of American Industrial Society_, + edit. John P. Commons (New York: Russell & Russell, 1958), + vol. 1, facsimile opp. p. 236. + + [142] _Letters to Washington_, and _Accompanying Papers_, + edit. S. M. Hamilton (Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin, + 1901), vol. 4, p. 286. + + +MARLBOROUGH DURING AND AFTER THE REVOLUTION + +Despite the seeming unwisdom of doing so, James Mercer held on to +Marlborough until his death. He was an active patriot in the Revolution, +serving as a member of the Virginia Committee of Safety. Marlborough, +too, seems to have been a participant in the war, when Lord Dunmore, on +a last desperate foray, sailed his ships up the Potomac and attacked +several plantations. That Marlborough was a target we learn from the +widow of Major George Thornton of the Virginia militia, who "was at the +bombardment of Marlborough, the seat of Judge Mercer, on the +Potomac...."[143] In Purdie's _Virginia Gazette_ of August 2, 1776, we +read: + + Lord Dunmore, with his motley band of pirates and renegradoes, have + burnt the elegant brick house of William Brent, esq., at the mouth + of Acquia Creek, in Stafford county, as also two other houses lower + down the Potowmack River, both the property of widow ladies. + +Marlborough was no longer the property of a "widow lady," but accurate +reporting even today is not universal, and Marlborough may have been +meant. In any case, the mansion was not destroyed, although we do not +know whether any other buildings at Marlborough were damaged or not. + +John Francis Mercer, James' half brother, appears to have lived at +Marlborough after his return from the Revolution. He served with +distinction, becoming aide-de-camp to the eccentric and difficult +General Charles Lee in 1778. When Lee was court-martialed after the +Battle of Monmouth, John Francis resigned, but reentered the war in +1780.[144] He apparently settled at Marlborough after the surrender at +Yorktown, at which he was present. In 1782 he was elected to both the +Virginia House of Delegates and the Continental Congress. General Lee +died the same year, stipulating in his will: + + To my friend John [Francis] Mercer, Esq., of Marlborough, in + Virginia, I give and bequeath the choice of two brood mares, of all + my swords and pistols and ten guineas to buy a ring. I would give + him more, but, as he has a good estate and a better genius, he has + sufficient, if he knows how to make good use of them.[145] + +It is not probable that John Francis' "genius" was sufficient to make +profitable use of Marlborough. He moved to Maryland in 1785, and later +became its Governor.[146] + +James Mercer died on May 23, 1791. In 1799 the Potomac Neck properties +were advertised for sale or rent by John Francis Mercer in _The +Examiner_ for September 6. We learn from it that there were overseer's +houses, Negro quarters and cornhouses, and that "the fertility of the +soil is equal to any in the United States, besides which the fields all +lay convenient to banks (apparently inexhaustible) of the richest marle, +which by repeated experiments made there, is found to be superiour to +any other manure whatever." "30 or 40 Virginia born slaves, in families, +who are resident on the lands" were made "available." + +FOOTNOTES: + + [143] GEORGE BROWN GOODE, _Virginia Cousins_ (Richmond, + 1887), p. 213. + + [144] Ibid. + + [145] "Berkeley County, West Virginia," _Tyler's Quarterly + Historical and Genealogical Magazine_ (Richmond, 1921), vol. + 3, p. 46. + + [146] Ibid. + + +THE COOKE PERIOD: MARLBOROUGH'S FINAL DECADES + +The plantation was bought by John Cooke of Stafford County. Cooke took +out an insurance policy on the mansion house on June 9, 1806, with the +Mutual Assurance Society of Virginia.[147] From this important document +(fig. 43) we learn that the house had a replacement value of $9000, and, +after deducting $3000, was "actually worth six thousand Dollars in ready +money." The policy shows a plan with a description: "Brick Dwelling +House one Story high covered with wood, 108 feet 8 Inches long by 28-1/2 +feet wide, a Cellar under about half the House." Running the length of +the house was a "Portico 108 feet 8 Inches by 8 feet 4 Inches." A +"Porch 10 by 5 f." stood in front of the "portico," and another was +located at the northeast corner of the building, "8 by 6 feet." The +policy informs us that the house was occupied not by Cooke, but by John +W. Bronaugh, a tenant or overseer. + +The records do not reveal how long the mansion survived. That by the +beginning of the century it had already lost the dignity with which +Mercer had endowed it and was heading toward decay is quite evident. +After John Cooke's death Marlborough was again put up for sale in 1819, +but this time nothing was said of any buildings, only that the land was +adapted to the growth of red clover, that the winter and spring +fisheries produced $2500 per annum, and that "Wild Fowl is in +abundance."[148] + +Undoubtedly as the buildings disintegrated, their sites were leveled. +There remained only level acres of grass, clover, and grain where once a +poor village had been erected and where John Mercer's splendid estate +had risen with its Palladian mansion, its gardens, warehouses, and +tobacco fields. Even in the early 19th century the tobacco plantation, +especially in northern Virginia, had become largely a thing of the past. +Within the memory of men still alive, the one structure still standing +from Mercer's time was the windmill. Except for the present-day fringe +of modern houses, Marlborough must look today much as it did after its +abandonment and disintegration. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [147] Policy no. 1134. On microfilm, Virginia State Library. + + [148] _Virginia Herald_, December 15, 1819. + + + + +ARCHEOLOGY + +AND + +ARCHITECTURE + + + + +[Illustration: Figure 18.--AERIAL PHOTOGRAPH OF MARLBOROUGH. The +outlines of the excavated wall system and Structure B foundation can be +seen where Highway 621 curves to the east.] + + +VII + +_The Site, its Problem, and Preliminary Tests_ + +The preceding chapters have presented written evidence of Marlborough's +history and of the human elements that gave it life and motivation. +Assembled mostly during the years following the excavations, this +information was not, for the most part, available in 1956 to guide the +archeological survey recounted here. Neither was there immediate +evidence on the surface of the planted fields to indicate the importance +and splendor of Marlborough as it existed in the 18th century. + +In 1954, when Dr. Darter proposed that the Smithsonian Institution +participate in making excavations, he presented a general picture of +colonial events at Marlborough. He also provided photostats of the two +colonial survey plats so frequently mentioned in Part I (fig. 2). From +information inscribed on the 1691 plat, it was clear that a town had +been laid out in that year, that it had consisted of 52 acres divided +into half-acre lots, and that two undesignated acres had been set aside +for a courthouse near its western boundary. It was known also that John +Mercer had occupied the town in the 18th century, that he had built a +mansion there, that a circular ruin of dressed lime-sandstone was the +base of his windmill, and that erosion along the Potomac River bank had +radically changed the shoreline since the town's founding 263 years +earlier. But nobody in 1954 could point out with any certainty the +foundation of Mercer's mansion, nor was anyone aware of the brick and +the stone wall system, the two-room kitchen foundation, or the trash +pits and other structures that lay beneath the surface, along with many +18th-century household artifacts. It remained for the archeologist to +recover such nonperishable data from the ground. + +In August 1954 Messrs. Setzler, Darter, and Watkins spent three days at +Marlborough examining the site, making tests, and, in general, +determining whether there was sufficient evidence to justify extended +excavations. The site is located in the southeastern portion of what was +known in the 17th century as Potowmack Neck (now Marlborough Point), +with the Potomac River on the east and Potomac Creek on the south (map, +front endpaper). It is approached from the northeast on Highway 621, +which branches from Highway 608 about 2-1/2 miles from the site. Highway +608 runs from Aquia Creek westward to the village of Brooke, situated on +the Richmond, Fredericksburg, and Potomac Railroad about four miles east +of the present Stafford courthouse on U.S. Route 1. Highway 621 takes a +hilly, winding course through the woods until it debouches onto the +flat, open peninsula of the point. The river is visible to the east, as +the road travels slightly east of due south, passing an intersecting +secondary road that runs west and south and then west again. The latter +road ends at the southwestern extremity of the Neck, where Accokeek +Creek, which meanders along the western edge of the Neck, feeds into +Potomac Creek. At the point near the Potomac Creek shore where this road +takes its second westerly course lies the site of the Indian village of +Patawomecke, excavated between 1938 and 1940 by T. D. Stewart. + +[Illustration: Figure 19.--HIGHWAY 621, looking north from the curve in +the road, with site of Structure B at right.] + +Beyond this secondary road, Highway 621 continues southward to a small +thicket and clump of trees where it curves sharply to the east, its +southerly course stopped by fenced-in lots of generous size (with modern +houses built on them) that slope down to Potomac Creek. After the +highway makes its turn, several driveways extend from it toward the +creek. One of these driveways, obviously more ancient than the others, +leaves the highway about 200 feet east of the clump of trees, cutting +deeply through high sloping banks, where vestiges of a stone wall crop +out from its western boundary (fig. 22), and ending abruptly at the +water's edge. Highway 621 continues to a dead end near the confluence of +creek and river. + +Some 200 feet west of the turn in the highway around the clump of trees, +is a deep gully (or "gutt" in 17th-century terminology) that extends +northward from Potomac Creek almost as far as the intersecting road that +passes the site of the Indian village. This gully is overgrown with +trees and brush, and it forms a natural barrier that divides the lower +portion of the point into two parts. A few well-spaced modern houses +fringe the shores of the point, while the flat land behind the houses is +given over almost entirely to cultivation. + +Since the two colonial land surveys were not drawn to scale, some +confusion arose in 1954 as to their orientation to the surviving +topographic features. However, the perimeter measurements given on the +1691 plat make it clear that the town was laid out in the southeastern +section of the point, and that the "gutt" so indicated on the plat is +the tree-lined gully west of the turn in the highway. + +Bordering the clump of trees at this turn could be seen in 1954 a short +outcropping of brick masonry. A few yards to the north, on the opposite +side of the road, crumbled bits of sandstone, both red and gray, were +concentrated in the ditch cut by a highway grader. In the fields at +either side of the highway, plow furrows disclosed a considerable +quantity of brick chips, 18th-century ceramics, and glass sherds. + +In the field east of the clump of trees and north of the highway, +opposite the steep-banked side road leading down to Potomac Creek, could +be seen in a row the tops of two or three large pieces of gray stone. +These stones were of the characteristic lime-sandstone once obtained +from the Aquia quarries some four miles north, as well as from a +long-abandoned quarry above the head of Potomac Creek. It was decided to +start work at this point by investigating these stones, in preference to +exploring the more obvious evidence of a house foundation at the clump +of trees. This was done in the hope of finding clues to lot boundaries +and the possible orientation of the survey plats. Excavation around +these vertically placed stones disclosed that they rested on a +foundation layer of thick slabs laid horizontally at the undisturbed +soil level. Enough of this wall remained _in situ_ to permit sighting +along it toward Potomac Creek. The sight line, jumping the highway, +picked up the partly overgrown stone wall that extends along the western +edge of the old roadway to the creek, indicating that a continuous wall +had existed prior to the present layout of the fields and before the +construction of the modern highway. + +The excavation along the stone wall was extended northward. At a +distance of 18.5 feet from the highway the stone wall ended at a +junction of two brick wall foundations, one running north in line with +the stone wall and the other west at a 90° angle. These walls, each a +brick and a half thick, were bonded in oystershell lime mortar. Test +trenches were dug to the north and west to determine whether they were +enclosure walls or house foundations. Since it was soon evident that +they were the former, the next question was whether they were lot +boundaries matching those on the plat. If so, it was reasoned, then a +street must have run along the east side of the north-south coursing +wall. Accordingly, tests were made, but no supporting evidence for this +inference was found. + +Nevertheless, the indications of an elaborate wall system, a probable +house foundation, and a wealth of artifacts in the soil were enough to +support a full-scale archeological project, the results of which would +have considerable historical and architectural significance. Determining +the meaning of the walls and whether they were related to the town +layout or to Mercer's plantation, learning the relationship of the +plantation to the town, discovering the sites of the 1691 courthouse and +Mercer's mansion, and finding other house foundations and significant +artifacts--all these were to be the objectives of the project. The +problem, broadly considered, was to investigate in depth a specific +locality where a 17th-century town and an 18th-century plantation had +successively risen and fallen and to evaluate the evidence in the light +of colonial Virginia's evolving culture and economy. Accordingly, plans +were made, a grant was obtained from the American Philosophical Society, +as recounted in the introduction, and intensive work on the site was +begun in 1956. + + + + +VIII + +_Archeological Techniques_ + +The archeologist must adopt and, if necessary, invent the method of +excavation best calculated to produce the results he desires, given the +conditions of a particular site. The Marlborough site required other +techniques than those conventionally employed, for instance, in +excavating prehistoric American Indian sites. Moreover, because the +Marlborough excavations constituted a limited exploratory survey, the +grid system used customarily in colonial-site archeology was not +appropriate here, and a different system had to be substituted. It was +decided in 1956 to begin, as in 1954, at obvious points of visible +evidence and to follow to their limits the footings of walls and +buildings as they were encountered, rather than to remove all of the +disturbed soil within a limited area. By itself this was a simple +process, but to record accurately what was found by this method and +relate the features to each other required the use mainly of an alidade +and a stadia rod. Only to a limited extent were some exploratory +trenches dug and careful observations made of the color and density of +soil, so as to detect features such as wooden house foundations, +postholes, and trash pits. Once located, such evidence had to be +approached meticulously with a shaving or slicing technique, again +taking careful note of soil changes in profile. + +All this required the establishment of an accurate baseline and a number +of control points by means of alidade and stadia-rod measurements. Then +eight points for triangulation purposes in the form of iron pipes were +established at intervals along the south side of the highway, east of +its turn at the clump of trees, on the basis of which the accompanying +maps were plotted. The full extent of the excavations is not shown in +detail on these maps, particularly in connection with the walls and +structures. The walls, for example, were exposed in trenches 5 feet +wide. Similar trenches were dug around the house foundations as evidence +of them was revealed. + + + + +IX + +_Wall System_ + + +DESCRIPTIONS OF EXCAVATIONS + +On April 2, 1956, the junction point of the three walls found in the +1954 test was reexcavated. The bottom layer of horizontally placed +stones 1.8-1.9 feet wide was found _in situ_, while most of the vertical +stones from the second course had been broken or knocked off by repeated +plowing. Construction of the highway had completely removed a section of +the wall. The corner of the two brick walls was revealed to have been +superimposed on the northernmost foundation block of the stone wall, +thus indicating that the stone wall preceded the building of the brick +ones. The upper stone block that had been removed to make room for this +brick corner still lay a few feet to the east where it had been cast +aside in the 18th century. This part of the stone wall, together with +its continuation beyond the highway to the creek, was designated Wall A +(figs. 21 and 24). + +Exposure of the brick wall running westward from Wall A (designated Wall +A-I) disclosed broken gaps in the brickwork, the gaps ranging from 1.8 +to 3 feet in length, and the intervening stretches of intact wall, from +7.33 to 8 feet. Eight-foot spacings are normal for the settings of +modern wooden fence posts, as such a fence south of the highway +illustrated. It is assumed, therefore, that, following the destruction +of the exposed part of the brick wall, a wooden fence was built along +the same line, requiring the removal of bricks to permit the setting of +fence posts (fig. 26). + +Wall A-I intersected the modern highway at an acute angle, disappeared +thereunder and reappeared beyond. South of the clump of trees it abutted +another wall of different construction which ran continuously in the +same direction for 28 feet. Because of their manner of construction, the +two walls at their point of juncture were not integrated and, hence, +probably were constructed at different times. The 28-foot section later +proved to be the south wall of the mansion, designated as B. (This wall +will be considered when that structure is described, as will another +section that continued for less than 4 feet to the point where a 12-foot +modern driveway crossed over it.) + +To the west of the driveway another wall (B-I), still in line with Wall +A-I, extended toward the "gutt." Of this only one brick course remained, +a brick and a half thick. About midway in its length were slight +indications that the wall footings had been expanded for a short +distance, as though for a gate; however, the crumbled condition of the +brick and mortar fragments made this inference uncertain. + +Near the edge of the "gutt," 146 feet from the southwest corner of the +Structure B main foundation, Wall B-I terminated in an oblique-angled +corner, the other side of which was designated Wall B-II. This wall ran +384 feet in a southwesterly direction under trees and beneath a +boathouse along the "gutt," ending at the back of Potomac Creek. It was +constructed of rough blocks of the fossil-imbedded marl that underlies +Marlborough and crops out along the Potomac shore. Walls A, A-I, B-I, +and B-II, together with the creek bank, form an enclosure measuring a +little over two acres. + +Returning to the point of beginning excavation, the brick wall which is +extended north from stone wall A (designated as Wall A-II) was followed +for a distance of 175 feet. Like Wall A-I, it was a brick and a half +thick (a row of headers lying beside a row of stretchers), and was +represented for a distance of 36 feet by two courses. Beyond this point +for another 30 feet, a shift in the contour of the land, allowing deeper +plowing in relation to the original height of the wall, had caused the +second course of bricks to be knocked off. From there on, only +occasional clusters of bricks remained, the evidence of the wall +consisting otherwise of a thin layer of mortar and brick. + +Wall A-II terminated in a corner. The other side of the corner was of +the same construction and ran westerly at right angles for a total +distance of 264.5 feet, passing beneath the highway (north of the turn) +and stopping against the southeast corner of a structure designated E. +Extending south from Structure E was an 84-foot wall (Wall E) a brick +and a half thick, laid this time in Flemish bond (header-stretcher-header) +in several courses. + +Another east-west wall, of which only remnants were found, joined Wall +E and its southern terminus. Six feet west of Wall E this fragmentary +wall widened from three to four bricks in thickness in what appeared to +be the foundation of a wide gate, with a heavy iron hinge-pintle _in +situ_; beyond this it disappeared in a jumble of brickbats. + +Upon completion of the wall excavations, a return was made to Wall A, +where a visible feature had been observed, although not investigated. +This feature was a three-sided, westward projection from Wall A, +similarly built of Aquia-type stone, forming with Wall A a long, narrow +enclosure. The southern east-west course of this structure meets Wall A +approximately 62 feet north of the creek-side terminus of Wall A and +extends 59 feet to the west. The north-south course runs 100 feet to its +junction with the northern east-west segment. The latter segment is only +55 feet long, so the enclosure is not quite symmetrical. No excavations +were made here. However, in line with the north cross wall of the +enclosure, trenches were dug at four intervals in a futile effort to +locate evidence of a boundary wall in the present orchard lying to the +east of the road to the creek. + + +SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATED WITH WALLS + + _Date_ + _Artifact_ _of Manufacture_ _Provenience_ + + Wine-bottle base. Diameter, 1735-1750 Adjacent to junction + 5-1/8 inches. of Walls A, A-I, + (USNM 59.1717 fig. 29; ill. 35) A-II, 13 inches + above wall base and + undisturbed soil. + + Wine-bottle base. Diameter, 1750-1770 Surface + 4-5/8 inches. + (USNM 60.117) + + Polychrome Chinese-porcelain 1730-1770 In disturbed soil + teacup base. between junction of + Blue-and-white porcelain sherds. Walls A, A-I, A-II, + (USNM 60.118; 60.121) and modern Highway + 621. + + Buckley coarse earthenware. (USNM Surface + 60.80; 60.108; 60.136; 60.140) + + Staffordshire white salt-glazed ca. 1760 Surface + ware. + (USNM 60.106) + + Brass knee buckle. (USNM 60.139; ca. 1760 Surface + fig. 83e; ill. 49) + + Hand-forged nails. Surface + + Scraping tool. (USNM 60.133; fig. Surface + 89b; ill. 76) + + Fragment of bung extractor. (USNM Surface + 60.134; fig. 89d) + + Sherds of heavy lead-glass decanter ca. 1720 Trenches beside Wall + and knop of large wineglass or B-2. + pedestal-bowlstem. (USNM 60.149) + + Westerwald stoneware. before 1750 Surface + (USNM 60.104; 60.121) + + Tidewater-type earthenware. (USNM + 60.141; 60.154) + + Iron gate pintle. (USNM 60.90; figs. Wall E gateway, 6 + 29 and 88) inches from west + end, south side, + 13 inches above + undisturbed soil, + in bricks in + second course. + + Brass harness ring. (USNM 60.53; 2 inches west of + figs. 29 and 83i) Wall E gateway, on + top of third course + of bricks, 7 inches + above undisturbed + soil. + + Bridle bit. (USNM 60.67; figs. 29 5 inches west of + and 91c) Wall E gateway, + first course, 4 + inches above + undisturbed soil. + + Bottle seal, marked with "I^[C.]M" (See matching Underneath bridle + and first three digits of date seal dated 1737 bit (see above). + "173...." (USNM 60.68) on wine bottle, + USNM 59.1688; + fig. 78; ill. 37) + + Fragment of iron potlid (USNM 60.69; Southwest corner of + fig. 87a) Wall E gateway, 7 + inches above + undisturbed soil, + at lowest brick + course. + + Indian celt, with hole drilled for 16 inches east of + use as pendant. (USNM 60.87) southwest corner of + Wall E gateway, at + undisturbed soil, + 7 inches below wall + base. + + Iron loop from swingletree. (USNM 30 inches east of + 60.86) southwest corner of + Wall E gateway, at + undisturbed soil, + 7 inches below wall + base. + + Wine-bottle base. Diameter 4-1/2 1735-1750 Wall E gateway. Top + inches (USNM 60.83) course of bricks, + 16 inches north of + pintle (see above). + + Iron plow colter. (USNM 60.88, Wall E gateway. Top + ill. 79) course of bricks, + 5.5 feet east of + pintle (see above). + +In addition to the artifacts listed above numerous others were excavated +from the trenches, although few of these have archeological value for +purposes of analyzing the structures. Only the finds accompanied by +depth and provenience data are significant in evaluating these +structures, and in the case of the gateway few are helpful to any +degree. The fragmentary bottle seal found there matches exactly a whole +seal that occurs on a wine bottle described in a subsequent section. +That seal is dated 1737, and thus this seal must have been similarly +dated. Its presence near the lowest level suggests that the wall was in +construction at the time the seal was deposited. Bottles were used for +a long time, however, so the seal may have reached its final resting +place years later than 1737. The Indian celt no doubt fell from the +topsoil while the trench in which the wall was built was being +excavated. The swingletree gear next to it probably was left there +during the construction. The colter, although it appears to be of early +18th-century origin, may have been in use late in the 18th century after +the wall had been removed. Since the colter is badly bent, it may have +struck the top of the underground wall foundation, and, having been +torn off from the plow, perhaps was left on the bricks where it fell. + +[Illustration: Figure 20.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Marlborough.] + +[Illustration: Figure 21.--EXCAVATION PLAN of wall system.] + +[Illustration: Figure 22.--LOOKING NORTH up the old road leading to the +creek side.] + +[Illustration: Figure 23.--OUTCROPPING OF STONE WALL along old road from +creek side.] + +[Illustration: Figure 24.--JUNCTION OF STONE WALL A, running from creek +side to this point, with brick Wall A-I at top left, Wall A-II at +right.] + +[Illustration: Figure 25.--LOOKING NORTH in line with Walls A and A-II, +Wall A-I joining at right angles.] + +[Illustration: Figure 26.--WALL A-II. Breaks in wall date from +subsequent placement of fence posts.] + +[Illustration: Figure 27.--JUNCTION OF WALL A-I with southeast corner of +Structure B.] + +[Illustration: Figure 28.--WALL E, south of kitchen, showing gateway +foundation.] + +[Illustration: Figure 29.--DETAIL OF GATEWAY in Wall E, showing iron +pintle for gate hinge in place; also bridle bit (see fig. 91c), harness +ring, and bottle base (see ill. 35).] + +[Illustration: Figure 30.--WALL B-II looking toward Potomac Creek, with +"Gutt," shown in 1691 survey, at right.] + +[Illustration: Figure 31.--WALL D, looking east toward Potomac River +from Structure E (kitchen).] + + +HISTORICAL DATA AND INTERPRETATION OF WALL SYSTEM + +John Mercer commented with exasperation in his Land Book about the +unresolved discrepancies between the Buckner survey of 1691 and the +missing Gregg survey of 1707 (p. 14). There are as many disparities +between Buckner's plat and the plat resulting from the Savage survey of +1731. In the latter a new row of lots is added along the western +boundary, pushing the Buckner lots eastward. Where in the Buckner plat +the lots and streets in the lower part of the town west of George +Andrews' lots turn westerly 1° from the indicated main axis of the town, +paralleling the 30-pole fourth course of the town bounds which runs to +the creek's edge, the Savage map shows no such change. Yet Savage, in +describing the courses of the survey in a written note on the plat, +shows that he followed the original bounds. He does note a 4°, 10-pole +error in the course along Potomac Creek, "which difference gives several +Lots more than was in the old survey making one Row of Lots more than +was contained therein each containing two thirds of an Acre." This was +doubtless a contrivance designed to reconcile the Gregg and Buckner +surveys and also to benefit John Mercer. + +In any case, it is clear that the plats themselves are both unreliable +and inaccurate. What was actual was shown in the archeological survey of +1956 with its record of boundary walls and at least one street. An +attempt has been made in figure 14 to give scale to the Buckner survey +by superimposing the archeological map over it. There, Wall B-II, if +extended north for 111 feet beyond its length of 384 feet to equal the +30 poles (495 feet) of the fourth course, would exactly touch the +southwest corner of lot 21 where the fourth course began. But, in spite +of this congruence, the other features of the plat are distorted and +disagree with the slightly northwest-southeast basic orientation of the +street and wall system. The simplest explanation might be that the +layout was made on the basis of the 1707 Gregg survey. Since it was +following the second Act for Ports of 1705 that the town achieved what +little growth it made prior to Mercer's occupancy, it is probable that +the town's orientation was made according to this survey. + +Whether or not this is the case, the road to the creek side was +fundamental to the town, and probably was built early in its history and +maintained after the town itself was abandoned. We know from +archeological evidence that Wall A antedates the brick walls that were +connected with it. Further evaluation of the wall system in relation to +the entire site will be made later. It may be concluded for now that +Wall A and the road beside it represent the main axis of the town as it +was laid out before Mercer's arrival, that the stone walls were built +before that event, that Wall B-II follows the fourth course somewhat +according to Buckner's plat, and that the brick walls may date as late +as 1750, as some of the associated artifacts suggest. + +[Illustration: Figure 32.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Structure B.] + + + + +X + +_Mansion Foundation_ + +(_Structure B_) + + +DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS + +With the exception of Wall A, the protruding bit of brickwork near the +clump of trees (where Highway 621 makes its turn to the southeast) was +the only evidence remaining above ground in 1956 of Marlborough's past +grandeur. Designated Structure B, it was plainly the remains of a cellar +foundation, which the tangled thicket of vines and trees adjacent to it +tended to confirm. Since its location corresponded with the initially +estimated position of the courthouse, it seemed possible that the +foundation might have survived from that structure. + +Excavation of Structure B began accidentally when the excavators began +following the westward course of Wall A-I, as described in the preceding +section on the "Wall System." Wall A-I abutted, but did not mesh with, +the corner of two foundation walls, one of which ran northward and the +other continued on for 28 feet in the same direction as Wall A-I. The +brickwork in the 28-foot stretch of Wall A-I was laid in a step-back, +buttress-type construction. At the bottom course the wall was 2.65 feet +thick, diminishing upward for five successive courses to a minimum of +1.5 feet. A wall running northward--the east foundation wall--was +exposed for 16 feet from the point of its junction with Wall A-I until +it disappeared under the highway. It was found to have the same +buttress-type construction. There was no evidence of a cellar within the +area enclosed by the foundation walls south of the highway. + +Excavation of the east foundation wall was resumed north of the +highway, but here no buttressing was found, with evidence of a cellar +visible instead. This evidence consisted of a curious complex of +features, comprising remnants of two parallel cross walls only 4.5 feet +apart with a brick pavement between 4.8 feet below the surface. The east +wall and the cross walls had flush surfaces. The northerly cross wall +was tied into the brickwork of the east wall, showing that it was built +integrally with the foundation. The northerly cross wall had been +knocked down, however, to within five courses on the floor level. The +pavement was fitted against it. + +The southerly cross wall was not tied into the brickwork of the east +wall, and the pavement had been torn up next to it. Thus it was evident +that this wall had been erected subsequent to the building of the +foundation, that it had shortened the cellar by 4.5 feet, and that the +cellar extended southward to a point beneath the highway where it was +impossible to excavate. Documentary evidence to confirm this alteration +will be shown below (p. 91). + +Extending 12.5 feet north of the original cross wall was another +cellarless section, with step-back buttressing again featuring the +foundation wall. Another paved cellar was in evidence north of this, +extending for 26 feet, with a final 14.25-foot cellarless portion as far +as the north wall of the structure. The interior of the cellar, to the +extent that inviolate trees and shrubs made it possible to determine, +was filled with brickbats and debris, large portions of which were +removed. Evidence, however, of construction of cross walls and of floor +treatment remained concealed. + +[Illustration: Figure 33.--SITE OF STRUCTURE B before excavating, +looking northeast.] + +The entire length of this extraordinary foundation totaled 108 feet. + +The northwest corner of Structure B was not excavated because it was +hidden beneath a group of cedar trees which could not be disturbed. +South of the trees, however, the section of the west-wall foundation was +exposed to a length of 15.5 feet. This section was situated partly in, +and partly north of, the north cellar area. The cross measurement, from +outer edge to outer edge, was 28 feet, the same as the length of the +south foundation wall. Another short section of the west foundation wall +also was exposed from the southwest corner as far as a private driveway +which limited the excavation. + +Abutting the exterior of the north wall of the foundation a flagstone +pavement was found, extending 8.45 feet northward and 16 feet westward +from the northeast corner. Against the foundation, within this space, +was a U-shaped brick wall, forming a hollow rectangle 5 feet by 3.6 feet +(inside). The space was filled with ashes, loose bricks, and other +refuse. This brickwork was the foundation for a small porch, the +lime-sandstone slabs surrounding it having been an apron or a small +terrace. + +Extending westward from the cedar trees, beyond the projected 28-foot +length of the north wall, was a short section of brick wall foundation, +the outer surface of which was faced with slabs of red sandstone and +dressed on the top with a cyma-reversa molding. The tops of the slabs +were rough, but each had slots and channels for receiving iron tie bars +(ill. 3) that were still in place. This wall was inset four inches to +the south of the alignment of the main north foundation wall. + +[Illustration: Figure 34.--SOUTHWEST CORNER OF STRUCTURE B. Piazza +foundation extends to left, with red sandstone block at junction of +piazza with main foundation. To the left of top of sign, molded +red-sandstone trim can be seen which apparently surrounded the piazza. +Bricks in front of trim appear to have been added later as step +foundation. Brick buttressing of main-foundation footing appears at +right.] + +The northwest corner of this additional structure was hidden under the +highway. Even now, however, the discerning eye can pick up the contour +of a wall running parallel with the west foundation wall under the +blacktop pavement. For a brief distance, between the point where the +road swings eastward from it and the private driveway covers it again, +excavation exposed this wall. Designated Wall C, it was 22 inches thick, +entirely of brick, with no evidence remaining of red sandstone on the +outside. The exterior surface was 9.5 feet beyond the west foundation +wall. + +At the southwest corner of the foundation, evidence matching that at the +northwest corner was found. Here, again inset 4 inches from the line of +the main south foundation wall, were to be seen the tops of +red-sandstone slabs like those found at the north end (fig. 36), in this +case with one tie rod still in place. The driveway obscured the point to +which the corner of this extending structure could presumably be +projected. Subsequent construction against the sandstone slabs had +covered their surfaces with a rubble of brick and mortar that appeared +to be the foundation for masonry steps (fig. 35). Projecting out from +the southwest corner of the foundation was a rectangular red-sandstone +block which appeared to be the corner of these superimposed steps. +Although situated under the driveway, it was apparent by projection that +Wall B-I joined the southwest corner of Wall C. It will be demonstrated +from surviving records that Wall C, with its connecting sections, was +the foundation of a full-length veranda. + +The belief which persisted for a time that Structure B might have been +the courthouse was dispelled by documentary evidence showing that it was +John Mercer's mansion. + +[Illustration: Figure 35.--SOUTHWEST CORNER OF STRUCTURE B, showing +molded-sandstone trim with added brickwork in front. Bricks also covered +red-sandstone block, lower right. (Diagonally placed bricks at left are +not part of structure.)] + + +SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATED WITH STRUCTURE B + + _Date + _Artifact_ of Manufacture_ _Provenience_ + + 2 rim sherds from ca. 1730 Beneath flagstone in + brown-banded; porch apron north + "drab," stoneware of Structure B. + mug (USNM + 59.1754; fig. 67b) + + Iron candle-snuffer 1730-1750 Debris at south end + (USNM 59.1825; ill. 62) of Structure B. + + Small crescent-shaped Debris at south end + chopping knife of Structure B. + (USNM 59.1837; fig. 85a) + + Silver teaspoon ca. 1730-1750 Wall debris near + (USNM 59.1827; fig. 86d) north end. + +In addition, there was the usual variety of 18th-century delftware, +Nottingham and white salt-glazed stoneware, pieces of a Westerwald +stoneware chamber pot, and much miscellaneous iron, of which only a +hinge fragment and a supposed shutter fastener probably were associated +with the house. None of this material has provenience data, nearly all +of it having turned up in the process of trenching. Little of it, +therefore, throws much light on the history of the structure. The most +important artifacts found in and around Structure B are those of an +architectural nature, and these will be considered primarily in the +following section. + + +ARCHITECTURAL DATA AND ANALYSIS OF STRUCTURE B + +That the "manor house," as Thomas Oliver called it in 1771, was an +extraordinary building is both revealed in the Structure B foundation +and confirmed by the insurance-policy sketch of 1806. Long, low, and +narrow, fronted by a full-length veranda and adorned with stone trim for +which we can find no exact parallel in 18th-century America, it was as +individualistic as John Mercer himself. Yet, far from being a vernacular +anachronism or a mere eccentricity, it was apparently rich with the +Georgian mannerisms that made it very much an expression of its age. + +[Illustration: Figure 36.--SOUTH WALL OF STRUCTURE B, looking east. Base +of veranda extends to bottom of picture at left. Molded-sandstone trim +appears through brick rubble that has been attached to it, evidently as +base for steps.] + +The measurements made of the foundation when excavated, as we have seen, +show a length of 108 feet and a width of 28 feet for the main structure, +with an overall width, including the projecting Wall C, of 37 feet 6 +inches. The insurance policy states a length of 108 feet 8 inches and a +width of 29 feet 6 inches for the main foundation, plus a separate width +for the "portico" (as the structure above Wall C was called) of 8 feet +4 inches. These small discrepancies probably lie in the differences +between measuring a standing house and a foundation. + +Despite the fact that the foundation was far from fully excavated +because of the presence of trees and highway, it is clear, nevertheless, +that two cellars of unequal size were situated within the main +foundation, separated by sections where there were no cellars. These +findings correspond with the notation on the insurance-policy plan, "a +Cellar under about half the House." + +[Illustration: Figure 37.--CELLAR OF STRUCTURE B, showing remains of +original cross wall at left and added cross wall at right. Mercer +probably referred to the latter in 1749 in his account with Thomas +Barry: "Underpinning and altering the cellar."] + +The partly destroyed cross wall extends about midway across the +foundation, acting as a retaining wall. As described above, this cross +wall was found to be tied into the brick pavement that abutted it on the +south side. + +The bricks in the main foundation walls and in the partly destroyed +cross wall and pavement, on the basis of sample measurements, show a +usual dimension of about 8-1/2 by 2-3/4 by 4 inches. An occasional +9-inch brick occurs--about 10 percent of the sample. + +In contrast, the bricks in the second cross wall are all 9 inches long, +except two that are 8-1/2 inches and one that is 8-3/4 inches. Similar +sizes prevail in the bricks exposed in the "portico" foundation (Wall +C) at the south end. The significance of these brick sizes will be +discussed later. + +It is clear that Wall C was the foundation of the "portico," and that by +"portico" the writer of the insurance policy meant veranda or loggia. +The policy also shows a "Porch 10 by 5 f." extending from the middle of +the veranda. The highway now covers this spot. + +In the space between the two parallel cross walls within the main +foundation, the debris yielded a large section of a heavy, red-sandstone +arch, 14 inches wide, 9 inches thick, and 3 feet 2 inches long. This +arch was roughhewn on the flat surfaces and on about half of the outer +curved surface, or extrados. The inner surface, or intrados, and the +remainder of the extrados are smoothly dressed (fig. 38). At the south +end of the main foundation another curved red-sandstone piece was +recovered. This piece curves laterally and has a helically sloped top +surface. It is 25 inches long, 14-1/2 inches high at the highest point, +and 9 inches thick. Presumably, it was part of a flanker for a formal +outdoor stair or steps (fig. 39). Also at the south end was found a +cast-mortar block with grooves on the back for metal or wooden +fastenings (USNM 59.1823; fig. 40). This was perhaps part of a simulated +ashlar doorframe. A few gauged or "rubbed" bricks occur that are +slightly wedge shaped. + +[Illustration: Figure 38.--SECTION OF RED-SANDSTONE ARCH found in +cellar, presumably from an arcade surrounding the veranda.] + +Turning to the documentary evidence, one may recall that an item dated +September 1747, "By building part of my House," appeared in David +Minitree's account in Ledger G. Two years later, in 1749, several items +related to the house appeared in the account of Thomas Barry, "By +Building the Addition to my House/ By 22 Arches/ By 900 Coins & Returns/ +By a Frontispiece/ By Underpinning & altering the Cellar." In 1749 and +1750 William Copein was paid for mason's work. + +[Illustration: Figure 39.--HELICALLY CONTOURED red sandstone, possibly a +flanker for the steps at the south end of the veranda, near which it was +found.] + +[Illustration: Figure 40.--CAST-CONCRETE BLOCK, probably part of a +rusticated door enframement. Found at south end of Structure B. (See +ills. 1 and 2.)] + +[Illustration: Figure 41.--DRESSED RED-SANDSTONE SLAB (originally in one +piece), molded on both edges. Although last used as a doorstep in +Structure E, this slab was probably designed as trim for the sides of +steps connected with the main house (Structure B).] + +[Illustration: Illustrations 1 and 2.--Front and back of cast-concrete +block, probably part of a rusticated door enframement (fig. 40). +One-fourth. (USNM 59.1823.)] + +[Illustration: Figure 42.--FOSSIL-EMBEDDED black sedimentary stone, used +for hearths and fireplace surrounds in the mansion.] + +There is a clear sequence here. "Building part of my house" referred to +the basic brick structure built in 1747 by Minitree on the main +foundation. The work of William Monday, the carpenter, followed in 1748. +This doubtless included building the roof, setting beams, laying floors, +and building partitions. Then in 1749 Barry built the "Addition to my +House"--almost certainly the veranda. The item for 22 arches is +difficult to understand unless one relates it to the veranda and divides +the figure in two. The veranda was probably an arcade having 11 arched +openings, with arched facings of rubbed brick both inside and outside +the arcade. Thus, for the bricklayer, each actual arch would have +required two arches of brick. The intrados, or undersurfaces, of the +arches were probably red sandstone, like the fragmentary arch found in +the site; the basic element of the arch was then faced on each side with +bricks also arranged in an arch formation. The arcade at Hanover +courthouse seems to have been built in a somewhat similar fashion, +except that there the brick facing appears on the exterior of the arch +only. The "900 Coins and Returns" probably are gauged bricks, that is, +bricks ground smooth on a grindstone to provide a different texture and +richer red color to contrast with the ordinary wall brick. They were +widely used in Virginia mansions of the 18th century for corner and arch +decoration. At Marlborough over 600 rubbed bricks would have been +required to trim the piers of 11 arches, while the remainder may have +decorated the porch. The porch, we may be sure, was the "Frontispiece." + +[Illustration: Illustration 3.--Iron tie bar used to secure dressed +red-sandstone slabs to each other. One-fourth. (USNM 59.1833.)] + +[Illustration: Figure 43.--FOUNDATION OF PORCH at north end of Structure +B, surrounded by flagstone pavement.] + +The item for "Underpinning & altering the cellar" probably refers to the +knocked-out original cross wall and the added parallel cross wall, +although the reasons for the change will always remain a mystery. As has +been noted, the average brick sizes in the main foundation, on the one +hand, and those of bricks in the new cellar cross wall and in the +veranda were mostly different. Probably the distinctions represent the +differences between Minitree's and Barry's bricks. + +[Illustration: Figure 44.--PLAN OF MANSION HOUSE drawn on a Mutual +Assurancy Society of Virginia policy of 1806 after the house was +acquired by John Cooke. (_Courtesy of Virginia State Library._)] + +The detailed sequence of joiners', plasterers', and painters' work +during the 1748-1750 period has already been given attention in the +historical section, enough to indicate that the mansion was one of +luxurious appointments. The insurance policy describes it as a "Brick +Dwelling House one Story high covered with wood." In modern parlance +this would be called a story-and-a-half house with a wood-shingled roof. +The veranda, probably in the form of an arcade, was trimmed with dressed +red sandstone and perhaps paved with the squares and oblongs of this +material found scattered around the site. The small projecting porch +mentioned in the insurance policy provided a central pavilion. The +appearance of the house from here on must be left wholly to speculation +with only hints to guide us. We know, for instance, that a considerable +amount--three books--of gold leaf was employed. Was there, perhaps, a +small gilded cupola to break the long expanse of roof line? Were the 162 +ballusters, purchased from George Elliott towards the time of +completion, made for staircases indoors or for a balustrade along the +roof? Or did they border the roof of the veranda? To these questions +there can be no answer. Another question is whether the house, described +as one story high, was built over a high basement or near ground level. +Here we have evidence pointing to the latter, since the foundation had +two separate cellars, equalling "a Cellar under about half the House." A +high or English basement, by contrast, would have been continuous. +Furthermore, the veranda was at, or near, the ground level. The ground +floor thus might have been as much as 3 feet higher, reached by steps +from the veranda--but not a whole story higher. The depth of the +cellars, ranging from about 4 to 5 feet below ground level, implies that +the first floor was not more than 3 feet above ground level. + +Suggestions as to details of trim and finish are made here and there, +again in fragmentary hints. Several broken pieces of a dark-gray, +fossil-embedded marble survive from the "chimney-pieces" and hearths of +fireplaces (fig. 42). They may be the "hewn stone from Mr. Nicholson" +paid for in 1749. A piece of plaster cyma-recta cornice molding shows +that some rooms, at least, had plaster rather than wooden ceiling trim +(USNM 59.1829, ill. 4). Thomas Oliver's statement that "the Manor house +wants lead lights in some of the windows" suggests an unparalleled +anachronism, since the term "lead light" is an ancient one referring to +casement sashes of leaded glass. But it is inconceivable, in the context +of colonial architectural history, that this house should have had +leaded-casement windows, and it is very probable, therefore, that the +semiliterate Oliver was indulging in a rural archaism to which he had +transferred the meaning of "sash lights." The latter term was used +commonly to denote double-hung, wooden-sash windows, such as Georgian +houses still feature. In support of this inference is the complete lack +of archeological evidence of leaded-glass windows. + +[Illustration: Illustration 4.--Cross section of plaster cornice molding +from Structure B. Same size. (USNM 59.1829.)] + +The cellarless areas of the foundation may have provided the footings +for chimneys. These probably stood several feet from the ends, perhaps +serving clusters of four corner fireplaces each, for each floor. One may +surmise that there was a hip roof, with a chimney rising through each +hip. A porch at the north end had a rectangular brick base 4 by 6 feet, +surrounded by a flagstone area 16 feet wide and 8 feet 5 inches in +extent from the house. This evidence, however, differs from the figures +given in the insurance plan which shows a "Porch 8 by 6 feet." + +The mansion embodied some characteristics which are traditional in +Virginia house design and others which are without parallel. The +elongated plan indicated by the foundation was more frequently +encountered in Virginia dwellings of the late 17th and early 18th +centuries than in the "high Georgian" mansions of the 1740's and 1750's. +Turkey Island, for example, built in Henrico County in the 17th century, +was 103 feet long, 5 feet less than Marlborough.[149] The additions to +Governor Berkeley's Green Spring Plantation, built during the late 17th +century, consisted of an informal series of rooms, one room in depth for +the most part. Waterman is of the opinion that Green Spring was "in a +sense an overgrown cottage without the real attributes of a +mansion."[150] The excavations conducted in 1954 by Caywood have altered +the basis for this opinion somewhat, but, with its 150-foot length, +Green Spring remains an early example of the elongated plan.[151] + +Aside from being elongated, Marlborough derives from the ubiquitous +informal brick cottage of Virginia. So indigenous is this vernacular +form that it is often found in houses of considerable pretension, even +in the 18th century. Such are the Abingdon glebe house in Gloucester +County, Gunston Hall in Fairfax, and the Chiswell Plantation, known as +"Scotchtown," in Hanover. Robert Beverley noted the Virginians' fondness +for this style, commenting that they built many rooms on a floor because +frequent high winds would "incommode a towering Fabrick"--an explanation +as delightful as it is absurd.[152] + +That these one-story houses could be completely formal is demonstrated +in the unique early 18th-century addition to Fairfield (Carter's Creek +Plantation) in Gloucester County, which burned in 1897. This dwelling +had a full hip roof, with dormers to light the attic rooms, and a high +basement. Its classical cornice was bracketed with heavy modillions, +while a massive chimney protruded from the slope of the hip.[153] +Gunston Hall, on the other hand, reverted to the gable-end form. +Although essentially a Virginia cottage, it is richly adorned with +Georgian architectural detail. Completed in 1758, only eight years after +Marlborough, and owned by Mercer's nephew George Mason, this building +may be more closely related to Marlborough than any other existing +house.[154] + +[Illustration: Figure 45.--THE VILLA of "the magnificent Lord Leonardo +Emo" at "_Fanzolo_, in the _Trevigian_;" illustrated in _The +Architecture of A. Palladio_ (Giacomo Leoni, ed., 3rd edition, +corrected, London, 1742). Palladio's was one of the works owned by +Mercer and probably used by Bromley. The arcaded loggias of the +one-story wings of this building may have contributed to the inspiration +of Marlborough. (_Courtesy of the Library of Congress._)] + +Of all the one-story Virginia houses that have come to our attention, +only Marlborough has a full-length veranda. To be sure, there are +multiple-story houses with full-length verandas, the most notable being +Mount Vernon. Elmwood, built just before the Revolution in Essex County, +is another, having a foundation plan similar to Marlborough's.[155] The +Mount Vernon veranda is part of the remodeling of 1784, so that neither +house reached its finished state until a quarter of a century after +Marlborough's completion. Marlborough may thus at the outset have been +unique among Virginia dwellings in having such a veranda. However, +full-length verandas on buildings other than dwellings were not unknown +in Virginia prior to the construction of Marlborough, for they occurred +in an almost standard design in the form of arcaded loggias in county +courthouses. Typical were King William and Hanover County courthouses, +both built about 1734 (figs. 5 and 61). + +The arcaded loggia is Italian in origin and is traceable here to +Palladio, whose influence was diffused to England and the colonies in a +variety of ways. We know that _The Architecture of A. Palladio_ was one +of four architectural works acquired by Mercer in 1748 and apparently +lent to his "architect," joiner William Bromley. The direct influence of +this work on the overall plan of Marlborough probably was negligible. +However, Palladio illustrates the villa of "the magnificent Lord +Leonardo Emo" at "_Fanzolo_, in the _Trevigian_" (fig. 45), which may +have caught Mercer's eye. This building had a central, raised pavilion +with two one-story wings, each approximately 100 feet long. Each wing +had a full-length, arcaded veranda. The wings were intended for stables, +granaries, and so forth. Palladio commented: + + "People may go under shelter every where about this House, which is + one of the most considerable conveniences that ought to be desir'd + in a Country-house."[156] + +Mercer may have been impressed by this argument and by the arcade in the +design. He was already familiar with arcades at the capitol at +Williamsburg and at the College of William and Mary, as well as at +outlying courthouses where he practiced, the courthouse at Stafford +probably included. In any case, he did not have the veranda built until +1748 or 1749, after the main structure had been completed. It is +significant, in this regard, that it was not until March 1748 that he +settled accounts with Sydenham & Hodgson for the four architectural +books (including Palladio). + +A formal garden apparently was laid out in the nearly square, walled +enclosure behind the mansion. It is perhaps wholly a coincidence that +Palladio, writing about the villa at Fanzolo, commented, "On the back of +this Building there is a square Garden." + +[Illustration: Figure 46.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Structure E, looking +southwest.] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [149] HENRY CHANDLEE FORMAN, _The Architecture of the Old + South_ (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1948), pp. + 74-75. + + [150] Op. cit. (footnote 94), p. 21. + + [151] LOUIS CAYWOOD, _Excavations at Green Spring Plantation_ + (Yorktown, 1955), pp. 11, 12, maps nos. 3 and 4. + + [152] ROBERT BEVERLEY, op. cit. (footnote 5), p. 289. + + [153] WATERMAN, op. cit. (footnote 94), pp. 23-26; FISKE + KIMBALL, _Domestic Architecture of the American Colonies and + of the Early Republic_ (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, + 1927), p. 42. + + [154] ROSAMOND RANDALL BEIRNE and JOHN HENRY SCARFF, _William + Buckland, 1734-1774; Architect of Virginia and Maryland_ + (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1958). + + [155] WATERMAN, op. cit. (footnote 94), p. 298. + + [156] ANTONIO PALLADIO, _The Architecture of A. Palladio ... + Revis'd, Design'd, and Publish'd By Giacomo Leoni ... The + Third Edition, Corrected ..._ (London, 1742), p. 61, pl. 40. + + + + +XI + +_Kitchen Foundation_ (_Structure E_) + + +DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS + +Structure E was a brick foundation, 17 feet by 32 feet, situated at the +northwest corner of the enclosure-wall system. Its south wall was +continuous with Wall D, which joined it, and was at right angles to Wall +E. The latter abutted it in line with an interior foundation wall which +bisected the structure into two room areas, designated X and Y. Thus it +once stood like a bastion extending outside the enclosure walls, but +remaining integral with them and affording a controlled entrance to the +enclosure (fig. 46). + +The east end of Structure E extended under a modern boundary fence to +the present edge of the highway. Ditching of the highway had cut into +the foundation and exposed the debris and slabs of stone in place, which +indeed had provided the first clues to the existence of the structure. +Clearance of the easterly area, Room X, revealed a pavement of roughly +rectangular slabs of mixed Aquia-type lime-sandstone and red sandstone. +These slabs were flaked, eroded, and discolored, as though they had been +exposed to great heat. The pavement was not complete, some stones having +apparently been removed. The scattered locations of the stones remaining +_in situ_ implied that the entire room was originally paved. + +Between the northwest corner of Room X and a brick abutment 5 feet to +the south was a rectangular area where the clay underlying the room had +been baked to a hard, red, bricklike mass (fig. 49). Wood ash was +admixed with the clay. This was clearly the site of a large fireplace, +where constant heat from a now-removed hearth had penetrated the clay. +Extending north 3.8 feet beyond the bounds of the room at this point was +a U-shaped brick foundation 4.75 feet wide. Near the southeast corner of +the room, just outside of the foundation, which it abutted, was a +well-worn red-sandstone doorstep, which located the site of the door +communicating between Structure E and the interior of the +enclosure--and, of course, between Structure E and Structure B, the +distance between which was 100 feet. + +Room Y, extending west beyond the corner of the enclosure walls was +perhaps an addition to the original structure. The disturbed condition +of the bricks where this area joined Room X, however, obscured any +evidence in this respect. In the northeast corner, against the opposite +side of the fireplace wall in Room X, was another area of red-burned +clay. Lying across this was a long, narrow slab of wrought iron, 34.5 by +6 inches (fig. 50), which may have served in some fashion as part of a +stove or fire frame. In any case, a small fireplace seems to have been +located here. Approximately midway in the west wall of Room Y, against +the exterior, lay a broken slab of red sandstone, which obviously also +served as a doorstone. That it had been designed originally for a more +sophisticated purpose is evident in the architectural treatment of the +stone, which is smoothly dressed with a torus molding along each edge +and a diagonal cut across one end (fig. 41). No evidence of floor +remained in this room, except for a smooth surface of yellow clay which +became sticky when exposed to rain. + +[Illustration: Figure 47.--FOUNDATION of Structure E (kitchen).] + +The north half of Room Y was filled with broken bricks, mortar, plaster, +nails, and--significantly--small bits of charred wood and burned +hornets' nests. The concentration of debris here could be explained by +the collapse of the chimney as well as the interior wall into the room. +The crumbly condition of the southwest portion of the exterior-wall +foundation also may indicate a wall collapse. Few artifacts were +recovered in this area. + +North of Room X lay a large amount of rubble and artifacts, suggesting +that the north wall had fallen away from the building, perhaps carrying +with it shelves of dishes and utensils. Both rooms contained ample +evidence in the form of ash, charcoal, burned hornets' nests, and +scorched flagstones to demonstrate that a fire of great heat had +destroyed the building. + + +ARCHITECTURAL DATA AND INTERPRETATION + +John Mercer's account with Thomas Barry (Ledger G) itemizes for 1749, +"building a Kitchen/ raising a Chimney/ building an oven." It is clear +from the features of Structure E, its relation to Structure B, and the +custom prevalent in colonial Virginia of building separate dependencies +for the preparation of food, that Structure E was the kitchen referred +to in Barry's account. Like this building, kitchens elsewhere were +almost invariably two rooms in plan--a cooking room and a pantry or +storage room. One of the earliest--at Green Spring--had a large +fireplace for the kitchen proper, and in the second room a smaller +fireplace, both served by a central chimney. An oven stood inside the +building between the larger fireplace and the wall.[157] At Stratford +(ca. 1725) the kitchen is similarly planned, as it is at Mannsfield +(Spotsylvania County).[158] Mount Vernon has an end chimney in its +kitchen, and only one fireplace. The floor of the kitchen proper is +paved with square bricks, while the second room has a clay floor. The +Stratford kitchen is paved with ordinary bricks. Such examples can be +multiplied several times. + +[Illustration: Figure 48.--PAVED FLOOR OF ROOM X, Structure E, showing +HL door hinge in foreground. (See fig. 88a.)] + +The physical relationship of the kitchen to the main house in Virginia +plantations was dictated in part by convenience and in part by the +Palladian plans that governed the architecture of colonial mansions. +Structure E's relationship to Structure B is representative of that +existing between most kitchens and their main buildings. Mount Vernon, +Stratford, Blandfield, Nomini Hall, Rosewell, and many other plantations +have, or had, kitchens located at points diagonal to the house and on +axes at right angles to them. Usually each was balanced by a dependency +placed in a similar relationship to the opposite corner of the house. +Sometimes covered walkways connected the pairs of dependencies, curved +as at Mount Vernon, Mount Airy, and Mannsfield, or straight as at +Blandfield in Essex County (1771). Marlborough, as we shall see, was not +typical in its layout, but the relationship between kitchen and house +was the customary one. + +The thickness of the foundations in Structure E was the width of four +bricks--approximately 17 inches. As usual in the case of the lower +courses of a foundation, the bricks were laid in a somewhat random +fashion. The intact portions of the south and west walls revealed +corners of bricks laid end to end so as to expose headers on both sides. +The east wall showed pairs of bricks placed at right angles to each +other, so that headers and stretchers appeared alternately. On the north +wall of Room X bricks were laid as headers on the outside and as +stretchers, one behind the other, on the inside. These variations +probably are due to different bricklayers having worked on the +building simultaneously. Since oddly assorted courses would have been +below ground level, care for their appearance was minimal. Finished +exterior brickwork was required only above the lowest point visible to +the eye. + +[Illustration: Figure 49.--NORTH WALL of Structure E, looking east. Sign +stands on partition wall between Rooms X and Y and in front of +rectangular section of burnt red clay, upon which fireplace hearth +stood. Projecting foundation at left may have supported an oven. Iron +slab (see fig. 50) lies _in situ_ with trowel on top.] + +Brick sizes ran from 9 to 9-1/2 inches long, 4 to 4-1/2 inches wide, and +2-1/4 to 2-3/4 inches thick. These measurements are similar to those of +bricks in the veranda foundation and the added cellar cross wall of +Structure B. It is apparent from Ledger G that the elements in Structure +B, as well as the kitchen, were all built by Thomas Barry. Barry +probably used bricks that he himself made, according to the custom of +Virginia bricklayers, so that the archeological and documentary +evidences of the extent of his work in the two buildings reinforce each +other. + +The protruding rectangle of bricks at the north end of Structure E +resembles the foundation for steps in Structure B. However, its position +directly adjacent to what must be assumed to have been the fireplace +precludes the possibility of its having been the location for a step. +Moreover, the pavement and doorstones at the west and south demonstrate +that the floor of the kitchen was at ground level, so that a raised +step at the north side would have been not only unnecessary, but +impossible. + +[Illustration: Figure 50.--WROUGHT-IRON SLAB, found in Room Y, Structure +E, behind fireplace. Purpose unknown. Size, 6 by 35 inches.] + +We know from the ledger that Barry built an oven and raised a chimney. +That the latter was a central chimney may be assumed on the basis of the +evidence of the two fireplaces placed back to back. There is, however, +no archeological evidence that there was an oven within the structure, +and every negative indication that there was not. The rectangular +protrusion, exactly in line with the end of the fireplace thus was +apparently the foundation for a brick oven, the domed top of which +extended outside the building, with its opening made into the north end +of the fireplace. Protruding ovens are known in New York and New +England, but none in Virginia has come to the writer's attention. On the +other hand, protruding foundations like the one here are also unknown +in Virginia kitchens, except where slanting ground, as at Mount Vernon, +has made steps necessary. + +It may be concluded that Structure E was the plantation kitchen, that it +was built in 1749, that it had two rooms (a cookroom with fireplace +paving and a large fireplace, and a second room with a smaller +fireplace), that an oven built against the exterior of the building +opened into the north end of the fireplace, and that the first, and +probably the only, floor was at ground level. Archeological evidence +points to final destruction of the building by fire. (Mercer indicated +that fire had threatened it previously in the entry in his journal for +April 22, 1765, which noted "kitchen roof catch'd fire.") In the form of +datable artifacts, it also shows that the structure was destroyed in the +early 19th century, since the latest ceramic artifacts date from about +1800. + +[Illustration: Figure 51.--EXCAVATION PLAN of structures north of Wall +D.] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [157] CAYWOOD, loc. cit. (footnote 151). + + [158] WATERMAN, loc. cit. (footnote 94). + + + + +XII + +_Supposed Smokehouse Foundation_ (_Structure F_) + + +DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS + +A nearly square foundation, measuring 18.3 feet by 18.6 feet, with a +narrow extended brick structure protruding from it, was situated some 45 +feet north of Wall D, about midway in the wall's length. It was oriented +on a north-northwest--south-southeast axis, quite without reference to +the wall system. The foundation walls and the narrow extension were +exposed by excavation, but the interior area within the walls was not +excavated, except for 2-foot-wide trenches along the edges of the walls. + +The foundation itself, about 2 feet thick, consisted of brick +rubble--tumbled and broken bricks, not laid in mortar and for the most +part matching bricks found elsewhere in Marlborough structures. +Scattered among the typical Virginia bricks and brickbats were several +distinctively smaller and harder dark-red bricks measuring 7-1/4 inches +by 3-1/2 inches (fig. 53). + +The most interesting feature of the structure was its narrow extension. +This had survived in the form of two parallel walls laid in three brick +courses without mortar, the whole projecting from the southeasterly +wall. The interior measurement between the walls was 1.75 feet and the +exterior overall width was 4 feet. Its southern extremity had an opening +narrowed to 1 foot in width by bricks placed at right angles to the +walls. Approximately 5 feet to the north the passage formed by the walls +was narrowed to 1 foot by three tiers of one brick, each tier laid +parallel to the passage on each side. At 8.7 feet from its southern +terminus the extension intersected the main foundation. Just north of +this intersection, bricks laid within the passage were stepped up to +form a platform two courses high and one course lower than the top of +the foundation. A fluelike opening was formed by two rows of brick laid +on top of the platform, narrowing the passage to a width of 5 inches. +North of the southeast foundation wall there remained a strip of four +bricks in two courses at the level of the opening, forming a thin +continuation of the platform for 3.25 feet. + + +SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS IN STRUCTURE F + +The narrow extension contained several bushels of unburned oystershells +and some coals. There was limited evidence of burning, although the +shells were not affected by fire. A small variety of artifacts was +found, few of which dated later than the mid-18th century. The flue or +fire chamber yielded the following artifacts: + + 59.1717 Wine-bottle basal fragments, 5-5-1/2 inches, + mid-18th-century form + + 59.1721 Stem of a taper-stem, teardrop wineglass, misshapen from + having been melted, ca. 1730-1740 + + 59.1723 Green window glass, one sherd with rolled edge of crown + sheet + + 59.1724 Blue-and-white Chinese porcelain + + 59.1725 "Yellowware" sherd, probably made before 1750 + + 59.1727 Westerwald gray-and-blue salt-glazed stoneware + + 59.1728 Buckley black-glazed ware + + 59.1730 Miscellaneous late 17th- and early 18th-century delftware + fragments + + 59.1731 Staffordshire salt-glazed white stoneware, some with molded + rims, ca. 1760 + + 59.1734 Half of sheep shears (ill. 85) + + 59.1735 Convex copper escutcheon plate (fig. 83g) + + 59.1736 Brass-hinged handle or pull for strap (fig. 83j, ill. 89) + +[Illustration: Figure 52.--STRUCTURE F (supposed smokehouse foundation). +Firing chamber in foreground.] + +Elsewhere, in the trenches next to the foundation walls, artifacts +typical of those occurring in other parts of the site were found. Worth +mentioning are pieces of yellow-streaked, red earthen "agate" ware, +sometimes attributed to Astbury or Whieldon, and sherds of +cord-impressed Indian pottery. + + +ARCHITECTURAL ANALYSIS + +Since the interior of this structure was not excavated, many +uncertainties remain as to its identity. The peculiar fluelike +structure passing through its foundation, the rubble of bricks used to +form the foundation, the huge quantities of oystershells in the flue, +with partly burnt coals underneath, give rise to various speculations. +So does the orientation of the structure, which is off both the true and +polar axes and is also unrelated to the mansion or the wall system. + +The most likely explanation seems to be that Structure F was the +foundation of a smokehouse. A recently excavated foundation in what was +known as Brunswick Town, North Carolina, is almost identical (except for +the use of ballast stone in the fire chamber and the building +foundation). This also is believed to be a smokehouse foundation, since +similar structures are still remembered from the days of their +use.[159] + +[Illustration: Figure 53.--VIRGINIA BRICK from Structure B (left) 9 by 4 +by 2-3/4 inches. Right, small brick from Structure F, probably imported, +7-1/4 by 3-1/2 by 1-3/4 inches. Perhaps one of the 630 bricks brought on +the _Marigold_ by Captain Roger Lyndon and purchased by John Mercer.] + +The position of the Marlborough structure, outside of the enclosure wall +but not far from the kitchen, the relative crudeness of its +construction, and its off-axis orientation, support the likelihood of +its being a utilitarian structure. The firing chamber and the flue show +unquestionably that it was a building requiring heat or smoke. +Marlborough had two greenhouses, according to Thomas Oliver's inventory, +and these would have required heating equipment. But the small size of +this structure and the absence of any indication of tile flooring or +other elaboration suggested by contemporary descriptions of greenhouses +seem to rule out this possibility. + +[Illustration: Figure 54.--STRUCTURE D, an unidentified structure with +debris-filled refuse pit at left.] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [159] STANLEY SOUTH, "An Unusual Smokehouse is Discovered at + Brunswick Town," _Newsletter_, Brunswick County Historical + Society (Charlotte, N.C., August 1962), vol. 2, no. 3. + + + + +XIII + +_Pits and Other Structures_ + + +STRUCTURE D + +An exploratory trench was dug northward several yards from a point on +Wall D, on axis with Structure B. An irregularly shaped remnant of +unmortared-brick structure, varying between two and three bricks wide +and one course high was discovered at the undisturbed level. This +measured 8.5 feet by 6 feet. Adjacent to it, extending 5.8 feet and +having a width varying from 6.5 to 7 feet, was a pit 2 feet 8 inches +deep, dug 2 feet below the undisturbed clay level, and filled with a +heavy deposit of artifacts, oystershells, and animal bones. The artifact +remains were the richest in the entire site. Some of the most +significant of these are the following: + + 59.1656 Key (fig. 88) + + 59.1942 Iron bolt (ill. 69) + + 59.1663} + 59.2029} Two-tined forks (ill. 55-57) + 59.1939} + + + 59.1664 Jeweler's hammer (ill. 78) + + 59.1665 Fragments of a penknife (fig. 85c) + + 59.1668 Knife blade and Sheffield handle (fig. 86b) + + 59.1669} + 59.1670} Pewter trifid-handle spoons (fig. 86f and g, ill. 58) + + 59.1672 Pewter "wavy-end" spoon (fig. 86e, ill. 59) + + 59.1675 Fragments of reeded-edge pewter plate (fig. 86a) + + 59.1676 Pewter teapot lid (fig. 86c, ill. 60) + + 59.1678 Brass rings (fig. 83i) + + 59.1680 Steel scissors (ill. 61) + + 59.1681 Large fishhook (ill. 88) + + 59.1682 Chalk bullet mold (fig. 84b, ill. 51) + + 59.1685 Slate pencil (fig. 85d, ill. 54) + + 59.1687 Octagonal spirits bottle (fig. 80) + + 59.1688 Wine bottle: seal "I^[C.]M 1737" (fig. 78, ill. 37) + + 59.1679 Handle sherd of North Devon gravel-tempered earthenware + (ill. 15) + + 59.1698 Buckley high-fired, black-glazed earthenware (fig. 65) + + 59.1699 Buckley high-fired, amber-glazed earthenware pan sherds + (fig. 65, ills. 17 and 18) + + 59.1700 Brown-decorated yellowware cup or posset-pot sherds (fig. + 64c, ill. 16) + + 59.1701 Nottingham-type brown-glazed fine stoneware sherds (fig. + 67a) + + 59.1762 Sherd of Westerwald blue-and-gray stoneware, with part of + "GR" medallion showing (fig. 66d) + + 59.1704 Large sherds of brown-glazed Tidewater-type earthenware pan + (fig. 63a, ill. 11) + + 59.1706 Blue-and-white delft plate, Lambeth, ca. 1720 (fig. 69) + + 59.1707 Blue-and-white delft plate, [?]Bristol, ca. 1750 (fig. 70) + + 59.1714 Kaolin tobacco-pipe bowls, and one wholly reconstructed + pipe (fig. 84f, ill. 53) + + 59.1715 Steel springtrap for small animals (ill. 86) + + (Also numerous sherds of Staffordshire white salt-glazed ware and + creamware. A single disparate sherd of pink, transfer-printed + Staffordshire ware, dating from about 1835, is the only intrusive + artifact in the deposit.) + +The bones were virtually all pork refuse, except for a few rabbit bones. +The oystershells, found in every refuse deposit, reflect the universal +taste for the then-abundant oyster. + +[Illustration: Figure 55.--REFUSE FOUND AT EXTERIOR CORNER of Wall A-II +and Wall D.] + +The significance of the structure is not clear. It was probably the +site of a privy, the remaining bricks having been part of a brick floor +in front of the pit. + + +STRUCTURE G + +A few feet southeast of Structure D, another much smaller pit was found, +surrounded on two sides by a partial-U-shaped single row and single +course of bricks. This brickwork measured 5 feet in length, with a +4-foot appendage at one end and a 7-foot appendage at the other. The pit +was small and shallow. Typical ceramic artifacts were found, as well as +fragments of black basaltes ware (ill. 32) and some early 19th-century +whiteware. The function of this pit is unknown. + + +PIT AT JUNCTION OF WALLS A-II AND D + +Just north of the northeast corner of the wall system a small trash pit +was uncovered. It contained a scattering of wine- and gin-bottle +sherds, a few miscellaneous, small, ceramic-tableware fragments, and +about one-third of a blue-and-white Chinese porcelain plate (figs. 55 +and 77). + + +UNIDENTIFIED FOUNDATION NEAR POTOMAC CREEK (STRUCTURE H) + +About 60 feet from the shore of Potomac Creek, at the southeast corner +of the old road that runs from the highway to the creek, bordered by +Wall A, were indications of a brick foundation. This structure was +explored to the extent of its width (about 15 feet) for a distance +northward of 17 feet, then the east wall was traced 22 feet farther +north until it disappeared into the bankside and a thicket. The +excavated area disclosed quantities of brickbats, a layer of soil, a +number of burnt bricks, a layer of black charcoal ash, and a 6-inch +deposit of clay. The brick walls were 1.5 feet thick. The structure +had been built into the hillside, so that the north end was presumably a +deep basement. + +[Illustration: Figure 56.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Structure H.] + +[Illustration: Figure 57.--STRUCTURE H, from Potomac Creek shore, +looking northeast.] + +Artifacts were few. A complete scythe (fig. 90) was found embedded in +the clay above the brickwork on the east side of the structure, and next +to it a large body sherd of black-glazed Buckley ware. A few small +ceramic sherds occurred--pieces of redware with trailed slip (fig. 64), +and small bits of delft, salt glaze, and Chinese porcelain. + +The location and implied shape of the building suggest that it had a +utilitarian purpose. Near the waterfront, it would conveniently have +served as a warehouse, or possibly as either the brewhouse or malthouse, +each described by Mercer as having been 100 feet long, of brick and +stone. Whether one was of brick and the other of stone, or both were +brick and stone in combination, is not clear. There was no evidence of +stonework in Structure H. On the other hand, the 100-foot-long +rectangular stone enclosure, of which Wall A formed a part, shows no +evidence of brickwork. The purposes of both these structures must, for +now, remain unexplained, but association with the brewery seems +plausible. + + + + +XIV + +_Stafford Courthouse South of Potomac Creek_ + + +INTRODUCTION + +The chief archeological problem of Marlborough at the time of excavation +was whether or not Structure B had served as the foundation for both the +courthouse and for John Mercer's mansion. Although the possibility still +remains that the sites of the two buildings overlapped, preceding +chapters have demonstrated that the foundation was constructed by Mercer +for his house, and that it did not stand beneath the courthouse. + +However, in 1957 it was thought that exploration of the +late-18th-century courthouse site, located upstream on the south side of +Potomac Creek, might reveal a structure of similar dimensions which +would help to confirm the possibility that Structure B had originated +with the Marlborough courthouse. Furthermore, the Potomac Creek site was +of interest by itself and was closely related to John Mercer's legal and +judicial career. + +The location of the site is depicted in surveys included with suit +papers of 1743 and 1805.[160] These papers were brought to our attention +by George H. S. King of Fredericksburg, and were mentioned in Happel's +carefully documented history of the Stafford and King George +courthouses.[161] Previously, we had been led to the site by a former +sheriff of Stafford County, who recalled listening as a boy to +descriptions of the old courthouse building by an ancient whose memory +went back to the early years of the 19th century. The old man's +recollections, in turn, were reinforced by similar recountings of elders +in his own youth. Unscientific though the value of such information may +be, it emerges from folk memories that often remain sharp and clear in +rural areas, spanning in the minds of two or three individuals the +periods of several conventional generations. As clues, at least, they +are never to be ignored. In this case we were taken to a rubble-strewn +site on an eminence that overlooks Potomac Creek. At the foot of a +declivity below, on the old Belle Plains road, we were shown another +obvious evidence of structure, which we were told had been the jail. +Just to the east of this where a road leads away to the site of Cave's +tobacco warehouse (now the "Stone Landing"), we were informed that the +stocks had once stood. + +Of the latter two sites we have no confirming evidence, although both +claims are plausible enough. No archeological effort was made to +investigate them, since funds were limited. The surveys of 1743 and 1805 +are sufficient to confirm with accuracy the courthouse site. +Accordingly, an archeological exploration was made between August 19 and +August 23, 1957, revealing unmistakably the footings of a courthouse. As +will be shown, these footings in no way bore a resemblance to the +Structure B foundation. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [160] Fredericksburg Suit Papers, 1745-1805 (MS., + Fredericksburg, Virginia, courthouse). + + [161] HAPPEL, op. cit. (footnote 22), pp. 183-194. + + +HISTORICAL BACKGROUND + +The history of the Potomac Creek courthouse site has been presented +thoroughly by Happel, but a brief review is in order here. Happel shows +that a courthouse was ordered built in 1665, a year after the +establishment of Stafford as a county. He quotes a court reference in +1667 to the road along the south shore of Potomac Creek, running from +the "said Ferry," near the head of the Creek, "to the Court house to the +horse Bridge," which he identifies as having spanned Passapatanzy Gut. +In his opinion, this courthouse was near the mouth of the Creek, but he +fails to show that it equally well may have been near the site of the +later 18th-century structures. + +[Illustration: Figure 58.--DRAWING MADE IN 1743, showing location of +Stafford courthouse south of Potomac Creek (orientation to south). +(Fredericksburg Suit Papers.)] + +[Illustration: Figure 59.--ENLARGED DETAIL from lower right portion of +figure 58, showing location of Stafford courthouse south of Potomac +Creek.] + +We have seen that in 1690 court was first held in Thomas Elzey's house, +seemingly located near the 18th-century courthouse site, and that orders +were given that it continue to meet there until the new courthouse was +ready. The history of the new courthouse at Marlborough has already been +recounted, its final demise occurring about 1718. The court's official +removal from Marlborough was agreed upon July 20, 1720, and, as already +noted, "the head of Ocqua Creek" was designated for the new site, +although obviously by error, since Potomac Creek plainly was intended. + +Happel tells us that the Potomac Creek building burned in 1730 or early +1731 and that the justices were ordered on April 27, 1731, to rebuild at +the same place. It is this next building that was depicted on the 1743 +survey plat (see fig. 58). In 1744 a bill was presented in the Assembly +to relieve persons who had suffered or "may suffer" from the loss of +Stafford County records "lately consumed by Fire";[162] apparently the +courthouse had again burned. There seems to have been a delay of about +five years in rebuilding it this time. Pressures to relocate it were +exerted in the meanwhile and hearings were held by the Governor's +Council on a petition to "remove the Court House lower down."[163] The +Council listened, then "Ordered, that the new Court House be built where +the old one stood."[164] + +[Illustration: Figure 60.--EXCAVATION PLAN of Stafford courthouse +foundation.] + +This settled, Nathaniel Harrison and Hugh Adie contracted in 1749 with +the justices of Stafford court to build a "Brick Courthouse, for the +Consideration of 44500 lb. of Tobacco, to be furnished by the last of +October, 1750."[165] Harrison was a distinguished member of the colony +who, as a widower, had moved to Stafford County the previous year and +had married Lucy, the daughter of Robert ("King") Carter of "Corotoman" +and widow of Henry Fitzhugh of "Eagle's Nest."[166] Harrison, who later +built "Brandon" for himself in King George County, probably provided the +capital and the materials, and perhaps the design, of the courthouse. +Adie, of whom nothing is known, was doubtless the carpenter or +bricklayer who actually did the work. + +[Illustration: Figure 61.--HANOVER COURTHOUSE, whose plan dimensions +correspond closely to the Stafford foundation.] + +The construction was delayed by "many Disappointments, and the Badness +of the Weather." Finally, in the spring of 1751, it was about to be +brought to completion, "when it was feloniously burnt to the +Ground."[167] In April 1752 a special act was passed in order to permit +a levy to be made which would allow the Stafford court to reimburse +Harrison and Adie for the amount of work which they had accomplished on +the courthouse and the value of the materials they had provided.[168] + +No record exists of the contract for the next--and last--courthouse +building on the Potomac Creek site. Quite possibly Harrison and Adie +again did the work. This building was used until removal of the court to +a new building completed between 1780 and 1783 on a site near the +present Stafford courthouse. It remained standing throughout most of the +19th century, according to local memory. In surveys of 1804 and 1805 the +structure was identified as the "old court house." + +FOOTNOTES: + + [162] _JHB_, 1742-1749 (Richmond, 1909), p. 127. + + [163] Ibid. + + [164] _Executive Journals of the Council of Colonial + Virginia_ [November 1, 1739-May 7, 1754], (Richmond, 1945), + p. 282. + + [165] _JHB, 1752-1755; 1756-1758_ (Richmond, 1939), p. 55. + + [166] "Harrison of James River," _VHM_ (Richmond, 1924), vol. + 32, p. 200. + + [167] See footnote 165. + + [168] HENING, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 6, pp. 280-281. + + +DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS + +Excavations were conducted in the simplest manner possible, in order to +arrive at the objective of determining the dimensions of the courthouse +without exceeding available funds. An exploratory trench soon exposed a +line of rubble and disturbed soil. This line was followed until the +entire outline of the building was revealed. At several points bricks in +mortar still remained _in situ_, especially at the south end. Two brick +piers extended 4 feet 5 inches into the structure, midway along the +south wall at a distance of 5 feet 9 inches apart. + +[Illustration: Illustration 5.--Above, left, reconstructed wine bottle +from Potomac Creek courthouse site. One-fourth.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 6.--Top, right, fragment of molded white +salt-glazed-ware platter from Potomac Creek courthouse site. One-half.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 7.--Lower, right, iron bolt from Potomac +Creek courthouse site. One-half.] + +The emerging evidence indicated that the structure was rectangular, +approximately 52 feet long and 26 feet wide, with a T-shaped projection +25 feet wide extending out a distance of 14 feet 5 inches from the +center of the east wall of the building. + + +SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATED WITH POTOMAC CREEK COURTHOUSE + +Few artifacts occurred in the small area excavated at the courthouse +site. Those which did, significantly, related either to the structure +itself or to the eating and drinking that probably occurred either +alfresco or within the courthouse building. We know that the Ohio +Company Committee met there for many years, beginning in 1750, and +doubtless lunches and refreshments were served to the members during the +day, before they returned to the tavern or to neighboring plantations to +dine and spend the night. + +Portions of wine bottles (of the same dimensions as the Mercer "1737" +bottle from Marlborough) were found (ill. 5), along with small +fragments of late 18th-century types. A section of the rim of a large, +octagonal, white, salt-glazed-ware platter with a wreath and lattice +design was recovered from the north-wall footings (ill. 86), and +fragments of a salt-glazed-ware dinner plate occurred in the south +trench. An oystershell found nearby suggests how the platter may have +been used. Two pieces of a white salt-glazed-ware posset pot round out a +picture of elegant eating and drinking in the 1760's, as do the +fragments of polished, agate octagonal-handled knives and forks. The +latter were badly damaged by fire. + +[Illustration: Illustration 8.--Above, left, stone scraping tool. +One-half.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 9.--Above, right, Indian celt. Found near +gate in Wall E. One-half.] + +Pieces of blue-and-white delft punch bowls were found, as well as a +sherd of polychrome delft which dated apparently from 1740 to 1760. Two +sherds of creamware plates with wavy edges in the "Catherine" shape +reflect the last years of official use of the courthouse. A tantalizing +find is a small fragment of cobalt-blue glass, blown in a mold to make +panels or oval indentations. This piece may have come from a large bowl +or sweetmeat dish. + +Three sherds of black-glazed red earthenware are the only evidence of +utilitarian equipment. Pipe-stems belong to the mid- and +late-18th-century category. A George II copper penny is dated 1746. A +large mass of pewter, melted beyond recognition, was found near the +south end of the structure. Bits of charcoal are held within it. The +pewter originally may have been in the form of mugs or tankards. + +[Illustration: Figure 62.--PLAN OF KING WILLIAM COURTHOUSE, whose plan +dimensions correspond closely to the Stafford foundation. (_Courtesy of +Historic American Buildings Survey, Library of Congress._)] + +Evidence of the structure is found in a large number of hand-forged +nails, in quantities of window glass melted and distorted, and in pieces +of plaster. The last is the typical hard, coarse oystershell plaster of +the area, having a smooth surface coat, except for fine lines left by +the trowel. There is no evidence of paint. A small slide bolt of wrought +iron probably fitted on a cupboard door, or possibly the gate in the bar +(ill. 87). Another iron fixture is not identified. + +Two kinds of window glass occurred. One, the earliest type, is a thin, +yellowish glass which is coated with irridescent scale caused by the +breakdown of the glass surface. None of this glass shows signs of fire +or, at least, of melting. The remainder is a grayish-blue aquamarine, +much of it melted and distorted, and some of it accumulated in thick +masses where tremendous heat caused the panes literally to fold up. A +fragment of yellowish-green glass pane, related to the early type and +again coated with scale, varies in thickness and was apparently from a +bullseye. No evidence exists of diamond-shaped panes, but, as should be +expected, there is indication of square-cornered panes in both types of +glass. + + +ARCHITECTURAL ANALYSIS + +The plan of the footings (fig. 60) shows a T-shaped foundation. This was +an immediate clue to the nature of the structure, for the T-shaped +courthouse was virtually a standard 18th-century form in Virginia. This +foundation, in fact, is almost a replica of the plans of both King +William and Hanover County courthouses, each built about 1734[169] +(figs. 5, 61, and 62). + +The King William courthouse measures 50 feet 4-1/4 inches long and 26 +feet 4 inches wide in the main structure. Its T section extends 14 feet +9 inches to the original end (to which an extension has been added) and +has a width of 23 feet 10-1/4 inches. The Stafford foundation is 52 feet +long and 26 feet wide in the main structure. The T-section is 14 feet 5 +inches long and 25 feet wide. A closer comparison could scarcely be +expected. + +Hanover's length is 52 feet 4-1/2 inches, the width of the main section +27 feet 10 inches, while the T-section is 15 feet 2-1/2 inches long (in +its original part) and 26 feet 7 inches wide. + +A third example, completed in 1736, is the Charles City County +courthouse.[170] The measurements of this building are not available to +us, but close examination of photographs discloses a building of about +the same size. + +The earliest of these T-shaped buildings thus far recorded was the York +County courthouse, completed in 1733. Destroyed in 1814, its site has +been excavated by the National Park Service. Its foundation, measuring +59 feet 10 inches in length and 52 feet in full depth, including the T, +was somewhat larger than the others known to us. The records show that +it was rather elaborate, with imported-stone floors and compass-head +windows.[171] + +All these buildings had arcaded verandas. Marcus Whiffen raises the +question as to which of them, if any, was the prototype, then concludes +by speculating that none was, and that all four may have derived from +the 1715 courthouse at Williamsburg, the dimensions of which, however, +remain unknown. The introduction of the loggia first at the College of +William and Mary and then at the capitol led him to postulate that its +use in a courthouse also would have originated in Williamsburg.[172] The +Stafford foundation showed no trace of stone paving where an arcade +might have been, but, since virtually all the bricks had been taken +away, it is likely that such a valuable commodity as flagstones also +would have been removed as soon as the building was destroyed or +dismantled. Two brick piers at the west end of the structure (fig. 36) +remain a mystery. They are equidistant from the longitudinal walls, and +may have been the foundations for a chimney. However, their positions do +not relate to the floor or chimney plans at Hanover or King William +courthouses, the other features of which are so nearly comparable. One +would suppose every basic characteristic of the Stafford building would +have been the same as in these buildings. The piers were perhaps late +additions or modifications. + +The roof was apparently of wood; there were no evidences of slate +shingles. The bricks were approximately 8-1/2 inches by 4 inches by +2-3/4 inches, and were probably laid in a patterned Flemish bond, as at +Hanover or King William, since some of the bricks were glazed. No lead +or other signs of "calmes" used in leaded sash were found, so we must +assume that the 1665 courthouse was built elsewhere. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [169] MARCUS WHIFFEN, "The Early County Courthouses of + Virginia," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians + (Amherst, Mass., 1959), vol. 18, no. 1, pp. 2-10. + + [170] Ibid. + + [171] RILEY, op. cit. (footnote 31), pp. 402 ff. + + [172] WHIFFEN, op. cit. (footnote 169), p. 4. + + +CONCLUSION + +It may be assumed that the Potomac Creek courthouse, which was built of +brick, resembled the courthouses of Hanover, King William, and Charles +City, and that its architecture, symbolizing the authority of Virginia's +government, reflected the official style expressed in the government +buildings at Williamsburg. All the successive Stafford courthouses from +1722 on probably were built on the old foundations; if so, the Stafford +building was the earliest T-form courthouse yet known in Virginia. Its +similarity to the three structures built in the 1730's shows that an +accepted form had developed, possibly, as Whiffen suggests, deriving +from a prototype in Williamsburg. + +The courthouse bears no resemblance, either in its shape or the absence +of a basement, to the Structure B foundation at Marlborough. The site, +reached more easily than Marlborough from any direction, dictated the +removal to it of the courthouse in 1722, thus contributing to the demise +of Marlborough as a town. The last structure, especially, was +historically important because of the meetings of the Ohio Company held +in it. It is of particular interest to the story of Marlborough because +John Mercer was, for most of its existence, the senior justice of the +Stafford court. + + + + +ARTIFACTS + +[Illustration: Figure 63.--TIDEWATER-TYPE POTTERY: a, milk pan (ill. +11); b, base of bowl (ill. 14); c, pan-rim sherds; d, base of ale mug +(ill. 12).] + + + + +XV + +_Ceramics_ + +Most of the ceramic artifacts found at Marlborough can be dated within +John Mercer's period of occupancy (1726-1768). A meager scattering of +late 18th- and early 19th-century whitewares and stonewares reflects the +John Francis Mercer and Cooke ownerships (1768-1819). + + +COARSE EARTHENWARE + +TIDEWATER TYPE.--Mercer's purchase in 1725 of £12 3s. 6d. worth of +earthenware from William Rogers (p. 16, footnote 54) probably was made +for trading purposes, judging from the sizable cost. Rogers operated a +stoneware and earthenware pottery in Yorktown, which evidently was +continued for a considerable time after his death in 1739.[173] An +abundance of waster sherds (unglazed, underfired, overfired, or +misshapen fragments cast aside by the potter), supposedly from Rogers' +output, has been found as street ballast and fill in Yorktown and its +environs. Microscopic and stylistic comparison with these sherds relates +numerous Marlborough sherds to them in varying degrees. For purposes of +tentative identification, the ware will be designated "Tidewater type." +Some of the ware may have been produced in Rogers' shop, while other +articles resembling the Yorktown products may have been made of similar +clay and fired under conditions comparable to those at Yorktown. + +A Marlborough milk pan (USNM 59.1961, ill. 11, and USNM 59.1580) has a +salmon-colored body and a lustrous mahogany glaze with fine manganese +streaking. Another milk pan (USNM 59.2039, ill. 2, fig. 63a) has a buff +body and a glaze of uneven thickness that ranges in color from thin +brown with black flecking to a glutinous dark brown approaching black. +The most typical glaze color, influenced by the underlying predominant +pinkish-buff body, is a light mahogany with black specks or blotches. It +occurs at Marlborough on a small sherd (USNM 60.201). A variant glaze +occurring on pottery found in Yorktown appears here in a yellowish-buff +sherd flecked with black (USNM 60.154). The flecking is only in part +applied with manganese; it is also the effect of ocherous and +ferruginous particles which protrude through the surface of the body, +assuming a dark color. Occasionally the manganese is spread liberally, +so that the natural body color shows through only as flecks in a reverse +effect (USNM 59.1855); now and then the vessel is uniformly black (USNM +60.141). + +Tidewater-type forms found at Marlborough include milk pans 15 inches in +diameter and about 4-1/4 inches deep (in 1729 Mercer bought "2 milk +pans" for 5d. and 5 "gallon basons" for 4s. 7d.), a black-glazed jar +cover with indicated diameter of 6-1/2 inches (USNM 59.2013), and +fragments of other pans and bowls of indeterminate sizes. A portion of +an ale mug has a tooled base and black glaze (USNM 59.2043, fig. 63d, +ill. 12). Its diameter is 3-5/8 inches. + +MOLDED-RIM TYPE.--This is a type of redware with a light-red body and +transparent, ginger-brown lead glaze. It is characterized by a rolled +rim and a tooled platform or channel above the junction of rim and side. +A small number of pan and bowl rims was found at Marlborough. The ware +is usually associated with early 18th-century materials from such sites +as Jamestown, Kecoughtan, Williamsburg, and Rosewell. It may have +originated in England. + +NORTH DEVON GRAVEL-TEMPERED WARE.--The coarse kitchenware made in +Bideford and Barnstaple and in the surrounding English villages of North +Devon is represented by only two sherds. This ware is characterized by a +dull, reddish-pink body, usually dark-gray at the core, and by a gross +waterworn gravel temper. It occurs in contexts as early as 1650 at +Jamestown and as late as 1740-1760 at Williamsburg. One of the +Marlborough sherds is part of a large pan. It is glazed with a +characteristic amber lead glaze (USNM 60.202). The other sherd is a +portion of an unglazed handle, probably from a potlid (USNM 59.1679, +ill. 15).[174] + +SLIP-LINED REDWARE.--Numerous 18th-century sites from Philadelphia to +Williamsburg have yielded a series of bowls and porringers characterized +by interior linings of slip that is streaked and mottled with manganese. +These are glazed on both surfaces, the outer surface and a border above +the slip on the inner surface usually ginger-brown in color. Comparative +examples are a bowl from the Russell site at Lewes, Delaware, dating +from the first half of the 18th century, and several pieces from +pre-Revolutionary contexts at Williamsburg. A deposit excavated by H. +Geiger Omwake near the south end of the Lewes and Rehoboth Canal in +Delaware included sherds from a context dated late 17th- to mid-18th +centuries.[175] Several fragments of bowls occur in the Marlborough +material (USNM 59.1613, 59.1856, fig. 64g). + +ENGLISH YELLOWWARE.--The few sherds of so-called combed ware occurring +at Marlborough, although only the base fragments connect, all seem to +have come from a single cup or posset pot having a buff body and +characteristically decorated with spiraled bands of dark-brown slip that +were created by combing through an outer coating of white slip, +revealing an underlayer of red slip. The vessel was glazed with a clear +lead glaze (USNM 59.1700, fig. 64c, ill. 16). Comparative dated +examples of this ware include a posset pot dated 1735.[176] A chamber +pot bearing the same kind of striping was excavated by the National Park +Service at Fort Frederica, Georgia (1736-ca. 1750). A piece similar to +that from Marlborough was found in the Rosewell deposit, and another in +the Lewis Morris house site, Morrisania, New York.[177] Although this +type of ware was introduced in England about 1680, its principal use in +America seems to have occurred largely between 1725 and 1775. +Archeological evidence is corroborated by newspaper advertisements. In +1733 the _Boston Gazette_ advertised "yellow ware Hollow and Flat by the +Crate" and again in 1737 "yellow and Brown Earthenware." In 1763 the +_Gazette_ mentioned "Crates of Yellow Liverpool Ware," Liverpool being +the chief place of export for pottery made in Staffordshire, the +principal source for the combed wares.[178] + +BUCKLEY WARE.--I. Noël Hume has identified a class of high-fired, +black-glazed earthenware found in many 18th-century sites in Virginia. +He has done so by reference to _The Buckley Potteries_, by K. J. +Barton,[179] and to waster sherds in his possession from the Buckley +kiln sites in Flintshire, North Wales. The ware probably was made in +other potteries of the region also. This durable pottery, more like +stoneware than earthenware, is represented by a large number of jar and +pan fragments. Two body types occur, each characterized by a mixture of +red and buff clay. In the more usual type the red clay dominates, with +laminations and striations of buff clay running through it in the manner +of a coarse sort of agateware. The other is usually grayish buff with +red streaks, although sometimes the body is almost entirely buff, still +showing signs of lamination. The glaze is treacly black, often applied +unevenly and sometimes pitted with air bubbles. The body surfaces have +conspicuous turning ridges. Rims are usually heavy and flat, sometimes +as wide as 1-1/2 inches. A variant of the ware is represented in a milk +pan with a dominantly red body which has a clear-amber, rather than +black, glaze. (USNM 59.1887, ills. 17, 18, and 19 and fig. 65). + +[Illustration: Illustration 10.--Milk pan. Salmon-red earthenware. +Lustrous black lead glaze. Tidewater type. One-fourth. (USNM 59.1961.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 11.--Milk pan. Salmon-red earthenware. +Dull-brown glaze. Tidewater type. See figure 63a. One-fourth. (USNM +59.2039.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 12.--Ale mug. Salmon-red earthenware. +Lustrous black lead glaze. Tidewater type. See figure 63d. One-half. +(USNM 59.2043.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 13.--Cover of jar (profile). Salmon-red +earthenware. Brownish-black lead glaze. Tidewater type. Same size. (USNM +59.2013.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 14.--Base of bowl. Salmon-red earthenware. +Light reddish-brown glaze speckled with black. Virginia type. One-half. +See figure 63b. (USNM 59.2025.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 15.--Handle of pot lid or oven door. North +Devon gravel-tempered ware. One-half. (USNM 59.1679.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 16.--Buff-earthenware cup with combed +decoration in brown slip. Lead glaze. (Conjectural reconstruction.) +One-fourth. See figure 64c. (USNM 59.1700.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 17.--High-fired earthenware pan rim. Buff +paste laminated with red. Red slip on exterior. Black glaze inside. Type +made in Buckley, Flintshire, North Wales. One-half.] + +[Illustration: Figure 64.--MISCELLANEOUS COMMON EARTHENWARE TYPES, +probably all imported from England: a, "molded-rim" types of redware; b, +handle of large redware storage jar, probably English; c, base of +brown-striped Staffordshire yellowware cup; d, sherd of black-glazed +ware; e and f, two slip-decorated sherds; g, redware crimped-edge baking +pan, coated with slip; and h, slip-lined manganese-streaked sherds.] + + +MISCELLANEOUS.--Several unique specimens and groups of sherds are +represented: + +1. A large, outstanding, horizontal, loop handle survives from a storage +jar with a rich red body. Two thumb-impressed reinforcements, splayed at +each end, secure the handle to the body wall. The top of the handle has +four finger impressions for gripping; the lead glaze appears in a finely +speckled ginger color (USNM 59.2049, fig. 64b). + +2. A single fragment remains from a slip-decorated bowl or open vessel. +The body is hard and dark red, the glaze dark olive-brown. The fragment +is glazed and slipped on both sides (USNM 59.1614, fig. 64e). Other +small sherds of a similar ware are redder in color and without slip. +Another, with lighter red body and olive-amber glaze, is slip decorated +(USNM 60.161, fig. 64f). + +[Illustration: Illustration 19.--Rim and base profiles of +high-fired-earthenware jars. Buff paste, laminated with red. Black +glaze. Buckley type, Flintshire, North Wales. One-half. (USNM 59.2032, +59.1611, and 59.1782.)] + +3. A unique sherd has a gray-buff body and shiny black glaze on both +surfaces (USNM 59.1815). + +4. A group of pale-red unglazed fragments is from the bottom of a water +cooler. A sherd which preserves parts of the base and lower body wall +has a hole in which a spigot could be inserted (USNM 59.2061, ill. 20). + +5. Fragments of a flowerpot have a body similar to the foregoing, but +are lined with slip under a lead glaze. A rim fragment has an ear handle +with thumb-impressed indentations attached to it (USNM 60.203, ill. 21). + +6. Two sherds of a redware pie plate, notched on the edge and lined with +overglazed slip decorated with brown manganese dots, imitate +Staffordshire yellowware, but are probably of American origin (USNM +59.1612, fig. 64g). + +[Illustration: Illustration 18.--High-fired-earthenware jar rim. Red +paste, laminated with buff. Black glaze. Buckley type. One-half. (USNM +59.2067.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 20.--Base sherd from unglazed +red-earthenware water cooler, with spigot hole. One-half. (USNM +59.2061.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 21.--Rim of an earthenware flowerpot, handle +with thumb impressions attached. Slip-decorated, olive-amber lead glaze. +One-fourth. (USNM 60.203.)] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [173] WATKINS and NOËL HUME, op. cit. (footnote 54). + + [174] C. MALCOLM WATKINS, "North Devon Pottery and Its Export + to America in the 17th Century," (paper 13 in _Contributions + from the Museum of History and Technology: Papers 12-18_, + U.S. National Museum Bulletin 225, by various authors; + Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1963), 1960. + + [175] The Russell site was excavated by members of the Sussex + Archeological Society of Lewes, Delaware. Artifacts from the + site are now in the Smithsonian Institution, as are those + found by H. Geiger Omwake at the end of the Lewes and + Rehoboth Canal. + + [176] JOHN ELIOT HODGKINS, F.S.A., and EDITH HODGKINS, + _Examples of Early English Pottery, Named, Dated, and + Inscribed_ (London, 1897), p. 57, fig. 128. + + [177] J. E. MESSHAM, B.A., and K. J. BARTON, "The Buckley + Potteries," _Flintshire Historical Society Publications_, + vol. 16, pp. 31-87. + + [178] GEORGE FRANCIS DOW, _The Arts and Crafts in New + England, 1764-1775_ (Topsfield, Mass., 1927), pp. 84, 85, 92. + + [179] MESSHAM and BARTON, loc. cit. (footnote 177). + + +STONEWARE + +RHENISH STONEWARES.--The stoneware potters who worked in the vicinity of +Grenzhausen in the Westerwald in a tributary of the Rhine Valley held a +far-flung market until the mid-18th century. It was not until the +Staffordshire potters brought out their own salt-glazed whitewares that +the colorful blue-and-gray German products suffered a decline. Before +that, Rhenish stonewares were widely used in England and the colonies; +those for the British market frequently were decorated with medallions +in which the reigning English monarch's initial appeared. Elaborate +incising and blue-cobalt coloring gave a highly decorative character to +the ware, while salt thrown into the kiln during the firing combined +with the clay to provide a hard, clean surface matched only by +porcelain. + +[Illustration: Figure 65.--BUCKLEY-TYPE HIGH-FIRED WARE with laminated +body. Four pieces at top have predominantly red body, streaked with +buff. All have black glaze, except two at lower right, which have amber +glaze.] + +John Mercer, like so many of his fellow colonials, owned Westerwald +stoneware. From Ledger G, we know that in 1743 he bought "2 blew & W^t +Jugs 2/." From the artifacts it is clear that he not only had large +globose jugs, but also numerous cylindrical mugs and chamber pots. A +small group of sherds has a gray-buff paste, more intricately incised +than most. Internally the paste surface is a light-pinkish buff. These +sherds are probably of the late 17th century, or at least earlier than +the predominantly gray wares of the 18th century, which have hastily +executed designs.[180] Only two "GR" emblems (_Guglielmus_ or _Georgius +Rex_), both from mugs, were recovered (fig. 66d). + +[Illustration: Illustration 22.--Base of gray-brown, +salt-glazed-stoneware ale mug. Rust-brown slip inside. Same size. (USNM +59.1780.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 23.--Stoneware jug fragment. Dull red with +black dots. Same size. (USNM 59.1840.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 24.--Gray, salt-glazed-stoneware jar +profile. Probably first quarter, 19th century. Same size. (USNM +59.1615.)] + +MISCELLANEOUS GRAY-AND-BROWN SALT-GLAZED STONEWARE.--The shop of William +Rogers apparently made stoneware of fine quality in the style of the +London stoneware produced in the Thames-side potteries.[181] Wasters +from Yorktown streets and foundations indicate many varieties of colors +and glaze textures, some of which are matched in the Marlborough sherds. +Admittedly, it is not possible to distinguish with certainty the +fragments of Yorktown stoneware from their English counterparts. Sherds +of a pint mug, externally gray in the lower half and mottled-brown in +the upper, may be a Yorktown product (USNM 59.1780, ill. 22). The +interior is a rusty brown. Fragments of the shoulder of a very large +jug, mottled-brown externally and lined in a dull red like that often +found on Yorktown wasters, also have body resemblances. (Mercer bought a +five-gallon "stone bottle" from Charles Dick in 1745.) + +[Illustration: Figure 66.--WESTERWALD STONEWARE: a, chamber-pot sherds +and handle fragments; b, sherds having yellowish body, probably late +17th or early 18th century; c, sherds of curve-sided flagon; d, sherds +of cylindrical mugs including one with "GR" seal.] + +There are numerous other types of coarse stoneware of unknown origins, +including one sherd with a dull-red glaze and black decorative spots +(USNM 59.1840, ill. 23). + +NOTTINGHAM-TYPE STONEWARE.--Several sherds of stoneware of the type +usually ascribed to Nottingham appeared at Marlborough. This ware is +characterized by a smooth, lustrous, metallic-brown glaze. The fragments +are apparently from different vessels. One is a foot rim of a posset pot +or jug. Several body sherds have fluting or paneling formed by molding, +with turning lines on the interior showing that the molding was executed +after the forms were shaped. One sherd is decorated with shredded clay +applied before firing when the clay was wet. It appears to come from the +globose portion of a small drinking jug with a vertical collar. A +handle section comes from a pitcher or posset pot. Interior colors range +from a brownish mustard to a reddish brown. Nottingham stoneware was +made throughout the 18th century,[182] but these sherds correspond to +middle-of-the-century forms (fig. 67a). + +[Illustration: Figure 67.--FINE ENGLISH STONEWARE: a, Nottingham type; +b, "drab" stoneware covered with white slip--brown-bordered mug sherds +in _upper left_ came from beneath flagstone north of mansion-house +porch, about 1725, "scratch-blue" stoneware, _below_, is about 1750; c, +"degenerate scratch-blue" stoneware is about 1790; d, "white salt-glaze" +ware _at bottom_ is hand-thrown; _upper right_ is molded, about 1760; e, +plate and platter fragments.] + +DRAB STONEWARE.--The dominant position attained by the Staffordshire +potters in the 18th century is due to unremitting efforts to achieve the +whiteness of porcelain in their native products. Improvements in +stoneware were mostly in this direction, with the first steps plainly +evidencing what they failed to achieve. One of the earlier attempts has +a gray body coated with white pipe-clay slip obtained at Bideford in +North Devon. This slip created the superficial appearance of porcelain, +as did tin enamel on the surface of delftware. Although some Burslem +potters were making "dipped white stoneware" by 1710,[183] it does not +seem to have occurred generally until about 1725. Salt glaze was applied +in the same manner as on the earlier and coarser stonewares. Mugs in +this ware were banded with an iron-oxide slip, presumably to cover up +defects around the rims. + +[Illustration: Figure 68.--ENGLISH DELFTWARE: a, 17th- and early +18th-century sherds; b, blue-and-white sherd of the first half of the +18th century; c, polychrome fragments, third quarter of the 18th +century; d, ointment pots with pink body, 18th century.] + +Several sherds of this drab stoneware were found at Marlborough, +including the base of a jug with curving sides and pieces of tall mugs +with brown rims (USNM 59.1893, fig. 67b, ill. 25). The body is +characteristically gray, while the slip, although sometimes dull white, +is usually a pleasant cream tone. Two sherds were found beneath the +flagstones around the north porch of Structure B, where they probably +fell before 1746 (USNM 59.1754). + +One of the Burslem stoneware potters between 1710 and 1715 made what he +called "freckled ware."[184] Possibly this describes a sherd of a +thin-walled mug from Marlborough (USNM 59.1636) which is coated with +white slip inside and is finely speckled, or "freckled," in brown on the +outside. Its body is the gray of the drab stoneware, but with a high +content of micaceous and siliceous sand. Simeon Shaw, the early +19th-century historian of the Staffordshire potteries, asserted that +what he called "Crouch" ware was first made of brick clay and fine sand +in 1690, and by 1702 of dark-gray clay and sand.[185] Although his dates +are questioned by modern authorities, his order of the progressive +degrees of refinement in the paste are acceptable as he suggests them. +In respect to the Marlborough sherd, although it is coarser than the +white-coated fragments described above, it answers very well Shaw's +description of sandy-gray "Crouch" ware. + +[Illustration: Illustration 25.--Drab-stoneware mug fragment, rim coated +with iron oxide. Staffordshire, 1720-30. Same size. (USNM 59.1893.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 26.--Wheel-turned cover of white, +salt-glazed teapot. Staffordshire. Same size. (USNM 59.1622.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 27.--Body sherds of molded, white +salt-glazed-ware pitcher or milk jug. Staffordshire. Same size. (USNM +59.1894.)] + +WHITE SALT-GLAZED WARE.--About 1720 calcined flints were added to the +body of the Staffordshire stoneware, thus making possible a homogeneous +white body that did not require a coating of slip between the body and +the glazed surface.[186] With this ware the Staffordshire potters came +closer to their goal of emulating porcelain. + +At Marlborough the earliest examples of this improved ware are found in +two sherds with incised decorations that were scratched into the wet +clay (USNM 59.1819, Fig. 67b); the incised lines next were filled with +powdered cobalt before firing. This technique is known as "scratch +blue," dated examples of which, existing elsewhere, range from 1724 to +1767. The body in the Marlborough specimens is still rather drab, the +whiteness of the later ware not yet having been achieved. No slip was +used, however, so that the surface color is a pleasant pale gray. One +sherd is from a cup with a slightly flaring rim. The exterior decoration +is in the form of floral sprigs, while the inside has a row of +double-scalloped lines below the rim. The other fragment is from a +saucer. Possibly the cup is part of Mercer's purchase in 1742 of a dozen +"Stone Coffee cups," for which he paid 18d. In Boston "White stone +Tea-Cups and Saucers" were advertised in 1745, and "blue and white ... +Stone Ware" in 1751.[187] + +A later variant on the "scratch blue" is a class of salt-glazed ware +that resembles Westerwald stoneware. Here loops, sworls, and horizontal +grooves are scratched into the paste. The cobalt is smeared more or less +at random, some of it lying on the surface, some running into the +incised channels. This style of decoration was applied mostly to chamber +pots but also to small bowls and cups. Fragments of all these forms +occurred at Marlborough (fig. 67c). + +After 1740 the body was greatly improved, resulting in an attractive +whiteware. Many wheel-turned forms were produced, and these were +liberally represented at Marlborough in fragments of pitchers, mugs, +teapots, teacups, bowls, posset pots, and casters (fig. 67d). + +[Illustration: Figure 69.--DELFT PLATE. Lambeth, about 1720. (See ill. +29.)] + +In the middle of the 18th century a process was developed for making +multiple plaster-of-paris molds from brass or alabaster matrices[188] +and then casting plates and other vessels in them by pouring in the +stoneware clay, diluted in the form of slip. The slip was allowed to +dry, and the formed utensil was removed for firing. This molded +salt-glazed ware occurs in quantity in the Marlborough finds, suggesting +that there were large sets of it. One design predominates in plates, +platters, and soup dishes: wavy edges, borders consisting of panels of +diagonal lattices--with stars or dots within the lattices framed in +rococo scrolls, and areas of basket-weave designs between the panels. On +a large platter rim the lattice-work is plain, somewhat reminiscent of +so-called Chinese Chippendale design. The pattern is presumably the +design referred to in the _Boston News Letter_ for May 29, 1764: "To be +sold very cheap. Two or three Crates of white Stone Ware, consisting +chiefly of the new fashioned basket Plates and Oblong Dishes."[189] One +fragment comes from a cake plate with this border design and a heavily +decorated center (fig. 67e). + +[Illustration: Figure 70.--DELFT PLATE. Probably Lambeth, about 1730 to +1740. (See ill. 30.)] + +Other molded patterns include gadrooning combined with scalloping on a +plate-rim sherd. A rim section with molded rococo-scrolled edge is from +a "basket weave" sauceboat. Considerably earlier are pieces of a pitcher +or milk jug with a shell design (USNM 59.1894, ill. 27). One rare sherd +appears to come from a rectangular teapot or tray. All the white +salt-glazed ware from Marlborough represents the serviceable but +decorative tableware of everyday use. It must have been purchased during +the last 10 years of Mercer's life. + +TIN-ENAMELED EARTHENWARE.--The art of glazing earthenware with opaque +tin oxide and decorating it with colorful designs was an Islamic +innovation which spread throughout the Mediterranean and northward to +Holland and England. Practiced in England before the close of the 16th +century, it became in the 17th and the first half of the 18th centuries +a significant source of English tableware, both at home and in America. +Because of its close similarity to the Dutch majolica of Delft, the +English version was popularly called "delftware," even though made in +London, Bristol, or Liverpool. + +[Illustration: Illustration 28.--English-delftware washbowl sherd. +Blue-dash decoration inside. See figure 68b. Same size. (USNM 60.75.)] + +Surprisingly, a minimum of tin-enameled wares was found at Marlborough, +with several sherds reflecting the Port Town period. One of the latter +shows the lower portion of a heavy, dark-blue floral spray, growing up, +apparently, from a flowerpot. A section of foot rim and the contour of +the sherd show that this was a 17th-century charger, probably dating +from about 1680 (USNM 60.177, fig. 68a). The leaves are painted in the +same manner as on a Lambeth fuddling cup.[190] A section of a plate with +no foot rim includes an inner border which encircles the central panel +design. It consists of two parallel lines with flattened spirals joined +in a series between the lines. The glaze is crackled. This probably +dates from the same period as the preceding sherd (USNM 60.99, fig. +68a). Sherds from a larger specimen, without decoration, have the same +crackled enamel (USNM 59.2059). There is also a fragment decorated with +small, blue, fernlike fronds, again suggesting late 17th-century origin +(USNM 59.1756, fig. 68a). A small handle, the glaze of which has a +pinkish cast, is decorated with blue dashes, and probably was part of a +late 17th-century cup (USNM 59.1730, fig. 68a). + +[Illustration: Illustration 29.--English delftware plate. One-half. See +figure 69. (USNM 59.1707.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 30.--English delftware plate. One-half. See +figure 70. (USNM 59.1706.)] + +Several fragments of narrow rims from plates with blue bands probably +date from the first quarter of the 18th century. A reconstructed plate +with the simplest of stylized decoration was made at Lambeth about 1720 +(USNM 59.1707, fig. 69). This plate has a wavy vine motif around its +upward-flaring rim, in which blossoms are suggested by stylized pyramids +of three to four blocks formed by brush strokes about 1/4-inch wide, +alternating with single blocks. The central motif consists of two +crossed stems with a pyramid at each end and two diagonal, block brush +strokes intersecting the crossed stems. A large fragment of a washstand +bowl also has similar plain, block brush strokes along a border defined +by horizontal lines--in this case a triplet of three strokes, one above +two, alternating with a single block. Edges of similar brush strokes on +the lower portion of the bowl remain on the fragment. Garner shows a +Lambeth mug embodying this style of decoration combined with a +suggestion of Chinoiserie around the waist. He ascribes to it a date of +"about 1700," although the block-brush-stroke device, with variations, +was practiced until the 1760's at Lambeth.[191] The Marlborough bowl +fragment may be from one of the "2 pottle Basons" bought by Mercer in +1744 (fig. 68b, ill. 28). + +[Illustration: Illustration 31.--Delftware ointment pot. Bluish-white +tin-enamel glaze. One-half. (USNM 59.1842.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 32.--Sherds of black basaltes ware. Same +size. (USNM 59.2021.)] + +Another reconstructed plate, probably a Lambeth piece, has blue +decoration in the Chinese manner. It dates from about 1730 to 1740 (USNM +59.1706, fig. 70). Several small bowl sherds seem to range from the +early to the middle 18th century. Polychrome delft is represented by +only three sherds, all apparently from bowls, and none well enough +defined to permit identification. + +There are several fragments of ointment pots, all 18th-century in shape. +Three sherds of tin-enameled redware are probably continental European. +Two of these have counterparts from early 17th-century contexts at +Jamestown. A blue-decorated handle sherd from a large jug or posset pot +is also 17th century. + +The predominance of early dating of tin-enamel sherds and the relatively +few examples of it from any period suggest that much of what was found +either was used in the Port Town or was inherited by the Mercers, +probably by Catherine, and used when they were first married. It also +points up the fact that delftware early went out of fashion among +well-to-do families. + +ENGLISH FINE EARTHENWARES.--The fine earthen tablewares introduced in +Staffordshire early in the 18th century, largely in response to the new +tea-drinking customs, are less well represented in the Marlborough +artifacts than are those made later in the century. Apparently, the +contemporary white salt-glazed ware was preferred. + +[Illustration: Figure 71.--WHIELDON-TYPE tortoiseshell ware, about +1760.] + +MARBLED WARE.--The Staffordshire factories of Thomas Astbury and Thomas +Whieldon were responsible for numerous innovations, including fine +"marbled" wares in which clays of different colors were mixed together +so as to form a veined surface. The technique itself was an old one, but +its application in delicate tablewares was a novelty. Although Astbury +was the earlier, it was Whieldon who exploited the technique after +starting his potworks at Little Fenton about 1740.[192] From Marlborough +come three meager sherds of marbled ware, probably from three +different vessels (USNM 59.1625, 59.1748, 59.1851). They are brownish +red with white veining under an amber lead glaze. A posset pot of these +colors in the Victoria and Albert Museum is supposed, by Rackham, to +date from about 1740.[193] + +[Illustration: Figure 72.--QUEENSWARE, about 1800.] + +BLACK-GLAZED FINE REDWARE.--Whieldon made a black-glazed, fine redware, +as did Maurice Thursfield at Jackfield in Shropshire.[194] A fragment of +a black-glazed teapot handle was found at Marlborough, although the +body is more nearly a hard grayish brown than red (USNM 59.1638). + +TORTOISESHELL WARE.--Cream-colored earthenware was introduced as early +as 1725, supposedly by Thomas Astbury, Jr. It was not until the middle +of the century, however, that Whieldon began the use of clouded glaze +colors over a cream-colored body. After 1756 Josiah Wedgwood became his +partner and helped to perfect the coloring of glazes. In 1759 Wedgwood +established his own factory, and both firms made tortoiseshell ware in +the same molds used for making salt-glazed whiteware.[195] From +Marlborough there are several sherds of gadroon-edge plates and +basket-weave-and-lattice plates, as well as a piece of a teapot cover. +Tortoiseshell ware was advertised in Boston newspapers from 1754 to 1772 +(fig. 71).[196] + +QUEENSWARE.--Josiah Wedgwood brought to perfection the creamware body +about 1765, naming it "Queensware" after receiving Queen Charlotte's +patronage. Wedgwood took out no patents, so that a great many factories +followed suit, notably Humble, Green & Company at Leeds in Yorkshire +(later Hartley, Green & Company).[197] + +[Illustration: Figure 73.--FRAGMENT OF QUEENSWARE PLATTER with portion +of Wedgwood mark.] + +[Illustration: Figure 74.--ENGLISH WHITE EARTHENWARES: a, "pearlware" +with blue-and-white chinoiserie decoration, late 18th century; b, two +whiteware sherds, one "sponged" in blue and touched with yellow, the +other "sponged" in gray; c, shell-edge and polychrome wares, early 19th +century; and d, polychrome Chinese porcelain.] + +[Illustration: Figure 75.--POLYCHROME Chinese porcelain.] + +The Marlborough creamware sherds are all plain (with one exception), +consisting of fragments of wavy-edge plates, bowls, and platters in +Wedgwood's "Catherine shape," introduced about 1770, as well as mugs and +pitchers (fig. 72). A piece of a large platter has impressed in it the +letters WEDG, running up to the fracture. Below this is the number 1 +(USNM 59.1997, fig. 73). + +WHITEWARES USED IN THE FEDERAL PERIOD.--During the late 1770's Wedgwood +introduced his "pearlware,"[198] in which the yellow cast of the cream +body was offset by a touch of blue. With the use of a nearly colorless +glaze that was still slightly bluish, it was now possible to make a +successful underglaze-blue decoration. These whitewares were made in +three principal styles by Wedgwood's many imitators, as well as by +Wedgwood himself. The most familiar of these styles is the molded +shell-edge ware, which was used in virtually every place to which +Staffordshire wares penetrated after 1800. In a plain creamware version, +this was another Wedgwood innovation of about 1765.[199] After 1780, the +ware was white, with blue or green borders. The Wedgwood shell-edge +design has a slightly wavy edge, and the shell ridges vary in depth and +length. At least one Leeds version has a regular scalloped edge, like +those found on several other Marlborough sherds. In the 19th century the +ware became coarser and heavier, as well as whiter, and in some cases +the shell edge was no longer actually molded but simply suggested by a +painted border. Some variants were introduced that were not intended to +be shell edge in design, but merely blue or green molded patterns. A +Marlborough sherd from one of these has a gadrooned edge and molded +swags and palmettes. Except for two late rims, painted but not molded, +the shell-edge wares from Marlborough probably date from John Francis +Mercer's period in the late 1700's and from John Bronaugh's occupancy of +the mansion during the Cooke period in the first decade of the 19th +century (fig. 74c). + +[Illustration: Figure 76.--BLUE-AND-WHITE Chinese porcelain.] + +The success of the new whiteware in permitting the use of underglaze +blue resulted in a second class that is decorated in the Chinese +manner, after the style of English delft and porcelain. This type was +popular between 1780 and 1790, especially in the United States, where +many whole specimens have survived above ground. Several sherds are +among the Marlborough artifacts and appear to have come entirely from +hollow forms, such as bowls and pitchers.[200] Sherds from a +blue-and-white mug with molded designs, including the shell motif around +the handle, have been found also. + +[Illustration: Figure 77.--BLUE-AND-WHITE Chinese porcelain.] + +The third class of whiteware, which was heavily favored in the export +trade, consisted of a gay, hand-decorated product, popular at the end of +the 18th, and well into the 19th, century. It had pleasing variety, with +floral designs in soft orange, green, brown, and blue, often with brown +or green borders. A few examples of this later whiteware occur among the +Marlborough artifacts (fig. 74b). One sherd from a small bowl is mottled +in blue and touched with yellow (USNM 59.1805, fig. 74b). Another is +also mottled, but in gray and blue. Such wares as the latter were made +by Hartley, Green & Company at Leeds before the factory's demise in 1820 +(USNM 59.1950, fig. 74b).[201] + +The transfer-printed wares that were so popular in America after 1820 +are represented by a mere eight sherds, which is in accord with evidence +that the mansion house was unoccupied or destroyed after 1819. Of these +sherds, only five can be dated before 1830. Two are pink, +transfer-printed sherds of about 1835-45, and one is gray-blue, dating +from about 1840-1850. + +BLACK BASALTES WARE.--Another late 18th-century innovation by Wedgwood, +imitated by his competitors, was a fine stoneware with a black body, +called black basaltes because of its resemblance to that mineral. A few +sherds of this were found at Marlborough. Typically, they are glazed on +the insides only. They postdate John Mercer by twenty or thirty years. + +[Illustration: Illustration 33.--Blue-and-white Chinese-porcelain saucer +(fig. 76, top left). One-half.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 34.--Blue-and-white Chinese-porcelain plate +(fig. 77, top left). One-fourth. (USNM 60.122.)] + +CHINESE PORCELAIN.--Oriental porcelain was introduced to the English +colonies at a very early date, as we know from 17th-century contexts at +Jamestown. As early as 1725 John Mercer acquired "1 China Punch bowl." +Presumably the "6 tea cups & Sawcers," "2 chocolate cups," and "2 +custard cups" obtained by him the same year were also porcelain. Even +before 1740, porcelain was occurring with increasing frequency in +America. We are told that in 1734, for example, it can be calculated +that about one million pieces of it left Canton for Europe.[202] +Doubtless a large proportion was reexported to the colonists. William +Walker, Mercer's undertaker for the mansion, left at his death in 1750: +"1 Crack'd China bowl," "1 Quart Bowl 6/, 1 large D^o 12.6," "6 China +cups & Sawcers 5/," and "12 China plates 15/." + +It is not surprising, therefore, that 18th-century China-trade porcelain +sherds occurred with high incidence at Marlborough. Mercer's accounts +show that he acquired from Charles Dick in 1745 "1 Sett finest China" +and "2 punch bowls." From the archeological evidence it would appear +that he had supplemented this several times over, perhaps after 1750 in +the period for which we have no ledgers. + +Most of the porcelain is blue and white. One group has cloudy, blurred +houses and trees, impressionistic landscapes, and flying birds. This +pattern occurs in fragments of teacups, small bowls, and a coffee cup. +Another type has a border of diamonds within diamonds, elaborate floral +designs delicately drawn, and a fine thin body. Similar sherds were +found at Rosewell. At Marlborough the design survived in teacups, coffee +cups, and saucers. There are several additional border designs, some +associated with Chinese landscape subjects or human figures (figs. 76, +ill. 24, and fig. 77, ill. 25). A coarse type with a crudely designed +border hastily filled in with solid blue is represented in a partly +reconstructed plate (USNM 60.122, fig. 77). + +Polychrome porcelain is found in lesser amounts, although in almost as +much variety. Three sherds of a very large punchbowl are decorated in +red and blue. Fragments of a small bowl have delicate red medallions +with small red and black human figures in their centers. Fine borders +occur in red and black. Gold, yellow, and green floral patterns +constitute another class (fig. 75). + +Almost all the porcelain is of high quality, probably reaching a peak +during Mercer's middle and prosperous years between 1740 and 1760. We +cannot expect to find any porcelain purchased after his death in 1768, +and certainly none appears to be connected with the Federal period or +with the so-called "Lowestoft" imported in the American China trade +after the Revolution. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [180] See BERNARD RACKHAM, _Catalogue of the Glaisher + Collection of Pottery & Porcelain in the Fitzwilliam Museum, + Cambridge_ [England] Cambridge, England: (Cambridge + University Press, 1935), vol. 2, pl. 150 B no. 2053; and vol. + 1, p. 264. + + [181] I. NOËL HUME, "Excavations at Rosewell, Gloucester + County, Virginia, 1957-1959," (paper 18 in _Contributions + from the Museum of History and Technology: Papers 12-18_, + U.S. National Museum Bulletin 225, by various authors; + Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1963), 1962. J. PAUL + HUDSON, "Earliest Yorktown Pottery," _Antiques_ (New York, + May 1958), vol. 73, no. 5, pp. 472-473; WATKINS and NOËL + HUME, loc. cit. (footnote 173). + + [182] RACKHAM, op. cit. (footnote 180), vol. 1, p. 158. + + [183] W. B. HONEY, "English Salt Glazed Stoneware," + [abstract] _English Ceramic Circle Transactions_ (London, + 1933), no. 1, p. 14. + + [184] Ibid. + + [185] Ibid.; BERNARD RACKHAM, _Early Staffordshire Pottery_ + (London, n.d.), p. 20. + + [186] BERNARD RACKHAM and HERBERT READ, _English Pottery_ + (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1924), p. 88. + + [187] DOW, op. cit. (footnote 178), pp. 86-87. + + [188] RACKHAM, op. cit. (footnote 185), p. 92. + + [189] DOW, op. cit. (footnote 178), p. 92. + + [190] A. M. GARNER, _English Delftware_ (New York: D. Van + Nostrand and Co., Inc., 1948), fig. 23B. + + [191] Ibid., fig. 37. + + [192] RACKHAM, op. cit. (footnote 185), p. 28. + + [193] Ibid., pl. 57. + + [194] RACKHAM and READ, op. cit. (footnote 186), p. 96. + + [195] Ibid., p. 97. + + [196] DOW, op. cit. (footnote 178), pp. 85-95. + + [197] RACKHAM, op. cit. (footnote 185), p. 29; RACKHAM and + READ, op. cit. (footnote 186), pp. 107-109. + + [198] W. B. HONEY, _English Pottery and Porcelain_ (London: + 1947), p. 89. [F99] _Wedgwood Catalogue of Bodies, Glazes and + Shapes Current for 1940-1960_ (Burslem, Stoke-on-Trent: + Warwick Savage, n.d.), pp. M1, M2. + + [200] "The Editor's Attic" and cover: _Antiques_ (New York, + June 1928), vol. 13, no. 6, pp. 474-475. + + [201] RACKHAM and READ, op. cit. (footnote 186), p. 110. + + [202] J. A. LLOYD HYDE, _Oriental Lowestoft_ (New York: + Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936), p. 23. + + + + +XVI + +_Glass_ + + +BOTTLES + +ROUND BEVERAGE BOTTLES.--Bottles of dark-green glass were used in the +colonial period for wine, beer, rum, and other potables. Although some +wines and liquors were shipped in the bottle, they were distributed for +the most part in casks, hogsheads, and "pipes" before 1750. John Mercer +recorded the purchases of several pipes of wine--kinds unspecified--a +pipe being a large or even double-size hogshead. He purchased rum by the +gallon, in quantities that ranged from 2 quarts in 1744 to "5 galls +Barbadoes Spirits" in 1745 and a "hhd 107-1/2 gall Rum" in 1748. + +Bottles were used largely for household storage and for the serving of +liquors. They were kept filled in the buttery as a convenience against +going to the cellar each time a drink was wanted. Bottles usually were +brought directly to the table,[203] although the clear-glass decanter +was apparently regarded as a more genteel dispenser. Mercer, like his +contemporaries, bought his own bottles, as when he purchased "2 doz +bottles" from John Foward in 1730. The previous year he had acquired a +gross of corks, which would customarily have been inserted in his +bottles and secured by covering with cloth, tying around the lips or +string rings with packthread, and sealing with warm resin and pitch. + +Some wines were purchased in the bottle. In 1726 Mercer bought "2 doz & +8 bottles Claret" and "1 doz Canary" from Alexander McFarlane. In 1745 +he charged Overwharton Parish for "2 bottles Claret to Acquia," +apparently for communion wine. Whether all this was shipped from the +vineyards in bottles, or whether Mercer brought his own bottles to be +filled from the storekeepers' casks is not revealed. + +An insight into the kinds of alcoholic drinks consumed in Virginia in +Mercer's early period is given in the official price-list for the sale +of alcoholic beverages set forth in the York County Court Orders in +1726:[204] + +This Court do Sett the Rate Liquors as followeth: + + £ s. d. + Liquors + Rated + + Each diet 1 + + Lodging for each person 7-1/2 + + Stable Room & Fodder + for each horse p^r night 11-1/4 + + Each Gallon corn 7-1/2 + + Wine of Virg^a produce + p Quart 5 + + French Brandy p Quart 4 + + Sherry & Canary Wine + p Quart 4 4-1/2 + + Red & white Lisbon p^r + Quart & Claret 3 1-1/2 + + Madera Wine p Quart 1 10-1/2 + + Fyall wine p Quart 1 3 + + French Brandy Punch + p Quart 2 + + Rum & Virg^a Brandy + p^r Quart 3-3/4 + + Rum punch & flip p^r + Quart 7-1/2^d made with + white sugar 9 + + Virg^a midling beer & + Syder p^r Quart 3-3/4 + + Fine bottled Syder p^r + Quart 1 3 + + Bristoll Beer Bottles 1 + + Arrack p^r Quart 10 + +[Illustration: Figure 78.--WINE BOTTLE, sealed with initials of John and +Catherine Mercer, dated 1737 (see p. 148). Found in Structure D refuse +pit. Height, 8 inches. (See also ill. 37.)] + +It will be noted that Bristol beer was sold by the bottle, probably just +as it was shipped, and "Fine bottled Syder" apparently came in quart +bottles. Probably the wines were dispensed from casks in wine measures. +Mercer bought Citron water in bottles, a half dozen at a time, as he did +"Mint, Orange flower & Tansey D^o," in 1744. + +Round beverage bottles ranged in shape from, roughly, the form of a +squat onion at the beginning of the 18th century to narrow cylindrical +bottles towards the end of the century. The earliest bottles were +free-blown without the constraint of a mold, hence there were many +variations in shape. After about 1730 bottles were blown into crude clay +molds which imparted a roughly cylindrical or taper-sided contour below +sloping shoulders and necks. These marked the first recognition of +binning as a way of storing wines in bottles laid on their sides. About +1750 the Bristol glasshouses introduced cylindrical brass molds.[205] +From then on the problem of stacking bottles in bins was solved and +virtually all round beverage bottles thenceforward were cylindrical with +long necks. + +[Illustration: Illustration 35.--Beverage bottle. First quarter, 18th +century. Reconstruction based on whole bottle found at Rosewell. +One-half. (USNM 59.1717.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 36.--Above, beverage-bottle seal, with +initials of John and Catherine Mercer, matching the tobacco-cask mark +used for tobacco grown at the "home plantation" (Marlborough). See +figures 8 and 79. Same size. (USNM 59.1689.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 37.--At right, complete beverage bottle, +dated 1737, with initials of John and Catherine Mercer (fig. 78). Same +size. (USNM 59.1688.)] + +At Marlborough the earliest form of wine bottle is represented by a +squat neck and a base fragment (USNM 59.1717, ill. 35), both matching +onion-shaped bottles of the turn of the century, such as one excavated +at Rosewell (USNM 60.660). Except for these fragments, the oldest form +from Marlborough may be seen in the complete bottle found in refuse pit +D (USNM 59.1688; fig. 78, ill. 37). This bottle is typical of the +transitional form, sealed examples of which regularly occur bearing +dates in the 1730's. Its sides are straight for about three inches above +the curve of the base, tapering slightly to the irregular shoulder that +curves in and up to a neck with wedge-shaped string ring. Two inches +above the base is a seal, bearing the initials I^[C.]M above a +decorative device and the date 1737. The arrangement of initials exactly +matches that found on Mercer's tobacco-cask seals (p. 30 and footnote +89) indicating the "home plantation" at Marlborough. + +[Illustration: Figure 79.--BOTTLE SEALS. (See ill. 36.)] + +Seals were applied by dropping a gather of glass on the hot surface of a +newly blown bottle, then pressing into this deposit of glass a brass +stamp bearing a design, initials, date, etc. Three similar seals from +broken bottles also were found. The same arrangement of initials, but +with no date or device of any kind, occurs on seven different seals +(fig. 79, ills. 36 and 37). + +The diameter of the base of the sealed beverage bottle is 5-1/2 inches, +the widest diameter occurring on any bottle fragments from Marlborough, +excepting the early specimen mentioned above. Bases in gradually +decreasing dimensions vary from this size to 2-3/4 inches. Six bases run +from 5 inches to 5-1/2 inches; 11 are over 4-1/2 inches and up to 5 +inches; 4 are over 4 inches and up to 4-1/2 inches; 3 are over 3-1/2 +inches and up to 4 inches; none, except the smallest of 2-3/4 inches, +found in a mid-19th-century deposit, is less than 3-3/4 inches. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [203] LADY SHEELAH RUGGLES-BRISE, _Sealed Bottles_ (London: + Country Life, Ltd.; New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1949), + p. 18. + + [204] _York County (Virginia) Orders & Wills 1716-1726_ (in + York County courthouse, Yorktown, Va.), no. 15, p. 571. + + [205] "Old English Wine Bottles," _The Wine and Spirit Trade + Record_ (London, December 17, 1951), pp. 1570-1571. + + +BEVERAGE-BOTTLE BASES + + _USNM_ _Inches in_ + _No._ _Diameter_ _Provenience_ + + 59.1688 5-1/2 Refuse pit D + 59.1717 6 Structure F, firing chamber + 59.1717 4-1/2 Structure F, firing chamber + 59.1717 4-3/4 Structure F, firing chamber + 59.1717 4-7/8 Structure F, firing chamber + 59.1717 5 Structure F, firing chamber + 59.1717 5-1/8 Structure F, firing chamber + 59.1793 2-3/4 S.W. corner, Structure B + 59.1870 5-1/4 Wall D, trench + 59.1918 4 Structure E, N. side, Room X + 59.1921 3-3/4 Debris area, N.E. corner, Structure E + 59.1957 5 Structure F, N.E. corner of pavement + 59.1957 5 Structure F, N.E. corner of pavement + 59.1998 4-3/4 Structure E, N. of fireplace, Room X + 59.1998 4-3/4 Structure E, N. of fireplace, Room X + 59.2007 3-7/8 North of Structure E, lowest level + 59.2007 4-1/4 North of Structure E, lowest level + 60.83 4-1/2 Wall E, gateway + 60.103 4-3/4 Trench along Wall E + 60.117 5-1/8 Junction of Walls A-I and A-II + 60.117 4-5/8 Junction of Walls A-I and A-II + 60.120 5-1/2 Trash pit no. 2 + 60.123 5-1/2 Trash pit no. 2 + + +Since beverage-bottle diameters diminished from about 5 inches in the +1750's and 1760's to about 4 inches in the 1770's and 1780's and to +3-1/2 inches in the 1790's and early 1800's, the peak of their incidence +at Marlborough occurs between 1750 and 1770, the period of greatest +opulence in the Mercer household. + +[Illustration: Illustration 38.--Upper left, cylindrical beverage +bottle, about 1760. One-fourth. (USNM 59.1998.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 39.--Upper right, cylindrical beverage +bottle, late 18th or early 19th century. One-fourth. (USNM 59.1976, +59.2007.)] + +OCTAGONAL BEVERAGE BOTTLES.--A rarely seen variation from the round +beverage bottle is a club-shaped, octagonal, molded type with long neck, +perhaps so shaped in order to permit packing in cases. Cider is said to +have been put up in such bottles, and it is also possible that brandies +and liqueurs were delivered in them. A quart-size bottle of this shape +at Colonial Williamsburg bears the seal "I. Greenhow WmsBgh. 1769." +Another, purchased in England, in the G. H. Kernodle collection at the +Smithsonian Institution, also has a seal with the name "Jn^o Collings, +1736" (USNM 59.2170). A pint-size example, 9 inches high and dated 1736, +is illustrated in plate 95e in the Wine Trade Loan Exhibition +catalog.[206] A restored bottle of this form from Marlborough (USNM +59.1687, fig. 80, ill. 40) is 8 inches high, but bears no seal. Among +the glass found at Marlborough are also three bases and other fragments +of similar bottles. + +[Illustration: Illustration 40.--Octagonal, pint-size beverage bottle. +See figure 80. Half size. (USNM 59.1687.)] + +SQUARE "GIN" BOTTLES.--Square bottles, usually called "gin" bottles, +occur in the Marlborough material. Two base sections and lower pieces of +the flat sides have been partly restored (USNM 59.1685, 59.1686, ill. +41), and a neck and shoulder have survived. The bases are 4 inches +square, and the whole bottles were probably about 10 inches high. They +did not taper but maintained a continuous dimension from shoulder to +base. The bases, which are rounded on the corners, have a slightly domed +kick-up with a ring-shaped pontil mark. The glass is olive green. The +necks are squat--barely 7/8 inch--and have wide string rings midway in +their length. + +[Illustration: Figure 80.--OCTAGONAL SPIRITS BOTTLE.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 41.--Square gin bottle. One-fourth. (USNM +59.1686, base; 59.1685, top.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 42.--Square snuff bottle. One-half. See +figure 81. (USNM 59.1680.)] + +[Illustration: Figure 81.--SNUFF BOTTLE. (See ill. 42.)] + +Square "gin" bottles were designed for shipment in wooden boxes with +compartments in which the bottles fit snugly. Although Dutch gin +customarily was shipped in bottles of this shape, indications are that +the square bottles may have been used for other purposes than holding +gin. For one thing, Mercer's ledgers mention no purchases of gin. There +is, in fact, almost no evidence of the sale of gin in Virginia; a single +announcement of Holland gin available in Williamsburg in 1752 is the +exception until 1773, when gin was again advertised in the _Virginia +Gazette_.[207] Its sale had been prohibited in England in 1736.[208] For +another thing, square bottles were both imported and manufactured in +America for sale new. In 1760 the Germantown glassworks in Braintree, +Massachusetts, made "Round and square Bottles, from one to four Quarts; +also Cases of Bottles of all Sizes ...,"[209], while George Ball, of New +York, in 1775 advertised that he imported "Green glass Gallon square +bottles, Two quart ditto, Pint ditto."[210] + +[Illustration: Illustration 43.--Upper left, wineglass, reconstructed +from base fragment having enamel twist for stem. One-half. (USNM +59.1761.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 44.--Upper right, cordial glass. One-fourth. +(USNM 59.1607.)] + +A smaller base (USNM 59.1642) has a high kick-up, the dome of which +intersects the sides of the base so that the bottle rests on four points +separated by arcs. This fragment measures 3 inches square. An even +smaller version (USNM 59.1977) is 2-3/4 inches. + +SNUFF BOTTLES.--Several items in Mercer's ledgers record the purchase of +snuff, such as one for a "bottle of snuff" in 1731 for 15d., another in +1743 for 3s., and a third in 1744 for 1s. 6d. Among the artifacts is a +partly restored bottle of olive-green glass, shaped like a gin bottle +but of smaller dimensions, with a 2-1/4-inch-wide mouth (USNM 59.1686, +fig. 81). The bottle is 3-3/4 inches square and 7 inches tall. It has a +low kick-up and a smooth pontil mark. Also among the artifacts are a +matching base and several sherds of similar bottles. + +[Illustration: Illustration 45.--Sherds of engraved-glass wine and +cordial glasses (fig. 82c). Same size. (USNM 59.1634, 59.1864.)] + +MEDICINE BOTTLES.--Only a few fragments of medicine bottles occurred in +the Marlborough artifacts. This is surprising, in view of Mercer's many +ailments and his statements that he had purchased "British Oyl," +"Holloway's Citrate," and other patent nostrums of his day. A round base +from a greenish, cylindrical bottle (USNM 59.2056) seems to represent an +Opadeldoc bottle. Another base is rectangular with notched corners. The +last, as well as the base of a molded, basket-pattern scent bottle (USNM +59.2093) may be early 19th century in date. Other medicine-bottle +fragments are all 19th century, some quite late (fig. 82). + +FOOTNOTES: + + [206] _Wine Trade Loan Exhibition of Drinking Vessels_ + [catalog] (London, 1933), no. 226, p. 26, pl. 95. + + [207] CAPPON & DUFF, _Virginia Gazette Index 1736-1780_, op. + cit. (footnote 93), vol. 1, p. 451. + + [208] ANDRE SIMON, _Drink_ (New York: Horizon Press, Inc., + 1953), pp. 139-140. + + [209] DOW, op. cit. (footnote 178), p. 104. + + [210] RITA SUSSWEIN, _The Arts & Crafts in New York, + 1726-1776_ (New York: J. J. Little and Ives Co., 1938), p. + 99. (Printed for the New-York Historical Society.) + + +TABLE GLASS + +A minimum of table-glass sherds was recovered, and these were +fragmentary. Glass is scarcely mentioned in Mercer's accounts, although +there is no reason to suppose that Marlborough was any less well +furnished with fine crystal than with other elegant objects that we know +about. Three sherds of heavy lead glass have the thickness and contours +of early 18th-century English decanters, matching more complete +fragments from Rosewell and a specimen illustrated in plate 98a in +the Wine Trade Loan Exhibition catalog.[211] Two fragments are body +sherds; the third is from a lip and neck. + +[Illustration: Illustration 46.--Clear-glass tumbler blown in a ribbed +mold (fig. 82b). Same size. (USNM 59.1864.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 47.--Octagonal cut-glass trencher salt (fig. +82a). Same size. (USNM 59.1830.)] + +[Illustration: Figure 82.--GLASSWARE: a, cut-glass salt (ill. 47); b, +tumbler base (ill. 46); c, engraved sherds (ill. 45); d, tumbler and +wineglass sherds; e, part of candle arm (see p. 154); f, mirror +fragment; g, window glass; and h, medicine-bottle sherds.] + +Several forms of drinking glasses are indicated. A fragment of a foot +from a long-stemmed cordial glass shows the termini of white-enamel +threads that were comprised in a double enamel-twist stem. The twists +consisted of a spiral ribbon of fine threads near the surface of the +stem, with a heavy single spiral at the core. The indicated diameter of +the foot is 3-1/4 inches (USNM 59.1761, ill. 43). + +Fragments of large knops are probably from heavy baluster wineglasses +dating from Mercer's early period before 1750. A teardrop stem from a +trumpet-bowl wineglass has been melted past recognition in a fire. The +stem of a bucket-bowl cordial glass has suffered in the same manner +(USNM 59.1607). Still with their shapes intact are two stems and base +sections of bucket-bowl wineglass. Two engraved bowl sherds from +similar-shaped cordial glasses and a rim sherd from another engraved +piece are the only fragments with surface decoration (USNM 59.1634, +59.1864, ill. 45). Several sherds of foot rims, varying in diameter, +were found, including one with a folded or "welted" edge. + +Tumblers, depending on their sizes, were used for strong spirits, toddy, +flip, and water. The base and body sherds of a molded tumbler from +Marlborough are fluted in quadruple ribs that are separated by panels +1/4-inch wide (USNM 59.1864, fig. 82c, ill. 46). Plain, blown tumbler +bases have indicated diameters of 3 inches. + +A few unusual, as well as more typical, forms are indicated by the +Marlborough glass sherds. One small fragment comes from a large flanged +cover, probably from a sweetmeat bowl or a posset pot. A specimen of +more than usual interest is a pressed or cast cut-glass octagonal +trencher salt (USNM 59.1830, fig. 82a, ill. 47). This artifact reflects +silver and pewter salt forms of about 1725. A curved section of a heavy +glass rod is apparently from a chandelier, candelabrum, or sconce glass +(USNM 59.1696, fig. 82e). We have seen that Mercer, in 1748, bought "1 +superfine large gilt Sconce glass." + +Although precise dates cannot be ascribed to any of this glass, it all +derives without much question from the period of Mercer's occupancy of +Marlborough. + +FOOTNOTES: + + [211] Op. cit. (footnote 206), no. 244, p. 66, pl. 68. + + +MIRROR AND WINDOW GLASS + +We know from the ledgers that there were sconce and looking glasses at +Marlborough. Archeological refuse supplies us with confirmation in +pieces of clear lead glass with slight surviving evidence of the tinfoil +and mercury with which the backs originally were coated. One piece (USNM +59.1693) has a beveled edge 7/8 inch wide, characteristic of plate-glass +wall mirrors of the colonial period. A curved groove on this piece, +along which the fracture occurred, is probable evidence of engraved +decoration. + +Window glass is of two principal types. One has a pale-olive cast. A few +fragments of this type have finished edges, indicating that they are +from the perimeters of sheets of crown glass and that Mercer purchased +whole crown sheets and had them cut up. It may be assumed that this +greenish glass is the oldest, perhaps surviving from Mercer's early +period. + +The other type is the more familiar aquamarine window glass still to be +found in 18th-century houses. A large corner of a rectangular pane has +the slightly bent contour of crown glass, which is the English type of +window glass made by blowing great bubbles of glass which were spun to +form huge discs. The discs sometimes were cut up into panes of stock +sizes and then shipped to America, or else were sent in whole sheets, to +be cut up by storekeepers here or to be sold directly to planters and +other users of window glass in quantity. + +The centers of these sheets increased in thickness and bore large scars +where the massive pontil rods which had held the sheets during their +manipulation were broken off. The center portions also were cut into +panes, which were used in transom lights and windows where light was +needed but a view was not. Hence they served not only to utilize an +otherwise useless part of the crown-glass sheets, but also to impart a +decorative quality to the window. They are still known to us as +"bullseyes." A piece of a bullseye pane of aquamarine glass occurs in +the Marlborough finds. The pontil scar itself is missing, but the thick +curving section leaves little doubt as to its original appearance. A +similar fragment was found at Rosewell. + + + + +XVII + +_Objects of Personal Use_ + + +Costume accessories recovered at Marlborough are extremely few. There +are six metal buttons, all of them apparently 18th century. One of flat +brass (USNM 59.2004) has traces of gilt adhering to the surface; another +of similar form (USNM 60.85) is silver; a third (USNM 59.2004) is +copper. The silver button, 7/8 inch in diameter, could be one of two +dozen vest buttons bought by Mercer for 18 pence each in 1741. A brass +button with silver surface was roll-plated in the Sheffield manner (USNM +59.2004), thus placing its date at some time after 1762. "White +metal"--a white brass--was commonly used for buttons in the 18th +century, and is seen here in a fragmentary specimen (USNM 59.2004). One +hollow button of sheet brass shows the remains of gilding (USNM 60.73). +Only one example was found--a dark-gray shell button--that was used on +under-garments (USNM 59.1819). + +Among the personal articles are two brass buckles, one a simple half +buckle (USNM 70.72, fig. 83d, ill. 48), the other a knee buckle (USNM +60.139, fig. 83e, ill. 49). Except possibly for a pair of scissors to be +mentioned later, a brass thimble is the only artifactual evidence of +sewing (USNM 60.74, fig. 83b, ill. 50). Four thimbles, mentioned in +Ledger B, were purchased in 1729, and four in 1731.) + +Parts of a penknife that were found consist of ivory-casing fragments, +steel frame, knife blade, single-tined fork, and other pieces (USNM +50.1665, fig. 85). Two chalk marbles attest to the early appeal of that +traditional game, as well as to the ingenuity that went into making the +marbles of this material (USNM 59.1682). Chalk also was used to make a +bullet mold, half of which, bearing an M on the side, has survived (USNM +59.1682, fig. 84b, ill. 51). A musket ball (USNM 59.1682) from the site +could have been made in it. Two gun flints (USNM 59.1629 and 59.1647, +fig. 84a) are of white chert. + +[Illustration: Illustration 48.--Left, brass buckle (see fig. 83d). Same +size. (USNM 60.72.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 49.--Center, brass knee buckle (fig. 83e). +Same size. (USNM 60.139.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 50.--Right, brass thimble (fig. 83b). Same +size. (USNM 60.74.)] + +An English halfpenny, dated 1787, was found near the surface in the +kitchen debris of Structure E (USNM 59.2041, fig. 83c). Considerably +worn, it may have been dropped after the destruction of the building. +Two fragments of flat slate were found (USNM 60.95 and 60.113), as well +as a hexagonal slate pencil (USNM 59.1685, fig. 85, ill. 54). It is +clear that slates were used at Marlborough, probably when Mercer's +children were receiving their education from the plantation tutors. + +[Illustration: Illustration 51.--Chalk bullet mold with initial "M" +(fig. 84b). Same size. (USNM 59.1682.)] + +[Illustration: Figure 83.--SMALL METALWORK: a, copper and white metal +buttons; b, brass thimble; c, English halfpenny, 1787; d, brass buckle; +e, brass knee buckle; f, brass harness ornament; g, escutcheon plates +for drawer pulls and keyholes; h, drop handle; i, curtain and harness +rings; and j, brass strap handle.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 52.--Left, fragments of tobacco-pipe bowl +with decoration molded in relief. Same size. (USNM 59.2003.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 53.--Above, white-kaolin tobacco pipe (fig. +84f). One-half. (USNM 59.1714.)] + +[Illustration: Figure 84.--PERSONAL MISCELLANY: a, chert gun "flint;" b, +chalk bullet mold and bullet; c, bullet; d, marble; e, piece of chalk; +and f, white clay pipes and fragment of terra-cotta pipestem.] + +[Illustration: Figure 85.--CUTLERY: a, chopping knife; b, table-knife +blades; c, parts of penknife; and d, pieces of slate and slate pencil.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 54.--Slate pencil (see fig. 85d). Same size. +(USNM 59.1685.)] + +As usual in colonial sites, quantities of pipestem and bowl fragments +were recovered. Virtually all the bowls reflect the typical +Georgian-period white-clay pipe form, with only minor variations. Most +of the stems have bores ranging from 4/64 inch (1750-1800) to 6/64 inch +(1650-1750). A single stem fragment from a terra cotta pipe of a kind +found at Jamestown and Kecoughtan, probably dropped by an Indian or +early white trader, is early 17th century (fig. 84f), while two +white-clay stem fragments have bores of 1/8 inch (1620-1650). A fragment +of a pipe bowl has molded decoration in relief, with what appear to be +masonic emblems framed on a vine wreath (USNM 59.2003, ill. 52). + + + + +XVIII + +_Metalwork_ + + +SILVER + +[Illustration: Illustration 55.--Left, fragment of long-tined fork. +Second-half (?), 17th century. One-half. (USNM 59.1663.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 56.--Center, fragment of long-tined fork. +Early 18th century. One-half. (USNM 59.2029.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 57.--Right, fork which had two-part handle +of wood, bone, or silver. One-half. (USNM 59.1939.)] + +Mercer, as we have seen, had a lavish supply of plate. Little of this, +understandably, was likely to have been thrown away or lost, except for +an occasional piece of flatware. One such exception is a teaspoon from +the Structure B foundation (USNM 59.1827, fig. 86). It has a typical +early Georgian form--ribbed handle, elliptical bowl, and leaf-drop +handle attachment on back of the bowl. As in the case of small objects +worked after the marks were applied, this has evidence of two distorted +marks. Corrosion has obliterated such details as may have been visible +originally, although there are fairly clear indications of the leopard's +head crowned and lion passant found on London silver. + +TABLE CUTLERY.--Fragmentary knives and forks from the site date mostly +from before 1750. Forks are all of the long, double-tine variety. One, +which may date back to the second half of the 17th century, has a +delicate shank, widening to a tooled, decorative band, with shaft +extending downward which was originally enclosed in a handle of horn, +bone, or wood (USNM 59.1663, ill. 55). A fragment of a narrow-bladed +knife (USNM 59.1882, fig. 85) may be of the same period as the fork. Two +forks, each with one long tine intact, show evidence of having had flat +cores for wood or silver handles (USNM 59.2029, 59.1939, ills. 56 and +57). The shanks, differing in length from each other, are turned in an +ogee shape. Three blades, varying in completeness, are of the curved +type used with "pistol-grip" handles (USNM 59.1667-1668, 59.1939). A +straight blade fragment (USNM 59.1999) is probably contemporary with +them. Only two knife fragments (USNM 59.1799 and 59.2082) appear to be +19th century (fig. 85). + +One of the most unusual artifacts is a half section of a hollow +Sheffield-plated pistol-grip knife handle. Sheffield plate was +introduced in 1742 by a process that fused sheets of silver to sheets of +copper under heat and pressure.[212] The metal, as here, was sometimes +stamped (USNM 59.1668, fig. 86b). + +[Illustration: Figure 86.--METALWORK: a, rim of pewter dish; b, table +knife with Sheffield-plated handle; c, lid of pewter teapot (ill. 60); +d, silver teaspoon; e, wavy-end pewter spoon, early 18th-century shape; +f and g, two trifid-end pewter spoons, late 17th-century shape (holes in +g were probably drilled to hold cord for suspension from neck).] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [212] SEYMOUR B. WYLER, _The Book of Sheffield Plate_ (New + York: Crown Publishers, 1949), pp. 4-5. + + +PEWTER + +Three, whole pewter spoons, as well as several fragments of spoons, were +salvaged from the large trash pit (Structure D). Two whole specimens and +a fragment of a third are trifid-handle spoons cast in a mold that was +probably made about 1690. One of these (USNM 59.1669, fig. 86g, ill. 58) +has had two holes bored at the top of the handle, probably to enable the +user to secure it by a cord to his person or to hang it from a loop. +This circumstance, plus the presence of such an early type of spoon in +an 18th-century context, suggests that the spoons were made during the +Mercer period for kitchen or slave use from a mold dating back to the +Port Town period. The spoons themselves may, of course, have survived +from the Port Town time and have been relegated to humble use on the +plantation. + +A somewhat later spoon, with "wavy-end" handle, comes from a mold of +about 1710. It has the initial N scratched on the handle (USNM 59.1672, +fig. 86e, ill. 59). Another fragmentary example has a late type of +wavy-end handle, dating perhaps ten years later (USNM 59.1672). + +[Illustration: Illustration 58.--Trifid-handle pewter spoon (fig. 86g). +One-half. (USNM 59.1669.)] + +A pewter teapot lid with tooled rim and the remains of a finial may be +as early as 1740 (USNM 59.1676, fig. 86c, ill. 60). Two rim fragments of +a pewter plate also were found (USNM 59.1675, fig. 86a). + + +KITCHEN AND OTHER HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS + +CUTLER'S WORK.--In 1725 Mercer bought a pair of "Salisbury Scissors"; +there is no clue as to what is meant by the adjectival place name. He +purchased another pair of scissors in 1744. In any case, a pair of +embroidery scissors, with turned decoration that one would expect to +find on early 18th-century scissors, was found in the site (USNM +59.1680, ill. 61). + +[Illustration: Illustration 59.--Wavy-end pewter spoon (fig. 86e). +One-half. (USNM 59.1672.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 60.--Pewter teapot lid (fig. 86c). Same +size. (USNM 59.1676.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 61.--Steel scissors. One-half. (USNM +59.1680.)] + +[Illustration: Figure 87.--IRONWARE: a, lid for iron pot; b, cooking-pot +fragments; c, andiron leg; d, iron ladle; and e, two beaters for +box-irons.] + +IRONWARE.--Pieces of two types of iron pot were found. One type is a +large-capacity version, holding possibly five gallons. It has horizontal +ribbing and vertical mold seams (USNM 59.1645, 59.1845, 59.60.147, +fig. 87). Such, perhaps, was the "gr[ea]t pot" weighing 36 pounds which +Mercer bought from Nathaniel Chapman of the Accokeek Iron Works in 1731. +Two other fragments are from a smaller pot. The inventory taken in 1771 +(Appendix M) lists five "Iron Potts for Negroes," that were probably +smaller than those used in the plantation kitchen. + +Two heaters for box irons were found in the kitchen debris. A heavy +layer of mortar adhered to one, suggesting that it may have been built +into the brickwork--whether by accident or design there is no way of +telling. In that case, however, the specimen would antedate 1749 (USNM +59.2024, 59.2026, fig. 87). Box irons were hollow flatirons into which +pre-heated cast-iron slugs or "heaters" were inserted. Two or more +heaters were rotated in the fire, one always being ready to replace the +other as it cooled. In 1725 Mercer bought a "box Iron & heaters," and +in 1731, from Chapman, "2 heaters." + +Other kitchen iron includes the fragmentary bowl and stem of a +long-handled iron stirring spoon (USNM 59.1812), an iron kettle cover +(USNM 60.69), and the leg of a large, heavy pair of andirons (USNM +59.1826, fig. 87). A small, semicircular chopping knife has a thin steel +blade and an iron shank that originally was inserted in a wooden handle. +Lettering, now almost obliterated, was impressed in the metal of the +blade: "SHEFFIELD WORKS 6 ENGLISH...." (USNM 59.1834, fig. 85a). + +[Illustration: Illustration 62.--Iron candle snuffers. One-fourth. (USNM +59.1825.)] + +FURNITURE HARDWARE.--A few metal furniture fittings were recovered. Six +curtain rings, cut from sheet brass and trimmed with a file, vary from +7/8 inches to 1-1/4 inches. On tubular ring (USNM 60.53, fig. 83) may +have been used as a curtain ring, although signs of wear suggest that +it perhaps may have been a drawer pull. A small, brass, circular +escutcheon (USNM 59.1735, fig. 83) comes from a teardrop-handle fixture +of the William and Mary style. A round keyhole escutcheon has tooled +grooves and holes for four nails (USNM 59.1630, fig. 83), and dates from +about 1750. The handsomest specimen of furniture trim found is an +escutcheon plate with engraved linear decoration dating from about 1720 +(USNM 60.71, fig. 83). An iron bale handle was probably on a trunk +or chest (USNM 60.130, fig. 88e). A small strap hinge (USNM 59.1657, +fig. 88) is like those found on the lids of 18th-century wooden chests, +while a butt hinge may have served on the lid of the escritoire which +Mercer owned in 1731 (ill. 63). + +[Illustration: Figure 88.--IRON DOOR AND CHEST HARDWARE: a, large HL +hinge; b, plate from box lock; c, small H hinge for cupboard; d, part of +H door hinge; e, bale handle from trunk; f, latch bar or striker; g, +small hinges; h, keys; i, latch catch; j, staples; k, part of latch +handle; and l, pintles for strap hinges.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 63.--Iron butt hinge of type used on +escritoire lids and other similar items. Same size.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 64.--End of strap hinge. One-half. (USNM +60.146.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 65.--Catch for door latch. Same size. (USNM +59.1801.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 66.--Wrought-iron hasp. One-half. (USNM +59.1655.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 67.--Brass drop handle. Same size. (USNM +59.1944.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 68.--Wrought-iron catch or striker from door +latch. One-half. (USNM 59.1768.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 69.--Iron slide bolt. One-half. (USNM +59.1942.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 70.--Series of wrought-iron nails. +One-half.] + + +ARCHITECTURAL AND STRUCTURAL HARDWARE + +Iron was a fundamental material in the construction of any 18th-century +building. Mercer's ledgers make repeated references to the purchase of +hinges, locks, latches, and other related iron equipment. Most of this +material was obtained from local merchants and was probably English in +origin. However, the ledger records numerous purchases from Nathaniel +Chapman of iron that was undoubtedly made at his ironworks. It is +probable also that many simple appliances were made at Marlborough by +slaves or indentured servants trained as blacksmiths. + +HINGES.--Hand-forged strap hinges were employed throughout the colonies +from the first period of settlement to the middle of the 19th century. +In addition to the many fragments that probably came from such hinges, +one artifact is a typical spearhead strap-hinge terminal with a square +hole for nailing (USNM 60.146, ill. 64). Three pintles--L-shaped pivots +on which strap hinges swung--were recovered. One was found at the site +of a gate or door in the wall south of the kitchen (USNM 60.59, fig. +88l). + +[Illustration: Illustration 71.--Series of wrought-iron flooring nails +and brads. One-half.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 72.--Fragment of clouting nail. Same size.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 73.--Hand-forged spike. One-half. (USNM +59.1811.)] + +Fragments from at least four different H and HL hinges occur. Several +entries in the ledgers refer to the purchase of such hinges. A nearly +complete HL hinge, probably used on a large door, recalls an item in the +account with Charles Dick for June 14, 1744, "2 p^r large hinges 9/" +(USNM 59.1945, fig. 88). A piece of a smaller H or HL hinge is of the +type used on interior doors (USNM 59.1767, fig. 88), while a still +smaller section of an H hinge was perhaps used on a cupboard door. H +hinges were more properly known as "side hinges," and we find Mercer +using that term in 1729 when he bought a pair of "Sidehinges" for 9d. +"Cross-garnet" hinges, where a sharply tapering, spear-headed strap +section is pivoted by a pin inserted in a stationary, rectangular butt +section, are represented by three imperfect specimens (USNM 59.1657 and +59.1881, fig. 88). Both these types are named, described, and +illustrated by Moxon.[213] + +[Illustration: Figure 89.--TOOLS: a, block-plane blade; b, scraping tool +(ill. 76); c, gouge chisel (ill. 77); d, part of bung extractor; e, +fragment of ax; f, three dogs or hooks; g, pothook; and h, shim or pin.] + +LOCKS, LATCHES, AND KEYS.--Only one remnant of the ubiquitous +18th-century "Suffolk" thumb-press door latch was found at Marlborough. +This fragment comprises the handle but not the cusps at the ends, by +which the age might be determined (USNM 60.137, fig. 88). Mercer +purchased an "Iron door latch" from Nathaniel Chapman for ninepence in +1731. In a complete assemblage for these latches, a thumb press lifts a +latch bar on the reverse side of the door, disengaging it from a catch +driven into the edge of the jamb. One large latch bar was recovered +(USNM 59.1972, fig. 88f), as well as two catches (USNM 59.1644, fig. +88i, and 59.1801, ill. 65). Sliding bolts were the usual locking devices +when simple thumb latches were used. A survival of one of these is seen +in a short iron rod with a shorter segment of rod attached to it at +right angles (USNM 59.1942, ill. 69). + +Purchases of padlocks are recorded, but there is no archeological +evidence for them. However, a well-made hasp (USNM 59.1655, ill. 66) has +survived, and also three staples (USNM 59.1644, 59.1659, 59.2027, fig. +88j). Mercer bought six staples in 1742 at a penny each. + +Apparently the principal doors of both the 1730 house and the mansion +were fitted with box locks, or "stock-locks," in which wood and iron +were usually combined. A heavy iron plate comes from such a lock (USNM +59.1943, fig. 88). Two stock-locks were bought from John Foward in 1731. +Another was purchased from William Hunter in 1741. In the same year +Mercer acquired from Charles Dick "8 Chamberdoor Locks w^{th} brass +knobs." If by knob was meant a drop handle, then a fine brass specimen +may be one of these (USNM 59.1944, fig. 83h, ill. 67). Fragments of +three iron keys have survived, the smallest of which may have been used +with a furniture lock (USNM 59.1644 and 59.1656, fig. 88h). + +[Illustration: Illustration 74.--Left, blacksmith's hammer. One-half. +(USNM 59.2081.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 75.--Center, iron wrench. One-half. (USNM +60.91.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 76.--Right, iron scraping tool (fig. 89b). +One-half. (USNM 60.133.)] + +NAILS AND SPIKES.--The ledgers point to a constant purchasing of nails +which is reflected in the great quantity recovered from the excavations. +A 1731 purchase from Chapman comprised 2-, 3-, 4-, 6-, 8-, 10-, 12-, and +20-penny nails, while in the 1740's not only nails but 4-, 6-, 8-, and +10-penny brads were purchased, as well as 20-penny flooring brads. +Excepting the last, nearly all these sizes occur in the artifacts. There +is also a variety of heavy spikes, ranging from 3 inches to 7 inches in +length (see ills. 70-73). + +[Illustration: Illustration 77.--Left, bit or gouge chisel (see fig. +89c). One-half. (USNM 59.1644.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 78.--Right, jeweler's hammer. Same size. +(USNM 59.1664.)] + +FOOTNOTES: + + [213] ALBERT H. SONN, _Early American Wrought Iron_ (New + York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1928), vol. 2, p. 9. + + +HANDCRAFT TOOLS + +Marlborough, like most 18th-century plantations, was to a large extent +self-sufficient, and therefore it is not surprising to find handtools of +several kinds. A blacksmith's hammer (USNM 59.2081, ill. 74), for +example, strengthens the view that there may have been blacksmiths at +Marlborough. Other tools include a smoothing-plane blade of iron with a +1-inch steel tip (USNM 59.1897, fig. 89a); a set wrench for a 3/4-inch +square nut or bolt (possibly for bed bolts), equipped originally with a +wooden handle (USNM 60.91, ill. 75); a steel scraping tool or chisel +with handle set at an angle (USNM 60.133, fig. 89b, ill. 76); a small +half-round bit or gouge chisel (USNM 59.1644, fig. 89c, ill. 77). Three +crude lengths of iron with stubby L-shaped ends appear to be work-bench +dogs (fig. 89f). + +One fine tool is from the equipment of a jeweler or a clockmaker (USNM +59.1664, ill. 78). It is a very small hammer with a turned, bell-shaped +striking head. Originally balanced by a sharp wing-shaped peen, which +was, however, badly rusted and which disintegrated soon after being +found, the tool has a tubular, tinned, sheet-iron shaft handle which is +secured by a brass ferrule to the head and brazed together with brass. +The lower end is plugged with brass, where a longer handle perhaps was +attached. In 1748 Sydenham & Hodgson, through William Jordan, imported +for Mercer "A Sett Clockmakers tools." This entry is annotated, +"Return'd to M^r Jordan." Although the hammer cannot be related to this +particular set of tools, the ledger item suggests that fine work like +clockmaking may have been conducted at Marlborough. This tool may have +been used in the process. + +[Illustration: Figure 90.--SCYTHE found against outside of east wall, +Structure H.] + + +FARMING, HORSE, AND VEHICLE GEAR + +The 1771 inventory is in some ways a more significant summary of +18th-century plantation equipment than are the artifacts found at +Marlborough, since its list of tools is longer than the list of tool +artifacts and is pin-pointed in time. However, artifacts define +themselves concretely and imply far more of such matters as workmanship, +suitability to purpose, source of origin, or design and form, than do +mere names. The Marlborough tools and equipment, moreover, correspond, +as far as they go, very closely with the items in the inventory, thus +becoming actualities experienced by us tactually and visually. + +[Illustration: Illustration 79.--Wrought-iron colter from plow. +One-fourth. (USNM 60.88.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 80.--Hook used with wagon or oxcart gear. +One-half. (USNM 60.9.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 81.--Left, bolt with wingnut. One-half. +(USNM 60.145.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 82.--Right, lashing hook from cart or +agricultural equipment. One-half. (USNM 59.2030.)] + +For instance, the inventory lists 22 plows at Marlborough. Among the +finds is an iron colter from a colonial plow in which the colter was +suspended from the beam and locked into the top of the share (USNM +60.88, ill. 79). The colter is bent and torn from exhaustive use +(Chapman, in 1731, fitted a plow "w^{th} Iron" for Mercer). From it we +learn a good deal about the size of the plow on which it was used and +the shallow depth of the furrows it made. + +[Illustration: Figure 91.--FARM GEAR: a, part of collapsible-top fitting +from carriage; b, chain, probably from whiffletree; c, part of bridle +bit; d, iron stiffener from a saddle; e, worn chain link; f, base of +handle of a currycomb; g, rivet and washer; h, piece of iron harness +gear; i and j, two horseshoes; and k, chain to which a strap was +attached--probably harness gear.] + +Four chain traces were on the list, one of which is represented by a +length of flat links attached to a triangular loop to which the leather +portion of the traces was fastened (USNM 60.64, fig. 91b). The halves +of two snaffle bits (USNM 59.2078, 60.67, fig. 91c; ill. 87) correspond +to an item for eight "Bridle Bitts." (A "snafflebit" costing 1s. 8d. was +among Mercer's purchases for 1743.) A third bit, crudely made of twisted +wire attached to odd-sized rings, is a makeshift device probably dating +from the 19th century. Three ox chains listed in the inventory are not +distinctly in evidence in the artifacts, although a heavy hook, broken +at the shank, is of the type used to fasten an ox chain to the yoke +(USNM 60.9, ill. 80). + +Archeological evidence of the two oxcarts and one wagon listed in the +inventory is confined to nuts and bolts that might have been used on +such vehicles. A long axle bolt (USNM 59.1802) measures 23 inches. A +small bolt or staple, split at one end and threaded at the other, has a +wingnut (USNM 60.145, ill. 81). A hook with a heavy, diamond-shaped +backplate and a bolt hole was perhaps used on a wagon to secure lashing +(USNM 59.2030, ill. 82). A heavy, curved piece of iron with a large +hole, probably for a clevice pin, appears to be from the end of a wagon +tongue, while a carefully made bolt with hand-hammered head (USNM +59.1821) and a short rivet with washer (USNM 59.1881, fig. 91g) in place +seem also to be vehicle parts. + +[Illustration: Illustration 83.--Hilling hoe. One-fourth. (USNM +59.1848.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 84.--Iron reinforcement strip from back of +shovel handle. One-half. (USNM 59.1847.)] + +The inventory listed four complete harnesses, the remains of which are +probably to be found in four square iron buckles (USNM 59.1644, 59.1901, +60.131, fig. 91h), a brass ring (USNM 59.1678, fig. 83), and an +ornamental brass boss (USNM 59.1878, fig. 83j). + +Twelve "Swingle trees" (whippletree, whiffletree, singletree) are listed +in the inventory. The artifacts include three iron loops or straps +designed to be secured to the swingletrees. One (USNM 59.2042, fig. 91b) +still has two large round links attached. (In 1731 Chapman fitted +ironwork to a swingletree.) + +Ten "Hillinghows," 17 "Weeding hows," and 8 "Grubbing hows" are listed. +In the long Chapman account for 1731 we see that Mercer then purchased +"5 narrow hoes" and "2 grubbing hoes." The only archeological evidence +of hoes is a fragmentary broad hoe (probably a hilling hoe) (USNM +59.1848, ill. 83) and the collar of another. + +[Illustration: Illustration 85.--Half of sheep shears. One-half. (USNM +59.1734.)] + +Thirteen axes are listed in the inventory. Again we find Nathaniel +Chapman providing a "new axe" in 1731 for five shillings, while William +Hunter sold Mercer "2 narrow axes" and "4 Axes" in 1743. One broken ax +head occurs among the artifacts, worn back from repeated grinding and +split at the eye (USNM 59.1740, fig. 89e). + +There were four spades and an iron shovel at Marlborough in 1771. An +iron reinforcement from a shovel handle occurred in the site (USNM +59.1847, ill. 84), while a slightly less curved strip of iron may have +been attached to a spade handle (USNM 59.1662). Once more in Chapman's +account we find evidence of local workmanship in an item for "1 Spade." + +[Illustration: Illustration 86.--Animal trap. One-third. (USNM +59.1715.)] + +Thirteen scythes were listed in 1771; perhaps the one excavated from the +foundation of Structure H on Potomac Creek may have been among these +(USNM 59.2400, fig. 90). There were eight sheep shears; half of a sheep +shears was found in Structure G (USNM 59.1734, ill. 85). Of the other +items on the list, a few, such as stock locks and hammers, have already +been mentioned, while the remainder of the list is not matched by +artifacts. An item for a chalk-line is supported by a piece of chalk +(USNM 59.1683, fig. 84). + +[Illustration: Illustration 87.--Iron bridle bit (see fig. 91c). Same +size.] + +[Illustration: Illustration 88.--Fishhook. One-half. (USNM 59.1681.)] + +[Illustration: Illustration 89.--Brass strap handle (see fig. 83j). Same +size. (USNM 59.1736.)] + +A few specimens are not matched in the inventory. One is a springtrap of +hand-forged, hand-riveted iron (USNM 59.1715, ill. 86) for catching +animals. Another is a fishhook (USNM 59.1681, ill. 88), possibly one of +95 bought in 1744. An iron stiffener for the framework of a saddle is +fitted with 10 rivets for securing the leather and upholstery (USNM +59.1847, fig. 91d). The third artifact is an elegantly designed brass +fitting for a leather curtain or strap (USNM 59.1736, fig. 83j, ill. +89). It is fitted with a copper rivet at the stationary end for securing +leather or cloth; just below the rivet is a recessed groove and shelf, +perhaps to receive a reinforced edge; to the lower part of this is +hinged a long handle cut in a leaf design. An iron hinge bar is part of +the equipment for folding back the top of a chaise (USNM 60.178, fig. +91a). There are several horseshoes, two whole shoes and numerous +fragments (fig. 91i and j). Finally, the handle shaft and decorative +attachment of an iron currycomb (USNM 59.2077, fig. 91f) recalls +Mercer's purchase of "1 curry comb and brush" in 1726. + + + + +XIX + +_Conclusions_ + + +Almost no exclusively 17th century artifacts were found at Marlborough; +at least, there were very few sherds or objects that could not have +originated equally well in the 18th century. The exceptions are the +following: Westerwald blue-and-white stoneware with gray-buff paste; +several sherds of delft and other tin-enameled ware, late 17th century +in type, and an early 17th-century terra cotta pipestem. Otherwise, we +find a scattering of things belonging to types that occurred in both +centuries: North Devon gravel-tempered ware, which was imported both in +the late 17th and early 18th centuries; yellow-and-brown "combed" ware, +which elsewhere occurs most commonly in 18th century contexts; pewter +trifid-handle spoons, the form of which dates from about 1690 but which +may have been cast at a later date in an old mold (a wavy-end spoon in +the style of 1710 may also have been cast later). Fragments of an +onion-shaped wine bottle may date from the first decade of the 18th +century, but the presence of such bottles in the Rosewell trash pit +shows that bottles, being too precious to throw away, were kept around +until they were broken--in the case of Rosewell for 60 or 70 years. Thus +the Marlborough sherds cannot be excluded from the Mercer period. The +same may be said of a late 17th-century type of fork. Thus, there is +virtually no evidence of the Port Town occupation, especially as the few +17th-century artifacts that were found may well have belonged to the +Mercers rather than to Marlborough's previous occupants. + +The ceramics and glass are the most readily datable artifacts, and +these coincide almost altogether with the period of John Mercer's +lifetime. Common earthenwares are predominantly Tidewater and Buckley +types, with a scattering of others, most of which are recurrent among +other Virginia and Maryland historic-site artifacts. No distinct type +emerges to suggest that there may have been a local Stafford potter. +Common stonewares occur in such a variety of types that no source or +date can be attributed, although there is some evidence of the work of +William Rogers' shop in Yorktown. Westerwald stonewares are +predominantly of the blue-and-gray varieties commonest in the second +quarter of the 18th century. + +There is only a small quantity of delftware, but a great deal of Chinese +porcelain. Evidences are that the first kinds of English refined wares, +such as drab stoneware, Nottingham stoneware, and agateware, were used +at Marlborough, thus pointing to an awareness of current tastes and +innovations. The large quantity of white salt-glazed ware suggests that, +although it was a cheap commercial product, it was regarded as handsome +and congenial to the environment of a plantation house that was +maintained in formal style. + +Except for the white salt-glazed ware, which was probably acquired in +the 1760's, most of the table ceramics date from about 1740 to 1760. +Bottles and the few datable table-glass fragments are also primarily +from this period. Creamwares and late 18th- and early 19th-century +whitewares diminish sharply in numbers, reflecting a more austere life +at Marlborough in its descent to an overseer's quarters. Later +19th-century wares are insignificant in quantity or in their relation to +the history of Marlborough. Tool and hardware forms are less diagnostic. +Most of them correspond to ledger entries and to the 1771 inventory, so, +without contradictory evidence, they may be assumed to date from John +Mercer's period. + +In general, the artifacts illustrate the best of household equipment +available in 18th-century Virginia, and the tools and hardware indicate +the extensiveness of the plantation's activities and its heavy reliance +on blacksmith work. + + + + +GENERAL CONCLUSIONS + + + + +XX + +_Summary of Findings_ + + +Marlborough's beginnings as a town in 1691 cast the shape that has +endured in a few vestiges even until today. The original survey of Bland +and Buckner remains as evidence, and by it we are led to believe that +the courthouse was located near the "Gutt" to the west of the town, near +a change of course that affected the western boundary and all the +north-south streets west of George Andrews' lots. Archeological +excavation in the area disclosed Structure B, which subsequent evidence +proved to be the foundation of Mercer's mansion, built at the pinnacle +of his career between 1746 and 1750. No evidence exists that this +foundation was associated earlier with the courthouse. + +Two years after the second Act for Ports was passed in 1705, the second +survey was made and was lost soon thereafter. There is evidence that the +house built by William Ballard in 1708, on a lot "ditched in" according +to this plat, was also in the vicinity of the courthouse. After Mercer +moved into this house in 1726, it became clear that the two surveys were +at odds, and a new survey was ordered and made in 1731. The maneuvers +which followed make it fairly clear that Mercer's residence was +encroaching upon the two acres that had been set aside for the +courthouse, which by Act of Assembly had reverted to the heirs of Giles +Brent after the courthouse had burned and been abandoned about 1718. The +1731 plat provided a whole new row of lots along the western boundary of +the town, while pushing the original lots slightly to the east. This +device would have assured the integrity of the courthouse land, while +relieving Mercer of the uncertainty of his title. When Mercer's +petition to acquire Marlborough was submitted in 1747 (the 1731 plat +still remained unaccepted), he offered to buy the courthouse land for +three times its worth. Since Mercer was guardian of the heir, "Mr. +William Brent, the Infant," he was called upon to testify in this +capacity at the hearings on his petition. Thus the courthouse, Ballard's +house, and Mercer's mansion all appear to have been involved in a +boundary difficulty, and we may assume, therefore, that the courthouse +during its brief career stood close to the spot where Mercer later built +his mansion. + +This difficulty, in particular, was influential in determining the shape +of the town, the manner in which Mercer developed the property and the +peculiarities that made Marlborough unique. It was not until 1755 that +he was permitted to acquire all the town and by that time Marlborough's +character had already been fixed. We have seen that its outstanding +feature, the mansion, was architecturally sophisticated, that leading +craftsmen worked on it, and that it was as highly individualistic as its +master. It was lavishly furnished not only with material elegancies but +with a library embracing more than a thousand volumes. + +Aside from the mansion, the area most actively developed by Mercer lay +between it and Potomac Creek, with some construction to the north and +the east. In 1731, Mercer built two warehouses which probably stood near +the waterside at Potomac Creek where his sloop and schooner and visiting +vessels found sheltered anchorage. These burned in 1746, but must +subsequently have been rebuilt, since Thomas Oliver in his 1771 report +to James Mercer commented that the "tobacco houses" must be repaired as +soon as possible. They were probably among the buildings that Mercer had +constructed up to 1747, when he reported that he had "saved" 17 of the +town's lots by building on them. These lots comprised 8-1/2 acres in the +southwest portion of the town. + +The windmill was built on land near the river shore, east of the +mansion. It was probably located a considerable distance from the shore, +although erosion in recent times has eaten back the cliff. In the fall +of 1958, half of the stone foundations collapsed, leaving a well-defined +profile of the stone construction. Fragments of mid-century-type wine +bottles found in the lower course of the stones support other evidence +that the mill was built in 1746. + +Mercer mentioned his "office" in 1766. This may have been a detached +building used for a law office. Oliver in 1771 listed a barn, a cider +mill, two "grainerys," three cornhouses, five stables, and tobacco +houses. He mentioned also that "the East Green House wants repairing, +the west d^o wants buttments as a security to the wall on the south +side." + +Besides the malthouse and brewhouse built in 1765 (which may have been +situated at Structure H and the 100-foot-long stone-wall enclosure +attached to Wall A), John Mercer in his 1768 letter mentioned "Cellars, +Cooper's house and all the buildings, copper & utensil whatever used +about the brewery," as well as the "neat warm" house built for the +brewer. When the property was advertised in 1791, "Overseers houses," +"Negroe quarters," and "Corn houses" also were mentioned. + +The development of the area in the southwest portion of the plantation +probably sustained--or established for the first time--the character +originally intended for Marlborough Town. The situation of the mansion +was undoubtedly affected by this, as indeed must have been the whole +plantation plan. The archeological evidence alone shows that the plan +was abnormal in terms of the typical 18th-century Virginia plantation. +The rectangular enclosure formed by the brick walls east of the mansion +doubtless framed the formal garden over which the imported English +gardener, William Black, presided. It connected at the northwest with +the kitchen in such a way that the kitchen formed a corner of the +enclosure, becoming in effect a gatehouse, protecting the mansion's +privacy at the northwest from the utilitarian slave quarter and +agricultural precincts beyond. Walls A-I and A-II, however, related the +mansion directly to this plantation-business area and caused it to serve +also as a gate to the enclosure. + +The position of the kitchen dependency northwest of the house is the +only suggestion of Palladian layout, other than the garden. The southern +aspect of the house and the rigid boundary to domestic activity imposed +by Walls A-I and A-II probably prevented construction of a balancing +unit to the southwest. Slave quarters, stables, and perhaps the barn +apparently were located to the north. + +Since it was not until 1755 that Mercer came into full title to the +town, the town plan and its legal restrictions were influential in +determining the way in which the plantation was to grow. The house and +the surrounding layout were, therefore, wholly peculiar to the special +circumstances of Marlborough and probably also to the individuality of +its owner. The approach to the house from the waterside was to the south +end of the building, leading up to it by the still-existing road from +the creek and along the old "Broad Street across the Town," which +probably bordered Walls A-I and B-I. The mansion thus had a little of +the character of a feudal manor house, as well as some of the appearance +of an English townhouse that abuts the street, with the seclusion of its +yards and gardens defended by walls. In many respects it only slightly +resembled, in its relationship to surrounding structures, the more +representative plantations of its period. + +The house was well oriented to view, ventilation, and dominant location. +The veranda, which afforded communication from one part to another +out-of-doors, as well as a place to sit, was exposed to the prevailing +southwesterly summer winds. In the winter it was equally well placed so +as to be in the lee of northeast storms sweeping down the Potomac. The +view, hidden today by trees, included Accokeek Creek and a lengthy vista +up Potomac Creek. Presumably, a road or driveway skirted the kitchen at +the west and perhaps ended in a driveway in front of the house. The gate +in Wall E south of the kitchen would have been a normal entrance for +horses and vehicles. + +Within the garden was the summerhouse built by Mercer in 1765. From the +east windows and steps of the house and from the garden could be seen +the Potomac, curving towards the bay, and the flailing "drivers" of the +windmill near the Potomac shore. + +The excavated and written records of Marlborough are a microcosm of +Virginia colonial history. They depict the emergence of central +authority in the 17th century in the establishment of the port town as +a device to diversify the economy and control the collecting of duties. +In the failure of the town, they demonstrate also the failure of +colonial government to overcome the tyranny of tobacco and the +restrictive policies of the mother country. They go on to show in great +detail the emergence in the 18th century of a familiar American +theme--the self-directed rise of an individual from obscure beginnings +to high professional rank, social leadership, personal wealth, and +cultural influence. They demonstrate in Mercer's career the inherent +defects of the tobacco economy as indebtedness mounted and economic +strains stiffened. In Mercer's concern with the Ohio Company and +westward expansion they reflect a colony-wide trend as population +increased and the need grew for more arable land and areas in which to +invest and escape from economic limitations. They show that the war with +the French inevitably ensued, with its demands on income and manpower, +while following this came the enforcement of trade laws and the +immediate irritants which led to rebellion. So Marlborough gives a sharp +reflection of Virginia's history prior to the Revolution. It was touched +by most of what was typical and significant in the period, yet in its +own details it was unique and individual. In this seeming anomaly +Marlborough is a true illustration of its age, when men like Mercer were +strong individuals but at the same time typifying and expressing the +milieu in which they lived. + +Mercer's rise to wealth and leadership occurred at a time when favorable +laws held out the promise of prosperity, while boundless lands offered +unparalleled opportunities for investment. It remained for those best +able to take advantage of the situation; Mercer's self-training in the +law, his driving energy, and his ability to organize placed him among +these. The importance of his position is signified by the justice-ship +that he held for so many years in Stafford County court; the brick +courthouse on the hill overlooking the upper reaches of Potomac Creek +was the architectural symbol of this position. Although most of his +income was derived from legal practice, it was his plantation that was +the principal expression of his interests and his energies. Mercer was +in this respect typical of his peers, whose intellectual and +professional leadership, on the one hand, and agricultural and business +enterprise, on the other, formed a partnership within the individual. +The great plantation house with its sophisticated elegancies, its +outward formalities, and its rich resort for the intellect in the form +of a varied library, was the center and spirit of the society of which +men like Mercer were leaders. With the death of the system came the +death of the great house, and the rise and fall of Marlborough +symbolizes, as well as anything can, the life cycle of Virginia's +colonial plantation order. + + + + +Appendixes + + + + +APPENDIX A + +Inventory of George Andrews, Ordinary Keeper + +[Stafford County Will Book--Liber Z--1699-1709--p. 168 ff.] + + An Inventory of the Estate of George Andrews taken the (six) + October 1698. 6 small feather beads with Bolsters 5 Ruggs 1 Turkey + Work 1 Carpet 1 old small Flock Bed boulster Rugg 4 pair Canvis + Shooks 2 pair Curtains and valleins 4 Chests 1 old Table 1 Couch 1 + Great Trunk 1 small ditto 1 Cupboard 2 Brass Kettles 1 pieis Dowlas + 2 spits 1 Driping pan & fender 6 Iron Pots 5 pair Pot-hooks 6 + dishes 1 bason 2 dozen of plates 4 old chairs made of kain 9 head + horses + mares 3 Colts of 1 year old each 4 head Oxen 2 Chaine + Staples 8 Yoaks 7 Cows + calves 1 Bull 2 barron cows 2 five year + old stears 6 Beasts of a year old each 30 head of sheep being yews + and lambs 4 Silver spoons 1 Silver dram cup 1 Lignum vitae punch + Bowl 1 Chaffing Dish 1 Brass Mortar & Iron Pestle 2 ditto & 1 great + iron pestle 1 broad ax 2 narrow D^o 1 Tennant Saw 1 Whipsaw 1 + drawing knife 2 augurs 1 Frow 1 pair Stilliards & too with Canhooks + 1 Saddle & Curb bridle 3 servants 2 Men 1 Woman 3 years + 6 months + to serve 1 Welshman 4 years to serve the other servant named + Garrard Moore 13 months to serve 1 old Chest drawers 1 old plow 1 + old pair Cart wheels w^{th} a Cart 2 old Course Table Cloths & 8 + Napkins 4 Towels 1 Gall^n Pott 1 Paile Pott 2 Chamber Potts 2 + tankards a parsil of old Bottles 1 old Looking Glass 1 Grid Iron 1 + Flesh fork & Skimmer 1 pair Spit hooks Iron square 3 pair Iron + tongs 2 Nutmeg graters 3 Candlesticks 1 old Great Boat old Sails + Hawsers Graplin 1 Box Iron 1 Warming pan 2 pair Pot racks + + Jurat in Curia + + Returned by + John Waugh Jun^r + + + + +APPENDIX B + +Inventory of Peter Beach + +[Stafford County Will Book--Liber Z--1699-1709--p. 158-159.] + + Estate of Peter Beach. Inventory taken by William Downham, Edward + Mountjoy, W^m Allen "having mett together at the house of Mr. + Peter Beach." + + "Dan'l Beach + Alex and Mary Waugh executors Nov. 20, 1702" + + To 4 three year old heifers. at 350 Tob^o p 1400 + + To 1 stear 6 years old at 600 To 5 D^o 4 year old at 2000 2600 + + To the 2 yr old at 2800 To 2 Bulls at 600 3400 + + To 8 Cows & Calves at 4000 To 2 Barron Cows 900 4900 + + To 1 Mare & Mare Filly at 1200 To 1 two year old horse 400 1600 + + To 1 D^o 5 years old at 1000 To 1 very old D^o at 150 1150 + + To 1 Feather bedd + Bedstead + furniture 1500 To 1 do at 1200 2700 + + To 2 D^o at 2000 To 1 Old Flock Bed + Feather pillow at 300 2300 + + To one servant Bot 9 years to serve 3000 to 4 stoolth 8 Chairs + @ 160- 3160 + + To 9 old flagg & boarded Chairs 130 To 1 small old table & stool + 100 230 + + To 1 old Standing Cupboard 150 To Looking Glass at 30 100 + + To 1 pair small Stilliards at 60 to 1 Iron Spit+Dripping pan + at 80 140 + + To 1 pair old Tongs and fire shovel at 30 To 2 Ladles+Chafing + Dish 50 80 + + To 1 old Narrow Ax + frow at 30 To 1 Box Iron & Heaters at 25 55 + + To a passel of Glass Bottles at 40 To a Parcel of old Iron at 50 90 + + To 8 old Pewter Dishes and three Basons Ditto at 228 + + To 1 small Table Cloth + 6 Napkins at 50 to 4 Tinpanns 1 Copper + Sawspan at 150 100 + + To 2 2 quart Potts 1 Pewter Tankard Old 20 + + To 1 old Warming Pan 20 To 1 Brass candlestick 1 Skimmer Old 15 35 + + To pasl of Earthen Ware 50 To 3 Iron Potts 2 p^r potthooks 250 + To 1 Brass Kettle at 300 600 + + To 1 Brass kettle at 60 To 23 pewter plates old 110 To 4 old + Chests 250 420 + + To 1 Frying Pan 1 Meal Sifter 15 To a parcel of old Tables and + Cyder Cask 350 365 + + To 1 Pewter Sheaf[214] 50 To 1 old Gun 100 To 2 Bibles at 40 190 + + To 1 Pewter Chamber Pott 10 To 3 Pewter Salts 1 Dram Cup 15 25 + + To 1 pair Iron Spansils[215] at 50 + ----- + Total [_sic_] 26010 + + +Daniel Beach was janitor of the Court House, being paid 200 pounds +tobacco annually 1700-1703: + + 1700 and 1701--"To Daniel Beach for cleaning the Court House" + 1702 and 1703--"To Daniel Beach for Sweeping the Courthouse." + +FOOTNOTES: + + [214] A cluster or bundle of things tied up together; a + quantity of things set thick together. [New Oxford + Dictionary] + + [215] SPANCEL: A rope or fetter for hobbling cattle, horses, + etc.; especially, a short, round rope used for fettering the + hind legs of a cow during milking. [New Oxford Dictionary] + + + + +APPENDIX C + +Charges to Account of Mosley Battaley for Goods Sold by Mercer + +[From Ledger B, p. 1] + + £ s. d. + 1725 + October + + 12^{th} To Ball^{ns}. y^r Acco^{tt} Book + A for (75) 3 10 3 + To a Sword & Belt 14 + To 1 Snuff 8 + To 1 best worsted Cap 5 + To 1 p^r Neats Leather Saddlebags 12 9 + To 2 silk Romall handkerchiefs @ 3/ 6 + To 1 p^r Seersuckers 1 13 + To 1 fine Hat N^o 7 13 6 + To Cornelius Tacitus in fol. 7 + + 13^{th} To 1 p^r mens white topt Gloves 1 6 + To 50 4^p Nails 2 + + 14^{th} To 5-1/4 y^{ds} Broadcloath at + 9/ 2 7 3 + To 7 y^{ds} Shalloone at 2/ 14 + To 8 Sticks Mohair at 3^d 2 + To 7 doz Coatbuttons at 7-1/2^d 4 4-1/2 + To 4 doz. breast d^o at 3-3/4 1 3 + To 3 hanks Silk at 9^d 2 3 + To 1-1/4 y^{ds} Wadding at 10^d 1 3 + To 1 p^r Stone buttons set in Silver 5 + + 15^{th} To 1 p^r large Scissars 7-1/2 + To 1 p coll^d binding 1 7-1/2 + To 1 p holland tape 1 6 + To 6 ells broad Garlix N^o F at 2/11 17 6 + To 1 p^r womens wash gloves 1 6 + + 19^{th} To 1 y^d black ribband 10 + To 1 horn & Ivory knife & fork 1 + + 21 To 1 fine hat N^o 7 13 6 + To 1/4 y^d Persian 1 3 + To 2 y^{ds} silk Ferritting at 5^d 10 + + 22 To Cash won on the Race against Cobler 5 + + 29 To 1/4 y^d broadcloath 2 3 + To 1 q^t Rum 1 3 + To a Sword & Belt 14 3 + To Club in Punch 2 + To 1^£ sugar & 1 q^t Rum 2 + + 30 To Club with Quarles 9 + + Novb^r 20 To 1 quire best paper 1 6 + + Dec^r 13 To 1 narrow axe 2 3 + 16 To 1200 10^d Nails 5 + 30 To 1 p^r Shooebuckles 7-1/2 + To 100 6^d Nails 9 + To y^r Stafford Clks notes + 162^£ tob^o 1 3 + + Feb 5 To Cash on Acc^t Thomas Harwood 10 + ------------------- + Mar 5 To D^o 18 6 11-1/2 + ------------------- + 21 To 1 q^t Rum & 1^£ Sugar 2 3 + + Ap^l 3 To 2 q^{ts} D^o & 1 y^d Muslin 6 + + 26 To 1 q^t D^o to Tho^s Benson 1 6 + + Sept^r 16^{th} To 1/2 y^ Druggett 1 10-1/2 + To 2 y^{ds} Wadding 1 6 + To p^d for rolling down + Thomson's hhd. tob^o 10 + ------------------- + £19 10 1 + + + + +APPENDIX D + +"Domestick Expenses" + +[From Ledger B] + + £ s. d. + 1725 + + Sept^r 9^{th} To Cash for Exp^s at Stafford + & Spotsylvania 1 3 + To 7-1/2 y^{ds} Grown Linnen + Sarah & Pitts 7 6 + To 11 fowls & 1 quarter beef 17 6 + To 100^£ Sugar to this day expended 2 16 6 + To Cash for Exp^s Urbanna 3 1-1/2 + To Horsehire &c 6 + To p^d John Marnix for bringing + my Sloop 2^d 10 + To p^d his ferrage 1 3 + To Cash for Exp^s Poplar Spring 1 3 + To Exp^s at Bowcocks 10 + To Exp^s at M^{rs}. Powers's 1 5 7-1/2 + To a man to cart down Cook & barber 1 3 + To Exp^s at Gibbons's 2 + To Exp^s at Dalton's 15 + To given Serv^{ts} at Col^o + Page's 2 6 + To 1-1/2 doz. red Port at 22/6 1 13 9 + To 1-1/2 doz. mountain at 30/ + [Note 1] 2 5 + To Exp^s poplar Spring 2 3 + To 1 bar^l tar & pitch for the + Sloop 1 6 6 + To 50^1 pork 8 4 + To 25^l bisquet 3 6 + To 1 China punch bowl 10 + To 6 Glasses 3 + To 8^l Candles 6 + To given Servants at M^r Standard's 3 1-1/2 + To Ferrage & Exp^s Piscattaway + & Hob's Hole 4 4-1/2 + To Exp^s Essex Court & + Ferrage at Keys 1 3 + To p^d William Warrell Wages 1 + To p^d Patrick Cowan D^o 1 2 11 + To horsehire from York 2 + To a Trunk 6 + To a Saddle & Furniture self 3 15 + To 1-1/2 y^d Cotton 2 5-1/4 + To 1 horsewhip 6 9 + To 1 p^r Shooes & buckles Pitts 6 7-1/2 + Oct^r 2 To 2 silk Romall handkerchiefs + [Note 2] 6 + To 6 loaves 9^s 38-3/4^£ double + refin'd Sugar 2 18 7-1/2 + To 2^l Tea at 15/ 1 10 + To 6^l Chocolate 15 + To 15-1/4^l Castile Soap at 13^d 17 1-3/4 + To 15^l Gunpowder at 9^d 11 3 + To 1 mans worsted Cap 3 10-1/2 + To 1 Wig Comb & Case 9 + To 1 purse wrought with Silver 2 3 + To 2 p^r buttons set in Silver at 3/ 6 + To 1 p^c 9^d 14-3/4 Ells bag + holland at 7/10-1/2 5 14 2 + To 2 p^r mens fine worsted hose at 6/ 12 + To 2 p^r mens fine thread D^o at 5/ 10 + To 1 p^r womens silk D^o 12 + To 1 p^r womens fine worsted D^o 5 6 + To 1 p^r Scissars with silver Chain 10 6 + To 1 box Iron & heaters 9 9 + To 1 fine hat n^o 6 12 + To 1 fine Dandriff Comb 1 6 + To 1 ounce fine thread 7-1/2 + To 1 fine hat N^o 7 9 + To 30 y^{ds} fine Dutch Check at 2/6 3/15 + To 1 m^s pins 1 6 + To 2 p^c tape 2 4 + To 1 hat N^o 5 gave Sam 2 6 + To 1 quire best paper 1 3 + To 1 Storebook 1 5 + To 1 p^r Seersuckers 1 13 + To 1 hoop petticoat 1 1 + To 1 womans side Saddle & furniture 3 11 3 + To 2 y^{ds} silver ribband at 22-1/2 3 9 + To 1 hat N^o 12 9 + To 1 y^d fine strip't muslin 6 + To 1 y^d fine Kenting [Note 3] 4 + To 4-1/2 y^{ds} white Cotton Sarah at 18^d 5 9 + To 4-1/2 y^{ds} filletting D^o at + 3^d [Note 4] 1 1-1/2 + To 2 skeins thread 2 + To 1 p^r wom^s wash gloves 1 6 + To 1/4^l w^t bio: thread 1 5 + To 1/2 doz: plates 7 6 + To 2 porringers 2 6 + To 1 p^r fine blankets 1 13 + To 1 y^d fine strip'd muslin 6 + To 1 Cadow Sarah [Note 5] 3 6 + To Earthen Ware 10 + To 1-1/2 bushel Wheat 4 6 + To 2 fowls 10 + To Battalay's Account for + Rum both in day 2 1 3 + To 1-1/2 y^d red Cotton 2 5-1/4 + To 1 p^r womens Shooes 3 6 + To 1 p^r patterdashers [Note 6] 14 3 + To 5 Candlesticks 17 6 + To 1 Bed Cord 2 + To 3 maple knives & forks 2 + Oct^r 22 To Cash lost at a Race 2 + To Tho^s Watts for Ditto 10 + To Expences there 1 4 + To 6 y^{ds} silk ferriting at 5^d + [Note 7] 2 6 + 25 To 16-1/2 y^{ds} Cantaloons at 7-1/2 + for Pease [Note 8] 10 3-3/4 + To 1 P^r mens thread hose 5 + To 1 p^r mens silk Ditto 1 1 + To 2-1/4 y^{ds} fine Kenting at 4/6 10 1-1/2 + 26 To 1 p^r wom^s worsted hose 3 + To 1 knife & fork 8 + 27 To a Steer 1 11 9 + To 2 yew haft knives & forks 1 3 + 28 To 2 q^{ts} Rum 4 6 + To 1 yew haft knife & fork & + 1 p^r Studds 1 10-1/2 + 29 To 1 p^r Salisbury Scissars 2 6 + To 1-1/2 Gallon Rum 4 6 + To 1 speckled knife & fork 5 + Nov^r 4 To 1 writing Desk 5 16 8 + To 1 Glass & Cover 8 9 + To 18^l Pewter at 1 8 + To 6 tea Cups & Saucers 14 + To 2 Chocolate Cups 2 4 + To 2 Custard Cups 1 9 + To 1 Tea Table painted with + fruit 16 4 + To 6 leather Chairs at 7/ 2 2 + To 1 sm^l walnut eating table 8 + To 1/2 doz Candlemoulds 10 + + + + +GLOSSARY + + + 1. "Mountain: 5. (In full _mountain wine_). A variety of Malaga + wine, made from grapes grown on the mountains."--_A New English + Dictionary on Historical Principles,_ Sir James A. H. Murray, ed., + vol. 6 (Oxford, 1908), p. 711. + + 2. "Romal: 1. A silk or cotton square or handkerchief, sometimes + used as a head-dress; a thin silk or cotton fabric with a + handkerchief pattern."--Ibid., vol. 8, pt. 1 (Oxford, 1910), p. + 764. + + 3. "Kenting: A kind of fine linen cloth."--Ibid., vol. 5, (Oxford, + 1901), p. 673. + + 4. "Filleting: 2. a. A woven material for binding; tape; a piece of + the same; a band or bandage."--Ibid., vol. 4 (Oxford, 1901), p. + 217. + + 5. "Caddow: A rough woolen covering ... 1880. _Antrim & Down + Gloss._ (E. D. S.) _Cadda_, _Caddaw_, a quilt or coverlet, a cloak + or cover; a small cloth which lies on a horse's back."--Ibid., vol. + 2 (Oxford, 1893), p. 13. + + 6. Patterdashers. Probably the same as "spatter-dash. A legging or + gaiter extending to the knee, worn as a protection from water and + mud." Webster's _New International Dictionary of the English + Language_, second ed., unabridged; Springfield, Mass., G. & C. + Merriam Co., 1958. + + 7. Ferreting. Same as "Ferret. 2. A stout tape most commonly made + of cotton, but also of silk; then known as Italian ferret." Murray, + _op. cit._, (no. 1) vol. 4 (Oxford, 1901), p. 165. + + 8. "Cantoloon. _Obs._ A wollen stuff manufactured in the 18th c. in + the west of England." Ibid., vol. 2: (Oxford, 1893), p. 79. + + 9. "Soosy ... 1858. Simmond's _Dictionary of Trade._ Soocey, a + mixed striped fabric of silk and cotton in India."--Ibid., vol. 9. + pt. 1 (Oxford, 1919), p. 428. + + £ s. d. + + To 1 Tea table 18 + To 1 brass chaffing dish 5 + To 6 copper tart pans 6 + Nov^r 4^{th} To 1 p^r mens yarn hose 2 + To 1 silk Romal 3 + To Expences Spotsylvania Court &C 1 7 4 + To 1 p^r bellows + To 2 funnells + To Coffeepot, teapots, &c 7 + To 1 Seabed Sheets Table Linnen &c 3 10 + To Cash to Pitts to bear + Expences at Court 2 9 + To a pack of Cards 9 + To 1 pair mens Shooes 5 + 6 To 1 silk Romall handkerchief 3 + 11 To 6-1/2 y^{ds} Cantaloons @ 9^d 4 8-1/2 + 17 To 16 q^r 22 y^{ds} Scotch Cloth + @20^d-1/4 1 17 1-1/2 + 20 To p^d William Warrell Wages + for this day 1 6 8-1/2 + 22 To 6-1/4^l tallow @ 6^d 3 16 + To 3-1/2 y^{ds} Cantaloons & 40^l + coll'd thread 3 4 + To 1 maple knife & fork 1 + 25 To 154^l pork at 1-1/2 19 3 + To 91^l D^o at 1-1/2 11 4-1/2 + Dec^r 19 To 2 p^r wom^s Shooes 11 + X^tmas To Cash for Lost at Cards & + sundry Expenses 1 18 19 + To p^d Thomas Morris for pork 6 7 5 + To p^d Pitts Wages till February 4 19 9-1/2 + To p^d Thomas Collins D^o + till March 18 2 + To 3 Ells y^d w^d Garlix 3/ 9 + To sundrys from M^r Crompton p^r Acc^t 1 19 1-1/2 + Feb 26 To 1 q^t rum 27 4 q^{ts} D^o 7 6 + Mar 2 To 2 q^{ts} D^o 5. 1 q^{ts} D^o 7 + 2 q^{ts} D^o 8^{th}. 5 q^{ts} D^o 15 + 9 To 2 q^{ts} D^o + To sundry Exp^s to this Day 1 + 10 To 2 q^t Rum 12th 2 q^{ts} D^o + 15th 2 q^{ts} D^o 9 + 15 To 5 p^{ts} Rum 1^l Sugar & 2 + y^{ds} Check 7 6 + 18 To 7 gall^s Rum & 16^l Sugar 2 9 6 + To Cash for taking up W^m Hall's horse 10 + To D^o at Stafford Court 4 + To Sundrys to W^m Dunn 1 17 6 + June 11 To cleaning out the house 6 9 + To 1500 10^d Nails used about it. 11 3 + To 1 doz. Canary 1 10 + To p^d Tho^s Collins his Wages to May 11 3 + To 2 doz & 8 bottles Claret 2 8 + To 3 Cows & Calves & 1 featherbed 11 + To 1 [?] Chints 18 + To 21-1/2y^{ds} coll^d blew at 2.6 2 13 1-1/2 + To 15 y^{ds} course Check at 16^d 1 + To 12 y^{ds} best D^o 18 + To Account Rum &c to this day 2 10 + To Wheat Corn fowls &c 3 2 3 + To sundrys of M^c farlane as p^r Acc^t 5 11 1-1/2 + To sundrys of Alex^r Buncle as p^r D^o 15 17 9-1/2 + To 7-1/2 y^{ds} y^d w^d Check @ + 2/ to W^m Dunn 15 + To 2-1/2 y^{ds} brown linnen @ + 10^d to D^o 2 1 + To p^d M^{rs} Bourne for sundrys 5 + To p^d for a Coffin & digging + ye Child's grave 1 5 + To sundry Expences for fowls &c 17 4 + To John Chinn's Acc^t ferrages + &c for going to W^{ms}burgh 2 5 6 + To 2 p^r Andirons 2 Trunks &c 2 7 6 + To 2 dishes & 4-3/4 y^{ds} India + Persian 1 13 1-1/2 + To 1 p^r Shooes & buckles 6 + To Cash to Bates to go for my horse 7 2 + To D^o lost at Race & gave + Scarlett Handcock 2 12 + To Cash for Exp^s 3 9 + To John Barber for going to Gloucester 11 6 + To gave W^m Johnson 7-1/2 + To paid for Apples 6 + To paid Eliz^a Rowsey Wages 6 9 + To 5 gall^s Rum 1 5 + To sundrys bought of Thomas + Hudson as by his account 12 6 10 + To 1 y^d princes Linnen W^m Johnson 1 3 + To Cash for 1/2 doz. Spoons &c 4 10-1/2 + To D^o for Exp^s on a Journey + to W^{ms}burgh 1 19 3-1/2 + To Mosley Battaley's Acc^t for + his fee for 1726 2 10 + To allowed him for extraordinary + service 4 15 1 + To Peter Whitings Account Palms & + Sail Needles 2 6 + 56^1 Cordage 1 8 3 + To Cha^s McClelland's + Account for sundrys + Going to Col^o Mason's + for Eliz Rowsey 10 + Going to York & sundrys 1 5 6 + Going to Nich^o Smith's 10 + To Rob^t Spotswood's + Account for sundrys 1 10 + To Geo. Rust's Acc^t for 1 Ironpot 5 + To John Dagge's Acc^t of sundrys + 1 Oven 17 6 + Bringing over 10 Sheep from Sumn^{rs} 5 + To John Randolph's Acc^t for + Lawyers fees 4 2 + To Esme Stewart's D^o for Toys 2 + To George Walker D^o for Law Charges 4 15 5 + To 2 Gall^s Rum of Simon Peirson 10 + To John Maulpus's Acc^t for + 2 bar^{ls} Corn 1 1 + To Thomas Hudson's D^o for + 2 bar^{ls} D^o 15 + To Joshua Davis's D^o for paid + Thomas Jefferies for a Gun 2 + To M^r Graeme's Acc^t for sundry books 2 9 3 + To Jn^o Quarles's D^o for 1 p^r + sm^l Stilliards 7 6 + To Hen Woodcock's D^o for Ferrages 9 + To Harry Beverley's D^o for + Lawyer's fees 4 2 + To Rob^t Wills's Acc^t for sundrys 18 8 + To Rose Dinwiddie's Acc^t for + 1 p^r mens yarn hose & 2 + bush^{ls} Wheat 7 6 + To Peter Hedgman's D^o for sundrys 2 2 7 + To Mary Fitzhugh's D^o for 8 + bus^{ls} Wheat 9 + To Lazarus Pepper's D^o for Quitrent + of 187 Acres of Land 4 6 + To Quitrents of 2087 Acres of + Land for the year 1725 2 8 + To Cash Account for sundrys 11 8 + To Rawleigh Chinn's Acc^t for sundrys 0 0 0 + Keeping my horse for a Race 15 + 1-1/2 barr^l Corn 15 + 1 Shoat 18 Fodder 17^d + 5 Geese 7/6 10 5 + 4 days hire Moll 1 3 + Dressing Deerskins for Will Dunn 4 + Plowing & fencing my Garden 1 4 + A Gun 18 + To Alexand^r M^cfarlane's Acc^t + A Caddow & 1 p^r blankets 16 + 1 wom^s horsewhip 6 + 1£ Gunpowder & 10^£ Shot 5 10 + 1 womans bound felt 4 6 + To 12^l Gunpowder & 20^l Shot 2 + To Henry Floyd's Acc^t for 5 pecks Corn 2 6 + To Ja^s Whalley's D^o for 7 fowls 3 + To Ja^s Horsenaile's D^o for sundrys 1 19 9 + To John Holdbrook's Acc^t + for taylor's work 2 11 6 + To John Tinsley's Acc^t for + Fodder & tallow 14 + To Hugh French's Acc^t for a + Serv^t woman 12 + To D^r Roy for a visit & + medicines my Child 12 6 + To Edw^d Snoxall's Acc^t for 1 + bush^l hommonybeans 4 + To Edw^d Simm's Acc^t for sundrys 6 11 11 + To Ralph Falconer's D^o for D^o 1 10 + To Tho^s Eves for fowls 4 6 + To 1 olives 5 + To 1 pair mens Shooes W^m Dunn 5 + To 3 Ells Dowlass D^o 5 6 + To 1-1/2 bush^l Corn 3 + To 3-3/4 y^{ds} Check for finding + my Saddle 5 + To 10 y^{ds} fustian 2/6 1 5 + To 5-1/4 doz Coat Buttons 10^d 4 2 + To 3 hanks silk & 2 hanks mohair 3 2 + To 4 Soosey handkerchiefs [Note 9] 12 + To 12 yd^s Check & 1 p^r mens gloves 4 + To 2 yd^s Wadding 1 6 + To 6-1/4 bush^{ls} Corn 13 + To 2-3/4 bush^{ls} pease 11 + To 2 bush^{ls} potatoes 4 + -------------------- + £285 2 3-1/4 + + + + +APPENDIX E + +Mercer's Reading 1726-1732 + +[From Ledger B] + + + _Mr. John Graeme_ + + 1726 By sundry Book bo^d of him belong^s to the Hon^{ble} Col^o + Spotswood. Viz. + The History of England 3 vols £4. 2 + Clarendon's History 6 vols 2. 2 + Tillotson's Works 15 vols 5.15 + Plutarch's Lives 5 vols 1.10 + Dryden's Virgil 3 vols 17.6 + Cowley's Works 2 vols 13. + Milton's Paradise Lost 6.6 + Secret Memories 7.7 + Chamberlayne's State of England 6.6 + Wilkin's Mathematical Works 5.6 + Petronius 5. + Tilly's Orations 5.6 + [Symbol: dagger]Bible 4 + Hudibras 2 vol 5.3 + Callipoedia 2. + Dunster's Horace 6. + De Gennes Voyage 3. + Banquet of Xenophon 3. + Congreve's Plays 4. + Lock's Essays 12. + Evelyn's Gardening 1. + [Symbol: dagger]Littleton's Dictionary } + [Symbol: dagger]Present State of Russia } + [Symbol: dagger]Sedley's Works } 1. + [Symbol: dagger]New Voyages } + [Symbol: dagger]New Travels } + [Symbol: dagger]Cole's Dictionary } + +[All except those marked by [Symbol: dagger] are listed as returned on +the debit side] + + + * * * * * + + + Law Books Bought of Mat Stotham + May 1732 Salkeld's Reports 1.18. + Ventris's Reports 1.15. + Jacob's Law Dictionary 1. 8. + Maxims of Equity 10. + Cursus Cancellaris 6. + Hearn's Pleader 1. 5. + Lilly's Practical Register 2 vol 14. + Treatise of Trespasses 6. + Laws of Evidence 8. + Laws of Ejectments 8. + The 5 last extraordinary scarce + + + _Account of Books lent & to whom_ (1730) + + History of the Netherlands Jn^o Savage + July 13 Coles's Dictionary + History of the Royal Society Col^o Fitzhugh + Rochesters Works Andrew Forbes + Evelyn's Sylva Ralph Falkner + Woods Institutes 1^{st} Vol. Parson Rose + Mathesis Juvenilia } + Ozenam's Mathem. Recreations } Edmund Bagge + Cockers Arithmetick Robert Jones + 30 Mariners Compass rectified M^r Savage + Travels thro' Italy &c Cap^t Hedgman + Daltons Justice D^o + + +_A Catalogue of the Books bought March 1730 of Mr Rob^t Beverley_ + + Coke's Reports temp Eliz^a Reg 1.10 + Dalton's Officium Vicecomitum 1. + Coke upon Littleton 1. + Cokes 2^d, 3^d & 4^{th} Institutes 2. 4 + Cooks Reports 1. + Laws of Virginia fol^o printed two 1. 4 + Compleat Clerk 12. + Swinburne [18th-century author] 12. + Laws of the Sea 14. + Godolphin's Orphans Legacy 9. + Symboleography 14. + Sheppards Grand Abridgment 1.10. + Three Sets of Wingates Abridgm^t of Statutes 15. + Instructor Clericalis in 7 parts 1.15. + Woods Institutes 2 vol 8vo 12. + Placita Generalia 5. + Tryals per pair 5. + Practical Register 6. + Law of Obligations & Conditions 3.6 + Reads Declarations 4. + Clerks Tutor 6. + Prasca Cancellaria 6. + Fitzherberts new Naturabrevium 6. + Brownlows Declarations 6. + Clerks Guide 3.6 + Melloy de Jure maritime 6. + Grounds of the Law 3. + Compleat Attorney 5. + Terms of the Law 5. + Finch's Law 3. + Doctor & Student 3. + Greenwood of Courts 3.6 + Law of Conveyances 3. + Practice of Chancery 5. + English Liberties 2. + Reports in Chancery 3. + Meriton 3. + Exact Constable 1. + Littletons Tenures 2. + Written Laws of Virginia 25. + --------- + £46. 7.6 + Woodbridge of Agriculture + The Compleat Angler + Salmons Dispensatory + The accomplished Cook + History of the Royal Society + + March y^e 4th 1730, I promise to deliver the above mentioned + books being fifty two in number to M^rJohn Mercer or his Order + on demand. + + Witness my hand the day & year abovewritten. + + Rob^t Beverley + Test John Chew Copy + + + + +APPENDIX F + +Credit side of Mercer's account with Nathaniel Chapman + +[From Ledger B. Nathaniel Chapman was Superintendent of the Accokeek +Iron Works.] + + + 1731 + + Sep 9 By Ball^[a.] bro^[t.] from fol 36 £ . 2.4 + By 500 2^d Nails @ 2/5 p m . 2.5 + By 500 3^d D 3/ 3. + By 1^m 4^d D^o 4/ 4. + By 6^m 6^d D^o 5/ 10. + By 4^m 8^d D^o 7/9 1.11. + By 4^m 10^d D^o 9/6 1.18. + By 8^m 12^d D^o 12/ 1.16. + By 2^m 20^d D^o 14/ 1. 8. + By 1 handsaw file 5^d .5 + By 1 p^r mens wood + heel shooes 6/6 6.6 + By 1 half Curb + bridle 6/ 6. + By 1 halter 2/4 2.4 + By 1 boys hat 2/ 2. + 25 By 1 coll^d thread 3/ 3. + Oct 29 By 16 1-1/2 20^d } + Nailes }2000 20^d @ 1. 6. + By 27 1-1/2 24^d D^o } 13/ + By 2^m 8^d D^o 7/ 15.6 + By 4^m 10^d D^o 9/6 1.16. + By 5^m 12^d D^o 12/ 3. + January 1 By 1 p^r girls Shooes + By 4y^{ds} Cotton 2/4 9.4 + By 1 double Girth 2/ 2. + By 1 Garden hoe + By 2-1/2 y^{ds} Kersey 4/1-1/2 10.3-3/4 + By 1-1/2 y^{ds} Shalloone 1/9 2.7-1/2 + By my Ord^r in favour of W^m Holdbrook 4. 1.3-1/2 + By 2 hanks sowing Silk 9^d 1.6 + By Cash overpaid 1.2 + By 1-1/2 y^d Garlix N^o 24 2.5 + 10 By 1 Iron pot g^t 36^l-1/2 at 4^d 12.2 + By 1 bushel Salt 2.6 + By 1 new Axe 5. + By 1 p^r pothooks & wedges 16^l-1/2 at 8^d 11. + Feb. 7 By 1 plough & Swingle tree fitted + of w^{th} Iron 9.6 + By 5 narrow hoes 12.6 + By 2 grubbing hoes 10^l-1/2 at 8^d 7. + By 1 Ironwedge 4^l-1/2 at 8^d 3. + By 2 new horse Collars 8. + By 2 p^r Hames & Ironwork 1.6 + By 2 p^r Iron traces g^t 19^{lb} at 8^d 12.8 + By Iron door Latch 9 + By 1 Ironrake 1.6 + By 2 Heaters + By putting a leg in an old Iron pott + Mar By 17-1/2 double refin'd Sugar @ 16^d 1. 3. + By 100^l Sugar 35/& 3 gall^s Rum 7/6 2. 2.6 + + -------------- + £28.15.8-3/4 + + + + +APPENDIX G + +Overwharton Parish Account + +[From Ledger B] + + + ------------------------------------+--------------------------------- + | + Overwharton Parish Dr. | Contra + | + 1730 |1730 + March | March 15 + To a Book to keep the | By W^m Holdbrook's fine + Parish Register £1.11. | for Adultery £5 + To drawing Bonds between | By Ebenezer Moss's for + Blackburn & the | swearing & Sabbath + Churchwardens ab^t | breaking 1.15. + building the Church 1. | By Edward Franklyn's for + To fee v Moss 11.8 | swearing when reced 3. + Ballenger | + Cabnet | -------- + | £9.15. + | + 15 | + To 1/3 W^m Holdbrooks's | + fine 1.13.4 | + To 1/3 Eliz^a Bear's D^o | + To fee v Franklyn 1. | + To paid Burr Harrison by | + Ord^o Vestry 2.10. | + ------- | + £8.11 | + £1.4 | + ------- | + £9.15 | + 1732 |1732 + April | + To fee v Coulter £ .15. | March 25 + | By Ball^a 1.4 + | By Eliz^a Ballengers fine + | for a bastard + | By Alice Jefferies' D^o + | By Ann Holt's D^o + + + + +APPENDIX H + +Colonists Identified by Mercer According to Occupation + +[From Ledger G] + + + William Hunter Merchant Fredericksburg + Jonathan Foward Merchant London + William Stevenson Merchant London + Robert Rae Merchant Falmouth + Robert Tucker Merchant Norfolk + David Minitree Bricklayer [Williamsburg] + Thomas Ross Merchant Alexandria + William Monday Carpenter + Abraham Basnett Oysterman + John Booth Weaver + John Pagan Merchant Fairfax + John Grigsby Smith Stafford + Francis Hogans Wheelwright Caroline + Doctor Spencer [Physician] Fredericksburg + William Threlkeld Weaver + Elliott Benger Loftmaster Gen'l. + William Brownley [Bromley] Joiner + Andrew Beaty Joiner + George Wythe Attorney-at-Law Williamsburg + William Jackson Wheelwright Stafford + James Griffin Carpenter + William Thomson Tailor Fredericksburg + Jacob Williams Plasterer + Joseph Burges Plasterer + Henry Threlkeld Merchant Quantico + Cavan Dulany Attorney-at-law [Prince William?] + Peter Murphy Sawyer + John Fitzpatrick Weaver + Cuthbert Sandys Merchant Fredericksburg + Henry Mitchell Merchant Occaquan + John Harnett Ship Carpenter Nanjemoy + John Graham Merchant Essex + Fielding Lewis Merchant Fredericksburg + Robert Duncanson Merchant Fredericksburg + John Fox Smith Fredericksburg + Robert Gilchrist Merchant Port Royal + Robert Jones Attorney-at-Law Surrey + [Jonathan] Sydenham & Hodgson Merchants King George + Watson & Cairnes Merchants Nansemond + William Prentis Merchant Williamsburg + William Mills Weaver Stafford + Thomas Barry Bricklayer + Edward Powers Shoemaker Caroline + Clement Rice Shoemaker King George + William Ramsay Merchant Fairfax + Andrew Sproul Merchant Norfolk + Richard Savage Merchant Falmouth + Charles Dick Merchant Fredericksburg + William Miller Horse Jockey Augusta + Charles Jones Tailor Williamsburg + Peter Scott Joiner Williamsburg + William Copen [Copein] Mason Prince William + John Blacke Gardener Marlborough + Richard Gamble Barber Williamsburg + Launcelot Walker Merchant + John Rider Waterman Maryland + John Proby Pilot Hampton + John Hyndman Merchant Williamsburg + James Craig Jeweler Williamsburg + Robert Crichton Merchant Williamsburg + John Simpson Wheelwright Fredericksburg + George Charleton Tailor Williamsburg + Hugh MacLane Tailor Stafford + William Kelly Attorney Prince William + Walter Darcy Harnessmaker + John Carlyle Merchant Fairfax + ---- Kirby Mason King George + + + + +APPENDIX I + +Materials Listed in Accounts with Hunter and Dick, Fredericksburg +Alphabetical Summary of Materials listed in Ledger G in Mercer's +accounts with William Hunter and Charles Dick, merchants of +Fredericksburg. Definitions are based on information in _A New Oxford +Dictionary_, Webster's _New International Dictionary_ (second edition, +unabridged), _Every Day Life in the Massachusetts_ Bay Colony, by George +F. Dow (Boston, 1935), and a series of articles by Hazel E. Cummin in +_Antiques_: vol. 38, pp. 23-25, 111-112; vol. 39, pp. 182-184; vol. 40, +pp. 153-154, 309-312. + + ALLAPINE: A mixed stuff of wool and silk, or mohair and cotton. + + BOMBAYS: Raw cotton. + + BOMBAZINE: A twilled or corded dress material of silk and worsted, + sometimes also of cotton and worsted, or of worsted alone. In + black, used for mourning. + + BROADCLOTH: A fine, smooth woolen cloth of double width. + + BUCKRAM: A kind of coarse linen or cotton fabric, stiffened with + gum or paste. Murray quotes Berkeley, _Alicphr_ ... (1832), "One of + our ladies ... stiffened with hoops and whalebone and buckram." + + CALAMANCO: A light-weight material of wool or mohair and wool, + sometimes figured or striped, sometimes dyed in clear, bright + colors, and calendered to a silky gloss to resemble satin. + + CALICO: Murray defers to Chambers' _Cyclopaedia_ definition (1753): + "An Indian stuff made of cotton, sometimes stained with gay and + beautiful colours ... Calicoes are of divers kinds, plain, printed, + painted, stain'd, dyed, chints, muslins, and the like." It is not + to be confused with the modern material of the same name. + + CAMBRIC: A fine white linen or cotton fabric, much used for + handkerchiefs and shirts, originally made at Cambray in Flanders. + + CAMLET: A class of fine-grained material of worsted or mohair and + silk, sometimes figured, sometimes "watered." _Moreen_ is one of + its subtypes. + + CHECK: Any checked, woven or printed, material. + + DUFFEL: A woven cloth with a thick nap, synonymous with _shag_. + Made originally at Duffel, near Antwerp. In a passage quoted by + Murray, Defoe (_A Tour of Great Britain_) mentions its manufacture + at Witney, "a Yard and three quarters wide, which are carried to + New England and Virginia." + + FRIEZE: A coarse woolen cloth with a nap on one side. + + GARLIX: Linen made in Gorlitz, Silesia, in several shades of + blue-white and brown. + + HOLLAND: A linen material, sometimes glazed, first made in Holland. + + KERSEY (often spelled "Cresoy" by Mercer): A coarse, long-fiber + woolen cloth, usually ribbed, used for stockings, caps, etc. + + SHALLOON: A closely woven woolen material used for linings. + + PRUNELLA: A stout, smooth material, used for clergymen's gowns, and + later for the uppers of women's shoes. + + TAMMY: A plain-woven worsted material, with open weave. Used plain, + it served for flour bolts, soup and milk strainers, and sieves. + Dyed and glazed, and sometimes quilted, it was used for curtains, + petticoat linings, and coverlets. + + TARTAN: Woolen cloth woven in Scotch plaids. + +In addition to these fabrics, there are listed "China Taffety," +"Silv^r Vellum," "worsted," "Pomerania Linnen," "Russia Bedtick," +"Irish linnen," "1 yd. India Persian," "worsted Damask," "Mechlin lace" +(a costly Belgian pillow lace, of which Mercer purchased nine yards of +"No. 3" at five shillings, and eight yards of "N^o 4" at six +shillings), "sprig Linnen," and "6 silk laces at 4-1/2." + +For trimming and finishing, one finds white thread, black thread, nun's +thread, brown thread, blue thread, red thread, colored thread (all +bought by the pound), gingham and hair buttons, "gold gimp ribband," +"pair Womens buckles," fringe, coat buttons, vest buttons, scarlet +buttons, silver coat buttons, shirt buttons, "mettle" vest buttons, +"fine" shirt buttons, "course" shirt buttons, "Card sleeve buttons," +silver sleeve buttons, and cording. There were several purchases of +haircloth, used principally in stiffening lapels and other parts of +men's clothing, but used also for towels, tents, and for drying malt and +hops. + + + + +APPENDIX J + +Account of George Mercer's Expenses while Attending the College of +William and Mary + +[From Ledger G] + + + Son's Maintenance at Williamsburg, Dr. + + 1750 + April 5 + To Cash £ 1. 7.6 + To D^o p^d M^r. Robinson for Entranc £4.12. + M^r. Graeme D^o 4.12. + M^r. Preston D^o 4. 6. 8 + M^r. Davenport D^o 1.12. 6 + Housekeeper 3.10. + for Candles 15.10 + for Pocket money 3. 6. 4 22.15.4 + -------- + To Cash p^d for Lottery Tickets 7.10.6 + To D^o p^d for washing 1. 1. + To M^r Dering for Board 5. + To Peter Scott for mending a Table 2.6 + To Housekeeping at Williamsburg for sundrys Viz + A Featherbed & furniture £8. + A Desk 1. 1. 6 + An oval Table 1. 1. + 3 Chairs 7/ 1. 1. 11. 3.6 + --------- -------- + July + To General Charges for sundrys Viz + To Cash p^d M^r Preston as advanced for + George £2. 3 + to George 2. 3 + to the Usher 1.11. 3 5.17.3 + --------- + + August + To Cash p^d the Nurse attending J^{no} + & Ja^s £2. 3. + to John & James 1. 1. 6 3. 4.6 + --------- + + To W^m Thomson for Taylors work 3.10.6 + Septemb^r + To Cash to George 1. 1.6 + October + To D^o to D^o to John James & Nurse 6. 9. + To John Holt for sundrys 4. 5.7-1/2 + To James Cocke for D^o 1.15.9 + To Covington the dancing master 2. 3. + To James Power for Cash to George 2.3 + To William Prentis for sundrys 18. 1.3-1/2 + To Rich^d Gamble for two wigs & shaving 5. 7.3 + To Books for sundrys 22. 4.7-1/2 + To W^m Thomson for Taylors work 1. 9.6 + -------------- + £126.13.1-1/2 + + + + +APPENDIX K + +John Mercer's Library + +[From Ledger G] + +"The prices are the first Cost in Sterling money exclusive of +Commission, Shipping or other Charges." + + Sterling + LAW BOOKS + + _Abridgments_ + Cases in Equity abridged £ 18. + Danvers's Abridgment 3 vol 3.10. + Viner's Abridgment 6 vol 8. 8. + Davenport's Abridgm^t of Coke on Littleton 2. + Hughes's Abridgm^t 2 vol 10. + Ireland's Abridgm^t of Dyer's Reports 2. + Rolle's Abridgm^t interleaved 2 vol 5. + Salmon's Abridgm^t of the State trials 1.15. + Statutes abridged by Cay 2 vol 2.10. + State trials abridged 1 vol 5.6 + Virginia Laws Abridged 8. + + _Conveyancing_ + Ars Clericalis 1 vol 4.6 + Compleat Conveyancer 5. + Clerk's Guide 5. + Clerk & Scriveners Guide 8. + Herne's Law of Conveyances 2. + Lawyer's Library 3.6 + West's Symboleography 5. + + _Courts & Courtkeeping_ + Attorneys Practise in C B 6. + Attorney's Practise in B R 2 vol 12. + Coke's Institutes 4^{th} Part 15. + RK Crown Circuit Companion 6. + History of the Chancery 2.6 + AR Practise in Chancery 2 vol 7. + Practick Part of the Law 6. + GI Rules of Practise commonplaced 4. + Practise of Chancery 1672 1.6 + AR Harrison's Chancery Practiser 6. + + _Crown_ + Coke's Institutes 3rd Part 15. + Hale's History of the Pleas of the Crown 2.10. + 2 vol/ + Hawkins Pleas of the Crown 1.10. + Hale's Continuation of the Crown Laws 2.6 + Sutton de Pace Regis 5. + + _Dictionaries_ + Consell's Interpreter 10. + Jacobus's Law Dictionary 1. 8. + Law French Dictionary 6. + RI Students Law Dictionary 5. + AR Term's de la Loy 5. + + _Entries_ + Aston's 3. + TA Brown Lows' Declarations 12. + AR Bohun's Declarations 6. + Brown's modus intrandi, 2 vol 12. + Clift's 1.10. + Coke's 1. 1. + Lilly's 1. 5. + Mallory's Quarer Impedit 17. + Placila generalia & specialia 3. + Rastallo 1. 1. + Robinson's 10. + Read's Declarations 3. + Vidiano 10. + Thompson's 1. + _Justices of Peace_ + Justicio vade mecum 2. + Keble's Assistant to Justices 5. + Manual for Justices 1641 2. + + _Maxims_ + Doctor & Student 3.6 + Finch's Law 4. + Francis's Maxims of Equity 8. + Hale's History & Analysis of the Laws 6. + Hale's Hereditary Descants 1.6 + Hawks's Grounds of the Laws of England 3. + Perkins's Laws 2.6 + Treatise of Equity 8.6 + Woods Institutes of the Laws of England 1. 5. + + _Miscellanies_ + Booth's Real Actions 8. + GI Baron & ferne 6. + Billinghurst of Bankrupts 1.6 + Britton 5. + Brown of fines & Recoveries 5. + Coke's Institutes. Comments on Littleton + Part 2 3. + GI Cane's English Liberties 2. + GI Curson's Laws of Estates tail 4.6 + Domat's Civil Law 2 vol 2. 0. + Dugdale's Origine's Judiciales 2. + Duncomb's Trials perpais 6. + Ejectments, Law of 5. + GI Errors, Law of 6. + GI Everyman his own Lawyer 5. + Evidence, Laws of 6. + GI Jacoba's Lex Mercatoria 5. + GI Jus or Law of Masters & Servants 3. + Landlord's Laws 3. + GI Law Quibbles 4.6 + Laws of Liberty & Property 2. + March's Actions for Slander & Arbitrations 4. + Molloy de jura maritimi & navali 7. + GI Obligations Laws of 5. + Sea Laws 12. + GI Treatise of Trover & Conversion 2. + GI Trespasses (Law of) Vi & armis 6. + Virginia Laws Purvis's 12. + Virginia Laws by Parks 2 Vol 2. + Uses & Trials (Law of) 6. + GI Usury (Law of) 2.6 + Freeholders Companion 5. + Turnbull's System of the Civil Law 2 vol 12. + Jacobs's Collection of Steads for commonplaces 1.6 + Chronica Iuridicialia abridged 4. + Naval Trade 2 vol. 10. + GI Law & Lawyers laid open 2.6 + Freeholders Companion 5. + Law of Devises & Revocations 3.6 + Piffendorf's Law of Nature & Nations 1. 8. + Views of Civil & Ecclesiastical Law 2.6 + Study & Body of the Law 3. + Treatise of Bills of Exchange 2.6 + + _Parliament_ + Cases in Parliament 16. + Hunt's Postscript 4. + + _Readings_ + Alleyne's 9. + Anderson's 1.15. + Barnardiston's 1. 1. + Bentses & Dalison's 10. + Bridgman's 18. + Bulstrode's 4. 4. + Brownlow's & Goldenborough's 7. + Carter's 8. + Carthero's 1. 2. + Cases in Chancery 3 P^{ts} 1.10. + Cases in B R & B C from 2^d W^m 12 Mod 1.10. + Cases in Law & Equity by Macclesfield 10 Mod 1. 4. + Coke's 11 Parts 15. + 12 & 13 Parts 7. + Comberbach's 17. + Croke's 3 vol 2.12.6 + Cary's 3. + Clayton's 3.6 + Davis's 11. + Dyer's 1.11.6 + Farraday's 7 Mod 9. + FitzGibbons's 14. + Gilbert's Rep^{ts} in Equity & Excheq^r 15. + Godbolt's 1. 1. + Hardres's 2.10. + Hetley's 10. + Hobart's 16. + Holt's 1.10. + Hutton's 13. + Jenkins's Centuries 16. + Jones's (D^r. W^m.) 2. 5. + Jones's (Tho^s.) 15. + Keble's 3 vol 1.15. + Keilway's 14. + Keylings 9. + Lane's 16. + Latch's 8. + Leonard's 4. 4. + Loving's 3 Parts 2 vol 2. . + Ley's 7. + Lilly's 9. + Littleton's 11. + Lutneyche's 2 vol 4. 4. + Modern Cases in Law & Equity 8 & 9 Mod 1. 4. + Modern Reports 6 vol 5. 5. + Moore's 18. + Marsh's 3. + Noy's 16. + Owens 16. + Palmer's 12. + Plowden's 2. 5. + Pollersten's 2. 2. + Popham's 14. + Precedents in Chancery 1. 5. + Raymond's (D^r. Tho^s.) 2.10. + Reports in Chancery in Finch's time 16. + Rolles' Reports 2.10. + Reports in Chancery 4 vol 15. + Salkeld's 3 vol 2.16. + Savile's 6. + Saunders's 1. 7.6 + Sherver's 2 vol 2. + Select Cases in Can S. in Ld. King's time . 8. + Siderfin's 2. + Skinner's 1.10. + Styles's 1.10. + Talbot's Cases in Equity 15. + Tothill's Transactions in Chancery 1.6 + Vaughan's 2.10. + Ventris's 1.15. + Vernon's 2 vol 2. 5. + Wynch's 16. + William's 2 vol 2.16. + Year Books 9 vol 3. 7.6 + Yelverton's 5. + Zouch's Cases in the Civil Law 2.6 + Cases in Chan & B R in Ld Hardwick's time 12. + Special & Select Law Cases 1641 6. + + _Sheriffs_ + Treatise of Replevins 3. + + _Statutes_ + Keble's Statutes 2.10. + Statutes concerning Bankrupts 2.6 + + _Tables_ + Index to the Reports 12. + Repertorium Iuridicum 2. + + _Tithes & Laws of the Clergy_ + Hughes's Parson's Law 1.6 + + _Wills Ex^{rs} &c_ + Godolphin's Orphan's Legacy 12. + Meriton's Touchstone of Wills 1.6 + AR Nelson's Lex Testimentaria 7. + GI Swinburne of last Wills 6. + Wentworth's Office of Executors 2. + + _Writs_ + AR Bohun's English Lawyer 5. + Fitzherbert with Hale's Notes 16. + Fitzherbert's Natura Brevium 6. + Registrum Brevium 1. 1. + + _Omitted_ + Laws of Maryland 1. + Statutes of Excise 1.6 + + + OTHER BOOKS + + _Arts & Sciences_ + Alian's Tacticks of War 8. + Smith's Distilling & Fermentation 5. + Weston's Treatise of Shorthand 1. 1. + Weston's Shorthand Copybook 4. + + _Classicks_ + + {Greek Grammar 2.6 + GM {Greek Testament 3.6 + Martial 2.6 + + _Dictionaries_ + Colgrave's French Dictionary 15. + Salmon's Family Dict. 6. + Bailey's English Diet 7. + GM Schrevelii Lexicon 7.6 + Echard's Gazetteer's Interpreter 3.6 + Cole's English Dictionary 2.6 + + _Divinity_ + Tillotson's Sermons 3 vol 2.10. + Bibles trua 1.10. + Leigh of Religion & Learning 10. + Stillingfleck's Origines Sacra 1. + Life of King David 6. + Newton on Daniel 3. + The Sum of Christian Religion 10. + Weeks Preparation 2.6 + Whole Duty of Man 2.6 + The Sacrament explained 2. + The Country Parson's Advice 1.6 + Addy's Shorthand Bible .10. + Atterbury Lewis's Sermons 2 vol 10.6 + Atterbury Francis's Sermons 4 vol 1. 2. + South's Sermons 6 vol 1.12.6 + AS Warburton's divine Legation of Moses 2 vol 16.6 + Revelation examin'd with Candour 2 vol 9.6 + Scott's Christian Life 1. + + _History_ + Universal History 4 vol 9.11.6 + Rushworth's Collections 8 vol 8.16. + Rapin's History of England 2 vol 2.10. + Keating's History of Ireland 1. 1. + Burnet's History of his own Times 2 vol 2.10. + Purchas's Pilgrimage 1. + Cop's History of Ireland 2 vol 2.10. + History of Europe 13 vol at 5/ 3. 5. + Historical Register 26 vol at 3/ 3.18. + Antiquitatum variarum Auctores 2.6 + History of the Turks 4^{th} vol 4.6 + Jeffery of Monmouth 4. + Burnet's History 3 vol 9. + Bladen's Caesar's Commentaries 4.6 + History of the Fifth General Council 12. + Machiavel's History of Florence 4. + Roman History Echard's 5^{th} vol 4. + Lehontan's Voyages 2^d vol 4. + Description of the 17 Provinces 2. + The English Acquisitions in Guinea &c 2. + Burnet's Travels 1.6 + Heylyn's Help to English History 3.6 + History of Spain 1.6 + Catholick History 2. + History of Virginia 2.6 + DuStalde's History of China 4 vol 1. + + _Husbandry & Gardening_ + Quintinye's Gardener 1. + Woodbridge of Agriculture 8. + Evelyn's Sylvia 12. + Houghton's Husbandry 4 vol 1. 2. + Bradley's Husbandry 3 vol 15. + Gardening 2 vol 6. + new Improvements 6. + ancient husbandry 4. + practical Discourses 8. + Farmer's Director 2.6 + Ladies Director 2.6 + Hop Garden 1.6 + Dictionarium Rusticum 6. + CD Monarchy of the Bees 1.6 + A Discourse of Sallets 1. + Pocket Farrier 1. + Miscellanies of the Dublin Society 5. + {Spectator 8 vol 1. + GM {Tatler 4 vol 10. + {Addison's Works 4 vol 10. + {Guardian 2 vol 5. + Pope's Letters 2 vol 5. + Present State of Great Britain 6. + Persian Letters 2 vol 5. + Sedley's Works 1 vol 5. + Carson's Lucubrations 2. + Acc^t of Society for Reformation of Manners 2.6 + Aristarchus Anti Bentlianus 2. + Dissertation on the Thebaan Legion 2.6 + Secret History of Whitehall 2. + The Western Martyrology 2.6 + GM Memoria Technica 2.6 + Erasmus's Praise of Folly 2.6 + Turkish Spy 5 & 6 vol 4. + Tom Brown's Letters from the Dead to the Living 2.6 + The Intelligencer 2.6 + Rone's Lives 4. + The Dublin Almanack 1. + Maxims & Reflections on Plays 2. + Report about Silver Coins 1.6 + Essay for Amendment of them 2. + Feltham's Resolves 4. + The Minister of State 6. + Treatise of Honour 5. + Lyropadia 6. + Hutchinson on Virtue 4. + T. Scott on the Passions 2. + Lansdowne's Works 3 vol 7.6 + Works of the Learned 13 vol 4.11. + Boyle's Adventures 3. + Leisure Hours Amusement 3. + + _News & Politicks_ + London Magazine 11 vol 3.17. + Gentlemen's Magazine 4 vol 1. 6. + The Britton 2.6 + Common Sense 2 vol 6. + The Freeholder 2.6 + The Craftsman 6 vol 18. + Pues Occurrences 5. + The True Britton 2 vol 12. + + _Philosophy & Mathematicks_ + Rarities of Gresham Colledge 16. + Bacon's natural History 10. + Physiologia 12. + + GF Derham's Physico Theology 5. + Astro Theology 4. + Sturmy's Mariners Magazine 14. + Gordon's Cosmography 5. + Geography 5. + Ozanam's Mathematical Recreations 5. + Atkinson's Epitome of Navigation 5. + General Steads for natural History 1.6 + Seaman's Calendar + RI Newton's Opticks 6. + Keill's Astronomy 6. + Baker's Microscope 5.6 + Mathew's Invenitis 3 vol 15. + + _Physick & Surgery_ + + JM Salmon's Herbal 2 vol 2.12. + {Dispensatory 6. + JM {Synopsis Medicina 8. + {Ars Chirurgica 8. + {Medicina Practica 6. + JM Beerhaave's Method of the dying Physic 4. + JM Sydehamii Opuscula 4. + JM Wiseman's Surgery 2 vol 10. + JM Sanctorius's Aphorisms 5. + Quiney's Dispensatory 6.6 + JM Strother on Sickness & Health 3.6 + JM on Causes & Cures 2.6 + JM Criticon Febrium 2.6 + Shaw's Practises of Physick 2 vol 10. + Arbuthnot of Aliment 3.6 + JM London Dispensatory 3.6 + AS Andrey on Worms 4. + JM Friends Emmencologia 3. + JM Pitcarn's Dissertationes 6. + JM Friends' Praelectioned Chymica 2.6 + AS Short's Dissertation on Coffee & Tea 2.6 + JM Robinson Consumptions 5.6 + JM Drake's Anatomy 2 vol 10. + JM History of Physic 2 vol 8. + JM Mead on Poysons 4. + + _Plays & Poetry_ + + Killigrew's Plays 10. + Ignoramus Latin & English 3.6 + Shakespears Plays 8 vol 1. 5. + Ben Johnsons Works 10. + Wycherley's Plays 5. + Blackmore's Elize 8. + DuBartas's Works 12. + Prior's Works 3. + Pope's Works 9 vol 1. 5. + GM Homers Iliad 6 vol 15. + Homers Odyssey 5 vol 12.6 + Savage's Poems 2.6 + GM Thomsons Seasons 2.6 + Rochesters Poems 2^d vol 3. + Caroley's Works 3 vol 9. + Lauderdale's Virgil 2 vol 5. + Theocritus 1.6 + Broome's Poems 3.6 + Ovid's Art of Love 3. + Creech's Lucretius 2 vol 8. + Barbers Poems 5. + Wallace 2. + Sandys' Paraphrase on the divine Poems 6. + + _Trade_ + Roberts's Map of Commerce 1. + Davenant on Trade & Plantations 2 vol 8. + + _Omitted_ + + GB Annesley's Trial 5.6 + Speeches at Atterbury's Trial 5. + Ladies Physical Directory 2.6 + Calvins Sermons 2.6 + Nunnery Tales 4. + Wingate's Arithmetick 4. + Lloyd's Consent of time 7.6 + Memoirs of secret Service 2.6 + Views of France 2. + Account of the Treaty of Uxbridge 2.6 + May's Cookery 3. + The Triumphs of Peace 1.6 + S^r. Walter Raleigh of a War with Spain 2.6 + The Romish Horseleech 2.6 + Conjectura Cabbalistica 2. + Miscellanies by Swift & Pope 4 vol 3. + The Syren 4. + The Musical Miscellany 6 vol 18. + +[The following are evidently subsequent additions to the library, which +seems thus far to have been cataloged before 1746. The following books +listed are referred to the accounts on which they were purchased.] + + 1746 + + April To Maj^r. John Champe for sundrys viz. + Viner's Abridgment 4 vol £5.16. + Ld. Raymond's Reports 2 vol 3. + Freeman's Reports 1.15. + Lilly's Conveyancer 1.15. + Comyn's Reports 1.10. + Dalton's Officium Vicic 1. 2. + Swinburne [18th-century author] of Wills 1. + Herne's Pleader 19. + Petyt's Ius Parliamentarium. 18. + Tremaine's Pleas of the Crown 15. + Wood's Institutes of the Civil Law 13. + Trott's Plantation Laws 12. + Reports B R 4, 5, 6, 7, & 8 Ann 12. + Duke's Law of Charitable Uses 10. + GI Abridg^t State Tryals 9 vol 1.16. + AR Practising Attorney 2 vol 9. + GI Naval Trade 2 vol 9. + AR Attorney & Pleaders' Treasury 2 vol 10. + Compleat Sheriff 5.6 + Orders of the Court of Chancery 5.6 + GI Law of Testaments & Last Wills 5.6 + Ex^{rs}. & Adm^{rs} 5. + Trespasses 5. + Merchants 5. + GI Awards 4.6 + Ejectments 4.6 + GI Actions upon the Cse 4.6 + Tenures 4.6 + Errors 4. + Trials in high Treason 4. + Mortgages 4. + Covenants 4. + GI Executions 4. + Estates Tail 3.6 + GI Securities 3.6 + Infants 3.6 + Last Wills 3.6 + Obligations 3. + Master & Servant 3. + GI Landlords 2.8 + Actions 2.6 + Inheritances 2.6 + Pledges 2.6 + Bastardy 1.6 + Non compos 1.6 + Trover & Conversion 1.6 + Appeals 2. + GI Select Trials at the Old Baily 4 vol 11. + New Retorna Brevium 4.6 + Bacon's Law Tracts 4.6 + History & Practise of Common Pleas 4. + Doctrina placitandi 4. + AR Wentworth's Office of Ex^{rs} 4. + Notes of Cses in C B in points of Practise 4. + Treasures of Ireland 3.6 + English Liberties 3.6 + Treatise of Frauds 2.6 + Book of Oaths 2.6 + Blunt's Fragments Antiquitatis 2.6 + Woman's Lawyer 2. + Judgments in C B & B R 2. + Essay for regulating the Laws 2. + Philips's Grandeur of the Laws 2. + Special Law Cases 1.6 + Bellew's Cases from Statham 1.6 + Lawyer's Light 1.6 + Ius Tratrum 1. + Critica Iuris Genissa 1. + Bibliotheca Legum 1. + Chambers's Dictionary 2 vol 4. 4. + Milton's Works 2 vol 2. 2. + Universal History 5^{th}. 39/ 6^{th} 44 + 7^{th} 57 6. 7.6 + Arbuthnot's Tables 16. + History of Europe 5 vol 15. + Grays Hudibras 2 vol 13. + History of Peter the Great 3 vol 13. + Nature displayed 4 vol 12. + Treatise of Money & Exchanges 10.6 + English Compendium 2 vol 10.6 + Irish & Scotch each 7.6 15. + London Magazine for 1743 & 1744 13.2 + Present State of Great Britain 5.6 + GF Dycke's Dictionary 5.6 + Blandy's Tables 4.6 + Geography reformed 3.6 + Hewit's Tables 1.8 + Trunk Matt & Cord 14. + --------- + 53.13.6 + + + Sterling Curr^t + Entry 2/ Cartage 1/ + Searchers 1/ + Shipping & Warfage 2/6 + Waterage 2/6 Gill Lad 6^d . 9.6 + Commission at 2 pr Cent 1. 1.10 + Freight & Primage + 2-1/2 p^r Cent 1. 7.7-1/4 + Insurance Policy & + 1/2 p^r Cent + Commission to pay 98 + in case of Loss 11. 6.6-3/4 67.18. + + November + To M^r William Jordan for Sundrys Viz + Broughton's Dictionary 2 vol fol + £1. 5. + WW Grey's Hudibras 2 + 11. 6 + Modern Husbandman 3 + 13. + GM Rollins Belles Lettres 2 sets 4 + 1. 1. + Pamela 4 + 8. 8 + David Simple 1 + 2. 2 + Joseph Andrews 2. 2 + {Harskey's Virgil 2. 8-1/2 + GM { Terence 2. 8-1/2 + { Horace 2. 8-1/2 + Epistle on drinking 5-1/2 + Pleasures of Imagination 11 + Swift's Sermons 5-l/2 + Bulingbroke's Remarks 2. 4 + GM Rollins Ancient History 13 vol 2. 5. 6 + Irish Historical Library 3. 7. 4.3-1/2 9.11. + ---------- + 1747 + April + To Cash pd for 2 of Stith's + Histories of Virg^a 1. 1. 8 + Debates in Parliament 21 3.18. + A Common prayer book 10. 5. 9. 8 + ---------- + GM To William Parks for + Ainsworth's Dictionary 2.10. + Memoirs of Pope's Life &c 12. 6 3. 2. 6 + ---------- + To Doctor McKenzie for the + History of London 3.14. 3 + CD Lives of the Admirals + 4 vol 2. 2. 3 5.16. 6 + IP To M^r Jordan for 20 vol + Universal History 7.14. + + October + IS To Doctor McKenzie for + Costlogon's 2 vol D^o 8. 1. 4 + {To Cash paid for Bustorf's + Herbron Lexicon .13. + GM{ Heereboord's Burgersdicius 4. + + March + To Mrs. Grace Mercer for sundrys Viz + {Clark's Romer 2 vol .13. + {Murphy's Leucian. Lucian 3. 6 + {Robertson's Lexicon 1. + {Passons Lexicon 3. 6 + GM {Trapp's Virgil 3 vol 9. + {Kennet's Antiquities . 5. + {Potter's Antiquities 2 vol 10.10 + {Salust Minellii 2. 6 + {Rowe's Salust 2. 2 + {Brown's Roman History 2. 2 + Ainsworth's Dictionary 1. 7. + {Geographia Classica 4. 6 + {Button's Introduction 2. 8-1/2 + GM {Erhard's Terence 2. 6 + {Plutarch's Lives 8 vol 2. + {Francis's Horace 4 vol 13. + Gay's Tables 2. 2 + GB Tom Brown's Works 4 vol 13. + PS Delaney's Sermons 3. 3 + Subscription to Shakespear 10.10 9.10. 7-1/2 + --------- + To D^o for Residue of + Subscription to Shakespear 10.10 + To Sydenham & Hdgson for sundrys Viz + AM Conduct of the Dutchess + of Marlborough 4. + The other side of the + Question 5. + Practise of the Ecclesiastical + Courts 3. 6 + IR Motts Geography 2 vol. fol. maps + bound 4.14. + Continuation of Rapin 3 vol + fol 5.10. + Salmon's modern History 3 vol + 4^o 3. 3. + {Hoppnes Architecture 4^o 10. + {Salmon's Palladio Londonensis + 4^o 7. + WB {Palladio's Architecture 4^o 4. + {Langley's City & Country + Builder 14. + London Magazine 1745, 6, 7 19. 6 + Winer's Abridgment 3 vol fol 4.10. + Milton's Political Works 2 vol + fol 2. 6. + A Box 2. 6 + ---------- + £23.11. 6 + + Commission Insurance &c + 26 pc^t 6. 2. 7 + Exchange at 40 pc^t 11.17. 7-1/2 41.11. 8-1/2 + + To William Jordan for sundrys Viz + {London Magazine + 1745, 6. 7. 8 1.12. 6 + not {Salmon's Gazetteer 3. 6 + [?] { Chronology 10. + recd {A large Map of the World 2. 6 + ---------- + 1749 + Oct. + To Nath Walthoe for the Harleian + Miscellany 8 vol 6. 6. + To D^o for Guthrie's History of + England in Sheets 4. 4. + To Cash for Popple's Maps 1.11. 3 + + 1750 + May + To W^m Parks for sundrys 7.19 + Aug + To Lyonel Lyde for sundrys + £49.8 sterl^g 26 pC^t 49. 8 + ------------------------------- + 439. 7. 9 91.13.11-1/2 + 25 pC^t 109.16.11-1/4 549. 4. 8-1/4 + ------------------------------- + 640.18. 7-3/4 + + 1746 [Currency] + Feb. + By Gabriel Jones for sundrys marked GJ 13.19. 8 + + 1749 + May + By W^m Walker for Grey's Hudibras 16. 1 + + 1750 + May + By John Sutherland for Coeltagon's + Dictionary 8. 1. 4 + June + By George Mason for Rollins belles + Letters 15. 23.12. 1 + ------------------------------- + £617. 6. 6-3/4 + + 1750 + April + To W^m Parks for sundrys Viz + Noblemens Seats by Kip (38) £1. 2. 6 + Johnson's Lives of Highwaymen &c 1. 2. 6 + Willis's Survey of the Cathedrals + 3 vol 1.19. + Select Plays 16 vol 3. 3. + 8 Views of Scotland 12. + + Aug^t + To Lyonel Lyde for sundrys bo^t of Osborn Viz + Universal History 20 vol gilt £9. 8. 6 + Merian of Insects 2.10. 9 + Gallia et Helvatia Urbes 1.16. 3 + Theatrum Urbium Germanis 2 vol 4.11. 4 + Noblemen's Seats by Kip (80) 1.16. 3 + Churches Palaces & Gardens in + France 5. 1. 6 + Pozzo's Perspective 1.16. 3 + Perrier's Statues 2. 5. 8 + 100 Views of Brabant & Flanders 1.10. 6 + 150 Prints of Ovid's Metamorphosis 1.10. 6 + Cases in Parliament 8 vol 18. 5. 5 + Father Paul's History 15. 3 51. 8. 2 + + To D^o for sundrys bo^t of George Strahan + AR Ld Raymond's Reports 2 vol 4. 7 + Barnardiston's Reports in BA 2 vol 2.18 + IP Freeman's Reports 2.12. 2 + AR Comyns's Reports 2. 3. 6 + Viners Abridgment 14^{th} vol 2. 3. 6 + AR Barnardiston's Reports in Canc^[Symbol] 1.12. + Fortescues Reports 1. 9. + AR Talbot's Reports 1. 1. 9 + AR Shoner's Cases in Parliament 18.10 + Goldesborough's Reports 5. + Catalogue of Law Books 2. 2 19.12.11 + To M^{rs} Grace Mercer for sundrys Viz + GM Preceptor 2 vol £ .13. + County of Waterford 8. 3 + County of Devon 7. 3 + Life of King David 7. + Lives of the Popes 1^{st} vol 5. 3 + Delany's Sermons 4. 9 + Practise of Farming 3. 9 + Practical farmer 2 parts 2. + Dublin Societies Letters 3. 3 + AM Hervey's Meditations 3. 3 + London Brewer 1. 8 + Hops 8 + Bees 8 + Grass Seeds 8 + Flax 5 + Saffron 4 + Woollen Manufacture 4 3. 2. 7 + ----------- + To Cash as paid for sundrys Viz + Catalogue of Plants £ 10. 6 + Political View 2. + History of Amphitheatres 4. + Northern Memoirs 2. 6 + Life of Oliver Cromwell 3. + The Fool 6. + The Citizen 2. + Greaves's Origin of Weights &c 2. 6 + Steele's Romish History 1. 3 + D^r Henry Wooten's Pieces 1. 3 + Account of Naval Victories 1. 3 + Tennent's Physical Enquiries 1. + D^r Ratcliffe's Life 6 + Extract of Cheyney's Life & Writings 1. 3 + History of Nadir Cha 1. 3 + Court Register 1. 6 + Description of the microscope Ec 6 + Richmond Rarities 1. 3 2. 3. 6 + ----------- + + To John Mitchelson for sundrys Viz + Life of the Duke of Argyle 7. 6 + Parnell's Poems 4. 6 + Young's Night Thoughts 5. 3 + Farquhar's Works 2 vol 10. 6 + Fenton's Poems 4. 6 + Devil on Crutches 2 vol 7. 6 + History of the Royal Family 4. 6 + GM 2 Fer's Geography 9. + Hughes's History of Barbadoes 1.15. 4. 8. 3 + --------------------------- + 706. .11-3/4 + +1750 By Sons for the following Books + Thomson's Travels 4 vol 15. + Thomson's Seasons 3. 1-1/2 + Pope's Homer 6 vol 18. 9 + Rollins Ancient History 13 vol 2.17. + Trap's Virgil 3 vol 11. 3 + Echard's Terence 3. 1-1/2 + Ainsworth's Dictionary 2.10. + Spectator 8 1. 5. + Tatler 4 12. 6 + Addison's Works 4 12. 6 + Guardian 2 6. 3 + Rollins Belles Lettres 4 13. 1-1/2 + Hankey's Virgil 3. 4 + Terence 3. 4 + Horace 3. 4 + Buxtorp's Hebrew Lexicon 13. + Heerebord's Burgersdicius 4. + Clark's Homer 2 vol 16. 3 + Murphy's Lucian 4. 4-1/2 + Robertson's Lexicon 1. 5. + Passor's Lexicon 4. 4-1/2 + Kennet's Antiquities 6. 3 + Potter's Antiquities 2 vol 13. 6 + Salust Minellii 3. 1-1/2 + Rowe's Salust 2. 8-1/2 + Brown's Roman History 2. 8-1/2 + Geographica Classica 5. 7-1/2 + Button's Introduction 3. 4 + Plutarch's Lives 8 vol 2.10. + Francis's Horace 4 16. 3 + Greek Grammar 3. 1-1/2 + Greek Testament 4. 4-1/2 + Schrevelii Lexicon 9. 4-1/2 + Memoria Technica 3. 1-1/2 21. 8. 1-1/2 + ------------- + By Gerard Fowke for Dycke's Dictionary 11. + By Sons for the Preceptor 2 vol 13. 6 + Fer's Geography 3. 16. 6 + ------------- + By Profit & Loss for Freeman's Reports £2.12. 2 + Universal History 20 vol 7.14. 10. 6. 2 + ------------- + By Robert Roseby by his Bro. Alexander + Ld. Raymond's Reports 2 vol £4.10. + Comyns Reports 2. 5. + Barnardiston's Reports in Cane 1.13. + Talbot's Reports 1. 2. 6 + Shower's Cases in Parliament 19. 6 10.10. + ------------- + 662. 9. 2-1/4 + --------------- + £706. .11-3/4 + + + + +APPENDIX L + +Botanical Record and Prevailing Temperatures + + Dates when flowers, trees, and plants bloomed in 1767, with + temperatures, extracted from John Mercer's journal, in back of + Ledger B + + + _Temp._ + March + 21 46-63 Daffodil + Hyacinths 6 + Violet + Narcissous + 22 60-69 Almond + Apricot + 24 37-47 Plum sm^l + 30 45-48 May Cherry + Cucumber hotbed + 31 44-52 Beans + Pease + + April + 1 47-48 Dwarf Iris + 2 41-52 Peach + Hyacinth s d 10 + D^od 5 + Cowslips + 3 44-50 rain all night & morn + 6 44-46 D^o all night & day + 7 44-50 Cherry y & b D^o all night + Plum Comm. + Wild currant + 9 48-32 Peach d bl + Asparagus + Radishes + Crown Imperial + 12 44-54 Tulip early + 13 54-62 Pear + Wall flower + 15 48-53 Frittillary rain all night + 16 46-60 Green Sagia + 17 48-55 Prickson + 18 48-60 Columbine + Tulips + Strawberry + 20 34-60 Lilac + Catchfly Julia + + April + 22 46-51 Jonquil + 24 46-62 Formantil + 26 70-78 Syringa + Persian Lilac + Honeysuckle Virg^a + Hyacinth dw ... purp. + 28 60-65 Iris la^r blue + Narcissus w. + 30 64-70 Parrot Tulip + + May + 1 54-60 Rose + 3 53-57 Mourn^g bride rain in the night + Peony w^t + Hyacinth dou. bl. + 4 55-63 Purple Stocks D^o in the night & morn. + 5 59-66 White D^o + 6 54-67 Agerolis + Peony red + 7 60-72 Honeysuckle + 8 59-72 Spiderwort + Horsechestnut + Snow drop + 9 59-65 Yellow Lilly + Borage + 10 59-65 Fraxinella + 11 66-68 Yellow s Rose + Fringe tree + 12 64-68 Grass pinks + 13 63-70 Annual stock + 14 65-72 Madeira Iris + Sweet w^m + 15 60-76 Corn Hay fine rain in the night + 16 60-70 Spiraea frietus + 17 56-74 Feath^r Hyacinth + + May + + 18 67-80 Corn Hay Whitsunday + 19 70-82 White rose + 20 72-83 Poppy + Bladder Senna + 21 75-80 Foxglove + Swamp Laurel + Sm^l bl. Iris + Scorzancea + Monthly Rose + Orange + Lemon + Citron + 22 73-84 Indian Pink a fine rain + 23 72-76 Larkspur + 24 63-68 Queen's july fl. + 25 61-70 Wing'd pea + 26 63-70 Monks hood + 27 65-72 Catch fly + 28 68-79 Apscynum + Sago + 29 71-79 Sparrow Wistle + L. Weymouth's world + 30 75-77 Sp Broom A fine rain + Dorch. yell Rose + 31 73-80 Great Poppy + + June + + 1 73-70 Pinks + 2 64-73 Gumbogia + 3 64-79 W^r Lilly + Apscinum vine + + June + + 4 74-76 Prickly pear + 5 70-64 Jessamine A fine rain + 6 60-71 Holyock + 7 63-73 Crysanthemum + Virg^a Spike + Sweet Sultan + Orange Lilly + 9 65-70 Cat Spa + 14 70-81 Flos Adonis + 15 72-82 Pleurisy root + 17 75-82 Yucca + African Marigold + 19 70-78 Southern wood + 23 70-82 Elacampana + 24 74-82 Rock Rose + Oriental Asmart + 29 82-92 Afr marigold y. + + July + 3 Althaea frutea + 5 70 Coxcomb rain all day + 7 72-84 Amaranth ordes + 8 74-80 Virg^a Saffron + 9 75-87 Partridge berr^s + 11 84-84 Passion flow^r + 16 73-76 Marvel of Peru + 18 76-84 Swamp Sweet + 20 76-86 Martagon Virg. + 23 76-85 Cardinal fl. + Sunflower + + + + +APPENDIX M + +Inventory of Marlborough, 1771 [John Mercer's widow, Ann Roy Mercer, +died at Marlborough September 2, 1770. By the next spring, James Mercer +was operating Marlborough as one of four plantations owned by him. The +overseer was Thomas Oliver. At the end of May 1771 Oliver drew up a +statement of the conditions of the plantations and made a detailed +inventory. This document has been reproduced in facsimile in _A +Documentary History of American Industrial Society_.[216] + +The following excerpts consist of the inventory, as it applied to +Marlborough only, and of Oliver's statement at the end. The "return," as +he called it, covered the period from May 1 to May 31, 1771. The +reference to advertising the "sale" is apparently concerned with one of +the unsuccessful public sales of John Mercer's personal property.] + + 56 Horn Cattle + 28 Cavallrey + 128 Sheap + . Swine + 22 Plowes + 8 Clevices + 8 Clevispins + 11 leading lines + 4 Chaine traces + 4 Roap traces + 8 Bridle Bitts + 8 Back bands + 8 Haimes + 6 Ox Yoaks + 3 Ox Chains + 2 Ox Carts + 1 Waggons Compleat + 4 Horse Harness d^o + 4 Horse Collers + 12 Swingle trees + . Threshing Instruments + 4 Fanns + 2 Sieves + 1 Riddles + 1 Halfe bushel Measure + 1 Halfe Barrel Measure + 1 Harrows + 10 Hillinghows + 17 Weeding hows + 8 Grubbing hows + 1 Syder press + 1 Syder Mill + 15 Axes + 4 Wedges + 1 Iron Shovels + 4 Spades + 3 Hay forks + . Hay Rakes + 2 Dung forks + 13 Scythes + 4 Cradles + . Sickles + 8 Sheap Shears + 1 Barns + 2 Grainerys + 3 Corn Houses + 5 Stables + 4 Stock locks + 1 Padlocks + 6 Mealbags + 1 Boats + 1 Schoos + 1 Cannow + 1 Seaines + 2 Cross cutt Saws + 1 Whip Saws + 2 Hand Saws + 3 Adzes + 5 Chisels + 1 Hammers + 1 Frows + 2 Gimblets + 2 Drawing knives + 7 Broad Axes + 1 Gouges + 1 Compasses + 3 Augers + 2 2 Yard Rules + 1 Chalk lines + 3 Sawfiles + 1 Curriers knives + 1 Tanners knives + 1 Tobacco Cask Branding Irons + 5 Iron Potts for Negroes + 1 Grinding Stoans + 6 Scyth stoans + 1 Sarvants + 29 Negroes in Crop + 25 Negroes out of Crop + 9 Hyerd out + 63 Total amount of Negroes + +N.B. the Casuality in sheap are 11 sold to M^r Lowery. 1 to Doct^r +Clemense. 1 held for the house. dy'd a little time after being Castrated +5 (18) as in the Collem of decress. 1 Calfe dy'd five days after Being +Cutt. the remainder of the stock in good Condition. two mares excepted. +the work of the Mill going on as well as Can be Expected till M^r. +Drains is better. the Schoo and Boat unfit for Any Sarvice whatsoever +till repair'd. if Capable of it. the foundation of the Malt house wants +repairing. the Manor house wants lead lights in some of the windows. the +East Green House wants repairing, the west d^o wants buttments as a +security to the wall on the south side. the Barn, tobacco houses at +Marlborough & Acquia must be repaired as soon as possible. The two +tobacco houses at Belvaderra are in good order. five stables on +Marlborough plantation must also be repair'd before winter. we have +sustai'd no damage from Tempests or Floods. it will Expedient to hyer a +Carpinder for the woork wanted can not be accomplish'd in time, seeing +the Carpenders must be taken of for harvest which is Like to be heavy. I +will advertise the sale at Stafford Court and the two parish Churches to +begin on the 20th of June 1771. this is all the intelligence this month +requiers. P.S. The Syder presses at each plantation & Syder Mill at +Marlbrough to tally Expended ... Negro Sampson Marlbro Company Sick of +the Gravel. Negress Deborah Sick of a Complication of dis^s. Negro +Tarter acqui Company Sick plurisy. Negress Phillis sick Accokeeck +Company Kings Evil Negro Jas Pemberton at Marlb^h Sick Worme fever. + + ThS. Oliver + For + Ja^s. Mercer Esq^r + +FOOTNOTES: + +[216] Edit. John P. Commons (New York: Russell & Russell, 1958), vol. 1, +facsimile opp. p. 236. Quoted through kind permission of Russell & +Russell, publishers. + + + + +Index + + + + + _Abridgment of the Laws of Virginia_, 24, 62-63; second edition, 50, + 53 + Accokeek: plantation, 12, 62; ironworks, 23, 24, 25, 47, 162, 193 + Act for Encouraging Adventurers in Ironworks, Mercer's protest + against, 23 + Acts for Towns (1662), 5; + (1680), 5, 7 + Act for Ports (1691), 7, 10, 34; + suspension of, 8 + Act for Ports (1705), 8, 12, 22, 45, 83, 177; + suspension of, 9 + Adie, Hugh, 118 + agricultural implements: + hoe, 25, 170 (illustr.) + plow, 25; + drill plow, 59; + iron for, 34; + colter for, 73, 168-169 (illustr.) + scythe, iron, 113, 114, 168 (illustr.), 171 + spade, 170-171 + Alexander, Robert, 12, 22 + Alexandria, 50, 52, 53 + Alexandria Library, viii + Allan, William, 34 + Allen, William, 184 + Ambler, Richard, 16 + American Philosophical Society, vii, viii, 69; _Year Book_ of, viii + Amson, Doctor, 46 + amusements: + cards, 51 + dancing, 33, 34 + game counters, 26 (illustr.) + horse racing, 20, 26, 43 + loo, 20, 26 + lottery, 34 + music, 33, 34; books on, 43 + pitching, 20 + quoits, 20 + racing (unspecified), 17 + wagers, 26 + wrestling, 26 + Anderson, Thomas (brickmaker,) 28, 35 + andirons, 17, 162 (illustr.) + Andrews, George (ordinary keeper), 11, 12, 13, 23, 44, 82, 177; + inventory of, 183 + "Antigua Ship," 47 + apothecary, 36 (_See also_ medicine) + Aquia (plantation), 62 + Aquia Church (_See under_ church) + Aquia Creek, 11, 12 + archeological techniques, 70 + arches, 36, 91, 94 + architect, 36 (_See also_ joiner; carpenter) + architecture, books on, 37, 38, 43, 98 + _Architecture of A. Palladio_, 98 (illustr. from) + art, books on, 43, 200 + Ashby, ----, 53 + Ashby, Thomas, vii + Astbury, Thomas (Staffordshire potter), 108, 138, 139 + Astbury, Thomas, Jr. (Staffordshire potter), 139 + + Bacon, Nathaniel, 10 + Bagge, Edmund, 17, 192 + Bailey, ---- (brewer), 55 + Bailey, Worth, viii + ball, musket, 155, 157 (illustr.) + Ballard, Thomas, 12, 14, 17, 22 + Ballard, William, 177 + Balthrop, ----, 51 + Barber, William, 12 + Barradall, Mr., 58 + Barry, Ed, 18 + Barry, Thomas (bricklayer), 36, 91, 95, 102, 104, 105 + basaltes ware (_See under_ stoneware) + basins, 25, 39; + earthenware, 125; + pottle, 39, 138 + Basnett, Abraham ("oysterman"), 35 + Battaley (Battaille), Mosley, 16, 17; + Mercer's account for, 185 + Bayley, Ambrose, 10, 11 + Beach, Daniel, 184 + Beach, Peter, 12, 13; + inventory of, 184 + Beaty, Andrew (joiner), 36 + bed (_See under_ furniture) + bed cord, 17 + Belchier, John (cabinetmaker), 40 + Belfield, Mr., 42 + Belle Plains, 28 + Belvedere (plantation), 62 + Bensen, Thomas, 185 + Berkeley, Governor, 47, 97 + Berryman, ----, 22 + beverages: + ale, 33, 55, 56; + arrack, 145; + Barbadoes spirits, 145; + beer, 55, 145, 146 (Bristol); + bottles for, 145-152; + brandy, 36, 145; + chocolate, 32; + cider, 16, 33, 62, 145, 146, 149; + citron water, 146; + claret, 17, 18, 33, 46, 145; + coffee, 32; + corn, 145; + gin, 150-151; + lime juice, 17; + Lisbon, 145; + Madeira, 25, 145; + "Mint [water]," 146; + "Orange flower [water]," 146; + porter, 56; + punch, 13 145; + rum, 17, 33, 42, 145; + sherry, 145; + "Tansey,' 146; + tea, 32; + wine, 33, 145, 145 (Fyall) + (_See also_ bottle; cup; glass; chocolate pot; teapot) + Beverley, Robert, 8, 21, 51, 97, 192 + biography, books of, 43 + birds, singing, 33; + birdcage, 33 + Biscoe, W., vii + Black, William, 33, 178 + Blacke, William (gardener), 58 + blacksmith, 35, 167, 174 (_See also_ ironworks) + Bland, Theodorick, 7, 8. 10, 177 + Blane, John, 25 + boat, 62; + canoe, 25; + "Schoo" (schooner), 62, 177; + sloop, 15, 16, 32, 42, 177 + bones, animal, 111 + bookplate, John Mercer's, iv (illustr.) + books, 14, 17, 20, 33, 34, 36, 42; + Mercer's reading, 191; + purchase of, 191-192, 198-208; + sale of, 61-62 + Booth, John (weaver), 32 + botanical record, 209-210 (_See also_ garden) + bottles, 25, 56, 145-152; + canary, 145; + cider, 149; + closure for, 145; + gin, 112, 150-151 (illustr.); + medicine, 152, 153 (illustr.); + methods of making, 146-149; + octagonal, 149 (illustr.); + scent, 152; + smelling, 32; + snuff, 32, 151 (illustr.), 152; + spirits, 111, 150 (illustr.); + stoneware, 39; + wine, 72, 107, 111, 112, 119 (illustr.), 145-149 (illustr.), 173, + 178; + wine, seal for, 31 (illustr.), 73, 111, 146-149 (illustr.) + bowl: + creamware, 141; + delftware, 137 (illustr.); + earthenware, 124 (illustr.), 127 (illustr.); + porcelain, 144; + redware, 125, 126, 128; + stoneware, 136; + whiteware, 143 + box iron, heaters for, 17, 162 (illustr.) (_See also_ smoothing iron) + Boyd's Hole, 18, 35, 51 + Braddock, General, 52 + Braintree (Mass.), 151 + brands, on tobacco casks, 29-30 + brass, 17, 39, 59, 72, 73, 108, 155 (_See also_ specific forms) + Braxton, Colonel, 26 + Brent, George, 12 + Brent, Giles, 7, 12, 22; + widow of, 12; + heirs of, 177 + Brent, Giles, Jr., 7 + Brent, Robert, 12 + Brent, William, 23, 26 + Brent, William (infant), 45, 177; + house burned, 63 + brewer, 55, 58; + house for, 178 + brewery, 55, 56-57, 61, 178; + sale at, 56; + sale of, 61; + still, 26, 61 + (_See also_ Marlborough, buildings) + brewing, books on, 43 + Brick House (village in New Kent County), 27 + bricklayers, 35, 36, 103-104, 118 + bricklaying, 94-95; 103-104, 111, 112; + Flemish bond, 72, 121 + brickmaking, 35 (_See also_ building materials) + bridge, 35 + bridle, 25; + bit for, 73, 169 (illustr.), 171 (illustr.) + Bromley, William (turner), 36, 38, 39, 50, 98 + Bronough, John W., 64 + Brook (village), 28, 67 + Brooke, William, 26 + _Brooks_ (ship), 26 + broom, hearth, 39 + Brunswick Town (North Carolina), 108 + brush, curry, 18, 172 + bucket, 39 + Buckland, William, 52 + buckle: + brass, 72, 155 (illustr.), 156 (illustr.); + iron, 170; + pewter, 52; + silver, 32 + Buckley ware (_See under_ earthenware) + Bucknell (Oxford County), 58 + Buckner, William, 7, 8, 21, 22, 177 (_See also_ Marlborough, survey + 1691) + Bucks County Historical Society, viii, 28 + building materials: + ballusters, 36, 96 + bricks, 9, 11, 18, 35, 36, 67, 68, 71, 72, 91, 94, 102, 107, 109 + (illustr.), 112; + sizes of, 90, 95, 104, 121 + clapboards, 25 + concrete, 92 (illustr.), 93 (illustr.) + flagstones, 35, 86, 97, 101, 102, 121 + gold leaf, 36, 95 + lime, 9, 35, 69 + linseed oil, 36 + lumber, 9, 18, 25, 34, 36 + marble, 96 + mortar, 35, 69, 102, 162 + oystershells, 16, 18, 35, 69, 107, 108, 111 + paint, 36 + plaster, 96, 97 (illustr.), 102, 121 + shingles, 34 + stone, 35, 36, 68, 71, 72, 86, 87, 89, 91 (illustr.), 92 (illustr.), + 94 (illustr.), 101 + Bull Run Quarters, 29, 30, 42; + slaves at, 41, 58 + bullet (_See_ ball) + Buncle, Alexander, 17 + Burges, Joseph (house painter), 36 + Burwell, Carter, 35 + buttons, 25, 42, 47, 52, 155; + brass, 155; + copper, 155, 156 (illustr.); + horn, 58; + Sheffield-plated, 155; + shell, 155; + silver, 155; + white metal, 42, 58, 156 (illustr.) + Byrd, William, 46 + + cabinetmakers, 25, 35, 40 + candle, 40; + beeswax for, 41; + myrtle wax for, 41; + tallow, 41 + candle box, 20 + candlemolds, 17 + candlestick, 14, 17, 20 (brass), 39, 40, 41, 153 (glass, illustr.) + (_See also_ sconce) + canoe, 25 + Canton, Mark, 42 + Cantrell, William (servant), 58 + Carlyle, John, 30 + Carlyle, Sarah, 30 + Caroline Courthouse, 27, 28 + carpenter, 36, 50, 62, 91, 118; + apprentices, 50 + carpet, 13 + cart (_See under_ vehicle) + Carter, Charles, 28 + Carter, Lucy, 118; + marriage to Nathaniel Harrison, 118 + Carter, Robert ("King"), 118 + carver, 36, 40 + casks, 29, 30, 55, 56, 61, 145, 146; + hogsheads, 26, 30, 31, 33, 145; + "pipes," 33, 145 + Cavanaugh, Philemon, 17 + Cave, John, 13, 23, 28, 42 + Caywood, Louis, 97 + Cedar Point, 18 + celt, Indian, 73, 119 (illustr.) + ceramics, 68, 105, 125-144; + Indian, 108; + methods of manufacture, 135-136 + (_See also_ specific forms and types) + chair (_See under_ furniture) + chaise (_See under_ vehicle) + chalk, 155, 171 + chamberpots: stoneware, 88, 132 (illustr.); + yellowware, 126 + Chambers, John, 18 + Champe, Major John (merchant), 31, 35, 54 + Chapman, Nathaniel, 25, 35, 49, 162, 166, 169, 170-171; + Mercer's account with, 193 + charger, delftware, 137; pewter, 39 + chariot (_See under_ vehicle) + charities, John Mercer's, 47 + Charles City Courthouse, 9 + Charleston, George (tailor), 32 + chelloes, 18 + chest (_See under_ furniture) + Chew, John, 192 + chimney, 12, 20, 36, 97, 102, 105 (_See also_ mantel; fireplace) + china, 39, 144 (_See also_ porcelain) + Chinn, John, 20 + Chinn, Rawleigh, 17, 20, 25 + chinoiserie, 136, 137, 140 (illustr.), 142 + Chiswell's Ordinary, 51 + Chiswell Plantation, 97 + chocolate pot, copper, 39 + Chotank Church, 10 + church: + Aquia, 27, 37, 46-47, 52, 145; + undertaker for, 46, 47; + church plate, 46 (_See also_ Overwharton Parish) + Chotank, 10 + Hanover, 35 + Mattaponi, 35 + New Kent, 35 + Pohick (Fairfax), 37 + Potomac, 27, 28, 46, 54 (_See also_ Overwharton Parish) + Stafford Parish, 10 + church, brick, 46 + cider press, 62 (_See also_ beverages) + Clark, John (servant), 52 + Cleve (plantation), 28 + clothing, 31-32; + breeches, 34, 42, 52, 58, 59; + "Russia," 59 + children's, 34 + coat, 42; + greatcoat, 31, 59 + gloves, 18, 31, 34; + mittens, 34 + handkerchief, 31 + hat, 17, 18, 25, 31, 52, 58, 59; + "Castor," 31; + hood, 31 + hose, 18 + indentured servant apparel, 52, 59 + jacket, 58, 59 + liveries, 42 + mourning, 47 + neckcloth, 52 + petticoat, 31 + shirts, 52, 58 + shoes, 17, 18, 31, 34, 42, 52, 58 + slave apparel, 42, 58, 59 + stockings, 31, 34, 52, 58, 59 + suit, 31, 32 + trousers, 52 + vest, 34 + waistcoat, 32 + (_See also_ textiles) + coach (_See under_ vehicle) + coachman, 42 + coal, 56, 107, 108 + coffin, child's, 17 + coins, 119, 155-156 (illustr.) + Coke, John (silversmith), 39 + colander, 20 + College of William and Mary, 20, 34, 47, 99, 121; + account of George Mercer's expenses while attending, 197 + Collings, Jn^o, 149 + Collins, Robert, 18 + Colonial Williamsburg, Inc., viii, 30, 149 + comb: curry, 18, 169, 172 (and brush); + horn, 32; + ivory, 16, 32; + wig, 25 + Combe, ----, 53 + combed ware (_See under_ earthenware) + Cooke, John, 64, 96, 125 + cooper, 56; + house for, 55 + Cooper, Macartney, Powel & Lyde, 40 + Copein, William (mason), 37, 91 + copper, 17, 55, 103, 119, 178 (_See also_ specific items) + corks, 56, 145 + court: Spotsylvania, 27; + Williamsburg, 27 + courthouse: + Caroline, 27, 28, 53 + Charles City, 9, 121, 122 + Elizabeth City, 9 + Hanover, 98, 118 (illustr.), 121, 122 + King William, 23 (illustr.), 51, 53, 98, 120 (illustr. floor plan), + 121, 122 + Marlborough, vii, 8, 11, 45; + (1691), 28; + cleaning, 13, 184; + construction of, 11; + contract to build, 10; + destruction of, 9, 11; + location of, 11, 44, 67; + trial in, 12; + New Kent, 27, 28, 51 + Potomac Creek, vii, viii, 7, 10, 11, 20, 28, 49, 99, 177; + architectural analysis of, 121; + artifacts from, 119-121; + burning of, 118; + excavations, 115-122; + excavation plan of, 118; + historical background, 115-118; + map showing location of, 116, 117; + surveys, 115 + Stafford (_See_ Potomac Creek) + Warwick, 11 + Westmoreland, 54 + Williamsburg, 121 + York (1692), 11, 121 + courthouses, brick, 11, 118 + Covington, ---- (dancing master), 34 + cows, 17, 20, 61 + Craig, James (jeweler), 47 + creamware (_See under_ earthenware) + Cresap, Thomas, 49 + Crichton, Robert (merchant), 32 + crops: barley, 56; + corn, 42, 56, 57; + hops, 56, 62; + malt, 55, 56; + peas, 59; + rice, 57; + turnips, 59; + wheat, 59 + (_See also_ food; tobacco) + + _Cumberland_ (ship), 31 + cup, 39; + chocolate, 17, 144; + coffee, 39, 144; + custard, 17, 144; + dram, 13; + fuddling, 137; + handle, 137; + tea, 17, 72, 136, 144; + delftware, 137; + earthenware, 127 (illustr.), + porcelain, 72, 144; + silver, 13, 39; + stoneware, 39, 144; + yellowware, 128 (illustr.) + curry comb, 18, 169 (illustr.), 172 (and brush) + curtains, 13; + bed, 13; + fittings, 172; + rings for, 13, 156 (illustr.), 162-163 + Custis, Daniel Parke, 31 + Custis, John, 31 + + Dade, Francis, 26 + dancing master, 32, 33, 34 + Daniel, Peter, 27, 52 + Darlington Library, viii + Darrell, Sampson, 10, 11, 28 + Darter, Oscar H., vii, viii, 67 + Davis, Boatswain, 35 + Dekeyser, ---- (dancing master), 33 + delftware, 88, 107, 114, 136-137, 173; + English, 111, 134 (illustr.), 136, 138 + (_See also_ specific forms) + Dering, William (dancing master), 32, 34 + Dick: "Mr. Dick's Quarter," 53 + Dick, Alexander, 51 + Dick, Charles (merchant), 31, 34, 39, 132, 144, 165, 167; + textiles listed in Mercer's accounts with, 196 + Dick, William, 51 + dish, 39; + chafing, 17; + oblong, 136; + sugar, 39; + brass, 17; + pewter, 25, 39, 160 (illustr.); + silver, 39; + stoneware, 136 + doctor, 41, 46 (_See also_ medicine) + Dogge, John, 17 + Donaldson, Captain, 31 + door knobs, 39; + brass, 167 + doors, 37, 38 (illustr.) + Downham, William, 184 + Drains, Mr., 62 + ducks, 25 + Dulaney, Daniel, 31 + Dunmore, Lord, 63 + + earthenware, 13, 16, 17, 20, 25, 129 + "agate," 108, 173 + black-glazed, 119, 139 + Buckley, 72, 107, 111, 113, 114, 126-128, 130 (illustr.), 173 + combed ware, 126, 173 + creamware, 111, 141, 173 + marbled, 138-139 + molded-rim type, 125-126 + North Devon gravel-tempered, 111, 126, 173 + pearlware, 140 (illustr.), 141 + polychrome, 140, 143 + queensware, 139 (illustr.), 140 + redware, 114, 125-126, 128 + shell-edged, 140, 141-142 + Tidewater type, 73, 111, 124-125 (illustr.), 173 + tortoiseshell ware, 128 (illustr.), 139 + transfer-printed, 143-144 + whiteware, 112, 140 (illustr.), 173 + yellowware, 107, 111, 126, 128 (illustr.) + (_See also_ specific forms) + Edgeley, ----, 16 + education, 34; + hornbook, 33, 34; + slate, 156, 158; + slate pencil, 111, 156, 158; + tutor, 34 + (_See also_ College of William and Mary) + Edwards, Elizabeth, 39 + _Elizabeth_ (ship), 26 + Elizabeth City Courthouse, 9 + Elliot, George (turner), 36, 96 + Elzey, Thomas, 117 + Emo, Lord Leonardo, 98 + + Fairfax, George, 49 + Falkner, Ralph, 192 + Falmouth (Virginia), 53 + Ferguson, John (overseer), 42 + ferry, Potomac Creek, 8, 13 + fiddler, 34 + fireback, iron, 17 + fireplaces, 12, 20, 41, 94, 96, 97, 101, 102, 104, 105 + (_See also_ chimney; mantel) + Fisher, George, 51 + fishhooks, 42, 111, 171 (illustr.) + fishing, 32, 42, 54, 64; + drumlines, 42; + perch lines, 42; + seine, 42, 54 + Fitz, Captain, 32 + Fitzhugh, Colonel, 192 + Fitzhugh, Ann, 16 + Fitzhugh, Henry, 21, 25, 31, 118; + widow of, 118 + Fitzhugh, William, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 31, 51 + Fitzhugh, William, Jr., 9 + Fitzhugh, William III, 16 + Fitzpatrick, John (weaver), 32 + flagon, stoneware, 132 (illustr.) + floors (_See_ pavement) + flower pots, 62; + earthenware, 129 (illustr.) + Foard (Foward), John, 25 + food, 192; + cinnamon, 32; + fish, 32; + lemons, 26; + limes, 33; + lime juice, 17; + mace, 32; + molasses, 17, 32-33; + nutmegs, 32; + oysters, 32, 40; + pork, 32, 57; + spices, 32; + sugar, 17, 32, 33 (muscovy); + venison, 25; + wild game, 25 + (_See also_ crops) + Forbes, Andrew, 192 + forks, 111, 159 (illustr.); + wooden handled, 17 + Forman, Henry Chandlee, 12 + Fort Frederica (Georgia), 126 + Foward (Foard), John (merchant), 25, 26, 167 + Foward, Jonathan, 26 + Fowke, Chandler, 18 + Fowke, Gerard, 31, 52 + Foxhall, Joseph, 32 + Fredericksburg, vii, 28, 30, 31, 34, 42, 43, 46, 53, 55, 59, 62, 196 + freckled ware (_See under_ stoneware) + French, Hugh, 18 + Fry, Colonel, 49 + funnel, 17 + Furnea's (Furnau's) Ordinary, 27, 28 + furniture: + beds, 13, 20, 25, 40; + bolsters, 13; + covers, 39; + feather, 13, 17; + flock, 13; + tick, 18 + chairs, cane, 13; + child's, 20; + leather, 17; + rush seat, 13, 25 + chest, handle for, 163 (illustr.), 165; + chest of drawers, 13 + cradle, 25 + cupboard, 13 + couch, 13 + desk, 17; + repair of, 25 + escritoire, 25, 40, 165 + looking glass, 39 + painted, 17 + sale of, 61-62 + sconce glass, 39, 41 + sideboard, 39 + stools, 13 + table, 13, 17; + marble, 39 + + garden, 99; + botanical record of, 209-210 + gardener, 58, 178 + Garner, A. M., 137 + Garvan, Anthony N. B., viii + gateway, 80, 81; + pintle for, 73, 81 + _George Mercer Papers Relating to the Ohio Company of Virginia_, viii, + 15, 59 + Gilmer, George (apothecary), 36 + glass, 17 (and cover), 68, 145-154; + bowl, 119, 154; + candelabrum, 153 (illustr.), 154; + decanter, 73, 145, 152-154; + mirror, 153 (illustr.), 154; + posset pot, 154; + salt, 153 (illustr.), 154; + window, 62, 96, 107, 121, 153 (illustr.), 154 + (_See also_ bottle) + glasses, 17; + cordial, 152 (illustr.), 154; + looking, 39; + sconce, 39, 41, 154; + tumbler, 152, 153 (illustr.), 154; + wine, 73, 107, 152 (illustr.), 153 (illustr.), 154 + glasshouse, 56; + Bristol, 148; + Germantown, 151 + glassmaking techniques, 146, 148-149, 151-152, 154 + _Gooch_ (ship), 40 + goose, 25 + Graham (Graeme), John, 20, 191 + Graham, William (overseer), 41 + grater, nutmeg, 13 + Gray, William, 28 + greenhouse, 62, 109, 178 + Gregg, Thomas (surveyor), 9, 14, 21, 22 + (_See also_ Marlborough, survey 1707) + Grenzhausen (Germany), 129 + gun flints, 42, 155, 157 (illustr.) + gunpowder, 18, 25, 42 + + Hamitt, William, 25 + Hammersley, Francis, 7, 12 + Hampton (Virginia), 9, 47 + Hanbury, Capel, 53 + hand mill, 55 + Hanover Church, 35 + Hanover County, 35 + Happel, Ralph, 10, 115 + hardware, 193 + bolt, 111, 119 (illustr.), 121, 164 (illustr.), 166, 167, 168 + (illustr.), 170 + brad, 34, 165, 167 + chain, 169; + for door, 39 + escutcheon plate, 108, 156 (illustr.), 163 + handle or pull, 108, 156 (illustr.), 163 (illustr.), 164 (illustr.), + 165, 167, 171 (illustr.) + hasp, 164 (illustr.), 166 + hinge, 25, 39, 163 (illustr.), 164 (illustr.), 165-166; + butt, 164 (illustr.); + HL, 20, 103, 163 (illustr.), 165; + H, 163 (illustr.), 165 + hook, 166 (illustr.), 168 (illustr.), 170 + key, 111, 163 (illustr.), 167 + latches, 25, 163 (illustr.), 164 (illustr.), 166 + locks, 17, 20, 25, 39, 163 (illustr.), 166-167 + nails, 17, 18, 25, 34, 72, 102, 121, 165 (illustr.), 167 + nuts and bolts, 170 + pin, 166 (illustr.) + pintle, gate, 73 + rivet and washer, 169 (illustr.) + shutter fastener, 88 + slab, 105 (illustr.) + spike, 165, 167 + staples, 163 (illustr.), 166 + swingletree loop, 73, 170; + chain, 169 + tie bar, 87, 94 (illustr.) + Harmer & King, 41 + harnesses, 61, 170; + fittings for, 73, 156 (illustr.), 169 (illustr.), 170 + _Harrington_ (ship), 31 + Harrison, Colonel, 53 + Harrison, Lucy Carter, 118 + Harrison, Nathaniel, 118 + Hartley, Green & Company, 140-141, 143 + Harvey, John, 33 + Harwood, Thomas, 185 + Hayward, Joseph, 12; + house of, 12 + Hayward, Nicholas, 12 + Hayward, Samuel, 12 + hearth (_See_ fireplace) + Hedgman, Major Peter, 23, 24, 51, 53 + Historic American Buildings Survey, viii, 120 + history, books on, 20, 43, 191, 200 + Hogans, Francis (wheelwright), 30 + hogs, 20 + Holbrook, Janet, 33 + Holdbrook, ----, 51 + Hooe, Rice, 15 + Hoomes, George, 28 + Hopkins, Mr., 22 + Hoppus, Edward, 37 + horn, objects made from, 32, 58 + (_See also_ specific items; musical instruments) + hornbook, 33 (illustr.), 34 + horses, 17, 20, 26, 56 (and colts), 61, 63; + Ranter, 57, 61-62 (sale of) + horseshoes, 169 (illustr.), 172 + houses: + Alexandria, Carlyle house, 30 + Carter's Grove, 35 + Corotoman, 118 + Eagle's Nest, 118 + Essex County--Elmwood, 98; + Blandfield, 103 + Gloucester County--Abingdon glebe house, 97; + Fairfield, 97 + Greenspring, 47, 97, 102 + Gunston Hall, 12, 52, 97 + Hanover, Scotchtown, 97 + Henrico County, Turkey Island, 97 + Jamestown, Isaac Watson's, 12 + Joseph Hayward's, 12 + King George County, Brandon, 118 + Marlborough, 9, 12-13, 17 + John Mercer's (1730), 18, 22, 45 + John Mercer's "Manor House," 45; + construction of, 34-38, 62, 177, 178; + excavation of, 84-99; + insurance policy for, 64, 96; + inventory of, viii, 62, 88, 96, 109, 168, 177, 211-212; + plan of, 96 (illustr.) + Morrisania (New York), Lewis Morris House, 126 + Mount Airy, 103 + Mount Vernon, 98, 103, 105 + Salvington, 28 + Shalstone Manor, 40 + Stratford, 51, 102, 103 + Spotsylvania County, Mannsfield, 102, 103 + Williamsburg, Brush-Everard House, 32 + Yorktown, Digges house, 12 + house, brick, 12, 63 + house, glebe, 35, 97 + house, wooden, 12, 20 + Hubbard, Benjamin, 27 + Hudson, J. Paul, 131 + Hudson, Thomas, 20 + Hull, Sigrid, viii + Humble, Green & Co., 140-141 + Hunter, James, 55 + Hunter, William (merchant), 30-31, 33, 34, 39, 42, 167, 170; + textiles listed in Mercer's account with, 196 + hunting, 42; + hunting horn, 33 + husbandry, books on, 43 + Hyndman, John (merchant), 32 + + indentured servants, 14, 32, 52, 53, 58; + apparel of, 52, 58, 59; + Thuanus (weaver), 32 + Indian, 158; + celt, 73, 119; + pottery, 108; + trial of Nanticoke Indians, 12 + indigo, 42 + Innes, Enoch, 20 + insurance policy, 64, 88-89, 95, 97; + house plan drawn on, 96 (illustr.) + inventory: George Andrews, 183; + Peter Beach, 184; + Marlborough (taken by Thomas Oliver, 1771), viii, 62, 88, 96, 109, + 168, 177, 211-212 + iron, 121, 161-167; + slab, 104, 105 + (_See also_ specific items; hardware; tools) + ironworks: Accokeek, 23, 24, 25, 47, 162, 193; + Mercer's protest against Act for Encouraging Adventures in, 23-24 + ivory, 16, 32 + + Jackson, Robert (silversmith), 46 + Jamestown, 9, 12, 126, 158 + jar: cover, 125, 127 (illustr.); + storage, 128 (illustr.); + earthenware, 125, 127, 128; + Buckley ware, 126, 129 (illustr.); + stoneware, 131 (illustr.) + Jervers, 18 + Jervis, James (widow of), 18 + jeweler, 47, 167-168; + jeweler's tools, 111, 167-168 + jewelry: earrings, 47; + ring, 47, 63 + jockey, 20 + Johnson Fund, vii + Johnson, Richard, 16 + Johnston, ----, elected as burgess, 53 + Joiner, 36, 38, 50 + Jones, Booth (overseer), 42 + Jones, Charles, 32 + Jones, James, 18 + Jones, Robert, 192 + Jones, Thomas, 32, 41 + Jordan, William (merchant), 31, 39, 168 + jugs, 39; + delftware, 138; + stoneware, 131 (illustr.), 134; + white salt-glazed, 135 (illustr.), 136 + + Kecoughtan, 126, 158 + Kemp, Peter, 16 + Kernodle, G. H., 149 + kiln, 36; + malt kiln, 59 + King, George Harrison Sanford, viii, 115 + King, William (silversmith), 39, 55 + King, William (brewer), 55 + King William Courthouse (_See under_ courthouse) + kitchen (_See_ Marlborough, buildings) + knife, 17, 111, 158 (illustr.), 160 + butcher, 39 + chopping, 88, 158 (illustr.), 162 + clasp, 25 + and fork, 17, 39, 159 + pen, 17, 25, 32, 111, 155, 158 (illustr.) + shoemaker's, 16 + agate-handled, 119 + horn-handled, 39 + Sheffield-handled, 111, 160 (illustr.) + silver-handled, 32 + wooden-handled, 17 + + laces, 18 + ladle, iron, 162 (illustr.) + Lamb's Creek (plantation), 31 + Land Book, John Mercer's, vii, 6, 8, 45, 82 + Langley, Battey, 39 + Langton, Richard, 39 + lanterns, 17, 39 + laundry irons, heaters for, 17, 25, 162 + law, books on, 17, 21, 191-192, 198-200 + ledgers, John Mercer's, 15, 16; + Ledger B, 16, 209; + Ledger G, 28, 29, 32, 102, 104, 105, 129; + contents of, 185-208; + accounts for domestic expenses, 186-190 + Lee, Captain, 31 + Lee, Dr. Arthur, 54 + Lee, General Charles, 63; + death of, 63; + will of, 63 + Lee, George, 31 + Lee, Colonel Philip Ludwell, 51 + Leoni, Giacomo, 98 + Lewes (Delaware), 126 + Lewis, Fielding, 34, 47 + library: Colonel Spotswood's, 20; + John Mercer's, 21, 42-43, 61-62 (sale of), 198-208 (purchase of) + (_See also_ books) + lighting devices, 40, 41 (_See also_ candle; candlestick; sconce) + _lignum vitae_, 13 + Linton, Anthony, 18, 25 + literature, English, books of, 43 + Little River Quarters, 53 + loom, 32 (_See also_ weavers) + Ludwell, Philip, 47 + Lyde, Major Cornelius, 40 + Lyde, Lyonel (merchant), 40 + Lyndon, Captain Roger, 36, 39, 41, 109 + Lynn, Doctor, 41 + + MacLane, Hugh (tailor), 31 + malt, 55, 56; + malt kiln, 59; + malt house, 55, 62 + mantels, 36, 37 (illustr.) (_See also_ fireplace) + maps, 6, 19, 44, 116, 117 + marbles, chalk, 155, 157 (illustr.) + _Marigold_ (ship), 36, 109 + Markham, James, 21, 26 + Marlborough: + abandonment of, 14 + aerial photograph, 66 + buildings-- + barn, 62, 113, 178 + brewhouse, 55, 114, 178 + cider mill, 62, 178 + cooper's house, 55, 178 + corn houses, 64, 178 + grainery, 178 + greenhouse, 62, 109, 178 + houses, 9, 12-13, 17 + kitchen, 36, 58, 67, 101-105, 109, 178 + malt house, 55, 62, 114, 178 + Negro quarters, 64 + office, 178 + overseers' houses, 64, 178 + privy, 112 + prison, 12-13 + smokehouse, 106-109 + stables, 62, 178 + summer house, 58, 178 + warehouses, tobacco, 62, 113, 114, 115, 177-178 + windmill, 35, 52, 64, 67, 178 + excavation plans, 44, 74, 75, 84, 100, 106, 113, 118 + inventory, viii, 62, 88, 96, 109, 168, 177, 211-212 + maps, 6 + naming, 9 + surveys-- + (1691), 6, 21, 44, 67, 68, 82-83, 177 + (1707), 9, 14, 21, 22, 45, 82-83 + (1731), 6, 21, 22, 45, 82, 177 + (1743), 117 + (_See also_ houses, Marlborough; slaves) + Mary Washington College, vii + mason, 37, 91 + Mason, Ann, 28, 47 + Mason, Catharine, 16 + Mason, George, 9, 12, 13 + Mason, Captain George, 10, 12 + Mason, Colonel George III, 15, 16, 20, 21, 24, 26, 28 + Mason, George IV, 24, 52, 53, 63, 97; + elected as burgess, 53 + mathematics, books on, 43 + Mattaponi church, 35 + McClelland, Charles, 17 + McFarlane, Alexander, 17, 18 + McKenzie, Doctor Kenneth, 46 + medicine, 41, 46; + books on, 43, 201; + bottles for, 152; + Aqua Linnaean, 46; + British oyl, 46, 152; + Daffy's Elixir, 46; + Euphorbium, 46; + gum fragac, 46; + Holloway's Citrate, 46, 152; + oil of cinnamon, 46; + Opadeldoc, 152; + opium, 46; + rattlesnake root, 46; + rhubarb, 46; + spirits of lavender, 46; + sago, 46 (_See also_ doctors; apothecary) + Mercer, Ann Roy, 48; + death of, 61, 211; + portrait of, 47 (illustr.) + Mercer, Anna, birth of, 53 + Mercer, Catesby, death of, 53 + Mercer, Catherine, 17, 18, 146, 147; + death of, 47 + Mercer, Elinor, 51; + death of, 53 + Mercer, George, 33, 34, 49, 52, 53 (elected as burgess), 54, 56, 59 + (_See also George Mercer Papers ..._) + Mercer, Grace Fenton, 15, 51 + Mercer, James, 33, 34, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, 57, 61, 62, 63; + death of, 64 + Mercer, Captain James, 52; + death of, 53 + Mercer, John, _passim_; + portrait of, 47 (illustr.); + death of, 59 + Mercer, John (father of John Mercer of Marlborough), 15 + Mercer, John III, birth and death of, 53 + Mercer, John Fenton, 33, 34, 49, 52; + death of, 52 + Mercer, John Francis, birth of, 53, 63, 64, 142 + Mercer, Maria, birth of, 53 + Mercer, Mungo Roy, 51 + Mercer, Sarah Ann Mason, 28, 33 + Meese, Anne, 12 + microscopes, 43 + mill, 35, 62; + windmill, 35, 52; + hand mill, 55 + Mills, James, 30 + Mills, William (weaver), 32 + Minitree, David (bricklayer), 35, 36, 91, 95 + Mitchelson, John, 33 + mold: bullet, chalk, 111, 155, 156 (illustr.), 157 (illustr.); + candle, 17; + tart, copper, 17 + Moncure, Reverend John, 27, 28, 47, 52 + Monday, William (carpenter), 36, 91 + Monroe, Andrew (overseer), 31, 55, 57 + Monroe, James, 55 + Monroe, Thomas, 31 + Moore, Bernard, 39 + mortar and pestle, 20 + mother-of-pearl, 26 + Mountjoy, ----, 51 + Mountjoy, Edward, 184 + mug: creamware, 141; + delftware, 137; + earthenware, 124 (illustr.), 125, 127 (illustr.); + stoneware, 88, 131 (illustr.), 132 (illustr.), 134, 135 (illustr.), + 136 + mull stick, 39 + music, book on, 33 + musical instruments: horn, French, 33 (illustr.); + fiddle strings, 34; + trumpet, 33 + Mussen, James, 11 + Mutual Assurance Society of Virginia, 64, 96 (_See also_ insurance + policy) + + Nanticoke Indians, 12 + National Park Service, 121, 126 + needles, 25 + Negroes, 25, 41; + "Negro Ship," 47; + skipper, 42 (_See also_ slaves) + Nevill's Ordinary, 53 + Newbery, Bob (London bookseller), 59 + New Kent Church, 35 + New Kent Courthouse (_See under_ courthouse) + Nicholson, Captain Timothy, 36, 58 + Niemeyer, Mabel, viii + Nisbett, William, 25 + Noël Hume, Ivor, viii, 126, 131 + Norfolk, 9, 33, 47, 55, 59 + + Occaquan warehouse, 30 + occupations, colonists identified by Mercer according to, 195 (_See + also_ specific occupations) + Ohio Company of Virginia, 25, 49, 51, 53, 54, 55, 59, 119, 122 (_See + also George Mercer Papers...._) + Oliver, Thomas (overseer), inventory by, viii, 62, 88, 96, 109, 168, + 177, 211-212 + Omwake, H. Geiger, 126 + ordinaries, 8, 11, 12, 13, 27, 28, 51, 53; + inventory of ordinary keeper, 183 + oven, 17, 36, 102, 104, 105 + Overwharton Parish, 16, 26, 27, 46, 145; + John Mercer's account for, 194 (_See also_ churches, Potomac and + Aquia) + + painter: house, 36; + portrait, 16, 32 + painting, 36 (_See also_ portrait) + Palladio, Andrea, 37, 98-99 + _Palladio Londonensis_ (book), 37, 38 + Pamunkey River, 35 + pan: baking, 128 (illustr.); + frying, 18, 25; + milk, 20, 124 (illustr.), 125, 127 (illustr.); + sauce, 25, 39; + Buckley ware, 126, 127 (illustr.); + copper, 25; + redware, 125 (illustr.); + Tidewater-type earthenware, 124 (illustr.), 125; + tin, 39 + paper, 18 + Parks, William, 21, 43 + Parry, ----, 22 + Partis, Captain, 5 + Passapatanzy, 17, 29, 35, 61 + Patterson, ----, 36 + pavement, 104, 105; + brick, 85, 102-103; + stone, 86, 97, 101, 121 + Peace Point, 7 + Peale, Captain Malachi, 7, 8, 12 + Pemberton, James, 62 + pepper box, 20 + Perry, Captain, 31 + Perryman, Captain, 31 + pestle, 20 + pewter, 13, 17, 52, 119, 160-161 (_See also_ specific items) + Phipps, Reverend John (tutor), 34, 40 + Pipe, ----, 53 + pipe (_See_ tobacco pipe) + pistols, 63 + pitcher: creamware, 141; + stoneware, 133, 135 (illustr.), 136; + whiteware, 143 + plasterer, 36 + plastering, 18; + plaster cornice molding, 96, 97 (illustr.) (_See also_ building + materials) + plates, 20, 39; + "basket," 136; + cake, 136; + pie, 129; + creamware, 119, 141; + delftware, English, 136 (illustr.), 137; + pewter, 111, 161; + porcelain, 144; + tortoiseshell ware, 140; + white salt-glazed, 119 + plate warmer, 39 + platter: creamware, 141; + queensware, 140 (illustr.); + white salt-glazed, 119 (illustr.) + Pohick Church (Fairfax), 37 + Pope, ----, 22 + porcelain, Chinese, 107, 112, 114, 140, 144, 173; + blue and white, 142 (illustr.), 143 (illustr.); + importation of, 144; + Lowestoft, 144; + polychrome, 140 (illustr.), 141 (illustr.), 144 (_See also_ + specific forms) + porringer, 25, 39 + Port Royal (Virginia), 28, 47, 51 + port towns, 5 (_See also_ Acts for Towns) + portrait, 32; + of John Mercer, 16 (illustr.); + of Ann Roy Mercer, 47 (illustr.) + posset pot: delftware, 138; + glass, 154; + marbled, 139; + stoneware, 119, 132, 133, 136; + yellowware, 126 + pot: lid, 73, 162 (illustr.), 126, 127 (illustr.); + ointment, 134 (illustr.), 138 (illustr.); + repair of, 25; + delftware, 134; + iron, 17, 161-162 (illustr.); + tin, 18 + Potawomake (Indian village), vii, 67 + Potomac Church (_See under_ church) + Potomac Creek (_See_ courthouse, Potomac Creek) + Potter, Doctor Henry, 28 + potteries: Burslem, 133, 134; + Little Fenton, 128; + Staffordshire, 135, 138; + Yorktown, 125, 131, 173 + powder (_See_ gunpowder) + Power, James, 39 + Powers, John, 27 + prison, 12 + punchbowl, 39, 119; + delftware, 119; + _lignum vitae_, 13; + porcelain, 17, 144 + Purefoy, Henry, 40 + + Ramsay, William, 31 + Randolph, William, 31 + razor, 17, 32; + strop, 32 + Reid, James, 26 + "Retirement, The" (plantation), 12 + Reyant, Pat, 24 + Richards, Mourning, 47 + rings: brass, 111, 170; + curtain, 13, 156 (illustr.), 162-163 (_See also_ jewelry) + Ritchie, Mr., 42 + Robinson, ----, 22 + Robinson, Berryman, Pope & Parry, 22 + Robinson, John, 55 + Rock, George, 33 + Rogers, ---- (clerk), 51, 54 + Rogers, William (potter), 16, 125, 131, 173 + Rose, Parson 192 + Rosewell (plantation), 126, 131, 144, 147, 148, 152, 154, 173 + Roth, Rodris, viii + Roy, Ann, marriage to John Mercer, 48 + Roy, Mrs. B., death of, 53-54 + Roy, Donald E., viii + Roy, Doctor Mungo 47, 48 + rug, silk, 16; "Turkey work," 13 + Russell, Elizabeth, 17 + Russell & Russell, viii + Russell site (Lewes, Delaware), 126 + Rust, George, 17 + + saddle stiffener, 169 (illustr.), 171 + sail, 42; + for windmill, 59 + sale, John Mercer's estate, 61-63 + Salmon, William, 37, 38 + sauceboat: silver, 39; + stoneware, 136 + saucer, 17, 39, 144; + Chinese porcelain, 144 (illustr.) + Savage, James (overseer), 42 + Savage John, 7, 8, 21, 82, 116, 192 (_See also_ Marlborough, survey + 1731 and 1743) + Scarlett, Martin, 12 + Schumacher, Edward G., viii + science, books on, 43, 192, 200 + scissors, 25, 39, 155; + "Salisbury," 17, 161; + steel, 111, 161 (illustr.) (_See also_ shears) + "sconce glass," 39, 41 + Scott, Reverend Alexander, 16 + Scott, Jack, viii + Scott, James, 49 + seal: wine bottle, 31 (illustr.), 73, 146-149; + "G R," 131, 132 (illustr.); + tobacco cask, 30, 148 + seed boxes, 59 + Selden, Mr., 53, 54, 58 + Selden, Joseph, 28 + Selden, Samuel, 28 + Setzler, Frank M., vii, 67 + Seward, Nicholas (overseer), 42 + Shaw, Simeon, 135 + shears, sheep, 108, 170 (illustr.), 171 + sheep, 17, 20 + sheets, 59 + shipping, 15, 16 (_See also_ boat) + shot, 18, 25, 42 + sifter, 18; + hair sifter, 39 + silver, 32, 39, 159; + church plate, 46; + sale of, 61, 62-63; + Sheffield, 111, 155, 159 (_See also_ specific items) + silversmith, 39, 46 + Simm, Edward, 18 + Simpson, John (wheelwright), 30 + skillet, bell metal, 25 + skimmer, 20 + skins, deer, 16, 31 (buckskin) + slate, 156, 158 (illustr.); + slate pencil, 111, 156, 158 (illustr.) + slaves, 16, 25, 41, 57; + carpenter's apprentices, 50; + clothing, 32, 42, 58, 59; + expenses regarding, 59, 160, 162; + number of Negroes born at Marlborough, 54; + punishment of, 41; + purchase of, 24, 53, 55, 58; + quarters of, 64, 178; + sale of, 16-17, 64; + suicide of, 41; + Bob, 24, 42; + Boatswain, 42; + Caesar, 25; + Captain, 42; + Cupid, death of, 53; + Deborah, 24, 41; + Dublin, 24; + Essex, 50; + Frank, 41; + George, 24; + Joe, 41-42; + Lucy, 24; + Margaret, 24; + Marlborough, 24; + Nan, 24; + Nero, 24; + Peter, 24, 50; + Phillis, 24; + Poll, 53; + Sampson, 62; + Sarah, 17; + Stafford, 24; + Temple, 58; + Tom (death of), 53; + Will, 24, 25 + + sloop (_See under_ boat) + Smith, Thomas, 18 + Smith's ordinary, 51 + smoothing iron, heaters, for, 25 (_See also_ box iron) + _Snake_ (ship), 26 + Snicker's Little River Quarters, 53 + snuff: bottle, 32; + box, 32, 25 (repair of) + snuffers, candle, 17; + iron, 88, 163 (illustr.) + Spencer, Doctor, 43 + spices (_See_ food) + spinning: reel, 62; + wheel, 25, 32, 62 + spoons: soup, 39; + tea, 39, 88, 160; + iron, 162; + pewter, 111, 160 (illustr.), 161 (illustr.), 173; + silver, 13, 39, 88, 159, 160 (illustr.) + Spoore, Ann, 28 + Spotswood, Colonel Alexander, 20, 26, 191 + Spotswood, Robert, 20 + spurs, 18 + stables, 62 + Stafford County, port town for, 7 + Stafford Parish Church, 10 + Stafford Rangers, 12 + Stafford Survey Book, 8 + Stamp Act, 54, 55; + George Mercer, stamp office, 54 + steelyards, 17 + Stevens, Samuel, 25 + Stevenson, William (merchant), 26 + Stewart, T. Dale, vii, viii, 67 + still, 26 + stoneware, 39, 125, 129, 131-136; + basaltes ware, 112, 138 (illustr.), 142; + brown-banded, 88; + "Crouch" ware, 135 + drab, 133 + "freckled ware," 134 + Nottingham, 88, 111, 132-133, 173 + salt-glazed, 114, 131-132 + "scratch-blue," 133 (illustr.), 135 + Westerwald, 39, 73, 88, 107, 111, 129, 131, 132, 173 + white salt-glazed, 72, 88, 108, 111, 133 (illustr.), 135-136, 173 + Stotham, Mat, 191 + Strother, Widow, 58 + Suddath, Henry, 18 + Sumner's Quarters (plantation at Passapatanzy), 17, 29, 30 + surveys (_See under_ Marlborough) + Sussex Archeological Society, 126 + swans, 25 + swords, 63 + Sydenham & Hodgson, 30, 31, 39, 99, 168 + Sydenham, Jonathan, 30 + + tailors, 31, 32-34, 42, 47 + Talbott, Mark, 33 + Taliaferro, Colonel John, 27, 28; + wife of, 43 + Taliaferro, Richard, 31 + tankard, pewter, 13 + Tappahannock (town), 9, 30 + tar, 42 + Tayloe, George, 31 + Tayloe, Colonel John, 53 + Taylor, James, 43 + Taylor, Robert, 34 + teapot: and frame, 39; + handle, 139; + lid for, 111, 135 (illustr.), 140, 160 (illustr.), 161 (illustr.); + earthenware, 139; + pewter, 111, 160, 161; + silver, 39; + stoneware, 135; + tortoiseshell ware, 140 + temperatures, 209 + textiles, 32; + listed in accounts, 193, 196; + blankets, 17, 42, 59; + cotton, 32; + counterpanes, 39; + drill, 58; + duffel, 42; + haircloth, 59; + linen, 39, 58; + "ozenbrigs," 42, 59; + sheets, 59; + silk, 31; + velvet, 32; + wool, 25, 32, 62; + worsted, 31 (_See also_ clothing; weaving; spinning) + thermometer, 59 + thimble, 155 (illustr.), 156 (illustr.) + Thompson, Matthew, 7 + Thomson, William (tailor), 34, 42, 47 + Thornton, Francis, 49 + Thornton, Major George, widow of, 63 + Thornton, Colonel Presley, 53 + Threlkeld, William (weaver), 32 + tobacco, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 25, 26, 30, 31, 41, + 42, 45, 46, 51, 118 (_See also_ warehouses) + tobacco cask symbols, 29 (illustr.), 30 + tobacco pipe, 119, 156, 157 (illustr.); + kaolin, 111, 157 (illustr.); + terra-cotta, 157 (illustr.), 158, 173 + Todd, Robert, 33 + Tooke, William (merchant), 53 + tools, 193; + adze, 34 + auger, 34 + ax, 17, 34, 166 (illustr.), 170 + bung extractor, 72, 166 (illustr.) + chisel, gouge, 166 (illustr.), 167 (illustr.); + mortice, 34; + paring, 34 + hammer, blacksmith's, 167 (illustr.); + jeweler's, 111, 167 (illustr.) + hollows and rounds, 36 + knife, draw, 25, 34 + plane, 34, 36, 166 (illustr.), 167 + scraping, iron, 72, 166 (illustr.), 167 (illustr.); + stone, 119 (illustr.) + shovel, 170 (illustr.) + socket gouge, 34 + tomahawk, 25 + wedges, 25 + wrench, 167 + Torbutt, William (overseer), 42 + toys, 33; + marbles, 155, 157 (illustr.) + trap, animal, 111, 171 (illustr.) + tray, 39; + silver, 39; + stoneware, 136 + trees, 62 + Trinity College, 15 + _Triton_ (ship), 26 + trunk, 13; + handle for, 163 (illustr.), 165 + Tucker, Major Robert (merchant), 33 + "Turkey work," 13 + turner, 36 + twine, ship's, 42 + Tyler, Henry, 30 + Tyler, Thomas, 32, 34 + Tylers, 27 + + University of Pennsylvania, viii + University of Pittsburgh, Darlington Library, viii + University of Pittsburgh Press, viii + University of Virginia, Mary Washington College, vii + + Vaulx, Robert, 51 + vehicles: carriage, fitting for, 169 (illustr.) + cart, tumbling, 30; + ox, 169 + chaise, 28, 30, 53; + hinge for, 172 + chariot, 28, 30; + sale of, 62 + coach, 61, 62 + wagon, 58, 170 (_See also_ sloop) + veranda, 90, 91, 95, 96, 97, 178 + Victoria and Albert Museum, 139 + Virginia, map of, 19 (illustr.) + Virginia Committee of Safety, 63 + Virginia State Library, viii + + wagon (_See under_ vehicle) + Wain, Joseph (servant), 58 + Waite, William (carpenter), 50, 52 + waiter, (_See_ tray) + Wales, Mr. (brewer), 55 + Walker, Robert (cabinetmaker), 40 + Walker, Major William (cabinetmaker), 25, 28, 35-36, 40, 46, 144 + Waller, Benjamin, 46 + Waller, Charles, 34 + warehouse: Occaquan, 30; + tobacco, 25, 34, 42, 62, 113, 115, 177, 178 + Warwick Courthouse, 11 + Washington, Augustine, 25, 31, 49 + Washington, George, 53, 63 + Washington, John, 31 + Washington, Lawrence, 25, 31, 49 + watch, gold, 32 + water cooler, earthenware, 129 (illustr.) + Watson, Isaac, 12 + Waugh, Alex, 184 + Waugh, David, 16, 17, 18, 21 + Waugh, James, 16 + Waugh, John (Parson), 10, 12, 16 + Waugh, John, Jr., 16, 21, 22, 25, 54, 183 + Waugh, Joseph, 20 + Waugh, Mary, 184 + Waughhop, James, 34 + weavers, 32, 42, 59 + Wedgwood, Josiah, 139, 140, 141, 142 + West Point (Virginia), 27 + wharf, 25 + Wheeland, William, 42 + wheels, 30 + wheelwright, 30 + Whieldon, Thomas, 108, 138, 139 + Whiffen, Marcus, 35, 121 + whip: horse, 16, 17, 18; + hunting, 25; + thong, 41 + Whitehaven (England), 32 + whiteware (_See under_ earthenware) + Whiting & Montague, 16 + Whitticar, Ralph, Jr., vii + wig, 34; + comb for, 25 + Wigley, Job (mason), 37 + Williams, Jacob (plasterer), 36 + Williams, T. Ben, vii + Williamsburg, 27, 32, 34, 35, 36, 39, 41, 47, 48, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, + 126; + capitol, 35, 99, 121; + courthouse, 121; + General Court, 27; + student life in, 34, 197 (_See also_ College of William and Mary) + Wilson, Captain, 32, 34 + Winchester (Virginia), 53 + windmill, 35, 52, 64, 67, 178; + sails for, 59 + windows, 38 (illustr.), 62, 96-97 (_See also_ glass, window) + wine (_See_ beverages) + Wine Trade Loan Exhibition, 149, 154 + Withers, John, 7, 12, 30 + _Wolf_ (sloop of war), 58 + Woodford, William, 32 + Woodstock, 12 + wool cards, 32 + Wormley, Mr., 53 + Wright, Edward, 39 + Wroughton, Francis (merchant), 50, 51 + Wythe, George, 31 + + yarn, 18 + yellowware (_See under_ earthenware) + yoke, 39 + York (County), 33; + courthouse (1692), 11 + Yorktown, 9, 16, 47, 125, 173 + + * * * * * + +TRANSCRIBER NOTES: + + Missing punctuation has been added and obvious punctuation + errors have been corrected. + + Archaic spellings and typographical errors have been retained with + the exception of those listed below. + + Page 9: "bee" changed to "be" (to be approved by an able surveyor). + + Page 21: "thiry-one" changed to "thirty-one" (one thousand seven + hundred and thirty-one). + + Page 39: "an" changed to "a" (he made a large purchase of silver). + + Page 55: deleted duplicate "as" (as I have the satisfaction to). + + Footnote 123: incorrectly references Footnote 115. This has + been corrected to reference Footnote 66. + + Footnote 140: "Geneaological" changed to "Genealogical" (Tyler's + Quarterly Historical Genealogical Magazine). + + Page 88: "18-century" changed to "18th-century" (we can find no + exact parallel in the 18th-century America). + + Page 96: "expance" changed to "expanse" (a small gilded cupola to + break the long expanse of the roof). + + Page 124, Illustration caption: "plan" changed to "pan" (a, milk + pan). + + Page 135: "homogenous" changed to "homogeneous" (thus making + possible a homogeneous white body). + + Page 144: "18-century" changed to "18th-century" (that 18th-century + China-trade porcelain sherds). + + Page 154: "chows" changed to "shows" (from a long-stemmed cordial + glass shows the termini). + + Page 154: "somprised" changed to "comprised" (threads that were + comprised in a double enamel-twist). + + Page 169, illustration caption: "probaby" changed to "probably" (b, + chain, probably from whiffletree). + + Page 173: "expecially" changed to "especially" (especially as the + few 17th-century artifacts). + + Page 178: "acitvity" changed to "activity" (the rigid boundar to + domestic activity). + + Page 178: "apparrently" changed to "apparently" (perhaps the bar + apparently were located to the north.) + + Page 188: "romall" changed to "Romal" for consistency (To 1 Romall + handkerchief). + + Page 188: "handkercheif" changed to "handkerchief" (To 1 silk Romall + handkerchief). + + Page 190: "handkercheifs" changed to "handkerchiefs" (To 4 Soosey + handkerchiefs). + + Page 209: "curran" changed to "currant" (Wild currant). + + Page 217: "Fallmouth" changed to "Falmouth" (Falmouth (Virginia)). + + Page 217: "Grorge" changed to "George" (George Mercer Papers + Relating to). + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Cultural History of Marlborough, +Virginia, by C. Malcolm Watkins + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 40255 *** |
