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diff --git a/40243-8.txt b/40243-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 8778bee..0000000 --- a/40243-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4723 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Hittites, by A. H. Sayce - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: The Hittites - The story of a Forgotten Empire - - -Author: A. H. Sayce - - - -Release Date: July 15, 2012 [eBook #40243] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HITTITES*** - - -E-text prepared by Delphine Lettau and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team (http://www.pgdp.net) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 40243-h.htm or 40243-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40243/40243-h/40243-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/40243/40243-h.zip) - - -Transcriber's note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - - - - -[Illustration: SLABS WITH HITTITE SCULPTURE.] - - -By-Paths of Bible Knowledge. - -XII. - -THE HITTITES - -The Story of a Forgotten Empire. - -by - -A. H. SAYCE, LL.D. - -Deputy Professor of Philology, Oxford; -Author of 'Fresh Light from the Ancient Monuments,' -'Assyria, Its Princes, Priests and People,' etc., etc. - -Second Edition - - - - - - - -The Religious Tract Society, -56 Paternoster Row, 65 St. Paul's Churchyard, and 164 Piccadilly. -1890. - -Oxford -Horace Hart, Printer to the University - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The discovery of the important place once occupied by the Hittites has -been termed 'the romance of ancient history.' Nothing can be more -interesting than the resurrection of a forgotten people, more especially -when that people is so intimately connected with Old Testament story, -and with the fortunes of the Chosen Race. How the resurrection has been -accomplished, by putting together the fragmentary evidence of Egyptian -and Assyrian inscriptions, of strange-looking monuments in Asia Minor, -and of still undeciphered hieroglyphics, will be described in the -following pages. It is marvellous to think that only ten years ago 'the -romance' could not have been written, and that the part played by the -Hittite nations in the history of the world was still unsuspected. Yet -now we have become, as it were, familiar with the friends of Abraham and -the race to which Uriah belonged. - -Already a large and increasing literature has been devoted to them. The -foundation stone, which was laid by my paper 'On the Monuments of the -Hittites' in 1880, has been crowned with a stately edifice in Dr. -Wright's _Empire of the Hittites_, of which the second edition appeared -in 1886, and in the fourth volume of the magnificent work of Prof. -Perrot and M. Chipiez, _L'Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité_, -published at Paris a year ago. Profusely illustrated, the latter work -sets before us a life-like picture of Hittite architecture and art. - -It cannot be long before the inscriptions left to us by the Hittites, in -their peculiar form of hieroglyphic writing, are also made to reveal -their secrets. All that is required are more materials upon which to -work, and we shall then know which, if any, of the attempts hitherto -made to explain them has hit the truth. Major Conder's system of -decipherment has not yet obtained the adhesion of other scholars; -neither has the rival system of Mr. Ball, ingenious and learned as it -is. But if we may judge from the successes of the last few years, it -cannot be long before we know as much about the Hittite language and -writing as we now know about Hittite art and civilisation. To quote the -words of Dr. Wright: 'We must labour to unloose the dumb tongue of these -inscriptions, and to unlock their mysteries, not with the view of -finding something sensational in them, or for the purpose of advancing -some theory, but for the love of knowing what they really contain; and I -doubt not that, proceeding in the right method of investigation, we -shall reach results satisfactory to the Oriental scholar, and -confirmatory of Divine truth.' - - A. H. SAYCE. - QUEEN'S COLLEGE, OXFORD. - _October_ 1888. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS. - - - CHAP. PAGE - I. THE HITTITES OF THE BIBLE 11 - II. THE HITTITES ON THE MONUMENTS OF EGYPT AND ASSYRIA 19 - III. THE HITTITE MONUMENTS 54 - IV. THE HITTITE EMPIRE 73 - V. THE HITTITE CITIES AND RACE 97 - VI. HITTITE RELIGION AND ART 104 - VII. THE INSCRIPTIONS 122 - VIII. HITTITE TRADE AND INDUSTRY 136 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - PAGE - SLABS WITH HITTITE SCULPTURE AT KELLER NEAR AINTAB _Frontispiece_ - MAP ILLUSTRATING THE EXTENT OF THE HITTITE EMPIRE 10 - A SLAB FOUND AT MERASH 54 - SLABS WITH HITTITE SCULPTURES FOUND AT KELLER NEAR AINTAB 63 - THE PSEUDO-SESOSTRIS CARVED ON THE ROCK IN THE PASS OF KARABEL 67 - MONUMENT OF A HITTITE KING FOUND AT CARCHEMISH 72 - THE DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE OF EYUK 84 - SCULPTURES AT BOGHAZ KEUI 88 - SCULPTURES AT BOGHAZ KEUI 91 - AN INSCRIPTION FOUND AT CARCHEMISH (_now destroyed_) 122 - THE BILINGUAL BOSS OF TARKONDEMOS 127 - THE LION OF MERASH 131 - - - - -[Illustration: MAP ILLUSTRATING THE EXTENT OF THE HITTITE EMPIRE. -(_Copied by permission from 'The Empire of the Hittites.'_)] - - - - -THE HITTITES - - -THE STORY OF A FORGOTTEN EMPIRE. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE HITTITES OF THE BIBLE. - - -We are told in the Second Book of Kings (vii. 6) that when the Syrians -were encamped about Samaria and the Lord had sent a panic upon them, -'they said one to another, Lo, the king of Israel hath hired against us -the kings of the Hittites, and the kings of the Egyptians, to come upon -us.' Nearly forty years ago a distinguished scholar selected this -passage for his criticism. Its 'unhistorical tone,' he declared, 'is too -manifest to allow of our easy belief in it.' 'No Hittite kings can have -compared in power with the king of Judah, the real and near ally, who is -not named at all ... nor is there a single mark of acquaintance with the -contemporaneous history.' - -Recent discoveries have retorted the critic's objections upon himself. -It is not the Biblical writer but the modern author who is now proved to -have been unacquainted with the contemporaneous history of the time. The -Hittites were a very real power. Not very many centuries before the age -of Elisha they had contested the empire of Western Asia with the -Egyptians, and though their power had waned in the days of Jehoram they -were still formidable enemies and useful allies. They were still worthy -of comparison with the divided kingdom of Egypt, and infinitely more -powerful than that of Judah. - -But we hear no more about them in the subsequent records of the Old -Testament. The age of Hittite supremacy belongs to an earlier date than -the rise of the monarchy in Israel; earlier, we may even say, than the -Israelitish conquest of Canaan. The references to them in the later -historical books of the Old Testament Canon are rare and scanty. The -traitor who handed over Beth-el to the house of Joseph fled 'into the -land of the Hittites' (Judg. i. 26), and there built a city which he -called Luz. Mr. Tomkins thinks he has found it in the town of Latsa, -captured by the Egyptian king Ramses II., which he identifies with Qalb -Luzeh, in Northern Syria. However this may be, an emended reading of the -text, based upon the Septuagint, transforms the unintelligible -Tahtim-hodshi of 2 Sam. xxiv. 6 into 'the Hittites of Kadesh,' a city -which long continued to be their chief stronghold in the valley of the -Orontes. It was as far as this city, which lay at 'the entering in of -Hamath,' on the northern frontier of the Israelitish kingdom, that the -officers of David made their way when they were sent to number Israel. -Lastly, in the reign of Solomon the Hittites are again mentioned -(1 Kings x. 28, 29) in a passage where the authorised translation has -obscured the sense. It runs in the Revised Version: 'And the horses -which Solomon had were brought out of Egypt; and the king's merchants -received them in droves, each drove at a price. And a chariot came up -and went out of Egypt for six hundred shekels of silver, and an horse -for an hundred and fifty: and so for all the kings of the Hittites, and -for the kings of Syria, did they bring them out by their means.' The -Hebrew merchants, in fact, were the mediatories between Egypt and the -north, and exported the horses of Egypt not only for the king of Israel -but for the kings of the Hittites as well. - -The Hittites whose cities and princes are thus referred to in the later -historical books of the Old Testament belonged to the north, Hamath and -Kadesh on the Orontes being their most southernly points. But the Book -of Genesis introduces us to other Hittites--'the children of Heth,' as -they are termed--whose seats were in the extreme south of Palestine. It -was from 'Ephron the Hittite' that Abraham bought the cave of Machpelah -at Hebron (Gen. xxiii.), and Esau 'took to wife Judith the daughter of -Beeri the Hittite, and Bashemath the daughter of Elon the Hittite' (Gen. -xxvi. 34), or, as it is given elsewhere, 'Adah the daughter of Elon the -Hittite' (Gen. xxxvi. 2). It must be to these Hittites of the south that -the ethnographical table in the tenth chapter of Genesis refers when it -is said that 'Canaan begat Sidon his first-born, and Heth' (ver. 15), -and in no other way can we explain the statement of Ezekiel (xvi. 3, 45) -that 'the father' of Jerusalem 'was an Amorite and' its 'mother a -Hittite.' 'Uriah the Hittite,' too, the trusty officer of David, must -have come from the neighbourhood of Hebron, where David had reigned for -seven years, rather than from among the distant Hittites of the north. -Besides the latter there was thus a Hittite population which clustered -round Hebron, and to whom the origin of Jerusalem was partly due. - -Now it will be noticed that the prophet ascribes the foundation of -Jerusalem to the Amorite as well as the Hittite. The Jebusites, -accordingly, from whose hands the city was wrested by David, must have -belonged to one or other of these two great races; perhaps, indeed, to -both. At all events, we find elsewhere that the Hittites and Amorites -are closely interlocked together. It was so at Hebron, where in the time -of Abraham not only Ephron the Hittite dwelt, but also the three sons of -the Amorite Mamre (Gen. xiv. 13). The Egyptian monuments show that the -two nations were similarly confederated together at Kadesh on the -Orontes. Kadesh was a Hittite stronghold; nevertheless it is described -as being 'in the land of the Amaur' or Amorites, and its king is -depicted with the physical characteristics of the Amorite, and not of -the Hittite. Further north, in the country which the Hittites had made -peculiarly their own, cities existed which bore names, it would seem, -compounded with that of the Amorite, and the common Assyrian title of -the district in which Damascus stood, Gar-emeris, is best explained as -'the _Gar_ of the Amorites.' Shechem was taken by Jacob 'out of the hand -of the Amorite' (Gen. xlviii. 22), and the Amorite kingdom of Og and -Sihon included large tracts on the eastern side of the Jordan. South of -Palestine the block of mountains in which the sanctuary of Kadesh-barnea -stood was an Amorite possession (Gen. xiv. 7, Deut. i. 19, 20); and we -learn from Numb. xiii. 29, that while the Amalekites dwelt 'in the land -of the south' and the Canaanites by the sea and in the valley of the -Jordan, the Hittites and Jebusites and Amorites lived together in the -mountains of the interior. Among the five kings of the Amorites against -whom Joshua fought (Josh. x. 5) were the king of Jerusalem and the king -of Hebron. - -The Hittites and Amorites were therefore mingled together in the -mountains of Palestine like the two races which ethnologists tell us go -to form the modern Kelt. But the Egyptian monuments teach us that they -were of very different origin and character. The Hittites were a people -with yellow skins and 'Mongoloid' features, whose receding foreheads, -oblique eyes, and protruding upper jaws, are represented as faithfully -on their own monuments as they are on those of Egypt, so that we cannot -accuse the Egyptian artists of caricaturing their enemies. If the -Egyptians have made the Hittites ugly, it was because they were so in -reality. The Amorites, on the contrary, were a tall and handsome people. -They are depicted with white skins, blue eyes, and reddish hair, all the -characteristics, in fact, of the white race. Mr. Petrie points out their -resemblance to the Dardanians of Asia Minor, who form an intermediate -link between the white-skinned tribes of the Greek seas and the -fair-complexioned Libyans of Northern Africa. The latter are still found -in large numbers in the mountainous regions which stretch eastward from -Morocco, and are usually known among the French under the name of -Kabyles. The traveller who first meets with them in Algeria cannot fail -to be struck by their likeness to a certain part of the population in -the British Isles. Their clear-white freckled skins, their blue eyes, -their golden-red hair and tall stature, remind him of the fair Kelts of -an Irish village; and when we find that their skulls, which are of the -so-called dolichocephalic or 'long-headed' type, are the same as the -skulls discovered in the prehistoric cromlechs of the country they -still inhabit, we may conclude that they represent the modern -descendants of the white-skinned Libyans of the Egyptian monuments. - -In Palestine also we still come across representatives of a -fair-complexioned blue-eyed race, in whom we may see the descendants of -the ancient Amorites, just as we see in the Kabyles the descendants of -the ancient Libyans. We know that the Amorite type continued to exist in -Judah long after the Israelitish conquest of Canaan. The captives taken -from the southern cities of Judah by Shishak in the time of Rehoboam, -and depicted by him upon the walls of the great temple of Karnak, are -people of Amorite origin. Their 'regular profile of sub-aquiline cast,' -as Mr. Tomkins describes it, their high cheek-bones and martial -expression, are the features of the Amorites, and not of the Jews. - -Tallness of stature has always been a distinguishing characteristic of -the white race. Hence it was that the Anakim, the Amorite inhabitants of -Hebron, seemed to the Hebrew spies to be as giants, while they -themselves were but 'as grasshoppers' by the side of them (Numb. xiii. -33). After the Israelitish invasion remnants of the Anakim were left in -Gaza and Gath and Ashkelon (Josh. xi. 22), and in the time of David -Goliath of Gath and his gigantic family were objects of dread to their -neighbours (2 Sam. xxi. 15-22). - -It is clear, then, that the Amorites of Canaan belonged to the same -white race as the Libyans of Northern Africa, and like them preferred -the mountains to the hot plains and valleys below. The Libyans -themselves belonged to a race which can be traced through the peninsula -of Spain and the western side of France into the British Isles. Now it -is curious that wherever this particular branch of the white race has -extended it has been accompanied by a particular form of cromlech, or -sepulchral chamber built of large uncut stones. The stones are placed -upright in the ground and covered over with other large slabs, the whole -chamber being subsequently concealed under a tumulus of small stones or -earth. Not unfrequently the entrance to the cromlech is approached by a -sort of corridor. These cromlechs are found in Britain, in France, in -Spain, in Northern Africa, and in Palestine, more especially on the -eastern side of the Jordan, and the skulls that have been exhumed from -them are the skulls of men of the dolichocephalic or long-headed type. - -It has been necessary to enter at this length into what has been -discovered concerning the Amorites by recent research, in order to show -how carefully they should be distinguished from the Hittites with whom -they afterwards intermingled. They must have been in possession of -Palestine long before the Hittites arrived there. They extended over a -much wider area, since there are no traces of the Hittites at Shechem or -on the eastern side of the Jordan, where the Amorites established two -powerful kingdoms; while the earliest mention of the Amorites in the -Bible (Gen. xiv. 7) describes them as dwelling at Hazezon-tamar, or -En-gedi, on the shores of the Dead Sea, where no Hittites are ever known -to have settled. The Hittite colony in Palestine, moreover, was confined -to a small district in the mountains of Judah: their strength lay far -away in the north, where the Amorites were comparatively weak. It is -true that Kadesh on the Orontes was in the hands of the Hittites; but it -is also true that it was 'in the land of the Amorites,' and this -implies that they were its original occupants. We must regard the -Amorites as the earlier population, among a part of whom the Hittites in -later days settled and intermarried. At what epoch that event took place -we are still unable to say. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE HITTITES ON THE MONUMENTS OF EGYPT AND ASSYRIA. - - -In the preceding chapter we have seen what the Bible has to tell us -about 'the children of Heth.' They were an important people in the north -of Syria who were ruled by 'kings' in the days of Solomon, and whose -power was formidable to their Syrian neighbours. But there was also a -branch of them established in the extreme south of Palestine, where they -inhabited the mountains along with the Amorites, and had taken a share -in the foundation of Jerusalem. It was from one of the latter, Ephron -the son of Zohar, that Abraham had purchased the cave of Machpelah at -Hebron; and one of the wives of Esau was of Hittite descent. In later -times Uriah the Hittite was one of the chief officers of David, and his -wife Bath-sheba was not only the mother of Solomon, but also the distant -ancestress of Christ. For us, therefore, these Hittites of Judæa have a -very special and peculiar interest. - -The decipherment of the inscriptions of Egypt and Assyria has thrown a -new light upon their origin and history, and shown that the race to -which they belonged once played a leading part in the history of the -civilised East. On the Egyptian monuments they are called Kheta (or -better Khata), on those of Assyria Khattâ or Khate, both words being -exact equivalents of the Hebrew Kheth and Khitti. - -The Kheta or Hittites first appear upon the scene in the time of the -Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty. The foreign rule of the Hyksos or Shepherd -princes had been overthrown, Egypt had recovered its independence, and -its kings determined to retaliate upon Asia the sufferings brought upon -their own country by the Asiatic invader. The war, which commenced with -driving the Asiatic out of the Delta, ended by attacking him in his own -lands of Palestine and Syria. Thothmes I. (about B.C. 1600) marched to -the banks of the Euphrates and set up 'the boundary of the empire' in -the country of Naharina. Naharina was the Biblical Aram Naharaim or -'Syria of the two rivers,' better known, perhaps, as Mesopotamia, and -its situation has been ascertained by recent discoveries. It was the -district called Mitanni by the Assyrians, who describe it as being 'in -front of the land of the Hittites,' on the eastern bank of the -Euphrates, between Carchemish and the mouth of the river Balikh. In the -age of Thothmes I., it was the leading state in Western Asia. The -Hittites had not as yet made themselves formidable, and the most -dangerous enemy the Egyptian monarch was called upon to face were the -people over whom Chushan-risha-thaim was king in later days (Judg. iii. -8). It is not until the reign of his son, Thothmes III., that the -Hittites come to the front. They are distinguished as 'Great' and -'Little,' the latter name perhaps denoting the Hittites of the south of -Judah. However this may be, Thothmes received tribute from 'the king of -the great land of the Kheta,' which consisted of gold, negro-slaves, -men-servants and maid-servants, oxen and servants. Whether the Hittites -were as yet in possession of Kadesh we do not know. If they were, they -would have taken part in the struggle against the Egyptians which took -place around the walls of Megiddo, and was decided in favour of Thothmes -only after a long series of campaigns. - -Before Thothmes died, he had made Egypt mistress of Palestine and Syria -as far as the banks of the Euphrates and the land of Naharina. One of -the bravest of his captains tells us on the walls of his tomb how he had -captured prisoners in the neighbourhood of Aleppo, and had waded through -the waters of the Euphrates when his master assaulted the mighty Hittite -fortress of Carchemish. Kadesh on the Orontes had already fallen, and -for a time all Western Asia did homage to the Egyptian monarch, even the -king of Assyria sending him presents and courting, as it would seem, his -alliance. The Egyptian empire touched the land of Naharina on the east -and the 'great land of the Hittites' on the north. - -But neighbours so powerful could not remain long at peace. A fragmentary -inscription records that the first campaign of Thothmes IV., the -grandson of Thothmes III., was directed against the Hittites, and -Amenophis III., the son and successor of Thothmes IV., found it -necessary to support himself by entering into matrimonial alliance with -the king of Naharina. The marriage had strange consequences for Egypt. -The new queen brought with her not only a foreign name and foreign -customs, but a foreign faith as well. She refused to worship Amun of -Thebes and the other gods of Egypt, and clung to the religion of her -fathers, whose supreme object of adoration was the solar disk. The -Hittite monuments themselves bear witness to the prevalence of this -worship in Northern Syria. The winged solar disk appears above the -figure of a king which has been brought from Birejik on the Euphrates -to the British Museum; and even at Boghaz Keui, far away in Northern -Asia Minor, the winged solar disk has been carved by Hittite sculptors -upon the rock. - -Amenophis IV., the son of Amenophis III., was educated in the faith of -his mother, and after his accession to the throne endeavoured to impose -the new creed upon his unwilling subjects. The powerful priesthood of -Thebes withstood him for a while, but at last he assumed the name of -Khu-n-Aten, 'the refulgence of the solar disk,' and quitting Thebes and -its ancient temples he built himself a new capital dedicated to the new -divinity. It stood on the eastern bank of the Nile, to the north of -Assiout, and its long line of ruins is now known to the natives under -the name of Tel el-Amarna. The city was filled with the adherents of the -new creed, and their tombs are yet to be found in the cliffs that -enclose the desert on the east. Its existence, however, was of no long -duration. After the death of Khu-n-Aten, 'the heretic king,' his throne -was occupied by one or two princes who had embraced his faith; but their -reigns were brief, and they were succeeded by a monarch who returned -once more to the religion of his forefathers. The capital of Khu-n-Aten -was deserted, and the objects found upon its site show that it was never -again inhabited. - -Among its ruins a discovery has recently been made which casts an -unexpected light upon the history of the Oriental world in the century -before the Exodus. A large collection of clay tablets has been found, -similar to those disinterred from the mounds of Nineveh and Babylonia, -and like the latter inscribed in cuneiform characters and in the -Assyro-Babylonian language. They consist for the most part of letters -and despatches sent to Khu-n-Aten and his father, Amenophis III., by the -governors and rulers of Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia and Babylonia, and -they prove that at that time Babylonian was the international language, -and the complicated cuneiform system of writing the common means of -intercourse, of the educated world. Many of them were transferred by -Khu-n-Aten from the royal archives of Thebes to his new city at Tel -el-Amarna; the rest were received and stored up after the new city had -been built. We learn from them that the Hittites were already pressing -southward, and were causing serious alarm to the governors and allies of -the Egyptian king. One of the tablets is a despatch from Northern Syria, -praying the Egyptian monarch to send assistance against them as soon as -possible. - -The 'heresy' of Khu-n-Aten brought trouble and disunion into Egypt, and -his immediate successors seem to have been forced to retire from Syria. -So far from being able to aid their allies, the Egyptian generals found -themselves no match for the Hittite armies. Ramses I., the founder of -the Nineteenth Dynasty, was compelled to conclude a treaty, defensive -and offensive, with the Hittite king Saplel, and thus to recognise that -Hittite power was on an equality with that of Egypt. - -From this time forward it becomes possible to speak of a Hittite empire. -Kadesh was once more in Hittite hands, and the influence formerly -enjoyed by Egypt in Palestine and Syria was now enjoyed by its rival. -The rude mountaineers of the Taurus had descended into the fertile -plains of the south, interrupting the intercourse between Babylonia and -Canaan, and superseding the cuneiform characters of Chaldæa by their -own hieroglyphic writing. From henceforth the Babylonian language ceased -to be the language of diplomacy and education. - -With Seti I., the son and successor of Ramses, the power of Egypt again -revived. He drove the Beduin and other marauders across the frontiers of -the desert and pushed the war into Syria itself. The cities of the -Philistines again received Egyptian garrisons; Seti marched his armies -as far as the Orontes, fell suddenly upon Kadesh and took it by storm. -The war was now begun between Egypt and the Hittites, which lasted for -the next half-century. It left Egypt utterly exhausted, and, in spite of -the vainglorious boasts of its scribes and poets, glad to make a peace -which virtually handed over to her rivals the possession of Asia Minor. - -But at first success waited on the arms of Seti. He led his armies once -more to the Euphrates and the borders of Naharina, and compelled Mautal, -the Hittite monarch, to sue for peace. The natives of the Lebanon -received him with acclamations, and cut down their cedars for his ships -on the Nile. - -When Seti died, however, the Hittites were again in possession of -Kadesh, and war had broken out between them and his son Ramses II. The -long reign of Ramses II. was a ceaseless struggle against his formidable -foes. The war was waged with varying success. Sometimes victory inclined -to the Egyptians, sometimes to their Hittite enemies. Its chief result -was to bring ruin and disaster upon the cities of the Canaanites. Their -land was devastated by the hostile armies which traversed it; their -towns were sacked, now by the Hittite invaders from the north, now by -the soldiers of Ramses from the south. It was little wonder that their -inhabitants fled to island fastnesses like Tyre, deserting the city on -the mainland, which an Egyptian traveller of the age of Ramses tells us -had been burnt not long before. We can understand now why they offered -so slight a resistance to the invading Israelites. The Exodus took place -shortly after the death of Ramses II., the Pharaoh of the oppression; -and when Joshua entered Palestine he found there a disunited people and -a country exhausted by the long and terrible wars of the preceding -century. The way had been prepared by the Hittites for the Israelitish -conquest of Canaan. - -Pentaur, a sort of Egyptian poet laureate, has left us an epic which -records the heroic deeds of Ramses in his first campaign against the -Hittites. The actual event which gave occasion to it was an act of -bravery performed by the Egyptian monarch before the walls of Kadesh; -but the poet has transformed him into a hero capable of superhuman -deeds, and has thus produced an epic poem which reminds us of the Greek -Iliad. Its details, however, afford a welcome insight into the history -of the time, and show to what a height of power the Hittite empire had -advanced. Its king could summon to his aid vassal-allies not only from -Syria, but from the distant regions of Asia Minor as well. The merchants -of Carchemish, the islanders of Arvad, acknowledged his supremacy along -with the Dardanians of the Troad and the Mæonians of Lydia. The Hittite -empire was already a reality, extending from the banks of the Euphrates -to the shores of the Ægean, and including both the cultured Semites of -Syria and the rude barbarians of the Greek seas. - -It was in the fifth year of the reign of Ramses (B. C. 1383) that the -event occurred which was celebrated by the Egyptian Homer. The Egyptian -armies had advanced to the Orontes and the neighbourhood of Kadesh. -There two Beduin spies were captured, who averred that the Hittite king -was far away in the north with his forces, encamped at Aleppo. But the -intelligence was false. The Hittites and their allies, multitudinous as -the sand on the sea-shore, were really lying in ambush hard by. In their -train were the soldiers of Naharina, of the Dardanians and of Mysia, -along with numberless other peoples who now owned the Hittite sway. The -Hittite monarch 'had left no people on his road without bringing them -with him. Their number was endless; nothing like it had ever been -before. They covered mountains and valleys like grasshoppers for their -number. He had not left silver or gold with his people; he had taken -away all their goods and possessions to give it to the people who -accompanied him to the war.' - -The whole host was concealed in ambush on the north-west side of Kadesh. -Suddenly they arose and fell upon the terrified Egyptians by the waters -of the Lake of the Amorites, the modern Lake of Homs. The chariots and -horses charged 'the legion of Ra-Hormakhis,' and 'foot and horse gave -way before them.' The news was carried to the Pharaoh. 'He arose like -his father Month, he grasped his weapons, and put on his armour like -Baal.' His steed 'Victory in Thebes' bore him in his chariot into the -midst of the foe. Then he looked behind him, and behold he was alone. -The bravest heroes of the Hittite host beset his retreat, and 2500 -hostile chariots were around him. He was abandoned in the midst of the -enemy: not a prince, not a captain was with him. Then in his extreme -need the Pharaoh called upon his god Amun. 'Where art thou, my father -Amun? If this means that the father has forgotten his son, have I done -anything without thy knowledge, or have I not gone and followed the -precepts of thy mouth? Never were the precepts of thy mouth -transgressed, nor have I broken thy commandments in any respect. Sovran -lord of Egypt, who makest the peoples that withstand thee to bow down, -what are these people of Asia to thy heart? Amun brings them low who -know not God.... Behold now, Amun, I am in the midst of many unknown -peoples in great number. All have united themselves, and I am all alone: -no other is with me; my warriors and my charioteers have deserted me. I -called to them, and not one of them heard my voice.' - -The petition of Ramses was heard. Amun 'reached out his hand,' and -declared that he was come to help the Pharaoh against his foes. Then -Ramses was inspired with supernatural strength. 'I hurled,' he is made -to say, 'the dart with my right hand, I fought with my left hand. I was -like Baal in his hour before their sight. I had found 2500 chariots; I -was in the midst of them; but they were dashed in pieces before my -horses.' The ground was covered with the slain, and the Hittite king -fled in terror. His princes again gathered round the Pharaoh, and again -Ramses scattered them in a moment. Six times did he charge the Hittite -host, and six times they broke and were slaughtered. The strength of -Baal was 'in all the limbs' of the Egyptian king. - -Now at last his servants came to his aid. But the victory had already -been won, and all that remained was for the Pharaoh to upbraid his army -for their cowardice and sloth. 'Have I not given what is good to each of -you,' he exclaims, 'that ye have left me, so that I was alone in the -midst of hostile hosts? Forsaken by you, my life was in peril, and you -breathed tranquilly, and I was alone. Could you not have said in your -hearts that I was a rampart of iron to you?' It was the horses of the -royal chariot and not the troops who deserved reward, and who would -obtain it when the king arrived safely home. So Ramses 'returned in -victory and strength; he had smitten hundreds of thousands all together -in one place with his arm.' - -At daybreak the following morning he desired to renew the conflict. The -serpent that glowed on the front of his diadem 'spat fire' in the face -of his enemies. They were overawed by the deeds of valour he had -accomplished single-handed the day before, and feared to resume the -fight. 'They remained afar off, and threw themselves down on the earth, -to entreat the king in the sight [of his army]. And the king had power -over them and slew them without their being able to escape. As bodies -tumbled before his horses, so they lay there stretched out all together -in their blood. Then the king of the hostile people of the Hittites sent -a messenger to pray piteously to the great name of the king, speaking -thus: "Thou art Ra-Hormakhis. Thy terror is upon the land of the -Hittites, for thou hast broken the neck of the Hittites for ever and -ever."' - -The army of Ramses seconded the prayer of the herald that the Egyptians -and Hittites should henceforward be 'brothers together.' A treaty was -accordingly made; but it was soon broken, and it was not until sixteen -years later that peace was finally established between the two rival -powers. - -The act of personal prowess upon which the heroic poem of Pentaur was -built may have covered what had really been a check to the Egyptian -arms. At all events, it is significant that no attempt was made to -capture Kadesh, and that even the poet acknowledges how ready the -Egyptian soldiers were to come to terms with their enemies. Equally -significant is the fact that the war against the Hittites still went on; -in the eighth year of the Pharaoh's reign Palestine was overrun and -certain cities captured, including Dapur or Tabor 'in the land of the -Amorites,' while other campaigns were directed against Ashkelon, in the -south, and the city of Tunep or Tennib, in the north. When a lasting -treaty of peace was at last concluded in the twenty-first year of -Ramses, its conditions show that 'the great king of the Hittites' -treated on equal terms with the great king of Egypt, and that even -Ramses himself, whom later legend magnified into the Sesostris of the -Greeks, was fain to acknowledge the power of his Hittite adversaries. -The treaty was sealed by the marriage of the Pharaoh with the daughter -of the Hittite king. - -The treaty, of which we possess the Egyptian text in full, was a very -remarkable one, not only because it is the first treaty of the kind of -which we know, but also on account of its contents. It ran as -follows[1]:-- - - [1] This translation is the one given by Brugsch in the second - edition of the English translation of his _History of Egypt_. - -'In the year twenty-one, in the month Tybi, on the 21st day of the -month, in the reign of King Ramessu Miamun, the dispenser of life -eternally and for ever, the worshipper of the divinities Amon-Ra (of -Thebes), Hormakhu (of Heliopolis), Ptah (of Memphis), Mut the lady of -the Asher-lake (near Karnak), and Khonsu, the peace-loving, there took -place a public sitting on the throne of Horus among the living, -resembling his father Hormakhu in eternity, in eternity, evermore. - -'On that day the king was in the city of Ramses, presenting his -peace-offerings to his father Amon-Ra, and to the gods Hormakhu-Tum, to -Ptah of Ramessu-Miamun, and to Sutekh, the strong, the son of the -goddess of heaven Nut, that they might grant to him many thirty years' -jubilee feasts, and innumerable happy years, and the subjection of all -peoples under his feet for ever. - -'Then came forward the ambassador of the king, and the Adon [of his -house, by name ..., and presented the ambassadors] of the great king of -Kheta, Kheta-sira, who were sent to Pharaoh to propose friendship with -the king Ramessu Miamun, the dispenser of life eternally and for ever, -just as his father the Sun-god [dispenses it] each day. - -'This is the copy of the contents of the silver tablet, which the great -king of Kheta, Kheta-sira, had caused to be made, and which was -presented to the Pharaoh by the hand of his ambassador Tartisebu and his -ambassador Ra-mes, to propose friendship with the king Ramessu Miamun, -the bull among the princes, who places his boundary-marks where it -pleases him in all lands. - -'The treaty which had been proposed by the great king of Kheta, -Kheta-sira, the powerful, the son of Maur-sira, the powerful, the son of -the son of Sapalil, the great king of Kheta, the powerful, on the silver -tablet, to Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, the powerful, the -son of Meneptah Seti, the great prince of Egypt, the powerful, the -son's son of Ramessu I., the great king of Egypt, the powerful,--this -was a good treaty for friendship and concord, which assured peace [and -established concord] for a longer period than was previously the case, -since a long time. For it was the agreement of the great prince of Egypt -in common with the great king of Kheta, that the god should not allow -enmity to exist between them, on the basis of a treaty. - -'To wit, in the times of Mautal, the great king of Kheta, my brother, he -was at war with [Meneptah Seti] the great prince of Egypt. - -'But now, from this very day forward, Kheta-sira, the great king of -Kheta, shall look upon this treaty, so that the agreement may remain, -which the god Ra has made, which the god Sutekh has made, for the people -of Egypt and for the people of Kheta, that there should be no more -enmity between them for evermore.' - -And these are the contents:-- - -'Kheta-sira, the great king of Kheta, is in covenant with Ramessu -Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, from this very day forward, that -there may subsist a good friendship and a good understanding between -them for evermore. - -'He shall be my ally; he shall be my friend: I will be his ally; I will -be his friend: for ever. - -'To wit, in the time of Mautal, the great king of Kheta, his brother, -after his murder Kheta-sira placed himself on the throne of his father -as the great king of Kheta. I strove for friendship with Ramessu Miamun, -the great prince of Egypt, and it is [my wish] that the friendship and -the concord may be better than the friendship and the concord which -before existed, and which was broken. - -'I declare: I, the great king of Kheta, will hold together with -[Ramessu Miamun], the great prince of Egypt, in good friendship and in -good concord. The sons of the sons of the great king of Kheta will hold -together and be friends with the sons of the sons of Ramessu Miamun, the -great prince of Egypt. - -'In virtue of our treaty for concord, and in virtue of our agreement -[for friendship, let the people] of Egypt [be united in friendship] with -the people of Kheta. Let a like friendship and a like concord subsist in -such manner for ever. - -'Never let enmity rise between them. Never let the great king of Kheta -invade the land of Egypt, if anything shall have been plundered from it. -Never let Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, over-step the -boundary of the land [of Kheta, if anything shall have been plundered] -from it. - -'The just treaty, which existed in the times of Sapalil, the great king -of Kheta, likewise the just treaty which existed in the times of Mautal, -the great king of Kheta, my brother, that will I keep. - -'Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, declares that he will keep -it. [We have come to an understanding about it] with one another at the -same time from this day forward, and we will fulfil it, and will act in -a righteous manner. - -'If another shall come as an enemy to the lands of Ramessu Miamun, the -great prince of Egypt, then let him send an embassy to the great king of -Kheta to this effect: "Come! and make me stronger than him." Then shall -the great king of Kheta [assemble his warriors], and the king of Kheta -[shall come] to smite his enemies. But if it should not be the wish of -the great king of Kheta to march out in person, then he shall send his -warriors and his chariots, that they may smite his enemies. Otherwise -[he would incur] the wrath of Ramessu Miamun, [the great prince of -Egypt. And if Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, should banish] -for a crime subjects from his country, and they should commit another -crime against him, then shall he (the king of Kheta) come forward to -kill them. The great king of Kheta shall act in common with [the great -prince of Egypt. - -'If another should come as an enemy to the lands of the great king of -Kheta, then shall he send an embassy to the great prince of Egypt with -the request that] he would come in great power to kill his enemies; and -if it be the intention of Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, to -come (himself), he shall [smite the enemies of the great king of Kheta. -If it is not the intention of the great prince of Egypt to march out in -person, then he shall send his warriors and his two-] horse chariots, -while he sends back the answer to the people of Kheta. - -'If any subjects of the great king of Kheta have offended him, then -Ramessu Miamun, [the great prince of Egypt, shall not receive them in -his land, but shall advance to kill them] ... the oath, with the wish to -say: I will go ... until ... Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, -living for ever ... that he may be given for them (?) to the lord, and -that Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, may speak according to -his agreement evermore.... - -'[If servants shall flee away] out of the territories of Ramessu Miamun, -the great prince of Egypt, to betake themselves to the great king of -Kheta, the great king of Kheta shall not receive them, but the great -king of Kheta shall give them up to Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of -Egypt, [that they may receive their punishment. - -'If servants of Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, leave his -country], and betake themselves to the land of Kheta, to make themselves -servants of another, they shall not remain in the land of Kheta; [they -shall be given up] to Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt. - -'If, on the other hand, there should flee away [servants of the great -king of Kheta, in order to betake themselves to] Ramessu Miamun, the -great prince of Egypt, [in order to stay in Egypt], then those who have -come from the land of Kheta in order to betake themselves to Ramessu -Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, shall not be [received by] Ramessu -Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, [but] the great prince of Egypt, -Ramessu Miamun, [shall deliver them up to the great king of Kheta]. - -'[And if there shall leave the land of Kheta persons] of skilful mind, -so that they come to the land of Egypt to make themselves servants of -another, then Ramessu Miamun will not allow them to settle, he will -deliver them up to the great king of Kheta. - -'When this [treaty] shall be known [by the inhabitants of the land of -Egypt and of the land of Kheta, then shall they not offend against it, -for all that stands written on] the silver tablet, these are words which -will have been approved by the company of the gods among the male gods -and among the female gods, among those namely of the land of Egypt. They -are witnesses for me [to the validity] of these words, [which they have -allowed. - -'This is the catalogue of the gods of the land of Kheta:-- - - (1) 'Sutekh of the city] of Tunep[2], - (2) 'Sutekh of the land of Kheta, - (3) 'Sutekh of the city of Arnema, - (4) 'Sutekh of the city of Zaranda, - (5) 'Sutekh of the city of Pilqa, - (6) 'Sutekh of the city of Khisasap, - (7) 'Sutekh of the city of Sarsu, - (8) 'Sutekh of the city of Khilip (Aleppo), - (9) 'Sutekh of the city of ..., - (10) 'Sutekh of the city of Sarpina, - (11) 'Astarta[3] of the land of Kheta, - (12) 'The god of the land of Zaiath-khirri, - (13) 'The god of the land of Ka ..., - (14) 'The god of the land of Kher ..., - (15) 'The goddess of the city of Akh ..., - (16) '[The goddess of the city of ...] and of the land of A...ua, - (17) 'The goddess of the land of Zaina, - (18) 'The god of the land of ...nath...er. - - [2] Now Tennib in Northern Syria. - - [3] Also read Antarata. - -'[I have invoked these male and these] female [gods of the land of -Kheta, these are the gods] of the land, [as witnesses to] my oath. [With -them have been associated the male and the female gods] of the mountains -and of the rivers of the land of Kheta, the gods of the land of -Qazauadana, Amon, Ra, Sutekh, and the male and female gods of the land -of Egypt, of the earth, of the sea, of the winds, and of the storms. - -'With regard to the commandment which the silver tablet contains for the -people of Kheta and for the people of Egypt, he who shall not observe it -shall be given over [to the vengeance] of the company of the gods of -Kheta, and shall be given over [to the vengeance] of the gods of Egypt, -[he] and his house and his servants. - -'But he who shall observe these commandments which the silver tablet -contains, whether he be of the people of Kheta or [of the people of -Egypt], because he has not neglected them, the company of the gods of -the land of Kheta and the company of the gods of the land of Egypt shall -secure his reward and preserve life [for him] and his servants and those -who are with him and who are with his servants. - -'If there flee away of the inhabitants [one from the land of Egypt], or -two or three, and they betake themselves to the great king of Kheta [the -great king of Kheta shall not] allow them [to remain, but he shall] -deliver them up, and send them back to Ramessu Miamun, the great prince -of Egypt. - -'Now with respect to the [inhabitant of the land of Egypt], who is -delivered up to Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt, his fault -shall not be avenged upon him, his [house] shall not be taken away, nor -his [wife] nor his [children]. There shall not be [put to death his -mother, neither shall he be punished in his eyes, nor on his mouth, nor -on the soles of his feet], so that thus no crime shall be brought -forward against him. - -'In the same way shall it be done if inhabitants of the land of Kheta -take to flight, be it one alone, or two, or three, to betake themselves -to Ramessu Miamun, the great prince of Egypt. Ramessu Miamun, the great -prince of Egypt, shall cause them to be seized, and they shall be -delivered up to the great king of Kheta. - -'[With regard to] him who [is delivered up, his crime shall not be -brought forward against him]. His [house] shall not be taken away, nor -his wives, nor his children, nor his people; his mother shall not be put -to death; he shall not be punished in his eyes, nor on his mouth, nor on -the soles of his feet, nor shall any accusation be brought forward -against him. - -'That which is in the middle of this silver tablet and on its front side -is a likeness of the god Sutekh ..., surrounded by an inscription to -this effect: "This is the [picture] of the god Sutekh, the king of -heaven and [earth]." At the time (?) of the treaty which Kheta-sira, the -great king of the Kheta, made....' - -This compact of offensive and defensive alliance proves more forcibly -than any description the position to which the Hittite empire had -attained. It ranked side by side with the Egypt of Ramses, the last -great Pharaoh who ever ruled over the land of the Nile. With Egypt it -had contested the sovereignty of Western Asia, and had compelled the -Egyptian monarch to consent to peace. Egypt and the Hittites were now -the two leading powers of the world. - -The treaty was ratified by the visit of the Hittite prince Kheta-sira to -Egypt in his national costume, and the marriage of his daughter to -Ramses in the thirty-fourth year of the Pharaoh's reign (B. C. 1354). -She took the Egyptian name of Ur-maa Noferu-Ra, and her beauty was -celebrated by the scribes of the court. Syria was handed over to the -Hittites as their legitimate possession; Egypt never again attempted to -wrest it from them, and if the Hittite yoke was to be shaken off it must -be through the efforts of the Syrians themselves. For a while, however, -'the great king of the Hittites' preserved his power intact; his -supremacy was acknowledged from the Euphrates in the east to the Ægean -Sea in the west, from Kappadokia in the north to the tribes of Canaan in -the south. Even Naharina, once the antagonist of the Egyptian Pharaohs, -acknowledged his sovereignty, and Pethor, the home of Balaam, at the -junction of the Euphrates and the Sajur, became a Hittite town. The -cities of Philistia, indeed, still sent tribute to the Egyptian ruler, -but northwards the Hittite sway seems to have been omnipotent. The -Amorites of the mountains allied themselves with 'the children of Heth,' -and the Canaanites in the lowlands looked to them for protection. The -Israelites had not as yet thrust themselves between the two great powers -of the Oriental world: it was still possible for a Hittite sovereign to -visit Egypt, and for an Egyptian traveller to explore the cities of -Canaan. - -After sixty-six years of vainglorious splendour the long reign of Ramses -II. came to an end (B. C. 1322). The Israelites had toiled for him in -building Pithom and Raamses, and on the accession of his son and -successor, Meneptah, they demanded permission to depart from Egypt. The -history of the Exodus is too well known to be recounted here; it marks -the close of the period of conquest and prosperity which Egypt had -enjoyed under the kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties. -Early in his reign Meneptah had sent corn by sea to the Hittites at a -time when there was a famine in Syria, showing that the peaceful -relations established during the reign of his father were still in -force. Despatches dated in his third year also exist, which speak of -letters and messengers passing to and fro between Egypt and Phoenicia, -and make it clear that Gaza was still garrisoned by Egyptian troops. But -in the fifth year of his reign Egypt was invaded by a confederacy of -white-skinned tribes from Libya and the shores of Asia Minor, who -overran the Delta and threatened the very existence of the Egyptian -monarchy. Egypt, however, was saved by a battle in which the invading -host was almost annihilated, but not before it had itself been half -drained of its resources, and weakened correspondingly. - -Not many years afterwards the dynasty of Ramses the Oppressor descended -to its grave in bloodshed and disaster. Civil war broke out, followed by -foreign invasion, and the crown was seized by 'Arisu the Phoenician.' -But happier times again arrived. Once more the Egyptians obeyed a native -prince, and the Twentieth Dynasty was founded. Its one great king was -Ramses III., who rescued his country from two invasions more formidable -even than that which had been beaten back by Meneptah. Like the latter, -they were conducted by the Libyans and the nations of the Greek seas, -and the invaders were defeated partly on the land, partly on the water. -The maritime confederacy included the Teukrians of the Troad, the -Lykians and the Philistines, perhaps also the natives of Sardinia and -Sicily. They had flung themselves in the first instance on the coasts of -Phoenicia, and spread inland as far as Carchemish. Laden with spoil, -they fixed their camp 'in the land of the Amorites,' and then descended -upon Egypt. The Hittites of Carchemish and the people of Matenau of -Naharina came in their train, and a long and terrible battle took place -on the sea-shore between Raphia and Pelusium. The Egyptians were -victorious; the ships of the enemy were sunk, and their soldiers slain -or captured. Egypt was once more filled with captives, and the flame of -its former glory flickered again for a moment before finally going out. - -The list of prisoners shows that the Hittite tribes had taken part in -the struggle, Carchemish, Aleppo, and Pethor being specially named as -having sent contingents to the war. They had probably marched by land, -while their allies from Asia Minor and the islands of the Mediterranean -had attacked the Egyptian coast in ships. So far as we can gather, the -Hittite populations no longer acknowledged the suzerainty of an imperial -sovereign, but were divided into independent states. It would seem, too, -that they had lost their hold upon Mysia and the far west. The Tsekkri -and the Leku, the Shardaina and the Shakalsha are said to have attacked -their cities before proceeding on their southward march. If we can trust -the statement, we must conclude that the Hittite empire had already -broken up. The tribes of Asia Minor it had conquered were in revolt, and -had carried the war into the homes of their former masters. However this -may be, it is certain that from this time forward the power of the -Hittites in Syria began to wane. Little by little the Aramæan population -pushed them back into their northern fastnesses, and throughout the -period of the Israelitish judges we never hear even of their name. The -Hittite chieftains advance no longer to the south of Kadesh; and though -Israel was once oppressed by a king who had come from the north, he was -king of Aram-Naharaim, the Naharina of the Egyptian texts, and not a -Hittite prince. - -Where the Egyptian monuments desert us, those of Assyria come to our -help. The earliest notices of the Hittites found in the cuneiform texts -are contained in a great work on astronomy and astrology, originally -compiled for an early king of Babylonia. The references to 'the king of -the Hittites,' however, which meet us in it, cannot be ascribed to a -remote date. One of the chief objects aimed at by the author (or -authors) of the work was to foretell the future, it being supposed that -a particular event which had followed a certain celestial phenomenon -would be repeated when the phenomenon happened again. Consequently it -was the fashion to introduce into the work from time to time fresh -notices of events; and some of these glosses, as we may term them, are -probably not older than the seventh century B. C. It is, therefore, -impossible to determine the exact date to which the allusions to the -Hittite king belong, but there are indications that it is comparatively -late. The first clear account that the Assyrian inscriptions give us -concerning the Hittites, to which we can attach a date, is met with in -the annals of Tiglath-pileser I. - -Tiglath-pileser I. was the most famous monarch of the first Assyrian -empire, and he reigned about 1110 B. C. He carried his arms northward -and westward, penetrating into the bleak and trackless mountains of -Armenia, and forcing his way as far as Malatiyeh in Kappadokia. His -annals present us with a very full and interesting picture of the -geography of these regions at the time of his reign. Kummukh or -Komagênê, which at that epoch extended southward from Malatiyeh in the -direction of Carchemish, was one of the first objects of his attack. 'At -the beginning of my reign,' he says, '20,000 Moschians (or men of -Meshech) and their five kings, who for fifty years had taken possession -of the countries of Alzi and Purukuzzi, which had formerly paid tribute -and taxes to Assur my lord--no king (before me) had opposed them in -battle--trusted to their strength, and came down and seized the land of -Kummukh.' The Assyrian king, however, marched against them, and defeated -them in a pitched battle with great slaughter, and then proceeded to -carry fire and sword through the cities of Kummukh. Its ruler -Kili-anteru, the son of Kali-anteru, was captured along with his wives -and family; and Tiglath-pileser next proceeded to besiege the stronghold -of Urrakhinas. Its prince Sadi-anteru, the son of Khattukhi, 'the -Hittite,' threw himself at the conqueror's feet; his life was spared, -and 'the wide-spreading land of Kummukh' became tributary to Assyria, -objects of bronze being the chief articles it had to offer. About the -same time, 4000 troops belonging to the Kaskâ or Kolkhians and the -people of Uruma, both of whom are described as 'soldiers of the -Hittites' and as having occupied the northern cities of Mesopotamia, -submitted voluntarily to the Assyrian monarch, and were transported to -Assyria along with their chariots and their property. Uruma was the -Urima of classical geography, which lay on the Euphrates a little to the -north of Birejik, so that we know the exact locality to which these -'Hittite soldiers' belonged. In fact, 'Hittite' must have been a general -name given to the inhabitants of all this district; the modern Merash, -for instance, lies within the limits of the ancient Kummukh; and, as we -shall see, it is from Merash that a long Hittite inscription has come. - -Tiglath-pileser attacked Kummukh a second time, and on this occasion -penetrated still further into the mountain fastnesses of the Hittite -country. In a third campaign his armies came in sight of Malatiyeh -itself, but the king contented himself with exacting a small yearly -tribute from the city, 'having had pity upon it,' as he tells us, -though more probably the truth was that he found himself unable to take -it by storm. But he never succeeded in forcing his way across the fords -of the Euphrates, which were commanded by the great fortress of -Carchemish. Once he harried the land of Mitanni or Naharina, slaying and -spoiling 'in one day' from Carchemish southwards to a point that faced -the deserts of the nomad Sukhi, the Shuhites of the Book of Job. It was -on this occasion that he killed ten elephants in the neighbourhood of -Harran and on the banks of the Khabour, besides four wild bulls which he -hunted with arrows and spears 'in the land of Mitanni and in the city of -Araziqi[4], which lies opposite to the land of the Hittites.' - -Towards the end of the twelfth century before our era, therefore, the -Hittites were still strong enough to keep one of the mightiest of the -Assyrian kings in check. It is true that they no longer obeyed a single -head; it is also true that that portion of them which was settled in the -land of Kummukh was overrun by the Assyrian armies, and forced to pay -tribute to the Assyrian invader. But Carchemish compelled the respect of -Tiglath-pileser; he never ventured to approach its walls or to cross the -river which it was intended to defend. His way was barred to the west, -and he never succeeded in traversing the high road which led to -Phoenicia and Palestine. - - [4] Called Eragiza in classical geography and in the Talmud. - -After the death of Tiglath-pileser I. the Assyrian inscriptions fail us. -His successors allowed the empire to fall into decay, and more than two -hundred years elapsed before the curtain is lifted again. These two -hundred years had witnessed the rise and fall of the kingdom of David -and Solomon as well as the growth of a new power, that of the Syrians of -Damascus. - -Damascus rose on the ruins of the empire of Solomon. But its rise also -shows plainly that the power of the Hittites in Syria was beginning to -wane. Hadad-ezer, king of Zobah, the antagonist of David, had been able -to send for aid to the Arameans of Naharina, on the eastern side of the -Euphrates (2 Sam. x. 16), and with them he had marched to Helam, in -which it is possible to see the name of Aleppo[5]. It is clear that the -Hittites were no longer able to keep the Aramean population in -subjection, or to prevent an Aramean prince of Zobah from expelling them -from the territory they had once made their own. Indeed, it may be that -in one passage of the Old Testament allusion is made to an attack which -Hadad-ezer was preparing against them. When it is stated that he was -overthrown by David, 'as he was going to turn his hand against the river -Euphrates' (2 Sam. viii. 3), it may be that it was against the Hittites -of Carchemish that his armies were about to be directed. At any rate, -support for this view is found in a further statement of the sacred -historian. 'When Toi king of Hamath,' we learn, 'heard that David had -smitten all the host of Hadad-ezer, then Toi sent Joram his son unto -king David, to salute him, and to bless him, because he had fought -against Hadad-ezer and smitten him; for Hadad-ezer had wars with Toi' (2 -Sam. viii. 9, 10). Now we know from the monuments that have been -discovered on the spot that Hamath was once a Hittite city, and there is -no reason for not believing that it was still in the possession of the -Hittites in the age of David. Its Syrian enemies would in that case -have been the same as the enemies of David, and a common danger would -thus have united it with Israel in an alliance which ended only in its -overthrow by the Assyrians. - - [5] Called Khalman in the Assyrian texts. Josephus changes - Helam into the proper name Khalaman. - -As late as the time of Uzziah, we are told by the Assyrian inscriptions, -the Jewish king was in league with Hamath, and the last independent -ruler of Hamath was Yahu-bihdi, a name in which we recognise that of the -God of Israel. Indeed, the very fact that the Syrians imagined that 'the -kings of the Hittites' were coming to the rescue of Samaria, when -besieged by the forces of Damascus, goes to show that Israel and the -Hittites were regarded as natural friends, whose natural adversaries -were the Arameans of Syria. As the power and growth of Israel had been -built up on the conquest and subjugation of the Semitic populations of -Palestine, so too the power of the Hittites had been gained at the -expense of their Semitic neighbours. The triumph of Syria was a blow -alike to the Hittites of Carchemish and to the Hebrews of Samaria and -Jerusalem. - -With Assur-natsir-pal, whose reign extended from B. C. 885 to 860, -contemporaneous Assyrian history begins afresh. His campaigns and -conquests rivalled those of Tiglath-pileser I., and indeed exceeded them -both in extent and in brutality. Like his predecessor, he exacted -tribute from Kummukh as well as from the kings of the country in which -Malatiyeh was situated; but with better fortune than Tiglath-pileser he -succeeded in passing the Euphrates, and obliging Sangara of Carchemish -to pay him homage. It is clear that Carchemish was no longer as strong -as it had been two centuries before, and that the power of its defenders -was gradually vanishing away. There was still, however, a small Hittite -population on the eastern bank of the Euphrates; at all events, -Assur-natsir-pal describes the tribe of Bakhian on that side of the -river as Hittite, and it was only after receiving tribute from them that -he crossed the stream in boats and approached the land of Gargamis or -Carchemish. But his threatened assault upon the Hittite stronghold was -bought off with rich and numerous presents. Twenty talents of -silver--the favourite metal of the Hittite princes--'cups of gold, -chains of gold, blades of gold, 100 talents of copper, 250 talents of -iron, gods of copper in the form of wild bulls, bowls of copper, -libation cups of copper, a ring of copper, the multitudinous furniture -of the royal palace, of which the like was never received, couches and -thrones of rare woods and ivory, 200 slave-girls, garments of variegated -cloth and linen, masses of black crystal and blue crystal, precious -stones, the tusks of elephants, a white chariot, small images of gold,' -as well as ordinary chariots and war-horses,--such were the treasures -poured into the lap of the Assyrian monarch by the wealthy but unwarlike -king of Carchemish. They give us an idea of the wealth to which the city -had attained through its favourable position on the high-road of -commerce that ran from the east to the west. The uninterrupted -prosperity of several centuries had filled it with merchants and riches; -in later days we find the Assyrian inscriptions speaking of 'the maneh -of Carchemish' as one of the recognised standards of value. Carchemish -had become a city of merchants, and no longer felt itself able to oppose -by arms the trained warriors of the Assyrian king. - -Quitting Carchemish, Assur-natsir-pal pursued his march westwards, and -after passing the land of Akhanu on his left, fell upon the town of Azaz -near Aleppo, which belonged to the king of the Patinians. The latter -people were of Hittite descent, and occupied the country between the -river Afrin and the shores of the Gulf of Antioch. The Assyrian armies -crossed the Afrin and appeared before the walls of the Patinian capital. -Large bribes, however, induced them to turn away southward, and to -advance along the Orontes in the direction of the Lebanon. Here -Assur-natsir-pal received the tribute of the Phoenician cities. - -Shalmaneser II., the son and successor of Assur-natsir-pal, continued -the warlike policy of his father (B. C. 860-825). The Hittite princes -were again a special object of attack. Year after year Shalmaneser led -his armies against them, and year after year did he return home laden -with spoil. The aim of his policy is not difficult to discover. He -sought to break the power of the Hittite race in Syria, to possess -himself of the fords across the Euphrates and the high-road which -brought the merchandise of Phoenicia to the traders of Nineveh, and -eventually to divert the commerce of the Mediterranean to his own -country. By the overthrow of the Patinians he made himself master of the -cedar forests of Amanus, and his palaces were erected with the help of -their wood. Sangara of Carchemish, it is true, perceived his danger, and -a league of the Hittite princes was formed to resist the common foe. -Contingents came not only from Kummukh and from the Patinians, but from -Cilicia and the mountain ranges of Asia Minor. It was, however, of no -avail. The Hittite forces were driven from the field, and their leaders -were compelled to purchase peace by the payment of tribute. Once more -Carchemish gave up its gold and silver, its bronze and copper, its -purple vestures and curiously-adorned thrones, and the daughter of -Sangara himself was carried away to the harem of the Assyrian king. -Pethor, the city of Balaam, was turned into an Assyrian colony, its very -name being changed to an Assyrian one. The way into Hamath and Phoenicia -at last lay open to the Assyrian host. At Aleppo Shalmaneser offered -sacrifices to the native god Hadad, and then descended upon the cities -of Hamath. At Karkar he was met by a great confederacy formed by the -kings of Hamath and Damascus, to which Ahab of Israel had contributed -2000 chariots and 10,000 men. But nothing could withstand the onslaught -of the Assyrian veterans. The enemy were scattered like chaff, and the -river Orontes was reddened with their blood. The battle of Karkar (in -B.C. 854) brought the Assyrians into contact with Damascus, and caused -Jehu on a later occasion to send tribute to the Assyrian king. - -The subsequent history of Shalmaneser concerns us but little. The power -of the Hittites south of the Taurus had been broken for ever. The Semite -had avenged himself for the conquest of his country by the northern -mountaineers centuries before. They no longer formed a barrier which cut -off the east from the west, and prevented the Semites of Assyria and -Babylon from meeting the Semites of Phoenicia and Palestine. The -intercourse which had been interrupted in the age of the nineteenth -dynasty of Egypt could now be again resumed. Carchemish ceased to -command the fords of the Euphrates, and was forced to acknowledge the -supremacy of the Assyrian invader. In fact, the Hittites of Syria had -become little more than tributaries of the Assyrian monarch. When an -insurrection broke out among the Patinians, in consequence of which the -rightful king was killed and his throne seized by an usurper, -Shalmaneser claimed and exercised the right to interfere. A new -sovereign was appointed by him, and he set up an image of himself in the -capital city of the Patinian people. - -The change that had come over the relations between the Assyrians and -the Hittite population is marked by a curious fact. From the time of -Shalmaneser onwards, the name of Hittite is no longer used by the -Assyrian writers in a correct sense. It is extended so as to embrace all -the inhabitants of Northern Syria on the western side of the Euphrates, -and subsequently came to include the inhabitants of Palestine as well. -Khatta or 'Hittite' became synonymous with Syrian. How this happened is -not difficult to explain. The first populations of Syria with whom the -Assyrians had come into contact were of Hittite origin. When their power -was broken, and the Assyrian armies had forced their way past the -barrier they had so long presented to the invader, it was natural that -the states next traversed by the Assyrian generals should be supposed -also to belong to them. Moreover, many of these states were actually -dependent on the Hittite princes, though inhabited by an Aramean people. -The Hittites had imposed their yoke upon an alien race of Aramean -descent, and accordingly in Northern Syria Hittite and Aramean cities -and tribes were intermingled together. 'I took,' says Shalmaneser, 'what -the men of the land of the Hittites had called the city of Pethor -(_Pitru_), which is upon the river Sajur (_Sagura_), on the further side -of the Euphrates, and the city of Mudkînu, on the eastern side of the -Euphrates, which Tiglath-pileser (I.), the royal forefather who went -before me, had united to my country, and Assur-rab-buri king of Assyria -and the king of the Arameans had taken (from it) by a treaty.' At a -later date Shalmaneser marched from Pethor to Aleppo, and there offered -sacrifices to 'the god of the city,' Hadad-Rimmon, whose name betrays -the Semitic character of its population. The Hittites, in short, had -never been more than a conquering upper class in Syria, like the Normans -in Sicily; and as time went on the subject population gained more and -more upon them. Like all similar aristocracies, they tended to die out -or to be absorbed into the native population of the country. - -They still held possession of Carchemish, however, and the decadence of -the first Assyrian empire gave them an unexpected respite. But the -revolution which placed Tiglath-pileser III. on the throne of Assyria, -in B. C. 725, brought with it the final doom of Hittite supremacy. -Assyria entered upon a new career of conquest, and under its new rulers -established an empire which extended over the whole of Western Asia. In -B. C. 717 Carchemish finally fell before the armies of Sargon, and its -last king Pisiris became the captive of the Assyrian king. Its trade and -wealth passed into Assyrian hands, it was colonised by Assyrians and -placed under an Assyrian satrap. The great Hittite stronghold on the -Euphrates, which had been for so many centuries the visible sign of -their power and southern conquests, became once more the possession of a -Semitic people. The long struggle that had been carried on between the -Hittites and the Semites was at an end; the Semite had triumphed, and -the Hittite was driven back into the mountains from whence he had come. - -But he did not yield without a struggle. The year following the capture -of Carchemish saw Sargon confronted by a great league of the northern -peoples, Meshech, Tubal, Melitene and others, under the leadership of -the king of Ararat. The league, however, was shattered in a decisive -battle, the king of Ararat committed suicide, and in less than three -years Komagênê was annexed to the Assyrian empire. The Semite of Nineveh -was supreme in the Eastern world. - -Ararat was the name given by the Assyrians to the district in the -immediate neighbourhood of Lake Van, as well as to the country to the -south of it. It was not until post-Biblical days that the name was -extended to the north, so that the modern Mount Ararat obtained a title -which originally belonged to the Kurdish range in the south. But Ararat -was not the native name of the country. This was Biainas or Bianas, a -name which still survives in that of Lake Van. Numerous inscriptions are -scattered over the country, written in cuneiform characters borrowed -from Nineveh in the time of Assur-natsir-pal or his son Shalmaneser, but -in a language which bears no resemblance to that of Assyria. They record -the building of temples and palaces, the offerings made to the gods, and -the campaigns of the Vannic kings. Among the latter mention is made of -campaigns against the Khâte or Hittites. - -The first of these campaigns was conducted by a king called Menuas, who -reigned in the ninth century before our era. He overran the land of -Alzi, and then found himself in the land of the Hittites. Here he -plundered the cities of Surisilis and Tarkhi-gamas, belonging to the -Hittite prince Sada-halis, and captured a number of soldiers, whom he -dedicated to the service of his god Khaldis. On another occasion he -marched as far as the city of Malatiyeh, and after passing through the -country of the Hittites, caused an inscription commemorating his -conquests to be engraved on the cliffs of Palu. Palu is situated on the -northern bank of the Euphrates, about midway between Malatiyeh and Van, -and as it lies to the east of the ancient district of Alzi, we can form -some idea of the exact geographical position to which the Hittites of -Menuas must be assigned. His son and successor, Argistis I, again made -war upon them, and we gather from one of his inscriptions that the city -of Malatiyeh was itself included among their fortresses. The 'land of -the Hittites,' according to the statements of the Vannic kings, -stretched along the banks of the Euphrates from Palu on the east as far -as Malatiyeh on the west. - -The Hittites of the Assyrian monuments lived to the south-west of this -region, spreading through Komagênê to Carchemish and Aleppo. The -Egyptian records bring them yet further south to Kadesh on the Orontes, -while the Old Testament carries the name into the extreme south of -Palestine. It is evident, therefore, that we must see in the Hittite -tribes fragments of a race whose original seat was in the ranges of the -Taurus, but who had pushed their way into the warm plains and valleys of -Syria and Palestine. They belonged originally to Asia Minor, not to -Syria, and it was conquest only which gave them a right to the name of -Syrians. 'Hittite' was their true title, and whether the tribes to which -it belonged lived in Judah or on the Orontes, at Carchemish or in the -neighbourhood of Palu, this was the title under which they were known. -We must regard it as a national name, which clung to them in all their -conquests and migrations, and marked them out as a peculiar people, -distinct from the other races of the Eastern world. It is now time to -see what their own monuments have to tell us regarding them, and the -influence they exercised upon the history of mankind. - - - - -[Illustration: A SLAB FOUND AT MERASH.] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE HITTITE MONUMENTS. - - -It was a warm and sunny September morning when I left the little town of -Nymphi near Smyrna with a strong escort of Turkish soldiers, and made my -way to the Pass of Karabel. The Pass of Karabel is a narrow defile, shut -in on either side by lofty cliffs, through which ran the ancient road -from Ephesos in the south to Sardes and Smyrna in the north. The Greek -historian Herodotos tells us that the Egyptian conqueror Sesostris had -left memorials of himself in this place. 'Two images cut by him in the -rock' were to be seen beside the roads which led 'from Ephesos to -Phokaea and from Sardes to Smyrna. On either side a man is carved, a -little over three feet in height, who holds a spear in the right hand -and a bow in the left. The rest of his accoutrement is similar, for it -is Egyptian and Ethiopian, and from one shoulder to the other, right -across the breast, Egyptian hieroglyphics have been cut which declare: -"I have won this land with my shoulders."' - -These two images were the object of my journey. One of them had been -discovered by Renouard in 1839, and shortly afterwards sketched by -Texier; the other had been found by Dr. Beddoe in 1856. But visitors to -the Pass in which they were engraved were few and far between; the -cliffs on either side were the favourite haunt of brigands, and thirty -soldiers were not deemed too many to protect my safety. My work of -exploration had to be carried on under the shelter of their guns, for -more than twenty bandits were lurking under the brushwood above. - -The sculpture sketched by Texier had subsequently been photographed by -Mr. Svoboda. It represents a warrior whose height is rather more than -life-size, and who stands in profile with the right foot planted in -front of him, in the attitude of one who is marching. In his right hand -he holds a spear, behind his left shoulder is slung a bow, and the head -is crowned with a high peaked cap. He is clad in a tunic which reaches -to the knees, and his feet are shod with boots with turned-up ends. The -whole figure is cut in deep relief in an artificial niche, and between -the spear and the face are three lines of hieroglyphic characters. The -figure faces south, and is carved on the face of the eastern cliff of -Karabel. - -It had long been recognised that the hieroglyphics were not those of -Egypt, and Professor Perrot had also drawn attention to the striking -resemblance between the style of art represented by this sculpture and -that represented by certain rock-sculptures in Kappadokia, as well as by -the sculptured image of a warrior discovered by himself at a place -called Ghiaur-kalessi, 'the castle of the infidel,' in Phrygia, which is -practically identical in form and character with the sculptured warrior -of Karabel. - -What was the origin of this art, or who were the people it commemorated, -was a matter of uncertainty. A few weeks, however, before my visit to -the Pass of Karabel, I announced[6] that I had come to the conclusion -that the art was Hittite, and that the hieroglyphics accompanying the -figure at Karabel would turn out, when carefully examined, to be Hittite -also. The primary purpose of my visit to the pass was to verify this -conclusion. - - [6] In the _Academy_ of Aug. 16th, 1879. - -Let us now see how I had arrived at it. The story is a long one, and in -order to understand it, it is necessary to transport ourselves from the -Pass of Karabel in Western Asia Minor to Hamah, the site of the ancient -Hamath, in the far east. It was here that the first discovery was made -which has led by slow degrees to the reconstruction of the Hittite -empire, and a recognition of the important part once played by the -Hittites in the history of the civilised world. - -As far back as the beginning of the present century (in 1812) the great -Oriental traveller Burckhardt had noticed a block of black basalt -covered with strange-looking hieroglyphics built into the corner of a -house in one of the bazaars of Hamah[7]. But the discovery was -forgotten, and the European residents in Hamah, like the travellers who -visited the city, were convinced that 'no antiquities' were to be found -there. Nearly sixty years later, however, when the American Palestine -Exploration Society was first beginning its work, the American consul, -Mr. Johnson, and an American missionary, Mr. Jessup, accidentally -lighted again upon this stone, and further learned that three other -stones of similar character, and inscribed with similar hieroglyphics, -existed elsewhere in Hamah. One of them, of very great length, was -believed to be endowed with healing properties. Rheumatic patients, -Mohammedans and Christians alike, were in the habit of stretching -themselves upon it, in the firm belief that their pains would be -absorbed into the stone. The other inscribed stones were also regarded -with veneration, which naturally increased when it was known that they -were being sought after by the Franks; and the two Americans found it -impossible to see them all, much less to take copies of the inscriptions -they bore. They had to be content with the miserable attempts at -reproducing them made by a native painter, one of which was afterwards -published in America. The publication served to awaken the interest of -scholars in the newly discovered inscriptions, and efforts were made by -Sir Richard Burton and others to obtain correct impressions of them. All -was in vain, however, and it is probable that the fanaticism or greed of -the people of Hamah would have successfully resisted all attempts to -procure trustworthy copies of the texts, had not a lucky accident -brought Dr. William Wright to the spot. It is to his energy and -devotion that the preservation of these precious relics of Hittite -literature may be said to be due. 'On the 10th of November, 1872,' he -tells us, he 'set out from Damascus, intent on securing the Hamah -inscriptions. The Sublime Porte, seized by a periodic fit of reforming -zeal, had appointed an honest man, Subhi Pasha, to be governor of Syria. -Subhi Pasha brought a conscience to his work, and, not content with -redressing wrongs that succeeded in forcing their way into his presence, -resolved to visit every district of his province, in order that he might -check the spoiler and discover the wants of the people. He invited me to -accompany him on a tour to Hamah, and I gladly accepted the invitation.' -Along with Mr. Green, the English Consul, accordingly, Dr. Wright joined -the party of the Pasha; and, fearing that the same fate might befall the -Hamath stones as had befallen the Moabite Stone, which had been broken -into pieces to save it from the Europeans, persuaded him to buy them, -and send them as a present to the Museum at Constantinople. When the -news became known in Hamah, there were murmurings long and deep against -the Pasha, and it became necessary, not only to appeal to the cupidity -and fear of the owners of the stones, but also to place them under the -protection of a guard of soldiers the night before the work of removing -them was to commence. - - [7] _Travels in Syria_, p. 146. - -The night was an anxious one to Dr. Wright; but when day dawned, the -stones were still safe, and the labour of their removal was at once -begun. It 'was effected by an army of shouting men, who kept the city in -an uproar during the whole day. Two of them had to be taken out of the -walls of inhabited houses, and one of them was so large that it took -fifty men and four oxen a whole day to drag it a mile. The other stones -were split in two, and the inscribed parts were carried on the backs of -camels to the' court of the governor's palace. Here they could be -cleaned and copied at leisure and in safety. - -But the work of cleaning them from the accumulated dirt of ages occupied -the greater part of two days. Then came the task of making casts of the -inscriptions, with the help of gypsum which some natives had been bribed -to bring from the neighbourhood. At length, however, the work was -completed, and Dr. Wright had the satisfaction of sending home to -England two sets of casts of these ancient and mysterious texts, one for -the British Museum, the other for the Palestine Exploration Fund, while -the originals themselves were safely deposited in the Museum of -Constantinople. It was now time to inquire what the inscriptions meant, -and who could have been the authors of them. - -Dr. Wright at once suggested that they were the work of the Hittites, -and that they were memorials of Hittite writing. But his suggestion was -buried in the pages of a periodical better known to theologians than to -Orientalists, and the world agreed to call the writing by the name -of Hamathite. It specially attracted the notice of Dr. Hayes Ward -of New York, who discovered that the inscriptions were written in -_boustrophedon_ fashion, that is to say, that the lines turned -alternately from right to left and from left to right, like oxen when -plowing a field, the first line beginning on the right and the line -following on the left. The lines read, in fact, from the direction -towards which the characters look. - -Dr. Hayes Ward also made another discovery. In the ruins of the great -palace of Nineveh Sir A. H. Layard had discovered numerous clay -impressions of seals once attached to documents of papyrus or parchment. -The papyrus and parchment have long since perished, but the seals -remain, with the holes through which the strings passed that attached -them to the original deeds. Some of the seals are Assyrian, some -Phoenician, others again are Egyptian, but there are a few which have -upon them strange characters such as had never been met with before. It -was these characters which Dr. Hayes Ward perceived to be the same as -those found upon the stones of Hamah, and it was accordingly supposed -that the seals were of Hamathite origin. - -In 1876, two years after the publication of Dr. Wright's article, of -which I had never heard at the time, I read a Paper on the Hamathite -inscriptions before the Society of Biblical Archæology. In this I put -forward a number of conjectures, one of them being that the Hamathite -hieroglyphs were the source of the curious syllabary used for several -centuries in the island of Cyprus, and another that the hieroglyphs were -not an invention of the early inhabitants of Hamath, but represented the -system of writing employed by the Hittites. We know from the Egyptian -records that the Hittites could write, and that a class of scribes -existed among them, and, since Hamath lay close to the borders of the -Hittite kingdoms, it seemed reasonable to suppose that the unknown form -of script discovered on its site was Hittite rather than Hamathite. The -conjecture was confirmed almost immediately afterwards by the discovery -of the site of Carchemish, the great Hittite capital, and of -inscriptions there in the same system of writing as that found on the -stones of Hamah. - -It was not long, therefore, before the learned world began to recognise -that the newly-discovered script was the peculiar possession of the -Hittite race. Dr. Hayes Ward was one of the first to do so, and the -Trustees of the British Museum determined to institute excavations among -the ruins of Carchemish. Meanwhile notice was drawn to a fact which -showed that the Hittite characters, as we shall now call them, were -employed, not only at Hamath and Carchemish, but in Asia Minor as well. - -More than a century ago a German traveller had observed two figures -carved on a wall of rock near Ibreez, or Ivris, in the territory of the -ancient Lykaonia. One of them was a god, who carried in his hand a stalk -of corn and a bunch of grapes, the other was a man, who stood before the -god in an attitude of adoration. Both figures were shod with boots with -upturned ends, and the deity wore a tunic that reached to his knees, -while on his head was a peaked cap ornamented with horn-like ribbons. A -century elapsed before the sculpture was again visited by an European -traveller, and it was again a German who found his way to the spot. On -this occasion a drawing was made of the figures, which was published by -Ritter in his great work on the geography of the world. But the drawing -was poor and imperfect, and the first attempt to do adequate justice to -the original was made by the Rev. E. J. Davis in 1875. He published his -copy, and an account of the monument, in the _Transactions of the -Society of Biblical Archæology_ the following year. He had noticed that -the figures were accompanied by what were known at the time as Hamathite -characters. Three lines of these were inserted between the face of the -god and his uplifted left arm, four lines more were engraved behind his -worshipper, while below, on a level with an aqueduct which fed a mill, -were yet other lines of half-obliterated hieroglyphs. It was plain that -in Lykaonia also, where the old language of the country still lingered -in the days of St. Paul, the Hittite system of writing had once been -used. - -Another stone inscribed with Hittite characters had come to light at -Aleppo. Like those of Hamath, it was of black basalt, and had been built -into a modern wall. The characters upon it were worn by frequent -attrition, the people of Aleppo believing that whoever rubbed his eyes -upon it would be immediately cured of ophthalmia. More than one copy of -the inscription was taken, but the difficulty of distinguishing the -half-obliterated characters rendered the copies of little service, and a -cast of the stone was about to be made when news arrived that the -fanatics of Aleppo had destroyed it. Rather than allow its virtue to go -out of it--to be stolen, as they fancied, by the Europeans--they -preferred to break it in pieces. It is one of the many monuments that -have perished at the very moment when their importance first became -known. - -This, then, was the state of our knowledge in the summer of 1879. We -knew that the Hittites, with whom Hebrews and Egyptians and Assyrians -had once been in contact, possessed a hieroglyphic system of writing, -and that this system of writing was found on monuments in Hamath, -Aleppo, Carchemish, and Lykaonia. We knew, too, that in Lykaonia it -accompanied figures carved out of the rock in a peculiar style of art, -and represented as wearing a peculiar kind of dress. - -[Illustration: SLABS WITH HITTITE SCULPTURES. -(_Photographed in situ at Keller, near Aintab._)] - -Suddenly the truth flashed upon me. This peculiar style of art, this -peculiar kind of dress, was the same as that which distinguished the -sculptures of Karabel, of Ghiaur-kalessi, and of Kappadokia. In all -alike we had the same characteristic features, the same head-dresses and -shoes, the same tunics, the same clumsy massiveness of design and -characteristic attitude. The figures carved upon the rocks of Karabel -and Kappadokia must be memorials of Hittite art. The clue to their -origin and history was at last discovered; the birthplace of the strange -art which had produced them was made manifest. A little further research -made the fact doubly sure. The photographs Professor Perrot had taken of -the monuments of Boghaz Keui in Kappadokia included one of an -inscription in ten or eleven lines. The characters of this inscription -were worn and almost illegible, but not only were they in relief, like -the characters of all other Hittite inscriptions known at the time, -among them two or three hieroglyphs stood out clearly, which were -identical with those on the stones of Hamath and Carchemish. All that -was needed to complete the verification of my discovery was to visit the -Pass of Karabel, and see whether the hieroglyphs Texier and others had -found there likewise belonged to the Hittite script. - -More than three hours did I spend in the niche wherein the figure is -carved which Herodotos believed was a likeness of the Egyptian -Sesostris. It was necessary to take 'squeezes' as well as copies, if I -would recover the characters of the inscription and ascertain their -exact forms. My joy was great at finding that they were Hittite, and -that the conclusion I had arrived at in my study at home was confirmed -by the monument itself. The Sesostris of Herodotos turned out to be, not -the great Pharaoh who contended with the Hittites of Kadesh, but a -symbol of the far-reaching power and influence of his mighty opponents. -Hittite art and Hittite writing, if not the Hittite name, were proved to -have been known from the banks of the Euphrates to the shores of the -Ægean Sea. - -The stone warrior of Karabel stands in his niche in the cliff at a -considerable height above the path, and the direction in which he is -marching is that which would have led him to Ephesos and the Mæander. -His companion lies below, the block of stone out of which the second -figure has been carved having been apparently shaken by an earthquake -from the rocks above. This second figure is a duplicate of the first. -Both stand in the same position, both are shod with the same snow-shoes, -and both are armed with spear and bow. But the second figure has -suffered much from the ill-usage of man. The upper part has been -purposely chipped away, and it is not many years ago since a Yuruk's -tent was pitched against the block of stone out of which it is carved, -the niche in which the old warrior stands conveniently serving as the -fire-place of the family. No trace of inscription remains, if indeed it -ever existed. At any rate, it could not have run across the breast, as -Herodotos asserts. - -[Illustration: THE PSEUDO-SESOSTRIS, CARVED ON THE ROCK IN THE PASS OF -KARABEL.] - -The account, indeed, given by Herodotos of these two figures can hardly -have been that of an eye-witness. Instead of being little over three -feet in height, they are more than life-size, and they hold their spears -not in the right but in the left hand. Their accoutrement, moreover, is -as unlike that of an 'Egyptian and Ethiopian' as it well could be, while -the inscription is not traced across the breast, but between the face -and the arm. Nor was the Greek historian correct in saying that the pass -which the two warriors seem to guard leads not only from Ephesos to -Phokæa, but also from Sardes to Smyrna. It is not until the pass is -cleared at its northern end that the road which runs through it--the -_Karabel-déré_, as the Turks now call it--joins the _Belkaive_, or road -from Sardes to Smyrna. It is evident that Herodotos must have received -his account of the figures from another authority, though his -identification of them with the Egyptian Sesostris is his own. - -Not far from Karabel another monument of Hittite art has been -discovered. Hard by the town of Magnesia, on the lofty cliffs of -Sipylos, a strange figure has been carved out of the rock. It represents -a woman with long locks of hair streaming down her shoulders, and a -jewel like a lotus-flower upon the head, who sits on a throne in a deep -artificial niche. Lydian historians narrate that it was the image of the -daughter of Assaon, who had sought death by casting herself down from a -precipice; but Greek legend preferred to see in it the figure of -'weeping Niobe' turned to stone. Already Homer told how Niobê, when her -twelve children had been slain by the gods, 'now changed to stone, -broods over the woes the gods had brought, there among the rocks, in -lonely mountains, even in Sipylos, where they say are the couches of the -nymphs who dance on the banks of the Akheloios.' But it was only after -the settlement of the Greeks in Lydia that the old monument on Mount -Sipylos was held to be the image of Niobê. The limestone rock out of -which it was carved dripped with moisture after rain, and as the water -flowed over the face of the figure, disintegrating and disfiguring the -stone as it ran, the pious Greek beheld in it the Niobê of his own -mythology. The figure was originally that of the great goddess of Asia -Minor, known sometimes as Atergatis or Derketo, sometimes as Kybelê, -sometimes by other names. It is difficult for one who has seen the image -of Nofert-ari, the favourite wife of Ramses II., seated in the niche of -rock on the cliffs of Abu-simbel, not to believe that the artist who -carved the image on Mount Sipylos had visited the Nile. At a little -distance both have the same appearance, and a nearer examination shows -that, although the Egyptian work is finer than the Lydian, it resembles -it in a striking manner. We now know, however, that the 'Niobê' of -Sipylos owes its origin to Hittite art. On the wall of rock out of which -the niche is cut wherein the goddess sits Dr. Dennis discovered a -cartouche containing Hittite characters. By tying some ladders together -he and I succeeded in ascending to it, and taking paper impressions of -the hieroglyphs. Among them is a character which has the meaning of -'king'[8]. - - [8] A copy of the inscription made from the squeeze is given in - the _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, VII. - Pt. 3, Pl. v. An eye-copy, made from the ground by Dr. Dennis, - on the occasion of his discovery of the cartouche, was published - in the _Proceedings_ of the same Society for January 1881, and - is necessarily imperfect. - -How came these characters and these creations of Hittite art in a region -so remote from that in which the Hittite kingdoms rose and flourished? -How comes it that we find figures of Hittite warriors in the Pass of -Karabel and on the rocks of Ghiaur-kalessi, and the image of a Hittite -goddess on the cliffs of Sipylos? Whose was the hand that engraved the -characters that accompany them,--characters which are the same as those -which meet us on the stones of Hamath and Carchemish? We have now to -learn what answers can be given to these questions. - - - - -[Illustration: MONUMENT OF A HITTITE KING FOUND AT CARCHEMISH.] - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE HITTITE EMPIRE. - - -We have seen that the Egyptian monuments bear witness to an extension of -Hittite power into the distant regions of Asia Minor. When the kings of -Kadesh contended with the great Pharaoh of the Oppression they were able -to summon to their aid allies from the Troad, as well as from Lydia and -the shores of the Cilician sea. A century later Egypt was again invaded -by a confederacy, consisting partly of the Hittite rulers of Carchemish -and Aleppo, partly of Libyans and Teukrians, and other populations of -Asia Minor. If any trust can be placed in the identifications proposed -by Egyptian scholars for the countries from whence the vassals and -allies of the Hittites came it is clear that memorials of Hittite power -and conquest ought to be found in Asia Minor. - -And they were found as soon as it was recognised that the curious -monuments of Asia Minor, of which the warriors of Karabel and the -sculptures of Ibreez are examples, were actually inspired by Hittite -art. As soon as it was known that the art these monuments represented, -and the peculiar form of writing which accompanied them, had their -earliest home in the Syrian cities of the Hittite tribes, a new light -broke over the prehistoric past of Asia Minor. These Hittite monuments -can be traced in two continuous lines from Northern Syria and -Kappadokia to the western extremity of the peninsula. They follow the -two highways which once led out of Asia to Sardes and the shores of the -Ægean. In the south they form as it were a series of stations at Ibreez -and Bulgar Maden in Lykaonia, at Fassiler and Tyriaion between Ikonion -and the Lake of Beyshehr, and finally in the Pass of Karabel. Northwards -the line runs through the Taurus by Merash, and carries us first to the -defile of Ghurun, and then to the great Kappadokian ruins of Boghaz Keui -and Eyuk, from whence we pass by Ghiaur-kalessi and the burial-place of -the old Phrygian kings, until we again reach the Lydian capital and the -Pass of Karabel. - -Westward of the Halys and Kappadokia they are marked by certain -peculiarities. They are found either in the vicinity of silver mines, -like those of Lykaonia, or else on the line of the ancient roads, which -finally converged in Lydia. None have been discovered in the central -plateau of Asia Minor, in the mountains of Lykia in the south, or the -wide-reaching coast-lands of the north. They mark the sites of small -colonies, or else the lines of road that connected them. Moreover, with -the exception of the image of the goddess who sits on her throne in -Mount Sipylos, the western monuments represent the figures of warriors -who are in the act of marching forward. This is the case at Karabel; it -is also the case at Ghiaur-kalessi, where the rock on which the two -Hittite warriors are carved lies close below the remains of a -pre-historic fortress. - -Such facts admit of only one explanation. The Hittite monuments of -Western Asia Minor must be memorials of military conquest and supremacy. -In the warriors whose figures stood on either side of the Pass of -Karabel, the sculptor must have seen the visible symbols of Hittite -power. They showed that the Hittite had won and kept the pass by force -of arms. They are emblems of conquest, not creations of native art. - -But it was inevitable that conquest should bring with it a civilising -influence. The Hittites could not carry with them the art and culture -they had acquired in the East without influencing the barbarous -populations over whom they claimed to rule. The vassal chieftains of -Lydia and the Troad could not lead their forces into Syria, or assist in -the invasion of Egypt, without learning something of that ancient -civilisation with which they had come in contact. The Hittites, in fact, -must be regarded as the first teachers of the rude populations of the -West. They brought to them a culture the first elements of which had -been inspired by Babylonia; they brought also a system of writing out of -which, in all probability, the natives of Asia Minor afterwards -developed a writing of their own. - -It is possible, therefore, that some of the Hittite monuments of Asia -Minor are the work, not of the Hittites themselves, but of the native -populations whom they had civilised and instructed. It may be that this -is the case at Ibreez, where the faces of the god and his worshipper -have Jewish features very unlike those found on monuments of purely -Hittite origin. But apart from such instances, where the monument is due -to Hittite influence rather than to Hittite artists, it is certain that -most of the Hittite memorials of Asia Minor are the productions of the -Hittites themselves. This is proved by the hieroglyphs which are -attached to them, as well as by the uniform type of feature and dress -which prevails from Carchemish to the Ægean. It is impossible to explain -such an uniformity, and still more the extraordinary resemblance between -the characters engraved at Karabel, or on Mount Sipylos, and those which -meet us in the inscriptions of Hamath and Carchemish, except on the -supposition that the monuments were executed by men who belonged to the -same race and spoke the same language. Wherever Hittite inscriptions -occur, we find in them the same combinations of hieroglyphs as well as -the use of the same characters to denote grammatical suffixes. - -We may, then, rest satisfied with the conclusion that the existence of a -Hittite empire extending into Asia Minor is certified, not only by the -records of ancient Egypt, but also by Hittite monuments which still -exist. In the days of Ramses II., when the children of Israel were -groaning under the tasks allotted to them, the enemies of their -oppressors were already exercising a power and a domination which -rivalled that of Egypt. The Egyptian monarch soon learned to his cost -that the Hittite prince was as 'great' a king as himself, and could -summon to his aid the inhabitants of the unknown north. Pharaoh's claim -to sovereignty was disputed by adversaries as powerful as the ruler of -Egypt, if indeed not more powerful, and there was always a refuge among -them for those who were oppressed by the Egyptian king. - -When, however, we speak of a Hittite empire we must understand clearly -what that means. It was not an empire like that of Rome, where the -subject provinces were consolidated together under a central authority, -obeying the same laws and the same supreme head. It was not an empire -like that of the Persians, or of the Assyrian successors of -Tiglath-pileser III., which represented the organised union of numerous -states and nations under a single ruler. Such a conception of empire was -due to Tiglath-pileser III., and his successor Sargon; it was a new idea -in the world, and had never been realised before. The first Assyrian -empire, like the foreign empire of Egypt, was of an altogether different -character. It depended on the military enterprise and strength of -individual monarchs. As long as the Assyrian or Egyptian king could lead -his armies into distant territories, and compel their inhabitants to pay -him tribute and homage, his empire extended over them. But hardly had he -returned home laden with spoil than we find the subject populations -throwing off their allegiance and asserting their independence, while -the death of the conqueror brought with it almost invariably the general -uprising of the tribes and cities his arms had subdued. Before the days -of Tiglath-pileser, in fact, empire in Western Asia meant the power of a -prince to force a foreign people to submit to his rule. The conquered -provinces had to be subdued again and again; but as long as this could -be done, as long as the native struggles for freedom could be crushed by -a campaign, so long did the empire exist. - -It was an empire of this sort that the Hittites established in Asia -Minor. How long it lasted we cannot say. But so long as the distant -races of the West answered the summons to war of the Hittite princes, it -remained a reality. The fact that the tribes of the Troad and Lydia are -found fighting under the command of the Hittite kings of Kadesh, proves -that they acknowledged the supremacy of their Hittite lords, and -followed them to battle like the vassals of some feudal chief. If -Hittite armies had not marched to the shores of the Ægean, and Hittite -princes been able from time to time to exact homage from the nations of -the far west, Egypt would not have had to contend against the -populations of Asia Minor in its wars with the Hittites, and the figures -of Hittite warriors would not have been sculptured on the rocks of -Karabel. There was a time when the Hittite name was feared as far as the -western extremity of Asia Minor, and when Hittite satraps had their seat -in the future capital of Lydia. - -Traditions of this period lingered on into classical days. The older -dynasty of Lydian kings traced its descent from Bel and Ninos, the -Babylonian or Assyrian gods, whose names had been carried by the -Hittites into the remote west. The Lydian hero Kayster, who gave his -name to the Kaystrian plain, was fabled to have wandered into Syria, and -there, after wooing Semiramis, to have been the father of Derketo, the -goddess of Carchemish. A Lydian was even said to have drowned Derketo in -the sacred lake of Ashkelon; and Eusebius declares that Sardes, the -Lydian capital, was captured for the first time in B. C. 1078, by a -horde of invaders from the north-western regions of Asia. - -But it is in the famous legend of the Amazons that we must look for the -chief evidence preserved to us by classical antiquity of the influence -once exercised by the Hittites in Asia Minor. The Amazons were imagined -to be a nation of female warriors, whose primitive home lay in -Kappadokia, on the banks of the Thermodon, not far from the ruins of -Boghaz Keui. From hence they had issued forth to conquer the people of -Asia Minor and to found an empire which reached to the Ægean Sea. The -building of many of the most famous cities on the Ægean coast was -ascribed to them,--Myrina and Kyme, Smyrna and Ephesos, where the -worship of the great Asiatic goddess was carried on with barbaric -ceremonies into the later age of civilised Greece. - -Now these Amazons are nothing more than the priestesses of the Asiatic -goddess, whose cult spread from Carchemish along with the advance of the -Hittite armies. She was served by a multitude of armed priestesses and -eunuch priests; under her name of Ma, for instance, no less than six -thousand of them waited on her at Komana in Kappadokia. Certain cities, -in fact, like Komana and Ephesos, were dedicated to her service, and a -large part of the population accordingly became the armed ministers of -the mighty goddess. Generally these were women, as at Ephesos in early -days, where they obeyed a high-priestess, who called herself 'the -queen-bee.' When Ephesos passed into Greek hands, the goddess worshipped -there was identified with the Greek Artemis, and a high-priest took the -place of the high-priestess. But the priestess of Artemis still -continued to be called 'a bee,' reminding us that Deborah or 'Bee' was -the name of one of the greatest of the prophetesses of ancient Israel; -and the goddess herself continued to be depicted under the same form as -that which had belonged to her in Hittite days. On her head was the -so-called mural crown, the Hittite origin of which has now been placed -beyond doubt by the sculptures of Boghaz Keui, while her chariot was -drawn by lions. It was from the Hittites, too, that Artemis received her -sacred animal, the goat. - -The 'spear-armed host' of the Amazons, which came from Kappadokia, which -conquered Asia Minor, and was so closely connected with the worship of -the Ephesian Artemis, can be no other than the priestesses of the -Hittite goddess, who danced in her honour armed with the shield and bow. -In ancient art the Amazons are represented as clad in the Hittite tunic -and brandishing the same double-headed axe that is held in the hands of -some of the Hittite deities on the rocks of Boghaz Keui, while the -'spear' lent to them by the Greek poet brings to our recollection the -spear held by the warriors of Karabel. We cannot explain the myth of the -Amazons except on the supposition that they represented the armed -priestesses of the Hittite goddess, and that a tradition of the Hittite -empire in Asia Minor has entwined itself around the story of their -arrival in the West. The cities they are said to have founded must have -been the seats of Hittite rule. - -The Hittites were intruders in Syria as well as in Western Asia Minor. -Everything points to the conclusion that they had descended from the -ranges of the Taurus. Their costume was that of the inhabitants of a -cold and mountainous region, not of the warm valleys of the south. In -place of the trailing robes of the Syrians, the national costume was a -tunic which did not quite reach to the knees. It was only after their -settlement in the Syrian cities that they adopted the dress of the -country; the sculptured rocks of Asia Minor represent them with the same -short tunic as that which distinguished the Dorians of Greece or the -ancient inhabitants of Ararat. But the most characteristic portion of -the Hittite garb were the shoes with upturned ends. Wherever the figure -of a Hittite is portrayed, there we find this peculiar form of boot. It -reappears among the hieroglyphs of the inscriptions, and the Egyptian -artists who adorned the walls of the Ramesseum at Thebes have placed it -on the feet of the Hittite defenders of Kadesh. The boot is really a -snow-shoe, admirably adapted for walking over snow, but ill-suited for -the inhabitants of a level or cultivated country. The fact that it was -still used by the Hittites of Kadesh in the warm fertile valley of the -Orontes proves better than any other argument that they must have come -from the snow-clad mountains of the north. It is like the shoe of -similar shape which the Turks have carried with them in their migrations -from the north and introduced amongst the natives of Syria and Egypt. It -indicates with unerring certainty the northern origin of the Turkish -conqueror. He stands in the same relation to the modern population of -Syria that the Hittites stood to the Arameans of Kadesh three thousand -years ago. - -Equally significant is the long fingerless glove which is one of the -most frequent of Hittite hieroglyphs. The thumb alone is detached from -the rest of the bag in which the fingers were enclosed. Such a glove is -an eloquent witness to the wintry cold of the regions from which its -wearers came, and a similar glove is still used during the winter months -by the peasants of modern Kappadokia. - -We may find another evidence of the northern descent of the Hittite -tribes in the hieroglyph which is used in the sense of 'country.' It -represents two, or sometimes three, pointed mountains, whose forms, as -was remarked some years ago, resemble those of the mountains about -Kaisariyeh, the Kappadokian capital. - -If we leave Kadesh and proceed northwards, the local names bear more and -more the peculiar stamp of a Hittite origin. We leave Semitic names -like Kadesh, 'the sanctuary,' behind us, and at length find ourselves -in a district where the geographical names no longer admit of a Semitic -etymology. It is just this district, moreover, in which Hittite -inscriptions first become plentiful. The first met with to the south are -the stones of Hamath and the lost inscription of Aleppo; but from -Carchemish northwards we now know that numbers of them still exist. The -territory covered by them is a square, the base of which is formed by a -line running from Carchemish through Antioch into Lykaonia, while the -remains at Boghaz Keui and Eyuk constitute its northern limit. We must -regard this region as having been the primeval home and starting-point -of the Hittite race. They will have been a population which clustered -round the two flanks of the Taurus range, extending far into Kappadokia -on the north, and towards Armenia on the east. - -They preserved their independence on the banks of the Halys in -Kappadokia for nearly two hundred years after the fall of Carchemish. It -was not long before the overthrow of Lydia by Cyrus that Kroesos, the -Lydian king, destroyed the cities of Pteria, where the ruins of Boghaz -Keui and Eyuk now stand, and enslaved their inhabitants, thus avenging -upon them the conquest of his own country by their ancestors so many -centuries before. Herodotos calls them 'Syrians,' a name which is -qualified as 'White Syrians' by the Greek geographer Strabo. It was in -this way that the Greek writer wished to distinguish them from the -dark-coloured Syrians of Aramean or Jewish birth, with whom he was -otherwise acquainted; and it reminds us that, whereas the Egyptian -artists painted the Hittites with yellow skins, they painted the Syrians -with red. It is an interesting fact that the memory of their -relationship to the population on the Syrian side of the Taurus should -have been preserved so long among these Hittites of Kappadokia. - -[Illustration: THE DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE OF EYUK.] - -Boghaz Keui and Eyuk are situated in the district known as Pteria to the -Greeks. At Eyuk there are remains of a vast palace, which stood on an -artificial platform of earth, like the palaces of Assyria and Babylon. -The walls of the palace, formed of huge blocks of cut stone, can still -be traced in many places. It was approached by an avenue of sculptured -slabs, on which lions were represented, some of them in the act of -devouring a ram. The head and attitude of one that is preserved remind -us of the avenue of ram-headed sphinxes which led to the temple of -Karnak at Thebes. The entrance of the palace was flanked on either side -by two enormous monoliths of granite, on the external faces of which -were carved in relief the images of a sphinx. But though the artist had -clearly gone to Egypt for his model, it is also clear that he had -modified the forms he imitated in accordance with national ideas. The -head-dress, like the feet, of the sphinxes is non-Egyptian, the necklace -passes under the chin instead of falling across the breast, and the -sphinx itself is erect, not recumbent, as in Egypt. On the right hand -the same block of stone which bears the figure of the sphinx bears also, -on the inner side, the figure of a double-headed eagle, with an animal -which Professor Perrot believes to be a hare in either talon, and a man -standing upon its twofold head. The same double-headed eagle, supporting -the figure of a man or a god, is met with at Boghaz Keui, and must be -regarded as one of the peculiarities of Hittite symbolism and art. The -symbol was adopted in later days by the Turkoman princes, who had -perhaps first seen it on the Hittite monuments of Kappodokia; and the -Crusaders brought it to Europe with them in the 14th century. Here it -became the emblem of the German Emperors, who have passed it on to the -modern kingdoms of Russia and Austria. It is not the only heirloom of -Hittite art which has descended to us of to-day. - -The lintel of the palace gate at Eyuk was of solid stone, and, if -Professor Perrot is right, the huge stone lintel, adorned with a lion's -head, still lies in fragments on the ground. The entrance was flanked -with walls on which bas-reliefs were carved, as in the palaces which -were built by the kings of Assyria. They formed, in fact, a dado, the -rest of the wall above them being probably of brick covered with stucco -and painted with bright colours. Many of the sculptured blocks still lie -scattered on the ground. Here we have the picture of a priest before an -altar, there of a sacred bull mounted on a pedestal. Hard by is the -likeness of two men, one of whom carries a lyre, the other a goat; while -on another stone a man is represented with little regard to perspective -in the act of climbing a ladder. Another relief introduces to us three -rams and a goat whose horn is grasped by a shepherd; elsewhere again we -see a goddess seated in a chair of peculiar construction, with her feet -upon a stool and objects like flowers in her hand. A similar piece of -sculpture has been found at Merash, on the southern side of the Taurus, -within the limits of the ancient Komagênê, even such details as the form -of the chair and stool being alike in the two cases. The two reliefs -might have been executed by the same hand. - -The sphinxes which guarded the entrance of the palace of Eyuk and the -avenue which led up to them bear unmistakable testimony to the influence -of Egyptian art upon its builders. They take us back to a period when -the Hittites of Kappadokia were in contact with the people of the Nile, -and thus confirm the evidence of the Egyptian records. There must have -been a time when the population of distant Kappadokia held intercourse -with that of Egypt, and this time, as we learn from the Egyptian -monuments, was the age of Ramses II. It is perhaps not going too far to -assume that the palace of Eyuk was erected in the 13th century before -our era, and is a relic of the period when the sway of the Hittite -princes of Kadesh or Carchemish extended as far north as the -neighbourhood of the Halys. It is indeed possible that the palace was -originally the summer residence of the kings whose homes were in the -south. The plateau on which Eyuk and Boghaz Keui stand is more than 2000 -feet above the level of the sea, and the winters there are intensely -cold. From December onwards the ground is piled high with snow. It is -well known that the descendants of races which have originally come from -a cold climate endure the heats of a southern summer with impatience; -and the same causes which make the English rulers of India to-day retire -during the summer to the mountain heights, may have made the Hittite -lords of Syria build their summer palace in the Kappadokian highlands. - -[Illustration: SCULPTURES AT BOGHAZ KEUI.] - -The sculptures of Boghaz Keui belong to a somewhat later date than those -of Eyuk. Boghaz Keui is five hours to the south-west of Eyuk, and marks -the site of a once populous town. A stream that runs past it separates -the ruins of the city from a remarkable series of sculptures carved on -the rocks of the mountains which overlooked the city. The city was -surrounded by a massive wall of masonry, and within it were two citadels -solidly built on the summits of two shafts of rock. The wall was -without towers, but at its foot ran a moat cut partly through the rock, -partly through the earth, the earth being coated with a smooth and -slippery covering of masonry. The most important building in the city -was the palace, a plan of which has been made by modern travellers. Like -the palace of Eyuk, it was erected on an artificial mound or terrace of -earth, and its ornamentation seems to have been similar to that of Eyuk. -But little is left of it save the foundations of the walls and the -overturned throne of stone which once stood in the central court -supported on the bodies of two lions. Lions' heads were also carved on -the columns which formed the doorposts of the city-gate. - -The interest of Boghaz Keui centres in the sculptures which have been -carved with so much care on the rocky walls of the mountains. Here -advantage has been taken of two narrow recesses, the sides and floors of -which have been artificially shaped and levelled. The first and largest -recess may be described as of rectangular shape. Along either side of -it, as along the dado of a room, run two long lines of figures in -relief, which eventually meet at the end opposite the entrance. On the -left-hand side we see a line of men, almost all clad alike in the short -tunic, peaked tiara, and boots with upturned ends that characterise -Hittite art. At times, however, they are interrupted by other figures in -the long Syrian robe, who may perhaps be intended for women. Among them -are two dwarf-like creatures upholding the crescent disk of the moon, -and after a while the procession becomes that of a number of deities, -each with his name written in Hittite hieroglyphs at his side. After -turning the corner of the recess, the procession consists of three -gods, two of whom stand on mountain-peaks, while the foremost (with a -goat beside him) is supported on the heads of two adoring priests. -Facing him is the foremost figure of the other procession, which starts -from the eastern side of the recess, and finally meets the first on its -northern wall. This figure is that of the great Asiatic goddess, who -wears on her head the mural crown and stands upon a panther, while -beside her, as beside the god she is greeting, is the portraiture of a -goat. Behind her a youthful god, with the double-headed battle-axe in -his hand, stands upon a panther, and behind him again are two -priestesses with mural crowns, whose feet rest upon the heads and wings -of a double-headed eagle. This eagle, whose form is but a reproduction -of that sculptured at Eyuk, closes the series of designs represented on -the northern wall. The eastern wall is occupied with a long line, first -of goddesses and then of priestesses. Where the line breaks off at last -we come upon a solitary piece of sculpture. This is the image of an -eunuch-priest, who stands on a mountain and holds in one hand a curved -augural wand, in the other a strange symbol representing a priest with -embroidered robes, who stands upon a shoe with upturned ends, and -supports a winged solar disk, the two extremities of which rest upon -baseless columns. - -[Illustration: SCULPTURES AT BOGHAZ KEUI.] - -The entrance to the second recess is guarded on either side by two -winged monsters, with human bodies and the heads of dogs. It leads into -an artificially excavated passage of rectangular shape, on the rocky -walls of which detached groups of figures and emblems are engraved. On -the western wall is a row of twelve priests or soldiers, each of whom -bears a scythe upon his shoulder; facing them on the eastern wall are -two reliefs of strange character. One of them depicts the youthful god, -whose name perhaps was Attys, embracing with his left arm the -eunuch-priest, above whose head is engraved the strange symbol that has -been already described. The other represents a god's head crowned with -the peaked tiara, and supported on a double-headed lion, which again -stands on the hinder feet of two other lions, whose heads rest on a -column or stem. All these sculptures were once covered with stucco, and -thus preserved from the action of the weather. - -It is evident that in these two mountain recesses we have a sanctuary, -the forms and symbols of whose deities were sculptured on its walls of -living rock. It was a sanctuary too holy to be confined within the walls -of the city, and the supreme deities to whom it was dedicated were a god -and a goddess, served by a multitude of male and female priests. In -fact, as Prof. Perrot remarks, Boghaz Keui must have been a sacred city -like Komana, whose citizens were consecrated to the chief divinities -adored by the Hittites, and were governed by a high-priest. It was as -much a 'Kadesh' or 'Hierapolis,' as much a 'holy city,' as Carchemish -itself. - -It is not its sculptures only which prove to us that it was a city of -the Hittites. The figures of the deities have attached to them, as at -Eyuk, the same hieroglyphs as those which meet us in the inscriptions of -Hamath and Aleppo, of Carchemish and Merash, and within its walls, -southward of the ruins of its palace, Prof. Perrot discovered a long -text of nine or ten lines cut out of the rock, and though worn and -disfigured by time and weather, still showing the forms of many Hittite -characters. So far as can be judged from a photograph of it he has -published, the forms are the same as those which are found on the -Hittite monuments of Syria. - -Tedious as all these details may seem to be, it has been necessary to -give them, since they tell us what was the appearance and construction -of a Hittite city, a Hittite palace, and the interior of a Hittite -temple. The discoveries recently made in the Hittite districts south of -the Taurus, show us that here too the palaces and temples were like -those of Eyuk and Boghaz Keui. Here too we find the same dados -sculptured with the same figures dressed in the same costume; here too -we meet with the same lions, and the same winged deities standing on the -backs of animals. A photograph of a piece of sculpture on a block of -basalt at Carchemish, taken by Dr. Gwyther, might have been taken at -Boghaz Keui. The art, the forms, and the symbolism are all the same. - -The high-road from Boghaz Keui to Merash must have passed through the -defile of Ghurun, where Sir Charles Wilson discovered Hittite -inscriptions carved upon the cliff. But there may have been a second -road which led through Kaisariyeh, the modern capital of Kappadokia, -southward to Bor or Tyana, where Prof. Ramsay found a Hittite text, and -from thence to the silver mines of the Bulgar Dagh. The bas-reliefs of -Ibreez are not far distant from the famous Cilician gates which led the -traveller from the great central plateau of Asia Minor to Tarsus and the -sea. - -It would seem that the silver mines of the Bulgar Dagh were first worked -by Hittite miners. Silver had a special attraction for the Hittite race. -The material on which the Hittite version of the treaty between the -Hittite king of Kadesh and the Egyptian Pharaoh was written was a tablet -of that metal. That such tablets were in frequent use, results from the -fact that nearly all the Hittite inscriptions known to us are not -incised, but cut in relief upon the stone. It is therefore obvious that -the Hittites must have first inscribed their hieroglyphs upon metal, -rather than upon wood or stone or clay; it is only in the case of metal -that it is less laborious to hammer or cast in relief than to cut the -metal with a graving tool, and nothing can prove more clearly how long -accustomed the Hittite scribes must have been to doing so, than their -imitation of this work in relief when they came to write upon stone. It -is possible that most of the silver of which they made use came from the -Bulgar Dagh. The Hittite inscription found near the old mines of these -mountains by Mr. Davis, proves that they had once occupied the locality. -It is even possible that their settlement for a time in Lydia was also -connected with their passion for 'the bright metal.' At all events the -Gumush Dagh, or 'Silver Mountains,' lie to the south of the Pass of -Karabel, and traces of old workings can still be detected in them. - -However this may be, the Hittite monuments of Asia Minor confirm in a -striking way the evidence of the Egyptian inscriptions. They show us -that the Hittites worked for silver in the mountains which looked down -upon the Cilician plain, from whence the influence of their art and -writing extended into the plain itself. They further show that the -central point of Hittite power was a square on either side of the Taurus -range, which included Carchemish and Komagênê in the south, the -district eastwards of the Halys on the north, and the country of which -Malatiyeh was the capital in the east. The Hittite tribes, in fact, were -mountaineers from the plateau of Kappadokia who had spread themselves -out in all directions. A time came when, under the leadership of -powerful princes, they marched along the two high-roads of Asia Minor -and established their supremacy over the coast-tribes of the far west. -The age to which this military empire belongs is indicated by the -Egyptian character of the so-called image of Niobê on the cliff of -Sipylos, as well as by the sphinxes which guarded the entrance to the -palace of Eyuk. It goes back to the days when the rulers of Kadesh could -summon to their aid the vassal-chieftains of the Ægean coast. The -monuments the Hittites have left behind them in Asia Minor thus bear the -same testimony as the records of Egypt. The people to whom Uriah, and it -may be Bath-sheba, belonged, not only had contended on equal terms with -one of the greatest of Egyptian kings; they had carried their arms -through the whole length of Asia Minor, they had set up satraps in the -cities of Lydia, and had brought the civilisation of the East to the -barbarous tribes of the distant West. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE HITTITE CITIES AND RACE. - - -Of the history of the 'White Syrians' or Hittites who lived in the land -of Pteria, near the Halys, we know nothing at present beyond what we can -gather from the ruins of their stronghold at Boghaz Keui and their -palace at Eyuk. The same is the case with the Hittite tribes of -Malatiyeh and Komagênê. When the inscription which adorns the body of a -stone lion found at Merash can be deciphered, it will doubtless cast -light on the early history of the city; at present we do not know even -its ancient name. It is not until we leave the mountainous region -originally occupied by the Hittite race, and descend into the valleys of -Syria, that the annals of their neighbours begin to tell us something -about their fortunes and achievements. The history of their two southern -capitals, Carchemish and Kadesh, broken and imperfect though it may be, -is not an utter blank. - -The site of Carchemish had long been looked for in vain. At one time it -was identified with the Kirkesion or Circesium of classical geography, -built at the confluence of the Khabour and the Euphrates. But the -Assyrian name of Kirkesion was Sirki, and its position did not agree -with that assigned to 'Gargamis' or Carchemish in the Assyrian texts. -Professor Maspero subsequently placed the latter at Membij, the ancient -Mabog or Hierapolis, on the strength of the evidence furnished by -classical authors and the Egyptian monuments; but the ruins of Membij -contain nothing earlier than the Greek period, and their position on a -rocky plateau at a distance from the Euphrates, is inconsistent with the -fact known to us from the Assyrian inscriptions, that Carchemish -commanded the fords over the Euphrates. - -To Mr. Skene, for many years the English consul at Aleppo, is due the -credit of first discovering the true site of the old Hittite capital. On -the western bank of the Euphrates, midway between Birejik and the mouth -of the Sajur, rises an artificial mound of earth, under which ruins and -sculptured blocks of stone had been found from time to time. It was -known as Jerablûs, or Kalaat Jerablûs, 'the fortress of Jerablûs,' -sometimes wrongly written Jerabîs; and in the name of Jerablûs Mr. Skene -had no difficulty in recognising an Arab corruption of Hierapolis. In -the Roman age the name of Hierapolis or 'Holy City' had been transferred -to its neighbour Membij, which inherited the traditions and religious -fame of the older Carchemish; but when the triumph of Christianity in -Syria brought with it the fall of the great temple of Membij, the name -disappeared from the later city, and was remembered only in connection -with the ruins of the ancient Carchemish. - -Two years after Mr. Skene's discovery, Mr. George Smith visited -Carchemish on his last ill-fated journey from which he never returned, -and recognised at once that Mr. Skene's identification was right. The -position of Jerablûs suited the requirements of the Assyrian texts, it -lay on the high-road which formerly led from east to west, and among its -ruins was an inscription in Hittite characters. Not long afterwards -there were brought to the British Museum the bronze bands which once -adorned the gates of an Assyrian temple, and on one of these is a -picture in relief of Carchemish as it looked in the days of Jehu of -Israel. The Euphrates is represented as running past its walls, thus -conclusively showing that Jerablûs, and not Membij, must be the site on -which it stood. - -The site was bought by Mr. Henderson, Mr. Skene's successor at Aleppo, -and the money was invested by the former owner in the purchase of a cow. -The mighty were fallen indeed, when the Hittite capital which had -resisted the armies of Egypt and Assyria was judged to be worth no more -than the price of a beast of the field. In 1878 Mr. Henderson was -employed by the Trustees of the British Museum in excavating on the -spot; but no sufficient supervision was exercised over the workmen, and -though a few remains of Hittite sculpture and writing found their way to -London, much was left to be burned into lime by the natives or employed -in the construction of a mill. - -The ancient city was defended on two sides by the Euphrates, and was -exposed only on the north and west. Here, however, an artificial canal -had been cut, on either side of which was a fortified wall. The mound -which had first attracted Mr. Skene's attention marks the site of the -royal palace, where the excavators found the remains of a dado like that -of Eyuk, the face of the stones having been sculptured into the likeness -of gods and men. The men were shod with boots with upturned ends, that -unfailing characteristic of Hittite art. - -Carchemish enjoyed a long history. When first we hear of it in the -Egyptian records it was already in Hittite hands. Thothmes III. fought -beneath its walls, and his bravest warriors plunged into the Euphrates -in their eagerness to capture the foe. Tiglath-pileser I. had seen its -walls from the opposite shore of the Euphrates, but had not ventured to -approach them. Assur-natsir-pal and his son Shalmaneser had received -tribute from its king, and when it finally surrendered to the armies of -Sargon it was made the seat of an Assyrian satrap. The trade which had -flowed through it continued to pour wealth into the hands of its -merchants, and the 'maneh of Carchemish' remained a standard of value. -When Egypt made her final struggle for supremacy in Asia, it was under -the walls of Carchemish that the decisive struggle was fought. The -battle of Carchemish in B.C. 604 drove Necho out of Syria and Palestine, -and placed the destinies of the chosen people in the hands of the -Babylonian king. It is possible that the ruin of Carchemish dates from -the battle. However that may be, long before the beginning of the -Christian era it had been supplanted by Mabog or Membij, and the great -sanctuary which had made it a 'holy city' was transferred to its rival -and successor. - -Like Carchemish, Kadesh on the Orontes, the most southern capital the -Hittites possessed, was also a 'holy city.' Pictures of it have been -preserved on the monuments of Ramses II. We gather from them that it -stood on the shore of the Lake of Horns, still called the 'Lake of -Kadesh,' at the point where the Orontes flowed out of the lake. The -river was conducted round the city in a double channel, across which a -wide bridge was thrown, the space between the two channels being -apparently occupied by a wall. - -Kadesh must have been one of the last conquests made by the Hittites in -Syria, and their retention of it was the visible sign of their supremacy -over Western Asia. We do not know when they were forced to yield up its -possession to others. As has been pointed out, the correct reading of 2 -Sam. xxiv. 6 informs us that the northern limit of the kingdom of David -was formed by 'the Hittites of Kadesh,' 'the entering in of Hamath,' as -it seems to be called elsewhere. In the age of David, accordingly, -Kadesh must still have been in their hands, but it had already ceased to -be so when the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III. led his armies to the -west. No allusion to the city and its inhabitants occurs in the Assyrian -inscriptions, and we may conjecture that it had been destroyed by the -Syrians of Damascus. As Membij took the place of Carchemish, so Emesa or -Homs took the place of Kadesh. - -We have seen that the Hittites were a northern race. Their primitive -home probably lay on the northern side of the Taurus. What they were -like we can learn both from their own sculptures and from the Egyptian -monuments, which agree most remarkably in the delineation of their -features. The extraordinary resemblance between the Hittite faces drawn -by the Egyptian artists and those depicted by themselves in their -bas-reliefs and their hieroglyphs, is a convincing proof of the -faithfulness of the Egyptian representations, as well as of the identity -of the Hittites of the Egyptian inscriptions with the Hittites of -Carchemish and Kappadokia. - -It must be confessed that they were not a handsome people. They were -short and thick of limb, and the front part of their faces was pushed -forward in a curious and somewhat repulsive way. The forehead retreated, -the cheek-bones were high, the nostrils were large, the upper lip -protrusive. They had, in fact, according to the craniologists, the -characteristics of a Mongoloid race. Like the Mongols, moreover, their -skins were yellow and their eyes and hair were black. They arranged the -hair in the form of a 'pig-tail,' which characterises them on their own -and the Egyptian monuments quite as much as their snow-shoes with -upturned toes. - -In Syria they doubtless mixed with the Semitic race, and the further -south they advanced the more likely they were to become absorbed into -the native population. The Hittites of Southern Judah have Semitic -names, and probably spoke a Semitic language. Kadesh continued to bear -to the last its Semitic title, and among the Hittite names which occur -further north there are several which display a Semitic stamp. In the -neighbourhood of Carchemish Hittites and Arameans were mingled together, -and Pethor was at once a Hittite and an Aramean town. In short, the -Hittites in Syria were like a conquering race everywhere; they formed -merely the governing and upper class, which became smaller and smaller -the further removed they were from their original seats. Like the -Normans in Sicily or the Etruscans in ancient Italy, they tended -gradually to disappear or else to be absorbed into the subject race. It -was only in their primitive homes that they survived in their original -strength and purity, and though even in Kappadokia they lost their old -languages, adopting in place of them first Aramaic, then Greek, and -lastly Turkish, we may still observe their features and characteristics -in the modern inhabitants of the Taurus range. Even in certain districts -of Kappadokia their descendants may still be met with. 'The type,' says -Sir Charles Wilson, 'which is not a beautiful one, is still found in -some parts of Kappadokia, especially amongst the people living in the -extraordinary subterranean towns which I discovered beneath the great -plain north-west of Nigdeh.' The characteristics of race, when once -acquired, seem almost indelible; and it is possible that, when careful -observations can be made, it will be found that the ancient Hittite race -still survives, not only in Eastern Asia Minor, but even in the southern -regions of Palestine. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -HITTITE RELIGION AND ART. - - -Lucian, or some other Greek writer who has usurped his name, has left us -a minute account of the great temple of Mabog as it existed in the -second century of the Christian era. Mabog, as we have seen, was the -successor of Carchemish; and there is little reason to doubt that the -pagan temple of Mabog, with all the rites and ceremonies that were -carried on in it, differed but little from the pagan temple of the older -Carchemish. - -It stood, we are told, in the very centre of the 'Holy City.' It -consisted of an outer court and an inner sanctuary, which again -contained a Holy of Holies, entered only by the high-priest and those of -his companions who were 'nearest the gods.' The temple was erected on an -artificial mound or platform, more than twelve feet in height, and its -walls and ceiling within were brilliant with gold. Its doors were also -gilded, but the Holy of Holies or innermost shrine was not provided with -doors, being separated from the rest of the building, it would seem, -like the Holy of Holies in the Jewish temple, by a curtain or veil. On -either side of the entrance was a cone-like column of great height, a -symbol of the goddess of fertility, and in the outer court a large altar -of brass. To the left of the latter was an image of 'Semiramis,' and not -far off a great 'sea' or 'lake,' containing sacred fish. Oxen, horses, -eagles, bears, and lions were kept in the court, as being sacred to the -deities worshipped within. - -On entering the temple the visitor saw on his left the throne of the -Sun-god, but no image, since the Sun and Moon alone of the gods had no -images dedicated to them. Beyond, however, were the statues of various -divinities, among others the wonder-working image of a god who was -believed to deliver oracles and prophecies. At times, it was said, the -image moved of its own accord, and if not lifted up at once by the -priests, began to perspire. When the priests took it in their hands, it -led them from one part of the temple to the other, until the -high-priest, standing before it, asked it questions, which it answered -by driving its bearers forward. The central objects of worship, however, -were the golden images of two deities, whom Lucian identifies with the -Greek Hera and Zeus, another figure standing between them, on the head -of which rested a golden dove. The goddess, who blazed with precious -stones, bore in her hand a sceptre and on her head that turreted or -mural crown which distinguishes the goddesses of Boghaz Keui. Like them, -moreover, she was supported on lions, while her consort was carried by -bulls. In him we may recognise the god who at Boghaz Keui is advancing -to meet the supreme Hittite goddess. - -In the Egyptian text of the treaty between Ramses and the king of -Kadesh, the supreme Hittite god is called Sutekh, the goddess being -Antarata, or perhaps Astarata. In later days, however, the goddess of -Carchemish was known as Athar-'Ati, which the Greeks transformed into -Atargatis and Derketo. Derketo was fabled to be the mother of Semiramis, -in whom Greek legend saw an Assyrian queen; but Semiramis was really -the goddess Istar, called Ashtoreth in Canaan, and Atthar or Athar by -the Arameans, among whom Carchemish was built. Derketo was, therefore, -but another form of Semiramis, or rather but another name under which -the great Asiatic goddess was known. The dove was sacred to her, and -this explains why an image of the dove was placed above the head of the -third image in the divine triad of Mabog. - -The temple was served by a multitude of priests. More than 300 took part -in the sacrifices on the day when Lucian saw it. The priests were -dressed in white, and wore the skull-cap which we find depicted on the -Hittite monuments. The high-priest alone carried on his head the lofty -tiara, which the sculptures indicate was a prerogative of gods and -kings. Prominent among the priests were the Galli or eunuchs, who on the -days of festival cut their arms and scourged themselves in honour of -their deities. Such actions remind us of those priests of Baal who 'cut -themselves after their manner with knives and lancets, till the blood -gushed out upon them.' - -Twice a year a solemn procession took place to a small chasm in the rock -under the temple, where, it was alleged, the waters of the deluge had -been swallowed up, and water from the sea was poured into it. It is to -this pit that Melito, a Christian writer of Syria, alludes when he says -that the goddess Simi, the daughter of the supreme god Hadad, put an end -to the attacks of a demon by filling with sea water the pit in which he -lived. But in Lucian's time the demon was regarded as the deluge, and -the account of the deluge given to the Greek writer agrees so closely -with that which we read in Genesis as to make it clear that it had been -borrowed by the priests of Hierapolis from the Hebrew Scriptures. It is -probable, however, that the tradition itself was of much older standing, -and had originally been imported from Babylonia. At all events the hero -of the deluge was called Sisythes, a modification of the name of the -Chaldæan Noah, while Major Conder found a place in the close -neighbourhood of Kadesh which is known as 'the Ark of the Prophet Noah,' -and close at hand a spring termed the Tannur or 'Oven,' out of which, -according to Mohammedan belief, the waters of the flood gushed forth. - -But there were many other festivals at Mabog besides that which -commemorated the subsidence of the deluge. Pilgrims flocked to it from -all parts--Arabia, Palestine, Kappadokia, Babylonia, even India. They -were required to drink water only, and to sleep on the ground. Numerous -and rich were the offerings which they brought to the shrine, and once -arrived there were called upon to offer sacrifices. Goats and sheep were -the most common victims, though oxen were also offered. The only animal -whose flesh was forbidden to be either sacrificed or eaten was the -swine; as among the Jews, it was regarded as unclean. After being -dedicated in the court of the temple the animal was usually led to the -house of the offerer, and there put to death; sometimes, however, it was -killed by being thrown from the entrance to the temple. Even children -were sacrificed by their parents in this way, after first being tied up -in skins and told that they were 'not children but oxen.' - -Different stories were current as to the foundation of the temple. There -were some who affirmed that Sisythes had built it after the deluge over -the spot where the waters of the flood had been swallowed up by the -earth. It is possible that this was the legend originally believed in -Mabog before the traditions of Carchemish had been transferred to it. It -seems to be closely connected with the local peculiarities of the site. -The other legends had doubtless had their origin in the older -Hierapolis. According to one of them, the temple had been founded by -Semiramis in honour of her mother Derketo, half woman and half fish, to -whom the fish in the neighbouring lake were sacred. Another account made -Attys its founder, and the goddess to whom it was dedicated the divinity -called Rhea by the Greeks. - -Derketo and Rhea, however, are but different names of the same deity, -who was known as Kybelê or Kybêbê in Phrygia, and honoured with the -title of 'the Great Mother.' Her images were covered with breasts, to -symbolise that she was but mother-earth, from whom mankind derived their -means of life. Her attributes were borrowed from those of the Babylonian -Istar, the Ashtoreth of Canaan; even the form assigned to her was that -of the Babylonian Istar, as we learn from a bas-relief discovered at -Carchemish, where she is represented as naked, a lofty tiara alone -excepted, with the hands upon the breasts and a wing rising behind each -shoulder. She was, in fact, a striking illustration of the influence -exerted upon the Hittites, and through them upon the people of Asia -Minor, by Babylonian religion and worship. Even in Lydia a stone has -been found on which her image is carved in a rude style of art, but -similar in form to the representations of her in the bas-relief of -Carchemish and the cylinders of ancient Chaldæa. - -This stone, like the seated figure on Mount Sipylos, is a witness that -her cult was carried westward by the Hittite armies. Later tradition -preserved a reminiscence of the fact. The Lydian hero Kayster was said -to have gone to Syria, and there had Derketô for his bride, while on the -other hand it was a Lydian, Mopsos, who was believed to have drowned the -goddess Derketô in the sacred lake of Ashkelon. We have here, it may be, -recollections of the days when Lydian soldiers marched against Egypt -under the leadership of Hittite princes, and learnt to know the name and -the character of Athar-'Ati, the goddess of Carchemish. - -The Babylonian Istar was accompanied by her son and bridegroom Tammuz, -the youthful Sun-god, the story of whose untimely death made a deep -impression on the popular mind. Even in Jerusalem Ezekiel saw the women -weeping for the death of Tammuz within the precincts of the temple -itself; and for days together each year in the Phoenician cities the -festival of his death and resurrection were observed with fanatic zeal. -In Syria he was called Hadad, and identified with the god Rimmon, so -that Zechariah (xii. 11) speaks of the mourning for Hadad-Rimmon in the -valley of Megiddo. At Hierapolis and Aleppo also he was known as Hadad -or Dadi, while throughout Asia Minor he was adored under the name of -Attys, 'the shepherd of the bright stars.' The myth which told of his -death underwent a slight change of form among the Hittites, and through -them among the tribes of Asia Minor. He is doubtless the young god who -on the rocks of Boghaz Keui appears behind the mother-goddess, riding -like her on the back of a panther or lion. - -The people of Mabog did not forget that their temple was but the -successor of an older one, and that Carchemish had once been the 'Holy -City' of Northern Syria. The legends, therefore, which referred to the -foundation of the sanctuary were said to relate to one which had -formerly existed, but had long since fallen into decay. The origin of -the temple visited by Lucian was ascribed to a certain 'Stratonikê, the -wife of the Assyrian king.' But Stratonikê is merely a Greek -transformation of some Semitic epithet of 'Ashtoreth,' and marks the -time when the Phoenician Ashtoreth took the place of the earlier -Athar-'Ati. A strange legend was told of the youthful Kombabos, who was -sent from Babylon to take part in the building of the shrine. Kombabos -was but Tammuz under another name, just as Stratonikê was Istar, and the -legend is chiefly interesting as testifying to the religious influence -once exercised by the Babylonians upon the Hittite people. - -Semiramis may turn out to have been the Hittite name of the goddess -called Athar-'Ati by the Aramean inhabitants of Hierapolis. In this case -the difficulty of accounting for the existence of the two names would -have been solved in the old myths by making her the daughter of Derketo. -But while Derketo was a fish-goddess, Semiramis was associated with the -dove, like the Ashtoreth or Aphroditê who was worshipped in Cyprus. The -symbol of the dove had been carried to the distant West at an early -period. Among the objects found by Dr. Schliemann in the prehistoric -tombs of Mykenæ were figures in gold-leaf, two of which represented a -naked goddess with the hands upon the breasts and doves above her, while -the third has the form of a temple, on the two pinnacles of which are -seated two doves. Considering how intimately the prehistoric art of -Mykenæ seems to have been connected with that of Asia Minor, it is -hardly too much to suppose that the symbol of the dove had made its way -across the Ægean through the help of the Hittites, and that in the -pinnacled temple of Mykenæ, with its two doves, we may see a picture of -a Hittite temple in Lydia or Kappadokia. - -The legends reported by Lucian about the foundation of the temple of -Mabog all agreed that it was dedicated to a goddess. The 'Holy City' was -under the protection, not of a male but of a female divinity, which -explains why it was that it was served by eunuch priests. If Attys or -Hadad was worshipped there, it was in right of his mother; the images of -the other gods stood in the temple on sufferance only. The male deity -whom the Greek author identified with Zeus must have been regarded as -admitted by treaty or marriage to share in the honours paid to her. It -must have been the same also at Boghaz Keui. Here, too, the most -prominent figure in the divine procession is that of the Mother-goddess, -who is followed by her son Attys, while the god, whose name may be read -Tar or Tarku, 'the king,' and who is the Zeus of Lucian, advances to -meet her. - -In Cilicia and Lydia this latter god seems to have been known as Sandan. -He is called on coins the 'Baal of Tarsos,' and he carries in his hand a -bunch of grapes and a stalk of corn. We may see his figure engraved on -the rock of Ibreez. Here he wears on his head the pointed Hittite cap, -ornamented with horn-like ribbons, besides the short tunic and boots -with upturned ends. On his wrists are bracelets, and earrings hang from -his ears. - -Sandan was identified with the Sun, and hence it happened that when a -Semitic language came to prevail in Cilicia he was transformed into a -supreme Baal. The same transformation had taken place centuries before -in the Hittite cities of Syria. Beside the Syrian goddess Kes, who is -represented as standing upon a lion, like the great goddess of -Carchemish, the Egyptian monuments tell us of Sutekh, who stands in the -same relation to his Hittite worshippers as the Semitic Baal stood to -the populations of Canaan. Sutekh was the supreme Hittite god, but at -the same time he was localised in every city or state in which the -Hittites lived. Thus there was a Sutekh of Carchemish and a Sutekh of -Kadesh, just as there was a Baal of Tyre and a Baal of Tarsos. The forms -under which he was worshipped were manifold, but everywhere it was the -same Sutekh, the same national god. - -It would seem that the power of Sutekh began to wane after the age of -Ramses, and that the goddess began to usurp the place once held by the -god. It is possible that this was due to Babylonian and Assyrian -influence. At any rate, whereas it is Sutekh who appears at the head of -the Hittite states in the treaty with Ramses, in later days the chief -cult of the 'Holy Cities' was paid to the Mother-goddess. His place was -taken by the goddess at Carchemish as well as at Mabog, at Boghaz Keui -as well as at Komana. - -In the Kappadokian Komana the goddess went under the name of Ma. She was -served by 6000 priests and priestesses, the whole city being dedicated -to her service. The place of the king was occupied by the Abakles or -high-priest. We have seen that the sculptures of Boghaz Keui give us -reason to believe that the same was also the case in Pteria; we know -that it was so in other 'Holy Cities' of Asia Minor. At Pessinus in -Phrygia, where lions and panthers stood beside the goddess, the whole -city was given up to her worship, under the command of the chief Gallos -or priest; and on the shores of the Black Sea the Amazonian priestesses -of Kybelê, who danced in armour in her honour, were imagined by the -Greeks to constitute the sole population of an entire country. At -Ephesos, in spite of the Greek colony which had found its way there, the -worship of the Mother-goddess continued to absorb the life of the -inhabitants, so that it still could be described in the time of St. Paul -as a city which was 'a worshipper of the great goddess.' Here, as at -Pessinus, she was worshipped under the form of a meteoric stone 'which -had fallen from heaven.' - -We may regard these 'Holy Cities,' placed under the protection of a -goddess and wholly devoted to her worship, as peculiarly characteristic -of the Hittite race. Their two southern capitals, Kadesh and Carchemish, -were cities of this kind, and their stronghold at Boghaz Keui was -presumably also a consecrated place. Their progress through Asia Minor -was characterised by the rise of priestly cities and the growth of a -class of armed priestesses. Komana in Kappadokia, and Ephesos on the -shores of the Ægean, are typical examples of such holy towns. The entire -population ministered to the divinity to whom the city was dedicated, -the sanctuary of the deity stood in its centre, and the chief authority -was wielded by a high-priest. If a king existed by the side of the -priest, he came in course of time to fill a merely subordinate position. - -These 'Holy Cities' were also 'Asyla' or Cities of Refuge. The homicide -could escape to them, and be safe from his pursuers. Once within the -precincts of the city and the protection of its deity, he could not be -injured or slain. But it was not only the man who had slain another by -accident who could thus claim an 'asylum' from his enemies. The debtor -and the political refugee were equally safe. Doubtless the right of -asylum was frequently abused, and real criminals took advantage of -regulations which were intended to protect the unfortunate in an age of -lawlessness and revenge. But the institution on the whole worked well, -and, while it strengthened the power of the priesthood, it curbed -injustice and restrained violence. - -Now the institution of Cities of Refuge did not exist only in Asia Minor -and in the region occupied by the Hittites. It existed also in -Palestine, and it seems not unlikely that it was adopted by the great -Hebrew lawgiver, acting under divine guidance, from the older population -of the country. The Hebrew cities of refuge were six in number. One of -them was 'Kedesh in Galilee,' whose very name declares it to have been a -'Holy City,' like Kadesh on the Orontes, while another was the ancient -sanctuary of Hebron, once occupied by Hittites and Amorites. Shechem, -the third city of refuge on the western side of the Jordan, had been -taken by Jacob 'out of the hand of the Amorite' (Gen. xlviii. 22); and -the other three cities were all on the eastern side of the Jordan, in -the region so long held by Amorite tribes. We are therefore tempted to -ask whether these cities had not already been 'asyla' or cities of -refuge long before Moses was enjoined by God to make them such for the -Israelitish conquerors of Palestine. - -Closely connected with Hittite religion was Hittite art. Religion and -art have been often intertwined together in the history of the world, -and we can often infer the religion of a people from its art, as in the -case of the sculptures of Boghaz Keui. Hittite art was a modification of -that of Babylonia, and bears testimony to the same Babylonian influence -as the worship of the 'Mother-goddess.' The same Chaldæan culture is -presupposed by both. - -But while the art of the Hittites was essentially Babylonian in origin, -it was profoundly modified in the hands of the Hittite artists. The -deities, indeed, were made to ride on the backs of animals, as upon -Babylonian cylinders, the walls of the palaces were adorned with long -rows of bas-reliefs, as in Chaldæa and Assyria, and there was the same -tendency to arrange animals face to face in heraldic style; but -nevertheless the workmanship and the details introduced into it were -purely native. Even a symbol like the winged solar disk assumes in -Hittite sculpture a special character which can never be mistaken. The -Hittite artist excelled in the representation of animal forms, but the -lion, which he seems to have never wearied of designing, is treated in a -peculiar way which marks it sharply off from the sculptured lions either -of Babylonia or of any other country. So, too, in the case of the human -figure, though the general conception has been derived from Babylonian -art, the conception is worked out in a new and original manner. Those -who have once seen the sculptured image of a Hittite warrior or a -Hittite god, can never confuse it with the artistic productions of -another race. The figure is clearly drawn from the daily experience of -the sculptor's own life. The dress with its peaked shoes, the thick -rounded form, the strange protrusive profile, were copied from the -costume and appearance of his fellow-countrymen, and the striking -agreement that exists between his representation of them and that which -we find on the Egyptian monuments proves how faithfully he must have -worked. The elements, in short, of Babylonian art are present in the art -of the Hittite, but the treatment and selection are his own. - -It is in his selection and combination of these elements that he -exhibits most clearly his originality. Monsters, half human, half -bestial, were known to the Babylonians, but it was left to the Hittite -to invent a double-headed eagle, or to plant a human head on a column of -lions. The so-called rope-pattern occurs once or twice on Babylonian -gems, but it became a distinguishing characteristic of Hittite art, like -the employment of the heads only of animals instead of their entire -forms. - -So, again, the heraldic arrangement of animals face to face, or more -rarely back to back, had its first home in Chaldæa, but it was the -Hittites who raised it into a principle of art. We may perhaps trace -their doing so to their love of animal forms. - -The influence of Babylonian culture may have made itself first felt in -the age of the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty, when the cuneiform tablets -of Tel el-Amarna represent the Hittite tribes as descending southward -into the Syrian plains. It may on the other hand go back to a much -earlier epoch. We have no materials at present for deciding the -question. One fact, however, is clear; there was a time when the -Hittites were profoundly affected by Babylonian civilisation, religion -and art. Before this could have been the case they must have been -already settled in Syria. - -It is more easy to fix the period when the Hittite sculptor received -that inspiration from Egyptian art which produced the sphinxes of Eyuk -and the seated image on Mount Sipylos. It can only have been the age of -Ramses II., and of the great wars between Egypt and the Hittite princes -in the fourteenth century before our era. The influence of Egypt was but -transitory, but it was to it, in all probability, that the Hittites owed -the idea of hieroglyphic writing. - -At a far later date Babylonian influence was superseded by that of -Assyria. The later sculptures of Carchemish betray the existence of -Assyrian rather than of Babylonian models. The winged figure of the -goddess of Carchemish now in the British Museum is Assyrian in style and -character, and it is possible that other draped images of the goddess -may be derived from the same source. In Babylonian art Istar was -represented nude. - -However this may be, Professor Perrot has made it clear that the -beginnings of Hittite art must be looked for in Syria, on the southern -slopes of the Taurus, from whence it spread to the tribes of Kappadokia. -It is in Northern Syria that its rudest and most infantile attempts have -been found. The sculptors of Eyuk were already advanced in skill. - -To Professor Perrot we also owe the discovery of bronze figures of -Hittite manufacture. The execution of them is at once conventional and -barbarous. Nothing can exceed the rudeness of a figure now in the -Louvre, which represents a god with a pointed tiara, standing on the -back of an animal. Though the face of the god has evidently been -modelled with care, it is impossible to tell to what zoological species -the animal which supports him is intended to belong. Almost equally far -removed from nature is the bronze image of a bull which is also in the -Louvre. - -If these bronzes are to be regarded as the highest efforts of Hittite -metallurgic work, it is not to be regretted that they are few in number. -But it is quite different with the engraved gems which we now know to -have been of Hittite workmanship. Many of them are exceedingly fine; a -hæmatite cylinder, for instance, which was discovered at Kappadokia, is -equal to the best products of Babylonian art. The gems and cylinders -were for the most part intended to be used as seals, and some of them -are provided with handles cut out of the stone, the seal itself having -designs on four, and sometimes on five faces. These handles seem to be a -peculiarity of Hittite art, or at least of the art which derived its -inspiration from that of the Hittites. Another peculiarity noticeable in -many of the gems, consists in enclosing the inner field of the engraved -design with one or more concentric circles, each circle containing an -elaborate series of ornaments or figures, or even characters, though the -characters are usually placed in the central field. Thus two gems have -been found at Yuzghât, in Kappadokia, so much alike, that they must have -been the work of the same artist. On the larger an inscription has been -engraved in the centre, round which runs a circle containing a large -number of beautifully-executed figures. The winged solar disk rests upon -the symbol of 'kingship,' on either side of which kneels a figure, half -man and half bull. On the right and left is the figure of a standing -priest, behind whom we see on the left a man adoring what seems to be -the stump of a tree, while on the right are a tree, two arrows and a -quiver, a basket, a stag's head, and a seated deity, above whose hand -is a bird. The two groups are separated by the picture of a boot--the -symbol, it may be, of the earth--which rests, like the winged solar -disk, on the symbol of royalty. The smaller seal has a different -inscription in the centre, encircled by two rings, one containing a row -of ornaments, and the other the same figures as those engraved on the -larger seal, excepting only that the arrangement of the figures has been -changed, and a tree introduced among them. What is curious, however, is -that a gem has been found at Aidin, far away towards the western -extremity of Asia Minor, containing a central inscription almost -identical with that of the smaller Yuzghât seal, though the figures -which surround it are not the same. - -These circular seals must be regarded not only as characteristic of -Hittite art, but also as a product of Hittite invention. We meet with -nothing resembling them in Babylonia or Assyria. - -The gems can be traced across the Ægean to the shores of Greece. Among -the objects discovered by Dr. Schliemann at Mykenæ were two rings of -gold, on the chatons of which designs are engraved in what we may now -recognise as the Hittite style of art. On one of them are two rows of -animals' heads; on the other an elaborate picture, which reminds us of -the elaborate designs on the gems of Asia Minor. It represents a woman -under a tree, facing two other persons, who wear the upturned boots and -flounced dress that we find in Hittite sculptures, while the background -is filled in with the heads of animals. - -These gems are not the only indication the ruins of Mykenæ have afforded -that Hittite influence was spread beyond the coasts of Asia Minor. -Allusion has already been made to the figures of the Hittite goddess and -the doves that rested on the pinnacles of her temple; another figure in -thin gold gives us a likeness of the Hittite goddess seated on the cliff -of Sipylos, as she appeared before rain and tempest had changed her into -'the weeping Niobê.' Perhaps, however, the most striking illustration of -the westward migration of Hittite influence, is to be found in the -famous lions which stand fronting each other, carved on stone, above the -great gate of the ancient Peloponnesian city. The lions of Mykenæ have -long been known as the oldest piece of sculpture in Europe, but the art -which inspired it was of Hittite origin. A similar bas-relief has been -discovered at Kümbet, in Phrygia, in the near vicinity of Hittite -monuments; and we have just seen that the heraldic position in which the -lions are represented was a peculiar feature of Hittite art. - -Greek tradition affirmed that the rulers of Mykenæ had come from Lydia, -bringing with them the civilisation and the treasures of Asia Minor. The -tradition has been confirmed by modern research. While certain elements -belonging to the prehistoric culture of Greece, as revealed at Mykenæ -and elsewhere, were derived from Egypt and Phoenicia, there are others -which point to Asia Minor as their source. And the culture of Asia Minor -was Hittite. Mr. Gladstone, therefore, may be right in seeing the -Hittites in the Keteians of Homer--that Homer who told of the legendary -glories of Mykenæ and the Lydian dynasty which held it in possession. -Even the buckle, with the help of which the prehistoric Greek fastened -his cloak, has been shown by a German scholar to imply an arrangement -of the dress such as we see represented on the Hittite monument of -Ibreez. - -For us of the modern world, therefore, the resurrection of the Hittite -people from their long sleep of oblivion possesses a double interest. -They appeal to us not alone because of the influence they once exercised -on the fortunes of the Chosen People, not alone because a Hittite was -the wife of David and the ancestress of Christ, but also on account of -the debt which the civilisation of our own Europe owes to them. Our -culture is the inheritance we have received from ancient Greece, and the -first beginnings of Greek culture were derived from the Hittite -conquerors of Asia Minor. The Hittite warriors who still guard the Pass -of Karabel, on the very threshold of Asia, are symbols of the position -occupied by the race in the education of mankind. The Hittites carried -the time-worn civilisations of Babylonia and Egypt to the furthest -boundary of Asia, and there handed them over to the West in the grey -dawn of European history. But they never passed the boundary themselves; -with the conquest of Lydia their mission was accomplished, the work that -had been appointed them was fulfilled. - - - - -[Illustration: AN INSCRIPTION FOUND AT CARCHEMISH (_now destroyed_).] - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE INSCRIPTIONS. - - -How can the history of a lost people be recovered, it may be asked, -except through the help of the records they have left behind them? How -can we come to know anything about the Hittites until their few and -fragmentary inscriptions are deciphered? The answer to this question -will have been furnished by the preceding pages. Though the Hittite -inscriptions are still undeciphered, though the number of them is still -very small, there are other materials for reconstructing the history of -the race, and these materials have now found their interpreter. The -sculptured monuments the Hittites have left behind them, the seals they -engraved, the cities they inhabited, the memorials of them preserved in -the Old Testament, in the cuneiform tablets of Assyria, and in the -papyri of Egypt, have all served to build up afresh the fabric of a -mighty empire which once exercised so profound an influence on the -destinies of the civilised world. - -But the Hittite inscriptions have not been altogether useless. They have -helped to connect together the scattered monuments of Hittite dominion, -and to prove that the peculiar art they display was of Hittite origin. -It was the Hittite hieroglyphs which accompany the figure of the warrior -in the Pass of Karabel, and of the sitting goddess on Mount Sipylos, -that proved these sculptures to be of Hittite origin. It has similarly -been inscriptions containing Hittite characters which have enabled us to -trace the march of the Hittite armies along the high-roads of Asia -Minor, and to feel sure that Hittite princes once reigned in the city of -Hamath. - -The Hittite texts are distinguished by two characteristics. With hardly -an exception, the hieroglyphs that compose them are carved in relief -instead of being incised, and the lines read alternately from right to -left and from left to right. The direction in which the characters look -determines the direction in which they should be read. This alternate or -_boustrophedon_ mode of writing also characterises early Greek -inscriptions, and since it was not adopted by either Phoenicians, -Egyptians, or Assyrians, the question arises whether the Greeks did not -learn to write in such a fashion from neighbours who made use of the -Hittite script. - -Another characteristic of Hittite writing is the frequent employment of -the heads of animals and men. It is very rarely that the whole body of -an animal is drawn; the head alone was considered sufficient. This -peculiarity would of itself mark off the Hittite hieroglyphs from those -of Egypt. - -But a very short inspection of the characters is enough to show that the -Hittites could not have borrowed them from the Egyptians. The two forms -of writing are utterly and entirely distinct. Two of the most common -Hittite characters represent the snow-boot and the fingerless glove, -which, as we have seen, indicate the northern ancestry of the Hittite -tribes, while the ideograph which denotes a 'country' is a picture of -the mountain peaks of the Kappadokian plateau. It would therefore seem -that the system of writing was invented in Kappadokia, and not in the -southern regions of Syria or Canaan. - -We may gather, however, that the invention took place after the contact -of the Hittites with Egypt, and their consequent acquaintance with the -Egyptian form of script. Similar occurrences have happened in modern -times. A Cheroki Indian in North America, who had seen the books of the -white man, was led thereby to devise an elaborate mode of writing for -his own countrymen, and the curious syllabary invented for the Vei -negroes by one of their tribe originated in the same manner. So, too, we -may imagine that the sight of the hieroglyphs of Egypt, and the -knowledge that thoughts could be conveyed by them, suggested to some -Hittite genius the idea of inventing a similar means of -intercommunication for his own people. - -At any rate, it is pretty clear that the Hittite characters are used -like the Egyptian, sometimes as ideographs to express ideas, sometimes -phonetically to represent syllables and sounds, sometimes as -determinatives to denote the class to which the word belongs to which -they are attached. It is probable, moreover, that a word or sound was -often expressed by multiplying the characters which expressed the whole -or part of it, just as was the case in Egyptian writing in the age of -Ramses II. At the same time the number of separate characters used by -the Hittites was far less than that employed by the Egyptian scribes. At -present not 200 are known to exist, though almost every fresh -inscription adds to the list. - -The oldest writing material of the Hittites were their plates of metal, -on the surface of which the characters were hammered out from behind. -The Hittite copy of the treaty with Ramses II. was engraved in this -manner on a plate of silver, its centre being occupied with a -representation of the god Sutekh embracing the Hittite king, and a short -line of hieroglyphs running round him. This central ornamentation, -surrounded with a circular band of figures, was in accordance with the -usual style of Hittite art. The Egyptian monuments show us what the -silver plate was like. It was of rectangular shape, with a ring at the -top by which it could be suspended from the wall. If ever the tomb of -Ur-Maa Noferu-Ra, the Hittite wife of Ramses, is discovered, it is -possible that a Hittite copy of the famous treaty may be found among its -contents. - -At all events, it is clear that already at this period the Hittites were -a literary people. The Egyptian records make mention of a certain -Khilip-sira, whose name is compounded with that of Khilip or Aleppo, and -describe him as 'a writer of books of the vile Kheta.' Like the Egyptian -Pharaoh, the Hittite monarch was accompanied to battle by his scribes. -If Kirjath-sepher or 'Book-town,' in the neighbourhood of Hebron, was of -Hittite origin, the Hittites would have possessed libraries like the -Assyrians, which may yet be dug up. Kirjath-sepher was also called -Debir, 'the sanctuary,' and we may therefore conclude that the library -was stored in its chief temple, as were the libraries of Babylonia. -There was another Debir or Dapur further north, in the vicinity of -Kadesh on the Orontes, which is mentioned in the Egyptian inscriptions; -and since this was in the land of the Amorites, while Kirjath-sepher is -also described as an Amorite town, it is possible that here too the -relics of an ancient library may yet be found. We must not forget that -in the days of Deborah, 'out of Zebulon,' northward of Megiddo, came -'they that handle the pen of the writer' (Judg. v. 14). - -The inscriptions recently discovered at Tel el-Amarna in Egypt have -shown that in the century before the Exodus the common medium of -literary intercourse in Western Asia was the language and cuneiform -script of Babylonia. It was subsequently to this that the Hittites -forced their way southward, bringing with them their own peculiar system -of hieroglyphic writing. But the cuneiform characters still continued to -be used in the Hittite region of the world. Cuneiform tablets have been -purchased at Kaisarîyeh which come from some old library of Kappadokia, -the site of which is still unknown, and Dr. Humann has lately discovered -a long cuneiform inscription among the Hittite sculptures of Sinjirli in -the ancient Komagênê. If the Hittite texts are ever deciphered, it will -probably be through the help of the cuneiform script. - -A beginning has already been made. Within a month after my Paper had -been read before the Society of Biblical Archæology, which announced the -discovery of a Hittite empire and the connection of the curious art of -Asia Minor with that of Carchemish, I had fallen across a bilingual -inscription in Hittite and cuneiform characters. This was on the silver -boss of King Tarkondêmos, the only key yet found to the interpretation -of the Hittite texts. - -[Illustration: THE BILINGUAL BOSS OF TARKONDEMOS.] - -The story of the boss is a strange one. It was purchased many years ago -at Smyrna by M. Alexander Jovanoff, a well-known numismatist of -Constantinople, who showed it to the Oriental scholar Dr. A. D. -Mordtmann. Dr. Mordtmann made a copy of it, and found it to be a round -silver plate, probably the head of a dagger or dirk, round the rim of -which ran a cuneiform inscription. Within, occupying the central field, -was the figure of a warrior in a new and unknown style of art. He stood -erect, holding a spear in the right hand, and pressing the left against -his breast. He was clothed in a tunic, over which a fringed cloak was -thrown; a close-fitting cap was on the head, and boots with upturned -ends on the feet, the upper part of the legs being bare, while a dirk -was fastened in the belt. On either side of the figure was a series of -'symbols,' the series on each side being the same, except that on the -right side the upper 'symbols' were smaller, and the lower 'symbols' -larger than the corresponding ones on the left side. - -In an article published some years later on the cuneiform inscriptions -of Van, Dr. Mordtmann referred to the boss, and it was his description -of the figure in the centre of it which arrested my attention. I saw at -once that the figure must be in the style of art I had just determined -to be Hittite, and I guessed that the 'symbols' which accompanied it -would turn out to be Hittite hieroglyphs. Dr. Mordtmann stated that he -had given a copy of the boss in 1862 in the 'Numismatic Journal which -appears in Hanover.' After a long and troublesome search I found that -the publication meant by him was not a Journal at all, and had appeared -at Leipzig, not at Hanover, in 1863, not in 1862. The copy of the boss -contained in it showed that I was right in believing Dr. Mordtmann's -'symbols' to be Hittite characters. - -It now became necessary to know how far the copy was correct, and to -ascertain whether the original were still in existence. A reply soon -came from the British Museum. The boss had once been offered to the -Museum for sale, but rejected, as nothing like it had ever been seen -before, and it was therefore suspected of being a forgery. Before its -rejection, however, an electrotype had been taken of it, an impression -of which was now sent to me. - -Shortly afterwards came another communication from M. François -Lenormant, one of the most learned and brilliant Oriental scholars of -the present century. He had seen the original at Constantinople some -twenty years previously, and had there made a cast of it, which he -forwarded to me. The cast and the electrotype agreed exactly together. - -There could accordingly be no doubt that we had before us, if not the -original itself, a perfect facsimile of it. The importance of this fact -soon became manifest, for the original boss disappeared after M. -Jovanoff's death, and in spite of all enquiries no trace of it can be -discovered. It may be recovered hereafter in the bazaars of -Constantinople or in some private house at St. Petersburg; at present -there is no clue whatever to its actual possessor. - -The reading of the cuneiform legend offers but little difficulty. It -gives us the name and title of the king whose figure is engraved within -it--'Tarqu-dimme king of the country of Erme.' - -The name Tarqu-dimme is evidently the same as that of the Cilician -prince Tarkondêmos or Tarkon-dimotos, who lived in the time of our Lord. -The name is also met with in other parts of Asia Minor under the forms -of Tarkondas and Tarkondimatos; and we may consider it to be of a -distinctively Hittite type. Where the district was over which -Tarqu-dimme ruled we can only guess. It may have been the range of -mountains called Arima by the classical writers, which lay close under -the Hittite monuments of the Bulgar Dagh. In this case Tarkondemos would -have been a Cilician king. - -The twice-repeated Hittite version of the cuneiform legend has been the -subject of much discussion. The arrangement of the characters, due more -to the necessity of filling up the vacant space on the boss than to the -requirements of their natural order, allowed more than one -interpretation of them. But there were two facts which furnished the key -to their true reading. On the one hand, the inscription is divided into -two halves by two characters whose form and position in other Hittite -texts show them to signify 'king' and 'country'; on the other hand, the -first two characters are made, as it were, to issue from the mouth of -the king, and thus to express his name. We thus obtain the reading: -'Tarku-dimme king of the country of Er-me,' the syllables _tarku_ and -_me_ being denoted by the head of a goat and the numeral 'four,' while -the ideographs of 'king' and 'country' are represented by the royal -tiara worn by gods and monarchs in the Hittite sculptures, and by the -picture of a mountainous land. In the ideograph of 'country' Mordtmann -had already seen a likeness of the shafts of rock which rise out of the -Kappadokian plateau. - -The bilingual boss accordingly furnishes us with two important -ideographs, and the phonetic values of four other characters. Armed with -these, we can attack the other texts, and learn something about them. It -becomes clear that the inscriptions from Carchemish now in the British -Museum are the monuments of a king whose name ends in -me-Tarku, and who -records the names of his father and grandfather. To the grandfather -belonged an inscription copied by Mr. Boscawen among the ruins of -Carchemish, but unfortunately never brought to England, and probably -long since destroyed. - -On the lion of Merash, moreover, a king similarly records his name -along with those of his two immediate ancestors. The same king's name is -found at Hamath as that of the father of the sovereign mentioned in the -other inscriptions that come from there, and we may perhaps infer that -the monuments of Hamath are the memorials of a Komagenian monarch who -carried his victorious arms thus far to the south. The time will -doubtless come when we shall be able to read these mysterious characters -without difficulty, and we shall then know whether or not our inference -is correct. - -[Illustration: THE LION OF MERASH.] - -Meanwhile we must be content to await the discovery of another bilingual -text. The legend on the boss of Tarkondêmos is not long enough to carry -us far through the mazes of Hittite decipherment; before much progress -can be made it must be supplemented by another inscription of the same -kind. But the fact that one bilingual inscription has been found is an -earnest that other bilingual inscriptions have existed, and may yet be -brought to light. We may live in confident expectation that the mute -stones will yet be taught to speak, and that we shall learn how the -empire of the Hittites was founded and preserved, not from the annals of -their enemies, but from their own lips. - -It is not probable that the Hittite system of writing passed away -without leaving its influence behind it. As the culture and art which -the Hittites carried to the barbarous nations of Asia Minor became -implanted among them and bore abundant fruit, so too we may believe that -the knowledge of the Hittite writing did not perish utterly. There is -reason to think that the curious syllabary which continued to be used in -Cyprus as late as the age of Alexander the Great was derived from the -Hittite hieroglyphs. It was singularly unfitted to express the sounds of -the Greek language, as it was required to do in Cyprus, and it has been -shown that it was but a branch of a syllabary once employed throughout a -large part of Asia Minor, the very country in which the Hittites -engraved their own written monuments. It seems likely, therefore, that -the Hittite characters became a syllabary in which each character -represented a separate syllable, and survived in this form to a late -age. - -It is also possible that the names assigned to the letters even of the -Phoenician alphabet were influenced by the hieroglyphs of the Hittites. -When the Phoenicians borrowed the letters of the Egyptian alphabet they -gave them names beginning in their own language with the sound -represented by each letter. _A_ was called _aleph_ because the -Phoenician word _aleph_ 'an ox' began with that sound, _k_ was _kaph_ -'the hand' because _kaph_ in Phoenician began with _k_. It was but an -early application of the same principle which made our forefathers -believe that the child would learn his alphabet more quickly if he was -taught that '_A_ was an archer who shot at a frog.' - -But the names must have been assigned to the letters not only because -they commenced with corresponding sounds, but also because of their -fancied resemblance to the objects denoted by the names. Now in some -instances the resemblance is by no means clear. The earliest forms of -the letters called _kaph_ and _yod_, for example, both of which words -signify a 'hand,' have little likeness to the human hand. If we turn to -the Hittite hieroglyphs, however, we find among them two representations -of the hand, encased in the long Hittite glove, which are almost -identical with the Phoenician letters in shape. It is difficult, -therefore, to resist the conviction that the letters _kaph_ and _yod_ -received their names from Syrians who were familiar with the appearance -of the Hittite characters. It is the same in the case of _aleph_. Here -too the old Phoenician letter does not in any way resemble an ox, but it -bears a very close likeness to the head of a bull, which occupies a -prominent place in the Hittite texts. _Aleph_ became the Greek _alpha_ -when the Phoenician alphabet was handed on to the Greeks, and in the -word _alphabet_ has become part of our own heritage. Like _yod_, which -has passed through the Greek _iota_ into the English _jot_, it is thus -possible that there are still words in daily use among ourselves which -can be traced, if not to the Hittite language, at all events to the -Hittite script. - -What the language of the Hittites was we have yet to learn. But the -proper names preserved on the Egyptian and Assyrian monuments show that -it did not belong to the Semitic family of speech, and an analysis of -the Hittite inscriptions further makes it evident that it made large use -of suffixes. But we must be on our guard against supposing that the -language was uniform throughout the district in which the Hittite -population lived. Different tribes doubtless spoke different dialects, -and some of these dialects probably differed widely from each other. But -they all belonged to the same general type and class of language, and -may therefore be collectively spoken of as the Hittite language, just as -the various dialects of England are collectively termed English. Indeed, -we find the same type of language extending far eastward of Kappadokia, -if we may trust the proper names recorded in the Assyrian inscriptions. -Names of a distinctively Hittite cast are met with as far as the -frontiers of the ancient kingdom of Ararat, and it may be that the -language of Ararat itself, the so-called Vannic, may belong to the same -family of speech. As the cuneiform inscriptions in which this language -is embodied have now been deciphered, we shall be able to determine the -question as soon as the Hittite texts also render up their secrets. - -In the south of Palestine the Hittites must have lost their old language -and have adopted that of their Semitic neighbours at an early period. In -Northern Syria the change was longer in coming about. The last king of -Carchemish bears a non-Semitic name, but a Semitic god was worshipped at -Aleppo, and Kadesh on the Orontes remained a Semitic sanctuary. The -Hittite occupation of Hamath seems to have lasted for a short time only. -Its king, who appears on the Assyrian monuments as the contemporary of -Ahab, has the Semitic name of Irkhulena, 'the moon-god belongs to us'; -and his successors were equally of Semitic origin. It is more doubtful -whether Tou or Toi, whose son came to David with an offer of alliance, -bears a name which can be explained from the Semitic lexicon. - -In the fastnesses of the Taurus, however, the Hittite dialects were slow -in dying. In the days of St. Paul the people of Lystra still spoke 'the -speech of Lykaonia,' although the official language of Kappadokia had -long since become Aramaic. But the Aramaic was itself supplanted by -Greek, and before the downfall of the Roman empire Greek was the common -language of all Asia Minor. In its turn Greek has been superseded in -these modern times by Turkish. - -Languages, however, may change and perish, but the races that have -spoken them remain. The characteristics of race, once acquired, are slow -to alter. Though the last echoes of Hittite speech have died away -centuries ago, the Hittite race still inhabits the region from which in -ancient days it poured down upon the cities of the south. We may still -see in it all the lineaments of the warriors of Karabel or the -sculptured princes of Carchemish; even the snow-shoe and fingerless -glove are still worn on the cold uplands of Kappadokia. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -HITTITE TRADE AND INDUSTRY. - - -The Hittites shone as much in the arts of peace as in the arts of war. -The very fact that they invented a system of writing speaks highly for -their intellectual capacities. It has been granted to but few among the -races of mankind to devise means of communicating their thoughts -otherwise than by words; most of the nations of the world have been -content to borrow from others not only the written characters they use -but even the conception of writing itself. - -We know from the ruins of Boghaz Keui and Eyuk that the Hittites were no -mean architects. They understood thoroughly the art of fortification; -the great moat outside the walls of Boghaz Keui, with its sides of -slippery stone, is a masterpiece in this respect, like the fortified -citadels within the city, to which the besieged could retire when the -outer wall was captured. The well-cut blocks and sculptured slabs of -which their palaces were built prove how well they knew the art of -quarrying and fashioning stone. The mines of the Bulgar Dagh are an -equally clear indication of their skill in mining and metallurgic work. - -The metallurgic fame of the Khalybes, who bordered on the Hittite -territory, and may have belonged to the same race, was spread through -the Greek world. They had the reputation of first discovering how to -harden iron into steel. It was from them, at all events, that the Greeks -acquired the art. - -Silver and copper appear, from the evidence of the Egyptian and Assyrian -monuments, to have been the metals most in request, though gold and iron -also figure among the objects which the Hittites offered in tribute. The -gold and copper were moulded into cups and images of animals, and the -copper was changed into bronze by being mixed with tin. From whence the -tin was procured we have yet to learn. - -Silver and iron were alike used as a medium of exchange. The Assyrian -king received from Carchemish 250 talents of iron; and the excavations -of Dr. Schliemann among the ruins of Troy have afforded evidence that -silver also was employed by the Hittites in place of money, and that its -use for this purpose was communicated by them to the most distant -nations of Western Asia Minor. - -In the so-called 'treasure of Priam,' disinterred among the calcined -ruins of Hissarlik or Troy, are six blade-like ingots of silver, about -seven or eight inches in length and two in breadth. Mr. Barclay Head has -pointed out that each of these ingots weighs the third part of a -Babylonian maneh or mina, and further that this particular maneh of 8656 -grains Troy, was once employed throughout Asia Minor for weighing -bullion silver. It differed from the standard of weight and value used -in Phoenicia, Assyria, and Asia Minor itself in the later Greek age. But -it corresponded with 'the maneh of Carchemish' mentioned in the Assyrian -contract tablets, which continued to hold its own even after the -conquest of Carchemish by Sargon. The maneh of Carchemish had, it is -true, been originally derived from Babylonia, like most of the elements -of Hittite culture, but it had made itself so thoroughly at home in the -Hittite capital as to be called after its name. Nothing can show more -clearly than this the leading position held by the Hittites in general, -and the city of Carchemish in particular, in regard to commerce and -industry. - -Carchemish was, in fact, the centre of the overland trade in Western -Asia. It commanded the high-road which brought the products of Phoenicia -and the West to the civilised populations of Assyria and Babylon. It was -this which made its possession so greatly coveted by the Assyrian kings. -Its capture assured to Sargon the command of the Mediterranean coast, -and the transference to Assyrian hands of the commerce and wealth which -had flowed in to the merchant-princes of the Hittite city. - -The sumptuous furniture in which they indulged is mentioned by -Assur-natsir-pal. Like the luxurious monarchs of Israel, they reclined -on couches inlaid with ivory, of which it is possible that they were the -inventors. At all events, elephants were still hunted by Tiglath-pileser -I., in the neighbourhood of Carchemish, as they had been by Thothmes -III. four centuries earlier, and elephants' tusks were among the tribute -paid by the Hittites to the Assyrian kings. It may be that the -extinction of the elephant in this part of Asia was due to Hittite -huntsmen. - -The ivory couches of Carchemish, however, were not employed at meals, as -they would have been in Assyria or among the Greeks and Romans of a -later day. Like the Egyptians, the Hittites sat when eating, and their -chairs were provided with backs as well as with curiously-formed -footstools. The food was placed on low cross-legged tables, which -resembled a camp-stool in shape. - -At times, as we may gather from a bas-relief at Merash, they entertained -themselves at a banquet with the sounds of music. Several different -kinds of musical instruments are represented on the monuments, among -which we may recognise a lyre, a trumpet, and a sort of guitar. It is -evident that they were fond of music, and had cultivated the art, as -befitted a people to whom wealth had given leisure. A curious indication -of the same leisured ease is to be found in a sculpture at Eyuk, where -an attendant is depicted carrying a monkey on his shoulders. Those only -who enjoyed the quiet of a peaceful and wealthy life would have -gratified the taste for animals which the monuments reveal, by importing -an animal like the monkey from the distant south. The Hittites were -doubtless a warlike people when they first swooped down upon the plains -of Syria, but they soon began to cultivate the arts of peace and to -become one of the great mercantile peoples of the ancient world. - -We learn from the Books of Kings that horses and chariots were exported -from Egypt for the Hittite princes, the Israelites serving as -intermediaries in the trade. But they must also have obtained horses -from the north, and perhaps have bred them for themselves. The prophet -Ezekiel tells us (xxvii. 14) that 'they of Togarmah traded' in the fairs -of Tyre 'with horses and horsemen and mules,' and Togarmah has been -identified with the Tul-Garimmi of the Assyrian inscriptions, which was -situated in Komagênê. In the wars between Egypt and Kadesh a portion of -the Hittite army fought in chariots, each drawn by two horses, and -holding sometimes two, sometimes three men. The chariots were of light -make, and rested on two wheels, usually furnished with six spokes. - -The army was well-disciplined and well-arranged. Its nucleus was formed -of native-born Hittites, who occupied the centre and the posts of -danger. Around them were ranged their allies and mercenaries, under the -command of special generals. The native infantry and cavalry also obeyed -separate captains, but the whole host was led by a single -commander-in-chief. - -We have yet to be made acquainted with the details of their domestic -architecture. The ground-plan of their palaces has been given us at -Boghaz Keui and Eyuk, at Carchemish and Sinjirli, and we know that they -were built round a central court of quadrangular form. We know too that -the entrance to the palace was, like that to an Egyptian temple, flanked -by massive blocks of stone on either side, and approached by an avenue -of sculptured slabs. We have learned, moreover, that the palace was -erected on raised terraces or mounds; but beyond this we know little -except that use was made of a pillar without a base, which had been -originally derived from Babylonia, the primitive home of columnar -architecture. - -About the Hittite dress we have fuller information. Apart from the -snow-shoes or mocassins which have helped to identify their monumental -remains, we have found the Hittites wearing on their heads two kinds of -covering, one a close-fitting skull-cap, the other a lofty tiara, -generally pointed, but sometimes rounded at the top or ornamented, as at -Ibreez, with horn-like ribbons. The pointed tiara was adorned with -perpendicular lines of embroidery. At Boghaz Keui the goddesses have -what has been termed the mural crown, resembling as it does the -fortified wall of a town. - -The robes of the women descended to the feet. This was also the case -with the long sleeved garment of the priests, but other men wore a tunic -which left the knees bare, and was fastened round the waist by a girdle. -Over this was thrown a cloak, which in walking left one leg exposed. In -the girdle was stuck a short dirk; the other arms carried being a spear -and a bow, which was slung behind the back. The double-headed battle-axe -was also a distinctively Hittite weapon, and was carried by them to the -coast of the Ægean, where in the Greek age it became the symbol of the -Karian Zeus, and of the island of Tenedos. All these weapons were of -bronze, or perhaps of iron; but there are indications that the Hittite -tribes had once contented themselves with tools and weapons of stone. -Near the site of Arpad Mr. Boscawen purchased a large and beautiful -axe-head of highly polished green-stone, which could, however, never -have been intended for actual use. It was, in fact, a sacrificial -weapon, surviving in the service of the gods from the days when the -working of metal was not yet known. Like other survivals in religious -worship, it bore witness to a social condition that had long since -passed away. A small axe-head, also of polished green-stone, was -obtained by myself from the neighbourhood of Ephesos, and bears a -remarkable resemblance in form to the axe-head of Arpad. The importance -of this fact becomes manifest when we compare the numerous other weapons -or implements of polished stone found in Western Asia Minor, which -exhibit quite a different shape. It permits the conclusion that both -Arpad and Ephesos were seats of Hittite influence, and that in both the -same form of stone implement--a survival from an earlier age of -stone--was dedicated to the service of the gods. - -The dresses of cloth and linen with which the Hittites clothed -themselves were dyed with various colours, and were ornamented with -fringes and rich designs. That of the priest at Ibreez is especially -worthy of study. Among the patterns with which it is adorned are the -same square ornament as is met with on the tomb of the Phrygian king -Midas, and the curious symbol usually known as the 'swastika,' which has -become so famous since the excavations of General di Cesnola in Cyprus, -and of Dr. Schliemann at Troy. The symbol recurs times without number on -the pre-historic pottery of Cyprus and the Trojan plain; but no trace of -it has ever yet been found in Egypt, in Assyria, or in Babylonia. Alone -among the remains of the civilised nations of the ancient East the -rock-sculpture of Ibreez displays it on the robe of a Lykaonian priest. -Was it an invention of the Hittite people, communicated by them to the -rude tribes of Asia Minor, along with the other elements of a cultured -life, or was it of barbarous origin, adopted by the Hittites from the -earlier population of the West? - -Before we can answer this question we must know far more than we do at -present about that long-forgotten but wonderful race, whose restoration -to history has been one of the most curious discoveries of the present -age. When the sites of the old Hittite cities have been thoroughly -explored, when the monuments they left behind them have been -disinterred, and their inscriptions have been deciphered and read, we -shall doubtless learn the answers to this and many other questions that -are now pressing for solution. Meanwhile we must be content with what -has already been gained. Light has been cast upon a dark page in the -history of Western Asia, and therewith upon the sacred record of the -Old Testament, and a people has advanced into the forefront of modern -knowledge who exercised a deep influence upon the fortunes of Israel, -though hitherto they had been to us little more than a name. At the very -moment when every word of Scripture is being minutely scrutinised, now -by friends, now by foes, we have learnt that the statement once supposed -to impugn the authority of the sacred narrative is the best witness to -its truth. The friends of Abraham, the allies of David, the mother of -Solomon, all belonged to a race which left an indelible mark on the -history of the world, though it has been reserved in God's wisdom for -our own generation to discover and trace it out. - - - - -INDEX. - - - Adah, Esau's Hittite wife, 13. - - Aleppo, Hittite inscription at, 62. - - Amanus, cedar forests of, 47. - - Amazons, the, legend of, 78. - - Amenophis III., wars of, 21; - marriage of, 21. - - Amenophis IV., a heretic king, founds a new capital, 22; - discovery of tablets of, 22. - - Amorite captives taken by Shishak, 16. - - Amorites interlocked with Hittites, 14; - possessions of, 14; - physical description of, 15; - descendants of, 16; - history of, 17. - - Anakim, height of, 16. - - Antarata, the Hittite goddess, 105. - - Ararat, king of, suicide of, 51. - - Architecture, Hittite, 136. - - Argistis I., campaign of, 52. - - Arisu the Phoenician, a usurper, 39. - - Ark of the prophet Noah, the, 107. - - Army, Hittite, 140. - - Arpad, green-stone axe head from, 141. - - Art, Hittite, 114; - Babylonian influence on, 116; - Assyrian, 117. - - Artemis, worship of, 79. - - Ashtoreth, myth of, 110. - - Assur-natsir-pal, conquests of, 45; - exacts tribute from Carchemish, 46; - attacks Azaz, 47. - - Assyria, testimony of monuments of, to Hittites, 40; - decay of, 43; - rise of, 45, 50; - influence of, on Hittite art, 117. - - Atargatis, the goddess, 105. - - Athar-'Ati, the goddess of Carchemish, 105. - - Attys, the god, 111. - - Axe-heads, green-stone, 141. - - - Baal of Tarsos, 111. - - Babylonian influence on Hittite art, 116. - - Bashemath, Esau's Hittite wife, 13. - - Beeri the Hittite, daughter of, 13. - - Biainas or Van, inscriptions in, 51. - - Boghaz Keui, inscription at, 65; - Hittite remains at, 87; - position of, 87; - palace at, 89; - wall-sculptures at, 89; - a sanctuary, 93; - texts at, 93. - - Boots, Hittite, 80, 89. - - Bor, Hittite text at, 94. - - Boscawen, Mr., his purchase of green-stone axe-head, 141. - - Boss of Tarkondemos, 127; - bilingual inscription on, 129. - - Bronze figures, Hittite, 117. - - Buckle, origin of Greek, 120. - - Bulgar Dagh, silver mines at, 94. - - Burckhardt, his discovery at Hamah, 56. - - - Canaan, sons of, 13. - - Carchemish, strength of, 43; - pays tribute to Assur-natsir-pal, 46; - maneh of, 46; - fall of, 50; - questions as to site of, 97; - identification of, 98; - visited by Mr. George Smith, 98; - the site bought, 99; - remains of, 99; - history of, 99; - battle of, 100; - a holy city, 100; - situation of, 100; - the deities of, 104; - trade of, 138. - - Cedar, forests of Amanus, 47. - - Chariots, Hittite, 139. - - Cheroki Indian, syllabary of, 124. - - Cities of Refuge, Hittite, 113; - Hebrew, 114. - - Cloth, Hittite, 142. - - Conder, Major, on the Ark of the prophet Noah, 107. - - Country, Hittite hieroglyph representing, 81. - - Cromlechs of Libyans, 17. - - Cuneiform tablets, from Kaisariyeh, 126. - - Cylinders, Hittite, 118. - - Cyprus, syllabary used in, 132. - - - Dados at Eyuk, 86; - at Boghaz Keui, 89; - in Taurus, 94. - - Damascus, rise of, 44. - - David, wars of, with Syria, 44. - - Davis, Rev. E. J., on Ibreez sculptures, 61. - - Debir or Dapur, an Amorite town, 126. - - Deities, Hittite, 104. - - Deluge, the, fables concerning, 106. - - Derketo, the myth of, 105, 108, 110. - - Dove, the symbol of, 110. - - Dress, Hittite, 140, 142. - - - Eagle, double-headed, at Eyuk, 85. - - Egypt, testimony of monuments to Hittites and Amorites, 14; - annals of, 19; - wars with Hittites, 23; - confederacy against, 39; - civil wars in, 39; - invasions of, 39. - - Elon the Hittite, daughter of, 13. - - Ephesos, worship of the Mother-goddess at, 113; - green-stone axe-head from, 141. - - Ephron the Hittite, 13. - - Exodus, the time of, 25, 38. - - Eyuk, Hittite remains at, 85; - palace, 85; - avenue of lions, 85; - sphinx at, 85; - double-headed eagle at, 85; - palace gate at, 86; - dado at, 86; - sculptures at, 86; - date of, 87; - height of plateau, 87; - climate of, 87. - - - Furniture, Hittite, 138. - - - Galli or eunuchs at Mabog, 106. - - Gar-emeris, a district, 14. - - Gargamis, _see_ Carchemish. - - Gaza, garrisoned by Egyptians, 38. - - Gems, Hittite, 118. - - Ghiaur-kalessi, sculpture at, 56. - - Ghurun, Hittite inscriptions at, 94. - - Gladstone, Mr., on Keteians of Homer, 120. - - Glove, Hittite, 81. - - Gods, Hittite, 35, 104. - - Great Mother, the, worship of, 108. - - - Hadad, worship of, 109. - - Hadad-ezer, his war with David, 44. - - Hamah, discovery of Hittite remains in, 56. - - Hamath, once a Hittite city, 44; - last ruler of, 45. - - Hamathite inscriptions really Hittite, 60. - - Hebron, inhabitants of, 14; - a Hebrew city of refuge, 114. - - Henderson, Mr., buys site of Carchemish, 99. - - Herodotos on Karabel sculptures, 54; - on Syrians, 82. - - Heth, son of Canaan, 13. - - Hittites, false criticisms about, 11; - Scripture references to, 12; - Northern, 12; - Southern, 13; - testimony of Egyptian monuments, 14; - interlocked with Amorites, 14; - physical appearance of, 15; - descendants of, 15; - history of, 17; - of Judæa, 19; - called Kheta by Egyptians, 19; - Great and Little, 20; - pay tribute to Thothmes III., 20; - worship of solar disk, 21; - power of, 23; - treaty with Ramses I., 23; - war with Seti I., 24; - with Ramses II., 24; - at Kadesh, 26; - make treaty with him, 29; - catalogue of gods, 35; - supremacy of, 37; - peaceful relations with Meneptah, 38; - invade Egypt, 39; - their empire broken up, 40; - decay of, 40; - Assyrian references to, 40; - conquered by Tiglath-pileser I., 42; - pay tribute to Assur-natsir-pal, 46; - confederacy against Shalmaneser II., 47; - power of, broken, 48; - change of meaning of name, 49; - doom of empire of, 50; - campaign against Menuas, 51; - against Argistis I., 52; - dominions of, 52; - sculptures of, at Karabel, 54; - remains of, at Hamah, 56; - at Ibreez, 61; - at Aleppo, 62; - at Sipylos, 69; - position of monuments of, 73; - peculiarities of, 74; - civilising influence of, 75; - character of empire of, 77; - dress of, 80; - boots of, 80; - gloves of, 81; - etymology of, 81; - remains of, at Eyuk, 85; - at Boghaz Keui, 87; - text at, 93; - at Merash, 94; - silver mines, 95; - extent of their supremacy, 96; - ignorance of history of Southern, 97; - Syrian conquest of, 100; - appearance of, 101; - mixture of, with Semites, 102; - religion of, 104; - description of a temple of, 104; - the gods of, 104; - holy cities of, 113; - cities of refuge, 113; - art of, 114; - sculpture of, 115; - discovery of bronze figures of, 117; - gems of, 118; - extent of influence of, 120; - reasons for our interest in, 121; - inscriptions of, 122; - a literary people, 125; - libraries of, 126; - influence of, on Phoenician letters, 132; - language of, 134; - architecture of, 136; - metallurgy of, 136; - their means of exchange, 137; - trade of, 138; - furniture of, 138; - music of, 139; - horses and chariots of, 139; - army of, 140; - dress of, 140, 142; - weapons of, 141; - cloth and linen of, 142; - their symbol 'swastika,' 142; - knowledge of, confirms the truth of Scripture, 143. - - Holy cities, Hittite, 113. - - Horses, Hittite, 139. - - Humann, Dr., his discovery of a cuneiform inscription, 126. - - - Ibreez, sculptures at, 61. - - Inscriptions, Hittite, purpose of, 123; - characteristics of, 123; - originality of, 124; - use of, 124; - writing material, 125; - at Tel el-Amarna, 126; - cuneiform and hieroglyphic, 126; - from Kaisariyeh, 126; - from Sinjirli, 126; - on boss of Tarkondemos, 127. - - Istar, the goddess, 109. - - - Jebusites, origin of, 14. - - Jerablûs, true site of Carchemish, 98. - - Jerusalem, founders of, 14. - - Jessup, Mr., his discovery at Hamah, 57. - - Johnson, Mr., his discovery at Hamah, 57. - - Joshua, his entrance into Palestine, 25. - - Jovanoff, M. Alexander, his purchase of a boss, 127. - - Judith, Esau's Hittite wife, 13. - - - Kabyles, descendants of Libyans, 16. - - Kadesh, people of, 14; - taken by Seti I., 24; - bravery of Ramses II. before, 25; - Hittite occupation of, 100. - - Kadesh-barnea, an Amorite town, 14. - - Kaisarîyeh, tablets from, 126. - - Kappadokia, Hittite descendants in, 102. - - Karabel, Pass of, situation of, 54; - sculptures of, 54; - description of, 66. - - Karkar, Assyrian victory at, 48. - - Kaskâ, submission of, 42. - - Kayster, fable concerning, 78. - - Kedesh in Galilee, a Hebrew city of refuge, 114. - - Kes, the Syrian goddess, 112. - - Kheta or Hittites, _see_ Hittites. - - Kheta-sira, his treaty with Ramses I., 30. - - Khu-n-Aten, _see_ Amenophis IV. - - Kili-anteru, capture of, 42. - - Kirjath-sepher or Book-town, an Amorite town, 126. - - Kirkesion, site of, 97. - - Komana, the goddess of, 112. - - Kombabos, legend of, 110. - - Kroesos, destroys city of Pteria, 82. - - Kummukh attacked by Tiglath-pileser I., 41. - - Kybelê or Kybêbê, her image and worship, 108; - Amazonian priestesses of, 113. - - - Language, Hittite, 134. - - Latsa, capture of, 12. - - Lenormant, M. F., on boss of Tarkondêmos, 129. - - Libyan confederacy against Egypt, 39. - - Libyans, appearance of, 15; - descendants of, 16; - remains of, 17. - - Linen, Hittite, 142. - - Lucian on temple of Mabog, 104. - - Luz, identification of, 12. - - Lydia, overthrow of, by Cyrus, 82. - - Lydian mythology, 109. - - - Ma, the goddess, worship of, 112. - - Mabog, _see_ Membij, temple of, 104; - the holy of holies, 104; - the gods in, 104; - the priests of, 106; - processions at, 106; - pilgrims at, 107; - sacrifices at, 107; - legends concerning, 107. - - Malatiyeh attacked by Tiglath-pileser I., 42. - - Maneh of Carchemish, the, 46, 137. - - Maspero, Prof., on site of Carchemish, 97. - - Melito, on the goddess Simi, 106. - - Membij, supposed site of Carchemish, 97. - - Meneptah, his peaceful relations with Hittites, 38; - with Phoenicia, 38. - - Menuas, campaigns of, 51; - makes an inscription at Palu, 52. - - Merash, Hittite inscriptions at, 94. - - Metallurgy, Hittite, 117, 136. - - Monkeys imported by Hittites, 139. - - Mopsos, legend concerning, 109. - - Mordtmann, Dr., on boss of Tarkondemos, 127. - - Music, Hittite, 139. - - Mykenæ, remains found at, 110; - rings, 119; - lions at, 120. - - Mythology of the Hittites, 35, 104. - - - Naharina, situation of, 20; - Amenophis III. marries daughter of king of, 21. - - Necho, defeat of, at Carchemish, 100. - - Niobe, the weeping, 69. - - - Oven, the, spring, 107. - - - Palu, inscription of Menuas at, 52. - - Patinians, submit to Assur-natsir-pal, 47; - overthrow of, 47; - insurrection of, 49. - - Pentaur, his epic on Ramses II., 25. - - Perrot, Professor, on Karabel sculptures, 56; - on inscription at Boghaz Keui, 65; - his discovery of Hittite bronze figures, 117. - - Pessinus, worship of Ma at, 113. - - Pethor made into an Assyrian colony, 48. - - Petrie, Mr., on appearance of Amorites, 15. - - Phoenician alphabet, Hittite influence on, 132. - - Pisiris, last king of Carchemish, 50. - - Priam, treasure of, 137. - - Priests of Mabog, description of, 106. - - - Qalb Luzeh, or Luz, 12. - - - Ramses I., his treaty with Hittites, 23. - - Ramses II., his wars with Hittites, 24; - the Pharaoh of the Exodus, 25; - epic on his bravery at Kadesh, 25; - makes a treaty with Hittites, 29; - marries daughter of Hittite king, 37. - - Ramses III., victories of, 39. - - Religion of the Hittites, 104. - - Renouard, his discovery of Karabel sculpture, 55. - - Rhea, the goddess, 108. - - Rimmon or Tammuz, worship of, 109. - - Rings found at Mykenæ, 119. - - - Sadi-anteru, submission of, 42. - - Sandan, the god, 111. - - Sangara, league formed by, 47; - daughter of, given to Shalmaneser II., 48. - - Saplel, a Hittite king, his treaty with Ramses I., 23. - - Sardes, date of capture of, 78. - - Sargon, wars of, 50. - - Schliemann, Dr., discoveries of, at Mykenæ, 110, 119. - - Sculpture, Hittite, 115. - - Seals, Hittite, 118. - - Semiramis, the goddess, 110. - - Semitic mixture with Hittites, 102. - - Sesostris, memorials of, at Karabel, 54. - - Seti I., wars of, 24. - - Shalmaneser II., warlike policy of, 47; - sacrifices to Hadad, 48, 50; - his victory at Karkar, 48; - appoints a new king of Patinians, 49; - inscription of, 49. - - Shechem, a Hebrew city of refuge, 114. - - Shishak, Amorite captives of, 16. - - Sidon, son of Canaan, 13. - - Silver, Hittite liking for, 94; - treaty-tablets, 95. - - Simi, the goddess, fable of, 106. - - Sinjirli, inscription at, 126. - - Sipylos, sculpture at, 69. - - Sisythes, the hero of the deluge, 107. - - Skene, Mr., his discovery of site of Carchemish, 98. - - Smith, Mr. George, his visit to site of Carchemish, 98. - - Solar disk, worship of, 21. - - Sphinx at Eyuk, 85. - - Strabo on White Syrians, 82. - - Stratonikê, myth of, 110. - - Subhi Pasha at Hamah, 58. - - Sun-god, the, 109. - - Sutekh, the supreme Hittite god, 105, 112. - - Swastika, a Hittite symbol, 142. - - Syllabary used in Cyprus, 132. - - - Tahtim-hodshi, explanation of, 12. - - Tammuz, worship of, 109; - myth of death of, 109. - - Tannur, the spring, 107. - - Tar or Tarku, the god, 111. - - Tarkondêmos, silver boss of, 127; - bilingual inscription on, 129. - - Tarqu-dimme, name of, on silver boss, 129. - - Tel el-Amarna, discovery at, 22; - inscriptions at, 126. - - Thothmes I., wars of, 20. - - Thothmes III., receives Hittite tribute, 20; - conquests of, 21. - - Thothmes IV., campaign of, 21. - - Tiglath-pileser I., annals of, 41; - attacks Kummukh, 42; - Malatiyeh, 42; - his hunting feats, 43. - - Tiglath-pileser III., 50. - - Togarmah, identification of, 139. - - Toi, his embassy to David, 44. - - Tomkins, Mr., his identification of Luz, 12; - on Amorites, 16. - - Treasure of Priam, 137. - - Treaty between Ramses II. and Hittite king, translation of, 29. - - Tyana, Hittite text at, 94. - - - Uriah, origin of, 13. - - Ur-maa Noferu-Ra, marriage of, 37. - - Urrakhinas, siege of, 42. - - Uruma, submission of, 42. - - - Van, Lake, 51. - - Vei, Negro syllabary of, 124. - - - Ward, Dr. Hayes, discovery of, 59. - - Weapons, Hittite, 141. - - Wilson, Sir Charles, discovery of Hittite inscriptions at Merash by, 94; - on Hittite descendants in Kappadokia, 102. - - Worship of the Hittites, 104. - - Wright, Dr. Wm., his discovery of Hittite remains at Hamah, 57. - - Writing material, Hittite, 125. - - - Yahu-bihdi, last ruler of Hamath, 45. - - - - -LIST OF SCRIPTURE REFERENCES. - - -_GENESIS._ - - xiv. 7 14, 17 - xiv. 13 14 - xxiii. 13 - xxvi. 34 13 - xxxvi. 2 13 - xlviii. 22 14, 114 - - -_NUMBERS._ - - xiii. 29 14 - xiii. 33 16 - - -_DEUTERONOMY._ - - i. 19, 20 14 - - -_JOSHUA._ - - x. 5 15 - xi. 22 16 - - -_JUDGES._ - - i. 26 12 - iii. 8 20 - v. 14 126 - - -_2 SAMUEL._ - - viii. 3, 9, 10 44 - x. 16 44 - xxi. 15-22 16 - xxiv. 6 12, 101 - - -_1 KINGS._ - - x. 28, 29 12 - - -_2 KINGS._ - - vii. 6 11 - - -_EZEKIEL._ - - xvi. 3, 45 13 - xxvii. 14 139 - - -_ZECHARIAH._ - - xii. 11 109 - - - * * * * * - - - - -BY-PATHS OF BIBLE KNOWLEDGE, - -PUBLISHED BY - -The Religious Tract Society. - - - "The volumes which the Committee of the Religious Tract Society - is issuing under the above title fully deserve success. Most of - them have been entrusted to scholars who have a special - acquaintance with the subjects about which they severally - treat."--_The Athenæum._ - -=1. CLEOPATRA'S NEEDLE.= A History of the London Obelisk, with an -Exposition of the Hieroglyphics. By the Rev. J. KING, Lecturer for the -Palestine Exploration Fund. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 2_s._ 6_d._ -cloth boards. - - "Mr. King's account of the monument seems fairly full and - satisfactory."--_Saturday Review._ - - "In every way interestingly written."--_Literary Churchman._ - -=2. FRESH LIGHT FROM THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS.= By A. H. SAYCE, LL.D., -Deputy Professor of Comparative Philology, Oxford, &c. A sketch of the -most striking confirmations of the Bible from recent discoveries in -Egypt, Assyria, Babylonia, Palestine, and Asia Minor. With Facsimiles -from Photographs. 3_s._ cloth boards. - - "All who wish to understand the Bible, and all who take an - interest in ancient history, ought to procure it."--_Leeds - Mercury._ - -=3. RECENT DISCOVERIES ON THE TEMPLE HILL AT JERUSALEM.= By the Rev. J. -KING, M.A., Authorised Lecturer for the Palestine Exploration Fund. With -Maps, Plans, and Illustrations. 8vo., 2_s._ 6_d._ cloth boards. - - "An interesting little book, well deserving of - perusal."--_Literary Churchman._ - - "An excellent and cheap compendium of information on a subject of - intense and perpetual interest."--_Watchman._ - -=4. BABYLONIAN LIFE AND HISTORY.= By E. A. WALLIS BUDGE, M.A., Camb., -Assistant in the Department of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum. -Illustrated. Crown 8vo., 3_s._ cloth boards. - - "An admirable addition to this excellent series of 'By-Paths of - Bible Knowledge.' 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Crown 8vo., -3_s._ cloth boards. - - "This is one of the most interesting of the series to which it - belongs. It is the result of personal observation, and the work - of a practised geological observer.... The questions raised in - this little volume are discussed in the light of the most - advanced knowledge and of large scientific faculty, and at the - same time with great religious reverence."--_British Quarterly - Review._ - -=7. ASSYRIA=: Its Princes, Priests, and People. By A. H. SAYCE, M.A., -LL.D., author of "Fresh Light from Ancient Monuments," "Introduction to -Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther," &c. Illustrated, 3_s._ cloth boards. - - "A little masterpiece, it presents with scientific accuracy, and - yet in a thoroughly popular form, all that is of most essential - significance in the realised information respecting that - old-world history and life."--_Christian Leader._ - -=8. THE DWELLERS BY THE NILE.= Chapters on the Life, Literature, -History, and Customs of Ancient Egypt. 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