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diff --git a/40223.txt b/40223.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f7ad8fd..0000000 --- a/40223.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,28661 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of British Quarterly Review, American Edition, -Volume LIV, by Various - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: British Quarterly Review, American Edition, Volume LIV - July and October, 1871 - -Author: Various - -Release Date: July 13, 2012 [EBook #40223] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITISH QUARTERLY REVIEW, VOLUME LIV *** - - - - -Produced by Alicia Williams, Melissa McDaniel and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - -Transcriber's Note: - - Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have - been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. The symbol [)e] is used to - indicate a breve (u-shaped symbol). - - Page 7: Treves possibly should be Treves - Page 22: First Clause possibly should be First Cause - Page 95: toi eteroi tanantia possibly should be toi heteroi tanantia - - - - - THE - BRITISH QUARTERLY REVIEW. - JULY AND OCTOBER, 1871. - VOL LIV. - - AMERICAN EDITION. - - NEW YORK: - PUBLISHED BY THE LEONARD SCOTT PUBLISHING COMPANY. - 140 FULTON STREET, BETWEEN BROADWAY AND NASSAU STREET. - - 1871. - - - - - S. W. GREEN, - PRINTER, STEREOTYPER, AND BINDER, - 16 and 18 Jacob St., N. Y. - - - - -THE - -BRITISH QUARTERLY REVIEW. - -JULY, 1871. - - - - -ART. I.--_The Roman Empire._ - -(1.) _Les Cesars, par Franz de Champagny._ 3 vols. Paris: Bray. - -(2.) _Les Antonines, par le Comte de Champagny._ 3 vols. Paris: Bray. - - -The history of the Roman Empire must ever have an interest peculiar to -itself. It stands alone. Nothing in the past has been, nothing in the -future can be, like it. It was the whole civilized world. It gathered -into itself the traditions of all that had ever been great and -illustrious in the human race, Assyrian, Egyptian, Persian, Hebrew, -Phoenician, Greek, Etruscan, as well as those of the multitudinous -western tribes--Italian, Gallic, Iberian or Teutonic, which had only -made themselves known as warriors. The civilization, the arts and -sciences, the laws and institutions, the poetry and philosophy, the -whole accumulated literary treasures of all past generations were -risked on a single venture. Rome had no rival on earth, and could have -no successor. She was the ark in which were preserved all the riches -of the past, all the hopes of the future. For many centuries the most -gifted races of men had been toiling and suffering, and there was no -reason to suppose that man was capable of doing more than had been -effected by their united efforts. If that was lost, all was lost. It -was no idle boast, then, when men said, 'When Rome shall fall, the -world will fall with her.' In those ages no man looked forward to -anything greater or better. The idea that 'progress' is the natural -law and condition of the world, is one quite characteristic of modern -times. The ancient notion was that its law was that of decay and -corruption. The utmost that anyone dared to hope was that things might -not change for the worse. - -And so far as appears, their judgment was well founded. Man had done -all he could. The Roman Empire exhibited the highest state of society, -which, without some supernatural interference of a higher power in the -affairs of the world, he was able to develope. Viewed in this light, -as the last act of a vast drama which had been going on for ages, it -must ever be most worthy of study. And in truth there was in it very -much that was really great and noble. The impression left on the mind -by ordinary histories, which is little more than a vague idea of mad -and grotesque tyranny on the one side, and abject servitude on the -other, is very far from doing it justice. If, as we know, there has in -fact arisen out of its ashes a new world, on the whole vastly superior -to the old, this is because, by the mercy of his Creator, man has no -longer been left to find his way without light and guidance from on -high; because after having, in the old world, left man to work out to -the end all that he could do by himself, God Himself has been pleased, -in the new world, to stretch out His own right hand and His holy arm, -and to work in man and by him. Here, then, is the striking contrast -between ancient and modern history. The one shows man working without -God, the other God working by man; and man, alas! but too often, -crossing, interfering with, and maiming His work. - -But this was not all; for although, while the Empire of Rome still -lasted, the kingdom of God was not as yet visibly set up among men, -yet, almost from its very foundation, the germs of that future kingdom -were working in it. It was under the reign of the first heathen -emperor that the Prince of Peace was born into the world. The grain of -mustard-seed was already sown, and through all the centuries occupied -by the heathen empire it was growing night and day, at first -unobserved by men, in later times forcing itself on their notice, -until it became a tree whose branches overshadowed the whole earth. - -There are, then, two subjects which must attract attention in any -worthy description of the Roman Empire; first, the political, social, -moral, and religious condition of the heathen world, both in itself -and in comparison with that of Christian nations, and next the effect -produced on the heathen themselves by the gradual growth and -development of Christianity in the midst of them. The internal history -of Christianity, indeed, belongs in strictness to ecclesiastical -history, but no subject has a more direct claim upon the general -historian than that of its effects upon the political, moral, and -social standard, and upon the religious opinions of those who were not -Christians. - -We know, however, no English book which throws light upon either of -these two subjects. Indeed, we doubt whether there is any which ever -attempted to do so. The greatest English writer who has described -those times, was made incapable of it by his hatred of Christianity, -and by his low standard of moral feeling. In our own times, no doubt, -we have had an interesting history of the 'Romans under the Empire' -from a writer whom it would be most unjust to compare to Gibbon; but -this has not been continued so far as the period when Christianity -would have forced itself on the writer's attention. And so far as -appears, his thoughts have not been sufficiently turned to the subject -to lead him to detect its influence, where it is quite as -unquestionable if not as prominent. The result is, that although Mr. -Merivale no doubt fully believes and admits the truth and importance -of Christianity, he has given us a history of the Romans under the -Empire, in which, except in one or two short recognitions of its -truth, there is nothing to remind the reader that the old world was -ignorant of the fact that God had been manifested in the flesh, while -all that is specially worth notice in the new world that has succeeded -it, is founded upon that fact. - -Mr. Merivale, of course, would reply to this criticism that he -undertook to relate the history of the Romans as it had been recorded -by Tacitus, Suetonius, Dion, and others; and that if there was nothing -in Christianity which arrested their attention, and which they have -thought worthy of record, there could be nothing which came into his -subject. This, however, implies a total mistake as to the duty of an -historian. He has to tell us, of course, what really happened, and -nothing else. But it is certain that events, in their consequences of -the greatest importance, are often so much undervalued by those who -see them in progress, that they pass them over unmentioned, devoting -their attention to things which at the moment seem more important, but -which after-times see to have been of little interest. It is Arnold's -remark, that Phillip de Comines,[1] whose memoirs 'terminate about -twenty years before the Reformation, and six years after the first -voyage of Columbus,' writes without the least notion of the momentous -character of the times which he was describing. His 'memoirs are -striking, from their perfect unconsciousness. The knell of the middle -ages had already sounded, yet Comines had no other notions than such -as they had tended to foster; he describes their events, their -characters, their relations, as if they were to continue for -centuries.' And he justly blames Barante, because, while fully able to -analyze history philosophically, 'he has chosen, in his history of the -Dukes of Burgundy, to forfeit the benefits of his own wisdom, and has -described the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries no otherwise than -might have been done by their own simple chroniclers.' What else has -Merivale done in describing, for instance, the times of the Antonines -as they appeared to contemporary heathen writers, not as we know them -really to have been, who have the means of estimating the effects even -then produced upon heathen society by the influence of the Christians, -already so numerous in the midst of it, and of comparing them with -periods in the history of many Christian nations in many respects -similar. - -In contrast with the deficiencies of histories in our own language, we -would call special attention to the historical works of M. de -Champagny. We have been surprised to find how little they are known in -England, not merely by men of general culture and intelligence, but by -many whose studies have been especially directed to the history of the -Roman Empire. In France they are not only well known, but so highly -appreciated that they have won for their author a seat in the Academy, -the great object of literary ambition; and this, although the tone of -religious earnestness which runs through them, if it did not hinder, -assuredly in no degree tended to promote their popularity. At -different periods during the last forty years, M. de Champagny has -published four works on Roman history, the first two of which we have -placed at the head of this article. None of these works are called by -the author, or are exactly entitled to be called histories. They -contain, indeed, a narrative strictly confined to the facts recorded -by ancient authors, and full of life and interest; yet the narrative -is the least valuable part of the work. They are _etudes_, a term -which, for want of one more exactly expressing it, we may render -essays. This character pervades even the narrative: but less than half -the three volumes of 'the Caesars' is narrative even in form. It -contains a 'picture of the Roman Empire,' giving innumerable details, -full of life and reality, of the provinces, the capital, the daily -life of the Romans, their worship, their family and social life, their -morals, their literary habits, their public amusements, and ending -with an account of the Neo-stoic philosophy which filled (so far as it -was filled at all) the place of a religion, as that word is understood -among ourselves. And throughout the whole, the comparison of the old -world and the new is kept in view. We know no work in the English -language, as we have already said, which supplies what we have here. -In 'the Antonines,' the proportion devoted to similar pictures, -especially to the estimate of the indirect influence of Christianity, -is equally large and equally important. - -It would be impossible within the limits of an article, to give any -idea of the contents of essays in which our author presents, in the -lucid epigrammatic form peculiar to his country and language, the -results of a life of study and thought. What we specially desire is, -that our readers should consider for themselves whether it is not the -fact, that great as is the proportion of time and attention devoted to -the classics, in English education, the Roman Empire has been far too -much overlooked, especially in comparison with the Republic. For this -it is very easy to account. It is the natural result, not of any love -for a republic, but of that too exclusive love for the writers of the -Augustan age, which has long formed a characteristic feature in the -cultivated Englishman. The historians of the Empire, and even those -who, like Pliny, Seneca, &c., reflect its manners in contemporary -writings not professedly historical, but often of even more historical -value, are wanting in the especial charm which attracts a fastidious -scholar to the earlier history. And hence we greatly doubt whether -ninety out of one hundred boys educated at a classical school do not -practically think of Roman history, as if its interest ended with -Augustus. Before Gibbon turned attention to the 'Decline and Fall of -the Empire' this must have been still more the case. Account for this -as we may, we are sure that it is greatly to be regretted. For, -beautiful as is 'Livy's pictured page,' the state of society which it -presents--(that of a simple people, denizens of a single city, -retaining many of the virtues and faults of a rude age, esteeming -courage in the field as for all citizens the first and most necessary -of virtues, and valuing temperance, a life of labour, &c., chiefly, as -conducing to it)--has so little in common with our daily life and -habits, that the practical lessons impressed upon us are hardly more -than if we read as many pages of the 'Thousand and One Nights.' In -saying this, we by no means desire to discourage the study of writers -whom we heartily love and admire. It is a great thing to store the -mind (especially in the plastic season of youth) with images of -beauty; nor do we believe that the peculiar refinement of taste formed -by such an education is attainable by any other means. The first -decade of Livy, for instance, ranks high in that class of books, at -the top of which stand the 'Iliad' and the 'Odyssey.' Still, history -has an importance of its own, and it seems to us indisputable that the -strictly historical value of later Roman times is (at least in the -present age of the world) far greater than that of the golden age of -the Republic. Allowing for the immense difference between a heathen -and a Christian society, the world ruled by Marcus Aurelius is one in -which we can easily imagine ourselves to be living. We are sure that -no thoughtful man can read many pages of M. de Champagny's works -without finding his mind filled with thoughts and lessons which bear -immediately on the state of society in which our lot is cast. The -evils and corruptions which were undermining the Roman world were, in -many respects, those against which we are called to guard or contend. -Where there is a contrast, it is one which it is well for us to -observe; for it may easily be traced to the special blessings which -the indirect action of Christianity has conferred upon every class of -modern society, even upon those who have, more or less wilfully, -rejected it. - -One fact which we think will strike every reader is that the state of -things under the Empire, as compared with that under the Republic, was -far better than ordinary histories would lead us to suppose. They -detail the mad and sanguinary tyranny of Caligula and Nero, but give -us little means of estimating the peace and prosperity which, for more -than two centuries after Augustus, prevailed, almost without -interruption, through the vast extent of his empire. Nothing could be -stronger than the practical appreciation of this by the generations -who lived under it. Pliny speaks of 'the immense majesty of the Roman -peace;' and these words 'Pax Romana' seem to have been almost as much -household words in his day as the phrase 'Our glorious constitution in -Church and State' in those of George III. To say that the heathen -world had never seen anything like it would greatly understate the -fact. There has been nothing like it since, any more than there had -been before. During several centuries, peace reigned almost -uninterrupted through the vast regions which extend from the Euphrates -to the Western shores of France and Portugal, from the slopes of the -Cheviots to the slopes of the Atlas. Passing over the very brief civil -contest which followed the death of Nero, the only exception was the -Jewish rebellion. The regions most favoured by nature of any that -earth holds--those which on every side surround the Mediterranean Sea, -Spain, the South of France, Italy, Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, -the Northern coasts of Africa--were full of rich and highly-civilized -cities, which, undisturbed by wars or rumours of wars, freely -exchanged the productions of their various climates and their -different industries. Many of them, among which we may name Athens, -Alexandria, and Carthage, were the chosen seats of learning and -philosophy. Men thought little of crossing the sea one way or the -other between Africa and Italy, France or Spain, as they might be -tempted by facilities for study or business, or even by curiosity. -When all formed part of one great empire, trade had no impediments -from laws of protection, or from the jealousy of rival nations or -governments. - -Neither must it be supposed that the peace which afforded these -advantages was purchased at the cost of subjection to a great military -tyranny. Nothing is more remarkable, yet nothing more certain, than -the fact that Rome, which made herself mistress of the world by -military force, ruled and maintained her dominion over the world she -had conquered, by the superiority of her purely civil administration. -Throughout these immense regions, the Roman military establishment -consisted, under Tiberius, of between 160,000 and 180,000 men under -arms; and even these were not kept in the great cities or the interior -of the provinces to preserve order. They were stationed on the -frontiers, to guard the unarmed population of those huge countries -from the predatory invasions of the surrounding barbarians. Four -legions kept watch on the Euphrates, three (or perhaps five) on the -Danube, eight on the Rhine, and three on the Northern border of the -British province. In the whole interior of Gaul, that is to say, in -the districts which are now France, Belgium, and Germany west of the -Rhine, there were (see 'Les Cesars,' vol. ii. 304) only 1,200 men -under arms. The naval force, which maintained the peace of the -Mediterranean, checking the plague of piracy which had been so -prevalent in earlier times, as it has been almost to the present day, -consisted of three fleets, stationed at Ravenna, at Misenum, and at -Forum Julii (now Frejus); the three together consisted of 15,000 men. -There were also twenty-four vessels employed in the defence of the -Rhine, and as many on the Danube. Italy and Spain were without -soldiers, except about 9,000 pretorians in the immediate neighbourhood -of Rome. Asia Minor, abounding in wealth and population, with princely -cities enjoying the civilization of a thousand years and all the -treasures of art and industry in undisturbed repose, was administered -by unarmed governors. 'Beyond the Black Sea there were 3,000 men to -guard that inhospitable coast, and retain in obedience to Rome the -kings of the Bosphorus. The other kings were responsible to Rome for -the tranquillity of their kingdoms, and exercised the police over them -at their own cost, with the aid of such troops as Rome permitted them -to levy.' - -Well may M. de Champagny exclaim-- - - 'These feeble material forces in an empire which was never - without some war seem marvellous when we compare them with - the burdensome armaments of modern powers, and the enormous - sacrifices imposed upon them in time of profound peace, - merely to maintain their position with regard to foreign - countries, and assure the tranquillity of their - States.'--('Les Cesars,' vol. ii. 305.) - -The contrast is, indeed, remarkable. A very large portion of the old -Roman Empire no longer forms part of the modern civilised world. The -remainder probably maintained, before the outbreak of the present war, -about 3,000,000 of men under arms, none of whom were employed (like -the armies of ancient Rome) in defending the frontier of a civilised -land against the incursions of warlike barbarous neighbours, but all -in jealously watching the power of neighbouring States and maintaining -a balance--how effectually the events of the last year have but too -plainly shown--or in holding down the struggles of revolutionary -parties at home. - -To point the contrast, M. de Champagny shows that the army which -guarded each province of the Empire was composed of natives of the -country in which it was stationed. Roman citizens they no doubt were, -but citizens of provincial extraction, posted to defend in arms on -behalf of Rome the very land which their fathers, only a few -generations back, had defended against her. To this very day neither -France nor England has ventured to imitate this liberal policy. -Ireland is garrisoned by soldiers of English birth, and Breton -conscripts, in times of profound peace, were sent to fulfil their time -of service at Lyons and Paris. - -It need hardly be said that the rule which was thus maintained, cannot -have been felt to be severe or oppressive by the subjugated people. -Our author traces the institutions by which the people in the -conquered provinces were gradually assimilated to the conquerors. We -have no space to follow him in detail. The principle was to leave each -nation in possession of its own laws and institutions, and to preserve -to the cities the right of self-government. The degrees of liberty -were different in different cases. In many cases the only restriction -was that they abandoned the right of making war and peace, engaging to -hold as their friends and enemies all whom Rome so held. - - 'No doubt when Rome was a party this liberty shrank into - small dimensions. The ancient institutions of the peoples - were reduced to the dimensions of municipal charters, their - magistrates became lieutenants of police, their areopagus - an _hotel de ville_. But still, conquered Athens retained - its areopagus, the Greek cities had still their senates, - their popular assemblies, Marseilles retained that - constitution which had been so much admired by Cicero. Some - cities, such as Marseilles, Nismes, and Sparta, were not - merely free, but sovereign; others remained under their own - laws. Leagues which really meant anything, powerful - confederations, had been dissolved, but when Greece, in - memory of its ancient amphictyonic councils, met at Elis or - Olympia to hold dances in honour of her gods, when all the - Ionian peoples gathered in the Temple of the Panionium for - sacrifices and games, these innocent memorials of a common - origin or of hereditary alliances mattered nothing to Rome. - More than this, the towns of Caria, or the three and twenty - cities of Lycia, assembled their deputies not only for - feasts and games, but to deliberate upon their affairs, - and, provided they did not discuss peace or war, these - traces of political liberty gave no offence to the - liberalism of Rome. Rome had a marvellous power of - perceiving how much of independence would suffice to - content nations without being dangerous; and I doubt - whether any free and sovereign city of our modern Europe, - Cracow for instance [a note added here gives the date of - the first publication of the passage, 1842], is so - completely mistress at home, as Rhodes and Cizicus were - allowed to be under Augustus; whether there is any senate - so much respected as the curia of Tarragona or the council - of six hundred at Marseilles; or a burgomaster whose powers - of police are so sovereign as those of the suffete at - Carthage or the archion at Athens were allowed to be.' - ('Les Cesars,' vol. ii. 338.) - -But while leaving the conquered cities in possession of their ancient -laws and government, Rome introduced in the midst of every province -Latin and Roman franchises, which were given sometimes to old, -sometimes to newly-founded cities. Each of these colonies afforded -many steps, by which the members of the conquered countries might -ascend, more or less completely, to the privileges of the Roman -citizen, and thus the ambition of becoming Romans quickly supplanted -the aspirations after political independence, which could hardly fail -to remain among a newly-conquered people. While enlarging upon this -remarkable characteristic of the Roman system of government over -conquered nations, M. de Champagny introduces a curious episode, into -which we may venture to follow him, and in which he contrasts the -French and English systems in the government of foreign dependencies. -He says:-- - - 'The Frenchman is a contrast to the Roman; his conquests - are merely military, and are therefore transient in - comparison with those of the Roman, which were always - political. The Frenchman is a much better master, because - more sociable, more humane, but he always wishes to show - that he is master, officially, prominently, forcibly. There - is wanting to him a sort of reserve, both towards others - and himself. Instead of disguising his power he makes a - point of letting it be seen, felt, touched, and thus he - makes it annoying or compromises it. He never understands - the importance of some things which appear very small, but - which touch the heart of a foreigner; he laughs at him as - he does at himself; he insists that people should be like - him. He wishes to enforce on them his own laws, his - manners, his language, nay, his vices. He wants them all to - be adopted at once, not gradually, but by force, openly, - without delay. All this of course as a benefit--but what - insults people more than anything else, is a benefit - imposed by force. He is unpopular without being the least - conscious of it, having no suspicion that he has been - tyrannical, and sincerely believes that he is securing the - happiness of the people whom he is deeply irritating, till - all of a sudden his power is overthrown by a storm which he - never thought of expecting. It was thus that India slipped - out of our hands in a few years. In a few months all - Germany roused herself for the great contest of 1813. In a - single day the bells of Palermo gave freedom to Sicily. No - French conquest has ever been lasting. - - 'On the other hand we are reminded by this Roman invasion - and colonization, so active, so obstinate, so universal, of - the incessant and indefatigable advance of English - colonization.' - -He attributes this to the manner in which the English have allowed -the conquered to retain their own institutions, customs, practices, -and religion, thus making the fact of conquest as little evident as -possible. - - 'England, like Rome, does not pride itself on making its - own language and its own laws universal. The _Praetor - peregrinus_ at Rome judged all peoples according to their - national laws. The Lord Chancellor in London judges the - Canadian according to French law, the inhabitant of Jersey - according to the customs of Normandy, of the Isle of France - (Mauritius) according to the Code Napoleon, the Indian - according to the law of Manou. The social system of England - is no more forced on strangers than the social system of - Rome; the Mussulman is not obliged to drink its ale, nor - the Hindoo to attend its church. All it demands is the - right of introducing itself, and introduce itself it does, - whole and entire, without modifying or conforming itself, - retaining its proud isolation and disdainful peculiarity. - This is the course of nations endowed alike with the spirit - of conquest and of conservatism. Rome and England have kept - their conquests, because their conquest has always been - intelligent and politic, because among them the statesman - has always been master of the warrior, when it has not - happened that the warrior himself was a statesman.' ('Les - Cesars,' vol. ii. 333.) - -Our first impression in reading this passage was that the author had -done more than justice to the wisdom of the English people. On second -thoughts, however, we believe what he says to be substantially true. -There are obvious exceptions on both sides. For instance, nothing can -be more remarkable than the manner in which France has succeeded in -attaching to herself the German provinces, stolen by Louis XIV. less -than two centuries ago; while, on the other hand, England has held -Ireland at least since the accession of James I., partially since -Henry II., and has never managed for a single day to attach it to -herself. The last case is explained, because England, however it may -be accounted for, adopted in Ireland exactly the opposite course to -that described by M. de Champagny, and forced her own institutions -upon a people for whom they were quite unfit. Mr. Gladstone evidently -hopes that it is not too late to reconcile Ireland, by allowing it (as -the Romans certainly would have done) to be governed by Irish ideas. -The loss of the English colonies in America is another instance, for -which M. de Champagny, we think, imperfectly accounts. The other -instances he mentions seem in point. We do not believe that Frenchmen -would have allowed the people of India to retain their institutions, -manners, &c., as they have actually done under English government. As -for Alsace, Lorraine, and Franche Comte, it is to be observed that -they were not held as dependencies, but were at once made an integral -part of France: and we believe that M. de Montalembert was right in -the opinion he expressed, that they had remained intensely -anti-French, until after the great Revolution, which for the first -time melted down the whole of France into one nationality. This may -easily be accounted for. Englishmen who think of that revolution are -apt to remember only the hideous crimes by which it was sullied. To -the French peasants, and perhaps more especially in the German -provinces, the revolution meant the abolition of the feudal system; a -system always oppressive to all classes, and most of all to those -lower classes on whom the whole weight of the enormous structure -rested and pressed. - -But we must return to the Roman Empire. By the system we have -described it avoided what is ever the most grinding of tyrannies, the -domination of race over race. The conquered races, while retaining -their national institutions, very easily attained a place among the -Romans themselves, and before long, felt that the Empire and all it -contained was their own. Before the fall of the Republic, all Italians -either enjoyed the full privileges of Romans or knew that they could -very easily obtain them. Julius Caesar had no sooner conquered Gaul -than he admitted some Gauls to the senate. This seems to have been -premature, and they are said to have been excluded from it by -Augustus. But the policy was steadily continued. Claudius, who was an -antiquarian, made a well-known speech on the occasion of admitting -more Gauls to the honour. Later we find men of almost every province -in the highest offices, and even attaining the imperial dignity. - -The great proof of the wisdom of this system was in its working. The -civilized world was under the dominion of a single city; and yet there -was no example of any national revolt, except in the one instance of -Judaea; nay, conquered countries deprecated as the greatest of evils -separation from the Roman Empire. The 'groans of Britain' when the -Romans withdrew from her are well known. But the Gauls afforded a -still stronger example. They were among the most warlike and restless -of all ancient nations. Their very name had been the greatest terror -Rome ever knew. They were made subjects of Rome, after an heroic and -desperate resistance, in which a million of them perished, only fifty -years before the Christian era. How soon they were left without the -presence of any controlling Roman force we are not informed. Such, -unquestionably, must have been their ordinary position, to say the -least, long before the death of Nero, only one hundred and eighteen -years later (A.D. 68). In the civil commotions which followed, almost -the whole Roman force (itself, as we have already seen, composed of -natives, and employed not to enforce obedience, but to protect the -frontier against invasion) was withdrawn into Italy. A small number of -enterprising Gauls thought this a favourable opportunity for restoring -the national independence. What, however, is most remarkable is, that -it does not seem for one moment to have suggested itself, even to -them, to abolish the Roman or restore the ancient national -institutions. Their hope was to separate themselves from Italy, and -set up a Roman Empire, whose seat should be in Gaul. It seems to have -been owing to this circumstance, that the small remains of the -legionary soldiers still left in the country joined in the -movement--an event quite without example. For several months Gaul was -to all intents and purposes independent, yet its internal affairs and -government seem to have gone on without the least change. The -provincials, left wholly to themselves, convened at Treves a general -assembly of all the Gallic nations, and this assembly determined, -after full discussion, that Gaul should remain a province of the Roman -Empire. - -And this was the voluntary resolution of a nation celebrated all over -the world for its warlike courage, and which had been conquered by -Rome less than one hundred and twenty years before. It seems -impossible that anything could more clearly have demonstrated that the -Empire of Rome over the conquered provinces was maintained, not by -force, but by the free will of the provincials. - -M. de Champagny gives it as his deliberate opinion that the Roman -Empire, during the first two centuries, is to be regarded as 'a -federation of free nations under an absolute monarch.' He has a most -interesting chapter ('Antonines,' book iv. ch. 11) on the liberties of -the Roman Empire, in which he especially compares them with those of -the nations of modern Europe. It was published under the reign of -Louis Philippe, and is doubly interesting to English readers, both for -the contrast which it establishes between the Roman Empire and the -most free Continental States; and also because it throws much -undesigned light upon the immense difference between the meaning -attached to the word liberty in France and in England. He deliberately -declares, and, we think, proves, that a subject had much greater -personal freedom under the Antonines than under any of the most free -Continental kingdoms. Of political liberty, he says the moderns have -much more--the free press, the right of voting, the tribune (_i.e._, -the power of addressing a public legislative assembly), charters, -constitutions, _habeas corpus_. - - 'And yet I venture to doubt whether Europe in the - nineteenth century, at the present moment, is much more - free than the ancient world, even under the Roman Empire - (of course I do not include the slaves).... We, the proud - citizens of a Parliamentary monarchy, who have made - revolutions when we were called _subjects_--subjects - nevertheless we were and still are, every day of our lives. - We were and are unable to go from Paris to Neuilly; or to - dine more than twenty together; or to have in our - portmanteau three copies of the same tract; or to lend a - book to a friend; or to put a patch of mortar on our own - house, if it stands in a street; or to kill a partridge, or - to plant a tree near a roadside; or to dig coal out of our - own land; or to teach three or four children to read; or to - gather our neighbours for prayer; or to have an oratory in - our house (what is it that constitutes an oratory?); or to - bleed a sick man; or to sell him a medicine; or (in some - countries) to be married; or to do any one of a thousand - other things, which it would fill volumes to enumerate; - without permission from the Government, which permission, - we are carefully told, is always, and in its very nature, - subject to be recalled. In three cases out of four, indeed, - the Government does not either authorise or forbid; it - tolerates. We live by toleration. We are born, we have a - home, a family, we bring up our children, we have a God, we - have a religion, all by the indulgent and merciful, but - always revocable, toleration of the ruling power. Of all - things that man does there is only one over which the - Government has no authority. We are allowed to die without - its permission. Still, we do need it in order to allow us - to be buried. At certain moments we have sovereign power - over great and public matters, but in small matters of - private life we are subjects, nay, inferior to subjects. - Unluckily, these small matters make up our life, and these - private matters are just the things important in - life.'--('Antonines,' vol. ii. 182.) - -This passage brings out in strong light the substantial difference -between our own system and that of the Continental nations. In France, -notwithstanding the passionate demand for liberty which has been -uttered from time to time, we sincerely believe there neither now is -nor ever has been any party which has ever desired what we mean by -liberty, or even understood what it is; and hence, numerous as have -been its revolutions, there is one point on which every government in -France, at least since the days of Richelieu, has been of one mind. -No one of them has respected what we mean by 'personal liberty.' No -one has seriously thought of leaving men to do what they like, as long -as they do not interfere with the liberty and rights of their -neighbour. In this there has been no substantial difference between -the _ancien regime_, the republic, the first empire, the monarchy of -the restoration, the monarchy of July, the second republic, the second -empire, the government of defence. We see no reason to hope that the -system to be authorised by the Assembly just elected will, in this -respect, differ from any of its predecessors. But this is not a thing -peculiar to France. We doubt whether it is not carried even farther in -Germany. We believe the Continental State which, in this respect, is -most like England, to be Switzerland. If Englishmen are wise they will -be on the watch to prevent the gradual introduction of this -Continental system. It is evil, not merely because it needlessly -limits and interferes with the liberty which is the choicest of the -natural gifts of God to man, but because by accustoming men to walk in -leading strings it gradually makes them incapable of walking without -them. A Prussian in England last winter expressed strong misgivings -whether it would be right to skate, because the Government had not yet -authorised it. We have known a Roman gentleman of our own day complain -of the Pope's Government, because he had never been taught to swim. -These things, ludicrous as they are, are symptoms of a very serious -evil, they show that men have been treated like children until their -minds have become childish. Mr. Goeschen, some years back, said that he -saw great danger of the same system gradually creeping in among -ourselves. It was likely to come, he said, not because the Government -is anxious to interfere, but because there is a continual tendency on -the part of the people to call for its interference. We shall do well -to sacrifice something of uniformity and energy in many departments, -if they can only be obtained by the sacrifice of liberty. The very -fact that political power has lately been extended so much more widely -among us increases instead of diminishing the danger. Classes long -shut out from political power naturally feel much more eager for -equality than for liberty. In France it is this passion for equality -that makes personal liberty almost hopeless. Under the Roman Empire -equality was never dreamed of. The cities of the same province might -be divided into half a dozen classes, each of which had different -degrees of self-government. But there was none in which a man could so -little do what he liked as in modern Paris. M. de Champagny accounts -for this:-- - - 'The liberties of the Roman Empire consisted not in its - laws, but in something greater or less than laws--in facts, - and these facts may be summed up in one. The art of - government was not then brought to perfection as it is now. - There was more freedom because there was less civilization. - Not to say that Caesar had neither telegraphs nor railroads, - he had not even any system of administration. This was his - first want. He had no hierarchy of functionaries, depending - upon each other, each subject to be promoted or dismissed - by some other, or by the common master.... Then (a second - want), he neither had nor could have a police; all he had - was a set of volunteer spies, called _delators_, - inconvenient and even dangerous instruments. The heart of - Tiberius would have bounded at the very idea of a great - system of administrative _delation_ and _espionage_ [thank - God English writers are compelled to use Latin or French - words to express a thought so foreign to our manners] - organised from above, and extending its branches everywhere - below, such as that for which I believe we are indebted to - M. de Sartines.[2] His heart would have bounded, but his - purse would have failed, for (his third want) Caesar had no - budget. The art of finance was in its infancy. Those vast - regions, on an average as rich as they are now, and which - now pay to their actual sovereigns, without much complaint, - at least two hundred millions sterling, did not produce to - Caesar sixteen millions sterling, and inasmuch as the - contributions which produced these sixteen millions had to - pass through the hands of some fifty thousand publicans and - agents of finance, the contributors, who paid perhaps twice - as much as the Emperor received, cried out fearfully. - Lastly, if Caesar, wishing to compel his people, had brought - on any serious rising, he would have had no means of - putting it down, for (a fourth want) Caesar, having no - budget, had no army. Those countries, which now furnish not - less than three millions of soldiers, in those days, - without being much less populous than they are now, did not - furnish more than 300,000 men, and these 300,000 were - absorbed by the guard on the frontiers. There were whole - provinces without a single soldier. This Empire, without - administration, without police, without budget, without - army, would make the lowest clerk in the prefecture of - police, the prefecture of the Seine, the offices of the - Minister of War, or the Minister of Finance, shrug his - shoulders at its poverty--military, fiscal, and - administrative--I know that. But what would have been - thought of our monarchies, so well constituted, so - vigilant, so rich, so powerfully armed, I do not say by the - clerks, but by the subjects of the Roman - Empire?'--('Anton.,' vol. ii. p. 185.) - -We heartily wish we had space to give the whole of the chapter from -which we have made these extracts. The author proves in detail that -under the Empire there was liberty of property, municipal liberty, -liberty of association, liberty of worship (except for the -Christians), liberty of education, liberty of speech. This last, M. de -Champagny most truly says, was far more general at Rome under Trajan -than under Louis Philippe at Paris. 'That liberty of the tongue was -the liberty of every man: what is our liberty of the press than the -liberty of two hundred journalists?' It was this that made Tacitus -exclaim, 'Rara temporum felicitate ubi sentire quae velis, et quae -sentias licet dicere.' The effect of this was that - - 'A modern European, as soon as he goes out of his own door - and begins to act, to think, to live, among his fellows, - must take for granted that everything is forbidden except - what is expressly authorized. Under the Roman Empire, - everything not expressly forbidden was understood to be - authorized. Above all, intellectual liberty was complete. - Every one talked, listened, gave and received information - publicly as he pleased. Doctrines spread. Schools of - thought raised themselves without interference of authority - until it felt itself in danger, not from the general - independence of thought (that misgiving had not yet come - into anyone's mind), but from the special character of some - teaching which arrested its attention. Even when the - Imperial Government made up its mind to be severe, its - rigour might often be averted, sometimes even paralyzed, by - the municipal authority, which alone was on the spot and in - activity in the interior of each great city. It was thus - that the Christian teachers and apologists presented - themselves as "philosophers," for, as a general rule, - philosophers were at liberty to teach what they thought - fit.' - -No wonder that centuries of peace, free government of each city and -nation under its own immemorial laws and customs, and taxation little -more than nominal, led to the mighty public works, the very ruins of -which are still the wonders of the world--the roads, 'massy causeways, -whose foundations were beneath the surface, their surface many feet -above it'--the system of navigable rivers and canals which made -communication through the whole world (as it then was) easier and -swifter than it ever was in England before the time of the generation -not yet passed away. M. de Champagny quotes the words of Tertullian:-- - - 'The world itself is opened up, and becomes from day to day - more civilized, and increases the sum of human enjoyment. - Every place is reached, has been made known, is full of - business. Solitudes, famous of old, have changed their - aspects under the richest cultivation. The plough has - levelled forests, and the beasts that prey on man have - given place to those that serve him. Corn waves on the - sea-shores; rocks are opened out into roads, marshes are - drained, cities are more numerous now than villages in - former times. The island has lost its savageness, and the - cliff its desolation. Houses spring up everywhere, and men - to dwell in them. On all sides are government and life. - What better proof can we have of the multiplication of our - race than that man has become a drug, while the very - elements scarcely meet our needs; our wants outrun the - supplies; and the complaint is general that we have - exhausted Nature herself.'[3] - -Again, he quotes Pliny:-- - - 'Rome has united the scattered empires. She has given - softness to manners; she has made the industry of all - peoples, the productiveness of all climates, a common - possession. She has given a common language to nations - separated by the discordance and the rudeness of their - dialects. She has civilized the most savage and most - distant tribes. She has taught man humanity.' - - 'War,' says another writer, 'is now nothing more than a - tale of ancient days, which our age refuses to believe; or, - if it does chance that we learn that some Moorish or - Getulean clan has presumed to provoke the arms of Rome, we - seem to dream, as we hear of these distant combats. The - world seems to keep perpetual holiday. It has laid aside - the sword, and thinks only of rejoicings and feasts. There - is no rivalry between cities except in magnificence and - luxury; they are made up of porticoes, aqueducts, temples, - and colleges. Not cities only, but the earth itself puts on - gay attire and cultivation, like that of a sumptuous - garden. Rome, in one word, has given to the world something - like a new life.' - -M. de Champagny thinks that our present civilization would 'seem mean -and poor to one of the contemporaries of Cicero, or even to one of the -subjects of Nero.' ('Les Cesars,' vol. ii. 397.) He shows how this -would be felt, both as to public and private life, and especially -refers to Pompeii. In proof of his assertion we must refer our readers -to a passage, much too long to quote, as to the daily life of Rome -itself. He follows a Roman, 'not opulent, but merely well off' through -his day:-- - - The sun has no sooner risen than his house is thronged by - clients (_mane salutantes_). This is a hasty _levee_. Then - the patron, surrounded by his followers, goes down to the - forum; if he likes, he is carried in a litter by his - slaves. There the serious business of the day is - conducted--causes, money payments, and arrangements; "all - is activity, chatter, noise." But, at noon, all ceases; the - audience breaks up, the shops are deserted, the streets are - soon silent, and during the artificial night of the - _siesta_ no one is to be seen but stragglers returning to - their houses, or lovers, who come, as if it were really - night, to sigh beneath the balcony of their ladies. - Business to-morrow. For the rest of the day Rome was free; - Rome was asleep. The poor man lay down to sleep in the - portico; the rich on the ground-floor of his house, in the - silence and darkness of a room without windows, and to the - sound of the fountains in the _cavaedium_, slept, mused, or - dreamed. Later than four o'clock, no business might be - proposed in the Senate, and there were Romans who after - that hour would not open a letter. - - 'About two the streets began to fill again. The crowd - flowed towards the Campus Martius. There was a vast meadow, - where the young men practised athletics, ran, and threw the - javelin. The elders sat, talked, and looked on. Sometimes - they had exercises of their own; often they walked in the - sun. The exposure of the naked body to its life-giving - action served them instead of the gymnasium. The women had - their walks under the porticoes. This, too, was an hour of - activity, but of merry, gay, satisfied activity. - - 'At three a bell sounded, and the baths were opened. The - bath combined business, medical treatment, and pleasure. - The poor enjoyed them in the public baths, the voluptuous - rich, in their palaces.... The bath was a place of - assembly, with a degree of boyish freedom. There was - laughing, talk, gaming, even dancing.... There, too, the - great affair of the day was arranged--the supper--almost - the only social meal of a Roman. As evening came on, the - party stretched themselves, leaning on their elbows, round - the hospitable table, and had before them for the meal and - for society all the hours till night. It commonly consisted - of six or seven (never more than the Muses, said the - proverb, or less than the Graces), stretched on couches of - purple and gold, round a table of precious wood. A large - band of servants was employed in the service of the feast; - the _maitre d'hotel_ provided it, the _structor_ placed the - dishes in symmetrical order, the _scissor_ carved. Young - slaves, in short tunics, placed on the table the huge - silver salver, changed for each course, upon which the - dishes were tastefully arranged. Children kept, what - Indians in our day call punkahs, in motion over the heads - of the company, to drive away the flies, and to cool them. - Young and beautiful cup-bearers, with long robes and - flowing hair, filled the cups with wine, others sprinkled - on the floor an infusion of vervain and Venus-hair, which - was supposed to promote cheerfulness. Round the table are - songs, dances, and symphonies, tricks of buffoons, or - discussions of philosophers. In the midst of all this - merry-making the king of the feast gives the toasts, counts - the cups, and crowns the guests with short-lived flowers. - "Let us lose no time to live," he said, "for death is - drawing near; let us crown our heads before we go down to - Pluto." In fact, the dominant thought of ancient society - was to live, to enjoy, to shut out from life as much as - possible everything of suffering, care, toil, and - duty.'--('Les Cesars,' vol. ii. p. 388.)[4] - -One essential feature of the Roman world, as compared with ours, -judging alike by the remains which still exist, and by the hints of -ancient authors, was the far greater extent and magnificence of the -public buildings of all kinds, and the comparatively confined size of -ordinary private houses. This our author especially points out at -Pompeii, a country town of the third or fourth class, the public -buildings of which, as far as they have hitherto been uncovered, -astonish modern visitors by their extent and magnificence. Such was -the natural tendency of a society in which men spent little time in -their own houses, and mixed much with their fellows. Many a Roman in -easy circumstances seems to have used his house chiefly for sleeping -and meals. It mattered little, with such habits, how contracted might -be the other parts, if the public banqueting room was spacious and -highly ornamented; and such was the character of the houses at -Pompeii. The extreme magnificence of the baths, porticoes, theatres, -&c., at Rome, all the world knows. Our author enlarges on this part of -the subject. But we will quote a few words upon it from a living -English writer:-- - - 'What was the life that Rome bestowed upon her inhabitants? - Judge of it by the gift of an emperor to his people; of - such gifts there were many in Rome. A vast square, of more - than a thousand feet, comprehended within its various - courts three great divisions. One contained libraries, - picture and sculpture galleries, music halls, and every - need for the cultivation of the mind. A second, courts for - gymnastics, riding, wrestling, and every bodily exercise. A - third, the baths; but how little the word, associated with - modern poverty conveys a notion of the thing! There were - tepid, vapour, and swimming baths, accompanied with - perfumes and frictions, giving to the body an elastic - suppleness. [We believe the author has omitted the chief - thing conveyed to a Roman by the term, viz., what we now - call the Turkish bath, dry heat, producing perspiration.] - Then, as to their material: alabaster vied with marble; - mosaic pavements, with ceilings painted in fresco; walls - were encrusted with ivory, and a softened daylight - reflected from mirrors; while on all sides a host of - servants were engaged in the various offices of the bath. - The afternoon _siesta_ is over; a bell sounds, the _thermae_ - open. There all Rome assembles, to chat, to criticise, to - declaim. There is the coffee-house, theatre, exchange, - palace, school, museum, parliament, and drawing-room, in - one. There is food for the mind, exercise and refreshment - for the body. There, if anywhere, the eye can be satisfied - with seeing, and the ear with hearing; and every sense and - every taste find but a too ready gratification. This feast - of intellect, this palace of ancient power and art is open - daily, without cost, or for the smallest sum, to every - Roman citizen. Private wealth in modern times bestows a few - of these gifts on a select number; but poor as well as rich - could revel in them, without fear of exhaustion, in this - treasure-house of material civilization.' - -We have enlarged on the material blessings enjoyed under the Roman -Empire, because, as we began by saying, we are convinced that the -mass, even of those who have received a classical education, have -never sufficiently estimated them. But it is curious, on the other -hand, to observe how much the judgment even of the most learned and -thoughtful men, whose standard of excellence was merely earthly, has -been dazzled when they have allowed themselves seriously to consider -them. Gibbon goes so far as to say, 'If a man were called upon to fix -the period in the history of the world during which the condition of -the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would without -hesitation name that which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the -accession of Commodus.' - -The great poet of the last generation mourns over the fall of Rome-- - - 'Alas! the golden city, and alas! - The trebly kindred triumphs.' - -He laments over fallen earthly greatness: - - 'Dost thou flow, - Old Tiber, through a marble wilderness? - Rise with thy yellow waves and mantle her distress.' - -So laments the world over fallen worldly greatness and glory. Our own -estimate of the matter is the very opposite. We know, indeed, that the -time was coming, and coming apace, in which not only the great city -and its empire, but all the greatness and glory of the old heathen -world was to be so utterly swept away, that for weeks together the -very spot where Rome had once stood remained untrodden by any human -foot, and abandoned to the birds of the air and the beasts of the -field. But in all this we see nothing over which any man need lament, -unless, indeed, he esteems mere material prosperity above all that is -truly noble and exalted in man. Rather are we disposed to cry out with -exultation-- - - 'Fallen, fallen is Babylon the great, and is become the - habitation of devils, and hold of every foul spirit, and a - cage of every unclean and hateful bird.--The kings of the - earth shall bewail over her, and lament for her, when they - shall see the smoke of her burning, standing afar off for - the fear of her torment, saying, Alas, alas! that great - city Babylon, that mighty city,... which was clothed in - fine linen and purple and scarlet, and decked with gold - and precious stones and pearls.--Rejoice over her, thou - heaven, and ye holy apostles and prophets, for God hath - avenged you on her!' - -For, in truth, all this splendour and luxury was not merely -associated, but inseparably one with a moral system, by far the most -execrable, the most indescribable, the most inconceivable, under which -God's earth ever groaned. The morals of the accursed race were far too -foul to be described here. They became the wonder and loathing, the -byword of contempt even of the heathen barbarians by whom they were -surrounded.[5] Lust, not merely unbridled, but wearing out and jading -itself to invent new ways of pollution; and cruelty, shedding man's -blood like water--these were the very foundations of the gorgeous -fabric. Any cure for these evils, except in the total sweeping away of -the whole order of society, was, as we shall soon see, utterly -hopeless. - -First of all, the prosperity which we have described was only the -privilege of a favoured class. The mass of the population derived from -it no benefit. The whole social system was founded on slavery. The -whole domestic service, nay, the manufacturing, and what is to modern -ideas far more marvellous, even the intellectual labour, was performed -by slaves. It is calculated that in Rome itself the slave population -was twice or three times as numerous as the free. These slaves were -drawn from races fully equal to their masters in natural gifts, they -were often their equals even in culture; and every one of these slaves -was by Roman law not a person, but a thing. The male slave was not a -man, the female slave not a woman. 'The slave is without rights, -without a family, without a God.'[6] The hideous moral pollution which -this state of law not merely rendered possible, but consecrated, is -defended from exposure in the language of a Christian country by its -unutterable, inconceivable foulness; and of the moral system of -heathen Rome, as a whole, the same must be said. It is like the beast -of the American prairies, which no hunter dare touch because it emits -a stench which none can endure. We are well aware that this of -necessity prevents our exhibiting this side of the question with -anything like justice. Let us thank God that, far as our age has -fallen beneath the standard of Christianity, it is still so much -pervaded by Christian instincts that no writer, not even the most -utterly abandoned in his personal character, would dare to publish to -the world what was practised without shame or concealment by men who -were esteemed free from reproach and models of virtue. 'It is a shame -even to speak of the things that are done of them in secret.' Thus -much, however, we may say, that the men whom the heathen Romans -honoured, not merely for greatness, but especially for virtue, lived -without shame in all the horrors described by St. Paul in that -terrible first chapter of the Epistle to the Romans; and poets, as -deeply pervaded as man ever was with a sense of the beautiful, nay, -who undertook to be the moral reformers of their age, introduced into -the midst of their most delicious strains not mention merely, but -praises of things which the moral standard of our age forbids us to -mention--even for execration; for these are they of whom the Apostles -testifies that 'they not only do such things, but have pleasure in -them that do them.' - -Neither must we look upon slavery, and the indescribable system of -pollution which it sprang from, as an evil accidentally attached to -heathen society. It was intimately and essentially mixed with its very -life. It is important to observe that, so far as we know, there has -never existed upon earth any purely heathen civilized society of which -slavery has not been the basis. There is no reason to suppose that if -the Roman Empire had continued in all its greatness to the present -day, and had continued heathen, slavery would at this hour have been a -less essential part of its social and moral system than it was in the -days of Nero. Before it could have been abandoned, the whole habits of -life of all the free population of the Empire, and especially of Rome, -must have been fundamentally changed; and the change must have been -such that we can hardly imagine any nation to have been reconciled to -it except by some superhuman power; for it would have implied the -sacrifice of all the habits of self-indulgence and luxury upon which -Roman society was built. It is impossible to suppose that such a -change could have been effected, especially because, as far as -experience teaches, there never has been any instance of a heathen -nation which has begun to fall into decay and has been raised in any -degree to a new life. Such a national resurrection is one of the -miracles which nothing except Christianity has ever worked. - -As to the barbarity of which the slave at Rome was the victim, we -might speak with less reserve if our space allowed. But we can devote -only a few words to a subject which would fill volumes. We will, then, -confine ourselves to suggesting two subjects for the consideration of -our readers,--first, the wholesale slaughter, merely for amusement, -which was one of the most cherished and universally diffused -institutions of Roman society, and was the delight of women as well as -men; next the state of the law with regard to slaves, and the manner -in which it was administered. The life of a Roman was of course always -held subject to the despair of his slaves, and hence it was the law, -that if a master was killed by his slave, under whatever -circumstances, or for whatever cause, every one of his slaves, male -and female, old and young, however manifestly innocent of all -complicity in the murder, however without power to have prevented it, -was to die upon the cross.[7] Tacitus tells how, in the reign of Nero, -even the populace of Rome was horrified at the execution of this law -in the case of the 'family,' as it was called, of a man of consular -dignity murdered by one of his slaves, it was reported, in consequence -of rivalry in a matter of infamous passion, or because the master had -received the price of his slave's freedom and then refused to fulfil -his engagement by giving him his liberty. His slaves were four hundred -in number; among them were not only men and women, but little -children, and the matter was brought before the Senate by some who -wished to temper in this instance the severity of the law. But the -proposal was indignantly rejected by Cassius, a Roman of noble family, -and whom the philosophic historian Tacitus expressly praises for his -knowledge of the laws of Rome. He argued that although in this case -the innocent would perish with the guilty, this must happen even when -a legion was punished by decimation, and that if some injustice was -committed, it would be outweighed by the public benefit. But his chief -argument was the authority of ancestral law: - - 'Our ancestors were wiser than we. I have often abstained - from resisting proposals to dispense with their laws, when - I felt that the change would be for the worse, lest I - should seem to be carried away by love of my profession. - To-day I cannot abstain. They suspected the disposition of - their slaves, even when they had been born in the same - lands and houses, and bred up in affection for their lords. - But since we have begun to have in our families whole - nations who have different customs, different religious - rites, or none at all, this confused sediment of all - peoples can be mastered only by terror.' - -His arguments prevailed, and the whole four hundred, men, women, and -children, were sent to execution. The indignation of the populace was -overawed by soldiers supplied by the Emperor. - -We have only indicated, not described the hideous state of Roman -society; what is really important is to observe, that man being what -he is, this monstrous system of blood and pollution must not be -regarded as any accidental evil; it was the natural, we do not -hesitate to say, the certain consequence of a high state of wealth, -civilization, and refinement in a heathen society. So far as we are -aware, there is no record of any heathen nation which has ever -attained to such a condition, in which moral corruption has not -overflowed all bounds, and in the end destroyed the nation itself. -Wealth, leisure, luxury, are of necessity temptations to an easy, -indulgent life. To this the experience of Christian nations forbids us -to shut our eyes. But in them, however far they may have fallen below -the practical standard of Christianity, unless all faith in the -supernatural, in the unseen world, in God, and in Christ is wholly -extinct, there are always fixed recognised principles upon which to -fall back; and there is a part at least of every nation resolved to -act on these principles, at all cost and all sacrifice. These are they -to whom our blessed Lord said, 'Ye are the salt of the earth.' In a -heathen society, on the contrary, when corruption once breaks loose, -where is the salt? There may be men like Cato the censor, who believe -that the fall of states is usually to be traced, not so much to -political as to moral and social causes, and foresee in the decay of -morals the ruin of their country. But what are they to do? They may -remonstrate, they may argue; but the evil they have to encounter is -not in the intellect, but in the will; and the will is exactly that -which they have no means of affecting. At Rome, for instance, the -danger and evil was not that men denied or doubted that it was only by -the stern and self-denying virtues that a State could be preserved, it -was that each man for himself preferred indulgence and ease, and -despaired of doing anything effectual for the public good, for he -felt, very truly, that even if he were, in his own person, to revive -all the simplicity and hardness of life of Cincinnatus or Fabricius, -he would not be able to change the national habits, or restore to the -standard of times gone by. Each, therefore, preferred to praise the -rigid virtues of former ages, and to practise the laxity of his own. -No man wrote more strongly or more eloquently in praise of ancient -manners and in condemnation of modern corruption than Sallust, the -historian. Yet no Roman palace equalled in luxury the gardens of -Sallust, the man. Nor was any Roman less scrupulous either in getting -money or in spending it. What, then, was to be done? The power of -passion was real and overpowering; virtue could only oppose to it -common-places and fine words, without being able to appeal to any -fixed principles or practical sanctions. It was a lamentable state of -things, but, as the ancients themselves believed, one which, in the -heathen world, followed by a necessary law, whenever any brave, hardy, -self-denying, and virtuous race of men, by the natural operation of -these virtues, rose to empire, and attained wealth, and the means of -luxury. The later Romans held up their own ancestors of early days as -the brightest example of virtue. Among them the gods were honoured and -worshipped, and the rules which had come down from their fathers were -strictly observed. Men were frugal, laborious, content with little, -valuing right and honour far above wealth and pleasure, and ever ready -to suffer or die for their country; women were chaste, modest, -retiring, preferring their honour to their life. That the men and -women of their own day were in all respects the opposite, was -self-evident; but it is to be observed, that they were so far from -considering this to be any special fault or misery of Rome, that even -those who most bitterly complained of the change were wont to boast -that no other nation had so long resisted the universal law, by which -wealth generated luxury, and luxury the desire of increased gain; and -this again made money, not honour and virtue, the national standard of -right and wrong, until at last, things getting ever worse and worse, -society itself was dissolved, and the national life perished. This -they considered to be the natural, nay inevitable course of things.[8] - -This was a melancholy view of human affairs, but it seems certain that -with regard to a heathen state (and they knew of no other) it was -true. For to take the case of Rome itself, what sanction was there -even in the purest times of the Republic for those rules of right and -wrong--those great moral principles, which to a very considerable -extent were actually preserved; although, no doubt, men in later times -dreamed of a golden age which had never really existed. The only -religion they knew was silent about moral virtues. It taught men to -honour and worship the gods of their fathers, and to ask and hope from -them such worldly blessings as long life, health, &c. But that a man -of moral purity, justice, and mercy was a more acceptable worshipper -than one who was impure, unjust, and cruel, they never imagined, and -indeed, as long as they in any degree believed the traditions which -they had received as to the character of the gods they worshipped, it -was simply impossible that they should imagine it. There was nothing -contrary to the national religion, however men's consciences might -tell them that there was something immoral, in the prayer which Horace -attributes to one of his contemporaries--'Grant that I may succeed in -wearing a mask, that I may be supposed to be just and good. Throw a -cloud and darkness over my cheats and frauds.' - -Religion, then, gave no moral rule, or at least none to individuals. -M. de Champagny ('Les Cesars,' iii. p. 4) remarks, with great truth, -that so far as it had a moral code at all, that code and its sanctions -touched, not the individual man, but the State. Its morality was that -of the family, and through the family that of the city. Its object was -the prosperity, the glory, the aggrandisement of the public welfare. -The Roman virtues--courage in war, moderation in peace, economy in -private life, fidelity in marriage, these were patriotic virtues, -taught and practised as such.' What, then, was the moral code of the -early Romans? It was, as this passage suggests, the fundamental and -original law of the Roman people. Arnold well points out[9] that this -and this alone was the real moral law of the heathen nations in -general. In this sense their only standard of right and wrong was -human law; but not exactly what we mean when we speak of human law, -because we live in a state of society in which new laws are -continually passed; and to imagine that the 'statutes at large' could -be the real rule and measure of right and wrong, would go beyond the -possible limits of human credulity. But among the ancient nations new -laws were comparatively very rare. The Romans themselves had a great -system of what Jeremy Bentham used to call 'judge-made law.' This grew -to its perfection at rather a late period of the Empire, and still -forms the foundation of most of the systems of law existing in -Europe. It is not of this, however, that we are speaking. Of what we -should call statutes, there were passed in the whole of their history -very few. Only 207 in all are recorded as having been enacted in the -whole period of the Republic, and of these no less than 133 were -passed just at the latest period of its decay.[10] Their greater -frequency at this period was considered one of the signs of national -degeneracy, for it was a proverb, _corruptissima republica plurimae -leges_. In fact, at Rome in its best days there can hardly be said to -have existed any machinery for making new statutes. There was, as we -understand the word, no legislative assembly. The judicial system out -of which grew the code of law to which we have referred already -existed; and when it was necessary, one of those grave changes which -are known among our kindred on the other side of the Atlantic as -'amendments of the constitution,' could be made by a vote of the whole -Roman people. To get one of these passed was often, during the best -periods of the Republic, a matter requiring years of furious struggle. - -It is not, then, of statutes such as are passed year by year in our -Parliament that we are speaking, when we say that the law of the land -was the chief code of morals existing in heathen States. Quite -distinct from anything of this kind, and more answering to our 'common -law,' there were certain great principles of the constitution which -had come down to the Romans of the historical period by an immemorial -tradition, and which all men believed to have in them something -sacred. To touch them was to touch the very life of the Roman people. -Such principles there were in all the ancient heathen States, and -their sacredness was in each State a fundamental principle as long as -it retained any fundamental principles at all. This was, in fact, a -necessary part of heathenism itself; for the very essence of -polytheism is the belief that each people has its own gods, and, -therefore, springing from them, its own traditions of right and wrong. -From its own gods each people hoped for blessings and prosperity in -its national and corporate capacity. To offend or alienate them was to -risk the existence of the civil community, and what was the will of -the gods of any particular nation was to be learned from the primitive -original tradition of that nation. - -Thus, the great principles of the ancient Roman morality, such for -instance as the sanctity of marriage, parental authority, and the -like, were, in the earlier days of the Republic, so mingled in the -notions of a Roman with patriotism, that it was impossible to separate -them. Adultery in a Roman matron, incontinence in a vestal virgin, was -an act of high treason against the common weal of the Roman people. As -such, it was monstrous and terrible to the whole people. Every man, -every woman, every child, felt it as much a personal injury, as each -would have felt the violation of the temples of their country's gods, -or the taking away of the palladium or the ancilia. The instance we -have selected was that upon which the Romans themselves felt that the -whole stability of their country rested. The sanctity of marriage was -the principle of the life of the Roman State. In the worst times a -poet, himself licentious, recognised corruption on that point as the -main cause of the ruin of the country-- - - 'Fecunda culpae saecula nuptias - Primum inquinavere, et genus, et domos - Hoc fonte derivata clades - In patriam populumque fluxit.' - -But it would have been easy to mention other moral offences which in -their judgment directly threatened the safety of the common country. -Such, for instance, was the breach of a treaty, any outrage offered to -the sacred person of an ambassador, or even the removal of ancient -landmarks. - -Thus it was that, in the earlier state of Roman society, the most -important moral principles--not to add that, from their nature, -conscience confirmed and enforced the national law and feeling--really -had an authority as strong as any human sanction can give. To violate -them involved loss of caste, and a great deal more. The offenders were -regarded as traitors against their country; the very mention of their -names would be the most deadly insult to those who had the misfortune -to be allied to them by blood or marriage. They became a proverb of -reproach. So terrible was this punishment that the law which gave to a -husband power of life or death over a guilty wife, and the feeling of -the nation which not only justified him in executing it, but required -it of him, hardly added to its severity. The virtues which tends to -success in war were also enforced by the circumstances of Rome. A -State contained within the walls of a single city and surrounded by -cities, many of which were as powerful as itself, and with each of -which it was liable to be at war, depended for its very existence upon -the courage, bodily strength, and military training of all its -citizens; and if the city was overcome in war, each of them was likely -enough to be sold as a slave, or at the very best to be reduced to a -position something like that of a serf. No wonder that under such -circumstances consuls and dictators were content to hold the plough, -and esteemed the success and victory of their country far more -important to each of them than their possessions or their life. - -But when Rome became the head of a widespread empire, the preservation -of her early traditions became simply impossible. The contemporaries -of Augustus well knew that from war (except, indeed, civil war) they -had nothing to fear. The men of a generation earlier were no doubt -vexed and provoked by the disastrous defeat of Crassus and the -destruction of his army; but their personal comfort, nay, their very -pride of superiority to all the world, was no way affected by it. How -was it possible that they should really feel like their forefathers, - - 'When Romans in Rome's quarrel - Spared neither land nor gold, - Nor son nor wife, nor limb nor life, - In the brave days of old?' - -And, as for the more strictly moral traditions of the early -Republicans, they were, from their nature, from the very first, of -very limited application. Men who had never learned those glorious -truths, - - 'Which sages would have died to learn, - Now taught by cottage dames,' - -that 'God hath made of one blood all nations of men on the face of the -whole earth,' and (as the corollary from this) that 'God is no -respecter of persons, but that in every nation, he that feareth Him -and worketh righteousness, is accepted with Him,' were by no means -offended at the supposition that there was a different rule of -morality for men of different nations. Why not, as they had different -gods? The virtues, then, on which they insisted, were duties, not of -man as man to his Creator, but of Romans to Rome. They prized, not the -virtue of chastity, but the honour of the Roman matron; not truth and -good faith, but the oath to which the gods of Rome were invoked as -witnesses. The chastity of a slave or a freedwoman or even a -foreigner, was of no value. Men, to whom the Roman was not bound by an -oath taken before the gods of his country, had no rights. It was an -essential part of this system that men could not, if they would, -transplant themselves at will from the allegiance of the gods and of -the moral traditions of their fathers to those of another nation. It -was on this principle that in the earliest times marriages between -citizens of different cities were forbidden, and for the same reason -even those between a patrician of Rome and a plebeian. - -Now, when many nations were welded together into a single empire, the -whole of this tradition broke down. Arnold remarks it as one great -political benefit of Christianity, that by 'providing a fixed moral -standard independent of human law, it allows human law to be altered, -as circumstances may require, without destroying thereby the greatest -sanction of human conduct.' What, then, was the situation of a Roman, -when the mingling together of all nations had effectually destroyed -all idea of the sanctity of the original traditions of any--his own -included--and yet he had found no 'moral standard independent' of -them. It is not too much to say that he was left without moral -standard at all. Patriotism and the tradition of their fathers had -become a name to men who could hardly be said to have any -'fatherland,' and whose country was the civilized world, and they had -no higher principle to supply their place. - -In this utter break-down of all fixed principles which, in a heathen -age, necessarily resulted from the substitution of one great empire -for a multitude of minute republics; and in the complete isolation in -which it left every individual, when he lost the idea of that duty to -his country and his country's traditions which had been the moral law -of his ancestors, M. de Champagny sees the explanation of the fact, so -hard to account for, that men whose fathers had been proud nobles of -free and lordly Rome should have submitted as they did to such a -tyranny as that of Tiberius. For his was not one of those which are -supported by the sword. In Italy he had only about 9,000 men under -arms, and even they were scattered in the neighbourhood of the city. -Yet the Senate allowed itself to be decimated, its chief members cut -off day by day. It seems as if each man thought only of himself, and -calculated that although, of course, none could be safe, he was safer -by remaining quiet, and taking his chance, than he would be by boldly -appealing to the Senate and people to put an end to the protracted -massacre, by depriving the tyrant of his power. - -The circumstance which, perhaps, is most revolting to our feelings as -Englishmen in the tyranny of the bad Emperor is, that it was hardly -possible to draw a line between an execution and an assassination. A -great man, untried, nay, so far as he knew, unaccused, was suddenly -roused from his sleep by the arrival of half a dozen soldiers, who -came to put him to death on the spot, or, perhaps, as a great favour, -to bring him the commands of the Emperor that he should kill himself. -How does this differ from an assassination, except in the assured -impunity of the murderers? Yet, so common was it, that when the -Emperor Pertinax was suddenly awakened on the night in which Commodus -had been slain, by those who brought him the offer of the purple, he -took for granted that he was to die. The feelings with which we regard -such proceedings have been formed by the immemorial law of our country -(which not even Henry VIII., in his wildest excess of tyranny, ever -dared to violate, except in a few cases, in which he obtained an Act -of Parliament, to authorize its violation)--that no man can be -condemned without trial. The Roman law, during the best days of the -Republic, carried the notion of 'strong government' farther than even -our neighbours in France would like. Within the walls of Rome there -was an appeal to the people from the sentence of any magistrate; -everywhere else, a consul or other officer holding the 'imperium' -might order whom he pleased to be beheaded by his lictors, without -trial. This, no doubt, was because, outside the city, the office of a -Roman consul was purely military. But this 'martial law' prepared -men's minds for the abuse of the same discretion within the city -itself by the Caesars, whose position, as everybody knows, was, -legally, only that they were servants of the Republic, privileged to -hold a number of offices at the same time, and for years together. -They, therefore, naturally inherited and abused the discretion of the -old magistrates. - -When such power fell into the hands of a Caligula or a Commodus, who -would not take the trouble of governing, it was really little more -than an entire exemption of the Caesars from all law and all -restraints. The government seems to have gone on throughout the Roman -Empire much as usual. But there was in Rome itself one miserable -youth, mad with absolute licence, who could with impunity order the -murder of any one whom it struck his fancy to destroy, for any cause, -or for no cause, or because he was in want of money, and might take -the property of any one he was pleased to murder. - -It was but for a time comparatively short that this state of things -lasted. Still, under the best reigns, one can hardly doubt, that there -must have been an uneasy feeling in the mind of the Emperor, as well -as of his subjects, that his successor might renew the times of -Caligula or Nero. Under the Antonines, perhaps, when there was a long -succession of good governors for more than eighty years without -interruption, men may have learned to look back on such things as -belonging exclusively to a by-gone age. But they were too soon -undeceived, after the death of Marcus Aurelius had left the succession -open to his unworthy son. Yet the crimes even of the worst of the -Caesars affected Rome, not the world, and, indeed, in Rome itself, -almost exclusively a single class--the senators and the rich. They -seem, therefore, hardly to have been considered as an interruption of -the general felicity of the Pax Romana; any more than an epidemic of -cholera in our own days, which for a moment strikes terror upon the -city which it attacks, but is forgotten almost as soon as it passes -away. - -Nothing so effectually blinds even the naturally clearest sight as -moral perversion. Over the very soul of Gibbon, strange to say, this -Egyptian darkness brooded so thick, that after intelligently studying -this vast, pathetic, and most instructive history, the only practical -lesson he drew from it was, that the great corruptor of human society -is--_Peace_. He says, 'It was scarcely possible that the eyes of -contemporaries should discover in the public felicity the latent -causes of decay and corruption. This long peace, and the uniform -government of the Romans, introduced a slow and secret poison into the -vitals of the Empire,' and the effects of this poison he traces in the -'decline of courage and genius, and in general degeneracy.' Strange -that he could imagine that war and bloodshed are the only conceivable -prophylactics against self-indulgence, luxury, and unmanly sloth. -Within the last few months we have had a remarkable proof of the -contrary. For fifty years after Waterloo, Prussia enjoyed profound -peace. France, to mention no other wars, had a continual school of war -in Algeria. Yet, though the French are as brave as the Germans, they -have been unable to stand against them for an hour in the present war; -because the tone of the governing class and of the army had been -undermined by the moral corruption of the Second Empire. Even if war -was indispensable, no man knew better than Gibbon that the Roman -frontiers were always in a chronic state of war. The lessons really -taught by the history of the Roman Empire during the first century and -a half, are so plain that one would hardly have thought they could be -missed. Here was a great Empire upon which all the best gifts of God, -in the purely natural order, had been poured with a lavish hand. It -occupied all the fairest, most fruitful, and most illustrious regions -of the globe, to which the climate and situation can never fail to -attract intelligent travellers from all less favoured countries. The -presiding races of that Empire, which gave their character to all the -rest, were those whom God had made His instruments to convey to all -nations the best gifts of Nature--the Greek, in whom were stored and -preserved the richest powers of genius, art, eloquence and philosophy; -the Roman, who has been the example and teacher of all nations, in the -great principles of stability, law, and order. For the use and -enjoyment of this Empire were stored all the accumulated wealth of -literature, poetry, learning, philosophy and art, which all ages of -the world had produced and treasured up. To complete the whole, it was -exempted for generations together from the scourge of war. In one -word, it had everything that God could give to man, except the -supernatural gifts of Faith, Hope, and Charity. And the result showed, -that, without these, all gifts of the natural order, however precious, -were unavailing to preserve human society from utter decay and -dissolution. It was not broken in pieces by the blows of foreign -enemies, but died of its own inherent corruption. The most prominent -visible effect of this corruption, which struck the eyes even of -heathens, was that man's vices made void the primeval blessing, 'Be -fruitful and multiply.' Plutarch, a Greek of the age of Trajan, -lamented that all Greece in his day could not supply as many men as -one of its smaller cities sent out to war four hundred years earlier. -The decline of population in Rome itself was no less rapid and steady. -And men died out, not because they were wasted by war, by pestilence, -by famine, or by grinding tyranny, but because unrestrained -self-indulgence dried up the very sources of increase. If there had -been no barbarians to rush in and fill up the void, the Empire would -have fallen in pieces for want of life enough to hold it together. Its -history proved that the real causes of the ruin of States are not -political, but moral and social, and that in nations, as in -individuals, the words of the poet are most strictly fulfilled:-- - - 'Thou art the source and centre of all minds, - Their only point of rest, Eternal Word. - From Thee departing they are lost, and rove - At random, without honour, hope, or peace; - From Thee is all that soothes the life of man-- - His high endeavour, and his glad success, - His strength to suffer, and his will to serve. - But oh! Thou bounteous Giver of all good, - Thou art of all Thy gifts Thyself the crown; - Give what Thou canst, without Thee we are poor, - And with Thee rich, take what Thou wilt away.' - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] 'Lectures on Modern History.' - -[2] A native of Barcelona, who was made head of the French police in -1759, and retired in 1780. - -[3] Vol. iii., p. 196. We borrow the translation of a living author. - -[4] Details are necessarily omitted, for want of space, in this -extract, as well as in the last, the loss of which weakens its force. - -[5] See Salvian 'De Gubernatione Dei.' - -[6] See a curious collection of passages in the notes to M. de -Champagny's chapter on Slavery. ('Les Cesars,' vol. iii.) - -[7] See Champagny's 'Caesars,' vol. iii. p. 122. - -[8] Thus Livy: 'Ad illa mihi pro se quisque intendat animum, quae vita -qui mores fuerint; per quos viros, quibusque artibus, domi militiaeque, -et partum et auctum imperium sit. Labente deinde paullatim disciplina, -velut desidentes primo mores sequatur animo, deinde ut magis magisque -lapsi sint; tum ire coeperint praecipites; donec ad haec tempora, -quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus perventum est;' and -yet he is so far from considering this an evil peculiar to Rome, that -he adds, 'Nulla unquam respublica nec major nec sanctior nec bonis -exemplis ditior fuit; nec in quam civitatem tam serae avaritia -luxuriaque immigraverint, nec ubi tantus et tam diu paupertati ac -parsimoniae honos fuerit.'--(_Praefatio._) - -[9] 'Roman History,' vol. ii. chap. xxvi. - -[10] See Champagny, Appendix, 'Les Cesars,' vol. i. - - - - -ART. II.--_Theism_--_Desiderata in the Theistic Argument._ - - -It is a philosophical commonplace that all human questioning leads -back to ultimate truths which cannot be further analysed, and of which -no other explanation can be given than that _they exist_. Every -explanation of the universe rests and must rest on the inexplicable. -The borders of the known and the knowable are fringed with mystery, -and all the data of knowledge recede into it by longer or shorter -pathways. Thus, while it is the very mystery of the universe that has -given rise to human knowledge, by quickening the curiosity of man, it -is the same mystery which prescribes a limit to his insight, which -continues to overshadow him in his researches, and to girdle him, in -his latest discoveries, with its veil. In wonder all philosophy is -born; in wonder it always ends: and, to adopt a well-known -illustration, our human knowledge is a stream of which the source is -hid, and the destination unknown, although we may surmise regarding -both. - -But the mystery which thus envelopes the origin and the destination of -the universe is not absolutely overpowering; nor does it lay an arrest -on the human faculties in their efforts to understand that universe as -a whole. Man strives to penetrate farther and farther into the shrine -of nature, and records in the several sciences the stages of his -progress. These sciences are of necessity inter-related and dependent. -Each section of human knowledge has a doorway leading into these on -either side, and one which opens behind into the region of first -principles. Separate inquirers may content themselves with their -special region of phenomena and its laws, which they seek to -understand more perfectly and to interpret more clearly, and never so -beyond their own domain. It is by such division of labour and -concentration of aim that the achievements of modern science have been -won. But it is only by forsaking the narrow region, and, without -entering the borderland of some new science, receding behind it, and -contemplating it from a distance, that its value as a contribution to -our knowledge of the universe can be discerned. Each of the sciences -has its own ideal, but the goal of universal science is the discovery -of one ultimate principle which will be explanatory of all observed -phenomenon. - -And the speculative thinker has a similar aim. The perennial question -of philosophy is the discovery of the central principle of Existence, -its haunting problem is the ultimate explanation of the universe of -being. The universe--what is it? whence is it? whither is it tending? -can we know anything beyond the fleeting phenomena of its ever -unfolding and ever varying history? Is its source, and therefore its -central principle, accessible to our faculties of knowledge? - -And this is the distinctive problem of rational theology. Philosophy -and science both lead up to theology as the apex of human knowledge. -The latter may be fitly called the _scientia scientiarum_. Questions -as to the nature and origin of Life upon our planet, the nature of -Force or energy, the problems of Substance and of Cause, the questions -of the Absolute and Infinite, all centre in this, are all the several -ways of expressing it from the point of view which the questioner -occupies, 'What is the ultimate principle of the universe, the [Greek: -arche] of all existence?' Speculative philosophy and science deal -proximately, it is true, with the problems of finite existence, -existence as presented to us in the surrounding universe, and the laws -which regulate it; but they covertly imply and remotely lead up to the -question we have stated. They are the several approaches to that -science which sits enthroned on the very summit of human knowledge. - -Nevertheless, the science of speculative theology is as yet lamentably -incomplete. We have scores of treatises devoted to the subject, and -numerous professed solutions of the problem. But we have not, in the -English language, a single treatise which even contemplates a -philosophical arrangement and classification of the various theories, -actual and possible, upon the subject. It is otherwise with the great -questions of intellectual and ethical philosophy. We have elaborate -and almost exhaustive schemes of theories on the nature of perception, -or our knowledge of the external world, the laws of association, the -problem of causality, and the nature of conscience. But we look in -vain for any similar attempt to classify the several lines of -argument, or possible modes of theistic proof, so as to present a -tabular view of the various doctrines on this subject. We are limited -to the well-known but precarious scheme of proofs _a priori_ and _a -posteriori_,[11] and to the more accurate classification of Kant, the -ontological, the cosmological, and the physico-theological proofs, -with his own argument from the moral faculty or practical reason. In -addition, we are not aware of any English treatise specially devoted -to the history of this branch of philosophical literature, with the -exception of a brief essay by Dr. Waterland, in which he traverses a -small section of the whole area; and that not as the historian of -philosophical opinion, but in the interest of a special theory.[12] - -The present condition of 'natural theology' in England is scarcely -creditable to the critical insight of the British mind. There has been -little earnest grappling with the problem in the light of the past -history of opinions; and traditionary stock-proofs have been relied -upon with a perilous complacency. The majority of theologians trust to -an utterly futile and treacherous argument, from what has long been -termed 'final causes,' and when beaten from that field, at once by the -rigour of speculative thought and the march of the inductive sciences, -the refuge that is taken in the region of our moral nature is scarcely -less secure, while the character of the theistic argument from -conscience is suffered to remain in the obscurity which still shrouds -it. - -In the following pages we propose to show the invalidity of some of -the popular modes of proof, and to suggest a few desiderata in the -future working out of the problem. - -It may be useful to preface our criticism by a classification of the -various theistic theories, rather as a provisional chart of opinion, -than as an exhaustive summary of all the arguments which have been -advanced, or of all possible varieties in the mode of proof. Many -thinkers, perhaps the majority, and notably the mediaeval schoolmen, -have combined several distinct lines of evidence; and have -occasionally borrowed from a doctrine which they explicitly reject -some of the very elements of their argument. They have often forsaken -their own theory at a crisis, and not observed their departure from -the data on which they profess exclusively to build. - -The first class of theories are strictly _ontological_ or -_ontotheological_. They attempt to prove the objective existence of -Deity from the subjective notion of necessary existence in the human -mind, or from the assumed objectivity of space and time which they -interpret as the attributes of a necessary substance. - -The second are the _cosmological_ or _cosmo-theological_ proofs. They -essay to prove the existence of a supreme self-existent cause from the -mere fact of the existence of the world, by the application of the -principle of causality. Starting with the postulate of any single -existence whatsoever, the world or anything in the world, and -proceeding to argue backwards or upwards, the existence of one supreme -cause is held to be 'a regressive inference' from the existence of -these effects. As there cannot be, it is alleged, an infinite series -of derived or dependent effects, we at length reach the infinite or -uncaused cause. This has been termed the proof from contingency, as it -rises from the contingent to the necessary, from the relative to the -absolute. But the cosmological proof may have a threefold character, -according as it is argued: 1. That the necessary is the antithesis of -the contingent; or, 2. That because some being now exists, some being -must have always existed; or, 3. That because we now exist and have -not caused ourselves, some cause adequate to produce us, must also now -exist. - -A third class of proofs are somewhat inaccurately termed -_physico-theological_, a phrase equally descriptive of them and of -those last mentioned. They are rather _teleological_ or -_teleotheological_. The former proof started from any finite -existence. It did not scrutinise its character, but rose from it to an -absolute cause, by a direct mental leap or inference. This scrutinises -the effect, and finds traces of intelligence within it. It detects the -presence or the vestiges of mind in the particular effect it examines, -viz., the phenomena of the world, and from them it infers the -existence of Deity. One branch of it is the popular argument from -design, or adaptation in nature, the fitness of means to ends -implying, it is said, an architect or designer. It may be called -_techno-theology_, and is variously treated according as the -technologist ([Greek: alpha]) starts from human contrivance and -reasons to nature, or ([Greek: beta]) starts from nature's products -and reasons toward man. Another branch is the argument from the order -of the universe, from the types or laws of nature, indicating, it is -said, an orderer or law-giver, whose intelligence we thus discern. It -is not, in this case, that the adjustment of means to ends proves the -presence of a mind that has adjusted these. But the law itself, in its -regularity and continuity, implies a mind behind it, an intelligence -animating the otherwise soulless universe. It might be termed -_nomo-theology_ or _typo-theology_. Under the same general category -may be placed the argument from animal instinct, which is distinct at -once from the evidence of design and that of law or typical order. To -take one instance: The bee forms its cells, following unconsciously, -and by what we term 'instinct,' the most intricate, mathematical, -laws. There is mind, there is thought in the process; but whose mind, -whose thought? Not the animal's, because it is not guided by -experience. The result arrived at is a result which could be attained -by man only through the exercise of reason of the very highest order. -And the question arises, are we not warranted in supposing that a -hidden pilot guides the bee, concealed behind what we call its -instinct. We do not, meanwhile, discuss the merit of this argument; -but merely indicate the difference between it and the argument from -design, and that from law and order. It is not a question of the -adjustment of phenomena. It is the demand of the intellect for a cause -adequate to account for a unique phenomenon. It approaches the -cosmo-theological argument as closely as it approaches the -techno-theological one; yet it is different from both. The -cosmo-theological rises from any particular effect, and by a backward -mental bound reaches an infinite first cause. The techno-theological -attempts to rise from the adjustment of means to ends, to an adjuster -or contriver. This simply asks, whence comes the mind that is here in -operation, perceived by its effects? - -The next class of arguments are based upon the moral nature of man. -They may be termed in general _ethico-theological_; and there are, at -least, two main branches in this line of proof. The former is the -argument from conscience as a moral law, pointing to Another above it; -the law that is 'in us, yet not of us'--not the 'autonomy' of Kant, -but a _theonomy_--bearing witness to a legislator above. It is the -moral echo within the soul of a Voice louder and vaster without. And, -as evidence, it is direct and intuitive, not inferential. The latter -is the argument of Kant, (in which he was anticipated by several, -notably by Raimund of Sabunde.) It is indirect and inferential, based -upon the present phenomena of our moral nature. The moral law declares -that evil is punishable and to be punished, that virtue is rewardable -and to be rewarded; but in this life they are not so: therefore, said -Kant, there must be a futurity in which the rectification will take -place, and a moral arbiter by whom it will be effected. - -Finally, there is the argument, which, when philosophically unfolded, -is the only unassailable stronghold of theism, its impregnable -fortress, that of _intuition_. As it is simply the utterance or -attestation of the soul in the presence of the Object which it does -not so much discover by searching, as _apprehend in the art of -revealing itself_, it may be called (keeping to the analogy of our -former terms) _eso-theological_ or _esoterico-theological_. It is not -an argument, an inference, a conclusion. It is an attestation, the -glimpse of a reality which is apprehended by the instinct of the -worshipper, and through the poet's vision, as much as by the gaze of -the speculative reason. It is not the verdict of one part of human -nature, of reason, or the conscience, the feelings, or the affections; -but of the whole being, when thrown into the poise or attitude of -recognition, before the presence of the self-revealing object. There -are several phases of this, which we term the eso-theological proof. -We see its most rudimental traces in the polytheism of the savage -mind, and its unconscious _personification_ of nature's forces. When -this crude conception of diverse powers in partial antagonism gives -place to the notion of one central power, the instinct asserts itself -in the common verdict of the common mind as to One above, yet kindred -to it. It is attested by the feeling of dependence, and by the -instinct of worship, which witnesses to some outward object -corresponding to the inward impulse, in analogy with all the other -instincts of our nature. It is farther attested by the poet's -interpretation of nature, the verdict of the great seers, that the -universe is pervaded by a supreme Spirit, 'haunted for ever by the -eternal mind.' We find its highest attestation in that consciousness -of the Infinite itself which is man's highest prerogative as a -rational creature. We have thus the following chart of theistic -theories. - - I. Onto-theological-- - 1. From necessary notion to reality. - ([Greek: alpha]) Anselm's proof. - ([Greek: beta]) Descartes' first argument. - 2. From space and time, as attributes to their substance. - - II. Cosmo-theological-- - 1. Antithetic. - 2. Causal. - 3. 'Sufficient reason.' (Leibnitz.) - - III. Teleo-theological-- - 1. Techno-theology. - 2. Typo-theology. - 3. (Animal instinct.) - - IV. Ethico-theological-- - 1. Deonto-theological. (direct.) - 2. Indirect and inferential. (Kant.) - - V. Eso-theological-- - 1. The infinite. (Fenelon. Cousin.) - 2. The world soul. - 3. The instinct of worship. - -In addition, we might mention several subsidiary or sporadic proofs -which have little or no philosophical relevancy, but which have some -theological suggestiveness, viz., 1. The historical consensus. 2. The -felicity of the theist. 3. The testimony of revelation. - -It is unnecessary to discuss all these alleged proofs at length; but -the powerlessness of the most of them to establish the transcendent -fact they profess to reach, demands much more serious thought than it -has yet received. - -The ontological proof has always possessed a singular fascination for -the speculative mind. It promises, and would accomplish so much, if -only it were valid. It would be so powerful, if only it were -conclusive. But had demonstration been possible, the theistic -argument, like the proofs of mathematics, would have carried -conviction to the majority of thinkers long ago. The historical -failure is signal. Whether in the form in which it was originally cast -by Augustine, Anselm, and Aquinas, or in the more elaborate theory of -Descartes, or as presented by the ponderous English minds of Cudworth, -Henry More, and Dr. Samuel Clarke, it is altogether a _petitio -principii_. Under all its modifications, it reasons from the necessary -notion of God, to his necessary existence; or from the necessary -existence of space and time, which are assumed to be the properties or -attributes of a substance, to the necessary existence of that -substance. A purely subjective necessity of the reason is carried from -within, and held conclusive in the realm of objective reality. But the -very essence of the problem is the discovery of a valid pathway by -which to pass from the notions of the intellect to the realities of -the universe beyond it; we may not, therefore, summarily identify the -two, and at the outset take the existence of the one as demonstrative -of the other. In the affirmation of real existence we pass from the -notion that has entered the mind (or is innate), to the realm of -objective being, which exists independently of us who affirm it; and -how to pass warrantably from the ideal world within to the real world -without is the very problem to be solved. To be valid at its -starting-point, the ontological argument ought to prove that the -notion of God is so fixed in the very root of our intelligent nature -that it cannot be dislodged from the mind; and this some thinkers, -such as Clark, have had the hardihood to affirm. To be valid as it -proceeds, it ought to prove that the notion thus necessary in thought, -has a real counterpart in the realm of things, in order to vindicate -the step it so quietly takes from the ideal notion to the world of -real existence. It passes from thought to things, as it passes from -logical premiss to conclusion. But to be logical, it must rest -contented with an ideal conclusion deduced from its ideal premises. -And thus, the only valid issue of the ontological argument is a system -of absolute idealism, of which the theological corollary is pantheism. -But as this is not the Deity the argument essays to reach, it must be -pronounced illogical throughout. - -Thus the ontological argument identifies the logical and the real. But -the illicit procedure in which it indulges would be more apparent than -it is to _a priori_ theorists, if the object they imagine they have -reached were visible in nature, and apprehensible by the senses. To -pass from the ideal to the real sphere by a transcendant act of -thought is seen at once to be unwarrantable in the case of -sense-perception. In this case, it is the presence of the object that -alone warrants the transition, else we should have as much right to -believe in the real existence of the hippogriff as in the reality of -the horse. But when the object is invisible, and is at the same time -the supreme being in the universe, the speculative thinker is more -easily deceived. We must, therefore, in every instance ask him, where -is the bridge from the notion to the reality? What is the plank thrown -across the chasm which separates these two regions, (to use an old -philosophical phrase) 'by the whole diameter of being?' We can never, -by any vault of logic pass from the one to the other. We are -imprisoned within the region of mere subjectivity in all _a priori_ -demonstration, and how to escape from it, is (as we said before) the -very problem to be solved. - -Anselm, who was the first to formulate the ontological proof, argued -that our idea of God is the idea of a being than whom we can conceive -nothing greater. But inasmuch as real existence is greater than mere -thought, the existence of God is guaranteed in the very idea of the -most perfect being; otherwise the contradiction of one still more -perfect would emerge. The error of Anselm was the error of his age, -the main blot in the whole mediaeval philosophy. It first seemed to him -that reason and instinctive faith were separated by a wide interval. -He then wished to have a reason for his faith, cast in the form of a -syllogism. And he failed to see, or adequately to understand, that all -demonstrative reasoning hangs upon axiomatic truths which cannot be -demonstrated, not because they are inferior to reason, but because -they are superior to reasoning--the pillars upon which all -ratiocination rests. This was his first mistake. Dissatisfied with the -data upon which all reasoning hangs, he preferred the stream to the -fountain-head, while he thought (contradictory as it is) that _by -going down the stream_ he could reach the fountain! But his second -mistake was the greater of the two. He confounded the necessities of -thought with the necessities of the universe. He passed _without a -warrant_ from his own subjective thought to the region of objective -reality. And it has been the same with all who have since followed him -in this ambitious path. But after witnessing the elaborate tortures to -which the mediaeval theologians subjected their intellects in the -process, we see their powers fail, and the chasm still yawning between -the abstract notions of the mind and the concrete facts of the -universe. It is remarkable that any of them were satisfied with the -accuracy of their reasonings. We can explain it only by the -intellectual habit of the age, and the (misread) traditions of the -Stagyrite. They made use, unconsciously, of that intuition which -carries us across the gulf, and they misread the process by which they -reached the other side. They set down to the credit of their intellect -what was due to the necessities of the moral nature, and the voice of -the heart. - -Descartes was the most illustrious thinker, who, at the dawn of modern -philosophy, developed the scholastic theism. While inaugurating a new -method of experimental research, he nevertheless retained the most -characteristic doctrine of mediaeval ontology. He argues that necessary -existence is as essential to the idea of an all-perfect being, as the -equality of its three angles to two right angles is essential to the -idea of a triangle. But though he admits that his 'thought imposes no -necessity on things,' he contradicts his own admission by adding, 'I -cannot conceive God except as existing, and hence it follows that -existence is inseparable from him.' In his 'Principles of Philosophy' -we find the following argument:-- - - 'As the equality of its three angles to two right angles is - necessarily comprised in the idea of the triangle, the mind - is firmly persuaded that the three angles of a triangle - _are_ equal to two right angles; _so_ from its perceiving - necessary and external existence to be comprised in the - idea which it has of an all-perfect being, it ought - manifestly to conclude that this all-perfect being - exists.'--(Pt. i. sec. 14.) - -This argument is more formally expounded in his 'Reply to Objections -to the Meditations,' thus:-- - - 'Proposition I. The existence of God is known from the - consideration of His nature alone. Demonstration: To say - that an attribute is contained in the nature or in the - concept of a thing, is the same as to say that this - attribute is true of this thing, and that it may be - affirmed to be in it. But necessary existence is contained - in the nature or the concept of God. Hence, it may be with - truth affirmed that necessary existence is in God, or that - God exists.' - -A slight amount of thought will suffice to show that in this elaborate -array of argumentation, Descartes is the victim of a subtle fallacy. -Our conception of necessary existence cannot include the fact of -necessary existence, for (to repeat what we have already said) the one -is an ideal concept of the mind, the other is a fact of real -existence. The one demands an object beyond the mind conceiving it, -the other does not. All that the Cartesian argument could prove would -be that the mental concept was necessary, not that the concept had a -counterpart in the outer universe. It is, indeed, a necessary judgment -that the three angles of a triangle are equal to two right angles, -because this is _an identical proposition_; the subject and the -predicate are the same, the one being only an expansion of the other. -We cannot, therefore, destroy the predicate and leave the subject -intact. But it is otherwise when we affirm that any triangular object -_exists_, we may then destroy the predicate 'existence,' and yet leave -the subject (the notion of the triangle) intact in the mind. - -It is true that Descartes has not limited himself to this futile _a -priori_ demonstration. He has buttressed his formal ontology by a much -more suggestive though logically as inconclusive an argument. He again -reasons thus in his 'Principles:' We have the idea of an all-perfect -being in the mind, but whence do we derive it? It is impossible that -we can have an idea of anything, unless there be an original somewhere -in the universe whence we derive it, as the shadow is the sign of a -substance that casts it. But it is manifest that the more perfect -cannot arise from the less perfect, and that which knows something -more perfect than itself is not the cause of its own being. Since, -therefore, we ourselves are not so perfect as the idea of perfection -which we find within us, we are forced to believe that this idea in us -is derived from a more perfect being above us, and consequently that -such a being exists. - -It will be observed that this second argument of Descartes is partly -cosmological,--though ultimately it merges in the ontological, and -falls back upon it for support. Hence, Descartes himself called it an -_a posteriori_ argument. And it may therefore serve as a link of -connection and transition to the second class of arguments. - -But before passing to these, we may observe that all the _a priori_ -theorists, professing to conduct us to the desired conclusion on the -level road of demonstration (while they all contradict their own -principles, and furtively introduce the contingent facts of -experience), have but a faint conception of the magnitude of the -question at issue. To work out a demonstration as with algebraic -formulae, to contemplate the problem as one of mathematical science, -under the light and guidance of the reason alone, and unaided by the -moral intuitions, betokens a lack of insight into the very problem in -question. The object of which we are in search is not a blank -colourless abstraction, or necessary entity. Suppose that a supreme -existence were demonstrable, that bare entity is not the God of -theism, the infinite Intelligence and Personality, of whose existence -the human spirit desires some assurance, if it can be had. And a -formal demonstration of a primitive source of existence (_more -geometrico_) is of no theological value. It is an absolute zero, -inaccessible alike to the reason and to the heart, before which the -human spirit freezes; and as a mere _ultimatum_ its existence is -conceded by every philosophic school. - -The germs of the cosmological argument (as of the ontological) are -found in the scholastic philosophy, though its elaboration was left to -the first and second periods of the modern era. Diodorus of Tarsus, -John Damascenus, Hugo of St. Victor, and Peter of Poitiers, have each -contributed to the development of this mode of proof. It is the -argument _a contingentia mundi_, or _ex rerum mutabilitate_; and may -be briefly stated thus: If the contingent exists, the necessary also -exists. I myself, the world, the objects of sense, are contingent -existences, and there must be a cause of these, which cause must be -also an effect. Go back, therefore, to the cause of that cause, and to -its cause again, and you must at length pause in the regress; and by -rising to a First Clause, you escape from the contingent and reach the -necessary. From the observation of the manifold sequences of nature -you rise to the causal fountain-head, as you cannot travel backwards -for ever along an infinite line of dependent sequences. - -But this argument is as illusory as the ontological one, from which, -indeed, it borrows its strength, and of which it shares the weakness. -For why should we ever pause in the regressive study of the phenomena -of the universe, of which we only observe the slow evolution through -immeasurable time? How do we reach a fountain-head at all? We are not -warranted in saying that because we cannot think out an endless -regress of infinite antecedents, _therefore_ we must assume a first -cause. For that assumption of the [Greek: arche], of an uncaused -cause, when we have wearied ourselves in mounting the steps of the -ladder of finite agency, is to the speculative reason equally illicit -as is its assumption while we are standing on the first round of the -ladder. Why should we not assume it, step over to it at the first, if -we may do so, or are compelled to do so, at the last? The argument -starts from the concrete and works its way backward along the channel -of the concrete, till it turns round, bolts up, takes wing, and -'suddenly scales the height.' The speculative reason at length essays -to cross over the chasm between the long series of dependent -sequences, and the original or uncreated cause; but it does so -furtively. It crosses over by an unknown path to an unknown source, -supposed to be necessary. - -But again, what light is cast by this ambitious regress on the nature -of the fountain-head. How is the being we are supposed to have reached -at length, the source of that series of effects which are supposed to -have sprung from his creative fiat? If we experienced a difficulty in -our regress in connecting the last link of the chain with the _causa -causans_, we experience the same or a counter-difficulty in our -descent, in connecting the first link of the chain with the creative -energy. And how, it may be asked, do we connect that supreme cause -with intelligence, or with personality? We have called the assumption -of this [Greek: arche] a leap in the dark, and we ask how can we ever -escape from the phenomenal series of effects which we perceive in -nature, to the noumenal source of which we are in search? By the -observation of what is or what has been, we merely ascend backwards in -time, through the ever-changing forms of phenomenal energy (our -effects being but developed causes, and our causes potential effects), -but we never reach a noumenal source. That is reserved for the flight -of the speculative reason vainly soaring into the empyrean, beyond the -very atmosphere of thought. - -The admission that _some kind_ of being or substance must have always -existed in the universe, is the common property of all the systems of -philosophy. Materialist and idealist, theist and atheist, alike admit -it, but its admission is _theologically worthless_. 'The notion of a -God,' says Sir William Hamilton, in his admirable manner, 'is not -contained in the notion of a mere first cause; for, in the admission -of a first cause, atheist and theist are as one.' The being that is -assumed to exist is, therefore, a mere blank essence, a zero, an -'everything = nothing,' so far as this argument can carry us. Nature -remains a fathomless abyss, telling us nothing of its whence and -whither. It is still the fountain-head of inscrutable mystery, which -overshadows and overmasters us. The _natura naturata_ casts no light -on the _natura naturans_. The systole and diastole of the universe -goes on; the flux and reflux of its phenomena are endless. That -something always was, every one admits. The question between the rival -philosophic schools is as to what that something was and is. We may -choose to call it 'the first cause,' (an explanation which implies -that our notion of endless regression has broken down) and we may say -that we have reached the notion of an uncaused cause. But is that a -notion at all? Is it intelligible, conceivable? Do we not, in the very -assumption, bid farewell to reason, and fall back on some form of -faith? - -Finally, the moment that supposed cause is reached, does not the -principle that was supposed to bring us to it break down? And by thus -destroying the bridge behind us, the very principle of casuality which -was valid in our progress and ascent, valid in the limited area of -experience--now emptied of all philosophical meaning when we desert -experience and rise to the transcendental--invalidates the whole -series of effects which are supposed to have sprung from it? We need -not rise above any single event, contingent and finite, to any other -event as the proximate cause of it; if, when we have essayed to carry -out the regress, we stop short, and, crying [Greek: heureka], -congratulate ourselves that we have at length reached an uncaused -cause. - -Thus when the cosmological theorist asks: Does the universe contain -its own cause within itself? and answering in the negative, asserts -that it must therefore have sprung from a supra-mundane source, we may -validly reply, may it not have been eternal? May not its history be -but the ceaseless evolution, the endless transformation of unknown -primeval forces? So far as this argument conducts us, we affirm that -it may. And to pass from the present contingent state of the universe -to its originating source, the theorist must make use of the -ontological inference, of which we have already indicated the double -flaw. There is one point of affinity between all forms of the -cosmological and ontological arguments. They all profess to reach a -necessary conclusion. They are not satisfied with the contingent or -the probable. But the notion of necessity is a logical notion of the -intellect. It exists in thought alone. Whoever, therefore, would -escape from that ideal sphere must forego the evidence of necessity. -Real existence is not and never can be synonymous with necessary -existence. For necessary existence is always ideal. It is reached by -a formal process. It is the product of pure thought. - -But the _teleological_ argument is that which has been most popular in -England. It has carried (apparent) conviction to many minds that have -seen the futility of the _a priori_ processes of proof. It is the -stock argument of British 'natural theology;' in explanation and -defence of which volume upon volume has been written. It is, as Kant -remarked, 'the oldest, the clearest, and the most adapted to the -ordinary human reason.' Nevertheless, its failure is the more signal, -considering that its reputation has been so great, and its claim so -vast. The argument has at least three branches, to which we have -already referred. We confine ourselves meanwhile to the first of the -three, the techno-theological argument, or that which reasons from the -phenomena of design. - -Stated in brief compass, that argument amounts to the following -inference. We see marks of adaptation, of purpose, or of foresight in -the objects which, as we learn from experience, proceed from the -contrivance of man. We see similar marks of design or adaptation in -nature. We are therefore warranted in inferring a world-designer; and -from the indefinite number of these an infinite designer; and from -their harmony His unity. Or thus,--we see the traces of wise and -various purpose everywhere in nature. But nature could not of herself -have fortuitously produced this arrangement. It could not have fallen -into such harmony by accident. Therefore the cause of this wise order -cannot be a blind, unintelligent principle, but must be a free and -rational mind. The argument is based upon analogy (and might be termed -analogical as strictly as technological). It asserts that because mind -is concerned in the production of those objects of art which bear the -traces of design, therefore a resembling mind was concerned in the -production of nature. - -The objections to this mode of proof are indeed 'legion.' In the -_first_ place, admitting its validity so far, it falls short of the -conclusion it attempts and professes to reach. For, - -1. The effects it examines, and from which it infers a cause, are -finite, while the cause it assumes is infinite; but the infinity of -the cause can be no valid inference, from an indefinite number of -finite effects. The indefinite is still the finite; and we can never -perform the intellectual feat of educing the infinite from the finite -by any multiplication of the latter. It has been said by an acute -defender of the teleological argument, that the number of designed -phenomena (indefinitely vast) with which the universe is filled, is -sufficient to suggest the infinity of the designing cause. And it may -be admitted that it is by the ladder of finite designs that we rise to -some of our grandest conceptions of divine agency; but this ascent and -survey are only possible after we have discovered from some other -source that a divine being _exists_. The vastest range of design is of -no greater validity than one attested instance of it, so far as proof -is concerned. It is not accumulation, but relevancy of data that we -need. But, - -2. At the most we only reach an artificer or protoplast, not a -creator,--one who arranged the phenomena of the world, not the -originator of its _substance_,--the architect of the cosmos, not the -maker of the universe. Traces of mind discoverable amid the phenomena -of the world cast no light upon the fact of its creation, or the -nature of its source. There is no analogy between a human artificer -arranging a finite mechanism, and a divine creator originating a world; -nor is there a parallel between the order, the method, and the plan of -nature, and what we see when we watch a mechanician working according -to a plan to produce a designed result. The only real parallel would -be our perception by sense of a world slowly evolving from chaos -according to a plan previously foreseen. From the product you are at -liberty to infer a producer only after having seen a similar product -formerly produced. But the product which supplies the basis of this -argument is unique and unparalleled, 'a singular effect,' in the -language of Hume, whose reasoning on this point has never been -successfully assailed. And the main difficulty which confronts the -theist, and which theism essays to remove, is precisely that which the -consideration of design does not touch, viz., the _origin_ and not the -arrangements of the universe. The teleological analogy is therefore -worthless. There is no parallel, we repeat, between the process of -manufacture, and the product of creation, between the act of a -carpenter working with his tools to construct a cabinet, and the -evolution of life in nature. On the contrary, there are many marked -and sharply defined contrasts between them. In the latter case there -is fixed and ordered regularity, no deviation from law; in the former -contingency enters, and often alters and mars the work. Again, the -artificer simply uses the materials, which he finds lying ready to -hand in nature. He _detaches_ them from their 'natural' connections. -He arranges them in a special fashion. But in nature, in the successive -evolution of her organisms there is no detachment, no displacement, -no interference or isolation. All things are linked together. Every -atom is dependent on every other atom, while the organisms seem to -grow and develop 'after their kind' by some vital force, but by no -manipulation similar to the architect's or builder's work. And yet -again, in the one case, the purpose is comprehensible--the end is -foreseen from the beginning. We know what the mechanician desires to -effect; but in the other case we have no clue to the 'thought' of the -architect. Who will presume to say that he has adequately fathomed the -purposes of nature in the adjustment of one of her phenomena to -another? But, - -3. The only valid inference from the phenomena of design would be that -of a _phenomenal_ first cause. The inference of a personal Divine -Agent or substance from the observation of the mechanism of the -universe is invalid. What link connects the traces of mind which are -discerned in nature (those _vestigia animi_) with an agent who -produced them? There is no such link. And thus the divine personality -remains unattested. The same may be said of the divine _unity_. Why -should we rest in our inductive inference of one designer from the -phenomena of design, when these are so varied and complex? Or grant -that in all that we observe a subtle and pervading 'unity' is found, -and as a consequence all existing arrangements point to one designer, -why may not that Demiurgos have been at some remote period himself -designed? And so on _ad infinitum_. - -But, in the _second_ place, not only is the argument defective -(admitting its validity so far as it goes), even partial validity -cannot be conceded to it. The phenomena of design not only limit us to -a finite designer, not only fail to lead us to the originator of the -world, or to a personal first cause, but they confine us within the -network of observed designs, and do not warrant faith in a being -detached from or independent of these designs, and therefore able to -modify them with a boundless reserve of power. These designs only -suggest mechanical agency, working in fixed forms, according to -prescribed law. In other words, the phenomena of the universe which -distantly resemble the operations of man, do not in the least suggest -an agent exterior to themselves. We are not intellectually constrained -to ascribe the arrangement of means to ends in nature to anything -supra-mundane. Such constraint would proceed from our projecting the -shadow of ourselves within the realm of nature, and investing _it_ -with human characteristics, a procedure for which we have no warrant. -Why may not the arrangements of nature be due to a principle of life -imminent in nature, the mere endless evolution and development of the -world itself? We observe that phenomenon A fits into phenomena B, C, -and D, and we therefore infer that A was fitted to its place by an -intelligent mind. But suppose that A did not fit into B, C, or D, it -might in some way unknown fit into X, Y, or Z,--it would in any case -be related to its antecedent and consequent phenomena. But our -perception of the fitness or relationship gives us no information -beyond the _fact of fitness_. Any other (larger) conclusion is -illegitimate. - -It is often asserted that the phenomenal changes which we observe in -nature, bear witness to their being _effects_. But what are effects? -Transformed causes, modified by the transformation--mere changed -appearances. We see the effects of volitional energy in the phenomena -which our consciousness forces us to trace back to our own personality -as the producing cause. But where do we see in nature, in the -universe, phenomena which we are similarly warranted in construing as -the effects of volitional energy, or of constructive intelligence? We -are not conscious of the power of creation, nor do we perceive it. We -have never witnessed the construction of a world. We only perceive the -everlasting flux and reflux of phenomena, the ceaseless pulsation of -nature's life,--evolution, transformation, birth, death, and birth -again. But nature is herself dumb as to her whence or whither. And, as -we have already hinted, could we detect a real analogy between the -two, we are not warranted in saying that the constructive intelligence -which explains the one class of phenomena is the only possible -explanation of the other.[13] - -And thus it is that no study of the arrangements and disposition of -the mechanism can carry us beyond the mechanism itself. The -teleological argument professes to carry us above the chain of natural -sequence. It proclaims that those traces of intelligence everywhere -visible hint that long ago _mind_ was engaged in the construction of -the universe. It is not that the phenomena 'give forth at times a -little flash, a mystic hint' of a living will within or behind the -mechanism, a personality kindred to that of the artificer who observes -it. With that we should have no quarrel. But the teleological argument -is said to bring us authentic tidings of the origin of the universe. -If it does not carry us beyond the chain of dependent sequence it is -of no value. Its advocates are aware of this, and assert that it can -thus carry us beyond the adamantine links. But this is precisely what -it fails to do. It can never assure us that those traces of -intelligence to which it invites our study, proceeded from a -constructive mind detached from the universe; or that, if they did, -another mind did not fashion that mind, and so on _ad infinitum_. And -thus the perplexing puzzle of the origin of all things remains as -insoluble as before. - -But farther, the validity of the teleological argument depends upon -the accuracy of our interpretation of those 'signs of intelligence' of -which it makes so much, and which it interprets analogically in the -light of human nature. But the 'interpreter' is ever 'one among a -thousand.' Who is to guarantee to us that we have not erred as to the -meaning of Nature's secret tracery? Who is to secure us against -inerrancy in this? Before we deduce so weighty a conclusion from data -so peculiar, we must obtain some assurance that no further insight -will disallow the interpretation we have given. But is not this -presumptuous in those who are acquainted in a very partial manner with -the significance of a few of nature's laws? Who will presume to say -that he has penetrated to the meaning of any one of these laws? And, -if he has not done so, can he validly single out a few resemblances he -has detected, and explain the nature of the infinite, by a sample of -the finite? Nature is so inscrutable that, even when a law is -discerned, the scientific explorer will not venture to say that he has -read its character, so as to be sure that the law reflects the -ultimate meaning of the several phenomena it explains. Nay, is he not -convinced that other and deeper meanings must lie within them? A law -of nature is but the generalized expression of the extent to which our -human insight has as yet extended into the secret laboratory of her -powers. But as that insight deepens, our explanations change. We say -the lower law is resolved back into a higher one, the more detailed -into the more comprehensive. But if our scientific conceptions -themselves are thus constantly changing, progressing, enlarging, how -can we venture to erect our natural theology on the surface -interpretation of the fleeting phenomena of the universe? 'Lo, these -are a part of His ways, but how little a portion is known of Him!' - -And this conclusion we advance against those who as dogmatically deny -that there can be _any_ resemblance between the forces of nature as a -revelation of the Infinite, and the volitional energy of man. Both -assumptions are equally arbitrary and illegitimate. We shall shortly -endeavour to show on what grounds (remote from teleology) we are -warranted in believing that a resemblance does exist. - -But, to return, if the inference from design is valid at all, it must -be valid everywhere--all the phenomena of the world must yield it -equally. No part of the universe is better made than any other part. -Every phenomenon is adjusted to every other phenomenon nearly or -remotely as means to ends. Therefore, if the few phenomena which our -teleologists single out from the many are a valid index to the -character of the source whence they have proceeded, everything that -exists must find its counterpart in the divine nature. If we are at -liberty to infer an Archetype above from the traces of mind beneath, -must not the phenomena of moral evil, malevolence, and sin be on the -same principle carried upwards by analogy?--a procedure which would -destroy the notion of Deity which the teleologists advocate. If we are -at liberty to conclude that a few phenomena which seem to us designed, -proceed from and find their counterpart in God, reason must be shown -why we should select a few and pass over other phenomena of the -universe. In other words, if the constructor of the universe designed -one result from the agency which he has established, must he not have -designed all the results that actually emerge; and if the character of -the architect be legitimately deduced from one or a few designs, must -we not take all the phenomena which exist _to help out our idea of his -character_? Look, then, at these phenomena as a whole. Consider the -elaborate contrivances for inflicting pain, and the apparatus so -exquisitely adjusted to produce a wholesale carnage of the animal -tribes. They have existed from the very dawn of geologic time. The -whole world teems with the proofs of such intended carnage. Every -organism has parasites which prey upon it; and not only do the -superior tribes feed upon the inferior (the less yielding to the -greater), but the inferior prey at the very same time no less -remorselessly upon the superior. If, therefore, the inference of -benevolence be valid, the inference of malevolence is at least equally -valid: and as equal and opposite, the one notion destroys the other. - -But lastly, while we are philosophically impelled to consider all -events as designed, if we interpret one as such, nay, to believe that -the exact relation of every atom to every other atom in the universe -has been adjusted in 'a pre-established harmony,' the moment we do -thus universalize design, that moment the notion escapes us, is -emptied of all philosophical meaning or theological relevancy. Let it -be granted that phenomenon A is related to phenomenon B, as means to -an end. Carry out the principle (as philosophy and science alike -compel us to do), and consider A as related by remoter adaptation to -all the other phenomena of the universe; in short, regard every atom -as interrelated to every other atom, every change as co-related to -every other change; then the notion of design breaks down, from the -very width of the area it covers. We can understand a finite -mechanician planning that a finite phenomenon shall be related to -another finite phenomenon so as to produce a desired result; but if -the mechanician himself be a designed phenomenon, and all that he -works upon be equally so, every single atom and every individual -change being subtilly interlaced and all reciprocally dependent, then -the very notion of design vanishes. Seemingly valid on the limited -area of finite observation and of human agency, it disappears when the -whole universe is seen to be one vast network of interconnected law -and order. - -Combining this objection with what may seem to be its opposite, but is -really a supplement to it, we may again say, that we, who are a part -of the universal order, cannot pronounce a verdict as to the intended -design of the parts, till able to see the whole. If elevated to a -station whence we could look down on the entire mechanism, if -_outside_ of the universe (a sheer impossibility to the creature), we -might see the exact bearing of part to part, and of link with link, so -as to pronounce with confidence as to the intention of the contriver. -If, like the wisdom of which Solomon writes, any creature had been -with the Almighty 'in the beginning of His way, before His works of -old, set up from everlasting, or even the earth was;' had a creature -been with Him 'when as yet He had not made the world, when He prepared -the heavens, and gave His decree' to the inanimate and animated worlds -as they severally arose, he might be able to understand the meaning of -their creation. And yet the moment this knowledge was gained, the -value of the perception would disappear; because 'being as God,' he -should no longer require the circuitous report or inference. - -Thus the teleological argument must be pronounced fallacious. It is -illusive as well as incomplete: and were we to admit its relevancy, it -would afford no basis for worship, or the recognition of the object it -infers. The conception of deity as a workman, laying stress upon the -notion of cleverness in contrivance, and subordinating moral character -to skill, would never lead to reverence, or the adoration of the -architect. - -It must be conceded, however, that there is a subsidiary value in this -as in all the other arguments, even while their failure is most -conspicuous. They prove (as Kant has shown) that if they cannot lead -us to the reality we are in search of, the phenomena of nature cannot -_discredit_ its existence. They do not turn the argument the other -way, or weight the scales on the opposite side. They are merely -negative, and indeed clear the ground for other and more valid modes -of proof. - -They are of farther use (as Kant has also shown) in correcting our -conceptions of the Divine Being, when from other sources we have -learned his existence, in defining and enlarging our notions of his -attributes. They discourage and disallow some unworthy conceptions, -and enlarge the scope of others. But to leave those celebrated lines -of argument which have gathered around them so much of the -intellectual strife of rival philosophies, it is needful now to tread -warily when we are forced to come to so decided a conclusion against -them. - -We do not deny that the idea of God exists in the human mind as one of -its ultimate and ineradicable notions: we only dispute the inference -which ontology has deduced from its existence there. We do not deny -that by regressive ascent from finite sequences we are at length -constrained to rest in some causal fountain-head; we only dispute the -validity of the process by which that fountain-head is identified with -the absolute source of existence, and that source of existence with a -personal God. We do not deny the presence of design in nature when by -that term is meant the signs or indices of mind in the relation of -phenomena to phenomena as means to ends; we only assert that these -designs have no theistic value, and are only intelligible after we -have discovered the existence of a supreme mind within the universe, -from another and independent source. Till then the book of nature -presents us only with blank, unilluminated pages. Thereafter it is -radiant with the light of design, full of that mystic tracery which -proclaims the presence of a living will behind it. To a mind that has -attained to the knowledge or belief in God, it becomes the 'garment it -thereafter sees Him by,' as one might see a pattern issuing from a -loom while the weaver was concealed, and infer some of the designs of -the workman from the characteristics of his work. - -The remaining lines of proof, followed, though not worked out in the -past, are the _intuitional_ and the _moral_. And it is by a -combination of the data from which they spring and a readjustment of -their respective parts and harmonies, that the foundations of theism -can alone be securely laid. As the evidence of intuition is of -greatest value, and is also most generally disesteemed, we shall take -its testimony first, and examine the moral evidence of conscience -afterwards. - -The modern spirit is suspicious of the evidence of intuition. It is -loudly proclaimed on all sides by the teachers of positive science -that instinct is a dubious guide, liable to the accidents of chance -interpretation, variously understood by various minds; that in -following it we may be pursuing an _ignis fatuus_; that it is at best -only valid for the individual who may happen to feel its force; that -it is not a universal endowment (as it should be if trustworthy), but -often altogether wanting; and that it can never yield us _certainty_, -because its root is a subjective feeling or conviction, which cannot -be verified by external test. These charges cannot be ignored, or -lightly passed over. And for the theist merely to proclaim, as an -ultimate fact, that the human soul has an intuition of God, that we -are endowed with a faculty of apprehension of which the correlative -object is divine, will carry no conviction to the atheist. Suppose -that he replies, 'This intuition may be valid evidence for you, but I -have no such irrepressible instinct; I see no evidence in favour of -innate ideas in the soul, or of a substance underneath the phenomena -of nature of which we can have any adequate knowledge;' we may close -the argument by simple re-assertion, and vindicate our procedure on -the ground that in the region of first principles there can be no -farther proof. We may also affirm that the instinct being a sacred -endowment, and delicate in proportion to the stupendous nature of the -object it attests, it may, like every other function of the human -spirit, collapse from mere disuse. But if we are to succeed in even -suggesting a doubt in the mind of our opponent as to the accuracy of -his analysis, we must verify our primary belief, and exhibit its -credentials so far as that is possible. We must show why we cannot -trace its genealogy farther back, or resolve it into simpler elements, -and we must not keep its nature shrouded in darkness, but disclose it -so far as may be. This, then, is our task. - -The instinct to which we make our ultimate appeal is in its first rise -in the soul, crude, dim, and inarticulate. Gradually it shapes itself -into greater clearness, aided, in the case of most men, by the myriad -influences of religious thought and of historical tradition,--heightening -and refining it when educed, but not creating it; separating the real -gold from any spurious alloy it may have contracted. Like all our -innate instincts this one is at first infantile, and, when it begins -to assert itself, it prattles rather than speaks coherently. We do not -here raise the general question of the existence of _a priori_ -principles. We assume that the mind is not originally an _abrasa -tabula_, but the endowments with which it starts are all gifts in -embryo. They are not full-formed powers, so much as the capacities and -potentialities of mental life. Their growth to maturity is most -gradual, and the difference between their adult and their rudimentary -phases is as wide as is the interval between a mature organization and -the egg from which it springs. It is therefore no evidence against the -reality or the trustworthiness of the intuition to which we appeal, -that its manifestations are not uniform, or that it sometimes seems -absent in the abnormal states of consciousness, or among the ruder -civilizations of the world. We admit that it is difficult for the -uninitiated to trace any affinity between its normal and its abnormal -manifestations, when it is modified by circumstances to any extent. We -farther admit that while never entirely absent, it may sometimes seem -to slumber not only in stray individuals, but in a race or an era, and -be transmitted from generation to generation in a latent state. It may -hybernate, and then awake as from the sleep of years, arising against -the will of its possessor and refusing to be silenced. Almost any -phenomenon may call it forth, and no single phenomenon can quench it. -It is the spontaneous utterance of the soul in presence of the object -whose existence it attests, and as such it is necessarily prior to any -act of reflection upon its character, validity, or significance. -Reflex thought, which is the product of experience, cannot in any case -originate an intuition, or account for those phenomena which we may -call by that name, supposing them to be delusive. Nothing in us, from -the simplest instinct to the loftiest intuition, could in any sense -create the object it attests, or after which it seeks and feels. And -all our ultimate principles, irreducible by analysis, simply attest -and assert. - -The very existence of the intuition of which we now speak is itself a -revelation, because pointing to a Revealer within or behind itself. -And however crude in its elementary forms, it manifests itself in its -highest and purest state at once as an act of intelligence and of -faith. It may be most fitly described as a direct gaze by the inner -eye of the spirit, into a region over which mists usually brood. The -great and transcendant Reality it apprehends lies evermore behind the -veil of phenomena. It does not see far into that reality, yet it -grasps it, and recognises in it 'the open secret' of the universe. -This, then, is the main characteristic of the theistic intuition. It -proclaims a supreme Existence without and beyond the mind, which it -apprehends _in the act of revealing itself_. It perceives through the -vistas of phenomenal sequence, as through breaks in the cloud, the -glimpses of a _Presence_ which it can know only in part, but which it -does not follow in the dark, or merely infer from its obscure and -vanishing footprints. Unlike the 'necessary notion' of the Cartesian -school, unlike the space and time which are but subjective forms of -thought, unlike the 'regressive inference' from the phenomena of the -world, the conclusion it reaches is not the creation of its own -subjectivity. The God of the logical understanding, whose existence is -supposed to be attested by the necessary laws of the mind, is the mere -projected shadow of self. It has no more than an ideal significance. -The same may be said, with some abatements, of the being whose -existence is inferred from the phenomena of design. The ontologist and -the teleologist unconsciously draw their own portrait, and by an -effort of thought project it outwards on the canvass of infinity. The -intuitionalist, on the other hand, perceives that a revelation has -been made to him, descending as through an opened cloud, which closes -again. It is 'a moment seen, then gone;' for while we are always -conscious of our contact with the natural, we are less frequently -aware of the presence of the supernatural. - -The difference between the evidence of intuition and the supposed -warrant of the other proofs we have reviewed is apparent. It is one -thing to create or evolve (even unconsciously) a mental image of -ourselves which we vainly attempt to magnify to infinity, and -thereafter worship the image that our minds have framed; it is another -to discern for a moment an august Presence, _other than the human_, -through a break in the clouds which usually veil Him from our eyes. -And it is to the inward recognition of this self-revealing object that -the theist makes appeal. What he discerns is at least not a 'form of -his mind's own throwing;' while his knowledge is due not to the -penetration of his own finite spirit, but to the condescension of the -infinite. - -But we admit that this intuition is _not naturally luminous_. It is -the presence of the transcendant Object which makes it luminous.[14] -Its light is therefore fitful. It is itself rather an eye than a -light; (a passive organ, rather than an active power); and when not -lit up by light strictly supra-natural,--because emanating from the -object it discerns,--it is dull and lustreless. The varying -intelligence it reports of that object, corresponds to the changing -perceptions of the human eye in a day of alternate gloom and sunlight. -It is itself a human trust which ripens gradually into a matured -belief, rather than a clear perception, self-luminous from the first. - -It may be needful, however, as the evidence of our intuitions is so -generally suspected, to examine a little more fully into the -credentials of this one, in common with all its allies. - -Our knowledge of the object which intuition discloses is at first, in -all cases, necessarily unreflective. In the presence of that object, -the mind does not double back upon itself, to scrutinise the origin -and test the accuracy of the report that has reached it. And thus the -truth which it apprehends is at first only presumptive. It remains to -be afterwards tested by reflection, that no illusion be mistaken for -reality. What, then, are the tests of our intuitions?[15] - -The following seem sufficient criteria of their validity and -truthworthiness. 1. The persistence with which they appear and -reappear after experimental reflection upon them, the obstinacy with -which they reassert themselves when silenced, the tenacity with which -they cling to us. 2. Their historical permanence; the confirmation of -ages and of generations. The hold they have upon the general mind of -the race is the sign of some 'root of endurance' planted firmly in the -soil of human nature. If 'deep in the general heart of men, their -power survives,' we may accept them as true, or interpret them as a -phase of some deeper yet kindred truth, of which they are the popular -distortion. 3. The interior harmony which they exhibit with each -other, and with the rest of our psychological nature; each of the -intuitions being in harmony with the entire circle, and with the -whole realm of knowledge. If any alleged intuition should come into -collision with any other and disturb it, there would be good reason -for suspecting its genuineness; and in that case the lower and less -authenticated must always yield to the higher and better attested. But -if the critical intellect carrying our intuition (if we may so speak -in a figure) round the circle of our nature, and in turn placing it in -juxtaposition with the rest, finds that no collision ensues, we may -safely conclude that the witness of that intuition is true. 4. If the -results of its action and influence are such as to elevate and -etherealize our nature, its validity may be assumed. This is no test -by itself, for an erroneous belief might for a time even elevate the -mind that held it; as the intellectual life evoked by many of the -erroneous theories and exploded hypotheses of the past has been great. -But no error could do so permanently. No illusion could survive as an -educative and elevating power over humanity; and no alleged instinct -could sustain its claim, and vindicate its presumptive title, if it -could not stand the test we mention. A theoretic error is seen to be -such when we attempt to reduce it to practice; as a hidden crack or -fissure in a metal becomes visible when a strain is applied, or the -folly of an ideal Utopia is seen in the actual life of a mixed -commonwealth. Many of those scientific guesses which have served as -good provisional hypotheses, have been abandoned in the actual working -of them out, and so the flaw that lurks within an alleged intuition, -(if there be a flaw) will become apparent when we try to apply it in -actual life, and take it as a regulative principle in action. Thus, -take the belief in the Divine existence, attested, as we affirm, by -intuition, and apply it in the act of worship or adoration. Does that -belief (which fulfils the conditions of our previous tests,--for it -appears everywhere and clings tenaciously to man, and comes into -collision with no other normal tendency of our nature, or defrauds any -instinct of its due) does it elevate the nature of him who holds it? -The reply of history is conclusive, and its attestation is abundantly -clear. The power of the theistic faith over the rest of human nature -is such that it has quickened the other faculties into a more vigorous -life. Its moral leverage has been vast, while it has sharpened the -aesthetic sense to some of its most delicate perceptions, and in some -instances brought a new accession of intellectual power. The intuition -which men trust in the dark, gradually leads the whole nature towards -the light. Its dimness and its dumbness are exchanged for clearness -and an intelligible voice; and while it thus grows luminous, it gains -new power, and our confidence in its verdict strengthens. - -We have now stated what seems to us the general nature of the theistic -intuition, and added one or two criteria by which all intuitions must -be tested. It remains that we indicate more precisely the phases which -it assumes; and the channels in which it works. Though ultimate and -insusceptible of analysis, it has a triple character. It manifests -itself in the consciousness which the human mind has of the Infinite -(an intellectual phase); in its perception of the world-soul, which is -Nature's 'open secret' revealed to the poet (an aesthetic phase); and -in the act of worship, in which an object correlative to the -worshipper is revealed in his very sense of dependence (a moral and -religious phase). - -It is not only essential to the validity of the theistic intuition -that the human mind has a positive though imperfect knowledge of the -infinite, but the assertion of this is involved in the very intuition -itself. If we had no positive knowledge of the source it seeks to -reach, the instinct, benumbed as by an intellectual frost, and unable -to rise, would be fatally paralysed; or if it could move along its -finite area, it would wander helplessly, feeling after its object, 'if -haply it might find it.' And it will be found that all who deny the -validity of our intuition, either limit us to the knowledge of -phenomena, or while admitting that we have a certain knowledge of -finite substance adopt the cold theory of nescience. From the earliest -Greek schools, or from the earlier speculation of the Chinese mind, a -powerful band of thinkers have denied to man the knowledge of aught -beyond phenomena, and from Confucius to Comte the list is an ample -one. In our own day this school includes some of the clearest and -subtilest minds devoted to philosophy. Comte, Lewes, Mill, Mr. Bain, -Herbert Spencer, and the majority of our best scientific guides -(however they differ in detail) agree in the common postulate that all -that man can know, and intelligibly reason about, are phenomena, and -the laws of these phenomena, 'that which doth appear.' There is, -however, a positivist 'religion,' which consists now in the worship of -phenomena, and again in homage paid to mystery, to the unknown and the -unknowable which lies beyond the known. Comte deified man and nature, -in their phenomenal aspects, without becoming pantheist; and the -instinct of worship though outlawed from his philosophy (which denies -the existence of its object), asserted itself within his nature--at -least in the second period of his intellectual career--and led him -not only to deify humanity, but to prescribe a minute and cumbrous -ritual, as puerile as it is inconsistent. It is true that worship is -philosophically an excrescence on his system. The advanced secularist -who disowns it is logically more consistent with the first principle -of positivism. To adore the _grande etre_ as personified in woman is -as great a mimicry of worship as to offer homage to the law of -gravitation. Comte, says his acutest critic, 'forgot that the wine of -the real Presence was poured out, and adored the empty cup.' But we -may note in this latter graft upon his earlier system a testimony to -the operation of that very intuition which positivism disowns; its -uncouth form, when distorted by an alien philosophy, being a more -expressive witness to its irrepressible character. - -Mr. Spencer, on the other hand, with some of our scientific teachers, -bids us bow down before the unknown and unknowable power which -subsists in the universe. The highest triumph of the human spirit, -according to him, is to ascertain the laws of phenomena, and then to -worship the dark abyss of the inscrutable beyond them. But there is -surely neither humility nor sanity in worshipping darkness, any more -than there would be in erecting an altar to chaos: and the advice -seems strange coming from those who claim to be the special teachers -of clear knowledge and comprehensible law. If we must at length erect -an altar at all, we must have some knowledge of the existence to whom -it is erected, and have some better reason for doing so than the blank -and bland confession that we have not the smallest idea of its nature! -Mr. Spencer undertakes to 'reconcile' the claims of science and -religion; and he finds the rallying-point to be the recognition of -mystery, into which all knowledge recedes. But if religion has any -function, and a reconciliation between her and science be possible, -the harmony cannot be effected by first denying the postulate from -which religion starts, and quietly sweeping her into the background of -the inconceivable, consigning her to the realm of the unknowable, and -then proclaiming that the conciliation is complete. This is to silence -or annihilate one of the two powers which the philosopher undertook to -reconcile. It is annexation accomplished by conquest, the cessation of -strife, effected by the destruction of one opposing force, not by an -armistice, or the ratification of articles of peace. Mr. Spencer does -not come between two combatants who are wounding each other -needlessly, and bid each put his sword into its sheath, for they are -brethren; but he turns round and (to his own satisfaction) slays one -of them, and then informs the other that the reconciliation is -effected. - -We must therefore ask the positivist for his warrant, on the one hand, -in denying the existence of a world of substance, underneath the -fleeting phenomena of being, _out of which a revelation may emerge_, -apprehensible by man; and on the other, in denying to man positive -knowledge of the infinite as a substance. We must remind him that -infinite and finite, absolute and relative, substance and phenomena, -are terms of a relation: while we ask him for his warrant in -differentiating these terms, and proclaiming that the one set are -knowable and known, the others unknown and unknowable. He arbitrarily -singles out one of the two factors which together constitute a -relation, and are only known as complementary terms, and he bestows -upon it a spurious honour, by proclaiming that it alone is -intelligible, while he relegates the other term to the region of -darkness. We ask him on what ground he does so? and whether the law of -contrast does not render phenomena as unintelligible, without -substance, as substance without phenomena? Can we pronounce the one to -be known and the other unknown, merely because the former reaches us -through the five gateways of sense, and the latter through the avenue -of intuition? Now, no wise theist ever asserted that God was -phenomenally known. God is no phenomenon, but the noumenal essence -underlying all phenomena. We have admitted and contended that no study -of the laws of the universe can give us direct information as to the -first cause; for a first cause could never be revealed to the senses, -nor be an inference deduced from the data which sense supplies. The -assertion therefore, that nature (of which the physical sciences are -the interpretation) does not reveal God by its phenomena, is as -strongly asserted by the theist as by the positivist. It may reveal -his footprints, but we only know whose foot has left its mark on -nature when we have learned _from another source_ that He _is_. As -little, however, can the laws of nature discredit faith in a first -cause, which springs from a region at once beneath, above, and beyond -phenomena. And our theistic faith is not an _inference_; it is a -_postulate_: an axiomatic truth, affirmed on the report of that -intuition, of which the root is planted so firmly in the soil of -consciousness, that no form of the positivist philosophy can tear it -thence. Let science, therefore, march as it will, and where it will, -being hemmed in by the very laws of the universe which give rise to -it, and of which it is the exposition, it cannot interfere with or -encroach upon the theistic intuition. If there be a region behind -phenomena and their laws, accessible to knowledge or to philosophic -faith, no conclusion gathered from the scientific survey can touch it, -whether to discredit or attest. - -The fundamental doctrine of both the schools of nescience is the -relativity of human knowledge, and that doctrine as taught by the -Scottish psychologists (and notably by Scotland's greatest -metaphysician since Hume, Sir William Hamilton) has been wrested out -of their hands, and turned against the theism they also advocate. Mr. -Spencer would exhibit them all as 'hoist with their own petard.' It is -necessary, therefore, to enquire whether this doctrine of relativity -favours a theory of nescience, or warrants a counter-doctrine of the -knowledge of the infinite, or is indifferent to both. - -With us the relativity of knowledge is a first principle in -philosophy. But to affirm it, is merely to assert that all that is -known occupies a fixed relation to the knower. It is to affirm nothing -as to the character or contents of his knowledge. As regards the -objects known we further maintain that they are apprehended only in -their differences and contrasts. We know self only in its contrast -with what is not self, a particular portion of matter only in its -relation to other portions which surround and transcend it. So also -and for the same reason, with the finite and the infinite. The one is -not a positive notion, and the other negative; the one clear, and the -other obscure. Both are equally clear, both sharply defined, so far as -they are given us in relation. If the one notion suffers, the other -suffers with it. In short, if we discharge any notion from all -relation with its opposite or contrary, it ceases to be a notion at -all. The finite, if we take it alone, is as inconceivable as the -infinite, if we take it alone; phenomena by themselves are as -incogitable as substance by itself: and the relative as a notion cut -off from the absolute which antithetically bounds it, is not more -intelligible than the absolute as an essence absolved from all -relations. And thus the entire fabric of our knowledge being founded -on contrasts, and arising out of differences, involving in its every -datum another element hidden in the background, may be said to be a -vast double chain of relatives mutually complementary. It looks ever -in two directions, without and within, above and beneath, before and -after. - -We maintain, therefore, that we have positive knowledge of the -infinite. Whosoever says that the infinite cannot be known contradicts -himself. For he must possess a notion of it before he can deny that he -has a positive knowledge of it, before he can predict aught regarding -it. And so he says he cannot know what he says, though in another -fashion, that he does know. It could never have come within the -horizon of hypothetical knowledge, never have become the subject of -discussion, unless positively (though inadequately) known; and thus -the infinite stands as the antithetic background of the finite. Sir -William Hamilton's and Dr. Mansel's doctrine of nescience, no less -than Mr. Spencer's, we regard as absolute intellectual suicide. It -implies that we have no knowledge of that which we are compelled to -conceive in order to know that it is unknowable. We could not compare -the two notions, if the one were unthinkable. For if all knowledge is -a relation, in each act of knowing I must know both the terms related. -The one term causes us no difficulty, being admitted on both sides. -But the other which so perplexes our teachers of nescience, is, it -must be owned, as to its contents a somewhat vague residuum. It is -without an outline. It is not given us with the luminous clearness -that its correlative is given. Nevertheless, it is a real term in a -real relation. The moment we proceed to analyse our consciousness of -the relative, we find it as the penumbra of the notion, its shadowy -complement. We may never obtain more than a vague, and what we might -call a moonlight view of it: nevertheless behold it we do; apprehend -it we must. - -But it is objected that as human knowledge is always finite, we can -never have a positive apprehension of an infinite object; that as the -subject of knowledge is necessarily finite, its object must be the -same. Let us sift this objection. - -I may know an object in itself as related to me the knower, or I may -know it in its relation to other objects also known by me the knower. -But in both and in all cases, knowledge is limited by the power of the -knower, therefore it is always finite knowledge. But it may be finite -knowledge of an infinite object, incomplete knowledge of a complete -object, partial knowledge of a transcendent object. The boundary or -fence may be within the faculty of the knower, while the object he -imperfectly grasps may not only be infinite, but be known to transcend -his faculties in the very act of conscious knowledge. For example, I -may know that a line is infinite while I have only a finite knowledge -of the points along which that line extends. And similarly my -knowledge of the Infinite Mind is partial and incomplete, but it is -clear and defined. It is definite knowledge of an indefinite object. -We may have a partial knowledge not only of a part, but of the whole. -Thus, I have a partial knowledge of a circle, because I know only a -few of its properties; but it is not to a part of the circle that my -partial knowledge extends, but to the whole which I know in part. In -like manner as the Infinite Object has no parts, it is not of a -portion of His being that we possess a partial knowledge, but of the -whole. We know Him as we know the circle, inadequately yet directly, -immediately, though in part. He is dark to us by excess of light. -Thus, although our knowledge of the infinite may be _vivified_, it is -not really _enlarged_ by goading our thought to wider and wider -imaginings, or spurring our faculties onwards over areas of space, or -intervals of time. That knowledge is directly revealed while we are -apprehending any finite object, as its correlative and complementary -antithesis. - -Again it is said that to know the infinite is to know the sum of all -reality, and as that would include the universe and its source -together, it must necessarily include on the one hand the knower along -with his knowledge, and on the other all the possibilities of -existence. The possibility of our knowing the Infinite Being as -distinct from the universe is denied, since infinite existence is said -to be coextensive with the whole universe of things. But that the -source of the universe must necessarily exhaust existence and contain -within himself all actual being is a mere theoretic assumption. The -presence of the finite does not limit the infinite as if the area of -the latter were contracted by so much of the former as exists within -it. For the relation of the infinite being to the finite is not -similar to the relation between infinite space and a segment of it. It -is true that so much of finite space is so much cut out of the whole -area of infinite space--though, if the remainder is infinite, the -portion removed will not really limit it. But as our intuition of the -infinite has no resemblance to our knowledge of space, we believe that -the relations which their respective objects sustain have no affinity -with each other. The intuition of God is a purely spiritual -revelation, informing us not of the quantity but of the quality of the -supreme being in the universe. And to affirm that the finite spirit of -man standing in a fixed relation to the infinite spirit of God limits -it, by virtue of that relation, is covertly to introduce a spatial -concept into a region to which it is utterly foreign, and which it has -no right to enter.[16] - -We therefore maintain, in opposition to the teachers of nescience, -that a positive knowledge of the Infinite is competent to man, because -involved in his very consciousness of the finite. And when -psychologically analysed, this intuition explains and vindicates -itself. - -But there is another aspect, no less important, in which it may be -regarded. To say that the infinite is wholly inscrutable by man, is to -limit not man's faculty only, but the possibilities of the divine -nature itself. If God cannot unveil himself to man through the -openings of those clouds which ordinarily conceal His presence, can -His resources be illimitable, can He be the infinitely perfect? It is -said, on the one hand, that the unknown Force reveals itself in the -laws of nature, but cannot disclose its essence; and, on the other, -that the infinite being reveals His handiwork, from which He permits -us to infer His existence, but cannot reveal Himself. Such assertions -are either subtle instances of verbal jugglery or manifest -contradictions in terms. All revelation of whatever kind, presupposes -some knowledge of the revealer. That knowledge may be imparted the -moment the revelation is made, or prior to it, and from an independent -source; but no revelation could be made, were the being to whom it was -addressed ignorant of the source whence it came. Is there really any -special difficulty in supposing that the infinite intelligence can -directly disclose His nature to a creature fashioned in His image, the -disclosure quickening the latent power of intuition, which, thus -touched from above, springs forth to meet its source and object? - -The question between the theist and the positivist is brought to its -real issue when the latter is forced to recognise that the God of -theism is no inference from phenomena, but if we may so speak, a -_postulate of intuition_. And hence it is so necessary to concede -frankly the failure of the teleological argument from final causes, as -well as the ontological argument from the necessary notions of the -intellect. We not only admit, we are forward to proclaim that by -inductive science we can never rise higher than phenomena; and hence -at the end of our researches we should be no nearer God than at the -outset. But though we cannot reach Him by induction, we may do so -before we begin our induction, by simply giving the intuition of the -soul free scope to rise towards its source. And to dislodge the theist -from his position, his opponent must succeed in proving that this -intuition, whose root springs from a region beneath phenomena, and -which in its flight outsoars phenomena, is as baseless and -unauthenticated as a dream. - -There are two principles, one of them metaphysical, and the other -scientific, which are helpful at this point in our inquiry. These are -the principle of causality, and the doctrine of the correlation of -forces, or the conservation of energy. We cannot discuss them at any -length, but we shall briefly state their nature, and their relation to -the theistic intuition. - -The phenomena of nature (using that term in its widest sense) are not -only a series of sequences, they are also the revelation of a -mysterious Power or living Force. All that we perceive by the senses, -and, inductively register in nature, is a series of phenomena, of -which the laws of nature are the generalized expression and -interpretation. But every change is a revelation not only of -succession, but of causal power. No matter where we take our stand -along the line of sequence, mental or material, always and at every -point this conviction is flashed in upon the mind, 'there is a hidden -Power behind.' But we instinctively ask, 'what is this power or force -determining the changes of the universe?' Is it material or spiritual? -Can the force which moves the particles of matter be material? We do -not perceive it by the senses, which take note only of the modified -phenomena of matter. It is neither visible, nor audible, nor tangible. -It is invisible; must we not therefore believe it to be incorporeal? -We cannot reach it by analysis. We conclude that it is not physical -but hyper-physical, not natural but supranatural. We have an -intellectual intuition of it. It announces its presence in every -change that occurs, but it nowhere shows its face as a material -entity. It is a mystic agency endlessly revealing its existence, -everywhere concealing its source. We watch its evolutions, but it -escapes our scrutiny; we try to detain it, and we find that it is -gone; yet it reappears in the next thing we examine, and in the very -phenomena of our search for it; the agency is manifest, but it is the -Agent we wish to discover. Must it be, like the sangreal of mediaeval -legend, sought for in many lands, but nowhere found by any wanderer in -quest of it? - -Before attempting an answer, we shall state the scientific principle -referred to, which is entitled to rank as one of the greatest of -modern discoveries. All the forms of force are convertible amongst -themselves. They are all ultimately identical, and are endlessly -passing and repassing into each other: the mechanical, the chemical, -the vital, are all one. 'The many' _are_ 'the one,' its varying -phrases, its protean raiment. In short, there is but a single supreme -force, ubiquitous and plastic, the fountain of all change. It now -evolves itself in heat, now masks itself in light, reveals itself in -electricity, or sleeps in the law of gravitation: one solitary pulse -within Nature's vast machine, and behind the barrier of her laws. This -force, thus endlessly changing, is neither diminished nor replenished; -it is not added to, nor subtracted from; it is perennial, and is its -own conservator. It is not synthesis, but analysis that has resolved -it into unity. But can synthesis combine its manifold phases under one -regulative notion? In realizing its general character we cannot -discharge from our minds in turn all the known features of particular -forces, so as to leave a vague resultant common to all, yet especially -identified with none. The diverse types must have an _archetype_. What -is that archetype? - -It seems to us self-evident that we must seek for it, not in nature, -but in man; not in the lower plane of the cosmical forces, but in the -human _will_, the root of our personality. Comte begins with the -lowermost grade of force (to wit, the mechanical), and ascends with -it, bringing all the finer and more subtle forms under its sway, and -interpreting the higher by the lower. We, on the contrary, begin with -the highest known type, that which lies nearest ourselves, with which -we are earliest acquainted, and whence we derive our notion of force -beyond ourselves; and we descend with it as a light to guide our -footsteps amongst the lower. This we hold to be the correct, to be -indeed the only admissible philosophical procedure. If it is only -through the consciousness of force within ourselves that we have any -intelligible notion of it in nature (and are thus first initiated into -the idea), we must come back to the will for an explanation of what -the one force external to us is. Our own personality supplies us with -the archetype of which we are in search. We thus throw the plank -across the chasm between man and nature; we interpret the latter by -the former (not the reverse); and the discovery of the correlation of -forces, and the conservation of energy, becomes the scientific -equivalent of the doctrine of philosophical theology, that one supreme -Will pervades the universe, that in nature lives and moves and has -its being. - -If we can vindicate this procedure, and prove our right to interpret -the forces, if not the phenomena of nature, as the outcome of a living -will, the energy of a nature like our own, our goal is reached. But, -say the Comtists, that is a mere imagination of theology, the creation -of a superstitious mind, 'transcendant audacity,' 'a form of the -mind's own throwing,' just as much as the teleological explanation of -nature. It has been spoken of as presumptuous, as well as fanciful, -betokening a lack of humility and philosophic caution; it being sheer -egotism to interpret nature by what we are, and a return to the -Protagorean doctrine that 'man is the measure of all things.' In -reply, we give only hints and suggestions, for the region is high, and -the atmosphere rarefied. - -In the first place, it is to be observed that we do not take one class -of phenomena to explain the inner nature of another class; the -phenomena of will to explain, say those of electricity, in outward -nature; for in that case we might as well, with just as much reason -and plausibility, with just as much authority, take the latter class -of phenomena to explain the former; and we should learn quite as much, -that is to say, we should learn nothing at all. But we take a certain -special _noumenal_ force, one that is transcendant but revealed in our -innermost life and consciousness, in the will's _autocracy_, and by -the help and suggestion of this known force we explain (not the -phenomena of Nature nor her laws), but the darker, the unknown -noumenal Force, the pulse of nature. - -In the next place, it is also to be observed that as the human will, -while noumenally free, is phenomenally under law and governed most -rigidly by motives, so the force which we interpret as the expression -of personal will in nature, acts in perfect conformity to law. The -laws of nature are the expression of its bondage. The minor scattered -forces, which may be spoken of as the messengers and servitors of the -supreme will, are no more fitful but no less capricious than is the -human will, in which the causal nexus is not broken while it remains -free. The supernatural reveals itself in an orderly fashion through -the natural. Its will is expressed by law. - -In the third place, so far as bridging the chasm between the two -orders of phenomena, it is not accomplished by the poetic intuition (to -which we shall immediately refer), but by the human intellect, it -seems legitimated by _analogy_. In our inductive interpretation of -nature we perceive resemblances, and infer a likeness. 'Analogy is the -soul of induction.' If, therefore, it be an illicit act of the reason -which ventures to trace a parallel between nature and man, and -interpret the former by the latter, how fares it with the foundations -of human knowledge, and with the pillars of science herself? Is not -all physical science the rational interpretation of nature? If we may -not read the meaning of the great central force in the light of that -force which we carry in the will, how can we warrantably interpret the -laws of nature, in the light of that which we carry in the intellect? -Are we not left in uncertainty as to the character of the entire -fabric of our knowledge? The oracle is altogether dumb. If the way -which seems to lead from the interior of the human will into the -temple of outward nature be really a _cul-de-sac_, what warrant have -we for opening a door on the other side, and walking down the avenues -of positive science, imagining that in these pathways we shall find -the only key to nature? To bring the analogy into effect, let us take -two instances: the force with which I discharge a projectile and the -force of gravitation. The former proceeds from the will, which is the -originating power, though mechanical and physiological causes -intervene. Since, therefore, similar effects have similar or -resembling causes, it is a strictly analogical inference that as the -effects correspond, the causes will resemble each other, and the -essential part of the correspondence will not consist in the apparatus -used (the phenomena), but in the will underlying, which is -noumenal.[17] - -In the fourth place, as the force of the will is both higher and -better known than the mechanical, chemical, and vital forces of -nature, we are warranted in interpreting the lower by the higher, and -not in reducing the higher to the level of the lower. As we ascend in -nature from the lowest vital forms to the highest type of -organization, we find that the higher is not only an advance upon the -lower, but that it _includes_ it; and no naturalist would describe a -vertebrated animal by that which it held in common with the mollusca. -That in which it differs from the types beneath it is held to be its -distinctive and descriptive feature. When, therefore, we reach man at -the top of the scale, separated by a distinct endowment from the -classes beneath him, yet conserving all their main characteristics in -his nature, and describe him not by what he has in common with the -lower animals, but by that in which he differs from them, we act on -the principle of selecting the highest feature we can find, and taking -it as our guide. And similarly when we are in search of the Supreme -Principle of the universe, the _causa causarum_, we interpret it by -the highest features in human nature, because that nature is the -highest with which we are experimentally acquainted. And we may -validly throw the burden of proof upon the positivist, and ask why the -great cosmical force that rules in nature should be radically -different from the volitional force which is the root of our -personality? Reverting again to the force of gravitation, why should -it not be the outcome in nature of a Will vaster than man's, -resembling, yet transcending it? To what does that force amount? The -phenomenalist cannot arrest our inquiry by simply drawing the veil of -nescience over it. He cannot slip a lid over the end of our telescope -turned skyward by merely exclaiming 'mystery of mysteries, all is -mystery.' And it seems to us that we must either divest the word -gravitation of all intelligible meaning, or while perceiving the -unlikeness at a glance, we must 'invest it with a human or -_quasi-human_ vitality.' - -_Quasi_, for again in the fifth place, this all-pervasive protean -force assumes many a phase which is exceedingly unlike the operations -of a personal power. In many of her moods, Nature has the countenance -of the sphinx. She is sublimely silent as to her inmost essence. Cold, -stern, inflexible, neutral, taciturn, apathetic--all these terms seem -applicable to her at times, as we gaze across the chasm between man -and the universe. But the regulative idea, which we find in the -analogy of the human will, is not to be regarded as exhaustive or -exclusive of other notions which may unite with it. The personal force -may at the same time be more than personal. Its highest quality -becomes to us what we have called its regulative idea; but it contains -elements within the infinite compass of its nature, different from -those features of which we find the mirror in ourselves.[18] It is -sufficient if we know that the _causa causarum_, the all-pervading -life of the universe, can in any sense be described as personal, that -we can speak of 'the soul of nature,' without being the dupes of a -fanciful analogy, dealing merely with figure and hyperbole. Be it -admitted by every theist that there are myriad facets which the subtle -life of nature may present to the beholder. We not only may, we must -think of it as - - 'He, they, one, all, within, without, - The power in darkness which we guess.' - -It reveals itself to us now as personal, awakening and responding to -the instinct of worship, calling forth our wonder and reverence, with -the hunger and the thirst of the human spirit in rising to its source; -now it turns its cold, impassive, silent face towards us; and as we -feel its immeasurable transcendency we are warned against the error of -construing it into a mere exaggeration of ourselves. We thus learn on -the one hand, the indefinite unlikeness between man and the Supreme -Spirit of the universe, and on the other their positive likeness or -kindredness. We escape the prevailing error of mediaevalism, and the -equally fatal error of the modern scientific spirit. The tendency of -the schoolmen was to interpret all the laws of nature in the light of -_a priori_ notions of the mind. They did not search laboriously for -her own meaning, and wait patiently for her revelations; but distorted -nature by _outre_ hypotheses fetched altogether from within. It is, -however, an equal if not a greater onesidedness to do exactly the -reverse; to interpret the human spirit in the light of external nature -and organic law. The apotheosis of man was at least no worse--(we -think it rather better)--than making a fetish of nature, and -explaining the sublime mysteries of the human will by the phenomena of -molecular action. We therefore maintain that amid the many possible -manifestations of the infinite Life, they may be reduced to two -primary forms, the one impersonal and the other personal. God is -infinitely unlike the creature. He is also the archetype of which we -are the type. And we have less need to be philosophically warned -against the possible caricature of the latter doctrine (of which the -teachers of nescience remind us), than to be cautioned against the -partial truth of the former, which, in isolation, may so easily drift -into exaggeration and a lie. - -The intellectual intuition of the infinite, which we have endeavoured -to vindicate, so far attests this correspondence; but the inspired -utterance of the Poet in reference to the soul of nature, no less -bears it witness. The identity or affinity of the force within him and -the forces without, is felt by the poet when the speculative thinker -perceives it not. He cannot analyse into its constituent elements the -mystic meaning of the universe which is flashed into his soul in -moments of glowing inspiration, as the chemist analyses his earths in -a crucible. But he is the - - 'Mighty prophet, seer blest, - With whom these truths do rest, - Which we are toiling all our years to find - In darkness lost.' - -And he may be able to help the merely scientific explorer out of that -abyss of mystery in which he is speculatively lost, and to save him -from erecting an altar to 'the unknown God.' While his soul, in 'a -wise passiveness,' lies open to the visitations of the supernatural, -he sees a vision, and he hears a voice, of which he can give no -scientific explanation, but which announces to him the 'open secret.' - -Perhaps the finest description of the characteristics of the soul's -intuitions is that given by Lowell, 'the prevailing poet' of America. -He writes-- - - 'As blind nestlings, unafraid, - Stretch up wide-mouthed to every shade, - By which their downy dream is stirred, - Taking it for the mother-bird; - So, when God's shadow, which is light, - My wakening instincts falls across, - Silent as sunbeams over moss, - _In my heart's-nest half-conscious things - Stir with a helpless sense of wings, - Lift themselves up_, and tremble long - With premonitions sweet of song.' - -The poet may thus throw the plank for us where the psychologist or -metaphysician fails. He 'sees into the life of things.' His insight, -which comes and goes in flashes marvellous but fugitive, which dart -across the world and bring back this report of correspondence, -illumines every realm of nature. He tells us that it is 'haunted for -ever by the Eternal Mind.' He finds the whole temple of nature -exquisitely filled with symbols of his own deepest thought. She is a -storehouse of imagery expressing the subtlest gradations of his -feeling. Wherever he moves he finds that the forms and the forces -around him are an interpretation of what he _is_. They are the -symbolic language of his deepest thoughts and highest aspirations, -while his innermost life again interprets them. He explains the inner -world in terms of the outer, and the outward in terms of the inward. -In the grand vocation of the poet, we know of nothing grander than his -function to mediate between the baffled ontologist and the man of -science. He is a reconciler who presents a common truth which those -on either side may recognise, and the recognition of which may draw -them together. - -This vast and varied region of our complex nature, the aesthetic or -poetic, thus comes to the aid of our theology. The great imaginative -poets, in their delineations of man and nature, do not idealise; they -_see_: or they see before they idealise. Who will affirm that -Wordsworth's 'inward eye'--by the use and cultivation of which he -became the greatest of all interpreters of the symbolism of nature--in -seeing visions, saw but the ghostly forms of his own imagination, and -was not in contact with _real existence_? Are his 'spiritual -presences' as unreal as the fawns and dryads of polytheistic legend? -And was not even the early personification of nature a cruder -testimony in the same direction,--the belief in these deities of the -wood and hill and stream being a dumb homage by the savage mind to a -divinity in nature kindred to man? Is the poet, then, _a seer_,[19] or -only the elaborator of fancies?--the mere creator of ideal shapes, or -the discerner of real existence? He tells us that nature is a luminous -veil, behind which visions are to be seen, and voices heard; that -sometimes, in a moment, he has come upon the footprints of the -supernatural; and that, in such moments, he is in contact with a -reality, which he calls 'the soul of the world.' Why should he call it -a _soul_, if he has no intuition of its analogy and correspondence -with his own nature? And what though he speaks continually in the -plural, and tells us of the myriad 'presences,' as the scientific -explorer speaks of manifold 'forces?' What though he lapses into a -semipolytheist interpretation of nature? It is but the sign of a -weight of inspiration too vast for one utterance. It indicates that -his feeling of the central life has broken up the diversity; that -nature's great soul--_the_ Presence--cannot reveal itself at once as -all-in-all and all inclusive; within the boundaries of the finite -mind. In its very wealth it reveals itself as manifold. But as the -poet and the philosopher may combine the manifold in the unity of -their own mind, why not also in the unity of the object revealing -itself to them? - -It is to be observed, however, that the object which the poet's -insight attests and reveals, is not phenomenal, but substantial. -Hence no question arises as to its origin. It is only that which -enters on the theatre of phenomenal existence that demands a further -explanation. The entrance and the exit of phenomena are explained, -when we refer them to the substance out of which they have emerged, -and to which they return. But we do not ask for the origin of -substance, any more than for the origin of space, time, or number. - -There is still another branch of the theistic evidence from intuition. -It is the instinct of worship. Our space admits of but a sentence -regarding it. It is seen in the mere uprise of the soul, spontaneously -doing homage to a higher than itself; in the sense of dependence, felt -by all men who 'know themselves;' in the need which the worshipper -feels of approaching One who is higher and holier than himself, and in -whom all perfection resides, who is recognisable by him, and is -interested in his state; in the workings of the filial instinct -seeking its source, and, as said St. Augustine, 'restless till it -rests in Thee;' in the suffrage of the heart rising amid the miseries -of its lot, and even against the surmises of the intellect, to the -'Rock that is higher than it;' in the soul's aspirations--its thirst -for the ideal, while it feels the necessity of an absolute centre or -ultimate standard of truth, beauty, and goodness; and even in the -passionate longings of the mystic to reach an utterly transcendent -good. All these things bear witness to an _instinct_, working often in -the dark, but always seeking its source. They are almost universal, -and they are certainly ineradicable. They show how deeply the roots of -the theistic faith are planted in the soil of the moral consciousness. -We cannot, however, pursue these several lines of proof in detail. -They form a fitting link of connection with the more strictly ethical -evidence, on which we must add a few paragraphs. - -The Kantian argument is more intricate and much less satisfactory than -the common evidence from the phenomena of conscience itself. It is -founded on the moral law, with its 'categorical imperative,' asserting -that certain actions are right and others wrong, in a world in which -the right is often defrauded of its legitimate awards, and the wrong -is temporarily successful. This, however, says Kant, points to a -future; in which the irregularity will be redressed, and _therefore_ -to a Supreme Moral Power, able to effect it. The argument is -altogether inferential. It is circuitous, its conclusion being in a -sense an appendix to the doctrine of immortality; and it has only a -secondary connection with the data of the moral law itself. But the -phenomena of conscience afford the data of theism directly. We do not -raise the question of the nature or the origin of the moral faculty. -We assume its existence, as an _a priori_ principle, carrying with it -not a contingent but an absolute and unconditional authority. But this -moral law within us is the index of another power, a higher -personality whence it emanates, and of whose character it is the -expression. The law carries in its very heart or centre the evidence -of a moral law-giver, his existence not being an inference _from_, but -a postulate _of_ this law. It is given with the direct and antithetic -clearness with which the infinite is given as the correlative of the -finite; and the ascent from the law to the supreme legislator is not -greater than is the ascent from space and time, revealed in limited -areas and intervals, to immensity and eternity. The two data are the -terms of relation. And thus we do not rise to the divine existence by -any 'regressive inference,' as the Kantian argument reaches it; we -find God _in_ conscience. Moral analysis reveals _Another_, within and -yet above our own personality: and if we _reject that implicate_ which -is folded within the very idea of conscience, it ceases to be -authoritative; and, divested of all ethical significance, it sinks to -the level of expediency. - -Thus the moral part of our nature rests upon the background of another -and a divine personality. Let us analyse the notion of duty, the idea -of obligation contained in the word '_ought_.' If it resolves itself -into this, 'it is expedient to act in a certain manner, because, if we -do not, we injure the balance of our faculties, promote a schism -amongst the several powers, and put the machinery of human nature out -of working gear:' then it does not point to one behind it, any more -than the phenomenal sequences and designs in nature point in that -direction. But if we 'ought _simply because we ought_,' _i.e._, -because the law which we find within us, but did not produce, controls -us, haunts us, and claims supremacy over us, then we find in such a -fact the revelation of One from whom the law has emanated. As Fenelon -says in reference to the idea of the infinite, breathing the spirit of -St. Augustine-- - - 'Where have I obtained this idea, which is so much above - me, which infinitely surpasses me, which astonishes me, - which makes me disappear in my own eyes, which renders the - infinite present to me. It is in me; it is more than - myself. It seems to me everything, and myself nothing. I - can neither efface, obscure, diminish, nor contradict it. - It is in me; I have not put it there, I have found it - there: and I have found it there only because it was - already there before I sought it. It remains there - invariable even if I do not think of it, when I think of - something else. I find it wherever I seek it, and it often - presents itself when I am not seeking it. It does not - depend upon me. I depend upon it.'[20] - -Similarly Newman writes of conscience,-- - - 'A voice within forbids, and summons us to refrain; - And if we bid it to be silent, it yet is not still: it is - not in our control, - It acts without our order, without our asking, against our will. - It is _in_ us, it belongs to us, but it is not _of_ us: it - is _above_ us. - It is moral, it is intelligent, it is not _we_, nor at our bidding; - It pervades mankind, as one life pervades the trees.'[21] - -Whence then comes this law which is 'in us, yet not of us, but above -us,' which we did not create, and which circumstances do not fashion, -though they modify its action? Is it not the moral echo within of a -Voice louder and vaster without--a voice which legislates, and in its -sanctity commands, issuing imperial edicts for the entire universe of -moral agency? In one sense conscience is the viceroy or representative -of a higher power; in another it is the voice of one crying in the -wilderness of the human spirit, 'Prepare ye the way for the Law.' It -ever speaks 'as one having authority,' and yet its central -characteristic (as pointed out by a living teacher) is not that the -conscience _has_ authority, but that it is 'the consciousness _of_ -authority.' It testifies to another: the implanted instinct bearing -witness to its Implanter; and through the hints and intimations of -this master-faculty thus throned amidst the other powers, we are able -to ascend intuitively and directly to God. We are 'constituted to -transcend ourselves,' and conscience becomes a ladder by which we -mount to the supernatural, as well as the voice inarticulate, yet -audible, which speaks to us of God. Thus, to quote the language of one -of the Cambridge Platonists of the 17th century (Dr. John Smith)-- - - 'As Plotinus teaches us, "he who reflects upon himself - reflects upon his own _original_," God has so copied forth - himself into the whole life and energy of man's soul as - that the character of the divinity may be most easily seen - and read of all within themselves. And whenever we look - upon our souls in a right manner we shall find a _Urim_ and - a _Thummim_ there; and though the whole fabric of this - visible universe be whispering out the notion of a Deity, - yet we cannot understand it without _this interpreter - within_.' - -FOOTNOTES: - -[11] The terms _a priori_ and _a posteriori_ are misleading. Arguments -called _a priori_ are usually mixed, and involve elements strictly _a -posteriori_: experiential facts are inlaid within them. And the proof -_a posteriori_ ascends (if it ascends high enough) by the aid of _a -priori_ principles. In its rise to the supersensible, it makes use of -the noetic principle of the reason. - -[12] For other contributions we are indebted to the historians of -philosophy (see especially Buhle) and of Christian doctrine, such as -Neander and Hagenbach, and to one of the cleverest of French thinkers, -Remusat, who, in his 'Philosophie Religieuse,' has acutely criticised -some of the developments of opinion since the rise of modern -philosophy, and more especially some of the latest phenomena of -British and Continental thought. - -[13] And a _possible_ explanation is of no use. It must be the _only -possible_ one, or it has no theistic value. It merely brings the -hypothesis of deity within the limits of the conceivable. - -[14] 'I would rather call it,' says John Smith in his 'Select -Discourses,' (1660), alluding to this intuition, 'were I to speak -precisely, I would rather call it [Greek: hormen pros ton Theon], -than, with Plutarch, [Greek: Theou noesin].' - -[15] There are sundry elements in every intuition on which we do not -here enlarge, as they are necessary features rather than criteria, -characteristics rather than tests. Two of them may be merely -stated--1. Every intuition is ultimate, and carries its own evidence -within itself: it cannot appeal to any higher witness beyond itself; -and 2. The fact or facts which it proclaims, while irreducible by -analysis, must be incapable of any other explanation. - -[16] Similarly with the action of the infinite and absolute _cause_. -The creative energy of that cause is not inconsistent with its -changelessness. To say so, is to introduce a quantitative notion -into a sphere when quality is alone to be considered. A cause in -action is the force which determines the changes which occur in time. -But the _primum mobile_, the first cause, need not be itself changed -by the forthputting of its causal power. - -[17] 'I take the notion of a cause,' said Dr. Thomas Reid, in a letter -to Dr. Gregory, 'to be derived from the power I feel in myself to -produce certain effects. _In this sense_ we say that the Deity is the -cause of the universe.'--(Works, Hamilton's Edition, p. 77). - -[18] As one who sustains a fatherly relation is at the same time son, -brother, citizen, member of a commonwealth, and member of a -profession; or, as we describe a being of compound nature, such as -man, who is both body and soul, by the higher term of the two. - -[19] We use this word according to its ancient meaning, as descriptive -of the way in which the inspired soul of a prophet or a poet 'became -possessed of his truths,' in distinction from his other function as an -'utterer of truths.' And we refer only to those poets who, as -'utterers of truth,' have spoken of the spiritual presences of nature, -amongst whom, Wordsworth is chief. - -[20] De l'Existence de Dieu. Part II. ch. i. s. 29. - -[21] Theism, pp. 13, 14. - - - - -ART. III.--_Hugh Miller._--(1). _Life and Letters of Hugh Miller._ By -PETER BAYNE, A.M. 2 vols. Strahan and Co. (2). _Works of Hugh Miller._ -Nimmo. - - -What strikes us as most admirable in Hugh Miller is, that he was a man -of genius and yet a man of sense. There has been, and will be, -diversity of opinion as to the value or even the existence of his -genius, but there can be no doubt as to the robust and masculine -character of his mind. When we think of him we recall what Macaulay -said of Cromwell, 'He was emphatically a man.' He possessed, in an -eminent degree, that 'equally-diffused intellectual health' which can -no more be acquired by effort or artifice than a sound physical -constitution can be obtained by the use of drugs. So often, of late, -has genius been freakish, whimsical, fantastic--evinced a perverse -contempt for the moderation and equipoise of truth--substituted -feminine vehemence of assertion for clear statement and rational -inference--nay, seemed to hover on the very verge of madness--that we -are disposed to accommodate ourselves to considerable defect in -startling and meteoric qualities on the part of one who, while -veritably possessing genius, was distinguished for sagacity, -manliness, and the avoidance of extremes. - -But was Hugh Miller a man of genius? We see not how any but an -affirmative answer can be returned to the question. Metaphysical -people may perplex themselves with attempts to define genius, but no -practical evil can ensue from the application of the word 'genius' to -qualities of mind, unique either in nature or in degree. It is correct -to speak of mathematical genius when we mean an altogether -extraordinary capacity for solving mathematical problems. It is -correct to speak of poetical genius when we mean an inborn tunefulness -of nature which awakens to vocal melody at the sight of beauty or the -touch of pathos. When we say Hugh Miller was a man of genius, we mean -that, take him all in all, in his life, in his character, in his -books, he was unique. In a remote Highland village, one of the -quietest, least important places in the world, amid a simple, -ruminating population, with no Alpine grandeur of surrounding scenery -or stirring memorials of local life, the sea-captain's son is born. -Nothing in the history of his father's house for generations affords -suggestion of an hereditary gift of expression; and though his mother -had a fund of ghost-stories and delighted to tell them, she passed -among her neighbours for an entirely undistinguished, commonplace -woman. And yet, before he was ten years old, the child Hugh would -quit his boyish companions for the sea-shore, and there saunter for -hours, pouring forth blank-verse effusions about sea-fights, ghosts, -and desert islands. A peculiar imaginative susceptibility and a -passion for expression revealed themselves in him from his infancy. -The strong bent of his nature regulated his education. He is -bookish--his fairy tales, voyages, 'Pilgrim's Progress,' Bible -stories, afford him enchanting pleasure--but he will pay no attention -to the books which his schoolmaster puts into his hand. He is the -dunce of the school, yet his class-fellows hang on his lips while he -charms them with extemporised narratives, and in the wood and the -caves he is acknowledged as the leader of them all. His mind is ever -open; at every moment knowledge is streaming in upon him; but the -whole method of his intellectual growth is conditioned from within, -through the peremptory determinations of his inborn spiritual force -and personality. At all hours he is an observer of nature, and -acquires, without knowing it, a perfect familiarity with every living -thing--bird, beast, fish, reptile, insect, as well as with every tree, -plant, flower, and stone, which are to be met with from the pine-wood -on the cliff, to the wet sand left by the last wave of the retreating -tide upon the shore. He thus grows up a naturalist. With a mind -opulently furnished, and well acquainted even with books, he -nevertheless finds himself, when his boyhood and early youth are -spent, entirely unqualified to proceed to College. He chooses the -trade of a mason, but the irresistible bent of his nature is obeyed -even in this choice, for he knew that masons in the Highlands of -Scotland did not work in the winter months, and in these he would -betake himself to his beloved pen. For fifteen years he worked as a -mason, earning his bread by steady, effective labour, but aware all -the time of a power within him, a force of giant mould imprisoned -beneath the mountain of adverse circumstance, which, he doubted not, -would one day make itself known to the world. This vague prophecy in -his heart, which surely was the voice of his genius speaking within -him, was fulfilled. Sorcerers in the old time professed to show -visions of the past and future in magic mirrors; but the true magical -mirror is the mind of genius; and when Hugh Miller's contemporaries -beheld, reflected in the mirror of his mind, lifted from the profound -obscurity in which they had formerly slept and set in vivid clearness -before the eyes of the world, the little town he loved, the Sutors, -the bay, the hill, they felt that the one Cromarty man of all -generations who had done this was possessed of genius. With this -decision we rest content. - -The true greatness of Hugh Miller lay, however, in his moral -qualities. Here we may give our enthusiasm the rein. There was a rare -nobleness, a rare blending of magnanimity, rectitude and gentleness, -in this man. His affections were at once tender and constant, and when -you search the very deeps of his soul, you find in it no malice, no -guile, no greed, nothing which can be called base or selfish. We are -struck with admiration as we mark the high tones of his mind, his -superiority to all vulgar ambitions. There has probably been some -romancing about the peasant nobles of Scotland, but in Hugh Miller, -the journeyman mason, and in his uncles James and Sandy, the one a -saddler, the other a wood-cutter, we have three men who, so long as -the mind is the standard of the man, will be classed with the finest -type of gentleman. It is greatly to the honour of Scotland, and of the -old evangelical religion of Scotland, that she produced such men. Hugh -Miller's uncles performed for him a father's part, and he learned from -them, not so much through formal instruction as by a certain -contagion--to use the phrase in which the Londoners, a hundred years -ago, in their inscription on Blackfriars Bridge, described with -felicitous precision the manner of Pitt's influence on his -contemporaries--that sensitive uprightness, that manly independence, -and that love of nature, by which he was distinguished. The ambition -of money-making, which as it were naturally and inevitably suggests -itself to a youth of parts in an English village, never seems to have -so much as presented itself to the mind of Hugh Miller. In cultivating -the spiritual faculties of his soul, in adding province after province -to the empire of his mind, lay at once the delight and the ambition of -this young mechanic. He aspired to fame, but his conception of fame -was pure and lofty. Of the vanity which feeds on notoriety he had no -trace, and cared not for reputation if he could not deliberately -accept it as his due. A proud man he was; perhaps, at times, too -sternly proud; but from the myriad pains and pettinesses which have -their root in vanity, he was conspicuously free. Very beautiful also -is the unaffected delight which this rough-handed mason takes in the -aspects of nature. It has none of that sickliness or excess which -strong men admit to have more or less characterised the enthusiasm for -the freshness of spring and the splendour of summer of what has been -called the London school of poetry. In the rapture with which Keats -sang of trees and fields, there is something of the nature of -calenture. Pent in the heart of London, he thought of the crystal -brooks and the wood-hyacinths with a weeping fondness, instinct -indeed with finest melody, but akin to that sick and melancholy joy -with which the sailor in mid-ocean gazes on the waste of billows, -gazes and still gazes until on their broad green sides the little -meadow at his father's cottage door with its grey willows and white -maythorns seems to smile out on his tear-filled eyes. Had Keats run -about the hills and played in the twilight woods as a little boy, he -would not have loved nature less, but his poetical expression of that -love would not have struck masculine intellects as verging on the -lachrymose and the fantastic. Nature to Miller was a constant joy, a -part of the wonted aliment of his soul, an inspiring, elevating -influence, strengthening him for the tasks of life. 'I remember,' he -writes of the days of his youth, - - 'how my happiness was enhanced by every little bird that - burst out into sudden song among the trees, and then as - suddenly became silent, or by every bright-scaled fish that - went darting through the topaz-coloured depths of the - water, or rose for a moment over its calm surface,--how the - blue sheets of hyacinths that carpeted the openings in the - wood delighted me, and every golden-tinted cloud that - gleamed over the setting sun, and threw its bright flush on - the river, seemed to inform the heart of a heaven beyond.' - -The mason lad who could feel thus had little to envy in the gold of -the millionaire or the title of the aristocrat. Well did the ancients -match sound and sense in that phrase, _sancta simplicitas_; such -simplicity of soul is indeed holy and healing. - -The sterling worth and fine moral quality of Miller are brought out in -his relations with his friends. Of passion in the common sense he was -singularly void, and there is no evidence that, until he passed his -thirtieth year, female beauty once touched his heart. But his -affection for his friends was ardent to the degree of passion, and -constant as it was ardent. Both autobiographers and biographers are -apt to paint up the youthful friendships of their heroes, and we are -glad that Mr. Bayne has been able to verify, and more than verify, by -infallible documentary evidence, all that, in his 'Schools and -Schoolmasters,' Miller tells us of his relations to his two friends, -William Ross and John Swanson. Ross was perhaps the most finely gifted -of the three, but the circumstances of his birth were hopelessly -depressing. His parents were sunk in the lowest depths of poverty; but -this was not the worst; his constitution was so feeble that sustained -and resolute effort was for him a physical impossibility. Amid the -debility of his bodily energies there burned, with strange, sad, -piercing radiance, the flame of genius. With exquisite accuracy of -discernment he took the measure of Miller, pointing out to him where -his strength lay and where his weakness. He knew his own powers, also, -but saw that Miller had stamina while he had none; and, with tragic -pathos, accused himself of indolence and vacillation, when his only -fault was that he was dying. Delicately organised in all respects, he -displayed a musical faculty more usual among peasant boys in Italy -than in Scotland, made himself a fife and clarionet of elder-shoots, -and became one of the best flute-players in the district. From the -little damp room in which Ross slept during his apprenticeship to a -house-painter, Miller used to hear the sweet sounds on which his soul -rose for the time above all its sorrows. He had a fine appreciation, -too, of the beauty of landscape. 'I have seen him,' says Miller, 'awed -into deep solemnity, in our walks, by the rising moon, as it peered -down upon us over the hill, red and broad and cloud-encircled, through -the interstices of some clump of dark firs; and have observed him -become suddenly silent, as, emerging from the moonlight woods, we -looked into a rugged dell, and saw, far beneath, the slim rippling -streamlet gleaming in the light, like a narrow strip of the _aurora -borealis_ shot athwart a dark sky, when the steep, rough sides of the -ravine, on either hand, were enveloped in gloom.' Ross had educated -his faculty of aesthetic perception and of art-criticism by study of -Hogarth's Analysis of Beauty, Fresnoy's Art of Painting, Gessner's -Letters, and Sir Joshua Reynolds's Lectures. Miller describes him as -looking constantly on nature with the eye of the artist, signalising -and selecting the characteristic beauties of the landscape. This habit -of imaginative composition would, we believe, have been fixed on by -the most accomplished instructors in the art of painting at this -moment in Europe, as the best proof that could be given by Ross of the -possession of artistic genius. Turner was at all times a composer, and -never painted a leaf with photographic correctness. But the poverty of -William Ross condemned him to the drudgery of a house-painter, and he -had no teaching in the higher departments of art. He proceeded to -Edinburgh, and thence to Glasgow, his fine talent distinguishing him -from ordinary workmen, and enabling him to procure work of such -delicacy that he could continue it when too weak to engage in the -usual tasks of house-painting. Thoughtful and kind, he assisted a -brother-workman who was dying by his side, and having shielded his -friend from want, and soothed his last moments, he followed him -speedily to the grave. - -John Swanson was of a different build, physically and intellectually, -from Ross. His characteristic was energy of mind and of body. He was a -distinguished student at the University, an athlete in mathematics, an -acute metaphysician; but the mystic fire of genius, which Miller saw -in the eye of Ross, and which he believed to have fallen on himself, -threw none of its prismatic colouring over the framework of Swanson's -mind. He was the first of the three to come under strong religious -impressions. Abandoning philosophical subtleties, and accepting, with -the whole force of his robust mind, the salvation offered by Christ, -he pressed upon Miller with importunate earnestness the heavenly -treasure which himself had found. He was not at first successful. -Steady labour, indeed, in the quarry, and in the hewing shed, had -chastened the youthful wildness of Miller, and he had become, though -not religious, at least reverent and thoughtful. As Swanson's appeals -took effect, the early religious teaching of his uncles, which had -probably lain dormant in his mind, asserted its influence. He does not -appear to have been conscious of this fact, and indeed it was not the -catechetic instruction, but the personal example of his uncles, that -told upon him. At all events, after hesitating and playing shy, he was -fairly brought to a stand by Swanson; and though he underwent no -paroxysm of religious excitement, a profound change took place in his -character, a change which penetrated to the inmost depths of his -nature, changed the current of his being, and was regarded by himself -as his conversion. He was thus knit in still closer fellowship with -Swanson, and their friendship continued uninterrupted until his death. -Had his opinions not taken this shape, it seems likely that he would -have become daringly sceptical. He had assuredly, to use the words of -Coleridge, skirted the deserts of infidelity. He was familiar with the -writings of Hume, whose argument against miracles defines to this hour -the position taken up by all who, on scientific grounds deny the -supernatural origin of Christianity. There was a time when he fancied -himself an atheist, and the profane affectation might have deepened -into reality. But after his correspondence with Swanson, he never -wavered. The consideration which, from an intellectual point of view, -chiefly influenced him in pronouncing Christianity Divine, was -two-fold. Christianity, he said, was no _cunningly_ devised fable. It -offended man at too many points--it seemed too palpably to contradict -his instincts of justice--to have been invented by man. At the same -time, it was fitted, with exquisite nicety of adaptation, and with -measureless amplitude of comprehension, to meet the wants of man's -spiritual nature. Man neither would nor could have created it, any -more than he could or would have created manna; but when he took of -it, and did eat, he found that it was angels' food, making him, though -his steps were still through the wilderness of this world, the brother -of angels. Miller has not in any of his writings elaborated this idea -with the fulness of exposition, defence and illustration which the -importance of the part it played in his system of thought might render -desirable; but it is obvious that it would, for him, not only silence -the arguments which had previously seemed to tell against -Christianity, but array them on the side of belief. The more offensive -and contradictory Christianity might be to natural reason and -conscience, the stronger would be the logical chain by which he was -drawn to infer its supernatural origin. The courses of the stars might -appear to him a maze of lawless and inadmissible movements, but when -he steered his little boat by them, he was led safely across dark -billows and perilous currents; clearly, therefore, One who understood -the whole matter infinitely better than he had put together the -time-piece of the heavens. Such was his argument, and it is not -without force. Practically his religion consisted in an inexpressible -enthusiasm of devotion to Christ. The term which he uniformly applies -to the Saviour is 'The Adorable,' and he dwelt, with lingering, -wondering, rejoicing affection on the sympathy of the Man Christ Jesus -with human wants and weaknesses. Seldom have the efforts of friendship -been more nobly crowned than were those of John Swanson when this -radical change took place in the spiritual condition of Hugh Miller. - -His relations with Swanson and with Ross attest the warmth and -constancy of his affections; but the gentleness of his nature does not -fully dawn upon us until we read his letters to Miss Dunbar, and -understand the friendship which subsisted between him and that lady. -She was many years his senior, and as the sister of a Scottish -Baronet, Sir Alexander Dunbar, of Boath, and a Tory of the old school, -we should have expected her to be shy of poetical masons. Something in -Miller's verses, however, attracted her, and a singularly tender and -romantic friendship sprung up between them. On his side, it was -confined to affectionate appreciation and admiring esteem; but she -wrote to him with the tenderness of a mother, and did not scruple to -tell him that he was the dearest friend she had in the world. His -letters to her are not distinguished by originality or by -extraordinary power; but they abound in delineations of nature, poetic -in their loveliness; they are just in thought, and faultless in -feeling; and in literary style they are perhaps, on the whole, the -most melodious and beautiful of his compositions. Like his other -writings these letters are full of self-portrayal, and the face which, -with pensive, fascinating smile, seems to beam on us from the page, is -that of a right noble and loveable man. We feel that this mason is a -gentleman; a gentleman of the finest strain; one whose gentleness is -of the heart, and manifests itself, not in the polished urbanity of -cities which often hides a bad and cold nature, but in a vigilant -kindness, a manly deference, and above all a delicate sympathy. The -few words of reference to Hugh Miller occurring incidentally in Dr. -McCosh's recollections of Bunsen, and published in the biography of -the latter--which, by the way, seem to us to cast a more vivid light -upon the man than the far lengthier recollections of Miller by Dr. -McCosh, printed in Mr. Bayne's biography--specify the intense -sweetness and fascination belonging to his presence. Despite his -rugged exterior, his shaggy head and rough-hewn features, his mason's -apron, his slowly enunciated speech, and his somewhat heavy manner, -this fascination was felt by all who had an opportunity of -experiencing it. - -We hinted that he was singularly devoid of sensibility to the charm of -female beauty. In this respect he presents a marked contrast to Burns, -and indeed to most men of powerful intellect and vivid imagination. -But he loved once, and then he loved with all the intensity of his -nature. At the time when his name was beginning to be known through -the north of Scotland as that of one who had a future, Miss Lydia -Fraser, ten years his junior, arrived in Cromarty. She was possessed -of no small personal beauty, had received a good education, was -addicted to intellectual pursuits, wrote fluently both in prose and -verse, and was gifted with remarkable acuteness and clearness of mind. -Her temperament was more mercurial than Miller's; he was more capable -of patient thought, and, on the whole, more solidly able. It may be -doubted whether a pair thus matched enjoyed the surest prospect of -happiness in the married state, but it is evident that they were -precisely in the position to strike up a romantic friendship. He was -the literary lion of Cromarty, she the gifted beauty of the place; -their friendship and their love were as much in the order of nature -as that of Tenfelsdroeckh and Blumine, though happily it had no such -tragic conclusion. The gifted beauty could not help pausing in her -walk to have a few words with the poetic mason as he hewed in the -churchyard, his head sure to be full of some book or subject, his eye -quick to catch every new light of beauty that fell upon the landscape. -They soon found that they were more to each other than friends, and -thereupon difficulties manifold interfered with their meeting. The -young lady's mother was startled at the idea that her daughter should -bestow her affections on a horn-handed mechanic, even though he had -issued a volume of poems, a volume much praised, not so much bought, -and already looked on almost with contempt by its sternly critical -author. Miller, for his own part, had no wish to rise in the world. -With a philosophy antique and astonishing in these restless times, he -had arrived at the conclusion that the world had nothing to offer -which would make him substantially happier than he was while hewing on -the hill of Cromarty. Had he not the skies and the sea, the wood and -the shore, and had not the whole world of literature and science been -thrown open to him when he learned to read? His wants were perfectly -simple, and exceedingly few, and were supplied to the utmost. He could -be quite happy in a cave with a boulder for table, and a stone for -chair, a book to read, and a pot in which to cook his homely fare; he -might well be less happy, he could not be more, in a gilded -drawing-room. - -These pleasing but somewhat effeminate dreams were dissipated by his -love for Miss Fraser, as a pretty little garden on the flanks of Etna -might be torn to pieces by the heavings of the volcano. He would marry -her into the rank of a lady, or he would not marry her, in Scotland at -least, at all. If it proved impossible for him to rise in his native -country, the lovers would seek a nook in the backwoods, and place the -Atlantic between them and the conventional notions and estimates of -British society. But the necessity for this step did not occur. Miller -was offered a situation in a branch office of the Commercial Bank, -which was opened in Cromarty in 1835. He laid down the mallet, not -without satisfaction but assuredly with no exultation, and, after a -brief initiation in the mysteries of banking at Linlithgow, entered on -his duties as bank accountant. Too healthful and honest of nature to -trifle in the discharge of any duties which he undertook, he addressed -himself with vigorous application to the business of the bank, and -found his new situation an admirable post for the study of human -nature. It was in conveying the bank's money between Cromarty and -Tain that he first carried firearms, a practice which he seems to have -almost constantly maintained from this time forward. It was at the -time of his joining the bank that his first prose volume, 'Scenes and -Legends of the North of Scotland,' was published. It contains passages -of exquisite beauty, and has since attained to considerable -popularity; but it was not immediately successful, and added little to -the modest income of its author. His marriage took place in the -beginning of 1837; he was then thirty-five years old, and had been -engaged to Miss Fraser for five years. - -Miller was a naturalist from his infancy, in the sense of habitually -observing nature and laying up store of natural facts in his memory; -but it was not until he had passed his thirtieth year, and until his -severe self-censure pronounced him to have failed, first in poetry and -secondly in prose literature, that he conscientiously and with the -whole force of his mind devoted himself to science. His mental changes -and processes were never sudden, and there was a transition period, -during which he hesitated between literature and science; but when his -resolution had once been taken, he cast no look behind. With intense, -absorbing, impassioned energy, he gave himself to the pursuit of -science. His experience in the quarry--of quite inestimable value to -him as a geologist--determined his choice of a scientific province for -special culture. His progress was wonderfully rapid. The geological -nomenclature which he found in books served to classify and formalise -knowledge which he had already acquired, and opened his eyes to the -fact that he was a geologist. But for the interruption of his plans, -by the agitation which issued in the disruption of the Scottish State -Church in 1843, and his being summoned to Edinburgh to undertake the -conduct of the _Witness_ newspaper, he would have published a -treatise, on the geology of the Cromarty district at least a year -earlier than the date at which he became known to the public as a man -of science. - -It reminds us how fast and how far the world has travelled in the last -thirty years to note that, in the year 1840, Hugh Miller was an -enthusiast for the State Church of Scotland. There are no enthusiastic -believers in the State Church theory, or what Miller called the -'establishment principle,' now. The most logical and consistent -members of the State Church of England avow that her chance of -vindicating her claim to the name and privilege of a Church depends -upon her ceasing to be a State Church; and the back of the Established -Church of Scotland was broken by the disruption. Sensible men, with -nothing of the revolutionist in their composition, are now generally -of opinion that the days of both our ecclesiastical establishments are -numbered. The opinion, also, would be generally assented to, that it -is when viewed as a contribution to the cause of ecclesiastical -freedom throughout the United Kingdom, that the disruption of the -Scottish Presbyterian Church, in 1843, can be seen to be of historical -importance. Of this Hugh Miller had no idea. He accepted the theory of -a State Church, and he lent his championship to the Majority in the -Scottish Church, when contending against the Court of Session, because -he believed that the compact agreed upon between Church and State in -Scotland, at the time of the union of England and Scotland, had been -infringed. It would occupy too much space to explain fully to English -readers how the State Church of Scotland had become endeared to the -people, and was to them a symbol, not of oppression or of bondage, but -of freedom. Suffice it to say that the Scottish Reformation of the -sixteenth century was thoroughly popular, and essentially -Presbyterian; that, in the seventeenth century, the cause of the -Presbyterian Church was always the cause of civil freedom; and that, -when the Church was finally established, after the expulsion of James -II., she emerged from a long period of persecution, during which she -had been regarded with reverence and affection by the great body of -the Scottish people. Add to this that the lay elders, standing, as -they did, on the same level of authority with the clergy in the Church -courts, prevented the latter from becoming a mere clerical caste. It -was an eminently felicitous circumstance for the Scottish Church, in -the 'ten years' conflict,' that her dispute with the civil authorities -turned on the rights of congregations. Her offence in the eyes of the -Court of Session and the British Parliament, was that she had, in a -manner deemed by them high-handed, asserted the right of congregations -to have no ministers thrust upon them against their will. When we -think of the profound indifference with which State Churchmen, in -England, regard the whole subject of the settlement of ministers--when -we observe the stone-like apathy with which they see dawdling youths -purchase with a bit of money the privilege of consuming a parochial -income and paralysing for, say thirty years, the spiritual life of a -parish--we cannot but contemplate with a mixture of wonder and -admiration the intense excitement which thrilled through Scotland when -the Evangelical majority in the Church Courts stood up to vindicate -the right of the people to be consulted in the choice of their -pastors. It was into the popular side of the controversy that Hugh -Miller threw his force. The right of the Church of Scotland to govern -herself, a right unquestionably conceded to her at the Union, he -distinctly maintained; but his most eloquent and effective pleading -was in defence of the privileges of congregations. He contributed more -perhaps than any other man, to secure for the Church in her struggles -with the Courts, and subsequently for the Free Church, the support of -the people of Scotland. Strange to say, though one of the principal -founders of the Free Church, he had no glimpse of that future of -ecclesiastical freedom of which, as we trust, the Free Church has been -the harbinger. To the last he talked of the 'establishment principle' -and the 'voluntary principle,' and fancied that some ineffable -advantage would be derived by the Church from the State, if only the -State could be induced to make a just league with the Church, and to -stand true to its conditions. This was one of the weakest points in -Hugh Miller's system of thought, and it must be allowed to have been a -very weak one. If the disruption of the Scottish Presbyterian Church -in 1843 proved anything, it proved that, even under the most -favourable circumstances, the State Church principle will not work. If -two ride upon a horse, one must ride behind, and if Scottish -Presbyterians have yet to learn that the State, having established a -Church, will sooner or later thrust it into a position of subservience -and slavery, they may be pronounced unteachable upon that subject. - -But it is was our intention to speak of Hugh Miller almost exclusively -as a man of science, and we have lingered too long upon other phases -of his history. His scientific talent was, we think, of a high order. -It consisted mainly in an admirable faculty of observation, keen, -clear, exact, comprehensive. He was habitually, and at all moments, an -observer. Mr. James Robertson, a gentleman who knew him intimately and -walked much with him in 1834, states, in some valuable recollections -of Miller, contributed to Mr. Bayne's biography, that he, Mr. R., soon -remarked how vividly alive he was to the appearances of nature, -darting now at a pebble in the bed of a brook, now, at a plant by the -wayside, never for one moment suspending his inquisition into the -scene of wonders spread around him. Such being his habit of -observation, two conditions only were required in order that he might -become famous as a man of science, first that the district in which he -pursued his researches had not been exhausted by previous explorers; -secondly, that he possessed a literary faculty adequate to the -communication of his knowledge. He was fortunate in both respects. The -Cromarty district afforded extraordinary opportunities of observation -in a department of the geological record until then but partially -known. The Old Red Sandstone system had only begun to attract the -attention of geologists. The Silurian system, below it, had been -successfully explored; the Carboniferous system, above it, had been -penetrated in all directions for its treasures of coal, and geologists -had large acquaintance with its organisms; but the Old Red Sandstone -had been comparatively overlooked. Miller found himself in the -neighbourhood of good sections of the formation, and studied them with -the utmost care and assiduity. His journeyings as a mason had made him -familiar with the rocky framework of the north of Scotland, into which -the Old Red Sandstone largely enters. He was able, therefore, on -claiming recognition as a man of science, to tender a highly important -contribution to the world's knowledge of one of the great geological -systems. His name is imperishably inscribed among the original workers -in the Old Red Sandstone, along with those of Sedgwick, Agassiz, and -Murchison. His specific contribution was connected with the ichthyic -organisms of the system, and no contribution could have been more -important. The Old Red Sandstone system is distinguished, -biologically, as that in which the vertebrate kingdom, in its lowest -or fish division, was first prominently developed; and the most -niggardly estimate of the achievement of Miller, as a geologist, must -recognise that the discoverer of Pterichthys first called the -attention of scientific men to the enormous wealth of the Old Red -Sandstone in fish. If this is so, it will be difficult to refuse the -addition that he determined the character of the formation. There are -fish in the upper beds of the Silurian system, but the characteristic -organisms are molluscan and crustacean; there are traces of reptile -existence in the Old Red, but its characteristic organisms are fish. - -Unquestionably, the sudden rise of Miller into eminence and reputation -as a geologist, was due, in some measure, to the exquisite clearness -and picturesqueness of his style. From his boyhood he had made it one -of his chief aims to perfect his literary workmanship. He had striven -to attain skill in writing, as an enthusiastic painter strives to -attain skill in the technical art of realising form and laying on -colour. His descriptions of fossil organisms surprised and delighted -scientific men, while the imaginative boldness and breadth with which -he depicted the landscapes of the remote past fascinated general -readers. After all, it maybe doubted whether the extreme elaboration -and minuteness with which he described individual organisms, such as -the Pterichthys, was not labour lost. A carefully executed wood-cut -conveys a more correct and impressive idea of the creature than any -words which could be devised. At all events, the descriptions of -fossil organisms in the works of Hugh Miller are as exact and vivid as -any in the English language. - -We spoke of the sincerity and earnestness of his religion. He had in -fact that quality of the true man, that he could be nothing by halves. -His religion was what genuine religion always is, a fire warming his -whole nature, and mingling with every operation of his mind. He was -thoroughly acquainted with the works of Hume, and had felt their -subtle and searching power. He had skirted, as we said, the howling -solitudes of infidelity, and now having, as he devoutly believed, been -led by a Divine hand to the green pastures and living waters and -healthful, habitable lands of faith, the central ambition of his life, -never asleep in his breast, was to lead others to the refuge which he -had found. He could not read in God's book of nature without thinking -of God, and endeavouring to trace the marks of His finger, and looking -for smooth stones to be put into his sling, and aimed at the foreheads -of the enemies of the faith. He had no sooner mastered the logic of -geology, and formed a conception of the platforms of life which have -been unveiled by the science in the remoteness of the past, than he -began to perceive, or think that he perceived, certain positions -afforded by it, which the defender of revealed religion might take up -with much advantage in carrying on the conflict with infidelity. Of -these, the best known is his scheme for reconciling the Mosaic account -of the creation of the heavens and the earth with the conclusions of -geologic science. This subject is disposed of in the 'Life and -Letters' in a single sentence; we think it deserved, and propose to -devote to it, more space and attention. - -Miller frankly avowed that the view which he originally held as to the -scientific interpretation of the first chapter of the Book of Genesis -had been modified. He had believed, with Chalmers and Buckland, that -the six days were natural days of twenty-four hours each; that the -operations performed in them had reference to the world as inhabited -by man; that a 'great chaotic gap' separated the 'latest of the -geologic ages' from the human period; and the Scripture contained no -account whatever of those myriads of ages during which the several -geological formations came into the state in which we now find them. -As his geological knowledge extended, and in particular, when he -engaged in close personal inspection of the Tertiary and Post-tertiary -formations, he perceived that the hypothesis of a chaotic period, -dividing the present from the past, in the history of our planet, was -untenable. 'No blank chaotic gap of death and darkness,' thus he -announces the result of his investigations, 'separated the creation to -which man belongs from that of the old extinct elephant, hippopotamus, -and hyaena; for familiar animals, such as the red deer, the roe, the -fox, the wild-cat, and the badger, lived throughout the period which -connected their times with our own; and so I have been compelled to -hold that the days of creation were not natural, but prophetic days, -and stretched far back into the bygone eternity.' - -It was legitimate for theologians, sixty years ago, to put their trust -in the theory of a chaotic state of the planet immediately before the -commencement of the human period, and to allege that Scripture had -folded up all reference to preceeding geological ages, in the words -'In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth.' The -authority of Cuvier was then supreme in the world of science, and -Cuvier held that 'not much earlier than 5,000 or 6,000 years ago' the -surface of the globe underwent a sudden and subversive catastrophe. -But no theologian who now maintains this hypothesis can place his -theology on a level with the scientific acquirement of the day. Dr. -Kurtz is the only theologian of any standing who is known to us as -still holding the view of Chalmers; and if we were asked how a person -accurately acquainted with geological science might best obtain a -conception of the untenability of the theory of a recent chaos, we -should advise him to read Dr. Kurtz's defence of the hypothesis. The -German divine repeatedly specifies 6,000 years as the period during -which man and the existing order of terrestrial beings have occupied -our planet. 'According to the Scriptures,' he says, 'the present order -of things has existed for nearly 6,000 years.' He has a theory of his -own on the subject of fossils. 'The types buried in the rocks were not -destined to continue perpetually, or else have not attained their -destination.' They were mere transient phenomena. It would be -difficult to put into language a proposition more inconsistent with -geological fact. The species of the Silurian mollusca have changed, -but mollusca of Silurian type abound at this hour. Evidence amounting -almost to absolute demonstration identifies the _globigerina_ of the -Atlantic mud of to-day with the _globigerina_ of the Cretaceous -system; and Sir Charles Lyell calculates that the Cretaceous system -came to an end 80,000,000 years ago. Pronouncing the types of the past -evanescent, Dr. Kurtz pronounces the type of the present permanent. -The creatures called into existence on the six days of Genesis, which -last he holds to have been natural days, 'were intended to continue, -and not to perish, and their families were not to be petrified in -strata, but each individual was to decay in the ordinary manner, so -that their bones have mostly passed away without leaving any trace.' -This is a pure imagination. There is no reason to believe that the -petrifactive agencies are less active at present than they were in -by-gone geological epochs. The essential and irreconcilable -discrepancy, however, between the views of Dr. Kurtz and the -conclusions of geology, consists in his assumption of a universal -deluge, sweeping away all life, and leaving the surface of the world a -_tabula rasa_, immediately before the appearance of man. He speaks of -'a flood, which destroyed and prevented all life, and after the -removal of which the present state of the earth, with its plants, -animals, and man, was immediately restored.' With marvellous -simplicity he declares that 'the only thing' he 'demands,' 'and which -no geological theory _can_ or _will_ deny,' is that 'the globe was -covered with water' before the appearance of man 'and the present -plants and animals.' There is no geologist deserving the name at -present alive who would admit this proposition; and we suppose that a -large majority of living geologists would maintain that the earth has -certainly not been covered with water since the time of those forests -whose remains are preserved for us in Devonian strata. To name one -among many proofs, the state of the fauna of the Atlantic islands, -Madeira and the Desertas, demonstrates that the earth has not been -enveloped by the ocean for a period compared with which Dr. Kurtz's -6,000 years dwindle into insignificance. Geology pronounces as -decisively against the occurrence of a universal chaos upon earth -6,000 years ago as against the accumulation of all the strata of the -earth's crust in six natural days. There is no sense recognisable by -geological science in which the word 'beginning' can be applied to the -condition presented by the surface of the earth at any period nearly -so recent as 6,000 years ago. - -According to the theory of Mosaic geology ultimately adopted by Hugh -Miller, the 'beginning' spoken of in the first verse of the Bible -corresponds to that period when the planet, wrapt in primeval fires, -was about to enter upon the series of changes which is inscribed in -the geologic record. The chaos, dark and formless, which preceded the -dawn of organic existence upon earth, was no temporary inundation, no -miraculous catastrophe, but an actual state of things of which the -evidence still exists in the rocks. Strictly speaking, indeed, the -term 'chaos' has no scientific meaning. Science is acquainted with no -period in time, no locality in space, where there has been a general -suspension of law; and it may be worthy of remark that, although -Scripture speaks of the original state of things as without form and -void, there is no hint that it was beyond control of Divine and -natural ordinance. Relatively to man, however, and to those changes in -the structure and organisms of the planet which the geologist -chronicles, the fiery vesture, in which advocates of the Age theory of -reconciliation between Genesis and geology allege the earth to have -been at one time enveloped, constitutes an interruption to all -research, a commencement of all that can be called scientific -discovery. If it could be shown that the first chapter of Genesis -contains an intelligible and accurate account of the changes which -have taken place in the crust of the earth from the time when form -first rose out of formlessness, and light sprang from darkness, to the -time when man began to build his cities and till his fields, no candid -judge would refuse to admit that the problem presented by the chapter -had been satisfactorily solved, and that the chapter itself formed a -sublimely appropriate vestibule to the temple of Revelation. - -Let us state Miller's conception of the meaning and scientific purport -of the first chapter of Genesis in his own words:-- - - 'What may be termed,' we quote from the _Testimony of the - Rocks_, 'the three geologic days--the third, fifth, and - sixth--may be held to have extended over those - Carboniferous periods during which the great plants were - created--over those Oolitic and Cretaceous periods during - which the great sea-monsters and birds were created--and - over those Tertiary periods during which the great - terrestrial mammals were created. For the intervening, or - fourth day, we have that wide space represented by the - Permian and Triassic periods, which, less conspicuous in - their floras than the periods that went immediately before, - and less conspicuous in their faunas than the periods that - came immediately after, were marked by the decline and - ultimate extinction of the Palaeozoic forms, and the first - partially developed beginnings of the secondary ones. And - for the first and second days there remains the great Azoic - period, during which the immensely developed gneisses, - mica-schists, and primary clay-slates were deposited, and - the two extended periods represented by the Silurian and - Old Red Sandstone system. These, taken together, exhaust - the geological scale, and may be named in their order as, - first, the Azoic day or period; second, the Silurian, or - Old Red Sandstone day, or period; third, the Carboniferous - day, or period; fourth, the Permian or Triassic day, or - period; and sixth, the Tertiary day, or period.' - -It is important to observe that Miller here expressly fits into his -scheme the work of the six days. In another passage he remarks that it -is specifically his task, as a geologist, to account for the -operations of the third, fifth, and sixth days, and this circumstance -has occasioned the mistake, which has crept into so respectable a work -as Smith's 'Dictionary of the Bible,' that he did not profess to -explain the creative proceedings of the first, second, and fourth -days. In the passage we have quoted he assigns to each successive day -its distinctive character and work. The entire scheme, then, may be -thrown into a single sentence. A beginning of formlessness and fire, -indefinite in duration; a first and second day, not discriminated by -Miller from each other, during which light, though created, did not -reach, the surface of our planet, but gradually struggled through the -thick enveloping canopy of steam rising from a boiling ocean; a third -day, in which an enormous development of vegetable life took place, a -development due in part to the warm and humid atmosphere, which no -clear sunbeam could as yet penetrate; a fourth day, marked by the -emergence of sun, moon, and stars in unclouded splendour, but by no -striking phenomena of organic life; a fifth day, in which the most -imposing features in the creative procession were sea-monsters and -birds; and a sixth day, in which huge mammals crowded the stage of -existence, and man appeared. Each of these days is, of course, -supposed to have occupied an indefinite number of years. - -It is obviously the principle or method of this scheme of -reconciliation between Genesis and geology to look for points in the -Mosaic narrative which correspond with the facts revealed by geology. -The words in the Scriptural account are few; are they so express, -vivid, and characteristic that they epitomise, as in a Divine -telegram, the geological history of millions of years? A consummate -artist looks upon a face and throws a few strokes, quick as -lightning, upon his canvas. The countenance seems to live. Revealings -of character, which we might have required years to trace, flash on us -from the eye, and chronicles of passion are written in a speck of -crimson on the lip. The portrait is only a sketch; weeks or months -might be spent in elaborating its colour, and perfecting its gradation -of light and shade; but not less on this account, does it accurately -correspond with the original, and show the man to those who knew him. -The advocates of the Age theory of Mosaic geology maintain that, few -as are the touches in the pictured history of the world in the first -chapter of Genesis, the geologist can recognise them as unmistakeably -true to the facts of the past. The correspondence alleged to exist has -been illustrated in yet another fashion. Look upon a mountainous -horizon, in the far distance, on a clear day, and you perceive a -delicate film of blue or pearly grey, relieved against the sky. The -outline of that film, faint though it be, is, for every kind of -mountain range, more or less characteristic. The horizon line of the -primaries will be serrated, peaked, and jagged. The horizon line of -the metamorphic hills, though fantastic, will have more of curve and -undulation. The horizon of the tertiaries will be in long sweeps, and -tenderly modulated, far-stretching lines. Those minute jags and points -of the primaries are dizzy precipices and towering peaks. The glacier -is creeping on under that filmy blue; the avalanche is thundering in -that intense silence. Rivers that will channel continents and separate -nation from nation, bound along in foaming cataracts, where you -perceive only that the tender amethyst of the sky has taken a deeper -tinge. That undulating line of the crystalline hills tells of broad, -dreary moors, dark, sullen streams, sparse fields of stunted corn. -That sweeping, melting, waving line of the tertiaries tells of stately -forest and gardened plain, of lordly mansions and bustling villages. -The Mosaic record, as interpreted by the advocates of the Age theory, -gives the _horizon lines_ of successive geological eras. Its -descriptions, they maintain, are correct, viewed as horizon lines. -They convey the largest amount of knowledge concerning the several -periods which could possibly be conveyed under the given conditions. -Such is the method or logic of the Age theory of Mosaic geology; and -it is manifest that, whatever may be its scientific value, it is no -more to be refuted by the mention of geological facts which the Mosaic -record, does not specify, than the accuracy of a map, constructed on -the scale of half an inch to the hundred miles, would be impugned by -proving that it omitted a particular wood, rock, hill, or village. - -It is indispensable to the establishment of this theory, that the -geological changes which the earth has undergone, shall admit of being -arranged in certain divisions. The lines of demarcation between these -may be drawn within wide limits of variation; but should it become an -unquestioned truth of geologic science that absolute uniformity of -phenomena has reigned in our world so long as the geologist traces its -history, the Age theory would be untenable. The theory does not -require that the 'solutions of continuity' should be abrupt or -catastrophic. On the contrary, the 'morning' and' evening' of the -Mosaic record suggest gradation; and the pause of night, with its -silence, its slumber, its gathering up of force for new outgoings of -the creative energy, by no means suggests cataclysm or revolution. But -the days or periods, though they may melt into each other with the -tender modulation of broad billows on a calming sea, must possess a -true differentiation, and cannot be accepted by those who believe in -absolute geological uniformitarianism. We are not sure, however, that -any geologists profess this creed, and the views propounded by very -eminent geologists on the nature of the changes which have taken place -on the earth appear to us to satisfy the requirements of the Age -theory, in respect of division and succession. In the sixth edition of -his 'Elements of Geology' Sir Charles Lyell writes thus:--'Geology, -although it cannot prove that other planets are peopled with -appropriate races of living beings, has demonstrated the truth of -conclusions scarcely less wonderful--the existence on our planet of so -many habitable surfaces, or worlds as they have been called, each -distinct in time, and peopled with its peculiar races of aquatic and -terrestrial beings.' He proceeds to state that living nature, with its -inexhaustible variety, displaying 'infinite wisdom and power,' is 'but -the last of a great series of pre-existing creations.' Mr. Darwin, in -the fourth edition of his 'Origin of Species,' makes the weighty -remark that 'scarcely any palaeontological discovery is more striking -than the fact, that the forms of life change almost simultaneously -throughout the world.' Qualifying his words by the statement that they -apply chiefly to marine forms of life, and that the simultaneity -referred to, does not necessarily fall within 'the same thousandth or -hundred-thousandth year,' he writes as follows:-- - - 'The fact of the forms of life changing simultaneously, in - the above large sense, at distant parts of the world, has - greatly struck those admirable observers, MM. de Verneuil - and d'Archiac. After referring to the parallelism of the - palaeozoic forms of life in various parts of Europe, they - add, "If struck by this strange sequence, we turn our - attention to North America, and there discover a series of - analogous phenomena, it will appear certain that all these - modifications of species, their extinction, and the - introduction of new ones, cannot be owing to mere changes - in marine currents, or other causes more or less local and - temporary, but depend on general laws which govern the - whole animal kingdom." M. Barrande has made forcible - remarks to precisely the same effect. It is indeed quite - futile to look to changes of currents, climate, or physical - conditions, as the cause of these great mutations in the - forms of life throughout the world, under the most - different climates.' - -Mr. Darwin holds that 'looking to a remotely future epoch,' the later -tertiaries, namely, 'the upper pliocene, the pleistocene and strictly -modern beds of Europe, North and South America, and Australia, from -containing fossil remains, in some degree allied, from not including -those forms which are only found in the older under-lying deposits, -would be correctly ranked as simultaneous, in a geological sense.' - -These statements afford, we think, a sufficient basis for the general -scheme of Mosaic geology which we are considering; and it may be -remarked that the latest of the geological epochs of simultaneity, as -defined by Mr. Darwin, would agree indifferently well with the last of -the Mosaic days or periods, as defined by Hugh Miller. - -There is yet another proposition which must be established if the Age -theory of Mosaic geology is to be maintained. The scheme depends -essentially on the theory of central heat. We saw that Miller -undertakes to account for each of the six Mosaic days or periods. As a -geologist, indeed, he felt himself to be under a special obligation to -explain the creative operations of the third, fifth, and sixth days, -that is to say, the day on which vegetable life was created and the -successive days on which different orders of vertebrate animals were -introduced into the world; but he gives delineations of the prophetic -vision of the first two days, and he assigns the occurrences of the -fourth day, namely, the appearance of the sun and moon, to the Permian -and Triassic periods. In one word, he accepted the responsibility of -adapting his scheme of reconciliation to all the day-periods of -Genesis, and he was perfectly aware that the hypothesis would require -to be rejected if the theory of central heat were invalidated. His -geological explanation of the first four days depends explicitly upon -the opinion that, at the time when the earth entered upon those -changes which are chronicled by geological science, it was under the -influence of intense heat, and gradually cooling and solidifying. In -the first day thick darkness lay upon the surface of the earth, owing -to the canopy of steam, impermeable by light, under which it lay -shrouded. During the second day the light began to penetrate the -vapoury veil, and dim curtains of clouds raised themselves from the -sea. On the third day the forests, which were heaped up for us into -treasuries of coal, came into existence, and Miller accounts for their -luxuriance by supposing that the heated and humid state of the -atmosphere of the planet, still dependent upon the central fires, -favoured their growth. It was not until the fourth day that the -blanket of the ancient night was rent asunder, that sun, moon, and -stars beamed out, and that a state of the atmosphere and a succession -of summer and winter, day and night, identical with those we now -witness, began. Possibly enough, had Miller found himself ultimately -forced to abandon the theory of central heat, he would have entrenched -himself, as in a second line of defence, in the three specially -geological day-periods. But he never contemplated an abandonment of -the doctrine of central heat. He held that the earth was once a molten -mass, and that the series of changes through which it has passed arose -naturally out of this fact. The crust of granite he believed to have -been enveloped, in the process of cooling, by a heated ocean whose -waters held in solution the ingredients of gneiss, mica-schist, -hornblende-schist, and clay-slate. The planet gradually matured 'from -ages in which its surface was a thin earthquake-shaken crust, subject -to continual sinkings, and to fiery outbursts of the Plutonic matter, -to ages in which it is the very nature of its noblest inhabitant to -calculate on its stability as the surest and most certain of all -things.' In short, he maintained that 'there existed long periods in -the history of the earth, in which there obtained conditions of things -entirely different from any which obtain now--periods during which -life, either animal or vegetable, could not have existed on our -planet; and further, that the sedimentary rocks of this early age may -have derived, even in the forming, a constitution and texture which, -in present circumstances, sedimentary rocks cannot receive.' - -Sir Charles Lyell rejects absolutely the theory of central heat as a -mode of accounting for these changes on the terrestrial surface, which -are classified by geologists. He declares that no kind of rocks known -to us can be proved to belong to 'a nascent state of the planet.' -Disclaiming the opinion 'that there never was a beginning to the -present order of things,' he nevertheless holds that geologists have -found 'no decided evidence of a commencement.' Granite, gneiss, -hornblende-schist, and the rest of the crystalline rocks, 'belong not -to an order of things which has passed away; they are not the -monuments of the primeval period, bearing inscribed upon them in -obsolete characters the words and phrases of a dead language; but they -teach us that part of the living language of nature, which we cannot -learn by our daily intercourse with what passes on the habitable -surface.' - -From the phenomena of precession and nutation, Mr. Hopkins, reasoning -mathematically, inferred that the minimum present thickness of the -crust of the earth is from 800 to 1,000 miles. This conclusion is the -basis of Sir Charles Lyell's opinion respecting the Plutonic agencies -which take part, or have taken part, in the formation of rocks. He -shows by diagram that, if even 200 miles are allowed for the thickness -of the crust, seas or oceans of lava five miles deep and 5,000 miles -long might be represented by lines which, in relation to the mass of -the earth, would be extremely unimportant. 'The expansion, melting, -solidification, and shrinking of such subterranean seas of lava at -various depths, might,' he contends, 'suffice to cause great movements -or earthquakes at the surface, and even great rents in the earth's -crust several thousand miles long, such as may be implied by the -linearly-arranged cones of the Andes, or mountain-chains like the -Alps.' To invoke the igneous fusion of the whole planet, to account -for phenomena like these is, therefore, he concludes, to have recourse -to a machinery 'utterly disproportionate to the effects which it is -required to explain.' - -Sir Charles Lyell derives an argument against the theory of central -heat, from the consideration that it would, in his opinion, involve -the existence of tides in the internal fire-ocean, which tides would -register themselves in the swellings and subsidences of volcanoes. -'May we not ask,' he says, 'whether, in every volcano during an -eruption, the lava which is supposed to communicate with a great -central ocean, would not rise and fall sensibly; or whether, in a -crater like Stromboli, where there is always melted matter in a state -of ebullition, the ebbing and flowing of the liquid would not be -constant?' We venture to remark that this argument does not seem -unanswerable. No one denies that the crust is at present consolidated -to the depth of at least from thirty to eighty miles. The capacity of -known chemical forces to produce intense heat in this region is not -disputed. The eruptions of now active volcanoes might arise, -therefore, from processes going on in a part of the crust separated by -solidified strata from the internal reservoir of liquid fire, and not -accessible to its tides. We might ask also, in turn, whether -observations have been made upon volcanoes in a state of eruption, -exact enough to determine whether they are or are not influenced by -internal tides? - -It is affirmed by Mr. David Forbes, in a recent number of _Nature_, -that Professor Palmieri stated, as the result of observations made by -him during the last eruption of Vesuvius, 'that the moon's attraction -occasioned tides in the central zone of molten lava, in quite a -similar manner as it causes them in the ocean.' Mr. Forbes adds that -'a further corroboration of this view is seen in the results of an -examination of the records of some 7,000 earthquake shocks which -occurred during the first half of this century, compiled by Perry, and -which, according to him, demonstrate that earthquakes are much more -frequent in the conjunction and opposition of the moon than at other -times, more so when the moon is near the earth than when it is -distant, and also more frequent in the hour of its passage through the -meridian.' If these statements are correct--and we have no reason to -call them in question--the supposed fact, which Sir Charles presumed -to tell in his favour, has been converted into an ascertained fact -which tells most forcibly against him. - -In the latest edition of his 'Principles of Geology,' Sir Charles -Lyell seems, in at least one passage, to assume that this controversy -is at an end. - - 'It must not be forgotten,' (these are his words) 'that the - geological speculations still in vogue respecting the - original fluidity of the planet, and the gradual - consolidation of its external shell, belong to a period - when theoretical ideas were entertained as to the relative - age of the crystalline foundations of that shell wholly at - variance with the present state of our knowledge. It was - formerly imagined that all granite was of very high - antiquity, and that rocks, such as gneiss, mica-schist, and - clay-slate, were also anterior in date to the existence of - organic beings on a habitable surface. It was, moreover, - supposed that these primitive formations, as they are - called, implied a continual thickening of the crust at the - expense of the original fluid nucleus. These notions have - been universally abandoned. It is now ascertained that the - granites of different regions are by no means all of the - same antiquity, and it is hardly possible to prove any one - of them to be as old as the oldest known fossil organic - remains. It is likewise now admitted, that gneiss and other - crystalline strata are sedimentary deposits which have - undergone metamorphic action, and they can almost all be - demonstrated to be newer than the lately-discovered fossil - called Eozoon Canadense.' - -"With all deference to one whom we acknowledge to be among the very -ablest living geologists, we must say that this language strikes us as -more emphatic than the state of the discussion warrants. We do not -undertake absolutely to maintain the theory of central heat as -explaining the formation of the granitic and metamorphic rocks, but we -cannot admit, what Sir Charles seems to imply, that the time has -arrived when investigation and experiment on the subject may be -relinquished, and the tone of dogmatic confidence assumed. The -reasonableness of permitting a certain degree of suspense of judgment -regarding it becomes the more evident when we observe that Sir Charles -is not prepared to maintain against astronomers that the planet was -not originally fluid. 'The astronomer,' he says, - - 'may find good reasons for ascribing the earth's form to - the original fluidity of the mass in times long antecedent - to the first introduction of living beings into the planet; - but the geologist must be content to regard the earliest - monuments which it is his task to interpret as belonging to - a period when the crust had already acquired great solidity - and thickness, probably as great as it now possesses, and - when volcanic rocks not essentially differing from those - now produced, were formed from time to time, the intensity - of volcanic heat being neither greater nor less than it is - now.' - -There can be no doubt that astronomers have been startled into -something like general protest against the rigid uniformitarianism of -Sir Charles Lyell. Differing as they do very widely in their -conceptions of the probable manner in which planets are formed, they -seem to agree that those bodies have their beginning in heat and in -fusion. The phenomena of variable stars, taken in connection with the -revelations of spectrum analysis, demonstrate that the combustion and -the cooling of starry masses are occurrences not unknown in the -economy of the universe. If Sir Charles declines to contest the -astronomical position of the original fluidity of the planet, -considerable plausibility will continue to attach to that geological -doctrine which connects the crystalline rocks with the fluidity in -question. Those rocks, from the most ancient granites to the most -recent clay-slates, occupy a large proportion of the earth's surface. -Their great general antiquity is indisputable. The theory that they -furnish the link between the past and the present of the earth's -crust--that they furnish the point where the lights of geological and -of astronomical science meet--strongly commends itself to the mind. - -These observations derive additional force from the circumstance that -Sir Charles Lyell's doctrine of the modern and chemical origin of all -crystalline rocks is dependent upon considerations which must be -allowed to possess not a little of a hypothetical and precarious -character. The phenomena of metamorphism, as arising from heat, from -thermal springs, and so on, are well-known and important; but there is -nothing like adequate evidence that they are capable of giving the -crystalline rocks that structure and aspect under which we behold -them. The chemical substances in the crust which Sir Charles presumes -to be capable of forming seas of molten matter, five miles deep and -5,000 miles long, have never placed before human eyes a lake of fire -three miles across; is there not a trace of arbitrary hypothesis in -supposing that, during hundreds of millions of years, those chemical -agencies have been providing, beneath the surface of the world, -cauldrons of fire to melt the granites of all known ages, from the -Laurentian to the Tertiary, to produce the twistings, undulations, -contortions of the metamorphic strata throughout hundreds of thousands -of cubic miles of rock, and to feed every volcano that ever flamed on -the planet? Not even to that proposition which is avowedly at the -basis of Sir Charles's theory, namely, that the solidified shell of -the earth is at least from 800 to 1,000 miles thick, can absolute -certainty be said to belong. We are willing to admit the distinguished -ability of Mr. Hopkins; but it is a fatal mistake to impute to -solutions of problems in mixed mathematics that character of certainty -which belongs to the results of purely mathematical reasoning. Into -every problem of mixed mathematics one element at least enters which -depends for its correctness upon observation. In many cases this -correctness depends on the perfect accuracy of instruments, and upon -consummate skill in using them. A minute error in the original -observation may produce comprehensive error in the conclusion. It is -still fresh in the public memory that new and more accurate -observation corrected by millions of miles a calculation comparatively -so simple as the distance between the earth and the sun. The problem -by the solution of which Mr. Hopkins determined that the minimum -thickness of the crust is from 800 to 1,000 miles depends for its -reliability on certain obscure phenomena connected with precession and -nutation. Sir Charles Lyell admits that the problem is a 'delicate' -one. Mr. Charles MacLaren remarked, and Miller quotes the remark with -approval, that Mr. Hopkins's inference 'is somewhat like an estimate, -of the distance of the stars deduced from a difference of one or two -seconds in their apparent position, a difference scarcely -distinguishable from errors of observation.' Add to this that opinions -might be quoted from mathematicians of name as decidedly in favour of -the theory that the geological changes which have taken place in the -earth's crust are due to central heat, as the deduction of Mr. Hopkins -is opposed to it. In the ninth edition of his 'Principles,' _i.e._, in -the edition immediately preceding that now current, Sir Charles -informs us that - - 'Baron Fourier, after making a curious series of - experiments on the cooling of incandescent bodies, - considers it to be proved mathematically, that the actual - distribution of heat in the earth's envelope is precisely - that which would have taken place if the globe had been - formed in a medium of a very high temperature, and had - afterwards been constantly cooled.' - -Sir Charles replied to this in the same edition that, if the earth -were a fluid mass, a circulation would exist between centre and -circumference, and solidification of the latter could not commence -until the whole had been reduced to about the temperature of incipient -fusion. We fail to see that this is an answer to Baron Fourier. What -necessity is there for supposing that the solidification of the crust -commenced before the matter of the globe had been reduced throughout -to about the temperature of incipient fusion? The water in a pond must -be reduced to about the temperature of incipient freezing before ice -can form on the surface, but this does not prevent the formation of a -sheet of ice on the top. - -In the article in _Nature_, from which we have already quoted, Mr. -David Forbes mentions that M. De Launay, Director of the Observatory -at Paris, 'an authority equally eminent as a mathematician and an -astronomer,' having carefully considered Mr. Hopkins's problem, -decided that its data were incorrect, and that it could shed no light -whatever on the question whether the globe is liquid or solid. There -is some doubt, however, as to the import of M. De Launay's statement. - -We may be the more disposed to wonder at the decision with which Sir -Charles Lyell pronounces upon this subject in his latest edition, by -the fact that, since the publication of the previous edition, he has -modified, to a very serious extent, his conception of the evidence on -which the theory which he adopts is based. In the ninth edition of the -'Principles' he laid so much stress on Sir Humphry Davy's hypothesis -of an un-oxidized metallic nucleus of the globe, liable to be -oxidized at any point of its periphery by the percolation of water, -and thus to evolve heat sufficient to melt the adjacent rocks, that -Hugh Miller, in contending against Sir Charles, selected this as an -essential part of the argument. In his tenth edition Sir Charles does -not even mention Sir Humphry Davy's theory. The star under the -influence of which the tenth edition was prepared was that of Mr. -Darwin. No brighter star may be above the geological horizon, and Sir -Charles may have done well to own its influence, but we submit that -opinions which undergo important modification within a few years ought -hardly to be promulgated as marking the limit between the era of -darkness and the era of light in geological discovery. - -After all, however, the crucial question is, whether the theory of -central heat has any positive evidence to support it. Here we meet, in -the first place, with the undisputed fact that heat increases as we -descend from the surface of the earth. Sir Charles Lyell admits that -the fact of augmentation is proved. Experiment and observation, no -doubt, have not yet enabled us to determine the ratio in which the -heat increases as we penetrate into the crust; but this does not -neutralise the force of the fact itself. Sir Charles endeavours to -parry its effect by remarking that if we take a certain ratio of -increase, a ratio which seems to be countenanced by experiment, we -shall, 'long before approaching the central nucleus,' arrive at a -degree of heat so great 'that we cannot conceive the external crust to -resist fusion.' It is surely a sufficient reply to this to say that -our conceptions as to the consequences arising from an admitted fact -can neither invalidate its evidence nor annul the obvious inferences -from it. The reader of the 'Principles of Geology,' besides, who has -been told by Sir Charles Lyell that the interposition of a few feet of -scoriae and pumice enables him to stand without inconvenience on molten -lava, may be permitted to form a high estimate of the power of many -miles of stratified and unstratified rock to resist fusion by the -internal fires. Sooth to say, however, it will be time to consider an -objection grounded on the ratio of the increase in heat from the -surface of the earth downwards, when the ratio in question has been -ascertained. The fact of increase is admitted; the ratio of increase -is an unknown quantity: it is curious logic to impugn the direct -bearing of the former, on the strength of consequences conceived to -arise from the latter. - -Hugh Miller believed that the existence of the equatorial ring, in -virtue of which the polar diameter of the earth is shorter than the -equatorial, furnished explicit evidence that the planet once was -molten. - - 'If our earth,' he wrote, 'was always the stiff, rigid, - unyielding mass that it is now, a huge metallic ball, - bearing, like the rusty ball of a cannon, its crust of - oxide, how comes it that its form so entirely belies its - history? Its form tells that it also, like the cannon-ball, - was once in a viscid state, and that its diurnal motion on - its axis, when in this state of viscidity, elongated it, - through the operation of a well-known law, at the equator, - and flattened it at the poles, and made it altogether the - oblate spheroid which experience demonstrates it to be.' - -In other planets, he urged, the same form is due manifestly to the -action of the same law. Venus, Mars, Saturn, oblate spheroids all, -have been similarly 'spun out by their rotatory motion in exactly the -line in which, as in the earth, that motion is greatest.' In these, -however, we can only approximately determine the lengths of the -equatorial and polar diameters; 'in one great planet, Jupiter, we can -ascertain them scarce less exactly than our own earth;' and Jupiter's -equatorial diameter bears exactly that proportion to his polar -diameter which 'the integrity of the law,' as exemplified in the -relation between the equatorial and polar diameters of the earth -demands. 'Here, then,' proceeds Miller, 'is demonstration that the -oblate sphericity of the earth is a consequence of the earth's diurnal -motion on its axis; nor is it possible that it could have received -this form when in a solid state.' - -Sir Charles Lyell holds that the excess of the equatorial diameter -over the polar may be accounted for on uniformitarian principles. 'The -statical figure,' he says, 'of the terrestrial spheroid (of which the -longest diameter exceeds the shortest by about twenty-five miles), may -have been the result of gradual and even of existing causes, and not -of a primitive, universal, and simultaneous fluidity.' Miller denies -this possibility; and we confess that the passage in which he assails -the position of Sir Charles Lyell appears to us to have great force. -Let us hear him:-- - - 'The laws of deposition are few, simple, and well known. - The denuding and transporting agencies are floods, tides, - waves, icebergs. The sea has its currents, the land its - rivers; but while some of these flow from the poles towards - the equator, others flow from the equator towards the poles - uninfluenced by the rotatory motion; and the vast depth and - extent of the equatorial seas show that the ratio of - deposition is not greater in them than in the seas of the - temperate regions. We have, indeed, in the Arctic and - Antarctic currents, and the icebergs which they bear, - agents of denudation and transport permanent in the present - state of things, which bring detrital matter from the - higher towards the lower latitudes; but they stop far short - of the tropics; they have no connection with the rotatory - motion; and their influence on the form of the earth must - be infinitely slight; nay, even were the case otherwise, - instead of tending to the formation of an equatorial ring, - they would lead to the production of two rings widely - distant from the equator. And, judging from what appears, - we must hold that the laws of Plutonic intrusion or - upheaval, though more obscure than those of deposition, - operate quite as independently of the earth's rotatory - motion. Were the case otherwise, the mountain systems of - the world, and all the great continents, would be clustered - at the equator; and the great lands and great oceans of our - planet, instead of running, as they do, in so remarkable a - manner, from south to north, would range, like the belts of - Jupiter, from west to east. There is no escape for us from - the inevitable conclusion that our globe received its form, - as an oblate spheroid, at a time when it existed throughout - as a viscid mass.' - -Accordingly, though admitting that 'there is a wide segment of truth -embodied in the views of the metamorphists,' Miller declared his -belief on the subject of central heat in these terms: 'I must continue -to hold, with Humboldt and with Hutton, with Playfair and with Hall, -that this solid earth was at one time, from the centre to the -circumference, a mass of molten matter.' Hugh Miller saw the ninth -edition of Sir Charles Lyell's 'Principles,' and seems to have had its -reasonings in view in writing these and other passages; we cannot -persuade ourselves that he would have recalled them if he had lived to -see the tenth edition. - -We wish to state in the clearest terms that, though we have stated -some of the evidence which supports the ordinary geological doctrine -of central heat, we do not adduce that evidence as absolutely -conclusive. All we argue for is, that the question be not looked upon -as decided in favour of the uniformitarians. It may be that more -minute and comprehensive observation on the age of the crystalline -rocks and on the phenomena of metamorphism will demonstrate that the -condition of no system of rocks known to us can be traced to the -influence of an originally molten state of the planet. It may be that -what seems at present the unanimous opinion of astronomers, that 'the -whole quantity of Plutonic energy must have been greater in past times -than the present,' is a mistake; it may be, in the last place, that -the primeval fusion of the planet ceased to act upon those parts of -the crust which are accessible to geological observation before those -causes came into operation to which their present state is due. But -we deny that these positions are established. A writer in the -_Edinburgh Review_ declared, so recently as last year, that M. -Durocher, in his 'Essay on Comparative Petrology,' has produced -'absolute proof that the earth was an incandescent molten sphere, -before atmospheric and aqueous agencies had clothed it with the strata -so familiar to our eyes.' Sir Roderick Murchison, who, as a student -not only of books and museums, but of the rock-systems of the world in -their own vast solitudes, is an authority as high as any living man, -holds that 'the crust and outline of the earth are full of evidences -that many of the ruptures and overflows of the strata, as well as -great denudations, could not even in millions of years have been -produced by agencies like those of our own time.' These statements may -be correct or the reverse; but they prove, we submit, that the -controversy respecting central heat is not at an end. - -Those who hold that Hugh Miller's views as to the connection between -an originally molten state of the planet and the most ancient rocks -known to us, have been finally disposed of by Sir Charles Lyell, must, -we think, admit that his interpretation of the six days' work can no -longer be maintained. On the other hand, if his conception of the mode -in which the crystalline rocks were formed can be shown to be -substantially correct, we see not how any one can refuse to grant that -those correspondences between the day-periods of Genesis and -successive stages in the geological history of the globe, which he -pointed out, are highly remarkable. Ten thousand omissions of detail -go for nothing, if it can be proved that, although light existed in -space, the condition of the atmosphere of this world prevented the -sun's rays for myriads of ages from reaching the surface; that the -same atmospheric conditions which excluded light from the planet -favoured the development of vegetation in the Carboniferous epoch; -that the day-period during which the sun and moon are stated in -Genesis to have been set to rule the day and the night coincides with -that geological era when light was first poured in clear radiance on -our world; that the times of the Oolite and the Lias exhibited an -enormous development of reptilian and ornithic existence inevitably -suggestive of the creeping things, and fowls, and great sea-monsters -of the fifth day-period; and that the predominance of mammalian life, -of 'the beast of the earth after his kind, the cattle after their -kind,' distinguished alike the latest of the great geological periods -and the sixth day of the Mosaic record. Assuming the correctness of -his fundamental conception of geological progression, Miller might -challenge the geologist--_confining himself to the number of words -used by the Scriptural writers_--to name phenomena, belonging to the -successive geological epochs, more distinctive, impressive, and -spectacular than those mentioned in the first chapter of Genesis. -Admitting that life existed in the planet millions of years before the -time which he assigns to the third day, Miller might ask whether the -darkness, and the slow separation of cloud from wave, were not the -unique and universal phenomena of those primeval ages. Granting that -there was an important flora, as well as a large development of -ichthyic life, in the Devonian epoch, he might ask whether, at any -earlier period, the earth possessed forests comparable with those of -the Carboniferous epoch; and if it were urged that the Carboniferous -flora, consisting as it did in an immense proportion of ferns, cannot -be regarded as corresponding to the 'grass, the herb yielding seed, -and the fruit-tree yielding fruit after its kind, whose seed is in -itself,' of the Mosaic record, he might still reply that the _fact_ of -vegetation, apart from botanical distinctions, was then the most -conspicuous among the phenomena of the planet. In like manner, while -granting that life--animal and vegetable, of many forms--existed in -the Oolitic and Liassic ages, he might ask whether the presence in the -planet of at least four unique orders of reptilia, to wit; -Ichthyosauria, Plesiosauria, Pterosauria, Dinosauria, and perhaps, as -Professor Huxley says, 'another or two,' was not the circumstance -which a geologist would select as distinctive, and if so, whether the -coincidence between these and the creeping things and great -sea-monsters of the fifth Mosaic day is not striking. As we formerly -remarked, Miller's geological interpretation of the fifth and -succeeding day is independent of any theory as to the originally -molten state of the planet. On the sixth day-period, both in Genesis -and in the geological history of the world, we have a great -development of mammalian life, and, finally, the appearance of man. -There was a Tertiary flora, but it was not strongly marked off from -other floras; there were Tertiary reptiles, but their place was -subordinate; in respect of their beasts of the field, and in respect -of the presence of man, the Tertiary ages stand alone. The mammoths -and mastodons, the rhinoceri and hippopotami, 'the enormous -dinotherium and colossal megatherium,' elephants whose bones, -preserved in Siberian ice, have furnished 'ivory quarries,' -unexhausted by the working of upwards of a hundred years, tigers as -large again as the largest Asiatic species, distinguish the Tertiary -times from all others known to the geologist. In stating his views, -Miller availed himself of the hypothesis, put forward by Kurtz and -others, that the phenomena of the geological ages passed before the -eyes of Moses by way of panoramic vision. This, we need hardly say, is -a pure hypothesis, favourable to pictorial description, but not -essentially connected with the logic of the question. Perhaps, the -weakest point in Miller's theory--always presuming him to be right as -to the originally molten state of the planet--is the apportionment of -the present time to the seventh Mosaic day and to the Sabbatic rest of -the Creator. Geologists would now, with one voice, refuse to admit -that any essential alteration can be traced in the processes by which -the face of the earth, and the character of its living creatures, are -modified in the present geological epoch, as compared with those of, -at least, the two or three preceding epochs. Man, doubtless, effects -changes in the aspect of the world on a far greater scale than any -other animal. He can reclaim wide regions from the sea, he can arrest -the rains far up in the mountains, and lead them to water his -terraces, he can temper climates, he can people continents with new -animals and plants. It is allowable in Goethe, talking poetically, to -style him 'the little god of earth.' But his entire activity, and its -results, depend not upon a suspension of the laws and processes of -nature--not upon a withdrawal of creative energy--but upon his -capacity, as an observing, reasoning being, to ascertain the processes -of nature, and use them for his own advantage. - -The strongest objection in some minds to this scheme of reconciliation -between Genesis and geology will be that it does not harmonise with -the general method of Scripture. Miller was abreast of his time as a -geologist, but from his complete unacquaintance with the original -languages of Scripture and with the history of the canon, he could -form a judgment only at secondhand on fundamental questions in -theology. That the Bible is inspired--that it is pervaded by a Divine -breathing--we have upon apostolic authority. In no part of Scripture, -however, is the nature of this Divine breathing explained to us, or -information given as to what it implies and what it does not imply. -Without question, the inspired writers were neither turned into -machines nor wholly disconnected from the circumstances, the -prevailing scientific ideas, the modes of expression, of their time. -It would seem, therefore, to be in contradiction to the analogy of -Scripture that one of the most ancient books of the Bible should -contain an elaborately correct presentation, by means of its cardinal -facts, of the history of the world for hundreds of millions of years. - -Many, therefore, while cherishing the firmest assurance that the Bible -is the religious code of man, the inspired Word which authoritatively -supplements man's natural light of reason and conscience, will believe -that the first chapter of Genesis is a sublime hymn of creation, -ascribing all the glory of it to God, wedding the highest knowledge of -the primitive age in which it was written to awe-struck reverence for -the Almighty Creator, but not containing any scientific account of the -processes or periods of creation. To many it will convey the -impression that its simplicity, childlike though sublime, and its -grouping of natural phenomena, exceedingly noble and comprehensive but -naive and unsophisticated, are not inspired science, but inspired -religion. It will appear to them that, looking out and up into the -universe, feeling that it infinitely transcended the little might of -man, thrilling with the inspired conviction that God had made it all, -the poet-sage of that ancient time named in succession each -phenomenon, or group of phenomena, which most vividly impressed him, -and said or sang that God had called it into being. The beginning he -threw into the darkness of the unfathomable past. What first arrested -and filled his imagination in the present order of things, was that -marvel of beauty and splendour which bathes the world at noontide, and -lies in delicate silver upon the crags and the green hills at dawn, -that mystery of radiance which is greater than the sun, or moon, or -stars, greater than them and before them; and he uttered the words, -'God said, Let there be light, and there was light.' Then he thought -of the dividing of the land from the sea, and of the separation -between those waters which float and flow and roll in ocean waves and -those waters which glide in filmy veils along the blue expanse, and in -which God gently folds up the treasure of the rain. The sun and the -moon he knew to be those natural ministers which mark off for man day -and night, summer and winter, and he told how God had assigned to them -this office. The creatures that inhabit the world were grouped for -him, as for the young imagination in all ages, into the living things -of the earth, cattle, and creeping things, and wild beasts; the living -things of the sea, fish and mysterious monsters; the living things of -the air, birds; and that vegetable covering which clothes the earth -with flower and forest. All these, he said, owed their being to God. -Man he discerned to be above nature. Shaped by God like other -animals, he alone had the breath, of the Almighty breathed into his -nostrils, and the image of his Maker stamped upon his soul. So be it. -Such recognitions leave the religious character and authority of the -Divine record untouched. - - - - -ART. IV.--_Hereditary Legislators._ - -(1.) _An Essay on the History of the English Government and -Constitution, from the Reign of Henry VII. to the Present Time._ By -JOHN, EARL RUSSELL. Longmans and Co. - -(2.) _Selections from Speeches of Earl Russell, 1817-1841._ With -Introductions. Longmans and Co. - - -It happens sometimes that political power is transferred from one set -of hands to another without creating a panic, or even greatly -startling society. Changes, of so much moment as almost to rank with -revolutions, may be effected so calmly and quietly as to leave the -society they affect unconscious of their full meaning. If the drums -and the banners of revolution are beaten and displayed, and the other -outward and visible signs of a violent dislocation of the compact of -society are plainly to be discerned, the event takes its place as a -revolution, and the nervous system of society is fluttered and shaken. -But if the promoters of political change are content to leave -undisturbed the ancient symbols, forms, and nomenclature of the past, -the substantial alterations may be comparatively unheeded. For -example, we are told by Tacitus, in few but pregnant words, that when -political power was passing from the senate and the people of Rome -into the hands of the Caesars, the republican forms were so carefully -preserved as to mask and veil that immense change. 'Domi res -tranquillae; eadem magistratuum vocabula;... Tiberius cuncta per -consules incipiebat tanquam vetere republica.... At Romae ruere in -servitium consules, patres, eques.'[22] Thus, without appearing to -override or annul the functions of the senate or the people, the -Emperor made himself, in fact, 'the sole fountain of the national -legislation.'[23] So, also, a vital change in the government of -Florence was brought about in the same way. The form of government was -ostensibly a republic, and was directed by a Council of ten citizens, -and a chief executive officer, called the Gonfaliere. Under this -establishment, the citizens imagined they enjoyed the full exercise of -their liberties. But, in reality, the Medici, acting apparently in -harmony with the Constitution, and working under the sanction of -republican forms, names, and offices, and ever seeming to defer to -public opinion, drew into their own hands, without fluttering or -alarming the citizens, the reins of personal government.[24] It is -even so with ourselves. The political transfer has taken place in an -opposite direction to those which have just been alluded to. But -though, in those instances, the tendency was towards the concentration -of power, and in ours towards its diffusion, yet they closely resemble -each other in that discreet preservation of ancient forms and legal -nomenclature which intercepts a veil between the eyes of society and -its real position. For the splendours of the royal court are as -imposing and attractive as ever. People still talk complacently of -royal prerogatives, the hereditary peerage, the House of Lords, and -the many shadowy forms of ancient administration. The barriers and -landmarks of fashionable society are but slightly altered. To the -superficial observer, society presents a picture differing very little -from that of earlier times. There are still some Sir Leicester -Dedlocks, who live in the contemplation of their family greatness, and -some Sir Roger de Coverleys, who sway their neighbourhoods with -unresisted authority; and there are thousands of Englishmen who are -constitutionally averse to the recognition of distasteful facts. Some -persons refuse to perceive that children have become adults, and that -they themselves are growing old and weak; and some do not choose to -perceive that, despite the ancient names and forms of government, the -constitution has been so completely re-cast that we seem destined to -live for a time under the reign and influence of democracy. - -It will be useful to refer very briefly to the two great statutes -which have brought us to the present state of affairs. Prior to the -Reform Bill of 1832, the real power of the State was lodged in the -hands of certain wealthy and ennobled families, which numbered less -than five hundred. This oligarchy, to be sure, was not a pure one, -because there were some outlets for genuine popular feeling in a few -free constituencies, whose decisions were always watched with special -attention. Nottingham, Leicester, Norwich, Westminster, and Southwark -had thoroughly popular elections; Liverpool and Bristol had the same -privilege; but though these and some other constituencies constituted -safety-valves, through which the popular feelings were relieved, yet -the essential characteristic of the government was a disguised -oligarchy--that is, the possession of political power by a few. Does -this assertion seem incredible to our younger readers? Let them listen -to the testimony of a witness of the highest authority, who lived in -those times, and was profoundly versed in the history and mechanism of -governments. 'It is difficult,' says Lord Macaulay, 'to conceive any -spectacle more alarming than that which presents itself to us when we -look at the two extreme parties in this country--a _narrow_ oligarchy -above, and an infuriated multitude below.'[25] This was a description -of the British Government in 1831 by that very eminent man. And why -did he venture to affirm that a narrow oligarchy was dominant in the -State? Oligarchy is chiefly distinguished from aristocracy, by the -smaller numbers of the governing body. Before the period of Lord -Grey's Reform Bill, the signs and symbols of popular government -(inherited from times when the shell contained a kernel) were allowed -to appear, and be in use; but the substantial power was vested in the -hands of the owners of rotten boroughs, and the great proprietors of -estates in the counties. Notwithstanding a few free elections, and -many popular rights, the voting power of practical politics was -directed by that narrow oligarchy. - -In the year 1792, a petition was presented by Mr. Grey, in which it -was asserted, and proof was offered, that one hundred and fifty-four -peers and rich commoners _returned_ a majority of the House of -Commons. This statement may have been somewhat overdrawn, but it had a -perfectly truthful basis. We summon the late Duke of Wellington as a -witness to prove how boroughs were manipulated, negotiated, bought, -and sold. When he was Chief Secretary for Ireland in the year 1807, he -wrote the following words:-- - - 'MY DEAR HENRY,--I have seen Roden this day about his - borough. It is engaged for one more session to Lord Stair - under an old _sale_ for years, and he must return Lord - Stair's friend, unless Lord Stair should consent to sell - his interest for the session which remains.... - Portarlington was sold at the late general election for a - term of years ... &c.--Ever yours, ARTHUR WELLESLEY.' - -And, again, he wrote as follows, in 1809:-- - - 'MY DEAR SIR CHARLES,--The name of the gentleman _to be - returned_ for Cashel is Robert Peel, Esq., of Drayton - Bassett, in the county of Stafford.--Ever yours, &c., - ARTHUR WELLESLEY.'[26] - -Such were the methods by which the reigning oligarchy, operating hand -in hand with the Sovereign, secured a majority in the House of -Commons, and thus controlled the policy of the nation, under the false -pretence that it emanated from the people. To a great extent this -system was destroyed by the first Reform Bill. The great grievance of -the day was redressed by a substantial measure. It is commonly said -that the political effect of that statute was to assign the real power -of the nation to the custody of the 'middle classes.' This is not a -perfectly accurate statement of the change. The powers of the State -were not made over by that measure to the merchants and tradesmen of -the country, for the influence of the landed interest was even -augmented by the Reform Act, and, though diminished, was not abolished -in the boroughs. The effect of the new electoral law was made apparent -by its securing for a time the preponderance of the popular and -reforming party. It turned the scale for many years, and just enabled -the Liberal party to carry a series of measures in harmony with -intelligent public opinion. It was a tree of justice and freedom that -bore abundant fruit. It is hardly too much to affirm that _every great -law_ under which we are now living and working was made or amended in -the quarter of a century which followed the Reform Act, and is due to -the Liberal party. But useful and fruitful as that measure was, it was -not in the nature of things that it should be final. The opinions of -enlightened men, and the desire of the masses, agreed in promoting -some extension of the franchise, and after several futile attempts it -was reserved for the Tories to effect it. The surrender was a strange -and inexplicable transaction. Carlyle thus deals with it in that queer -phraseology in which he chooses to address society:-- - - 'Have I not a kind of secret satisfaction of the malicious, - or even the judiciary kind (mischief-joy the Germans call - it, but really it is justice-joy withal), that he they call - "Dizzy" is to do it--a superlative conjuror, spell-binding - all the great lords, great parties, great interests of - England to his hand in this manner, and leading them by the - nose like helpless, mesmerised, somnambulant cattle, to - such issue?'[27] - -In other words, we obtained from the natural opponents of -constitutional change a political act which may be likened to the -'happy despatch,' and was hardly inferior to a revolution. The very -centre of political gravity was displaced. The middle classes were -dethroned. The late Lord Derby described his own operation as a 'leap -in the dark,' and in a facetious mood is said to have confessed that -it was intended 'to diddle the Whigs.' Surely this act of prodigious -inconsistency was beyond justification or even excuse. The Liberal -party would have shrunk from so vast a change until education had -struck its roots more deeply into the unenfranchised population. The -Tory party, on the contrary, determined to enfranchise the people, -before they educated them, and it is our duty to acquiesce and realize -our position. It is not for us to predict the future fate and fortunes -of that incomprehensible party. They will gradually open their eyes to -the full meaning of their own political deeds, and that meaning, -expressed in one pregnant word, is Democracy. - -But though we cannot reconcile the Conservative theories with -Conservative practice, Tory professions with democratic statutes, it -is not difficult to discover causes which pushed the party into such -violent action. The obvious tendency of the age is to advance towards -democratic institutions. Everywhere in Europe--Russia and Turkey -excepted--power now springs from popular opinion and liberal -institutions, of which the invariable impulse is not to rest, sleep, -and be thankful, but to move, advance, and be doing. - - 'When a nation modifies the electoral qualification, it may - easily be foreseen that sooner or later that qualification - will be entirely abolished. There is no more invariable - rule in the history of society. The further the electoral - rights are extended, the more is felt the need of them; for - after each concession the strength of the democracy - increases, and its demands increase with its strength. - Concession follows concession, and no stop can be made - short of universal suffrage.'[28] - -To apply this theory to the facts of Europe, it is evident that while -at no distant period the policy of almost the whole continent was -directed by the reigning sovereigns, we now discern the sovereignty of -the people, in _esse_ or _posse_, not less widely established. The -causes which have led to this consummation are by no means obscure. -The creation of municipal corporations introduced a democratic element -into the area of despotisms. The invention of printing cheapened the -diffusion of ideas. The post circulated information further and -further, until its work seems to be almost perfected by steam and -electricity. The Reformation lifted vast weights from the human mind. -Slowly, but surely, the European populations have arrived at the -comprehension of their just claims, and have decided that the end of -government shall be the happiness of the people, and not the -exaltation of the few. Thus it has come to pass that everywhere -democracy is in the ascendant, and prerogative on the wane. Is not -this assertion corroborated and exemplified in the political affairs -of our own country? Can anyone honestly and fairly deny that the -supremacy of the popular will is established? 'The people'--that -mighty aggregate of millions of minds, whom Aristophanes delighted to -caricature under the _sobriquet_ of 'Demus'--is certainly invested -with sovereign power. It may be that, like him, we are sometimes -crotchety, sometimes too fond of oratorical blandishment, sometimes -hasty in our judgments, and occasionally liable to panics. -Notwithstanding these and other infirmities, public opinion, formed by -the leading spirits of the day, 'rules and reigns without control.' - - 'You, Demus, have a nice domain! - For all men fear you, and you reign - As though you were a king.'[29] - -It is true that we have to act by delegation, because we cannot meet -to legislate _en masse_. It is also true that the authority of the -people is veiled and masked by antiquated forms and customs, which, -perhaps, are wisely retained. 'Why, every one,' says Monarchicus, -'calls it a monarchy.' 'It may be very audacious,' says -Aristocraticus, 'but I consider it a republic. By a republic, I mean -every government in which sovereign power is distributed in form and -substance among a body of persons.' This was the language of the late -lamented Sir George Cornewall Lewis before Mr. Disraeli's democratic -change. How would he have made Aristocraticus describe the -Constitution now? Not, surely, as a republic, but as a democratic -republic. So, on the 17th of February, 1870, Lord Lyveden, speaking in -the House of Lords, said,--'The real truth is that the _government is -in the House of Commons_.' If it be argued that the well-settled Crown -and the hereditary peerage are incidents which still distinguish our -constitution from those of republican and democratic states, we answer -that the constitution does not depend upon names, forms, and symbols, -but upon the answer to this question, 'Where does the real power -reside?' No candid and well-informed person would now attempt to -contend that either the Crown or the peerage, or both, can offer any -permanent obstruction to the measures desired and indicated by the -popular will. With reference to the Crown, the _Times_ has recently -held the following remarkable language:--'What can one say but that -the Crown has no right or will in this free country but that which is -consistent, and does not clash with the rights and will of the people -as represented in Parliament?' With reference to the House of Lords, -it would be easy, if space were at our command, to cite sentence after -sentence from speeches in that highly-educated assembly, which would -show the opinion of its leading members that its functions are now -limited to amendments, to modifications, and to postponements of -measures, and do not extend to the act of thwarting or nullifying the -clearly-expressed will of the representative House, with respect to -any important subject. It is true that in one respect the democratic -power seems to be kept in abeyance. We do not see the working man in -Parliament. Plutocracy, or the money power, has still great influence -in the representative House. The elections and the social position are -too expensive for busy working people. But the pecuniary obstacles -will be gradually removed, and many men of humble position, but real -ability, will make their way into the House. This is a mere question -of time. For the present, the representatives of the people must needs -be wealthy. But the day is not distant when many a borough, and even -some counties, will be represented by men of the class and order which -form the basis of the constituencies. There cannot be a doubt that the -work of a very few years will diminish, if not abolish, the expenses -of elections, and make the all-powerful House almost as democratic as -the constituencies. - -It is under these circumstances that we approach two great questions, -the public discussion of which cannot be much longer deferred. First, -can the continuance of a purely hereditary and ennobled branch of the -legislature be reconciled with the state of things we have portrayed? -Secondly, ought the further and continuous creation of hereditary -social honours to be permitted by the people of a free and -substantially democratic state? - -In dealing with the first of these inquiries, the thought that -naturally comes into the mind is this--what a wonderful anomaly and -apparent departure from sound sense is the creation of an -_hereditary_ legislature! The function of making laws for millions of -free people is calculated to tax to the utmost the mental energy of -the ablest men. The high duties of a lawgiver have always, in theory -at least, been entrusted by civilized states to their best and wisest -citizens. But our knowledge of the laws of succession does not teach -us that as a rule the wise beget the wise. On the contrary, experience -continually confirms the truth of Solomon's lamentation, 'I hated all -my labour which I had taken under the sun: because I should leave it -unto the man that shall come after me, and who knoweth whether he -shall be a wise man or a fool?'[30] 'Fortes creantur fortibus et -bonis,' said Horace. No doubt that is physically true to a great -extent, but the transmission of intellect is a very different matter. -We have heard it asserted that no bishop ever left an eminent son. The -present Lord Ellenborough, a son of the late Bishop Law, is a signal -exception; but where is another to be found? How many British peers -whose honours are derived from ancestors of genius and capacity, who -in their day rendered good service to the nation, are now contributing -anything to the legislative power of the House of Lords? Do we now -hear the senatorial utterances, or obtain any political counsels, from -our contemporary Portland or Wellington, Bedford or Leeds, Exeter or -Camden; Macclesfield or Oxford, Somers or Effingham; Sandwich, -Hardwicke, Mansfield, or Eldon; Hood, St. Vincent, Exmouth, or -Bridport; Kenyon, Erskine, Tenterden, or Wynford; Rodney, Abinger, -Hill, or Keane? Yet all these are honourable titles held and enjoyed -by men who inherited them from ancestors who deserved well of their -country. Nor are these all the peers who have never done anything in -public life to justify the hereditary honours bestowed on their -meritorious ancestors. The list might be greatly enlarged. Others, -again, may be counted by the hundred, whose honours have no nobler -origin than Court favour or Parliamentary influence, and who utterly -abdicate their legislative functions. In truth, the working department -of the House of Lords is generally in the hands of five or six aged -barristers, who have won their coronets by their brains, and a dozen -or so of active peers, whose high attainments attract the confidence -of their fellows. Is it possible to contend that this is a healthy -organization of a co-ordinate branch of the imperial legislature? It -is true that there are many men of great ability in the House, and -many more of truly noble but retiring character, who reside wholly or -for the most part on their estates. But of these a very small -proportion take the trouble to attend the debates, and even in the -present session, Lord Granville was obliged to remark, that 'the large -number of peers _who do not attend the debates_ ought to be called -upon to serve on committees.' There is no doubt that the peerage -contains excellent materials for a senate, and that practically the -power of the whole is now delegated to a part. But though this is the -case under ordinary circumstances, it cannot be right that the -majority of the House, idle hereditary legislators, should lie dormant -and apart from the working bees during the ordinary days of the -session, and only wake up and rush to town under the extraordinary -pressure of a great party division. It may be argued, however, that a -second chamber is a valuable element in the Constitution, and that the -hereditary principle is of the very essence of our political system. -As to the importance of a second chamber, we make no dispute. On the -principle of a division of labour, it is wanted for the despatch of -business, and it is also required for the interposition of discussion -and delay between the hasty introduction of bills and the final act of -legislation. As to the hereditary element, it cannot be denied that -for several centuries it has been fully recognised and established. -But there are good reasons to believe that it is part and parcel of a -comparatively modern Constitution, and that it did not prevail in -those days when the germs of our institutions were in their early -growth. The fact is that all our titles of honour seem to have been -originally derived _from offices_. That of duke, the highest of the -hereditary titles, is evidently derived from 'dux' and 'duc;' words -used to signify a leader, and a man of merit. But this was a foreign -use of the word which never obtained in England, and it was not -introduced at all before the time of Edward the Black Prince. The -title of 'marquess' designated originally the persons who had charge -of the 'marches' of the country; that is, the boundaries, _marks_, or -border lands between Scotland and England, and England and Wales. An -earl derives his title from the earldorman of the Anglo-Saxons, and -the earle of the Danes. It was afterwards adopted by the Conqueror, -and both in his time and previously, was the designation of certain -high officials. The viscount or vicecomes, was originally the deputy -of the earl, count or comes, but its adoption as an English dignity is -involved in some obscurity. The lowest of our hereditary titles is -that of 'baron,' which originally designated those persons who held -lands of a superior by military and other services, and who were bound -to give attendance in the court of the superior, and assist in the -business there transacted. In plain language, these ancient titles -indicated _appointments_ for life of various kinds, or duties -connected with property which, as a rule, had been bestowed as a -reward for merit. - - 'From virtue first began, - The difference that distinguished man from man; - He claimed no title from descent of blood, - But that which made him noble made him good.'[31] - -Such being the origin of the British titles of nobility, we pass to -the origin of the aggregate peerage in their position as a separate -and hereditary branch of the legislature. It is well ascertained that -the Saxon kings were not authorized to make new laws or impose taxes -without the sanction of the 'witan,' in which the Thanes and the -prelates of the church had seats. It is also certain that in Normandy -there was a council of Norman barons, which the dukes were bound to -consult on all important occasions. The Anglo-Norman kings of England -continued to recognise the custom, and duly summoned and consulted -their great council. All who held land immediately from the Crown had -a right to attend, and these were originally designated the king's -barons. Besides these, the prelates and the principal abbots and -priors were expected to attend. No other persons had the right to -appear except in the attitude of petitioners. It is probable that many -of the Crown tenants found it inconvenient and expensive to be present -as regularly as the great proprietors, and by degrees the title of -'peer' and 'baron,' which at first had been common to all the king's -immediate tenants, came to be applied to a few great feudatories of -the Crown. This state of things is actually recognised in Magna Charta -in these words,--'We shall cause the archbishops, bishops, abbots, -earls, and _greater barons_ to be separately summoned by our letters.' -Here, then, we have the origin of the temporal peers of the realm in -their own House. The temporal peerage was evidently a body of the most -powerful landowners. Now, at that time and for many years after, there -was no legal power of devising real estates by will. The estates -descended from heir to heir, and the successor of a great feudal baron -came in course of time to be regarded as standing in the position of -his predecessors as to the right to be summoned by letters patent to -the royal council. Thus the notion of hereditary descent became -associated with the position and privileges of a great baron. At a -later period the status of peerage was extended to others, who were -not tenants in chief, but were summoned by writ to take their places -in the council. Still later, the sovereign took upon himself to -_create_ peerages by letters patent, which seem to have conferred the -privilege of hereditary descent. Finally, it became a fixed maxim in -constitutional laws that the person summoned by royal writ to the -House of Lords acquired a right not only to sit in that particular -parliament, but the right for himself and certain heirs to become -hereditary peers of the realm. Thus a complete inroad was gradually -made upon the early connection between the peerage and the tenure of -property; and the general result was that Lords of Parliament took -their seats by virtue of tenure, of writs, of letters patent, and, in -a few isolated cases, by Act of Parliament.[32] In the time of Lord -Coke the number of peers was about 100; at the time of the Revolution -of 1688 the House consisted of about 150 lay and 26 spiritual peers, -and at the present time it reckons nearly 500 members. We found no -argument upon the special privileges possessed by the order of nobles. -With the exception of their appellate jurisdiction, they are neither -numerous nor important, and the judicial functions which are now very -efficiently exercised by some of the ablest lawyers of the day will -probably be remodelled in the course of the reforms in the -administration of justice which are now very near at hand. - -The facts and circumstances thus briefly stated form the materials for -an answer to our first question, namely, Can the continuance of a -purely hereditary branch of the legislature harmonize with the vast -democratic change which was described in the earlier pages of this -article? The answer is short and simple. Considering the spread of -education, the increasing circulation of literature and newspapers, -the growing influence of commerce and manufactures, the omnipotent -force of public opinion, and the increasing importance of the middle -classes, it certainly appears that the House of Lords is not now -satisfactorily constituted for a senate. It consists of a large number -of members who feel themselves under no obligation to take part in its -deliberations. It is acted upon only _indirectly_ by public opinion. -Its members belong almost exclusively to one class and interest, and -all stand on the same social platform. Moreover, two out of the three -chief interests of the nation--that is, the manufacturing and -commercial interests--are scarcely represented in that House. Under -these circumstances, it appears to us that some alteration in the -constitution of this noble House is a mere question of time. In the -famous debate of April, 1866, upon Lord Russell's project of reform, -Mr. Lowe, in one of the cleverest speeches ever delivered in the House -of Commons, used the following words:-- - - 'Let us suppose democracy established more or less in this - country: with what eyes would it look upon institutions - such as I have described--what would be the relation of - this House to the House of Peers? I shall call a witness - who will tell you. Eight years ago the honourable member - for Birmingham inverted the course he is now taking; he now - seeks to secure the means, he then proclaimed the end. Then - he said, "See what I'll do for you if you give me reform." - Now he says, "Give me reform, and I shall do nothing." His - words were, "As to the House of Peers, I do not believe - they themselves believe that they are a permanent - institution." What do you suppose would become of the House - of Peers with democratic franchises?' - -Such was the prophecy of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Its -realization may be distant, but we venture to say it is certain. What -the nature of the change ought to be, we can but faintly hint. And, be -it remembered, that it is in no wild spirit of revolution, but rather -in the temper of sober conservation, that even a suggestion of this -kind is hazarded. We believe, then, that the needful change may be -made in perfect harmony with recognised principles of the present -Constitution. Surely a more serviceable House would be secured by -introducing the same system of election and delegation amongst the -peers of the realm that now prevails among the peers of Scotland and -Ireland. In the next place, a certain number of high offices of State -might be connected with life-seats in the House of Lords. The Crown -might be empowered to introduce a limited number of peers for life. -Lastly, it might be practicable, though doubtless very difficult, to -import into the House the direct influence of public opinion by some -kind of public election. The composition of the Herrenhaus, or House -of Lords of Prussia, offers the model of a very useful assembly. It -consists of princes of the royal family; sixteen chiefs of certain -other princely houses; about fifty heads of the territorial nobility; -a number of life peers chosen by the king from the class of rich -landowners, great manufacturers, and _national celebrities_; eight -titled noblemen _elected_ in the eight provinces of Prussia by the -resident landowners of all degrees; the representatives of the -Universities; the heads of religious chapters; the mayors of towns of -more than 50,000 inhabitants; and a few other peers nominated by the -king, under certain limitations, for a less period than life. The -Upper House in Spain is partly composed of hereditary peers, and -partly of peers for life. The peerage of Portugal is for life. And -thus we might go on, from Chamber to Chamber, and prove that the -British House of Lords is the only legislative Chamber in the world in -which the hereditary system alone prevails. This fact alone, taken in -connection with the rapid progress of political events, and the other -circumstances which have been slightly touched upon, may suffice to -justify us in affirming that the continuance of a purely hereditary -House of Lords, unmodified by delegation or election, is not in -harmony with the rest of our Constitution. - -The last question to be answered is this: Ought the further creation -of hereditary dignities to be permitted by a people enjoying the wide -and liberal franchises of this country? It must not, however, be -supposed that this inquiry must needs touch or involve the advantages -or disadvantages of an hereditary sovereign. The king or reigning -queen of these realms has special functions by virtue of the -Constitution, which, under any circumstances, must be intrusted to -some hands, and it is hard to imagine any order of affairs more -beneficial to the people than the present; for our sovereign is not -merely entrusted with attributes which affect the imagination, she -holds a position not less useful than splendid as the visible head of -this mighty Commonwealth. There ought to be the least possible -latitude for the jealousies and rivalries of the leading spirits of -the State. But if the most exalted position is open to competition, -the most powerful minds may be diverted by evil influences from the -line of duty. The hereditary office of the sovereign ought to be -tenderly and loyally upheld as being not merely a picturesque -decoration of the State, but subserving most important purposes, by -preventing intrigue, and by visibly representing the nation in a form -most attractive to society. The present question, therefore, has no -reference to the sovereign. The inquiry is, whether the _minor_ -hereditary dignities can be continuously and freshly created -consistently with our apparent advances towards social and political -equality. The answer may be found in the lines of Dr. Johnson: - - 'Let observation with extensive view, - Survey mankind from China to Peru.' - -He who thus looks from the watch-tower must perceive that the -political movement of nations is almost everywhere in _one_ direction. -He might suppose that one transcendental law was slowly overruling the -world--the law under which equality is advancing, and artificial -inequalities disappearing. It would seem that the desire for equality -marches hand in hand with civilization. Nowhere in the world will the -inquirer discover that _hereditary_ privileges _are being created_ -except in England, though the order of ancient nobility is by no means -rare. The defenders of the order of nobility will urge that the -distinction of rank is necessary for the reward of public services, -and to stimulate and encourage others. Virtuous ambition is, -doubtless, a spring of action which produces excellent results. -Blackstone says that 'a body of nobility creates and preserves that -gradual scale of dignity which proceeds from the peasant to the -prince, rising like a pyramid from a broad foundation, and diminishing -to a point as it rises. It is this ascending and contracting -proportion _which adds stability_ to any government.'[33] Historical -research can alone determine the amount of truth contained in these -assertions. The general proposition that public honours of some kind -are valuable incidents in every country can hardly be disputed. But -does it necessarily follow that those honours should be hereditary? We -know that many of the truest patriots in ancient and modern times have -desired no other reward than posthumous fame and the esteem of their -fellow-citizens. Was Washington, for example, moved by the glitter of -any hereditary honours to devote himself to the good of his country? -Or Pericles, Epaminondas, or Tell; Pym, Hampden, Peel, or Cobden? Peel -had inherited his baronetcy, and by will forbade his heirs to accept -the hereditary peerage. Take the case of Mr. Peabody. Society -regretted that he declined the riband of the Bath, but how unsuitable -a reward for his grand Christian munificence would a coronet and a -title have been. It was natural to ask in his case, 'What shall be -done to the man whom the king delighteth to honour?' The only answer -is, 'Let his memory be embalmed in the loving esteem of two great -nations.' To him virtue was its own reward. The mass of mankind are of -less elevated quality. It would be unwise, and even dangerous, to -dispense with public rewards for public services. But surely it is an -unreasonable method of recompensing the services of a great citizen to -confer title, dignity, and rank, not only upon himself, but upon his -descendants for ever. The services of the great Duke of Marlborough -may have merited a high recompense, but it is strange that one hundred -and fifty years after his decease his great-great-grandson should be -born a duke on the score of his ancestor's merits-- - - 'Honours best thrive - When rather from _our_ acts we them derive - Than our foregoers.'[34] - -It seems monstrous that in a State in which the power of the people is -fully recognised, any artificial exaltation of one family above -another should be perpetuated apart from personal merit. Far be it, -however, from the writer of these pages to desire the abolition of -existing dignities. They are vested interests which it becomes us to -respect, though it is difficult to tolerate any longer the fresh and -needless elevation of more families above the rest in perpetuity. The -political exigencies of the State cannot possibly require it, and if -it is not necessary it is unjust. It may be said that the House of -Lords must be recruited by the infusion of fresh blood; but it has -been shown that the House is already too full, and rather needs -reduction than expansion. At all events, the grants of peerages for -life would enable the Crown to place many 'national celebrities' in -the Upper House who, from want of fortune, would decline the honour if -it must necessarily descend to a poor son. It may also be urged that -the objection to a further creation of hereditary honours has its -source in the envy of the human heart; but in truth the objection is -simply founded upon a sense of the abstract _injustice_ of the -inheritance of honour, title, and exalted social rank unless it be -justified by merit of some kind. How can it be _just_ that if neither -policy nor merit justify the ordinance, the State should make one -family superior in perpetuity in all the social incidents of -precedence and rank to thousands of other families? It is affectation -to deny that social circumstances of this nature are greatly valued. -They influence the life and fortunes of the men and women of the -ennobled families in a high degree. _Caeteris paribus_, the son of the -nobleman and the son of the commoner do not start in the race of life -upon equal terms. The younger son of a peer will, in all probability, -attain any object he may have in view with less difficulty than the -son of a plain esquire. He will have a better chance of entering the -diplomatic service, of becoming a member of the House of Commons, of -obtaining a nomination for the civil service, of entering the navy, of -getting a commission in one of the best regiments, and of preferment -in the Church. Is it just that these purely artificial advantages -should be accorded to more families than those which already -accidentally possess them? There may be enthusiastic admirers of the -order of nobles, who will affirm that they are necessary for the -safety and balance of society. But such enthusiasts will do well to -listen to the weighty words of Bacon, who, treating of 'nobility,' -wrote thus: 'For democracies, they need it not, and they are commonly -more quiet, and less subject to sedition than where they are stirps of -nobles. For men's eyes are upon the business and not upon the -persons.... We see the Switzers last well, notwithstanding their -diversity of religion and of cantons. For utility is their bond and -not respects. The United Provinces of the Low Countries in their -Government excel. For where there is equality the consultations are -more indifferent, and the payments and tributes more cheerful.'[35] - -Thus this great man goes further than the present argument is intended -to advance. It is not suggested that a flat social equality is -practicable or desirable in civilized life. It may exist in theory, -but it fails in practice. Dr. Johnson proved this in his peculiar -fashion to a lady who was an enthusiastic republican,--'Madame,' said -he, 'I am become a convert to your way of thinking; I am convinced -that all mankind are upon an equal footing; and to give you an -unquestionable proof that I am in earnest, here is a sensible, civil, -well-behaved fellow-citizen--_your footman_; I beg that he may be -allowed to sit down and dine with us. I thus, sir, showed her the -absurdity of the levelling doctrine. She has never liked me since.' So -Count Mirabeau was unable to tolerate his own theory of equality. -Returning one day from the assembly in which he had pressed that -doctrine with great power, he ordered and entered a warm bath. 'More -hot, Antoine.' 'Yes, citizen,' said Antoine. Whereupon Mirabeau seized -his man by the head and plunged it into the bath. It may be that Dr. -Johnson, who was an earnest advocate for the subordination of ranks, -was sound in his views with reference to general happiness. But it -must be admitted that the greatest experiment ever made of theoretical -equality--that of the United States--has not been unsuccessful. It may -be true, as affirmed by De Tocqueville, that 'the men who are entrusted -with the direction of public affairs in that country are frequently -inferior, both in capacity and morality, to those whom aristocratic -institutions would raise to power. But their interest _is identified -with that of the majority_ of their fellow-citizens. They may -frequently be faithless, and frequently mistaken; but they will never -systematically adopt a line of conduct opposed to the will of the -majority.' If we turn to our own great political experiments--those of -our principal colonies--the result is upon the whole satisfactory. No -local dignities are there created or inherited. It would, perhaps, be -expedient that great public services should be rewarded by the -creation of baronetcies for life in the colonies. But though nothing -of this kind is known in any of them--except by the casual importation -of some poor cadet of a noble British family--prosperity, good order, -and all the elements of social and political well-being, are secured -and developed more and more. The great colonies of Australia, which -enjoy the full rights of autonomy, and are only connected with the -mother country by one slender thread, through which no maternal -influence really passes, have thus furnished evidence that liberty, -equality, and order may exist together. - -We have already averred that this article is not intended to promote -any levelling assault upon any existing dignity. Nor do we think it is -expedient that a flat table-land of social equality should be created -in this old country. Let public services be rewarded not only by -gratitude and esteem, but by dignities and honours coincident with the -life of the grantees. Honorary decorations, too, might be more -extensively conferred, and would surely be worn with as much -gratification by the deserving plebeian as the blue or red ribbon by -the noblest aristocrat of the bluest blood. Let sculpture, painting, -and architecture do their best to perpetuate the memory of 'national -celebrities.' Let us construct a Walhalla of worthies in which -Englishmen shall deem it the highest attainable honour to be reckoned. -And as Pericles nobly said to the Athenians,--'I shall begin with our -forefathers, for it is fair and right that the honours of -commemoration should be accorded to them. For the same people -constantly dwelling in this land did by their valour hand it down in -freedom to posterity. Well worthy of praise were they, and still more -worthy are our own fathers; for they, in addition to their -inheritance, won by the sweat of their brow the imperial position we -now hold, and transmitted it to us of the present generation.' So let -us recall and commemorate every unselfish public life, all genius -dedicated to the nation's good, and all those _quasi_ inspirations of -the native mind which set a mark upon their age, and tinge the thought -of successive generations. Nor let us shrink and shiver as we see the -irresistible advance of the democratic wave. The most timid may take -courage by studying the attempted legislation of the Commonwealth. To -that period may be traced the source of nearly all our best laws and -largest reforms. The reactionary powers blighted the attempted work of -enlightened men, and it has only come to maturity within living -memory, or is even now ripening. Let us never forget that it is our -first duty to educate the democracy, to purify its morals, and so to -modify the distribution of public honours that merit and its reward -may never be severed. Exalted rank derived from birth alone must be -permitted to die out by flux of time, and meritorious industry must be -warmly cherished. - - 'The smoke ascends - To heaven, as lightly from the cottage hearth - As from the haughty palace. He whose soul - Ponders this true equality may walk - The fields of earth with gratitude and hope.'[36] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[22] 'Quiet reigned at home; the public offices kept their old -titles;... Tiberius initiated all his measures under the mask of the -consuls, as if it was the old republic.... Yet at Rome there was a -race for servitude; consuls, senators, and knights alike.' - -[23] See 'Merivale,' vol. iii. p. 464. - -[24] Roscoe's 'Life of Lorenzo de Medici,' p. 6. - -[25] 'Macaulay's Speeches,' p. 36. - -[26] 'Civil Correspondence of the Duke of Wellington' (Ireland), pp. -28 and 627. - -[27] 'Shooting Niagara,' p. 12. - -[28] 'De Tocqueville,' vol. i. - -[29] Rudd's 'Aristophanes,' 'The Knights.' - -[30] Ecclesiastes ii. 18, 19. - -[31] Dryden. - -[32] Creasy 'On the Constitution.' Hallam's 'Middle Ages,' vol. ii., -p. 319. - -[33] Stephen's 'Blackstone,' vol. ii., p. 361. - -[34] 'All's Well that ends Well.' - -[35] 'Essays,' p. 45. - - - - -ART. V.--_The Genius of Nonconformity and the Progress of Society._ - - -Archbishop Laud, in his conference with Fisher, the Jesuit, when he -was Bishop of St. David's, sets forth the ample basis and -justification of Nonconformity. It is impossible that the platform can -be laid for our principles and action more broadly and firmly than by -this highest of High Churchmen in the following admirable and explicit -words:-- - - 'Another Church may separate from Rome if Rome will - separate from Christ. And so far as it separates from them - and the faith, so far may another church sever from it.... - The Protestants did not get that name by protesting against - the Church of Rome, but by protesting (and that when - nothing else would serve) against her errors and - superstitions. Do you but remove them from the Church of - Rome, and our protestation is ended, and the separation - too. The Protestants did not depart, for departure is - voluntary; so was not theirs. I say, not theirs, taking - their whole body and cause together.... The cause of - schism is yours, for you thrust us out from you because we - called for truth and the redress of abuses. For a schism - must needs be theirs whose the cause of it is. The woe was - full out of the mouth of Christ, ever against him that - gives the offence, not against him that takes it, ever.... - It was ill done of those, whoever they were, that made the - first separation. But then A. C. must not understand me of - actual only, but of causal separation. For, as I said - before, the schism is theirs whose the cause of it is. And - he makes the separation, that gives the first just cause of - it; not he that makes an actual separation upon a just - cause preceding.'--(Works, vol. ii. sec. 21.) - -We cordially adopt the definitions and allegations of the great -Anglican. He describes perfectly the necessity which has constrained -and the spirit which has animated the great party, which seems at -length to stand on the very borders of that Canaan of religious -liberty and equality towards which for three centuries it has been -struggling through the wilderness, and in which it hopes to find rest -and the free play of its life at last. - - 'Schism is separation--cutting off; cutting ourselves off - from that to which we ought to be united. The root of - schism is the separation of man from God. He is thereby out - of harmony with the universal and ruling system of things. - In this way he is out of harmony with all that remains - under that presiding system. And the crime of schism lies - in this; that it is a contest with Him who has instituted - that system--that it arises out of our repugnancy to Him, - or (to take the lowest view of it) out of our want of - understanding of the principles which he has established - for the unity of the world which He has made.'--(A. J. - Scott, 'Discourses,' p. 230.) - -Schism, then, is separation from that with which God made us to be -united. The only schism about which we need be anxious is separation -from the truth which can make Divine order in our lives; to which by -inward affinities we are related; to which we are bound to attach -ourselves, or rather to maintain our attachment, under penalty of -perpetual unrest, harm, and loss. The fundamental question of schism -is truth--the truth which God has made known as the one basis of the -vital fellowships and activities of mankind. - -The only principle which could fairly rob us of the justification -which the Anglican Archbishop's words afford to us would be, that the -State is absolutely the highest expression of the Lord who made and -who rules the world, as to the conduct of man's life in the spiritual -as well as in the secular sphere. There are secular sects in Europe -who lay down this dogma as the fundamental principle of the -constitution of society. The State, in their view, has the sole right -and the sole power to organize everything, from industry to worship, -and there is no higher will than that of the community known to or -knowable by man. But this principle presupposes the abolition of the -spiritual. Worship and the whole region of man's religious activity -must have been already relegated to the domain of senseless -superstition, before such an idea could reign. Religion ceases to be -an intrusive and disturbing element in the secular realm under such -conditions, because it has already ceased to have an independent life. -We have no need to spend time in controverting this position. Amongst -Christian politicians, lay or ecclesiastical, there can be no need to -demonstrate the falseness of a principle which would make Christ and -His Apostles the chief schismatics of the world. Even Mr. Arnold, who -is as hard upon Nonconformity as a man can be, allows that there _are_ -things which may compel separation; and where those are found, by -Laud's own definition, the word schism can no longer apply. - -Man, like all things, animate and inanimate, is made in concord. There -are relations with beings and with things, with the world, with man, -and with God, in which his nature moves freely and all his powers are -drawn forth to their full strain of work. The secret of free movement -in the universe is equipoise. It is not otherwise with man. He is made -to sustain certain relations, to exchange certain influences, to -fulfil certain functions. There is a condition conceivable in which -man would be in entire harmony with all things around him, would move -with perfect freedom, and give full expression to all the functions -and possibilities of his life. Out of that condition he has fallen; to -it he hopes and aspires to return. Schism is that which breaks the -harmony, which places him in a wrong relation with all around him, and -sets him at war with himself. The first, the fundamental schism, as we -have seen, is sin. The Archschismatic, the father of schism, is the -Devil. Next, that is of the essence of schism which prevents man -struggling back into the harmony; which introduces any unnatural -limitations or compulsions into the movements of his soul with regard -to that Being, the righting of his relations with whom sets him right -with himself and with all the world. Whatever hinders the free -movement of man's spirit in relation to God, or limits or thwarts the -relations with his fellow-men into which he is drawn by the Spirit; -whatever, in fact, makes an order which is not spiritual in the sphere -of his duties and life, is schismatic. The first condition of the -higher order, the order of the Spirit, is liberty; the free movement -of the spiritual element, the free play of the spiritual life, is the -essential condition of that unity of the Church for which the Saviour -prayed, and for which the Spirit is striving still. When human orders -or forms are established as essential bases of communion, schism is -inevitable, simply because no human arrangement of man's relations can -be co-extensive and conterminous with the plan by which the Spirit is -working out the unity of the Church, and which is realizable only -through the entire freedom of the movement of His energy in individual -human hearts. The cause of schism, adhering to Laud's definitions, is -inherent in the very constitution of a system like that of our -national Established Church. It is but the repetition, within the -limits of a nation, and under national auspices, of the Roman -endeavour to found and to govern a church which should be conterminous -with Christendom. That which broke up the Roman system and shattered -the Roman idea of the Church, was the development of a true national -life in the countries of the west, which, speaking roundly, we may -date from the thirteenth century. The national development of France -in that century really broke up the Mediaeval idea of unity, whether -conceived of, as by the nobler spirits, under the form of the Holy -Roman Empire, or by the commoner under the form of the Holy Roman -Church. The great Papal schism which immediately followed, and the -seventy years' captivity at Avignon, were the beginning of the end. -The dream was dreamed out. The vision of the unity of Christendom -under a visible vicar of Christ vanished for ever. - -The vision which has replaced it is that of a Federal Christendom--a -confederation of national churches, each under its national head, -establishing in the spiritual some such order as the Commune dreams of -establishing in the political sphere. But it is the same enterprise. -We wish our able advocates of Establishment would consider it. It is -the endeavour to build the Church on a basis of authority, whether -external to the nation, as the Pope, in the ages in which Christendom -was conceived of as a visible kingdom, or internal to the nation, as -is necessary when the nation rises to the consciousness of -individuality, and the assertion of the independence of the national -life. It is an aiming at a kind of order in Christ's kingdom which has -the root of all disorders in the heart of it; and it has for three -centuries blocked the way of the true successor to the Mediaeval idea -of the unity of Christendom, a unity of spirit unexpressed in -formularies or organizations, reigning in all the provinces of man's -social, political, and national life. - -The Mediaeval idea of the unity of the Church was a noble and beautiful -vision; far nobler and more beautiful, broader, deeper, grander, than -anything that is proposed or that can be proposed under the conditions -of a Law-established National Church. The movement of the Reformation -both in England and in Germany was a grand step of progress as regards -the actual condition and relations of men. The overthrow of the Roman -System, the branding it as of the Devil and not of Christ, was an -unspeakable gain and progress. But, yet as regards the idea of the -Church, in the form which the Reformation assumed in both countries, -we hold that it was distinctly a fall. That which England had to -substitute for the idea of a Church co-extensive with the Christian -name, ruled by a power which professed and was believed to rest its -rights and to draw its influence from a sphere beyond this world, -perpetuating in Christendom the tradition and the right of apostolic -rule, was a miserably narrow, shallow, and selfish assertion of the -right of a class to represent Christ in legislating or the Church, and -of a James I. to represent Him in ruling it. The inner life of the -Church System which the Reformation established in England shines -brightly only against the background of Roman atrocity; it is dark -enough against any conception of Christ's Kingdom inspired by the -Spirit or drawn from the word of God. - -If the Establishment principle, as some of its passionate advocates -seem to imagine, is to be the permanent form of church life which is -to supplant in Christendom the idea which the Roman Church enshrined, -but marred and murdered in embodiment, then we say deliberately, -Europe, in the long run, will have lost immensely by the Reformation; -then the hope of the establishment of a Kingdom of Christ, in which -the weary heart of humanity shall realize the fulfilment of the hope -which poets and prophets have kept bright before the mind of the -world, will be forever dead. - -The words Dissenter and Non-conformist are in one sense ugly words; -and Protestant must be put in the same category. They define unhappily -by negation, that which in its essential nature is strongly -affirmative, that which has the spirit of the 'Everlasting Yea' in it -as fully as any belief which has ever been formulated by or -promulgated among men. It is most unfortunate that the creeds and -principles which are most closely related to the political and -industrial, as well as to the spiritual progress of mankind, have by -accident, as it were, assumed this negative shape in their -proclamation of themselves to the world. It is their aspect to their -opponents which has become their definition; and this has affixed to -them a kind of stigma which has acted most injuriously on their -progress. We little realize how this negation has stood in our way. -The 'Dis' or the 'Non' is the essential part of us in the estimation -of a large number of Churchmen; while the Romanist still finds in the -word Protestant a perpetual justification of his antipathy, and a mark -for the shafts of his scorn. We have in all generations been regarded -as a dissatisfied and dissident race; strong only in opposition, and -living by envy and hatred of that which commands the support of the -great majority of mankind. It has been believed, in fact, that we -rather nurse our grievances, and make the most of them, lest if they -were to cease, our _raison d'etre_ would at once expire. We believe -that this has been to a very large extent the popular notion of us -among the members of the Establishment; and the main reason for the -impression, were it probed, would be found to be the negation implied -in our name. To this day the term Protestant is perhaps the gravest -difficulty in the way of the spread of Evangelical ideas and of the -Evangelical spirit among the Latin nations of the West. - -But in truth the 'yea' is with us rather than with our opponents. The -Establishment is the natural home of the true 'Negative Theology.' -'The moderation of the Church of England' is the chief boast of her -children--that is, of those who are most loyal to her principle of -Establishment, and to whom the term Erastian conveys nothing of which -they feel the slightest disposition to be ashamed. And it describes -something which is very characteristic of her policy, and which fills -a large place in the various 'Apologies' which several schools of -Essayists have recently given to the world. Moreover, it seems to us -to set forth something which must be maintained if the Established -Church is to endure. Just in the measure in which Church parties feel -themselves possessed by very positive convictions, and inspired by -burning zeal, so the limits of the system grow irksome; while the -strongest parties which have arisen within her communion, those with -the most intense convictions and the most spiritual aims, have been -driven to develope themselves outside her pale. - -At this moment the party in the Church which is the most strongly -devoted to the Establishment principle is, theologically, the most -colourless. The most solid argument, as it seems to us, which sustains -the Establishment platform, would lead us to regard its ministers as a -kind of Levitical order--the clerisy, as Coleridge has it--which would -aim at little higher than a civilising, humanizing mission to the -ignorant, the vicious, and the wretched in the land. God forbid that -we should for a moment speak slightingly of such a service, rendered -by such men as are now at the disposal of the State for this most -blessed work. But it is no longer specially clerical work. The world -is busy about it by a thousand agencies, which more than compete with -the clerical; and it is hardly a question whether the world at large -would be prepared to maintain a costly and highly-favoured order of -men to do the work which in these days is the general charge of -society. But the work of the Gospel, of which St. Paul strikes the -key-note in the first chapters of his first Epistle to the -Corinthians, is of a widely different order. The school of which we -have spoken deals chiefly with the diffused light of Christianity -which is abroad in the atmosphere of a Christian state; the preacher -after the Pauline type (and the world cannot spare him yet) unveils -the solar light and fire. The affirmative force, the penetrating, -searching fire of Christianity, has from the first been mainly with -the communities which have been unable to find room within the bosom -of the moderation of the Church of England for their truth and for -their zeal. The moderation paled the one and chilled the other, and -drove them forth into a separation which seemed to them in those days -as bitter and unnatural as the violent disruption of a Christian home, -so strongly did the idea of the family life of a nation possess men's -hearts, so strongly did man's imagination cling to the visible unity -of the Church. - -Few who love the truth of the Gospel would, we imagine, be disposed to -question that the higher life of the Church, that which makes its -gospel the power of God unto salvation, was more fully represented in -the early days of King James by men like Dr. Rainolds than by Bancroft -and the party which he and Whitgift represented at the Conference at -Hampton Court; by the Nonconforming clergy rather than by the Court -party in the early days of the Restoration; by the Methodists rather -than by the bishops and clergy of the Georgian Church; by the Free -Churchmen rather than by the residue of the Established clergy of -Scotland in the early days of our Queen. The affirmative side, the -energy of strong belief, strong assertion, strong purpose and -endeavour, has been seen mainly in the Nonconformist communities; -while the Established Churchmen have on the whole cultivated, with a -fair measure of energy and with conspicuous ability, the broad fields -of thought and life which the energy of more enterprising and earnest -communities has won. We claim for our fathers that they represented on -the whole the affirmation of the Gospel; the belief which sets a man's -face like a rock against the tide of worldly temptations and -seductions, which so few churches find strength to stem, while it -nerves his arm to wield effectually that sword of the Spirit which -cuts its way most deeply into the camp of the Devil, which the Lord -came to storm and to destroy. Apology and exposition have been the -main strength of Anglican Church literature and activity. The words -which have been the advanced guards as it were of liberty and -progress; the pointed, pungent, vivid, stirring treatises which have -laid hold most powerfully on the popular heart, and have been the -chief auxiliaries of the Gospel in turning men from darkness to light, -and from the power of Satan unto God, have come forth mainly from the -Nonconformist schools. Not that there has been, or can be, any -monopoly of gifts or functions in a country in which classes and -orders are so happily mixed and forced into association as in England. -The Church has not neglected the Sword of the Spirit, the -Nonconformists have not laid by the implements of culture; but still, -on the whole, taking a broad view of the character and work of the two -communions, we believe that there is substantial justice in the -distinctions which we have laid down. - -The culture of the Church of England is a favourite topic with her -apologists. And most justly. On the whole, she has probably been the -most learned, polished, and politic Church in Christendom. We -Nonconformists have no long list of names of the first eminence in the -ranks of scholarship which may compare with the long line of able -scholars and champions of the faith whom the Anglican Church has sent -forth. But then the conditions of life in the Church of England are -precisely those which are most favourable to this special development; -and unfavourable, we think, in no small measure, to the growth and -free activity of yet higher things. Our men in all generations have -had in the main yet higher work on hand than theological scholarship; -and work, we venture to think, still more profoundly important to the -best interests of the community. The exiles in Holland in the early -years of the 17th century produced works of scholarship which may -compare with anything, save such a master-piece as Hooker's, which -emanated from the Anglican divines of their time. Henry Ainsworth was -one of the ablest Biblical scholars in Europe. He was 'living on -ninepence a week and some boiled roots' as a bookseller's porter, when -his master discovered his skill in Hebrew, and put him in the way of -more congenial work. In Moreri's Dictionary full justice is done to -Henry Ainsworth--'the able commentator on the Scriptures;' while he is -carefully distinguished from 'Ainsworth the heresiarch, one of the -chiefs of the Brownists;' nothing being more indubitable than that the -two were the same man. John Robinson, too, was a man of large culture -as well as conspicuous intellectual power. His controversial works -reveal a learning, a wisdom, a breadth of view, a foresight, a -large-hearted charity, joined to the most intense conviction on the -points which made him a separatist, which are rarely to be found in a -great theological champion in any age of the world. - -But, after all, these men had higher and harder work on hand than -thinking and writing as scholars, and work which the world could less -easily spare. Those exiles in Holland, by their toil and their -suffering, were nursing and training that spirit which created the -American Republic, and which rules it still. The world probably wanted -that work just then more than the rarest scholarship; though -intellectual power was at a low ebb at that particular crisis in the -Anglican Church. And the world found what it supremely wanted, the -simplest, purest, toughest, noblest band of colonists ever sent forth -from any country. In the rude, rough times which succeeded, the -leaders of the great action which settled on a sure basis for ever the -liberties of our country, were of the Nonconformist Schools. The men -who did such work for England as the conduct of that long and -tremendous struggle to its glorious issue, might well be pardoned if -their culture were of a poorer type than that of their antagonists. -But it is really marvellous how, during the storm of the Civil War, -Nonconformist learning and intellectual ability flourished. Lord Brook -and Peter Sterry, leading spirits among the Independents, were deeply -tinctured with Platonic learning; they drew their large and liberal -ideas from a deeper than an Arminian spring. In John Howe strong -traces of the same Platonic element may be discovered. There seems to -have been a certain native affinity between this young Independency -and the thoughts of the great master of ideal philosophy in the -ancient world. At the time of the Restoration, probably the most -many-sided, variously-accomplished, and masterly man was Richard -Baxter. His position in relation to the Church and Nonconformity -through the most active part of his career, was not unlike the -position which Erasmus held during the Reformation between -Protestantism and Rome. But most certainly, despite his views 'on -National Churches,' it was mainly from the Nonconformist springs that -his life was nourished, and the weight of his influence was thrown -practically into the Nonconformist scale. - -But perhaps of all the able men who were busy about things theological -and political, about the time of the Westminster Assembly, there was -not one who thought so freely and wrote so liberally as John Goodwin, -the Independent.[37] Far from feeling himself shut up, as we -Independents hear that we are shut up, to the traditions of the -elders, which were unquestionably strongly Calvinistic, he discerned -and grasped whatever good there might be in the Arminian scheme of -doctrine; while his views on public affairs, on political and -religious liberty, on toleration, on the welfare and progress of -states, were more in the key of modern ideas than anything else which -is to be met with in the literature of those times. A man must have -had a far sight and a brave heart who could write concerning the -Scriptures in those days and in such an atmosphere, 'The true and -proper foundation of the Christian religion is not ink and paper, not -any book or books, not any writing or writings whatsoever, whether -translations or originals, but that substance of matter, those -glorious counsels of God concerning the salvation of the world by -Jesus Christ, which are indeed represented and declared both in the -translations and the originals, but are distinct from both.' - -Passing on to the midst of the next century, the Nonconformist -evangelists of the great Methodist revival were busy in other work -than that which occupied the scholars and divines of the not -over-earnest or spiritual Georgian Church. But it was more distinctly -church work; and it lay far nearer to the heart of the true welfare -and progress of the state. The men who established a strong Christian -influence over those classes of the population who in times of -political ferment are truly the dangerous classes, were mainly -Nonconformist. What England owed, socially and politically, to the -leaders and ministers of the great Evangelical revival, when the storm -of the Revolution swept through Europe, has never been calculated, -and never can be. The work of the evangelists among the colliers and -miners, and generally among the poorest of the poor, was a grand -safeguard to us when our turn of revolutionary trial came. The chief -reason why the Revolution in England ran in the main a peaceful and -orderly course, while in France it was convulsive and destructive, is -to be found in the nexus of the classes which the great Evangelical -movement established, and in the gleam of hope which it kindled in the -popular heart. - -And it is not a little noteworthy that the party in the Church of -England which is seeking to repeat, though under widely different, -and, as we judge, quite lower forms, the Methodist revival, and is -striving hard, and not unsuccessfully, to bring some Christian -influence (though many would deny its right to the name) to bear on -the vast heathen class in our cities which perplexes and saddens all -churches, is that which bears most uneasily the yoke of Establishment, -and talks enthusiastically of Disestablishment as emancipation. One of -its orators the other day at St. James's Hall, young and enthusiastic, -no doubt, but the meeting cheered him to the echo, thus delivered -himself: 'Nothing is so fatal as this Establishment, and if the -suspension of Mr. Mackonochie should lead to the overturning of that -rooks'-nest, so much the better.' (Tumultuous cheering.) - -But it may be said, and with a specious colour of truth, that one of -the chief virtues of the Establishment principle is, that it -comprehends these extreme parties and keeps them under some moderating -control. It seems to us that in the past it was entirely for the good -of England that the Church did not comprehend the Puritan, the -Nonconformist, the Methodist elements. Happily, it was not in the -nature of the Church to comprehend them in any sense. Had she been -capable of retaining them and subjecting them to her moderating hand, -the nation would have lost its ablest leaders, and the Church the most -glowing breath of its life. And the best thing that could happen now -would be that the High Anglicans should be let alone, to work out in -entire freedom their ideas. The State influence lends importance and -power to their movement with one hand, while it maddens them by -limiting and crippling their freedom of action on the other. There is -a spirit working within them which, whether we like it or not, has a -definite meaning and purpose, and is destined to become a power. It -may be trammelled, cramped, crippled by the action of authority, but -it cannot be exorcised or expelled. In the present temper of the -public mind, it has a distinct vocation of its own, which it would be -well for itself and for the world that it should work out freely. The -sooner that it is set perfectly free to try with its own resources -what its method is worth, the better for itself, and the better for -the people whom it dreams that it can lead and save. - -We have spoken casually of the Calvinistic and Arminian creeds. The -subject is worthy of some close examination from the point of view of -the present article; inasmuch as it is often urged by the advocates of -the Establishment, as a strong point in its favour, that the leading -Anglican divines of King James and King Charles led the reaction -against Calvinism, and made room for Arminian doctrine and influence -in the Established Church. It is a point which is urged in the able -and temperate article on the Church and Nonconformity which appeared -in the last number of the _Quarterly Review_, which, as well as its -liberal rival, evidently feels that the question is no longer -speculative but practical, and must be dealt with as one of the -leading and most pressing public questions of the day. The tone of -both those articles is most significant and assuring to -Nonconformists. They both recognise most cordially the large service -which the free churches of England have rendered to the cause of -liberty and progress, though they do not, of course, yet see their way -to make the principle of religious freedom supreme in the conduct of -our ecclesiastical affairs. Hear the _Quarterly_:--'The sects of -Nonconformity have been of great service to English progress; it does -not follow from this that it would be a great gain to England if there -were nothing but sects in which its religion could take refuge and -find expression.' (_Quarterly Review_, No. 260, p. 234.) The change of -tone surely is most significant here. - -But to return to our immediate subject. King James had no sooner -reached England and tested the adulation, so grateful to his coarse, -vain nature, with which the Anglican prelates were ready to welcome -him, than he discovered that Presbytery agreed with monarchy 'as God -agreed with the devil.' Still he was a strong Calvinist, and held the -Genevan doctrines in common with Whitgift and the leading doctors of -the Anglican Church. He was not without shrewd native wit, and in the -Hampton Court Conference, bitter and even brutal as he was to the -Puritans, his strong common sense rebelled against the policy which -the Bishops would have forced upon him. We owe probably to him that -the Lambeth Articles were not incorporated in the formularies of the -Church. But before the end of his reign he found that Calvinism agreed -with monarchy as ill as Presbytery, and the Church lapsed slowly but -steadily, or rose as some may prefer to call it, into Arminian -doctrine. But the remarkable thing about the matter is that Calvinism -declined and Arminianism rose in favour, just in the measure in which -the clergy lent themselves to be ministers of the Court. As matter of -history, the vaunted reaction against Calvinism was coincident and -consonant with the cry, 'Church and King.' And this opens out an -important truth on which it is worth our while for a moment to dwell. - -Mr. Froude has recently indulged, in a wild, vigorous way, in a -glorification of Calvinism, before an audience whose traditional -sympathies, at any rate, must have been strongly on his side. He -suggests a pregnant question: How is it that a system which is so -terribly dishonouring to the goodness and righteousness of God, should -have afforded such an inspiration to some of the very noblest men who -have ever left their trace on the history of mankind? He gives a list -of great names, noble names, among the noblest of our race; and with -regard to most of them, at any rate, the claim or charge of being -strongly under the influence of Augustinian ideas of the Divine -government cannot be denied. And yet there is something horrible in -the picture of the Divine principles and methods of action, which -Calvinism in its pure and naked form presents. It is difficult for us -to contemplate, without shuddering, the ideas of divine and human -things which seem to have been adopted with grim satisfaction by some -of the very strongest and most high-minded men who have ever swayed -the destinies of the world. How are we to account for it? - -Surely the solution of the difficulty is to be found in the fact that -the great Calvinists held more vitally to the affirmations than to the -negations of their creed. Its bearing on them and their lives, in an -age of strong swift action, was the thing of vital personal moment; -its bearing on their fellow-men and the universal government of God, -though expressed in terribly clear and logical formularies, held a -very secondary place in their minds. The grand idea, God's -election--man the chosen agent of God, raised up, though all unworthy, -for the setting forth of His counsels, and the execution of His -will--seized and possessed them wholly; and the outside bearing of the -truths, so to speak, appeared but partially to their moral sight. The -world was then a great camp, in which the fiercest martial passions -were raging. Sections of society, as well as nations, were in chronic -and stern antagonism; and it was not so unnatural to regard in those -days as reprobate children of the devil those whom it was almost a -matter of religious duty to afflict and to destroy. A man easily -persuades himself that an enemy is a child of darkness when his sword -will soon be at his throat. Terms have changed; but the language and -thoughts of the French army and the National Guards in Paris about -each other, repeat in substance the relations of Protestant and -Romanist, Englishman and Spaniard, Cavalier and Roundhead, in the -Elizabethan and Caroline days. The thing appeared to them quite -otherwise than to us, who have been studying for ages the Christian -doctrine of the brotherhood of mankind; a doctrine which, to our shame -be it spoken, was first forced on the public notice of peoples by -profane and godless writers who laid the train of the first French -Revolution. - -We need only read the language in which Hawkins or Raleigh utter the -thoughts of their hearts about the Spaniards, to comprehend how easy -it was for them to regard themselves as elect instruments for the -overthrow of the devil and his works, in their daring, but -semi-piratical forays into the harbours and the treasure fleets of -Spain. Hawkins, with his cargo of slaves on board, crowded so close -that fever began to rage among his crew, could hardly have comforted -himself so complacently, in the midst of a terrible calm in the -tropics, with the thought that 'God never suffers His elect to -perish,' unless his whole thought had been occupied with what he was -doing against those whom he believed to be ministers of darkness, -while his relations and duties to his hapless fellow-creatures were -dropped out of sight. Calvinism easily inspires men, that is, the -larger sort of men, who are capable of the inspiration, with the sense -of a Divine call to a Divine service, and it makes them sharp as flint -and hard as iron in working out their mission. And these great -Protestants and Puritans in the age of the struggle for life saw, -partly, no doubt, through prejudiced eyes, so much moral foulness in -those with whom they were contending, that reprobation did not seem so -dread a doctrine in their sight as it seems in ours; who sit down -calmly, after the great battle is over, to think out the system in all -its bearings, and to examine its principles in the light of modern -cosmopolitan sympathy and charity. To us much of it seems simply -revolting, and we marvel how it could ever have commended itself as -of God, as it unquestionably did commend itself, to some of the -wisest, noblest, and most merciful of our race. - -The Calvinism of the Reformers, as a body, is of course -unquestionable. Even Whitgift, bitterly as he hated, and hard as he -struck the Puritans, shared their profoundest convictions as -theologians, as the Lambeth Articles fully reveal. So long as the -battle with Rome was a life and death struggle, that is, through the -whole reign of Elizabeth, Calvinistic ideas strung the courage and -energy of the chief actors to the keenest tension. When the Church had -won its position, and was settling down into a respectable -institution, one of whose chief functions seemed to be to sustain the -dogma of the divine right of kings, then the Arminian bed was made -ready for it; and most of the chief actors in the next stage of the -drama in which the Church was the main prop of the monarchy, leaned -strongly to the Arminian side. The men, on the other hand, who had to -fight the battle of liberty--liberty of body, liberty of thought, -liberty of spirit--against all the force which the world of authority -could bring to bear against them, were Calvinist to the backbone. -God's elect they held themselves to be, weak, unworthy instruments, by -whom He was yet pleased to manifest His glory, and to accomplish His -will. And this was the backbone of their strength, '_'Not I, but the -grace of God which is in me._' - -It may well be questioned whether anything weaker than this sense of a -personal call, a personal inspiration, to which the Calvinist readily -opened his soul, could have borne the conquerors through that -tremendous struggle which assured the liberties of Englishmen forever, -first against the spiritual tyrant at Rome, next against the domestic -tyrant on the throne of their own realm. Perhaps the Puritan struggle -against episcopal and regal tyranny, which brought the Independents to -the front, was the sternest ever fought out in the world. The best -measure of the grandeur of Cromwell's proportions is to be found in -the measure of the men whom he ruled. The English under Elizabeth -proved themselves, in the Narrow Seas, on the Spanish Main, amid -Arctic ice, and all around the world, the most masterful race upon -earth. The spirit had not died out in the Caroline days. The Puritan -party nursed its traditions and cherished its fire, as, among other -significant signs, these words of Pym reveal:--'Blasted may that -tongue be, that in the smallest degree shall derogate from the glory -of those halcyon days which our fathers enjoyed during the government -of that ever-blessed, never-to-be-forgotten, royal Elizabeth.' - -The struggle within the bosom of such a nation demanded powers of the -highest and strongest order, and drew them forth. And the man who -could conduct that struggle to a successful issue and rule such a -strong-handed, imperious race as the English of the Commonwealth, -could have found little beyond his strength in any enterprise in any -age of the world; and nothing but that spirit which from the positive -side of their Calvinistic creed entered into Cromwell, and the men of -whom he became the organ and the head, could have borne them through -the tremendous pressure. No 'sweetness and light' of intellectual -culture, no sense of 'natural human power' could have borne John -Robinson's company of pilgrims first to Holland, and then across the -stormy Atlantic, and given them strength to hold together, as they say -of themselves touchingly, 'in a most strict and sacred bond and -covenant of the Lord, of the violation of which we make great -conscience; and by virtue whereof we do hold ourselves strictly tied -to all care for each other's good, and of the whole by every, and so -mutual.'--(Letter of Robinson and Brewster to Sir E. Sandys.) It was -this spirit, which no conformity to an Elizabethan, still less to a -Jacobean church, could have nurtured, which made New England, and -through New England made America. - -Calvinism was so profoundly associated through that age with the -advancing cause of the spiritual and political liberties of our -country that the Arminian bias of the dignified clergy of the -Establishment, which began to manifest itself after the settlement of -the Church and the kingdom under King James, is by no means a noble or -beautiful feature in its history. Arminianism in the Church went hand -in hand with worldly compliance, slavish homage to princes, idolatrous -rites, gorgeous ritual, and episcopal tyranny; and it went down with -the Church righteously to ruin under the shock of the men who did -believe themselves called, quickened, and raised up as witnesses, by -the God of righteousness and truth. - -We look too little at these doctrinal developments in the light of the -political life of the times which produce them. The connection is a -profound one between schemes of doctrine and political ideas. A point -too little considered is the truth of a scheme of doctrine for its -times. They must be blind indeed who cannot see that with the -Calvinistic Puritans, and not with the Arminian Anglicans, rapidly -tending to the Laudian Church, were stirring through the whole of -that struggle the motive forces of the progress of society. - -But the question now arises, and it is the central point of this -discussion of the genius of Nonconformity in its relation to the -progress of society, What is this affirmation of Nonconformity which -has made it in all ages a factor of supreme importance in the culture -and development of mankind? It stands as a witness against the State -organization of Christianity, but that is not its strength. Not what -it stands against, but what it stands for, is the secret of its power. -Briefly, then, it witnesses for the ancient historic and Christian -idea of the Church, as the manifestation and the organ of the Spirit -working freely in individual consciences and hearts. It is -Nonconformity which truly inherits and cherishes the legacy of early -and mediaeval Christian society, which the Roman organization of -Christendom did its best to destroy. Throughout the whole of the -Mediaeval period the true development of the Church was carried on, not -on the basis of authority, or by the application of accepted doctrines -and methods, but by the original energetic action of individual men -and the disciples whom they might gather round them, who brought new -ideas into the Church, and leavened it with their own independent -life. The antagonism of constituted Church authorities to all the -leaders of new modes of Christian activity and development, is -precisely parallel to the treatment which original men of genius in -all ages have met with at the hand of the constituted authorities of -society. The young monasticism had to fight its way desperately into -the hallowed sphere of Church organization. 'It is the ancient advice -of the Fathers,' says Cassianus, 'advice which endures, that a monk at -any cost must fly bishops and women.' And the bishops repaid the -antipathy with interest. The struggles of the monks and bishops in the -West, in the sixth and seventh centuries, form the most interesting -and pregnant chapter of their ecclesiastical history. The monks had to -fight hard for their independence, and to fight their way into -influence. But no intelligent student of the history of that period, -we imagine, can doubt that the higher life and aim of the Church was -on the whole more fully represented in the irregular than in the -regular line. - -How far such a man as St. Bernard was in his day a Nonconformist, -would be an interesting subject to discuss. Champion of orthodoxy as -he was, and maker of Popes, his position was far more like that of the -Puritan in the Anglican Church of King James than at first sight -appears. But the discussion of this question would lead us too far out -of the direct line of our argument. What hard work St. Francis had to -wring recognition for himself and his tattered mendicant company from -Pope Innocent III., great and far-seeing man as he was, is well known -to all students of Mediaeval history. And yet St. Francis and holy -poverty for the time saved the Church. Though the mendicant orders -soon grew fearfully corrupt, and made the Reformation doubly -imperative, yet their brief career of purity and power added, it is -not too much to say, two centuries to the life of the Roman system, -and staved off the Ecclesiastical Revolution till the Western nations -were full-grown, and were strong enough to use nobly the freedom which -they might win. The life of the Church has been cherished, and its -influence has been fed in all ages, by men who drew fresh ideas, fresh -inspiration, from the life of the Saviour as set forth in the Divine -Word. And the Mediaeval Church had room for them. There was nothing out -of tune with its professed organization in this direct appeal to the -fountain head of truth. It could include its Nonconformists, and find -room and work for them; though it had but a dim eye to distinguish -between its Nonconformists and its heretics, and was prone to harry -the last with fearful brutality,--a brutality which would be blankly -incomprehensible, for they were often far from brutal men who -exercised it, but for the idea which filled the minds of Churchmen, -that heresy was the spawn of hell. When the Catholic Church, like the -Anglican in after ages, was unable to comprehend its Nonconformists, -could only cast out its Luthers, as Anglicanism cast out its Barrowes, -its Robinsons, its Baxters, its Whitfields, it ceased to be Catholic -and became Roman, and all the living energy of the Church, and all its -promise, passed over to the opposite side. - -A church like the Anglican, in which its judges of doctrine confess -frankly that really they have nothing to do with Scripture or with -truth in settling Church controversies, but simply with the legal, -and, therefore, we freely allow, the liberal construction of certain -documents settled by the legislative authority of the State centuries -ago, would have been regarded with simple horror by the great Mediaeval -Churchmen, on whose limited views of things we somewhat loftily look -down. The belief did then survive in the Church that the Spirit of the -Lord is a free Spirit; and that the Church is constituted, not by -documents, but by the perpetual presence and manifestation of that -Spirit, though it came at last to believe that He dwelt in a shrine so -narrow and foul as the Roman Court. This idea the Anglican Church has -deliberately renounced, while the Nonconformists have upheld it. The -constitution of the Establishment is distinctly not by the Spirit, but -by the letter of legal documents; and those in whom the Spirit stirs -new energies, and moves to new agencies, have no choice but to pass -outside her pale. - -The great churchmen of Mediaeval Christendom--Benedict, Boniface, -Dunstan, Anselm, Bernard, Francis--would have found themselves not out -of tune with the Independent, John Robinson, when he said to his -pilgrims as he sent them forth, that he - - 'miserably bewailed the state and condition of the Reformed - Churches who were come to a period in religion, and would - go no further than the instruments of their reformation. - As, for example, the Lutherans, they could not be drawn to - go beyond what Luther saw; for whatever part of God's will - he had further imparted and revealed to Calvin they will - rather die than embrace it. And so also you see the - Calvinists, they stick where he left them--a misery much to - be lamented; for though they were precious shining lights - in their times, yet God had not revealed his whole will to - them; and were they now living, they would be as ready and - willing to embrace further light as that which they had - received. I beseech you to remember it, it is an article of - your Church Covenant, that you be ready to receive whatever - truth shall be made known unto you from the written Word of - God.'... 'I am very confident the Lord hath more truth yet - to break forth out of his holy word.'[38]--_Robinson's - Farewell Address to the Pilgrims._ - -But we think that these great Churchmen would have found themselves -entirely out of tune with the ablest doctors who should seek to settle -the faith on the basis of legal authority, and whose Church courts -could give no dispensation to the word of the Bible, or the -illumination of the Spirit, to move men to think and speak in the -Church otherwise than it had been determined that they should think -and speak three centuries ago. We hear much of historic Churches. It -is, we believe, Mr. Arnold's term. The writer of the very able and -liberal article in the current number of the _Edinburgh Review_ adopts -the term with high approval, and sustains Mr. Arnold's argument -against us, that by separation we cut ourselves off from history. We -answer that the Church of England made a new thing in history at the -Reformation,--a poor, base image of a Divine idea; while the -Nonconformists maintain and cherish the traditions of history, and are -in full tune with all that has been deepest and strongest in the life -of Christendom, in holding fast this liberty, to watch for, to -entertain, and to reflect, the 'fresh light that is ever breaking -forth from the word of God.' It was the Article of the Church Covenant -of the Pilgrims, it is in our Church Covenant still, and it will -remain in our Church Covenant while Independency endures. - -And herein our Church Covenant is at war with the idea which Sir -Roundell Palmer developed briefly, in his able and earnest argument -for establishment in the debate on Mr. Miall's motion. His speech was -probably the ablest which was delivered on his side of the question. -He seemed to think that there was a certain fixity in religious truth, -which offers a strong contrast to the continually progressive -character of scientific truth, and which renders Establishment a more -feasible thing in relation to religion than it would be in relation to -truths belonging to the continually shifting and expanding scientific -sphere. There can be no question, we imagine, that this idea of fixity -possessed the minds of the men who created the Anglican formularies, -and is behind the defence of their integrity which a powerful party in -the Church so strenuously maintains. Some of the ablest and most loyal -of English Churchmen hold firmly this finality doctrine; indeed it is -the only logical justification of the subscription which has hitherto -been the imperative demand of the Church. Lord Bacon's remarks on this -point are interesting and important. He presses the question, 'Why the -civil state should be purged and restored by good and wholesome laws -made every three or four years by Parliament assembled, devising -remedies as fast as time breedeth mischief; and contrariwise the -Ecclesiastical Estate should still continue upon the dregs of time, -and receive no attention now for these five and forty years and more?' -With Bacon in his question stand Greenwood, Barrowe, Ainsworth, -Robinson, Jacob, and the long line of Nonconformists; while the -principle of finality has ruled in all ages the policy of the National -Church, and has been decisively and even vehemently expressed at -critical periods of its history. New adjustments of doctrinal belief -establish themselves within the Anglican pale; but it is by doing -violence to the fundamental principle on which the Church is founded, -for it is unquestioned in our ecclesiastical courts that the Articles -of Religion were intended to fix the form of truth to be developed in -the teaching of the Church of England so long as that Church should -endure. - -But there is a complete confusion in this notion between the subject -matter of theology and the modes of its manifestation in the forms of -human thought. In the sense in which theology takes its place among -the creations of the human intellect, the highest, the noblest, the -most influential on the culture of mankind, it is subject to movement -and progress like the rest. Because the science of divine things has -been treated systematically as a fixed form of truth, capable of at -any rate approximately complete expression in the propositions which -form the creeds of the Church; because the measures of bygone -centuries are rigidly applied, and all excursion of the reason beyond -their logical pale is treated with stern repression, theology has -fallen from the upper heaven of man's intellectual sphere, and grovels -weakly and painfully in the dust. Theology learns nothing and forgets -nothing, like the Bourbons; and, like the Bourbons, she has fallen out -of the march of the world. There is no province of human thought about -which men so shrug their shoulders as about theology. - -We believe that those champions of the Church of England who glory in -their formularies, as containing and maintaining the 'form of sound -words once delivered to the saints,' and who regard them as the -strongest bulwarks of the truth, are glorying in her weakness. She has -followed systematically the policy against which the great Founder of -the empire of modern thought so energetically protested. She suffers -no revision, no readjustment, except by tricks of interpretation which -fill timid men with distress and honest men with shame. And yet -readjustment is imperative. Theology, in the very nature of things, -must progress with the progresses of the world or fall out of its -march. The connection is a profound one, as we have said, between the -secular life of an age and its religious beliefs. The history of the -growth of the Augustinian, the Calvinistic, and the Arminian -theologies is profoundly interesting, when studied in the light of the -vital secular movements of the ages which gave them birth. The present -collapse of the Augustinian theology has its springs distinctly in the -secular sphere. Because the world has been progressing so rapidly, -enlarging its views of all things around it, searching out the secrets -of nature and of man, theology must move on or perish. And, in truth, -in no province of human thought and life is there stronger -fermentation; spirit working out new forms of expression and action, -and working so strongly that the old vessels of the State creed can -contain it no longer; they must be unbound, or it will burst them to -pieces. The belief of this age about God, man's relation to God, God's -work for man, God's way in the government of the world, demands -readjustment quite as much as the biography, the chemistry, the -geology which our fathers handed down to us; and the idea that this -new spirit must be made to let theology alone, that theology is too -sacred, too settled in a fixed form by a Divine hand, to be capable of -progress or expansion, is the nurse of atheism and the mother of -despair. - -But it seems to us that a State Churchman, to be entirely consistent, -is bound to maintain this as the fundamental principle of the -constitution of his Church. Room for vital growth and progress cannot -be afforded openly without involving the destruction of the whole -system. The ultimate test is not the word of truth or the mind of the -Spirit, but the construction, more or less liberal, and this is -largely a matter of accident, of formal, and on some points narrowly -dogmatic documents, formulated in the heat of intense controversy -three centuries ago. We recognise fully and cordially rejoice in the -progress of belief which the thinkers and writers of the Anglican -Church have practically secured, in spite of their bonds. There is no -little truth, to our shame be it spoken, in the boast which is often -on their lips, that the progress of theology in our generation is due -far more largely to the labours of Anglican than of Nonconformist -divines. - -But the reason of this does not lie in our system; it was founded in -freedom, and to maintain and develop freedom; it lies in our own weak, -timid, and faithless hearts. But the very fact of the large -development of liberal ideas, of an expansive and progressive theology -in the Anglican Church, must surely call not only serious but decisive -attention to the miserably uncertain and insufficient basis on which -it rests. There is nothing broader and firmer for an Anglican of the -liberal school to rest upon than the chance of a liberal -interpretation of stringent articles, by a court the composition of -which is always changing, the most influential member of which is the -State officer, who has risen to the proud pre-eminence of the first -lay subject in the realm by the arts and services of legal and -political life. A latitudinarian chancellor, a Gallio, it may be, -'caring for none of these things'--not but that Gallio was in his day -and with his duties quite right--may pronounce a judgment which fills -one great party in the Church with dismay, and strains the system -nigh to bursting on that side. A pious and conscientious chancellor -may, by another judgment, strain the system as strongly on the other. -But recently the pious and able Lord Hatherley pronounced a judgment, -in which he laid down certain propositions concerning the penal -character of the sufferings of Christ, which led to much searching of -heart, and a great deal of anxious correspondence, before it could be -settled whether with a good conscience the Broad Churchman could -remain in the Church if the dicta of the Voysey judgment were to be -accepted as law. And these swayings on one side or the other are pure -matter of accident. A Dean of the Arches with one bias gives offence -to one party, a Dean with another bias offends equally their -opponents. And Churchmen are kept in constant and painful uncertainty -as to the authoritative decisions which may at any moment be laid down -on matters which they feel to be of supreme, of sacred importance, and -on which they believe that a man, rather than be untrue to his own -convictions, should be prepared to die. - -It appears to us that this growing freedom in the Church, the fact of -which we gladly recognise, is revealing, by the new decisions which it -is constantly challenging, the miserably narrow and uncertain basis on -which this boasted culture and liberty rest. What progress the advance -of society compels Church teachers to make is made in violation of the -fundamental pact on which the community rests; and it seems to be -inevitable that sooner or later this fact will become so glaring, that -the attempt to maintain the articles of religion in face of the -opinion of Churchmen will be abandoned in very shame. - -So much the better, many broad Churchmen will say. The articles are -the skeleton of a dead theology, it would be well if it were buried -out of sight. Not so, say Sir R. Palmer and the great body of zealous -Churchmen whom he represents so ably. And of the rest--the synagogue -of the Libertines, we might call them--we may surely say that a Church -in which all sorts of opinions are endowed and invested with such -sanction and influence as a State establishment can impart, would -become in time more like a synagogue of Satan than a Church. - -We contend, then, strenuously for an _honest_ liberty of thought, -bounded only by the broad limits of Scripture and the teachings of the -Holy Ghost; and we hold that it is only possible to realize it under -our independent conditions. The attempt to square the free movements -of the Christian mind of the community with the legal construction of -ancient Church documents must grow increasingly impracticable, and in -the end hateful to all upright, earnest, truth-loving souls. - -But it is not as the minister to the intellectual progress of the -community, though the progress of an age is never secure until it is -keyed by its theology, that the genius of Nonconformity has rendered -the most conspicuous service to the world. Its great mission in all -ages has been to care for the purity and intensity of the spiritual -life of society. Power to live in holier, closer fellowship as -Christians, to make the Church more like what Christ meant it to be, -and through the Church the world, has been the one thing which -Nonconformists have striven to secure by separation, and to cherish -for the help and salvation of mankind. They have done much for the -light of divine truth; they have done more for the life of God in -society. It may be said of them with a truth of which Lucretius little -dreamed, noble dreamer as he was-- - - 'Et quasi cursores vitaei lampada tradunt.' - -And to estimate this fairly we must turn again to the past, to the -_fons et origo_ of our power. - -The English Reformation differed in one most essential point, be it -for good, be it for evil, from all the other Reformations of Europe. -It was distinctly a constitutional movement, carried out from the -commencement to the close by the constituted authorities of the land. -It was not forced on the rulers by a burst of popular enthusiasm, -stirred by some great preacher; nor on the other hand, and on this -point we often do it scant justice, was it forced by the rulers on a -careless or unwilling people. In the first and second Parliaments of -Elizabeth, the House of Commons was far in advance both of the Lords -and of the Queen. It was fairly the movement of the nation acting -through its political organs. Hence it had a character of compromise -here in England which it bore nowhere abroad. Various interests had to -be conciliated, as is inevitable in government under a mixed -constitution like ours. The laggards had to be thought of as well as -the vanguard. Catholics as well as Puritans had to be considered in -every bill that was passed through Parliament; and thus our cumbrous -incoherent Church system, the child of policy and compromise, was -shaped and grew. - -This method was the parent of many miserable evils. The monarchical -and aristocratic influence was altogether too potent. Had the House of -Commons under Elizabeth been free to carry out its judgment, a Church -might have grown up pure, noble, beautiful, compared with the -present, and might have spared the nation some of the sorest pains of -Nonconformity. A hint of what might have been possible we see in the -curious account of the Church at Northampton in 1571; and still more -perfectly in the first draft of the Constitution of the Hessian -Church. But then the result would have been gained most probably, and -none knew it better than Elizabeth, at the cost of a tremendous and -premature civil war. The key of Elizabeth's policy, and the secret of -the great work which she accomplished, was that beyond even Cecil she -was a national politician. But on the whole, and in the long run, we -are bound to confess that the evils were not without at any rate some -counterbalancing advantages. It is always thus with all great human -institutions and movements. More or less of evil mingles with the good -in all of them; and even in those in which the evil seems largely to -preponderate, there are always some elements of blessing to be set in -the opposite scale. - -Now this feature of our English Reformation has had one remarkable -result. Being essentially a compromise, a concession to parties on -this side and on that; being the fruit, not of the toil and travail of -our most spiritual men, but of the politic judgment, of the average -intelligence and spiritual life of the community, the purer spirits, -the men of the higher order, touched with the diviner fire, were from -the very first driven into opposition. Instead of resting in the -movement and ruling it, they found that it stopped miserably short of -what they believed to be practicable, and were sure was right. The -foremost men of the nation in point of spiritual insight and power -from the first were discontent, and then, as time wore on, malcontent, -through the earlier days of the Puritan struggle; and then, when time -brought no reform, but rather tightening of bonds, they were -constrained to become Separatists. A pure and intense, if not -powerful, Nonconformist party began to organize itself, of whose life -and aims in the early days we could say much did our space allow, -which, sealing its testimony with its tears and its blood, handed down -its sacred legacy to succeeding generations. We owe it to the special -constitution of the Anglican Church, the method of whose growth we -have glanced at, that in all generations since the Reformation there -has been a considerable, earnest, enthusiastic body of Christian men -and women in England devoted to the cause of political and -ecclesiastical reform. - -This state of things, the coincidence of political and ecclesiastical -tyranny on the one side, and of political and ecclesiastical -Nonconformity on the other, due to the special organization of the -National Church, has had two notable and benign results. It has -identified the spiritual and the secular progress of society in -England. With us the great political questions fell early into -spiritual hands. The men who sympathized with the 'Millenary -Petition,' were the men who commenced under James the Parliamentary -struggle which was conducted to a triumphant issue under Charles. And -if we contrast our own revolutionary struggles with the French, the -last--dare we say the last?--the ghastliest, and most horrible act of -which is but now complete, we shall estimate the full significance of -the fact which we have noted. Then, and not less important, it has -kept our best and most earnest men constantly in opposition--in the -wilderness as it were, voices crying in the desert--whereby the purest -life of the nation has been kept free from the corruption which never -fails to attend on worldly prosperity and power. Thus it has been able -to preserve its life pure, its light intense, to illumine the darkness -and enlighten the dulness of the whole community. - -We hear much of what the culture of the Church has done for -Nonconformity; and we gladly acknowledge it. We hear less of what the -life of Nonconformity has done for the Church. The balance of the -exchange would show the largest debt, the debt of life, due to the -Nonconformist side. - -And this great Nonconformist party has been in all generations the -salt of our national life, politically as well as spiritually. The -resistance of the seven Bishops to the despotic tolerating edict of -King James, is often quoted by Church writers as a noble contribution -of the Establishment to the cause of political liberty; and justly, -though the Non-jurors must be set in the opposite scale. But we cannot -but think of the nobler Nonconformists, persecuted and ground down, to -whom the edict would have offered a door of escape from grievous ills, -but who stood with the party of resistance, because they cared more -for the liberty of the nation than for their own welfare, and -preferred to suffer still if the constitutional liberties of England -might thereby be sustained. This despised and persecuted band has at -the critical moment ruled our revolutions, it has kindled our -revivals, it has won and watched our liberties. By the stimulus it has -afforded, and the confidence it has created, it has saved us the -tremendous catastrophes, the cataclysms, through which alone progress -has won its way in less favoured countries. And this is one of the -high elements of our happy estate as a people, which we owe -incidentally--no thanks, however, to the founders of the -Establishment--to the special form which the Reformation assumed in -England, and to the organization of our national Church. - -Whether the incidental good has or has not been counterbalanced by the -very grave and palpable evils which our establishment of religion -generated, we have no time here to consider. But a comparison of the -actual state of religion, the vigour and vitality of the religious -life in England at this moment, with that of Germany, Scandinavia, -Holland, and Switzerland,[39] where we should say that the Reformation -had at once freer course than in England and more decisive results, -may suggest the question whether, looking at the matter on a large -scale, and through a long day, the loss is altogether on our side. - -Now, it is just this Nonconformist element, this light, this leaven, -as we contend, of our national life for ages, which it is proposed by -an able and influential party to bring into the national -Establishment, making it thereby partaker of the fatness of the olive -tree of the State Church. But if our argument is worth anything, it is -just the missing this through all these ages which has been its -salvation. Bring it in, make it rich and powerful, give it State props -and stays, and you will rob it of all that makes its life so pungent -and stimulating, and will rob the nation thereby of an element which -nothing else can supply, and which it would most surely miss. Endow -it, and write over its temple, 'Ichabod: The Lord has left it, the -glory is gone.' - -But why should it be so? Here we approach the core of the controversy -between ourselves and the ablest and most liberal of our opponents, -with a glance at which we shall conclude. It may be said, and is said, -by the broadest of the advocates of Establishment: This spirit has -done its work as Nonconformist, and done it bravely; but in that form -its work is done. The time is come, we are told, when it should leave -the wilderness and enter the pale of society, to work from within, -inside the legal pale, at the building up of the Christian State. -Surely, it is urged, there is something unhealthy in the life of a -community when so much that is purest and most intense is -Nonconformist; the more it can be brought in, the better manifestly -for the State. On this point the real controversy with those of our -opponents whom we most respect and sympathize with, hinges; and it can -only be dealt with by opening a yet deeper question, out of which the -true answer must come. In such a world as this, the purest spirit, the -spirit of Christ, must always to a large extent be Nonconformist. It -was so with the Patriarchs, it was so with the Judges, it was so with -the Prophets, it was so with the Lord, it was so with the Apostles, it -was so with the founders of the great Orders, it was so with all the -chief leaders of Reformations and Revivals, who at critical moments -have brought salvation for a nation or for the world. - -And it must be so, at least, until some far off millennial day. -Perfect amalgamation of elements is not possible in a world -constituted like this. Unity of form, a visible body comprehending all -the higher movements of the life of society, is a thing we may dream -of, but shall never see. Just as spirit and flesh keep up an interior -antagonism, and progression is possible only through this inward -conflict, so there must be this interior discord in every human -political society; and its progress will be realized by the action on -its mass, its material, of some finer spirit, which must in some -measure dwell apart, feeding its life from a diviner spring. - -And this separation is the reverse of isolation. 'In the world, not of -the world,' is the Christian rule, and it is the very opposite of that -of the ascetic. It is the glory of England that there is the freest -opportunity for the play of the influence of the smaller communities, -which are held together by some special sympathies and beliefs, on the -great community at large. And now at last the nation, by opening the -Universities, has allowed to these communities the fullest advantages -for the culture of their own individual life. It appears to us, to sum -up the argument, that the subjection of the free Christian spirit, -which seeks and strives to gather light and inspiration continually in -fellowships which rest on the word of truth and watch for the guidance -of the Spirit, to the regimen of legal authority, just destroys that -in it which makes it mordant to the lust and the selfishness of the -world around it, that which has been kept in comparative purity -through all these ages by being Nonconformist, and which will remain -Nonconformist, or, at any rate--for when there is no Church there can -be no Nonconformity--will remain free with the freedom which reigns -where the Spirit of the Lord is, while the world endures. - -No doubt it is at first sight a fair vision, this inclusion of all -decently orderly and decently Christian ministries in the land within -one pale of order and law: one service, one liturgy, one recognised -ministry, one administration of ordinances, throughout the whole -country,--the whole people taught out of the same books, at the same -time, and by men who have the same claim to their attention, until the -nation, in the visible uniformity of its religious acts and -expressions, presents a fair image of one visible Church. But it is a -mere _mirage_, a mocking image, no more. The kind of spiritual order -which would grow up under such conditions would be deathlike and not -lifelike; and the visible uniformity could be maintained only by the -strong repression of all that makes the life and progress of a Church. - -There is, in the intellectual sphere, something very like this in -France. The course of instruction for the youth of France, in all the -institutions which are sustained and directed by the State, is very -elaborately and admirably organized. It used to be said of a recent -Minister of Public Instruction, that it was his glory to reflect that -he could sit in his bureau and read from a manual on his table the -lesson which was being taught at that particular moment in all the -public schools in France. Now, the French Government manuals are -admirable. There has been an immense improvement in our English -schoolbooks since their compilers condescended to look into the -schoolbooks of France. The lesson thus given at a particular hour -throughout the country would probably be in every way excellent--the -best of its kind. But what is the broad result of this monstrous -uniformity, this _par ordre superieur_, in every department of a -youth's education? It turns out admirable scholars, devoted to -scholarship, and admirable theoretical politicians educated in the -philosophy of citizenship above every nation in the world. But when a -tremendous shock, as at this moment, has broken up their accustomed -order, and thrown each in a measure on his own resources to choose the -wisest course in perilous emergencies, an utter want of the highest -faculty--the faculty of self-guidance in emergencies--is revealed; the -people have been as shepherdless sheep, and for want of the higher -leadership, we may say, France has been lost. - -We see, then, all that is fair in aspect in this vision of one happy, -united, and prosperous Church in the country, leaving no room for -Nonconformity; but we see too plainly the disastrous cost at which it -would be purchased. And we turn to gaze upon another vision, fairer, -nobler, more fruitful by far, which would realize our aspiration for -the religious future of our land. The country full of a zealous and -independent ministry of the Gospel, independent in the highest sense, -which includes dependence on Christ; each community working out in -entire freedom its conception of what a Church ought to be and what a -Church ought to do, and under the guidance of one whom it recognises -as Christ's minister, ordained for its service by the manifest unction -of the Spirit: diversities of gifts, diversities of methods, -diversities of operations, diversities of results; but each Christian -company honouring the other and rejoicing in its work, recognising -that each one is adding a contribution to a great whole which can be -built up only of these independent cells of spiritual life; the whole -spiritual body, the Church of England, having no visible form of -unity, but manifesting itself spiritually in the whole social estate, -the commercial, intellectual, and political activity of England; a -fair image, it seems to us, whose grand and solemn aspect could only -be parodied by the most elaborate and comprehensive pattern of a -law-made National Church. - -The broad truth about our times from a spiritual point of view is--and -it is a truth on which both Churchmen and Nonconformists may -stand--that we have utterly outgrown the power of Establishment to -help us, if it ever had any; and that the spiritual conversion and -education of the community must be carried on by some higher method, -or abandoned in despair. We are struggling out of the _pupa_ state of -protection, when the ark of our religious estate was slung tenderly by -a net-work of bands and ligatures to the government wall. Slowly, with -sore effort and pain, as is the way with all these supreme acts of -development, we are emerging into a higher, because freer and more -spiritual stage of our religious life as a people. Anxiously and -fearfully those who have been trained under the shadow of Protection -watch the process. We Independents, who have been nursed in a freer -school, look calmly on the pains and struggles: we have faith in the -destiny of the fair, bright-winged creature which is being born. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[36] Wordsworth's 'Excursion.' - -[37] He must not be confounded with Thomas Goodwin, also an -Independent, who was a member of the Assembly. - -[38] This was not, so to speak, Robinson's private word. It was the -tradition of the Separatists. Greenwood writes from his prison to the -same effect in Elizabeth's days. - -[39] The action of Nonconformity in reviving religious life, as in the -Free Church of the Canton de Vaud, is a very instructive chapter of -modern Continental ecclesiastical history. - - - - -ART. VI.--_The Dialogues of Plato._ Translated into English, with -Analyses and Introductions, by B. JOWETT, M.A., Master of Balliol -College, Oxford and Regius Professor of Greek. Four vols. 8vo. Oxford, -1871. - - -PROFESSOR JOWETT has accomplished a great feat in giving to the world -a complete English translation of Plato's 'Dialogues;' for it -certainly is no small matter to have placed Plato in the hands of -all, conveyed in language, divested, as far as possible, of mere -technicalities and scholasticism, and put in a form equally accessible -and alluring to average students of ancient or modern philosophy. And -as this is a real benefit to non-classical readers, so the work itself -is a real translation, in so far as nothing is intentionally omitted. -We have the genuine Platonic dialogues in their integrity, without -foot-note or comment, in the place of the excerpts or extracts which -the nature of Mr. Grote's great work rendered necessary, and of the -occasional and somewhat too frequent omissions of passages in Dr. -Whewell's equally laudable, but, perhaps, not equally successful, -endeavour to present Plato--in part, at least--in a popular form to -the English reader. From the very nature of Plato's philosophy, which -is to a considerable extent tentative and progressive, and which is -constantly working out with variations the same leading ideas, it is -essential to the English student to have the work complete. The -_Republic_, of which an excellent version by Messrs. Davies and -Vaughan has for some time been before the world, is to a -considerable extent a _resume_ of Plato's earlier views--an epitome of -Platonism, in fact; but a student may know the _Republic_ fairly well, -and yet have a vast deal to learn from such dialogues as the -_Theaetetus_, the _Philebus_, the _Parmenides_, the _Timaeus_--all very -difficult in their way; or from the more genial _Protagoras_, _Phaedo_, -and _Gorgias_; or the more transcendental and imaginative _Phaedrus_ -and _Symposium_, which last may be called the most fascinating and -brilliant of the dialogues, excepting always the _Republic_ itself. -Some of the minor, easier, and shorter dialogues, which fall within -the range of average school reading--the _Apology_, the _Crito_, the -_Menexenus_, the _Lysis_, the _Charmides_, the _Ion_--hardly touch the -Socratic philosophy in its deeper sense; they are genial sketches of -the idiosyncrasies of the wise old man, or deal with matters distinct -from dialectics properly so called. Very little of Plato proper (so to -speak) will be learnt from these alone. But the subtle reasonings of -Plato, in some of his greater works, are sufficiently difficult to -make even the best Greek scholars glad to have occasional recourse to -studied English versions, on which they can with tolerable confidence -rely. - -Mr. Jowett has not given us a general introductory dissertation on -Plato, or Socrates, or on the Sophists, or on the influence of [Greek: -rhetorike], or on the progress of Greek philosophy--subjects in -themselves, as he doubtless felt, almost interminable, and already so -well discussed in Mr. Grote's great work, 'Plato and the other -Companions of Socrates,' and his 'History of Greece.' His preface, -comprised in the modest limits of four pages of large print, might -seem intended as a protest against the licence of writing long -introductions, which, after all, are, perhaps, seldom read. We could -have wished, indeed, to see some opinion expressed on a point of not -less interest than importance--how far the Socrates of Plato, who -differs so widely from the Socrates of Aristophanes, partook of the -Platonic _ideality_, and was a typical and imaginary talker, used as a -peg, so to speak, to hang speculative opinions upon, rather than the -real author of all or any of the conversations attributed to him by -his pupil. Mr. Jowett, however, though he has given us no general -introduction, has been liberal, even to diffuseness, in the special -introductions to the separate dialogues. In these, which are drawn -with a masterly hand, and are of great value and interest, he gives us -the object and scope, as well as the condensed and analyzed matter of -each dialogue, so as to form a most useful summary to the right -understanding of it. Such introductions, though they add greatly to -the bulk of the work, are necessary, and all editors and translators -of single dialogues have adopted them, _e.g._, Dr. Thompson in his -_Phaedrus_ and _Georgias_, Mr. Cope in his translation of the latter -dialogue, Mr. Campbell in his _Theaetetus_, Messrs. Davies and Vaughan -in their translation of the _Republic_, Professor Geddes in his -edition of the _Phaedo_, and Stallbaum in all his dialogues. In fact, -the diffuseness and almost desultoriness of some dialogues--the -[Greek: poikilia], or variety of matter introduced--render a clear and -well-arranged analysis of each absolutely necessary for the right -understanding of it. Such a work, with the further advantage of a good -index of Platonic words and topics, by Dr. Alfred Day, had been -published the year before (Bell and Daldy, 1870). By such aids, we -more easily attain the real scope of a dialogue than by the perusal of -the dialogue itself. A casual reader would think that the _Phaedrus_ -and the _Symposium_ are primarily essays on 'Platonic Love,' or the -_Gorgias_ a satire upon the vanity of the Sophists, and that each of -these ends with a topic totally alien from that with which it -commenced. Thus Plato might appear a desultory essayist rather than a -close thinker. But when a student is forewarned that the _Phaedrus_ is, -in fact, a critical and psychological essay on the true principles of -rhetoric, or, rather, of dialectic as distinct from rhetoric; that the -point of the _Gorgias_ (in the words of the Master of Trinity) is 'a -discussion of the ethical principles which conduct to political -well-being,' or, as Mr. Jowett somewhat differently puts it, 'not to -answer questions about a future world, but to place in antagonism the -true and false life, and to contrast the judgments and opinions of men -with judgment according to the truth;' and that the _Symposium_ is a -sketch of the course of transcendental thought and education in the -science of abstract beauty, which can alone fit man for the -inheritance and enjoyment of a blessed eternity;--when all this is -made perfectly clear to a reader at the outset, he not only sees each -dialogue in quite a new light, but what is far more important, he then -only realizes why it was written, and what it was really designed to -inculcate. Thus much we have said, almost apologetically, for the -addition of so very much introductory matter in four octavo volumes, -already of a bulk sufficient to discourage some of the less -enterprising class of readers. - -Viewed as a literary composition, and as emanating from one who has -the highest reputation for Greek scholarship, as well as for -Platonism, we must plainly say that Professor Jowett's work has its -serious demerits as well as its merits. The style is somewhat jaunty -rather than closely faithful to the original. It is throughout far -more of a paraphrase than of a translation, in the accurate sense of -the word. Over the verbal difficulties, the subtle syntactical -niceties, even the grammatical meaning of the more involved sentences, -the author passes very lightly. He shows that unconcern for Greek, as -mere Greek, that [Greek: rhaistone] of an interpreter of philosophy -rather than of a philosopher's very words, which we should hardly have -looked for in a professor of the language. The grammarian, in fact, is -so merged in the philosopher that his peculiar province has become -quite secondary. No doubt considerable latitude must be conceded to -those who would win the attention of purely English readers. Between -the Greek and the English idioms, where no compromise can be made, the -preference must be given to the latter; otherwise, the version will -be, or, at least, is liable to be, somewhat stiff, pedantic, awkward, -and wanting in that brilliant and genial spirit of _talk_ that the -original undoubtedly had to a Greek, and which, in truth, gives the -chief fascination to the exquisite and perfect language of Plato. - -With all this, and more that might be pleaded in Mr. Jowett's defence -or excuse, there are certainly very many of his renderings which show -a laxity that is neither necessary for the relief of the English -reader nor satisfactory to the accurate Greek scholar. There seem to -us even indications of haste, which, though not, perhaps, to be -wondered at, when the vastness of the whole work is considered, must -certainly be set down as a blemish in the performance of it. We may go -considerably further, and express our fears that actual errors in the -rendering are by no means very infrequent. We say this, not in a -random way, nor from a casual inspection, but after having carefully -gone over _five_ of the dialogues (_Phaedo_, _Phaedrus_, _Theaetetus_, -_Philebus_, _Symposium_) _verbatim_ with Plato and Mr. Jowett's -translation. Some passages we have noted for critical remark, not, of -course, as exhausting all that could be said with truth, but as -examples of the kind of incompleteness, or vagueness, or faultiness of -rendering of which we have taken occasion rather seriously to -complain. - -Let us take first the opening of the _Symposium_, of which the -following is a _close_ translation, made with due regard to tenses, -moods, arrangement of words, and other niceties of the original: - - '_Apollodorus._ I flatter myself I am pretty well practised - in the matter you are asking about. The fact is, only the - day before yesterday I chanced to be going up to town from - my house at Phalerum, when an acquaintance of mine, who had - caught sight of me from behind, called to me from a - distance, and with a joke on my name as he called, - exclaimed, "_Ho there! you, Apollodorus, of Phalerum, wait - for me!_" So I stopped till he came up. "Why, Apollodorus!" - he said, "I was looking for you just now, as I wanted to - hear a full account about the party Agathon gave to - Socrates and Alcibiades and the rest of the company who - were present at the feast,--in a word, to learn what was - said in their speeches about _Love_. Another friend did - indeed essay to give me some account--he had heard it from - Phoenix, the son of Philippus, and he said that you also - knew--but, to confess the truth, he had nothing definite to - tell. Do _you_, therefore, give me information in full; for - none so fit as yourself to report the conversations of your - bosom-friend. But first tell me," he said, "Were you - present yourself at this party, or not?"' - -We do not think that the above, though quite a literal version, -strikes on the English ear as in any way harsh. Whether the much -looser rendering of Professor Jowett has a more truly English ring, or -any other advantage, as a set-off to the evident laxity of it, we -leave as an open question for others to decide. Here it is _in -extenso_:-- - - 'I believe that I am prepared with an answer. For the day - before yesterday I was coming from my own home at Phalerum - to the city, and one of my acquaintances who had caught a - sight of the back of me at a distance, in a merry mood - commanded me to halt. "Apollodorus," he cried, "O thou man - of Phalerum, halt!" So I did as I was bid; and then he - said, "I was looking for you, Apollodorus, only just now, - that I might hear about the discourses in praise of love, - which were delivered by Socrates, Alcibiades, and others, - at Agathon's supper. Phoenix, the son of Philip, told - another person who told me of them, and he said that you - knew; but he was himself very indistinct, and I wish that - you would give me an account of them. Who but you should be - the reporter of the words of your friend? And first tell - me," he said, "were you present at this meeting?"' - -It might, perhaps, seem to savour of pedantry, to remark, that the -nice distinctions between the aorists [Greek: diapythesthai] and -[Greek: diegesai] and the imperfect [Greek: diegeito], are needlessly -slurred over; but the clause [Greek: paizon hama tei klesei] must mean -something more than 'in merry mood.' We do not know precisely what the -joke was; but probably [Greek: phaleros] or [Greek: phalaros] was -applied to one who had a bare patch on his head, a white whisker -perhaps, or some such facial peculiarity. - -Let this, however, pass. We admit there is no serious error here, but -the passage will fairly well illustrate the kind of paraphrastic -version Professor Jowett has generally adopted,--we do not say -wrongly, for we repeat that it is quite a matter of taste and -judgment; and neither of these qualities in so experienced a scholar -is it our desire to impugn. His object was to give the _matter_ of -Plato, certainly not to compose 'a crib' for young students. But, -whatever the motive was, we are rather afraid that this slipshod way -of translating, and of inverting or perverting the order of the Greek -words, not unfrequently borders closely on inaccuracy. For instance, -and not to go further than the first chapter of this same _Symposium_ -(p. 173, A.), Apollodorus says, in his impulsive way, that he has kept -close company with Socrates for something less than three years; -'Before that, I used to run from one to another without any fixed -object; and though I persuaded myself I was doing something, I was the -most miserable of men; aye, as miserable as you (Glaucon) are, in -thinking you ought to do anything rather than study philosophy.' - -The point of the passage is the hit at his friend as one of the -[Greek: chrematistikoi] (not 'traders,' but) those absorbed in -money-making, and the eulogy of his own novitiate in philosophy. In -Mr. Jowett's version the passage stands thus: 'I used to be running -about the world, thinking that I was doing something, and would have -done anything rather than be a philosopher; I was almost as miserable -as you are now.' A little further down (173, D.) he appears to us to -miss the true sense, or, at least, to misrepresent it. The friend -([Greek: hetairos]) says to Apollodorus, 'How ever you came to be -called by this name, "The Excitable," I know not; for in your -conversations you are always the same; you are savage at yourself and -everybody else except Socrates.' - -An impulsive man does things by fits and starts, and does not, like -Apollodorus, in this matter at least, follow a consistent course. We -doubt if the right meaning is conveyed by the following: 'True in this -to your old name, which, however deserved, I know not how you -acquired, of Apollodorus the madman, for your humour is always to be -out of humour with yourself and with everybody except Socrates.' - -One more instance of what seems a very slovenly rendering, we will add -from _Symp._, p. 179, E. In this passage every clause of the original -seems, for some reason inexplicable to us, to be disarranged, and the -whole to be hashed up, as it were, into a new hodge-podge:-- - - 'Far other was the reward of the true love of Achilles - towards his lover Patroclus--his lover and not his love - (the notion that Patroclus was the beloved one is a foolish - error into which AEschylus has fallen, for Achilles was - surely the fairer of the two, fairer also than all the - other heroes; and he was much younger, as Homer informs us, - and he had no beard). And greatly as the gods honour the - virtue of love, still the return of love on the part of the - beloved to the lover is more admired, and valued, and - rewarded by them, for the lover has a nature more divine - and more worthy of worship. Now Achilles was quite aware, - for he had been told by his mother, that he might avoid - death, and return home, and live to a good old age, if he - abstained from slaying Hector. Nevertheless, he gave his - life to revenge his friend, and dared to die, not only on - his behalf, but after his death. Wherefore the gods - honoured him even above Alcestis, and sent him to the - Islands of the Blest.' - -What Plato really says, with all the logical accuracy of carefully -balanced sentences, is as follows:-- - - 'Far different was the honour they paid to Achilles, the - son of Thetis, in sending him to the Islands of the Blest, - because when he knew from his mother that he was destined - to die on the field if he slew Hector, but if he did not, - to return home and die old, he had the courage to make the - nobler choice,--to take the part of his lover Patroclus and - avenge his death, and so not only to die for him, but to do - more, to die after him (_i.e._, when he could no longer - help him). _That_ was the reason why the gods held him in - such extraordinary regard, and paid him such special - honour, viz., because he held his lover in such high - esteem. AEschylus, by the way, talks absurdly in saying that - it was Achilles who was the lover of Patroclus. For - Achilles was much better looking, not only than Patroclus, - but than all the heroes without exception; and besides - that, beardless, and so greatly his junior, as Homer - affirms. But, be that as it may, it is a truth that the - gods do hold in special honour this chivalrous spirit when - it is shown in attachment to another; albeit they feel more - regard and admiration, and have more disposition to confer - benefits, when the favourite shows affection for his lover, - than when the lover does so towards his favourite; for the - lover has more of the divine in him than the favourite, - since he is inspired by them. For these reasons also they - honoured Achilles more than Alcestis, by sending him to the - Isles of the Blest.' - -A comparison of these two versions will show how widely--we had nearly -said, how recklessly--the Greek Professor departs from the letter of -his author. A conspicuous example of this occurs also at p. 194, E., -where about one hundred Greek words are expressed in less than seventy -of English; whereas the differences of idiom require, as a rule, in -really accurate translation from Greek, the use of, at the very least, -one-third more English words. The difficulty to us is to see wherein -lies the gain on the side of the loose paraphrase--unless, perhaps, in -brevity, _i.e._, in giving something less than Plato gives. Even as a -matter of accuracy, we might object to the rendering of [Greek: ten -areten ten peri ton erota], 'the virtue of love.' It means evidently, -'bravery shown in the cause of love,' which surely is a very different -thing. So, too, in p. 183, A., [Greek: douleias douleuein hoias oud' -an doulos oudeis], is not 'to be a servant of servants,' but 'to -perform services such as no menial would.' In p. 186, E., [Greek: he -iatrike pasa dia tou theou toutou kybernatai], 'it is by the influence -of love (_i.e._, a knowledge of the natural loves and desires) that -the whole art of the physicians is regulated,' Mr. Jowett wrongly -refers [Greek: tou theou] to AEsculapius, whereas [Greek: Eros] is -clearly meant. Just below (p. 187, B.), [Greek: ho rhythmos ek tou -tacheos kai bradeos gegone], is not 'rhythm is composed of elements -short and long'--a proposition hardly intelligible--but 'time (in -music) is made up of quick and slow,' _i.e._, when two instruments -either slacken or quicken their pace so as to harmonize with each -other and keep true time. And in p. 205, D., [Greek: to men kephalaion -esti pasa he ton agathon epithymia kai tou eudaimonein, ho megistos te -kai doleros eros panti], is not, 'You may say generally that all -desire of good and happiness is due to the great and subtile power of -love,' but 'Love is, in its most general sense, all that desire which -men feel for good things and for happiness--that greatest of all -loves, which every man finds so deceptive.' The meaning is, that no -form of love is so generally deceptive and disappointing as the desire -to be happy. Again, in p. 206, D., is a passage very badly rendered. -All the delicate and accurate points in the imagery are missed, and -the coyness of an animal not in a state of desire, compared with the -free and ecstatic surrender of itself to the favourite when it is so -disposed, so exquisitely expressed by the Platonic words, is not -expressed at all, or in phrases neither appropriate nor significant. -The sense, in fact, is very superficially given. The philosopher is -speaking of mental, not of bodily [Greek: tokos], and means to say -that when an idea has been conceived, the author of it keeps it to -himself till he can find a congenial person (the [Greek: kalos], and -not the [Greek: aischros]) who will help him to bring it into the -world. The same notion exactly occurs in _Theaetet._, p. 150, and is -repeated more explicitly shortly below, p. 209, B., though even that -passage is very inaccurately rendered:-- - - 'And he who in youth has the seed of these implanted in - him, and is himself inspired, when he comes to maturity - desires to beget and generate. And he wanders about seeking - beauty, that he may beget offspring--for in deformity he - will beget nothing--and embraces the beautiful rather than - the deformed; and when he finds a fair, and noble, and - well-nurtured soul, and there is a union of the two in one - person, he gladly embraces him, and to such an one he is - full of fair speech about virtue, and the nature and - pursuits of a good man.' - -In this version the words, 'and there is a union of the two in one -person,' are hardly intelligible. But in a correct rendering, as -follows, their meaning is at once apparent:-- - - 'When, again, one of these (viz., whose aspirations are for - mental rather than for bodily offspring) has been pregnant - with some great idea from early youth--as may be expected - in one possessing a god-like nature--and when at length, - the proper age having arrived, he first feels a desire to - bring forth and give it birth, then he, too, I take it, - goes about looking for the beautiful, on which (_i.e._, in - contact with which) he may generate; for on the unsightly - he will never be able to do so. Accordingly, he not only - likes to keep company ([Greek: aspazetai]) with the persons - (bodies) which are comely rather than with those which are - ugly, as being in a condition of pregnancy, but, whenever - he falls in with a soul which is beautiful, noble, and apt - to learn, then he does heartily welcome the union of the - two (viz., the handsome body combined with the beautiful - soul); and in his converse with such a man as this, he at - once finds himself at no loss for words about virtue, and - the duties that a good man ought to engage in, and his - pursuits.' - -Of course, all this is said in respect of that philosophic and -unsensual [Greek: paiderastia] which is a favourite fiction with -Plato. A well-disposed youth, who has some idea or theory to -communicate, is supposed to keep it to himself till he meets with some -older friend, whose mental qualities, as well as bodily appearance, -inspire him with affection and confidence. The result is the [Greek: -tokos en kaloi], the bringing out the idea or eliciting and giving -tangible form to it, by the aid, the sympathy, and the co-operation of -the good-looking and congenial friend. - -A little below (p. 210, D.), an erroneous rendering goes far to make -nonsense of a very grand and transcendental passage--one of the first -passages, probably, in all Plato. The philosopher says, that a youth -should be trained gradually in the science of beauty, rising ever -higher and higher in the objects of his admiration, 'that by looking -to the beautiful, now wide in its scope ([Greek: poly ede]), he may no -longer by a menial service ([Greek: douleuon hosper oiketes]) to the -beauty in some one--that is, being content to admire the comeliness of -a stripling, or of some particular person, or institution--became a -feeble and trifling character, but, betaking himself to the vast ocean -of beauty, and contemplating it, may give birth to many fine and -stately discourses and sentiments on the boundless field of -philosophy.' - -The confusion of Mr. Jowett's rendering here appears to us -extraordinary. 'Being not like a servant in love with the beauty of -one youth, or man, or institution, himself a slave, mean and -calculating, but looking at the abundance of beauty, and drawing -towards the sea of beauty, and creating and beholding(!) many fair and -noble thoughts and notions in boundless love of wisdom.' - -We are compelled to ask, in all earnestness, Would such construing as -this be tolerated from a boy of the sixth form in any public school in -the kingdom? Our suspicions are aroused, that the Oxford Greek -Professor has admitted aid from less competent hands, and, in a too -generous confidence, has failed to look closely over the contributions -which he invited and received. Plato, we cannot doubt, in the above -passage, has been expounding his own aspirations for leaving behind -him what he elsewhere calls 'offspring of the mind,'--viz., immortal -records of his own genius in the composition of his Dialogues. He -goes on to speak of the ultimate attainment of that highest [Greek: -kalon], the knowledge of abstract science, or rather of science, -[Greek: episteme], in the abstract; and in language evidently borrowed -from the economy of the Eleusinian mysteries, he proceeds to ask what -must be the happiness of those who, as the result of a right -discipline on earth, attain hereafter to the enjoyment of the [Greek: -to theion monoeides], the Beatific Vision of God, or rather (if we -might say) of 'Godness,' unmixed with human frailties and -imperfections. The passage itself reads almost like one inspired; and -it is very remarkable how exalted and spiritual an idea of the Deity -Plato had realized. He seems to transcend the _anthropomorphic_ doings -and sayings attributed to the Jehovah of the Old Testament. In -rendering such a passage, Mr. Jowett should have devoted especial -pains to attain the closest accuracy possible, for every word is a -jewel. Yet he wrongfully renders [Greek: ta kala epitedeumata], 'fair -actions,' and [Greek: ta kala mathemata], 'fair notions,' (p. 211, -C.), whereas 'institutions' (laws, &c.), and 'lessons,' or -'instructions,' are really meant; and the important words, [Greek: -ekeino hoi dei theomenou], 'contemplating that beauty by and with the -proper faculty, _i.e._, [Greek: noi], with mind, not with mere eyes,' -he omits, apparently because [Greek: horonti hoi horaton to kalon] -occurs a little further on. - -We have devoted some space to the examination of the _Symposium_, -because we have found in it, perhaps more than elsewhere, indications -of hasty and superficial rendering. Yet Mr. Jowett himself says, in -his introduction, 'Of all the works of Plato, the _Symposium_ is the -most perfect in form,--more than any other Platonic dialogue, it is -Greek both in style and subject, having a beauty "as of a statue."' -Special care, therefore, should have been taken in presenting it -accurately to the English reader. Turn we now to the _Phaedo_,--that -remarkable essay, which has exercised more influence than some are -willing to suppose on all subsequent theology, and which, though of -little weight as an argument in _proof_ of the immortality of the -soul, is of such special interest as standing alone among the writings -of the age in advocating anything approaching to the Christian idea of -a good man's hopes and prospects of a happy existence hereafter. For -even Aristotle, it is well known, in a professed treatise on the laws -and ends that influence men's action (the 'Ethics'), in no case -appeals to moral responsibility, obedience to Divine commands, or the -hopes of a happy eternity. He does not seem to rise above the -conception of the half-conscious Homeric ghost or [Greek: eidolon] -wandering disconsolate in the shades below. And even of this state of -existence he speaks doubtfully (Eth. i. ch. x.) In this treatise, the -_Phaedo_, we may say at once, and with pleasure, Mr. Jowett has given -us a tolerably close, as well as a fairly accurate rendering -throughout. It is hard indeed to believe that the two dialogues can -have been translated by the same hand. Let us cite, as a good example, -the following extract (p. 66, B.):-- - - 'And when they consider all this, must not true - philosophers make a reflection, of which they will speak to - one another in such words as these: We have found, they - will say, a path of speculation which seems to bring us and - the argument to the conclusion, that while we are in the - body, and while the soul is mingled with this mass of evil, - our desire will not be satisfied, and our desire is of the - truth? For the body is a source of endless trouble to us by - reason of the mere requirement of food; and also is liable - to diseases which overtake and impede us in the search - after truth, and by filling us as full of loves, and lusts, - and fears, and fancies, and idols, and every sort of folly, - prevents our ever having, as people say, so much as a - thought. For whence come wars, and fightings, and - factions--whence, but from the lusts of the body? For wars - are occasioned by the love of money, and money has to be - acquired for the sake and in the service of the body; and - in consequence of all these things, the time which ought to - be given to philosophy is lost. Moreover, if there is time, - and an inclination towards philosophy, yet the body - introduces a turmoil, and confusion, and fears into the - course of speculation, and hinders us from seeing the - truth; and all experience shows that if we would have pure - knowledge of anything, we must be quit of the body, and the - soul in herself must behold all things in themselves; then, - I suppose, that we shall attain that which we desire, and - of which we say that we are lovers, and that is wisdom: not - while we live, but after death, as the argument shows; for - if, while in company with the body, the soul cannot have - pure knowledge, one of two things seems to follow--either - knowledge is not to be attained at all, or, if at all, - after death. For then, and not till then, the soul will be - in herself alone and without the body.' - -There is not a word we could wish altered in the above, except, -indeed, that 'a path of speculation which seems to bring us _and the -argument_ to the conclusion,' should rather have been, 'a kind of path -which carries us on, _with reason for our guide_ ([Greek: meta tou -logou]), in the speculation.' A little below (67, B.), [Greek: me -katharoi katharou ephaptesthai], is not exactly, 'no impure thing is -allowed to approach the pure'--a version that savours too much of the -language of Christian theology--but, 'to realize the pure with that -faculty which is not itself pure,' _i.e._, with [Greek: nous] not -entirely dissociated from [Greek: soma]. The abstract, he says, cannot -be realized by the intellect while bound up with the concrete. In p. -80, B., [Greek: to noeton] and [Greek: to anoeton] are not 'the -intelligible and the unintelligible;' nor, in p. 81, D., is [Greek: to -horaton], 'sight.' Everyone knows that [Greek: ta aistheta], 'the -sensuous,' or things which are the objects of sense, are opposed to -[Greek: ta noeta], those which are abstract, and can be realized only -by the mind; and a soul, or ghost, is said [Greek: metechein tou -horatou], not as 'cloyed with sight,' but as 'having yet something of -the visible,' or concrete, _i.e._, some lingering remnants of _body_, -which render it visible. - -The passage in p. 82, E., is rather difficult, and has been -misunderstood by others. Mr. Jowett's rendering is, 'the soul is only -able to view existence through the bars of a prison, and not in her -own nature; she is wallowing in the mire of all ignorance; and -philosophy, seeing the horrible nature of her confinement, and that -the captive through desire is led to conspire in her own captivity,' -&c. We think that [Greek: tou heirchmou he deinotes] means, 'the strong -tie, or hold, that the prison--_i.e._, the body--has on the soul;' and -that [Greek: hoti di' epithymias esti] means, 'that it, the prison, is -actually _liked_.' Thus, says Plato, attached as the soul is to the -allurements and pleasures of the body, the latter 'helps the captive -to remain in captivity.' Thus, in AEsch., Prom. v. 39: - - [Greek: To syngenes toi deinon he th' homilia], - -and elsewhere, [Greek: deinon], 'a serious matter,' is opposed to -[Greek: phaulon], what is trifling and unimportant. - -On the whole, this version of the _Phaedo_ is well and carefully -executed. As a treatise, it is of the highest interest, if only from -the firm belief it everywhere shows in the immortality of the soul--a -belief which is nothing short of a real faith, and which seems almost -to _labour_ at demonstration by varied and often very subtle -arguments, as if the writer was half conscious, all the while, that -demonstration in such a matter is quite beyond the province either of -logic or physics. But 'dialectics' were thought equal to any -difficulty. Says Cebes (p. 72, E.), 'Yes, I entirely think so; we are -not walking in a vain imagination; but I am confident in the belief -that there truly is such a thing as living again, and that _the living -spring from the dead_; and that the souls of the dead are in -existence, and that the good souls have a better portion than the -evil.' In this remarkable passage we recognise the same sublime faith -which gave birth to the ecstatic exclamation, 'I _know_ that my -Redeemer liveth,' and also the germs of the doctrine of a -Resurrection in [Greek: to anabioskesthai tous tethnekotas]. No pagan -writer before Plato had attained to such exalted ideas of the destiny -of a good man, _to be with God_ in the life hereafter. He is full of -hope, Socrates says (p. 63, B.), that he shall meet in the other world -the wise and the good who have departed hence before him, and still -more sure that he shall go to those blessed beings whom (with his -usual acquiescence in the popular mythology) he calls [Greek: agathoi -despotai]. The doctrine of Resurrection is not really distinct from -that of Metempsychosis, both being in fact held by Orphic or -Pythagorean teachers ([Greek: ho palaios logos], p. 70, C.), as was -that of a final judgment, often insisted on by Plato, as by Pindar and -AEschylus before him. The fixed notion with the ancient physicists was, -that _soul_ ([Greek: psyche], or vitality) was air ([Greek: pneuma], -_spiritus_, _animus_, [Greek: anemos]),--for all turn upon this -notion. When a person died, his last gasp was supposed to be the vital -air or soul leaving the body, and departing into its kindred and -eternal ether. The air, in fact, was thought to be full of souls; and -each nascent form, whether of man or animal, in drawing its first -breath, might inhale _a life_, _i.e._, the actual [Greek: psyche] that -had animated some former body. Hence arose the notion of cycles of -existence, of more or less duration, and of triple lives of probation -on earth (Pind. ol. ii. 68). This doctrine of a return to earth after -some period of residence in Hades is plainly affirmed, _Phaed._, p. -107, E., and 113, A., and _Phaedr._, p. 249. One of the penalties of a -misspent life was thought to be a detention on earth in an inferior -and grovelling state of existence. 'If we tell the wicked' (says -Socrates in _Theaetetus_, p. 177, A.) 'that if they do not get rid of -that cleverness of theirs, that place which is pure and free from evil -will never receive them after they are dead, but that here on earth -they will have to pass an existence like to themselves--bad -associating with bad; all this they will hear as the language of fools -addressed to men of cunning and genius.' - -The oft-expressed fear of the loss, destruction, or dissipation of the -soul after death, lest, as Cebes says (_Phaed._, p. 70, A.), 'the -moment it leaves the body it should be dispersed and fly away like a -puff of wind or smoke, and be nowhere,' arose from the philosophical -value attached to the soul as the organ and instrument, or perhaps the -seat, of true [Greek: phronesis], intellectuality, and comprehension -of things abstract and divine. This faculty the thinkers of this -school regarded as impeded and retarded by the union with the body. Of -nervous force and brain-power as the real source of intelligence, -they had no idea. In this respect, modern science is even more -materialistic than ancient philosophy. 'If,' says Socrates (p. 107, -B.), 'the soul is really immortal, what care should be taken of her, -not only in respect of the portion of time which is called life, but -of eternity! And the danger of neglecting her, from this point of -view, does indeed appear to be awful. If death had only been the end -of all, the wicked would have had a good bargain in dying, for they -would have been happily quit not only of their body, but of their own -evil, together with their souls. But now, as the soul plainly appears -to be immortal, there is no release or salvation from evil except the -attainment of the highest virtue and wisdom ([Greek: hos beltisten kai -phronimotaten genesthai]).' Life, then, according to Plato, should be -a constant process of assimilation to God ([Greek: homoiosis theoi], -_Theaet._, p. 176, B.), a discipline and a learning how to die -(_Phaed._, p. 67, D.), because God is the type and fount as it were of -all justice, wisdom, and truth. 'The release from evil,' [Greek: -apophyge kakon], was a favourite topic with Plato, whose mind had -received a strongly cynical impression from the prevalent selfishness -and injustice of the Athenians, and especially from the crowning act -of fanatical injustice, as he considered it, in putting Socrates to -death. That, in his view, was simply to extinguish truth, to banish -justice, to ignore intellectuality, reason, and philosophy as the -guides of life. His speculations on the _origin_ of evil, and the -permission of its existence on earth, are very interesting. In the -grand passage (_Theaetet._, p. 176, A.), he thinks that its existence, -as a correlative of good, is a necessary law, _i.e._, there would be -no such thing as _good_ if it were not in contrast with what is bad; -just as we can conceive of cold only by the opposite quality of heat, -or death by the contrasted state of life. But Plato had no idea of an -evil spirit--the Semitic doctrine of a Satan--as the personal author -of evil. In _Republ._, ii. p. 379, C., he says that God is the author -only of good; but as there is more of evil in the world than of good, -God is not the cause of all things that happen to man; 'but of evil we -must look for _some other causes'_ ([Greek: all' atta dei zetein ta -aitia, all' ou ton theon]). The Aryan mind did not realize the -personality of an Evil Being. 'The Aryan nations had no devil' ('Chips -from a German Workshop,' ii., p. 235). Of penal abodes in the other -world, however, Socrates had an idea; in truth, the doctrine of a -purgatory ([Greek: dikaioterion], _Phaedr._, p. 249, A.; [Greek: to tes -tiseos te kai dikes desmoterion], _Gorg._, p. 523, B.), as well as of -a hell, is distinctly Platonic. Into the one the [Greek: iasimoi], -into the other the [Greek: aniatoi], the curable and the incurable -sinners respectively go. (_Gorg._, p. 526, B.) So _Phaedo_, p. 113, -D.:-- - - 'When the dead arrive at the place to which the genius of - each severally conveys them, first of all, they have - sentence passed upon them, as they have lived well and - piously or not. And those who appear to have lived neither - well nor ill go to the river Acheron, and mount such - conveyances as they can get, and are carried in them to the - lake, and there they dwell and are purified of their evil - deeds, and suffer the penalty of the wrongs which they have - done to others, and are absolved, and receive the rewards - of their good deeds according to their deserts. But those - who appear to be incurable by reason of the greatness of - their crimes--who have committed many and terrible deeds of - sacrilege, murders foul and violent, or the like--such are - hurled into Tartarus, which is their suitable destiny, and - _they never come out_.' (Jowett, p. 464.) - -The whole of this theory is developed in detail in the tenth book of -the _Republic_. - -Thinkers will not be deterred from asking themselves, with all -solemnity and in all love of truth, How far is this doctrine of a hell -really a revealed truth, or a Platonic speculation, or both? If it is -both one and the other, either Plato anticipated Christian Revelation, -or Revelation confirmed Plato. Plato, without doubt, did not _invent_ -a doctrine which was familiar to the Semitic theology long before him. -Still, it may be true that the Platonic theories are totally -independent of Jewish traditions, and that the belief in a penal state -of existence after death (so clearly developed in the well-known -passage of Virgil, _AEn._, vi. 735, _seq._), like that of a last -Judgment, had its origin rather in the speculation of mystics, and -passed into the popular theology of Christian teachers. The doctrine -of retribution for sin ([Greek: tisis]) may be clearly traced to the -Pythagorean dogma [Greek: drasanti pathein], so often insisted upon by -AEschylus,--'the doer must suffer.' It was manifest to all, that such -suffering was no rule upon earth, since many villains escaped -scot-free; and therefore a filling up of the measure hereafter was -thought a necessary condition for the sinner. The beneficence of -Christianity consisted primarily in this, that it held out a hope that -such a debt of suffering could be paid vicariously; whereas the only -hope of release held out by Plato (p. 114, A.) was the forgiveness of -the persons who had been wronged on earth. This ancient idea of a -stern law of reciprocity, 'an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth,' -is distinctly attributed by Aristotle, who calls it [Greek: to -antipeponthos], to Pythagoras, Eth. N. V. ch. 8. Be this as it may, it -is a very interesting fact that Plato, the first writer of pagan -antiquity who describes a bright, supernal heaven, the abode of gods -and blessed men who hold converse with them, and a dismal, infernal -abode of fire (_Phaedo_, p. 110-113,) derives all his imagery in -describing the latter from the effects of volcanic outbreaks, to which -he even definitely compares it (p. 111, D.) His description of heaven, -which in the _Phaedrus_ (p. 247, C.) he places far above the sky, the -[Greek: hyperouranios topos], with some reference to the Hesiodic -doctrine of a supernal firmament or floor, in the _Phaedo_ is a -singular compound of the Homeric Olympus and the Elysium and Isles of -the Blest in the legends of the earlier poets. Those legends placed -Elysium below, and the Isles of the Blest _on_ the earth. Plato's -heaven is on the earth indeed, but on a part of it elevated far above -the Mediterranean basin, where, he says, men live in a comparatively -dim and misty atmosphere. His account suggests the idea that he had -heard some tradition of the healthy and prosperous life of the natives -on the sunny slopes of the giant Himalaya mountains. But Plato's -heaven is also, to a considerable extent, the heaven of the -Revelation. Both are described in very materialistic terms. To this -day, the popular notion of heaven is undoubtedly associated with -saints in white garments, crowns and thrones of gold and gems, music, -brightness, and eternal hallelujahs. One little coincidence between -the Platonic and the Apocalyptic account is too remarkable to be -omitted. In Plato (p. 110, D.) we are told that, besides silver and -gold, heaven is spangled with gems of which earthly gems are but -fragments, [Greek: sardia te kai iaspidas kai smaragdous]. In the -fourth chapter of the Revelation (ver. 3) we read, [Greek: idou -thronos ekeito en toi ouranoi, kai epi tou thronou kathemenos; kai ho -kathemenos en homoios horasei lithoi iaspidi kai sardino] (al. [Greek: -sardioi); kai iris kyklothen tou thronou homoios horasei -smaragdinoi]. - -Scarcely less remarkable is the coincidence of the _four rivers_ that -surround the abode of shades in the under world (_Phaedo_, p. 112, E.), -and the four rivers that encompassed the 'Garden of Eden' (Genesis ii. -10-14). As for the river Acheron and the Acherusian lake, not only -does the word contain, like _Acheloeus_, the root _aq_, water, but the -involved notion of [Greek: achos], 'grief,' suggested its fitness as -an infernal river, not less than the [Greek: Kokytos], named from -groans. The disappearance of a river in a chasm or 'swallow,' like the -Styx in Arcadia and the Erasinus in Argolis, also gave credibility to -the existence of infernal rivers, as much as volcanic ebullitions -seemed to be proofs of subterranean fire lakes. But it is rather -curious that a geographical identity in name should exist between the -Acherusian lake and river in Thesprotia (Thucyd., i. 46), and the -semi-mythical lake and river in the above passages of the _Phaedo_. The -tendency to localize adits to the regions below was very strong; so -the lake Avernus, and the promontory of Taenarus, and the [Greek: -katarrhaktes odos] at Colonus (Soph. Oed. Col. 1590) were all -regarded with awe as places giving direct communication with the -shades below. - -The simple but very touching narrative of the death of Socrates at the -conclusion of the dialogue, sets forth in golden words the calm -resignation, the perfect faith and happiness of the death of a truly -good man. The brevity and want of detail in the last scene is very -remarkable. Mr. Jowett gives it thus:-- - - 'Socrates alone retained his calmness. What is this strange - outcry? he said. I sent away the women mainly in order that - they might not offend in this way, for I have heard that a - man should die in peace. Be quiet, then, and have patience. - When we heard that, we were ashamed, and refrained our - tears; and he walked about until, as he said, his legs - began to fail, and then he lay on his back, according to - the directions, and the man who gave him the poison now and - then looked at his feet and legs; and after a while he - pressed his foot hard, and asked him if he could feel, and - he said, No; and then his leg, and so upwards and upwards, - and showed us that he was cold and stiff. And he felt them - himself, and said, When the poison reaches the heart, that - will be the end. He was beginning to grow cold about the - groin, when he uncovered his face, for he had covered - himself up, and said (they were his last words)--he said, - Crito, I owe a cock to Asclepius; will you remember to pay - the debt? The debt shall be paid, said Crito; is there - anything else? There was no answer to this question: but in - a minute or two a movement was heard, and the attendants - uncovered him; his eyes were set, and Crito closed his eyes - and mouth.' - -We will make bold to observe on this celebrated passage, that it bears -the impress of a dramatic scene rather than of a history. That Plato -himself was not present as an eye-witness is expressly told us at the -beginning of the dialogue (p. 59, B.) The narrative, to say nothing of -the improbability of the execution of a distinguished criminal taking -place before a company of friends at a social meeting, seems to us -framed in ignorance of the medical nature of either narcotic or -alkaloid poisons, and to have been compiled to suit the popular -notions of the effects of [Greek: koneion] (whether the word means -'hemlock' or some other compound drug). The idea was, as is clear -from the verse in the _Frogs_ of Aristophanes-- - - [Greek: euthys gar apopegnysi tantiknemia],-- - -that death by this poison was caused by a gradual _freezing up_, or -suspension of vital power, beginning at the lower extremities, and -creeping up to the heart. Whether a vigorous old man would die in this -easy, gradual, and painless way by any known poison, is a medical -question we should like to see answered. It may be observed, too, that -if the poison were a narcotic, like laudanum, the 'walking about' was -precisely the wrong course to take. _That_ is the method specially -adopted to prevent and counteract the numbness caused by an overdose -of morphia or laudanum. That Socrates was really poisoned, there can -be no doubt; but the deed was probably done, as we think, in the -darkness of a prison, and the Platonic scene was invented to give a -vivid picture of the grand old man's calmness and dignity to the last. - -Be this as it may, it may be fairly assumed that the deep injustice of -the Athenian republic in thus removing from a scene of usefulness, and -of harmless, if somewhat unpopular banter, this great teacher, rankled -very deeply in the heart of Plato. It is the real source of that most -favourite of all topics, that theme on which all his disquisitions on -moral worth turn--[Greek: adikia], or injustice. This may be called -the key-note of the _Republic_, as it is, in fact, of the _Gorgias_ -and the _Protagoras_, not to mention the very numerous passages in -other dialogues. Plato is ever fond of putting in the mouth either of -Socrates or his friends passages which he could hardly have uttered, -for they have a clear reference to the want of success in his -'Apologia' at the trial, through the non-use of clap-trap, [Greek: -demegoria], and [Greek: rhetorike]. (See _Gorgias_, p. 486, A.; -_Theaetet._, p. 172, C., 174, C.) Modern writers on morals or casuistry -do not, directly, at least, take _injustice_ as the basis of all their -teaching, even though, in a sense, all vice is a form of injustice, -either to oneself or one's neighbour. The fate of Socrates, and the -reasons of it, bear some analogy to the unpopularity and harsh -treatment which great moral reformers have received in almost every -country and under every form of government. The alleged interference -both in public and private affairs, the resistance to popular -indulgences and vicious pleasures, and the persistent _lecturing_ men -of deadened conscience, are more than human nature is prepared to -stand, if pressed beyond a certain point. In the _Theaetetus_ (p. 149, -A.), Socrates sums up the popular odium against himself in these -words: 'They say of me that I am an exceedingly strange being, who -drives men to their wits' end;' and in the _Apology_ he distinctly -traces the [Greek: diabole], or misrepresentation of his motives and -practices, to the ridicule brought upon him (some twenty years before) -by the _Clouds_ of Aristophanes. But the real cause of his -unpopularity was the fearless way in which he told unpalatable truths: -as that men should care for their souls more than for their money, and -that a life without self-examination was not worth the living, [Greek: -ho anexetastos bios ou biotos anthropoi] (_Apol._, p. 29, E., 36, C., -38, A.) This was stronger doctrine, at least so far as concerns the -preference of money to all religious cares, than could safely be -preached now-a-days from a pulpit in London. We remember the case of a -clergyman being quite recently bemobbed and rather roughly treated -because he attempted to do so. No! the sophist and the Christian -moralist alike must give way when resistance to the career of human -feeling is pressed too far, just as a river will surmount or wash away -altogether the dam constructed to check its course. - -Before parting with the _Phaedo_, we must be allowed to cite one -passage, describing the earlier career of Socrates as a philosopher, -because it has always seemed to us the true key to the understanding -of the widely different views taken by Aristophanes and Plato of the -real character of Socrates. The passage occurs in p. 96, A., and is -rendered by Mr. Jowett thus: - - 'When I was young, Cebes, I had a prodigious desire to know - that department of philosophy which is called Natural - Science; this appeared to me to have lofty aims, as being - the science which has to do with the causes of things, and - which teaches why a thing is, and is created and destroyed; - and I was always agitating myself with the consideration of - such questions as these: Is the growth of animals the - result of some decay which the hot and cold principle - [principles] contract, as some have said? Is the blood the - element with which we think, or the air, or the fire? or - perhaps nothing of this sort--but the brain may be the - originating power of the perceptions of hearing, and sight, - and smell, and memory, and opinion may come from them, and - science may be based on memory and opinion when no longer - in motion, but at rest.... Then I heard (p. 97, B.) some - one who had a book of Anaxagoras, as he said, out of which - he read that mind was the disposer and cause of all, and I - was quite delighted at the notion of this, which appeared - admirable, and I said to myself, If mind is the disposer, - mind will dispose all for the best, and put each particular - in the best place; and I argued that if any one desired to - find out the cause of the generation or destruction or - existence of anything, he must find out what state of being - or suffering or doing was best for that thing, and - therefore a man had only to consider the best for himself - and others, and then he would also know the worse, for that - the same science comprised both. And I rejoiced to think - that I had found in Anaxagoras a teacher of the causes of - existence such as I desired, and I imagined that he would - tell me first whether the earth is flat or round; and then - he would further explain the cause and the necessity of - this, and would teach me the nature of the best, and show - that this was best; and if he said that the earth was in - the centre, he would explain that this position was the - best, and I should be satisfied if this were shown to me, - and not want any other sort of cause.' - -Now this avowal on the part of Socrates, that in his earlier career he -was a follower of the physical philosophers, goes far to explain -several important points. In the first place, it explains to us the -propriety, and in some sense the _justice_, of Aristophanes' sketch of -Socrates, some twenty years earlier than we know of the philosopher's -mind from Plato, viz., as a speculator on meteorics after the fashion -of Anaxagoras himself, a star-gazer, a lecturer on clouds and thunder -and circling motions, rain and mist, and phenomena celestial and -subterranean. We know, indeed, from Diogenes Laertius, ii. 4, that -Socrates had been a hearer of Archelaus, himself a pupil of -Anaxagoras. And thus we understand why Socrates was identified with -the other sophists or schoolmen of the day, who taught 'wisdom' -generally, ethics not less than physics. As subverters of the -established traditions about the gods, and exponents of truth to the -best of their knowledge, they met with the same opposition and the -same obloquy, in their day, that the Huxleys and the Darwins, and -other conspicuous men of our own times, are not wholly exempt from. -Their teaching was thought to be 'latitudinarian,' and so they were -credited with many views from which they would have recoiled with -horror. In the _Nubes_ (902), Socrates is charged with denying the -existence of justice, and defending the proposition by the example of -the gods, who themselves set it at nought, as when Zeus maltreated and -imprisoned his own father, Cronus; and in the same play (1415), the -lawfulness of a son beating his father is maintained as a part of the -new-fangled Socratic creed. Now in the second book of the _Republic_ -(p. 377, _fin._), this case of Cronus is expressly repudiated by -Socrates as monstrous and unnatural; as also the doctrine that a son -may lawfully beat his own father for wrong-doing. In a very curious -passage of the 'Wasps' (1037), Aristophanes bitterly blames the -Athenians for not having supported him in putting down the _nuisance_ -of the philosophers, whom he calls [Greek: epialoi] and [Greek: -pyretoi], 'agues' and 'fevers,' teachers of parricide, and base -informers. By not giving the prize, he says, to his play of the -'Clouds,' only the year before, they had frustrated all his hopes of -crushing and extinguishing the philosophers. Now, these philosophers -are represented as headed by Socrates, and Socrates was the very worst -of them. That he was at that period (about twenty years before his -death) essentially a sophist, and incurring with the rest of them the -odium of the popular opinion, seems undeniable. The precise views that -he held on ethics, and consequently the exact nature of his teaching -at that period, we have no other means of knowing. But it seems -inconceivable that Aristophanes should have so grossly misrepresented -his character with the slightest chance of success; and we know that -it was his ardent desire that his play of the 'Clouds' should succeed. -On the whole, we should say, there is a greater chance that -Aristophanes truly represented the feeling of his age about Socrates -than Plato, who, at best, gives us the Socrates as endeared to his -private friends--the man of matured thought, and possibly of much -altered and more chastened views. Nor ought we to forget that Plato is -as severe against the Sophists generally as Aristophanes is against -Socrates in particular. All high teaching at Athens--all that we -include in the idea of a college education--was done by the Sophists. -The art of [Greek: rhetorike] was one of the most important: we can -see the effect of the training incidentally in the style and the -speeches of Euripides and Thucydides. Socrates saw that the ethical -principles of the Sophists were wrong, and he engaged in the dangerous -task of trying to reform them. - -But secondly, the Platonic passage gives us a clue to that sympathy -which Socrates, or at least Plato, always shows for the Eleatic school -of philosophy as represented by Zeno and Parmenides. 'Of all the -pre-Socratic philosophers, Plato speaks of the Eleatic with the -greatest respect,' says Mr. Jowett (Preface to _Philebus_, p. 227). -That school was a reaction from the teaching of the Ionic physicists, -Thales, Anaximenes, and others, who were speculators on natural -phenomena without any true system of induction. Anaxagoras' doctrine -of [Greek: Nous], or pervading intelligence, though purely a -pantheistic one, stood half-way between the two schools. Xenocrates, -the founder of the Eleatics, taught that Creation emanated from a One -Being, and not from a fortuitous concurrence of atoms, from water or -air, or states of repose, or flux, or any other mere physical reason. -In the Philebus (p. 28, C., and p. 30, D.) we find an express eulogy -and sympathy with Anaxagoras, whose views were in truth much more -adapted to the doctrine of [Greek: ideai] and abstractions than the -materialistic views of the Ionic school. And in the _Parmenides_, one -of the most obscure of the Platonic dialogues, the discussions on -[Greek: to hen], The One, and the relations of the real to the -phenomenal, though a great advance over the Eleatic doctrines, which, -as Mr. Jowett says, 'had not gone beyond the contradictions of matter, -motion, space, and the like' (Introd. _Parmen._, p. 234), still are -based on the views of Zeno in the main. Parmenides, indeed, was 'the -founder of idealism, and also of dialectic, or, in modern phraseology, -of metaphysics and logic.' (_Ibid._) - -We proceed now to the _Theaetetus_, one of the most important, as well -as difficult, of the Platonic dialogues. To this Mr. Jowett has -written a rather long but excellent Introduction, replete with large -views of the Platonic philosophy, and containing many original and -striking remarks, _e.g._ (p. 329): 'The Greeks, in the fourth century -before Christ, had no words for "subject" and "object," and no -distinct conception of them; yet they were always hovering about the -question involved in them.' (We should be inclined to say, that the -familiar distinction between [Greek: ta noeta] and [Greek: ta -aistheta], to a considerable extent represented our terms 'subjective' -and 'objective.') Again (p. 328): 'The writings of Plato belong to an -age in which the power of analysis had outrun the means of knowledge; -and through a spurious use of dialectic, the distinctions which had -been already "won from the void and formless infinite," seemed to be -rapidly returning to their original chaos.' And (p. 353), 'The -relativity of knowledge' (viz., to the individual mind) 'is a truism -to us, but was a great psychological discovery in the fifth century -before Christ.' In p. 360 the remark is a shrewd one: 'The ancient -philosophers in the age of Plato thought of science' (_i.e._, [Greek: -episteme], exact knowledge) 'only as pure abstraction, and to this -_opinion_ ([Greek: doxa]) stood in no relation.' The subject of -_Theaetetus_, 'What _is_ knowledge?' involving, as it doubtless does, -some satire on Sophists, who professed to teach what they were -themselves unable to explain, has been well called 'A critical history -of Greek psychology as it existed down to the fourth century.' In this -treatise, the views of the earlier philosophers, that there is no test -of existence or reality except perception, [Greek: aisthesis], are -impugned. Plato did not, perhaps, himself hold the opinion that -objective truth existed, independently of opinion; but his favourite -theory of [Greek: ideai], or abstracts, implied the existence of -_some_ typical, eternal, absolute standard of goodness and justice, as -well as of the beautiful. If this were not the case, then all moral as -well as all physical [Greek: ousiai] would depend on our sense of -them. There would be no [Greek: physei dikaion], but only [Greek: nomoi -dikaion]. That would be right in every state which the laws enacted; -and thus in two neighbouring states one course of acting (say, lying -or stealing, or promiscuous intercourse) would be right, because it is -legalised; in another it would be wrong, because punishable by the -law. Nor is this difficulty wholly imaginary, as Aristotle felt. (Eth. -Nic. V. ch. 7.) The old law, for instance, sanctioned polygamy, as -modern usage does in some parts of the East; while the law of Europe -condemns it. So in the case of murder: a Greek thought it a solemn and -absolute duty to slay the slayer of his father; while we should regard -it as one murder added to another. There was a good deal of sense -therefore in what Protagoras taught, that 'man is the measure,' -[Greek: metron anthropos]. If I feel it hot, it _is_ hot to me; if -cold, then it _is_ cold: or if wine tastes sour, or bitter, because my -digestion is in an abnormal state, then to me it _is_ sour or bitter; -and it is no use to argue with me that it is not, but you must set -right my disordered stomach, and then the wine will taste as it -should. Apply this doctrine to the diversities of religious belief; -the Christian says the Buddhist and the Mahommedan are wrong; and each -of these retort the same on the Christian and on each other. A thing -cannot be absolutely true _merely_ because this or that party asserts -it, which is but a 'petitio principii.' Protagoras would have said, -had he lived much later, and not altogether absurdly, 'If this form of -religion is one that you embrace from conviction, and with entire -faith in it, then to you it _is_ true.' And after saying this to the -Christian, he would have turned to the Buddhist and the Mahommedan, -and have repeated the same formula to each. - -Now Plato, to make the victory over Protagoras more complete, first -shows, in the _Theaetetus_, that he, Protagoras, by his doctrine of -[Greek: metron anthropos], virtually holds the same opinion as those -(1) who make [Greek: aisthesis] the sole test of truth; (2) who, like -Heraclitus, allow of no fixed existence, but hold that [Greek: panta -gignetai], states of things are always _coming into being_, because -everything is in a state of perpetual flux. For it is evident that -each of these views denies any permanent, stable, or objective -existence of anything. Even a momentary perception is a fleeting -sensation, not a true and real sense. While I say this paper is -'white,' _some_ discoloration of it occurred while the monosyllable -was being pronounced, and therefore it was not true that the paper was -_absolutely_ white. It appears to us that the question which Mr. -Jowett moots as a difficulty in his Introduction (p. 326) is not -really very important: 'Would Protagoras have identified his own -thesis, "Man is the measure of all things," with the other, "All -knowledge is sensible perception?" Secondly, would he have based the -relativity of knowledge on the Heraclitean flux?' The latter, we -think, Protagoras clearly does, when he says (p. 168, B.) [Greek: -hileoi tei dianoiai xynkatheis hos alethos skepsei, ti pote legomen -kineisthai te apophainomenoi ta panta to te dokoun hekastoi touto kai -einai idioteai te kai polei]. To us it appears that Plato classed them -together, simply because they are logically coherent and inseparable. -He insists that all sensations imply a patient and an agent. Fire does -not burn if there is nothing for it to consume. Colour is non-existent -(being a mere effect of light), unless there is an eye to behold it. -That indeed is true, and Epicurus and Lucretius also perceived (Lucr., -ii. 795) that three conditions are wanted to produce colour--viz., -light, an object to be seen, and an eye to see it. It is quite true, -that a person sees a red or a blue cloth on a table while he looks at -it, but that when he turns his back upon it, it has _no_ colour, -because one of the three conditions, the sight, has been withdrawn. -Mr. Jowett seems, however (with the disciples of a modern school), to -press this doctrine of relativity too far in asserting (Introd., p. -332), 'There would be no world, if there neither were, nor never had -been, any one to perceive the world.' For we cannot escape from the -conclusion that the world must have existed (in the sense in which we -know of existence) prior to life, _i.e._, any perceptive faculty, -being placed upon it. - -What appears to have struck Plato most strongly in considering the -doctrine of Protagoras was this--that if everybody is right, or as -right as any other, all reasoning, argument, persuasion, in fine, the -whole science of dialectics, becomes _ipso facto_ useless and absurd -(p. 161, E.) There are no such characters as _wise_ and _foolish_. -Protagoras himself felt the difficulty, but evaded it thus: the wise -man is not one who tries to argue a person out of his convictions, -_e.g._, that justice is only tyranny, or that sweet is bitter, but who -so trains and educates the mind or appetite that the sounder and -better view will spontaneously present itself. Thus a good sophist or -a wise legislator will endeavour so to educate and so to govern, that -right and reasonable views will approve themselves to the people. -Again, in judging of what will be good or useful in the end, sagacity -is needed, which clearly is not the property of everyone alike. A -thing is right or wrong only as individual conviction or the law of a -State makes it so for the time being; but in advising a certain course -of action, where result, and therefore, forethought are involved, one -counsellor may be greatly superior to another (p. 172). Hence, as -legislation is prospective, it is not true that one man's opinion as -to the wisdom or expediency of a measure is as good as another's; but -there are some things at least in which one man's must be better than -another's judgment. - -It was thus that Protagoras endeavoured to reconcile the obvious fact -that some men were more clever than others, with the theory that all -morality is based on mere human opinion. And those persons would take -a very shallow view who think that all this is merely an ingenious -quibbling. The difficulties which Protagoras attempted to solve are -real ones, and only thinkers know to what extent all questions, both -of religion and casuistry, are bound up with them. - -We proceed to perform, somewhat in brief, the less agreeable task of -showing that Mr. Jowett's version of the _Theaetetus_, though always -fluent and pleasant to read, is not always as accurate as might have -been desired. - -In p. 149, A., Socrates playfully asks Theaetetus if he has never heard -that he, Socrates, is the son of a midwife, by name, Phaenarete, -[Greek: mala gennaias te kai blosyras], 'a sour-faced old lady,' we -should say. Mr. Jowett somewhat oddly renders this phrase, a 'midwife, -brave and burly.' The epithets mean something very different. The -first is an ironical allusion to the humble station of the -professional midwife, the latter to the alarm which her presence might -inspire in the timid.... For [Greek: blosyron] is something that shocks -and causes terror, as in AEschylus, Suppl. 813; Eumen. 161. To this -real or supposed parentage of the philosopher, a joke is directed by -Aristophanes in the _Nubes_, 137-- - - [Greek: kai phrontid' exemblokas exeuremenen]. - -Perhaps also the [Greek: Phainarete] in Acharn. 49, may have reference -to this person. In p. 151, B., [Greek: prospherou pros eme] is not -'come to me,' but 'behave towards me,' 'deal with me.' And in p. 156, -A., [Greek: antitypoi anthropoi] are not 'repulsive' mortals (at -least, according to our established use of the word), but -'refractory,' 'men on whom one can make no impression,' but from whom -a blow rebounds as a hammer does from an anvil. Antisthenes and the -cynical party seem to be meant. In p. 156, D., we come to a very -obscure passage. Mr. Jowett's version is, 'And the slower elements -have their motions in the same place and about things near them, and -thus beget; but the things begotten are quicker, for their motions are -from place to place.' This is not very intelligible. For [Greek: he -kinesis], it seems to us that we should read [Greek: he genesis]. The -figure of speech is taken from the notion of sexual contact, and by -[Greek: pros ta plesiazonta ten kinesin ischei], Socrates seems to -mean that certain impressions or objects meet certain senses, _e.g._, -sounds the ear, scents the nose, objects the eye, but severally 'have -their rate of motion according to the speed of those faculties with -which they naturally unite;' but, he adds, the sensations of hearing, -smelling, seeing are more instantaneously perceived, when once -produced, because the [Greek: genesis] or production of such sensation -takes place [Greek: en phorai], while the [Greek: aisthesis] and the -[Greek: aistheton] are moving in space towards each other, and thus, -as it were, the offspring partakes of the speed of the parents. In -plain words, sight and sound and smell are produced at very different -intervals of time, but are equally sudden sensations _when_ produced; -and even those which are more slowly generated are as quickly felt. -(Compare Aristot., Eth. x. ch. iii. s. 4. [Greek: pasei (kinesei) gar -oikeion einai dokei tachos kai bradytes].) In p. 159, D., [Greek: he -glykytes pros tou oinou peri auton pheromene] seems to us to mean, the -sense of sweetness from the wine moving to and coming upon _the -patient_,' [Greek: ton paschonta] (unless, indeed, we should read -[Greek: peri auten], _i.e._, [Greek: glossan], which would render the -meaning rather clearer). Mr. Jowett's version is, 'the quality of -sweetness which arises out of, and is moving about the wine.' Just -below, [Greek: peri de ton oinon gignomenen kai pheromenen pikroteta], -the words [Greek: kai pheromenen] read very like an interpolation, as -an attentive consideration of the passage, we think, will show. - -In p. 161, A., we come upon some rather loose rendering. Theaetetus -asks Socrates whether he has not been all along speaking in irony, and -whether, having proved that black is white, he is not prepared equally -to prove that white is black. This, of course, is a playful satire on -his skill in dialectics. The words [Greek: alla pros theon eipe, e au ouch -houtos echei], literally mean, 'But tell me in heaven's name, is -not all this, on the other hand, _not_ so?' And so just below, -Socrates says, 'You are, indeed, a lover of arguments and a worthy -good soul, my Theodorus, for thinking that I am a mere bag of words, -and can easily bring them out when wanted, and prove that, on the -other hand, these things are _not_ so.' In the very next words, [Greek: -to de gignomenon ouk ennoeis], there is a joke, and not a bad one, on -the doctrine, [Greek: ouden estin alla panta gignetai]. Mr. Jowett's -version of the whole passage seems rather careless: 'But I should like -to know, Socrates, by heaven I should, whether you mean to say that -all this is untrue? Socrates: You are fond of argument, Theodorus, and -now you innocently fancy that I am a bag full of arguments, and can -easily pull one out which will prove the reverse of all this. But you -do not see that in reality none of these arguments come from me. They -all come from him who talks with me. I only know just enough to -extract them from the wisdom of another, and to receive them in a -spirit of fairness.' The last words, [Greek: apodexasthai metrios], -more accurately mean, 'to take it from its parent fairly well,' -_i.e._, as a theme for discussion. The phrase [Greek: metrothen -dechesthai], said of the nurse taking a newly-born infant, is -playfully alluded to. - -In p. 161, C., Mr. Jowett's version but poorly represents the real -sense of a keenly ironical passage:--'Then, when we were reverencing -him as a god, he might have condescended to inform us that he was no -wiser than a tadpole, and did not even aspire to be a man: would not -this have produced an overpowering effect?' The exact words of Plato -are these: 'In which case he would have commenced his address to us in -grand style, and very contemptuously, by letting us see that we have -been looking up to him, as to a god, for his wisdom, while he all the -time was in no degree superior, in respect of intelligence, to a -tadpole, not to say to any other man.' The point is, that if -Protagoras had commenced his work entitled 'Truth,' with the -proposition, 'A pig is the measure of all things' (_i.e._, the -standard by which feelings and notions are to be tested), 'he would -have well shown his contempt of men who foolishly took _him_ for an -authority.' Of course the very object and heart's desire of Protagoras -in writing such a book was to be thought supremely clever. Hence the -irony is apparent. - -Again, in p. 160, B., Socrates says to Theodorus:-- - - 'You have capitally expressed my weakness by your simile - ([Greek: ten noson mou apeikasas]). I, however, am stouter - ([Greek: ischyrikoteros]) than they; for before now many - and many a Hercules and Theseus' (meaning, of course, many - Sophists), 'on meeting me, men brave at talk, have pounded - me right well; but I don't give it up for all that, so - strong a passion has taken possession of my soul for this - kind of exercise. Therefore, do not refuse on your part to - prepare for a contest with me, and so to benefit yourself - and me alike.' - -We see no reason whatever why the above should have been diluted down -to such a version as this:-- - - 'I see, Theodorus, that you perfectly apprehend the nature - of my complaint; but I am even more pugnacious than the - giants of old, for I have met with no end of heroes. Many a - Hercules, many a Theseus, mighty in words, have broken my - head; nevertheless, I am always at this rough game, which - inspires me like a passion. Please, then, to indulge me - with a trial, for your own edification as well as mine.' - -The following (p. 175, A.) is not satisfactory:-- - - 'And when some one boasts of a catalogue of twenty-five - ancestors, and goes back to Heracles, the son of - Amphitryon, he cannot understand his poverty of ideas. Why - is he unable to calculate that Amphitryon had a - twenty-fifth ancestor, who might have been anybody, and was - such as fortune made him, and he had a fiftieth, and so on? - He is amused at the notion that he cannot do a sum, and - thinks that a little arithmetic would have got rid of his - senseless vanity.' - -What Plato really says is this:-- - - 'But, when men pride themselves on a list of - five-and-twenty ancestors, and trace them back to Heracles, - the son of Amphitryon, it seems to him surprising that they - should make these trumpery reckonings; and they should not - be able (further) to calculate that the twenty-fifth from - Amphitryon backwards was just such a person as fortune - chanced to make him, or at least the fiftieth from him, and - thus to get rid of the vanity of a senseless mind,--at this - he cannot suppress a smile.' - -In p. 194, C., the words [Greek: ta ionta dia ton aistheseon, -ensemainomena eis touto to tes psyches kear, ho ephe Homeros], &c., -should be rendered, 'the impressions entering us through our senses, -leaving their marks on this _heart's core_, as Homer called it, -intending to express in allegory the resemblance between [Greek: ker] -and [Greek: keros],' &c. Mr. Jowett rather loosely turns it,--'the -impressions which pass through the senses and _sink into the_ [waxen] -_heart of the soul_, as Homer says in a parable,' &c. And just below, -the words [Greek: eita ou parallattousi ton aistheseon ta semeia], -which he renders 'and are not liable to confusion,' might just as well -have been brought out in their true sense, 'and further, they do not -misapply the impressions of (or left by) the senses;' for [Greek: -parallassein] is 'to change wrongly,' and is a word selected as -exactly and most happily representing the idea Plato wished to convey, -that confused memories owe their confusion to not keeping distinctly -apart the impressions formerly received. A few lines further on, -[Greek: hotan lasion tou to kear ei, ho de epenesen ho panta sophos -poietes, he hotan koprodes] &c., there are some points which only a -careful rendering will bring out. In taking a delicate impression of a -seal or gem on clarified wax, a hair left in it would mar the -impression. And the dark yellow colour of natural wax was thought by -the Greeks to be made foul by the dirt of the insects; clarifying it, -in fact, was 'defaecation.' So we render it thus:--'When, then, a man's -heart has hairs in it, which is the state the all-wise poet referred -to [in calling it [Greek: lasion ker]], or when it has dirt left in -it, or is made of wax that is not pure [but adulterated], or too soft -or too hard, then,' &c. Now this hardly appears in Mr. Jowett's -version, 'But when the heart of any one _is shaggy_, as the poet who -knew everything says, or muddy and of impure wax, or very soft, or -very hard, then,' &c. - -Of the _Phaedrus_, as a whole, Mr. Jowett appears to us to give a -correct account, in saying (Introd., p. 552) that - - 'the continuous thread which appears and reappears - throughout is rhetoric. This is the ground into which the - rest of the dialogue is inlaid, in parts embroidered with - fine words, "in order to please Phaedrus." The speech of - Lysias and the first speech of Socrates are examples of the - false rhetoric, as the second speech of Socrates is adduced - as an instance of the true. But the true rhetoric is based - upon dialectic, and dialectic is a sort of inspiration akin - to love; they are two aspects of philosophy in which the - technicalities of rhetoric are absorbed. The true knowledge - of things in heaven and earth is based upon enthusiasm or - love of the ideas; and the true order of speech or writing - proceeds according to them.' - -With regard to the first speech of Socrates on Love (p. 237, C., to -241, D.) it appears to us that it is not so much 'an example of the -false rhetoric,' as a proof how much better and more logically even a -paradoxical subject can be treated by a dialectician than by a mere -rhetorician. The hit at Phaedrus for having given no definition -whatever of his subject (p. 237, C.) is one of the points of contrast -which is very significant; and there is this subtle irony underlying -the whole speech, that whereas Socrates undertook to prove that -[Greek: charizesthai me eronti] was better than [Greek: charizesthai -eronti], his essay is made to turn, in fact, simply on the latter -point, [Greek: me charizesthai eronti], so as to be a diatribe against -vicious [Greek: paiderastia]; only a word or two at the end being -added in _apparent_ sanction of the other, and by way of verbally -fulfilling the engagement he had made: [Greek: lego oun heni, logoi -hoti hosa ton heteron leloidorekamen, toi eteroi tanantia touton -agatha prosesti] (p. 341, _fin._) And the _palinodia_, or pretended -recantation (p. 244, _seq._), cleverly pursues the same theme, by -showing that love, in its philosophical and nonsensual phase, is a -divine emotion, and the source of every blessing to man. The famous -allegory that follows, which means that Reason should control Passion, -gives a sketch of the orderly and well-trained man, gradually -recovering, even as the depraved mind gradually loses, the impressions -and memories of the god-like existence men enjoyed in a previous -state. The latter part of the dialogue hangs on to the allegory, not -indeed very directly; rather, we should say, it reverts to the former -part, and is intended to show, by a critique of the two essays, that -no essayist or speech-maker can hope to succeed, who derives all his -art from rules and treatises and the pedantic phraseology of the -teachers. He must trust to dialectic, _i.e._, the science of hard and -close reasoning, if he would rise above mere [Greek: demegoria], or -clap-trap; and psychology itself must form the basis of dialectic. - -Mr. Jowett's version of this dialogue is fully as lax as that of the -_Symposium_. Still it reads pleasantly, and if one could forget the -incomparable and often so much more expressive Greek, one would be -fairly content with the general correctness of the paraphrase. Almost -at the outset, he renders [Greek: ei soi schole proionti akouein], 'if -you have leisure to _stay and listen_,' instead of 'to _walk on_ and -listen,' where a slight satire is intended on the 'constitutional' and -prescribed exercise of the effeminate youth. And [Greek: gegraphe gar -de ho Lysias peiromenon tina ton kalon, ouch hup' erastou de, all' -auto touto kai kekompseutai] means, 'Lysias, you must know, has -written about one of the handsome youths having proposals made to him, -not, however, by a lover; but this is the very point he has put in a -new and quaint light.' (Of course, [Greek: kekompseutai], to which we -have given a medial sense, may also be taken as a passive.) Mr. Jowett -gives us nothing nearer to the above than 'Lysias _imagined_ a fair -youth who was being tempted, but not by a lover; and this was the -point; he ingeniously proved that,' &c. In p. 229, A., [Greek: kata -ton Ilisson iomen] should be rendered, 'let us go _along_ or _down_ -the Ilissus,' _i.e._, in the bed or channel, or even along the bank; -certainly not, 'let us go _to_ the Ilissus.' Nor is [Greek: agroikoi tini -sophiai] (p. 329, _fin._), this sort of '_crude_ philosophy,' but -'an uncourteous (or uncivil) kind of philosophy,' viz., that which -employs itself in giving the lie to received traditions. - -The charming and justly celebrated passage in p. 230, B.--one of the -few in Greek literature that indicate intense feeling for the beauties -of nature--we propose to render as follows, nearly every word being a -_close_ representative of the equivalent Greek:-- - - 'Upon my word, the retreat is a charming one; for not only - is this plane-tree of ample size and height, but the dense - shade of this tall _agnus_ is quite beautiful to behold; in - full flower too, so as to make the place most fragrant! Yon - spring, also, is most grateful, that flows from under the - plane-tree with a stream of very cold water, as one may - judge by the feeling to the foot. Moreover, there appears, - from the images and ornaments, to be a shrine here to - certain Nymphs and to the Acheloeus. Pray notice, also, the - balmy air of the place, how delightful and exceeding sweet, - and how it rings with the shrill summer chirp of the chorus - of cicadas! But the quaintest thing of all is the growth of - the grass, which on this gentle slope springs up in just - enough abundance for one to recline one's head and be quite - comfortable. So that you have proved a most excellent guide - for a strange visitor, my dear Phaedrus.' - -Some extra pains might have been fairly bestowed on a passage almost -without rival in Greek literature. But Mr. Jowett gives us the -following bare and clipped paraphrase of it:-- - - 'Yes, indeed, and a fair and shady resting-place, full of - summer sounds and scents. There is the lofty and spreading - plane-tree, and the agnus castus, high and clustering, in - the fullest blossom and the greatest fragrance; and the - stream which flows beneath the plane-tree is deliciously - cold to the feet. Judging from the ornaments and images, - this must be a spot sacred to Acheloeus and the Nymphs; - moreover, there is a sweet breeze, and the grasshoppers - chirrup; and the greatest charm of all is the grass like a - pillow gently sloping to the head. My dear Phaedrus, you - have been an admirable guide.' - -In p. 248, C., [Greek: thesmos Adrasteias] is not 'a law of the -goddess Retribution,' but simply 'a law of necessity.' Had we space, -we could point out not a few very inadequate, not to say inaccurate, -renderings in the grand and mystical passage about the [Greek: idea] -of beauty, p. 250. For instance, Mr. Jowett does not see that we -should construe [Greek: kateilephamen auto] (viz., [Greek: kallos]) -[Greek: dia tes enargestates aistheseos ton hemeteron], 'we realize it -(here on earth) by the clearest of all our senses,' viz., the sight of -the eye. The whole translation of the great allegory, in fact, reads -as if it came from one who had never taken the trouble to make out -_exactly_ what the Greek meant; and, as it is very difficult, and the -passage itself very sublime, the student ought to have found in -Professor Jowett a safe and cautious and accurate guide to the -language as well as to the mind of Plato. - -We are compelled to pass on, rapidly and very briefly, to that most -difficult of Platonic dialogues, the _Philebus_. This treats of a life -made up of pleasure and intellectuality, [Greek: phronesis], combined -in certain proportions, a [Greek: miktos bios], as the best and -happiest. And the doctrine of [Greek: peras] and [Greek: apeiron], the -Finite and the Infinite, which Aristotle (Eth., ii. 5) attributes to -Protagoras, [Greek: to kakon tou apeirou, hos hoi Pythagoreioi -eikazon, to d' agathon tou peperasmenou], is so applied as to show -that mere pleasure carried to excess is self-destroying. This also is -touched upon in the Tenth Book of the Ethics, ch. ii., where the -[Greek: miktos bios] of [Greek: hedone] and [Greek: phronesis] -combined is preferred to either alone. It has sometimes occurred to -us, that in this dialogue Plato has purposely used involved -constructions and an affected obscurity of style, as if to satirize -Heraclitus, or some sophist of the Ephesian school. The scholastic -formulae [Greek: hen kai polla], implying synthesis and analysis, and -[Greek: mallon kai hetton], 'the more or less,' to denote the [Greek: -apeiron], which can always be carried forward or backward, as in 'hot -and cold,' till [Greek: peras], or definite quantity, is brought to -limit them,--these and other subtleties give to the _Philebus_, -besides its linguistic difficulties, which are great, an aspect which -is seldom inviting to younger students. - -In the difficult passage (p. 15, B.), about [Greek: ideai], Mr. Jowett -has again failed to give the exact sense. Plato says, one difficulty -about them is, 'whether we must assume that the abstract principle of -each quality (_e.g._, abstract beauty) pervades concretes and -infinites, dispersed and separated in each, or exists _as a whole -outside of itself_.' That is to say, if an abstract or [Greek: idea] -is one thing indivisible, which yet exists in different objects, it -must reside outside itself, and apart from the centre of its own -[Greek: ousia], or essence. The words [Greek: eith' holen auten hautes -choris], Mr. Jowett oddly translates, 'or as still entire, _and yet -contained in others_.' In p. 15, D., [Greek: tauton hen kai polla hypo -logon gignomena] is, 'this doctrine of "one and many" being the same, -brought into existence (or, as we say, brought before our notice) by -discussions,' not 'the one and many are identified _by the reasoning -power_;' nor is [Greek: ageron pathos ton logon auton], just below, 'a -quality of reason, as such, which never grows old,' but 'a conditions -of discussion themselves,' &c. Surely, to render the plural [Greek: -logoi] by 'reason,' is a singular error. In p. 23, D., by not noticing -the emphatic [Greek: ego] the author has failed to see that there is a -reference to the clumsy attempts of _tiros_ at synthesis and analysis, -p. 15. _fin._; so that Socrates intends to say that he fears _he_ is -not much more skilful. A few lines below, where the doctrine of -causation is introduced, the words [Greek: tes xymmixeos touton pros -allela ten aitian ora], 'consider now the _cause_ of the union of -these conditions (the finite and the infinite) with each other,' is -poorly rendered by 'find the cause of the third or compound.' In p. -24, D., Socrates argues that, if the principle of limitation ([Greek: -peras]) were admissible in, or could co-exist with, 'more or less,' -_i.e._ progressive degree, the infinite would cease, by _ipso facto_ -becoming finite. And he concludes, [Greek: kata de touton ton logon -apeiron gignoit' an to thermoteron kai tounantion hama], 'according to -this way of putting it, the "hotter" would become at the same time -infinite and finite.' Surely Mr. Jowett quite misses the sense in -rendering it, 'which proves that comparatives, such as the hotter and -the colder, are to be ranked in _the class of the infinite_.' In p. -26, B., Socrates says that 'the goddess Harmony, perceiving the -general lewdness and badness of men, and that there was no limiting -principle in them, either of pleasures or of satisfying them, -introduced law and order, containing in themselves the finite. And -you, Protarchus (he adds), say that she thereby spoiled our pleasures; -whereas I say, on the contrary, that she saved them.' If the text is -right, [Greek: peras ouden enon] is the accusative absolute; but we -propose to read [Greek: kai peras], &c., so that the accusative will -depend on [Greek: katidousa]. Mr. Jowett's version is--'Methinks that -the goddess saw the universal wantonness and wickedness of all things, -having no limit of pleasure or satiety, and she devised the limit of -the law and order, tormenting the soul, as you say, Philebus, or, as I -affirm, saving the soul.' - -It is no disparagement to the best of scholars to say that a perfect -translation of the whole of Plato is too great a task for any one -person to perform. It would be hardly possible to have the same -knowledge of every dialogue, and those less familiar to the translator -would not be wholly free from some mistakes. The scholarship that can -grapple with and gain a perfect mastery over the Greek of Plato, to -say nothing of his philosophy, must be of a very high order. No man, -perhaps, could have done the task better than Professor Jowett; and no -man, probably, is more fully aware that it might have been a good -deal better even than it is. - - - - -ART. VII.--_Mr. Miall's Motion on Disestablishment._ - -_Debate on the Motion of Edward Miall, Esq., M.P., May 9th, 1871. -Reprinted from the Nonconformist._ - - -We doubt whether when the opponents of Mr. Gladstone's Irish Church -policy, during the electoral campaign of 1868, insisted that -disestablishment in Ireland would inevitably be followed by -disestablishment in England, they expected that such a debate as that -which took place in the House of Commons on the 9th of May last would -furnish a seeming justification of their prediction. The prediction, -however, was one which tended to fulfil itself; for, if it did not -suggest, it encouraged the movement which has followed it. The -plea--in the mouths of English Episcopalians, at least--was an -essentially selfish one, and has brought with it its own punishment. -Mr. Gladstone has reminded us that he did his best to convince the -electors of Lancashire that, neither on logical, nor on practical -grounds, did his proposal necessarily involve the sweeping away of all -the Established churches; and he has also said, and, no doubt, with -truth, that while Mr. Miall and his supporters may be entitled to -speak of the Irish Church Act of 1869 as the initiation of a policy, -that was not the intention of its authors, who regarded it simply as a -measure of justice to the Irish people. The upholders of -Establishment, however, were too heated and unreflecting to see that, -in refusing to allow Mr. Gladstone and the Liberal party to escape by -this flying bridge, they were virtually bringing down the enemy on a -portion of their territory hitherto comparatively secure. The less, -they insisted, involved the greater, and the public at large, taking -them at their word, was prepared for an advance movement on the part -of the opponents of all national religious establishments which a few -years ago would have been regarded as the blunder of a party -altogether bereft of political prudence. - -It nevertheless required no small degree of courage on the part of Mr. -Miall to give notice so soon as a year after the passing of the Irish -Church Act that he would, in the following session, ask Parliament to -apply the principle of that measure to the other Established Churches -of the kingdom, and we are not surprised to know that the time -selected was, in part, determined by accidental circumstances, as much -as by deliberate choice. It is true that the honourable member was not -a novice in the matter; seeing that in 1856 he had submitted a motion -which similarly aimed at the extinction of the Irish Establishment. -But the Irish question, even in 1856, was, so far as public sentiment -was concerned, more advanced than the English Church question is now; -for Protestant ascendancy in Ireland had long been condemned by -English Liberalism, though the mode of bringing it to an end -occasioned a wide divergence of opinion. Nobody could and nobody did, -then deny Mr. Miall's facts, however much they dissented from his -practical conclusions; while the absence of concurring circumstances -gave to the debate an air of languor strangely in contrast with the -excitement occasioned by the same topic in after years. It is true -that the recent disestablishment motion is not the first which has -been submitted to the House of Commons, even in regard to the Church -of England. For nearly forty years ago--on the 16th of April, -1833--Mr. Faithfull, the member for Brighton--a borough then, as now, -intrepidly represented in Parliament--moved: 'That the Church of -England, as by law established, is not recommended by practical -utility: that its resources have always been subjected to -parliamentary enactments, and that the greater part, if not the whole, -of those resources ought to be appropriated to the relief of the -nation;' but on this occasion the question excited too little interest -to subject the mover to any sharp antagonism; Lord Althorpe declining -to reply to Mr. Faithfull's speech, and moving the previous question, -while the motion was negatived without a division. Mr. Gladstone's -memorable declaration, in 1868, that 'in the settlement of the Irish -Church that Church, as a State-Church, must cease to exist,' required -high moral courage; but the speaker knew that he was the mouthpiece of -a party powerful within, as well as without, the walls of Parliament, -and that he was sounding the tocsin for an immediate, and a -comparatively brief struggle, in which success was already assured. -Mr. Miall, on the contrary, knew that he would have no powerful -backing in the House of Commons, however great the moral strength -which he represented, and he knew also that he headed a skirmishing -party, rather than led a final attack; while he must also have been -conscious that the wisdom of his procedure would, by friendly, as well -as hostile, critics, be judged by the measure of success. - -That the success was great, few persons who combine intelligence with -candour will be likely to deny, and probably it was greater than -either Mr. Miall, or the most sanguine of his friends, had ventured to -expect. Success, of course, has relation to the objects aimed at, and -these were well defined, and such as can be readily compared with the -actual results. We assume that Mr. Miall wished, by means of his -motion, to give a practical direction to the out-door agitation with -which he has been so many years identified; to put the subject in the -category of practical political questions, by forcing it on the notice -of politicians by the ordinary political methods; to place before the -greatest legislative assembly in the world, with something like -completeness, views held by a large and growing party in the country, -but never before directly and fully advocated in Parliament; to draw -out the forces enlisted on the side of establishments, and to put them -on the defensive, at a time when the difficulties in the way of -defence were by no means inconsiderable; and, finally, to secure such -a thorough discussion of the whole subject by the country as would -hasten the time when it must be dealt with with a view to a practical -settlement. If this is an accurate description of Mr. Miall's aims, -can it be said of any one of them that there has been even an approach -to failure? Could any parliamentary question, in the hands of an -independent member, have been launched with greater _eclat_, or with -more hopeful presages, than characterized the discussion in the House -of Commons on the 9th of May last? A large house--a speech which the -most competent critics in England have pronounced to be of the highest -class--a seven hours' debate sustained, for the most part, by members -of the greatest mark--a weakness of argument and of tone on the part -of the opponents of the motion which has excited general surprise--a -division almost exactly tallying with the calculations of those at -whose instance it was taken--leading articles and correspondence on -the subject in every journal in the kingdom, and an almost universal -impression that disestablishment is nearer at hand than it was thought -to be before the motion was submitted--if these do not satisfy the -most ardent of 'Liberationists,' the patience which has hitherto -distinguished them must have given way to unreasoning haste. - -On one point, at least, in regard to which there was, at one time, -room for reasonable doubt, Mr. Miall's triumph must be considered -complete. Although it would have been difficult for any Nonconformist -member to have successfully vindicated a refusal to support the -motion, on the plea that it was 'premature,' yet there was something -to be urged in support of the plea itself, and it required a -recognition of some facts scarcely known to the public at large to -decide unhesitatingly in favour of the course actually adopted. But, -now that the motion has been made, the plea of prematureness can -scarcely be repeated. Even Sir Roundell Palmer frankly admitted that, -having regard to the feeling excited by the subject, both in the house -and in the country, it was one which was rightly brought under -discussion, and, notwithstanding the embarrassment which it was likely -to occasion the ministry, Mr. Gladstone tendered his thanks to Mr. -Miall for initiating the discussion, since, 'by introducing this -question, he has absorbed minor matters, which really involve his -motion as an ulterior consequence, but which do not fully express it,' -and has 'raised the question in a clear, comprehensive, and manly -manner, calculated to keep it from all debasing contact, and to raise -a fair trial of the great national question involved in the motion.' -These admissions are in singular contrast to the reception given to -Mr. Miall's Irish Church motion in 1856, when a Conservative member -actually tried to avert discussion by moving the adjournment of the -house, and Lord Palmerston, the then Premier, though he did not -venture to sanction the attempt, deprecated as 'unfortunate' the -enforced consideration of the subject. - -If Mr. Miall has not acquired fame as a parliamentary debater, he has -made two speeches which will live in the political history of this -half century. Of that of 1856 it may, perhaps, be said that its -influence was greatest in the effect which it produced on the minds of -Liberal politicians whose minds were made up in condemnation of the -Irish Establishment, but whose notions in regard to remedial measures -were confused and undecided, or were radically unsound. The principle -which he then affirmed was as bread cast upon waters seen after many -days; and seen in the unequivocal shape of a statute of the realm -giving practical effect to the views enunciated thirteen years ago. -But the task undertaken then was far less difficult than that of 1871, -the area of discussion was much narrower, and the issues raised much -less complicated. Of Mr. Miall's recent speech, Mr. Leatham happily -said that it seemed to him 'as though it were the condensation of the -thought of a life-time;' but, in truth, the speaker had to disengage -his mind from many thoughts which had for years engaged the highest -powers of his intellect and the warmest sympathies of his heart. He -had to remember that he was standing, not on a Liberation platform, -but on the floor of the House of Commons, and that he was addressing -not the eagerly responsive readers of the _Nonconformist_, but the -cold and critical readers of journals of a very different type. And, -further, while avowing that the religious side of the question was -that which most powerfully affected his own mind, and conscious that -the most potent arguments which he could employ were those which -derive their force from religious considerations, he had to leave that -vantage ground, from the admitted unwillingness and unfitness of the -House of Commons to deal with the subject in its spiritual aspects, -and to take the lower ground involved in objections of an exclusively -political and social character. It required no small degree of -self-restraint, and of practical skill, for a speaker of such -antecedents as those of Mr. Miall to keep strictly within the lines -which he had laid down for himself; and the unstinted admiration -expressed by all the subsequent speakers and especially by public -journals, which--within a week of his Metropolitan Tabernacle -speech--were little likely to be biased in his favour, have shown -conclusively the completeness of his success. When the usually -moderate _Guardian_ affirms that Mr. Miall's speech was a signal -example of dissenting exaggeration, dissenting narrowness of view, and -dissenting shortness of thought and inability to comprehend the higher -aspects of a great religious and national question; and the _Record_ -asserts that 'never was a speech delivered on a great question more -damaging to the cause it was intended to support:' the very -recklessness of the misrepresentations indicate a consciousness that -the impression produced was of a kind which has given great uneasiness -to the supporters of the Establishment. We expect, moreover, that the -_reading_ of the speech, in the complete form in which it has since -been published and widely circulated, will be found to have deepened -the impression produced by its delivery, and by a first hasty perusal. -Its calm yet forcible statements--its close reasoning--its apt and -pungent illustrations--its incontrovertible facts, and its elevation -of tone and style will, we are confident, perceptibly affect the minds -of thoughtful men on whom, for some time past, the truth has been -dawning that there must be something radically wrong in the existing -relations between the State and the several religious bodies of the -country. By a process of filtration, the truths enunciated by Mr. -Miall in this speech will, aided by other influences, find their way -into quarters into which none of his previous utterances on the same -subject have penetrated, and, unless the tendency of ecclesiastical -events greatly changes, it may be expected that the seed now sown will -germinate, and produce its fruits, with a degree of rapidity for which -previous efforts furnish no precedent. - -Nor would justice be done to others were there no recognition of the -valuable aid given to the mover of the resolution by those who -supported him in the debate. It was fitting that a proposal so deeply -affecting the welfare of the Church of England should be seconded by a -member of that body, and the duty which Mr. J. D. Lewis voluntarily -undertook was discharged with both ability and courage. The facts and -figures supplied by Mr. Richard admirably supplemented Mr. Miall's -exposition of principle; while, so far as the Principality is -concerned, they demolished some of the boldest allegations of the -advocates of the existing system. If Mr. Leatham's speech must be -spoken of in terms of qualified praise--and notably in regard to his -insinuation respecting the views previously expressed by Mr. -Winterbotham--it must be admitted that he blurted out some truths -which were required to be told, however roughly, and presented with -admirable force, as well as vivacity, some aspects of the question -which ought not to have been neglected in such a discussion, and which -will tell upon minds but little affected by the less graphic method of -the philosophical and unrhetorical member for Bradford. - -We do not wonder that the Dean of Norwich has expressed -dissatisfaction with the apologetic and low-toned character of the -replies given by the upholders of the Establishment; for an -ecclesiastic who holds it to be the duty of the State to find out -which is Christ's Church, and, having found it, to uphold and extend -it to the utmost, must have heard, or read, the debate with downright -dismay. The proverb that 'one story's good till another's told' does -not apply in this case; for strong as was Mr. Miall's case when he had -concluded his speech, it was stronger still after the weakness of the -other side had been shown by the reply. 'Is that all?' might have been -asked by any one conversant with all the traditionary arguments used -in defence of Church Establishments, after hearing Mr. Bruce, Sir -Roundell Palmer, Dr. Ball, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Gladstone. Of the -'national conscience' which enjoins the provision by the State of the -means of grace for the nation, or of the 'national atheism' involved -in the absence of such provision; or, in fact, of any theory whatever -on which it may be supposed to be possible to base an Establishment, -there was heard nothing. The friends of the Church, indeed, so far -abandoned theory, that Sir Roundell Palmer reproached Mr. Miall with -the theoretical character of his arguments, and was himself forced to -fall back on statements of the most prosaic and practical character; -while Mr. Disraeli, though vaguely asserting that 'the State ought to -recognise and support some religious expression in the community,' was -content to rest the case of the Establishment chiefly on 'the manifold -and ineffable blessings it bestows.' - -It was perhaps a misfortune for that establishment that its defence -was mainly undertaken by official and ex-official advocates. They, it -is clear, were more concerned for their own position, in relation to -the question, now or hereafter--and especially hereafter--than -affected by a noble zeal on behalf of Church Establishments. Of -course, if it had been felt that the foundations of those institutions -were firm as the everlasting hills, that fact would have given -firmness of tone, if not vigour of expression, to those who were under -the necessity of doing battle on their behalf. But the insecurity of -the position renders necessary a system of Parliamentary 'hedging'--to -use sporting phraseology--on the part of those who wish to continue to -be, or to become, the depositaries of political power; and that, -perhaps, is the most alarming fact which the late debate has forced on -the notice of those who once thought that Church and State never -_could_ be separated. - -The Home Secretary, in particular, described the ministerial policy in -this matter with a frankness which revealed in an almost amusing way -the embarrassment of official Liberalism. He admitted that 'the -question of an Established Church was seriously occupying the minds of -the people of Scotland,' but added that 'nothing, he was assured, -would be done in the matter until the great majority of the people -were in favour of disestablishment.' With respect, however, to -England, 'the question was far less mature.' No fair-minded man, he -added, could deny 'that there was a great deal of truth in many of the -statements' made by Mr. Miall, in regard to the shortcomings of the -Establishment, and the extent to which the spiritual necessities of -the people had been met by Nonconformists. But, he continued:-- - - 'The practical question for the House to consider was - whether they were for those reasons prepared to pass a - resolution which would bind them at once to legislate on - the subject. No Government would, he thought, be justified - in undertaking such a task in the present state of public - opinion. The calmness of his hon. friend in dealing with - the question would, he was afraid, not be imitated by the - country at large, and its discussion must lead to great - dissension and controversy, although in the end the result - might tend to promote peace and harmony. It was a subject - on which no Government should attempt to legislate without - the assurance of success. (Ironical cheers.) He was - speaking without reference to the present or any other - Government, and he must repeat that no Ministry would be - justified in proceeding to deal with a question of such - great importance without some assurance of success. ("Hear, - hear," and a laugh.) It was the business of private members - to ventilate such questions, and the duty of the Government - to take them up only when public opinion declared it to be - expedient.' - -And then, as a _solatium_ to those whom these ominous statements were -calculated to disturb, he proceeded to say a few civil words about the -great work which is being done by the Church of England, and the deep -root she has taken in the affections of the people; returning, -however, to the official line on which he started, by admitting that -he 'was not prepared to defend the Established Church with any -abstract arguments,' and insisting that, as prudent men, they must see -their way more clearly before adopting such a motion. 'Call you that -backing your friends?' was the indignant, and not unnatural reply of -the fervent Dr. Ball, who declared that 'the Church would be defended -as long as it did not imperil the interests of the Government, and no -longer.' - -Mr. Disraeli's milder expression of the opinion that 'when it comes to -a question of maintaining the union between Church and State, I think -your adhesion to the proposal, or your objection to it, should be -founded on some principle which cannot be disputed, and guided by some -policy which the country can comprehend,' did elicit from the Prime -Minister 'very different sounds'--to use the language of Mr. -Disraeli--but the substance was substantially the same. He could -remind the Opposition leader that, notwithstanding his appreciation of -principles, he himself was content to rest his defence of the -Establishment, 'not so much upon adhesion to any abstract theory, or -principle, as upon the fact that the convictions of the nation are in -its favour, or, in other words, that public opinion is adverse to the -motion of my honourable friend.' And it was, practically, upon this -proposition Mr. Gladstone took his stand; while he, at the same time, -strengthened his position by descriptions of the 'vastness of the -operation' pointed at in the motion, and the immense difficulties -which it would involve, and also dilated, with characteristic grace -and copiousness, on the pre-eminent advantages resulting from the -manner in which the Church of England discharges its practical duties. -And his closing declaration went no further, and rose no higher, than -this:-- - - 'I cannot but stand upon the firm conviction that the - nation which sent us here does not wish us to adopt the - motion of the hon. member.... I do not think that it is - necessary for us--indeed, I don't think the hon. gentleman - expects that we should do so--to vote for a motion which we - are firmly convinced is at variance with the established - convictions of the country, and I shall venture to say to - my hon. friend, what I am sure he will not resent, that if - he seeks to convert the majority of the House of Commons to - his opinions, he must begin by undertaking the preliminary - work of converting to those opinions the majority of the - people of England.' - -When Mr. Miall led the attack on the Irish Establishment, in 1856, it -was stated that the task of replying to him was assigned to Mr. -Whiteside, but that the vehement representative of Dublin University -was quite unprepared to deal with a case so dispassionately put as it -was by Mr. Miall; while it is certain that he found his physical force -oratory--as Mr. Bright once described it--much more available in a -subsequent session, in denouncing the anticipated betrayal of the -Church by Mr. Gladstone. Sir Roundell Palmer, however, did not shrink -from fulfilling the intention which had been ascribed to him previous -to the debate, and, perhaps, no fitter representative man could have -been chosen for the purpose. Certainly no one could have succeeded -more fully in keeping the discussion up to the high level to which its -originator had sought to raise it. No one could be more candid in his -recognition of the ability, and the admirable spirit, with which Mr. -Miall had placed the subject before the House.[40] No one could be -more discriminating in choosing the grounds on which his resistance -was offered to the motion; and no one could put the case of the Church -more suavely, or more willingly. But, notwithstanding all these high -recommendations, the speech was a singularly weak one, in regard to -both its reasoning and its facts. The latter, indeed, constituted the -weakest part of his case--though, in some quarters, they are relied -upon with a confidence which seems to us to be attributable either to -imperfect knowledge, or to mistaken views of their bearing on the -question in dispute. - -The two main facts urged by Sir Roundell Palmer were these--first, -that the existence of an Established Church no longer involves -injustice to Nonconformists; second, that 'this great institution does -a work of inestimable value over the whole land, and in every part of -society,' and, more especially, that, to the poor, and in the rural -parishes, it is of 'priceless value.' - -If the first of these propositions can be sustained, the most -effective weapon at their command will be taken out of the hands of -the assailants of the Establishment. Mr. Miall, of course, insisted on -the converse of that proposition with the utmost emphasis--denouncing, -as he did, 'the essential and inseparable injustice involved in -lifting one Church from among many into political ascendancy, and -endowing it with property belonging to the people in their corporate -capacity;' and affirming that 'the inmost principle of a Church -Establishment is necessarily unjust in its operation,' and that 'man -suffers injustice at the hands of the State when the State places him -in a position of exceptional disadvantage on account of his religious -faith, or his ecclesiastical associations.' Sir Roundell Palmer has -two replies to this, viz., that what Dissenters 'call ascendancy' is -'no longer an ascendancy involving any civil rights, privileges, or -advantage whatever,' and that those who do not participate in the -benefit derived from the property in the hands of the Establishment -'fail to do so from simple choice.' He further asserts that the idea -'that no State institution intended for the public good can be just -which everybody does not equally participate in,' would 'lead us into -communism, or some other system of the kind.' - -The plea that, the Establishment being open to all, no injustice is -done to these who stay outside, is one which it is difficult to -discuss with patience, even when seriously urged, as it seems to have -been, by an opponent like Sir Roundell Palmer. We saw nothing of the -inadequacy, as regards quantity, of that which the Establishment -offers to all--an inadequacy so great that the offer becomes a -mockery: it is enough to point out that that offer is one which, from -the necessity of the case, cannot possibly be accepted. The well-known -saying of Horne Tooke's that the London Tavern was open to every -man--who could afford to pay the bill, suggests the answer to the -shallow averment that the injustice endured by Nonconformists is, -after all, self-inflicted. If they are ready to pay the price at which -the advantages of the Establishment are offered to them, to sin -against their convictions, and to swallow their conscientious -scruples, they may enjoy religious equality within its pale, instead -of struggling for it without. It is a new use of the old defence of -the Irish Establishment so happily ridiculed by Thomas Moore, in his -'Dream of Hindostan:'-- - - '"And pray," asked I, "by whom is paid - The expense of this strange masquerade?" - "The expense!--Oh that's of course defrayed," - (Said one of these well-fed Hecatombers) - "By yonder rascally rice consumers." - "What! _they_, who mustn't eat meat!"-- - - "No matter--" - (And while he spoke his cheeks grew fatter), - "The rogues may munch their _Paddy_ crop, - But the rogues must still support our shop. - And, depend upon it, the way to treat - Heretical stomachs that thus dissent, - Is to burden all that won't eat meat, - With a costly MEAT ESTABLISHMENT."' - -Sir Roundell Palmer thinks that he has conceded everything which -equity requires when he expresses entire agreement with Mr. Miall that -'no State authority ought to interfere with any man's religious -belief,' and he clenches that admission by the bold assertion, that -the ascendancy of the Church of England no longer involves 'any civil -rights, privileges, or advantages whatever.' It might have occurred to -him that, even if his statement were strictly accurate, the words 'no -longer' pointed to a history of suffering and of struggle which -resulted from the existence of an Establishment, and in which -Nonconformists have figured as the victims. But is it accurate? Why at -the moment the statement was made there was before Parliament--as -there is likely to be for some time to come--a measure for -extinguishing the clerical monopoly in parochial churchyards; the -disabilities of Dissenters at Oxford and Cambridge had not been -removed,[41] and there had just been published the new Statutes of -Winchester and Harrow schools, which expressly insist that none but -members of the Church shall be qualified to act as members of the -governing bodies of those institutions! And, even when these grounds -of just complaint have been removed, there will still exist in -numerous Statutes, or Trusts, or Schemes, or Regulations, affecting -matters of parochial, educational, or charitable administration, -provisions which, directly or indirectly, exclude Dissenters from the -national Church from the enjoyment of rights, privileges, and -advantages, which Sir Roundell Palmer would have us believe are as -much within the reach of Nonconformists as of Conformists. - -That, however, is a very limited view of the subject which supposes -that the principle of religious equality is violated only by means of -Statutes of the realm which, in so many words, place the members of -unestablished bodies on a different footing, as regards civil rights, -from that occupied by members of the Establishment. For it may be -safely asserted that for every act of exclusion, and every violation -of the principle of equity, for which the legislature is responsible, -in connection with an Established system, there are twenty others -which are the indirect, though inevitable, result of that system. -Establishment is a name for more than a collection of Statutes, and a -particular mode of appropriating national property: it represents a -powerful source of influence--a spring the force of which is felt -throughout all the ramifications of society, and is often experienced -by those who are unconsciously affected by it. Notwithstanding the -lip-homage now paid to the principle of religious equality, even by -politicians who once persistently fought against it, the ascendancy of -the Church Establishment is sought to be upheld by public -functionaries, by corporate bodies, and by individuals, organized and -unorganized, in a hundred ways which are independent of legislation, -but which, nevertheless, inflict, whether intentionally or not, great -injustice on those who are attached to other religious communities. - -No one would now venture to declare, as a Conservative journal did -years ago, that a 'Dissenter is only half an Englishman,' but, so far -as a right to share in all the advantages afforded by civilized -society is concerned, that is the position in which he is, or is -sought to be placed, even now. The question with which Mr. Leatham -fairly startled Mr. Gladstone, 'How long are we, a party of -Dissenters, to be led by a cabinet of Churchmen?' suggests other -inquiries, of a more searching kind, which are even more strictly -relevant to the point we are now considering. Take the public -functionaries throughout the kingdom--the Commissioners who administer -the affairs of important departments, some of which decide matters -vitally affecting the interests of Nonconformists--the occupants of -the magisterial bench--the trustees of public charities--the holders -of municipal and parochial offices, great and small, and it will be -seen that the large majority are connected with the State-favoured -Church, and that offices of responsibility and influence, as well as -of emolument, are filled by Dissenters in an inverse proportion to -their numbers, their intelligence, and their energetic devotion to -public duty. - -These are some of the allegations with which we meet Sir Roundell -Palmer's assertion that the Establishment no longer inflicts wrong on -those who think it right to dissent; but there are others, the aptness -of which will be still more apparent, because the facts come within -the knowledge of a far larger class. Whatever may be the case in the -great centres of population, it is certain that in the small towns, -and especially in those rural districts, in which, we are told, the -Establishment is so great a blessing, petty persecution, aiming at the -repression of dissent, is as rife as when that Establishment could -persecute by law. Is the dissenter a farmer? He is kept by Church -landlords and landladies out of a whole district, as carefully as the -rinderpest itself; or if he happens to be already in it, he is -deported as quickly as lease, or agreement, will allow. Is he a -shopkeeper? He must hold his head low, and consent to sell his -principles with his wares, or he loses half his customers. Does he -require education for his children? The day-school is, indeed, open to -them, but attendance at the Sunday-school and the church is insisted -upon, as part of the price to be paid for the education for which he, -in common with other tax-payers, largely pays. Is he poor? So much the -worse for him, when coals, blankets, and soup are distributed at -Christmas; when parochial charities, intended to be unsectarian, are -dispensed, or when misfortune makes him a fitting object for the help -and sympathy of all his neighbours. Nay! he may be wholly independent -of all around in regard to pecuniary circumstances--may have fortune, -culture, and all the gifts and graces of refined and of Christian -life; yet, if in the matter of the Lord his God he differs from those -who worship at the altars of the Establishment, he, too, pays the -penalty for conscientious Nonconformity, in the social exclusion, and -the haughty contempt, which to certain minds make country life one of -the hardest things to bear, and strongly tempt the children of wealthy -Nonconformists to desert, and ultimately to despise, the communities -to which they were once attached. - -To these representations, as well as to others relating to the social -discord created by an Establishment, it has been replied that they -describe as much the result of the caste-feeling, which, rightly or -wrongly, exists among us, as the result of the Church being -established; that hard and fast lines will be drawn by individuals -even when State-made distinctions have ceased; that we 'shall not get -rid of the Church of England by disestablishing it;' and that 'so far -from being less energetic in the assertion of its claims,' it will be -'more energetic than ever.' The rejoinder is, that the existence of a -state-maintained Church aggravates social tendencies sufficiently bad -enough in themselves to require no encouragement--that, when the -possessors of invidious privileges find their privileges endangered, -they think themselves justified in doing what they would otherwise -condemn--that acts such as we have indicated are committed to a far -greater extent by the members of established than of unestablished -bodies, and that Episcopalianism in America, and in our own colonies, -does not adopt the repressive, and the oppressive, policy to which it -resorts at home. Sir Roundell Palmer's dictum that 'One of the -advantages of a union which subsists between Church and State is, that -it gives to the former an inducement to act in a more liberal and -conciliatory spirit than can be relied upon if the relations between -the two were different,' is, in our judgment, contrary to the facts of -history; and if the Church is, at the present time, 'bound over to -keep the peace' as it has not been before, it is just because the ties -between Church and State are loosened, and liberality and moderation -are necessary to prevent their being quickly severed. - -There is one other aspect of the case to which, perhaps, full justice -was not done by any of the speakers in the late debate, and that is -the influence exerted by the Establishment, in regard to opinion, as -affecting both theological belief and ecclesiastical practice. The -Nonconformist objection to an Establishment, as popularly put, is, -that it appropriates public property to the maintenance of a Church, -the advantages of which cannot be shared by large sections of the -community. That is true, but it is not the whole truth; for even if -the Church found its own capital, and the State gave nothing but -authority and privilege, the Nonconformist would still have ground to -complain of the injustice done to him by the junction of the two -bodies. The pocket objection, strong as it is, is, after all, neither -the strongest nor the highest. To the man who, in these days of -shifting and uncertain belief, holds definite views of truth, and -especially of the highest forms of truth, it is less a grievance that -the State should deprive him of his share of public property than that -it should exert its influence on behalf of what he believes to be -mischievous error--error, possibly, dishonouring to God, as well as -detrimental to men. The member for Richmond says that he is at one -with the member for Bradford in thinking that 'no State authority -ought to interfere with any man's religious belief;' but what is -interference with man's religious belief? Is no one's belief -interfered with when the Canons of a national Church excommunicate -_ipso facto_ all impugners of the Articles, the worship, or the -government of that Church, until they have repented, and publicly -revoked, their 'wicked errors?' Is the Unitarian belief not interfered -with by the state-sanctioned Athanasian creed? Or the Baptist belief -by the baptismal service? Or the Quaker belief by the eucharistic -doctrines of the Church? Or, to put the question in the broadest form, -is the Roman Catholic's belief not interfered with when there is -established a Protestant Church, which asserts that the leading -tenets, or practices, of the Romish Church are damnable and -idolatrous? - -It is true that everybody in the country is free to protest against -the creed and practices of the Establishment, but why should anyone -have to protest at all? The Nonconformist may enforce his own views of -truth and religious duty, but why should the State, which is invested -with authority derived from him, in common with his fellow-citizens, -not only compel him to become a Nonconformist, but put a heavy premium -on the acceptance of that which he feels it to be his duty to -denounce? This is a question, the force of which increases in -proportion as the Established clergy assert their right to set at -defiance authorized doctrinal standards and rubrics, as well as to -disregard the most solemn judicial decisions; for the points of -theological antagonism between their teaching and the views of -Nonconformists will multiply as confusion grows within the Church. But -we are content to enforce our present point by an illustration drawn -from a state of things with which we have long been familiar, rather -than from any new development of clerical extravagance. Here, for -instance, are specimens of the teaching of one of the authorized -instructors of the people, taken from a twopenny catechism, entitled -_Some questions of the Church Catechism, and doctrines involved, -briefly explained, for the use of families and parochial schools_; by -the Rev. J. A. Gace, M.A., Vicar of Great Barling, Essex,[42] and -which, we understand, is circulated widely in many parishes far -distant from the author's. - - '85. _Q._ We have amongst us various Sects and - Denominations who go by the general name of Dissenters. In - what light are we to consider them? _A._ As heretics; and - in our Litany we expressly pray to be delivered from the - sins of "false doctrine, heresy, and schism." - - '86. _Q._ Is then their worship a laudable service? _A._ - No; because they worship God according to their own evil - and corrupt imaginations, and not according to His revealed - will, and therefore their worship is idolatrous. - - '87. _Q._ Is Dissent a great sin? _A._ Yes; it is in direct - opposition to our duty towards God. - - '94. _Q._ But why have not Dissenters been excommunicated? - _A._ Because the law of the land does not allow the - wholesome law of the Church to be acted upon; but - Dissenters have virtually excommunicated themselves by - setting up a religion of their own, and leaving the ark of - God's Church. - - '98. _Q._ Is it wicked then to enter a meeting-house at - all? _A._ Most assuredly; because, as was said above, it is - a house where God is worshipped otherwise than He has - commanded, and therefore it is not dedicated to His honour - and glory; and besides this, we run the risk of being led - away by wicked enticing words; at the same time, by our - presence we are witnessing our approval of their heresy, - wounding the consciences of our weaker brethren, and by our - example teaching others to go astray. - - '99. _Q._ But is language such as this consistent with - charity? _A._ Quite so: for when there is danger of the - true worshippers of God falling into error we cannot speak - too plainly, or warn them too strongly of their perilous - state; at the same time that it is our duty to declare in - express terms to those who are without, that they are - living separate from Christ's body, and consequently out of - the pale of salvation, so far, at least, as God has thought - fit to reveal.' - -Assuming, as we may fairly do, that the author of all this--well! we -need not describe it--preaches as he publishes, have the heretics and -sinners whom he thus consigns to perdition no right to complain that, -besides receiving--according to the 'Clergy List'--L230 a year of -public money, he should also be invested with authority by the State? -It is idle to say that truth is truth, and falsehood falsehood, and -that the one will prevail, and the other perish, no matter whether he -who utters it is an established clergyman, or a dissenting preacher. -In the long run it will be so, but the struggle between truth and -falsehood is prolonged when, instead of the two being left fairly to -grapple with each other, the weight of State-influence, as well as of -State-gold, is thrown into the wrong scale. To speak plainly, the -establishment of a Church is an organized system of bribery in favour -of that Church. It may fail to buy the adherence of strong and -independent minds, but the minds of the majority are neither the one -nor the other. It appeals successfully to the self-seeking, the -timid, the conventional, the fashion-loving, and _they_ are to be -found among every class of the community. And, in doing so, it -inflicts injustice--injustice to those who reject the established -doctrines, even though they may be in possession of every civil right. - -'The Established Church will certainly not be weakened by the debate -of Tuesday,' was the final conclusion of the _Times_, in the three -fluctuating leaders devoted to the subject, and that is true in the -sense in which it is true that an army hard pressed by an enemy is not -weakened by abandoning an untenable position, and by retreating within -its inner line of defence. And that is just what the English -Establishment has done, so far as its present position is indicated by -the late debate. Almost everything in the shape of _a priori_ argument -on its behalf has been given up, and it has fallen back on the plea of -utility alone. In doing so, it has adapted itself to a characteristic -of Englishmen, of whom Emerson has smartly said that, while there is -nothing which they hate so much as a theory, they will bow down and -worship a fact. It does not, however, follow that objectors to the -Establishment are bound to confine themselves to the same weapons as -those selected for the defence. The reasoning based on religious -principle which--strange anomaly! seeing that Parliament charges -itself with responsibility for the religious concerns of the -nation--is thought to be unfit for the House of Commons, may still be -employed with effect in influencing pious and thoughtful minds -elsewhere. Nor can the reasoning which appeals to men's sense of -equity be disposed of in the summary fashion adopted by Sir Roundell -Palmer. An institution based on principles which are radically unsound -cannot long be vindicated solely with reference to its alleged -usefulness. That which is unjust cannot be permanently upheld, because -it is seemingly successful. The painted sepulchre is a sepulchre, -though painted; and if an establishment really contravenes the rules -of right, its most brilliant, and even its most solid achievements, -will ultimately fail to prolong its existence. - -When the Church of England, put upon its defence as a Church -established by law, insists that it is the source of blessings to the -community, amply worth the price which the community is required to -pay for them, it indicates no lack of Christian or of generous feeling -to examine these claims in the same practical way in which they are -put forward. Especially is it necessary to discriminate between the -action of the Church simply as such, and its action as a Church -specially favoured by the State, as well as to see that, while -acknowledging all its deeds of goodness, we do not draw from them a -totally erroneous inference. It does not seem to us that very much is -conceded, if we admit the correctness of Sir Roundell Palmer's -assertion that the Church of England is exerting more influence over -the country than all the other religious bodies put together. Why--to -quote the language of the _Times_, used for an opposite purpose--'a -man of education might be expected to remember that modern Dissent can -only boast a history of a hundred and fifty years, and that before it -arose the whole system of the Church of England was firmly -consolidated.' And, besides the advantage of a long start, she has had -wealth, power, and prestige--all three being enjoyed at the expense of -Nonconformity, and yet the nett result is, that she only does more -than all the unestablished bodies, and in doing so, leaves masses of -the people almost untouched by her ministrations! Let it be remembered -also, that these descriptions of the Establishment, which are intended -to reconcile us to its existence, are descriptions which, to a large -extent, have been applicable only during the last fifty years. No one -would speak of the Church in the days of the Georges as he may rightly -speak of her in the days of Victoria; for one of her own clergy--the -Rev. Sydney Smith--has characteristically declared that during the -former period 'the clergy of England had no more influence over the -people than the cheesemongers of England.' And whence the change? Is -it attributable to the action of the Establishment principle--to the -retention of Parliamentary grants, or to the multiplication of -political privileges? On the contrary, not until voluntaryism had to -so great an extent supplied the deficiency existing in connection with -State-endowments and compulsory exactions, and not until the process -of disestablishment had, in principle, been commenced, has the Church -of England earned the eulogiums of which she is now deservedly the -subject. Sir Roundell Palmer asks for the gratitude of Dissenters -because the zeal and energy of the Church have given to them a -powerful stimulus, and reminds us that, in regard to architecture, to -music, and to modes of worship, they have not hesitated to copy the -Church from which they dissent. Well! we are as thankful as he is for -that 'community of feeling between the most enlightened and best of -men on both sides,' which not only brings them together, but leads -them to select for imitation each other's wisest and best methods. But -is the obligation all on one side? Does the Church owe nothing to -Nonconformity, in regard to zeal, to organization, to education, to -hymnology, to preaching, and, above all, to the pecuniary aspects of -voluntaryism? She is welcome to all she has borrowed, and we hope that -it may be possible to import into her own system other admitted -excellencies, to be found in those of Nonconformists; but does this -interchange of influence between different Churches justify the -placing of one in an exceptional position, to the prejudice of the -rest; and is Nonconformity, - - 'Like a young eagle, who has lost his plume - To fledge the shaft by which he meets his doom,' - -to have an Establishment foisted upon it in perpetuity, because it has -done so much to make such institution more tolerable than in days of -yore? And what authority had Sir Roundell Palmer for the assertion -that Mr. Miall wished, 'for certain theoretical reasons, to destroy -the whole of the immense machinery by which all this good is done?' If -by this it was intended to suggest that all the good effected by the -Church of England comes out of its legal position, Mr. Miall would -deny the correctness of the suggestion; while, on the other hand, if -no inconsiderable portion of that good be the result of the piety and -devotedness of Churchmen--manifested in spite, rather than as the -result, of Establishment--he would repudiate any intention to destroy, -or in any way to hinder their work. - -We have said that the case of the Establishment has been made to rest -solely on the utilitarian argument; and we now add that the range of -that argument is practically limited to the rural parishes. Sir -Roundell Palmer admits that in the large towns the Church of England -is not overtaking the spiritual wants of the population; though he -thinks that its efforts to do so are greater than those of Dissenters. -That is to say, the influence of the Establishment is smallest where -the intellectual and moral forces which ultimately decide the -country's destinies exist--a large admission, and one which will have -cumulative weight as time progresses. Mr. Miall, he complained, 'did -not sufficiently distinguish between the position of the working -classes in the towns and the working classes in the country,' and, -with regard to the last, he affirmed that, 'speaking generally, they -are members of the Church, and through the Church they are partakers -of benefits of every description, spiritual, moral, and even -temporal.' 'Those,' he added, 'who know the rural districts of this -country, will bear testimony to the existence of multitudes upon -multitudes of poor people who have in them both "sweetness and -light."' And then--utterly ignoring the influence exercised by all -other agencies--he stated that he could not 'imagine any institution -to which this character of the labouring poor is due more than to that -which has placed in the centre of the population of every part of the -country a man educated and intelligent, whose business it is to do -them good, whose whole and sole business is to take care of their -souls as far as by God's help he is enabled to do so, in every way and -in all circumstances of life to be their friend and counsellor.' - -We assume that Scotland is not included in the sphere within which the -Established system has wrought thus beneficently. We assume also that, -after the facts and figures for which the House and country are -indebted to Mr. Richard, M.P., the Principality of Wales also may be -excluded from the map of the territory over which the sun of the -Establishment sheds these blessings, and, probably, a candid -Episcopalian would hesitate to claim for his Church credit for all the -civilization and Christianity to be found in Cornwall, and some other -districts. So that, tried by a geographical test, the argument may be -pared down even yet lower than it has been by the speaker himself. - -But are we to be satisfied with Arcadian pictures, or to seek to build -on solid fact? We repeat Mr. Miall's question--what is the condition -of the rural parishes? and for an answer refer, not to Blue Books -alone, but to the knowledge of living men. How are 'the men whose -whole and sole business it is to take care of the souls' of our -villagers discharging their high function? Are they feeding them with -the bread of life, or with 'the husks which the swine do eat,' in the -shape of superstitious teaching, or of vapid formalism? Is it not in -our village parishes that there are to be found the most stolid -ignorance and the grossest superstition? Can there not be reckoned up -by hundreds parishes in which spiritual deadness and intellectual -stagnation are the prevailing characteristics of the population--or -where the only ray of light issues from the mission-station of the -despised itinerant preacher, and the only mental activity is due to -the self-sacrificing efforts of a handful of, perhaps, persecuted -Dissenters? These are the kind of questions which will be stirred up -by Sir Roundell Palmer's statements, and other recent utterances of -the like kind. Those statements are, no doubt, true of certain -parishes, and the number of those parishes is, we are glad to believe, -increasing; but that they accurately describe the majority of rural -parishes we utterly disbelieve, and surprise must not be felt if, -henceforth, there is less reticence than there has been in regard to -the real working of the Establishment in those districts in which it -is now alleged to be the greatest blessing. - -We have heard of those who represent the world as resting upon the -back of a tortoise; and now the case of the English Establishment is -based upon the agricultural labourer. Even a journal having so -unclerical a bias as the _Pall Mall Gazette_ gravely declares that - - 'Without the parson of the parish the English parish itself - would revert to that barbarism from which it is, even under - existing circumstances, not so very distantly removed. The - agricultural labourers of this country have been not - altogether unjustly described as a class without hope; but - whatever chance of kindness or consolation they may have in - need, sickness, or the approach of death, depends in the - main on the presence and the comparative affluence of the - parish clergyman.' - -Thus, as Earl Russell once vindicated the Irish Establishment by -alleging that it gave the farmer in every parish a customer for his -eggs and butter, so in England it has now become the fashion to look -upon the Established clergy as auxiliary relieving officers, or as a -supplementary county police. It is not a high conception of their -functions; while it indicates the kind of impression which the Church, -as a spiritual institution, has made upon the political and -religiously-indifferent class. Nor will it reconcile good men, whether -in the Church of England or out of it, to a continuance of the evils, -the anomalies and the perplexities which are now admitted to be -inseparably connected with its position as an establishment. The eggs -and butter argument did not save the Irish Establishment; and neither -will the resident gentlemen theory save that of England. An -institution is, in fact, doomed when its advocates are thus obliged to -descend from the higher ground which they previously occupied, to -one--comparatively speaking--so miserably low. The question 'what will -become of the rural parishes if the Church be disestablished?' is one -which should be and can be answered; but, even if no satisfactory -answer were forthcoming, it would not be practicable to maintain -intact all the elaborate and costly machinery which goes by the name -of an establishment. - -It is not our purpose to deduce from the debate on which we have been -commenting any practical lessons for the guidance of those whose -principles and aims it was the object of Mr. Miall to advance. The -leaders of the movement are not likely to be led by any elation of -feeling, resulting from the recent rapidity of their progress, to -relax the exertions needed to overcome the difficulties still awaiting -them; while they are acute enough to perceive the direction in which -they must in future work. If the passing of the Irish Church Act -demonstrated the possibility of disuniting Church and State by -peaceful, legal, and constitutional means, it has now been made -equally evident that, whenever public opinion calls for a similar -measure for England and for Scotland, our statesmen will be prepared -to comply with the demand. And, although we are not sanguine enough to -expect that the remaining stages of the controversy will be passed -through with the placidity which characterized the recent debate, we -yet hope that the fairness of spirit, and the generosity of feeling, -which were conspicuous from its commencement to its close, will exert -a perceptible influence on disputants in a less elevated arena. The -issue to be tried is one which, from its very nature, should restrain, -rather than excite evil passions, and which pre-eminently calls for -the manifestation of a broad and catholic feeling, instead of a narrow -and acrid sectarianism. If it be useless to cry 'Peace--peace!' amid -the din of conflict, that conflict may yet be carried on in a spirit -which will make it easy for victor and vanquished presently to rejoice -together, in what will be ultimately felt to be a gain for interests -which are equally precious to both. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[40] Remembering the bitter vituperation of which the Liberation -Society has been the subject, the following passage from Sir Roundell -Palmer's speech, while creditable to the speaker, is amusing -also:--'When we see considerable bodies connected--_I won't call them -with agitations, for that is a word that might not be acceptable_--but -with movements out of doors for the purpose of influencing public -opinion on this subject.... I cannot pretend to deny that the question -should be brought under our attention.' This is substituting -rose-water for vitriol! - -[41] The University Tests Abolition Bill received the royal assent on -the 16th of June. - -[42] London: J. and C. Mozley, and Masters and Son, 1870. - - - - -CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE. - - - - -HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, AND TRAVELS. - - -_The Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland._ By J. P. PRENDERGAST, -Barrister-at-law. Second Edition. Enlarged. With a Facsimile of a -Cromwellian Debenture. Longmans. 1870. - -It is the tritest of common places to deplore the persistency with -which the Irish will go back to early times, and explain the failure -of the well-meant attempts of modern legislation by narrating old -persecutions. They will do it; and the practical effect of their doing -so is seen, in the agitation for 'home government' among the wilder -spirits in Fenianism, among men like Mr. Butt and Mr. J. Martin. But, -though we regret the 'over-long memory' of the Irish, we cannot but -feel that Englishmen have never paid attention enough to the history -of the sister island. To most English readers everything beyond what -it suited the purpose of Macaulay and Carlyle and Froude to tell them, -is a mere blank. Educated men read with surprise in Mr. Hill-Burton's -Scotland, the statement that Ireland was the old _Scotia_, the _Scotia -major_ when it becomes necessary to make a distinction, and that the -_perfervidum ingenium_ which carried four Scotia missionaries over the -whole continent, is that very temperament which makes the Irish of -to-day so impatient of English rule. Mr. Reichel's lectures, again -(chiefly known, we fear, only through the appreciative notices of them -in the _Saturday Review_) have been a sort of new revelation of the -way in which Popery was forced upon Ireland by the English invaders, -and of the general state of the country in Plantagenet times. Even Mr. -Froude continually overthrows preconceived opinions--as when he proves -that in Elizabeth's time the only part of Ireland where there was -anything like peace and security was that which was still ruled by -native princes; 'the pale' being ground down by taxation and ravaged -by an unpaid soldiery, the successors of those 'paddy persons' who -under Leicester had made England despicable in the Netherlands, whilst -Ulster, under Shane O'Neil, was quiet and prosperous. What Englishman, -again, had anything like a true notion of the disgraceful horrors of -'98, till he read Massey's George the Third? Yet Irishmen know and -ponder over all these things. A whole library of cheap historical -monographs has for many years spread the knowledge of them broadcast; -and to this reading, unhappily so one-sided, is due that stubborn -'ingratitude' as we call it, which even the Disestablishment and the -Land Bill fail to satisfy. - -Mr. Prendergast's book (which we see has reached a second edition) is -perhaps the very best that an Englishman could read in order to master -the causes of Irish discontent. It is well written in every sense; -full of minute research, which the author's office as cataloguer of -the Carte papers in the Bodleian enabled him to make; graphic in its -descriptions, and abounding in a kind of grim humour which suits the -story well. It is the work, in fact, of an educated Irishman. - -Its object is to show how the Long Parliament, taking occasion from -the massacre of 1641, declared the whole of Ireland forfeited, and, -assigning Connaught as a home for the native population, divided the -rest into lots, which were given, partly to those who advanced money -to raise the Parliamentary army, partly in lieu of pay to the officers -and soldiers of that army. Mr. Prendergast does not give many details -of Cromwell's conquest--sufficiently known from Carlyle's Letters; but -he traces narrowly the history of the deportation, and shows how, -after causing incredible misery, it failed in 'thoroughness.' - -The only doubtful portion of the book is the preliminary attempt to -explain away what our author styles 'the so-called massacre of 1641.' -The attempt will hardly satisfy anyone, and in some it may awaken an -unfair prejudice against the rest of the work. No doubt as to this -'massacre' there was immense exaggeration. It gave occasion for just -the sort of cry which the Parliament wanted to strengthen their hands -against Charles. He and Strafford, tolerant for their own ends, had no -prejudice against the use of those Irish Papists whom the great -majority of the King's party looked on much as Chatham in the American -war looked on our Red Indian allies. He therefore encouraged the Irish -of the North, smarting under the sense of James's confiscations and -Strafford's oppression, to arm with the view of helping him against -the Scots. They were to have come over and joined the Highlanders in -crushing the army of the Covenant. There is no doubt about it: since -Mr. Prendergast wrote, facts cited by Mr. Burton in his recent -history, prove that O'Neil's commission was not (as one historian -after another has repeated) 'a forgery with an old seal torn off an -abbey charter stuck upon it,' it was a bona fide document sealed with -_the Great Seal of Scotland_--a bit of that clumsy 'statecraft' which -the Stuarts learned from Elizabeth, for the Scotch seal had, of -course, no real power in Ireland. - -Unfortunately for Charles both Irish and Scotch went to work more -quickly than he had expected. The first thought was naturally enough -that to recover their own lands was at least as important as to aid -Charles; so Sir Phelim O'Neil began his rising by driving out all the -English settlers instead of waiting till Ormonde was ready to seize -the strong places, and above all to get possession of Dublin. The -Scots, again, did not stop till Charles, who knew well enough that he -could not trust his English troops, had brought over his Irish forces -against them. They crossed the border, and the fight at Newburn and -the capture of Newcastle were the results. The actual killing done by -the rebels in 1641 has (we have said) been vastly exaggerated; the -mischief was that thousands were turned out of house and home and -driven off Dublin-wards in very inclement weather. Mr. Prendergast -stoutly asserts that it was the English and Scotch who began the -killing: their reprisals were certainly fearfully severe. Even Sir J. -Turner, seasoned as he had been to cruelty in the thirty years' war, -shuddered at the work which he was expected to do in Ireland: his -description of the massacre at Newry-bridge, where priests ('popish -pedlars'), merchants who had taken no share in the defence of the -town, and women were flung into the river and then fired at like -drowning-rats, is very shocking (Hill-Burton, vol. vii. 154). The fact -is that the report of Irish atrocities, industriously magnified by the -Parliament, had maddened the other side; and the Indian Mutiny, and -the Jamaica trouble, show what the Anglo-Saxon is capable of when he -is excited by garbled reports. Along with this feeling of race was -mixed that religious rancour which led the 'new English' to include -the 'old English' (mostly Papists) in the same category as the -aborigines. Parliament fostered--conscientiously, but still in -opposition to all sound toleration principles--this religious hatred, -in order to alarm the Cavaliers, who were mostly as anti-Romanist as -their opponents, and so to deprive Charles of any advantage from the -Irish Romanists. Parliament, moreover, knew that the 'massacre' was -exaggerated; else they would not have been content to levy troops for -the Irish war, and then to employ them in England instead, quietly -leaving Ireland to itself till Cromwell had leisure to conquer it. - -Mr. Prendergast's strong points are, first, the silence of all -records--a silence which is complete (he says) till the Commission, -sent over five years after, begins to get up evidence. Second, the -certainty (in his eyes) that the English began the murderings: on this -we have the counter-evidence of Sir Charles Coote, in the trial of -Maguire; but Coote was emphatically a man of blood even in that bloody -age; he had made a great part of Connaught a desert; and as a witness -he is worthless. Third, the assertion that nearly all such killing as -there was, was in the way of ordinary war, as war then and there was -carried on. - -But whether the reader is persuaded or not that our author has proved -his point as to 1641, there is unfortunately no doubt at all as to -what follows. The transplantation was an attempt to exile a whole -nation; and it failed as it deserved to fail. No doubt there was -plenty of justification for such a deed. The Jesuits and the house of -Austria had already done something of the kind on a small scale in -several parts of Germany; the St. Bartholomew had shown how impossible -it is for Rome to keep politics and religion apart. And the theory of -a compact Protestant Saxondom with the Shannon for its western -boundary was just what would commend itself to the most earnest minds -of the time. When even M. Guizot nowadays doubts whether we can extend -to Rome the same measures of toleration to which other sects have an -undoubted right, we can well understand how the men of that day, fresh -from the smart of Rome's blows, should have felt all pact with her to -be impossible. The priest was one of the 'three burdensome -beasts'--the others being the wolf (whose numbers had vastly increased -during this time of misery) and the 'Tory' _i.e._, the dispossessed -landowner who refused to go into Connaught, and lived as a freebooter -till he was shot down or hanged. For all these three, as we have said, -rewards were offered, and for the 'sport' of hunting them we refer the -reader to our author's pages. The anti-Popish feeling was equally -strong in the king's party. Hyde (afterwards Lord Clarendon) writes in -1654, 'Fiennes is made Chancellor of Ireland. And they doubt not to -_plant_ that kingdom without opposition. And truly if we can get it -again, we shall find difficulties removed which a virtuous prince and -more quiet times could never have compassed.' The plan was not -original: in Henry VIII.'s time it was regularly systematized (State -Papers, vol. i. 177); and Cowley's treatise in the State Papers (i. -323) is in this respect but an anticipation of Spenser's well-known -State of Ireland. - -Of the misery which was caused by this wholesale eviction--after the -work had been facilitated by the banishment to Spanish service of -40,000 fighting men and the transportation of crowds more to Barbadoes -and elsewhere--some idea may be formed from the following picture. 'A -party of horse (Prendergast, p. 308), Tory-hunting on a dark night, -saw a light in the distance, which they found to proceed from a ruined -cabin, wherein was a great fire of wood, and sitting round about it a -company of miserable old women and children, and betwixt them and the -fire a dead corpse lay broiling, which as the fire roasted they cut -off collops and ate.' This is the record of Colonel Richard Lawrence, -an eye-witness. No wonder the wolves multiplied so that even the -environs of Dublin became unsafe. - -That part of the Parliament's doings which grates most on modern ears -is their abundant use of Old Testament passages to enforce their -edicts. The Irish had such 'an evil witchery,' as Mr. Froude calls it, -that even the incoming Puritans got on friendly terms with them. The -most stringent orders were therefore issued to keep the two asunder. -The Irish are 'a people of God's wrath,' and to intermarry with them -is forbidden in the language used by Ezra to forbid the mixed -marriages of the Jews. Officers guilty of such a crime are cashiered; -dragoons are reduced to common soldiers; soldiers are flogged and made -pioneers. 'The moderate Cavalier,' 1675, says that he and his fellows - - Rather than marrie an Irish wife - Would batchellers remain for tearme of life. - -Of course the mode of paying troops with patches of land was wholly -delusive, as the history of the Roman Caesars might have warned those -who adopted it that it would be. Instead of getting a compact body of -settlers forming a sort of 'military frontier,' the Parliament -unwittingly created vast estates and introduced absenteeism. The -soldiers did not care to stay in a poor wasted country where native -labour was scarcely to be had: they sold their 'lots' to their -officers or others for a horse, a barrel of beer, a little ready -money, &c. Thus was laid the foundation of colossal estates like that -of the Pettys. It was the same with the small debenture holders; a -London vintner or cook who had contributed L25 to the good cause, and -held a debenture to that amount for land in Kerry, was not likely to -go out and turn backwoodsman. He sold to one of the larger holders; -and these larger holders were soon obliged to connive at the gradual -return of the dispossessed Irish, who were content (except the Tories) -to till as cottiers and hinds the lands which they had lately owned. -Thus it was that, despite such a mixture of zeal and cruelty as that -to which the book bears witness, the Puritan idea was never realized. - -We shall not be suspected of undervaluing our Puritan forefathers: -they were the salt of the earth in their day; they did the Lord's work -right well in many ways. But in Ireland they failed because, while -taking Scripture for their guide, they forgot the truth that 'the -wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of God.' - - -_The English Colonization of America during the Seventeenth Century._ -By EDWARD D. NEILL. Strahan and Co. - -Mr. Neill is one of those inconvenient persons who will permit no -romance of story-telling to condone falsehood or exaggeration. He -would have been a terrible bore to Hume, who is said to have -deprecated fresh materials from the State Paper Office, lest they -should disturb his conclusions. He would spoil the best anecdote in -the world by asking, 'Is it true?' His book is written avowedly to -rectify historical fictions respecting the English colonization of -America; and it certainly does destroy some very pretty stories, which -have furnished themes for both romance and poetry. His book, however, -is in itself a history, as well as a correction; and although it can -boast no glowing narrative or artistic skill, it reads very -pleasantly. One of the romances that he entirely destroys is that of -'Pocahontas and John Rolfe.' Even Bancroft speaks of Rolfe as a young, -amiable, enthusiastic Englishman, who, even in his dreams, heard 'a -voice crying in his ears that he should strive to make Pocahontas, a -young Indian maiden, a Christian, and constrained by the love of -Christ, uniting her to himself by the holy bonds of matrimony.' Mr. -Neill conclusively proves, by documentary evidence, drawn from the -records of the London Company's Transactions, that Rolfe had been for -some years previously a married man, and that at his death he left a -white widow and some children, beside his son by Pocahontas; and that -Pocahontas herself, instead of a romantic Indian maiden, was a bit of -an intriguer--with a slightly disreputable character. - -Another myth to which Bancroft gives his sanction is that 'the -settlers of Maryland were most of them Roman Catholic gentlemen.' Mr. -Neill proves that, so far from the old Virginian families being -derived from any aristocratic source, the colony was an early Van -Dieman's Land, to which King James transported 'divers dissolute -persons' and other convicts. It was, in short, a penal settlement, -whose residents hailed from 'Bridewell,' fifty or a hundred at a time. -Edinburgh used to banish there its 'night-walking women.' Thus, -according to Sir Josiah Child's 'New Discourse of Trade,' -1698,--'Virginia and Barbadoes were first peopled by a sort of loose, -vagrant people, and destitute of means at home, being either unfit for -labour, or such as could find none to employ themselves about, or had -so misbehaved themselves by whoreing, thieving, and debauchery, that -none would give them work; which merchants and masters of ships, by -their agents or spirits, as they were called, gathered up about the -streets of London and other places, to be employed upon plantations.' -'As the descendants of these people,' says Mr. Neill, 'increased in -wealth, they grew ashamed of their fathers, and became manufacturers, -not of useful wares, but of spurious pedigrees'--illustrations of -which he gives. The preamble to the statutes of Williamsburgh College -presents a dark picture of the illiterate condition of Virginia at the -commencement of the eighteenth century. In striking contrast with -which is a recent report of Professor Henry B. Smith, D.D., which -proves that the largest development and increase of Christianity in -this century has been in the United States, the increase of Church -membership having relatively outrun the increase of the population. It -was in the ratio of one to fifteen in 1800; it is now in the ratio of -one to six. - -Mr. Neill gives us interesting details concerning the settlement of -the American colonies, derived from records, statutes, memoirs, and -letters. The history is one of heroic enterprise and romantic -experiences. It comprises the emigration of the New England -Pilgrims--the _May Flower_ seems to have been destined for Northern -Virginia, and to have been treacherously taken to Cape Cod; the -singular history too of American Quakerism. We regret that we cannot -follow into details the information of Mr. Neill's honest and -singularly interesting book. - - -_The Annals of our Time; a Diurnal of Events Social and Political, -Home and Foreign, from the Accession of Queen Victoria, June 20, -1837._ By JOSEPH IRVING. A new edition, carefully revised, and brought -down to the peace of Versailles, February 20, 1871. Macmillan and Co. - -History is just now made very fast, and is of a character that will -stand out very prominently in the annals of our century. The Peace of -Versailles is certainly not a _terminus ad quem_. It is already half -forgotten in the astounding events that have followed; but Mr. Irving -could not wait for the stream to stop, and every presumption was that -the Peace of Versailles was a _finale_ at which an ordinary annalist -might pause. Mr. Irving's book has been before the public more than -two years, and its plan and execution have alike commended themselves -to the student and the statesman. Proceeding in a chronological order, -he records, after the manner of a diarist, the noteworthy events and -incidents of our national history--politics, ecclesiastical events, -incidents of fire and flood, everything, indeed, that one would care -to know about; these he narrates in a succinct way, and illustrates by -quotations from the journals--from the speeches and sayings of -remarkable men--from official reports, biographies, histories--nothing -comes amiss to him that gives information. He supplies precisely that -information which has not yet passed into history, but which memory -can only imperfectly retain. He also preserves for us that class of -events which is interesting for a generation or two only, and of -which no educated man can conveniently be ignorant. The loving labour -bestowed by Mr. Irving on his work has been immense. In this second -edition of it he has corrected errors, supplied omissions, readjusted -proportions, condensed information, and carried on his chronicle to -the time of publication. Every name and date and entry has been -verified. The ten years between 1837 and 1847 have grown from 127 to -230 pages; the obituary notices, from 425 to 1,000; the volume itself, -from 734 to 1,034. The index has been carefully revised and extended. -The book, indeed, is as invaluable as it is unique; it is a dictionary -of dates expanded into a history; it is a history condensed into a -chronicle; it is the cream of our social life for thirty-five years; -it links together in a light and useful way, so as to present each as -a whole, chains of events and incidents in Parliament, Church and -social life, debates, duels, controversies, and personal incidents. We -have read on from page to page, unwilling to leave off. It is -indispensable for every public man. - - -_The Red River Expedition._ By Captain G. L. HUYSHE. Macmillan and Co. - -This is a curious episode in the history of our Canadian colonies, -which, at the time of its occurrence last year, attracted but little -attention, owing to the absorbing interest of the Franco-Prussian war. -The present writer was in Toronto before the return of the expedition, -but even there heard no mention of it. The Red River settlement is an -almost unapproachable position, near the centre of our North American -Dominions, about 600 miles northwest of Lake Superior, and about 1,200 -miles from Toronto. It is reached by crossing the Lakes Huron and -Superior, by traversing rivers, and by prairie tracks. The settlement -was made by Lord Selkirk in 1813, and was planted by Scotch emigrants. -It has attained a mixed population of 15,000 souls. In the -negotiations about the confederation of the British North American -Provinces, in 1867, the Hudson's Bay Company, the Dominion Government, -and the Imperial Government, do not seem sufficiently to have -considered the feelings of the little Red River Colony. The French -half-breeds in the colony took advantage of this; disputes about lands -aggravated it; the Roman Catholic priests fomented it. Louis Riel was -placed at their head. They resolved to oppose the Canadian, -authorities; formed a 'Provisional Government,' seized Fort Garry, a -little fortified town just on the border line of British and American -territory; expelled Mr. M'Dougall, the Lieutenant Governor, sent by -the Canadian authorities, and proclaimed their independence. After -fruitless negotiations, it was resolved to send an armed expedition -from Toronto to re-establish Canadian, or rather Imperial authority, -and to punish the rebels, especially as Riel had shot one of the -Canadian soldiers, after a trial by court-martial. 1,200 troops, under -Colonel Wolseley, were, after careful selection and thoughtful -provision, sent off. Captain Huyshe was one of the expedition, and -this is the record of it. The rebellion itself affords but little -incident; it collapsed at once on the arrival of the force, and Riel -escaped across the frontier. We regret to find that the American -authorities at first threw every obstacle in the way of the -expedition, hoping to profit by the disturbance. They refused -permission to it to pass through the canal connecting Lake Huron with -Lake Superior, and even stopped the _Chicora_ steamer on her regular -trip, lest it should give facilities. This involved great -embarrassment, delay, and expense. The remonstrances of Mr. Thornton, -at Washington, at length procured the removal of this interdict. All -means of progression known to the human race, except balloons, had to -be made use of. 200 boats had to be built, a commissariat organized, -road-makers, &c., to be employed. The time occupied by the expedition -was eight months, the cost L400,000. The organization and success were -perfect. Captain Huyshe's record is interesting, both as a journal of -travel, and as a military operation. It is an Abyssinian expedition on -a small scale; not a shot was fired, not a life was lost. The -achievement was altogether a remarkable and a creditable one, and has -found a capable and pleasant historian. - - -_A Manual of Systematic History._ By Dr. MARTIN REED. Containing, I., -Chronological, Genealogical, and Statistical Tables of Modern History; -II., the Biography of Modern History; III., the Facts of English -History, Military, Diplomatic, Constitutional, and Social. Jarrold and -Sons. - -It is impossible to do more than describe this stout and useful -volume, which is one of those admirable manuals for the library, desk, -or school which enable a ready reference to the facts of history, -biography, and social economy that constantly turn up in the work of -the student. - -In the first part, a series of chronological tables present the -memorable facts of British and general history in divisions of -centuries, with the names of sovereigns and the date of their -accession, of statesmen, authors, artists, &c., together with -genealogies and full statistical tables, especially of the cost of -different wars in money and men. The second part is a brief -biographical dictionary brought down to the present day. The third -part is a synopsis and chronology of the principal facts of British -history, military, constitutional, institutional, and social--a -cyclopaedia, indeed, of useful information. Of course we have attempted -no verifications of dates, but assuming accuracy, Dr. Reed has -furnished a very valuable manual for every literary man's desk. - - -_The Life of John Milton, narrated in connection with the Political, -Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of his time._ By DAVID MASSON, -M.A., LL.D. Vol. II. Macmillan and Co. - -Professor Masson has not convinced us of the excellence of his method -by his formal defence of it, in which he urges, first, his deliberate -purpose, and next his disregard of preconceived ideas of literary -form. The former simply affirms that his book has not drifted by -accident into its present shape; in the latter every writer is to be -judged solely by success. There is, moreover, a strong presumption in -favour of a 'combination of a biography with a contemporary history.' -Every biography is a necessary part of contemporary history, and the -question is simply one of degree. Whether a method such as Professor -Masson's is justified, depends solely upon the degree in which the -hero of the biography contributes to the history with which his name -is associated, and in which he can say, _quorum pars magna fuit_. -Concerning Cromwell, for instance, there could scarcely be a doubt as -to its propriety. Mr. Christie is justified in adopting the same -method in his biography of the first Earl of Shaftesbury; both were -men whose lives entered greatly into the history of their time, not -only in the sense of being identified with it, in all that made them -notable, but in the sense of moulding and constituting it; so that -without them--the former especially--the history itself would have -been very different. Milton scarcely played such a part in the history -of the Commonwealth; although the most illustrious man in it, the -sphere of his especial greatness was not of it. It is difficult to -suppose that the course and character of the Commonwealth would in any -important particular have been essentially different had he not -existed. As Cromwell's secretary, and still more as a vigorous -pamphleteer, he doubtless contributed powerfully to the idea and -defence of the Commonwealth, especially of its ecclesiastical polity; -but only as Dryden and Swift contributed to the polity of their day. -In the period which this volume comprises--1638-1643--we are almost -ludicrously impressed with the insignificant relations of Milton to -the events that it narrates. In the huge sandwich which the volume -constitutes, the biographical chapters are not even the thinnest -slices of meat, they are at the most the mustard. Professor Masson has -not been able to avoid in history the solecism in geography of the -renowned minister of the lesser Cumbrae. It is a study of the -individual man in his relations to the universe. It is, therefore, -neither a perfectly detailed history, nor an independent biography; -while the biography is full and perfect, such portions of the history -only are narrated as are supposed to relate to the life and thought of -Milton, but of necessity this is an arbitrary and fluctuating -quantity. There is a sense of disproportion and of artificiality -throughout which disturbs our enjoyment of the scholarly and vigorous -qualities of the book; for Professor Masson is justly entitled to take -his place among the few genuine historians of the day. Every page -bears witness to his unwearied labour, his great learning, his -original research, and his perfect conscientiousness; both as a -historian and a biographer, he is equally able and trustworthy. It is, -as he affirms, 'a work of independent research and method from first -to last.' Much of his labour was done before the State papers relating -to the period were calendared. 'There is not a single domestic -document extant of those that used to be in the State Paper Office -which I have not passed through my hands and scrutinized.' His book, -therefore, both in its facts and in its judgments, is an independent -and valuable contribution to history. There is about the style a -little squaring of the elbows, and what might not irreverently be -called a little fussiness, which makes some parts unnecessarily -diffuse; but with this qualification, the work is vigorous in -expression, noble in sentiment, and elevated in its judicial fairness. -It is full of vivid portraits and pictures of the men and of the -times, and, better still, it is inspired with noble sympathies for the -great principles of political and religious freedom which were so -grandly contested. The present volume opens with a narration of the -Presbyterian revolt in Scotland and the two 'Bishops' Wars,' which -Professor Masson thinks have hardly had attached to them sufficient -relative importance. Between the first and the second, the Short -Parliament lived its little life; after the second, the Long -Parliament was called, a detailed account of the composition of which -is given by Professor Masson. After nine months of general -legislation, the movement for the reform of the English Church took -shape, the chief question being the exclusion of the bishops from -Parliament; which, after long debate, fluctuating opinion, and -abortive reaction, was effected in February, 1642, chiefly at the -moment through the blind blunder of Archbishop Williams in engaging -the bishops to a protest against all laws, &c., passed in their -absence from the House of Peers. 'The bishops,' said Lord Falkland, -'had been the destruction of unity under pretence of uniformity.' They -had been some of them so 'absolutely, directly, and cordially Papists, -that it is all that fifteen hundred pounds a year can do to keep them -from confessing it.' - -The relation of Milton to public affairs at this time was solely that -of a pamphleteer. The Church question was uppermost, both in Scotland -and in England. Milton is supposed to have aided the _Smectymnuans_ in -the composition of their famous pamphlet. The word was made up of the -initials of the writers, Stephen Marshall, Edmund Calamy, Thomas -Young, Matthew Newcomen, and William Spurstow. It was a reply to -Bishop Hall's 'Humble Remonstrance,' and to his 'Episcopacy by Divine -Right.' Soon after, Milton began to publish his anti-Episcopal -pamphlets, of five of which Professor Masson gives an account. These -were directed against Hall, Bishop of Exeter, afterwards of Norwich, -so often belauded for his moderation and spirituality, but of whose -scholarship and conduct Milton had not a very exalted estimate, in -which Professor Masson agrees with him. 'I have seen,' says Professor -Masson, 'disagreeable private letters of information written by him to -Laud respecting nests of sectaries in London whom it would be well to -extirpate; and my distinct impression is, that in his conduct -generally, and even in his writings, when carefully examined, there -will be found a meaner element than our literary _dilettanti_ and -antiquaries have been able to discover in so celebrated a bishop.' No -reader of Milton's prose works needs to be told that, while their -arguments are cogent, their fierce and terrific declamation is simply -overwhelming; indeed, the coarse vituperation of both sides is hardly -conceivable to those who have not read the controversy. We may commend -the arguments, as, indeed, the public questions that were debated, and -the course of events, to the consideration of Church parties of the -present day. Those too who are so enthusiastic about 'our incomparable -liturgy,' may with advantage read Milton's incisive criticisms -thereupon. An ominous parallel--happily, however, not in spirit--might -be traced between the questions of that day and our own. The secular -claims of bishops, and the implication in secular politics of the -Established Church, have from that time to this been a fruitful source -of political and social embarrassment and evil. - -Professor Masson traces the way in which the nation drifted into civil -war, and makes a valuable contribution to history by giving a detailed -statistical and personal account of the forces and leaders on both -sides. The history is a thrilling one. Both Mr. Christie and Professor -Masson give us new recitals of it. It cannot be told too often, if -told in the spirit of conscientious fidelity and generous sympathy of -these writers. The greatest lesson that Englishmen can learn, the -seeds of the noblest things they can realize, were contained in it. -All that is to be said of Milton is, that he was not in the army, -which Professor Masson regrets for his own sake, and that about this -time he married Mary Powell. - -The volume concludes with a most able and valuable account of English -Presbyterianism and English Independency, introduced by a biographical -analysis of the Westminster Assembly. - -Professor Masson, in a very masterly way, traces the rise and history -of English Independency from the first Brownists of 1580; gives an -account of the Separatists in Holland from 1592 to 1640; of the -Separatist congregations in London from 1610 to 1632; of the New -England Pilgrims and their Church from 1620 to 1640; of the -persistency, reinvigoration, and growth of Independency in England -from 1632 to 1643; and closes his volume by representing the array of -Presbyterianism and Independency in July, 1643, and their prospects in -the Westminster Assembly, which met on the first day of that month, -and which, as Professor Masson justly observes, 'for more than five -years and a half is to be borne in mind as a power or institution in -the English realm, existing side by side with the Long Parliament, and -in constant conference and co-operation with it. The number of its -sittings during these five years and a half was 1,163 in all, which is -at the rate of about four sittings every week for the whole time. The -earliest years of the Assembly were the most important. All in all, it -was an Assembly which left remarkable and permanent effects in the -British Islands, and the history of which ought to be more -interesting, in some homely respects, to Britons now, than the -history of the Council of Basel, the Council of Trent, or any other -of the great ecclesiastical councils, more ancient and oecumenical, -about which we hear so much.' We can neither condense nor criticise -here the very able and impartial narrative of this section of -Professor Masson's history. We may at a future time return to it. We -simply commend it to the attention of both Churchmen and -Nonconformists, as a very masterly sketch of a historic movement which -both should be familiar with, which the former is too apt to speak of -with a sneer which only ignorance could render possible, and which is -destined to produce great ecclesiastical and national results. - - -_A Life of Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury, -1621-1683._ By W. D. CHRISTIE. Macmillan and Co. - -Mr. Christie's qualities as an historian are critical rather than -philosophical, scholarly rather than pictorial. He laudably prides -himself upon scrupulous accuracy, and has the patient industry and -conscientious truthfulness which deem no labour too great, no -minuteness too trivial, for the achievement of this result. His work, -therefore, is a critical rather than a constructive work: or, rather, -he constructs by a critical process of vindication. The first Earl of -Shaftesbury has fared badly at the hands of history. 'He lived in -times of violent party fury, and calumny, which fiercely assailed him -living, pursued him in his grave, and still darkens his name. He lived -in times when the public had little or no authentic information about -the proceedings of members of the Government or of Parliament, when -errors in judging public men were more easy than now, and when venal -pamphleteers, poets, and play-writers drove a profitable trade in -libels on public men.' Shaftesbury not only fell into the hands of -political enemies, but his political tergiversations rendered his -vindication difficult for his friends. A young man of twenty-one at -the commencement of the Civil War, his life ran parallel with the -events of that eventful period; he lived through the Restoration to -within five years of the Revolution of 1688, and was closely connected -with political affairs through the greater part of his life. A -Royalist in early life, he became an ardent Parliamentarian; a -Royalist again, he played an important part with Monk in bringing back -Charles II.; and the problem which Mr. Christie has set himself is to -vindicate his honour in these convenient changes; and with the array -of great names against him, including even those of Hallam and -Macaulay, an arduous task it is; the invective of Macaulay is almost -as terrible as that of Dryden. Of course such a career affords rich -material for writers on both sides. Dryden, whose unscrupulous pen is -no condemnation, unmercifully consigned Shaftesbury to infamy in the -judgment of the multitude who read poetry, and know nothing of -political history, by making him the Achitophel of his great satire, -published just a week before Shaftesbury's trial for high treason, and -by lampooning him in 'The Medal,' referring to the medal which -Shaftesbury's friends had struck on his acquittal. Hume, again, by -the power of his literary genius, for a long time brought popular -condemnation upon all Whigs and Whiggery, and until his Tory -proclivities for the Stuarts were counteracted by recent and more -careful historians, made the worse appear the better reason. These -falsehoods of detraction, as Mr. Christie justly observed, 'produced -counter-falsehoods of excuse and eulogy, and the result has been a -greater agglomeration of errors.' In his old age, Shaftesbury began an -autobiography, doubtless with a view of self-vindication, but -proceeded only so far as his twenty-first year. Locke, who resided in -Shaftesbury's house many years as his physician and friend, meditated -a biography, but only collected a few materials for it. The fourth -Earl, the son of the author of the 'Characteristics,' placed all the -materials he possessed in the hands of a Mr. Benjamin Martin, for the -purpose of a biography, which he began in 1734, but he was unfitted -for the task, and the result was unsatisfactory. The MS., in 1766, was -put, for improvement, into the hands of Dr. Sharpe, Master of the -Temple; then into those of Dr. Kippis, editor of the 'Biographia -Britannica,' after which it was printed, but the fifth Earl was so -dissatisfied with it that the whole impression was destroyed, with the -exception of two copies. Mr. Bentley republished it in 1836, -edited--incompetently, Mr. Christie says--by Mr. George Wingrove -Cooke. Stringer, Shaftesbury's solicitor, seems to have furnished -Locke with information, fragments of which, in MS., in Locke's -handwriting, are among the Shaftesbury papers at St. Giles's; but -Stringer is inaccurate and confused. With these materials, and, of -course, access to all the family papers, Mr. Christie has constructed -his history--or, rather, his vindication--for his book has, -throughout, the character of a polemic. It would have been more -interesting, and more generally valuable, had Mr. Christie written an -affirmative history relegating to appendices or footnotes the -polemical discussions which different points demanded. As it is, he -has furnished material and sifted it, for the use of the historian -proper, and he has done this with rare acuteness and scrupulous -fairness. - -The entire history of the Great Revolution, the Commonwealth, and the -Restoration, passes under review before us, and it could not be -examined by a more competent critic. - -Anthony Ashley Cooper was of good Hampshire blood on both sides. His -father, John Cooper, of Rockborne, was made a baronet the year after -his son's birth. His mother was the only daughter of Sir Anthony -Ashley, Knt., who was also made a baronet the day before Mr. Cooper; -the order of baronets having been created by James I. ten years -before; it was to be limited to two hundred. Every baronet paid L1,095 -for the honour, and had to be possessed of L1,000 per annum clear of -all incumbrances. It was imperative, too, that he should have had a -grandfather who had borne arms. Anthony was a little, fragile fellow, -but of great abilities, and his family connections gave him a good -standing in Oxford, where he became a reformer of abuses. Against one -savage and stupid custom, 'tucking freshmen,' he led a successful -resistance. The seniors made the freshmen 'hold out their chin, and -they, with the nail of their right thumb left long for the purpose, -grate off all the skin from the lip to the chin, and then cause them -to drink a beer glass of water and salt.' Senators of the House of -Commons were then chosen young; some being only sixteen. Cooper was -the champion of the Tewkesbury yeomen against a bullying squire at a -civic feast, and was rewarded by being sent, at the age of nineteen, -as their representative to the House of Commons. Henceforth his life -is part of the history of the county. Cooper was with King Charles at -Nottingham, and gallantly stormed Wareham; but he soon after, and, as -we think Mr. Christie has proved, honourably, went over to the side of -the Parliament, and became one of Cromwell's privy counsellors. The -motives of neither of his great changes are very clear, but Mr. -Christie has shown that they were at least disinterested and -unsuspected. He was an intriguer, like most of the men of his time, -but his sympathies were uniformly liberal, and he resisted oppressive -measures--the Act of Uniformity for instance--at much risk to his own -interests. As a reward for his part in the Restoration of Charles, he -was made Baron Ashley. He became Lord of the Treasury, and Lord -Chancellor. He was one of the notorious Cabal ministry, but Mr. -Christie has succeeded in proving that he opposed, though -unsuccessfully, the worst measures of that miserable clique, -especially the notorious 'Stop of the Exchequer.' The most suspicious -thing about him is that he continued in Charles's favour, who made him -his Lord Chancellor and created him Earl of Shaftesbury. It seems odd -to us that a man without special legal knowledge should have been made -the head of the legal profession. In this capacity he is included in -Lord Campbell's 'Lives of the Chancellors,' from whose inaccurate -criticism Mr. Christie has to rescue him. Charles is said to have -justified his choice by saying that Shaftesbury had more law than all -his judges, and more religion than all his bishops. Charles's bishops -may have been doubtful, but Sir Matthew Hale was one of his judges. He -gave general satisfaction to suitors during his year of office, which -is saying much. His dismission probably influenced his politics, for -he joined the Whig Opposition. His closing years were characterized by -fierce conflict with the king, and he was twice sent a prisoner to the -Tower, accused of high treason; his acquittal was celebrated by great -public rejoicings. At length he concocted, with Russell and Monmouth, -a rising against the King, and had to escape to Holland, where, in -1683, just before James II. came to the throne, he died. He was a man -of brilliant genius, and a great statesman. He played a not ignoble -part in the greatest drama of our English history. He was frail in -health, but courageous and high-minded, and an uncompromising champion -of liberty. By no means immaculate, either in political principles or -personal morals, he has yet, beyond all question, been grossly -calumniated. Mr. Christie's volumes throw much interesting light upon -not only the political events, but the manners and morals of the -times. There are few more melancholy chapters in English history than -the reign of Charles II. Political venality, patriotic dishonour, and -personal vice vie with each other. Mr. Christie's volumes abundantly -justify the conclusions which have at length been reached by Liberals -in politics and by Nonconformists in ecclesiastical matters. We -earnestly commend them to all students of history as scholarly, acute, -and just. - - -_The Life and Times of Henry Lord Brougham, written by himself._ Vol. -II. Blackwood and Co. - -Reserving until the completion of this work the more ample consideration -and criticism to which The Life and Character of Lord Brougham are -entitled, we simply report concerning this second volume that it -covers the eventful period between 1808-1828, and narrates Brougham's -strenuous and successful struggle for the repeal of the Orders in -Council, which he terms 'my greatest achievement'--ultimately achieved -under the excitement caused by the assassination of Spencer Perceval. -Even Horner described Brougham's exertions as 'unexampled in the -modern history of Parliament.' Also, his costly and unsuccessful -struggle for the representation of Liverpool, which cost the Liberals -L8,000 and the Tories L20,000, during which Brougham made 160 -speeches, two or three persons were killed, others severely wounded, -and votes were bought at L30 apiece. 'All who knew Liverpool formerly -say nothing was ever seen so quiet at an election there.' There were -five candidates. Canning beat Brougham by some 200 votes. Such were -the good old times. The description of the election is very racy. The -chief interest of the volume, however, centres in its detailed account -of the family feuds of George III., the relations of the Prince and -Princess of Wales, and the trial of the Queen. In 1810, Brougham -became the legal adviser of the Princess, and from that time took an -active part on her side in the vicissitudes of this dirty and -ignominious history. Brougham most strongly affirms, in contradiction -of much gossip to the contrary, that he and all the legal advisers of -the Queen had a clear and unhesitating conviction of her innocence. -The narrative throws a clearer light than has hitherto been thrown -upon the whole history, clears away many misconceptions, and solves -some mysteries. - -In an explanatory note, the editor informs us that Lord Brougham, then -in his eighty-fourth year, began his account of the trial, after -examining his letters and papers, on the 8th of October, 1861. In -September, 1862, he began the political part. In November, 1863, he -began the account of his early life. In his search for materials he -found the manuscript of 'Memnon.' This he marked in pencil, on the -first page, thus--'At B----m (Brougham), 1792.' He believed he had -'_composed_ it, entirely forgetting that it was only a -translation--probably a task set him by his tutor--a very pardonable -mistake, after a lapse of seventy years.' No doubt; but is not the -responsibility the editor's, and not Brougham's? - -There is, of course, a great deal of characteristic egotism in the -narrative; but it is amusing rather than offensive, and is, perhaps, -not much in excess of the necessary consciousness of a man who has -played a prominent part in life. - - -_Francis of Assisi._ By MRS. OLIPHANT. Macmillan & Co. (Sunday -Library.) - -Almost the whole of Mrs. Oliphant's story may be read in the charming -gossip of 'Alban Butler;' but here the hand of a true artist has -arranged the dramatic material furnished by the celebrated biographer -of St. Francis. An almost faultless piece of literary work, a cabinet -portrait of exceeding beauty and grace, is the result. The authorities -on which Mrs. Oliphant relies for her facts are unimpeachably good. -The biographies of De Celano and Bonaventura are suffused and -interpenetrated with exceeding reverence for the founder of the Friars -Minor. They can hardly, indeed, be acquitted of an admiration akin to -worship for the hero of their pious romance, and they often leave us -in some perplexity as to the respective limits of fact and fiction in -this strange and wonderful life. Mrs. Oliphant, however, holds the -balance very fairly. Every visitor to Assisi who has tried to drink in -the spirit of the scene, or to understand the historic reality that -underlies the mythic splendour of the tomb of the great apostle of -poverty, must have felt it difficult to free his mind from strange -reveries as to the power of the human will not only to compel the -obedience of other minds, but to evolve a whole world of facts out of -its moral consciousness. Francis was a devout son of the Roman Church, -scrupulously obedient to sacerdotal authority, and profoundly anxious -to secure the authentication of his 'Order' from the Holy See; and yet -his career is a striking illustration of the triumph of the prophetic -rather than of the sacramental or priestly power. He was the founder -of a religion, the originator of a society, the fashioner and for many -years the master of a rule and organization which were absolutely at -war with all the passions of the flesh, all the current tendencies of -society, and the whole spirit of the so-called Christian world. - -Mrs. Oliphant has thrown much light upon the condition of Italy in the -thirteenth century, and has used her historic imagination to great -effect in portraying the scenes in the early life of her hero, the -grand crises of his career, and the extremes of poverty and -self-abnegation to which he submitted. She devotes considerable space -to the beautiful romance which led to the foundation of his second -Order for women, and to the circumstances which induced him to frame a -rule for those in secular life who wished to aim at the counsels of -perfection. His visit to the East and the attempt he made to convert -the Sultan to Christianity by the offer of the ordeal of fire, as well -as by other urgent appeals, are told with dramatic force. The history -of the success which attended his labours, and the sketch of some of -the 'Chapters' of his Order which assembled at his bidding for -conference and prayer, bear strong resemblance to some of the legends -of Sakya-Mouni Buddha. - -The enthusiasm shown by Francis for the beauties of nature, his sense -of brotherhood to all created things, his fellowship with birds and -beasts and creeping things, atone for the touch of fanaticism with -which he addressed even the fire that was to be applied to his own -flesh in medical cautery, as Frater Ignis. With deep pathos Mrs. -Oliphant tells the 'legend' of the origination of the 'stigmata' of -the Lord Jesus in the hands, feet, and side of Francis. She shows the -strength of the evidence for the existence of these mysterious marks -on the emaciated frame of the pious enthusiast; but she also indicates -the silence of any satisfactory eye-witness for the astounding -miracle, and proves that, though his disciples assert the fact, they -do not say they saw this portentous sign of resemblance to the Saviour -of sinners. That St. Francis--in virtue of this supposed imitation in -his body of the 'marks' of the Christ--has received an idolatrous -reverence, will hardly be denied; but that St. Francis ever called the -smallest attention to such a marvel, or mentioned the mysterious -circumstance to his dearest friend, cannot be proved. The story is -improbable, and to some extent sickening, yet it appears to us the -coarse and exaggerated expression which his less spiritual disciples -gave to that 'supernatural rapture of love to God in which his history -culminates.' Mrs. Oliphant says very justly and beautifully--'The -distinction between the active servant of God, who gives up all things -to serve Him, and the mystic, who gives up the privilege of serving -him in the deeper joy of beholding, is to a great extent a difference -of temperament, but in St. Francis occurs the unusual spectacle of the -two combined.... No man ever kept his eyes more open to the wants of -common humanity, and yet few mystics can show so strange a chapter of -absolute communion with the Almighty.' We almost wonder that our -author has not given even more ample specimens of the poetic -enthusiasm of the great prophet of Assisi. The Italian canticles said -to have been written by him, which were published by Wadding in 1623, -are full of wild, holy rapture. The closing lines (in Butler's -translation) of one may express the true significance of the -mysterious stigmata:-- - - "Grant one request of dying love-- - Grant, oh! my God, who diest for me-- - I, sinful wretch, may die for thee - Of love's deep wounds; love to embrace-- - To swim in its sweet sea! Thy face - To see; then joined with Thee above, - Shall I myself pass into love." - - -_The Life of Hernando Cortes._ By ARTHUR HELPS. Bell and Daldy. - -_Conversations on War and General Culture._ By the Author of 'Friends -in Council.' Smith and Elder. - -Mr. Helps is rendering a substantial service to history and to popular -literature, by this re-cast and republication of biographies from his -greater work on the 'Spanish Conquest of America.' As he proceeds his -interest in his work deepens. So far from this life of Cortes being -the carving out of a journeyman, under Mr. Helps' superintendence, it -is practically a new work, upon which much patient thought and loving -labour has been expended. While Mr. Helps has properly enough made use -of that part of his history which relates to the conquest of Mexico, -he has, he tells us, gone 'carefully over every sentence quoted from -that history, to see whether, by the aid of additional knowledge, he -could correct or improve it.' He has also added much new material, -especially to those parts which relate to the private life of Cortes. -Mr. Helps has the great gift of succinctness. He never wearies us, but -often makes us wish that his canvas was filled in with more detail. -His style, as readers of 'Friends in Council' know, is dignified, -easy, archaic, and sententious. His narrative abounds in sage -reflections and wise apothegms--he has a knack of condensing a -philosophy into an epigram. A common-place book might be greatly -enriched by choice sentences from these volumes. Mr. Helps' -impartiality is very rigid, and his summaries of character and of the -moral quality of actions severe. His narrative does not flow into -glowing descriptions or romantic enthusiasm. He is always calmly, we -might say coldly, master of himself. He has a dread of brilliant -writing, but he attains to archaic picturesqueness, and arrests the -interest of his readers while he satisfies the judgment of his -critics. Not Hallam himself is more scrupulously accurate. - -Mr. Helps is as unlike Prescott as any two writers of history can be: -but his minute accuracy, if it does not produce broad effects, -determines exact relations, and with enough of literary skill to make -the result very pleasing. The noble virtues and the signal faults of -the great soldier are admirably discriminated. On the whole, we admire -more than we blame. Cortes was a great-minded, generous-hearted, -religious-souled man. Nothing in history could be more unjustifiable -than the siege of Mexico, and the massacre of its brave inhabitants, -of whom 50,000 were slain--nearly the number estimated as killed in -the recent horrors of Paris; but we must not try him by the notions of -our nineteenth century. The civilized splendour of the Mexicans almost -provokes incredulity. Mr. Helps has to assure even Mr. Carlyle of it; -and the evidence abundantly establishes it. We heartily thank Mr. -Helps for his book, and trust he will complete his series after its -model. - -The _Conversations on War and General Culture_ were suggested by the -early victories of the Germans over the French last summer. They are -miscellaneous in character--general, rather than specific in aim. They -vindicate no doctrine, elaborate no themes; they are what they profess -to be, conversations, and not sermons or lectures. Unlike 'Friends in -Council,' the conversations are not appendages to essays; only one -essay is introduced. They wander about in the pleasant but more -vagrant places of conversation, and do not escape the garrulousness -and inconsequence to which their literary form tempts. They are, -however, full of thoughtful suggestions, wise teachings, and apt -illustrations. They are transparent and simple--often ingenious and -striking. They are indeed, with a difference, a new series of 'Friends -in Council,' although inferior in freshness and force. They are to be -read as we read such books, by bits. Their gentle wisdom and benign -humour will not greatly excite us, but they will instruct and interest -us. We should say that the characters of 'Friends in Council' are -reproduced. There is neither table of contents, chapter headings, nor -index. The reader, therefore, may open where he likes, taking his -chance of what he may find; but whether it be woman's place and -culture, competitive examinations, or the war, he will certainly find -much subtle wisdom, genial feeling, and literary beauty. - - -_Memoir of the Rev. Thomas Madge, late Minister of Essex-street -Chapel, London._ By the Rev. WILLIAM JAMES. Longmans, Green, and Co. - -Mr. Madge was one of the older school of Unitarians, who hold fast by -the supernatural, and believe in the special Divine mission of Jesus. -He was originally a member of the Church of England, but early -embraced Unitarian views, and gave himself to the Unitarian ministry. -He was an intelligent, devout man, and a clear, spiritual, and -effective preacher. The successor of Belsham at Essex-street, he -sustained a pastorate there of thirty years, retired a few years ago, -esteemed and beloved by all who knew him, and died in August last -year, at the advanced age of eighty-three. - -Mr. Madge did not publish much--chiefly separate sermons, the -publication of which was requested. He was a clear thinker, moderate -in sentiment, devout in feeling, and elegant and eloquent in -expression. His ministry attracted persons of culture, and some of -high rank. Few men have been more highly, universally, and deservedly -esteemed in the circle in which they have moved. In his relations to -men differing from himself he was catholic-hearted and generous. His -distinctive opinions were not permitted to check his sympathies, or to -hinder his joining in worship with all who love Jesus Christ. Mr. -James has prepared his memoir with great good taste and skill. - - -_An Earnest Pastorate: Memorials of the Rev. Alexander Leitch, M.A., -Minister of South Church, Stirling._ By the Rev. NORMAN L. WALKER. -Edinburgh: Andrew Elliott. - -The simplicity, evangelical fervour, methodical and well-sustained -zeal of a holy man are well portrayed in this volume. The plans of an -earnest pastor, the secret of his practical success, the spirit of a -saintly and laborious life, are always worthy of attentive -consideration by those who are trying to do similar work. Mr. Leitch, -early in life, began ministerial work in the Kirk of Scotland; passed -through the agony of the disruption with unfaltering courage, and -left behind him a name which will long be had in remembrance. - - -_Life of Ambrose Bonwicke._ By his FATHER. Edited by JOHN E. B. MAYOR, -M.A. Cambridge: Deighton, Bell and Co. - -Ambrose Bonwicke, whose father was a non-juror, the ejected Head -Master of Merchant Taylors' School, was a student at Cambridge in the -beginning of the last century, and died of hemorrhage on the lungs at -twenty-three. He was what would now be called an Anglican of the -purest water, and we cannot help a feeling of regret and pity at the -ritual forms which his piety took; but the piety itself was very -beautiful. Ambrose was a model of gentleness, goodness, and -self-denial; a saintly youth, reminding one more of the old ascetic -monks than of a young English gentleman. The memoir throws a little -light, but not much, upon the manners and customs of Cambridge a -century and a-half ago. Incidentally we learn that the students had to -write Latin verses in eulogy of Dr. Gower on the very day that he -died, and that college chums sometimes slept in the same bed. - -The notes, which make up almost half the volume, are rather in excess -of their occasion, but they are instructive and amusing. Mr. Mayor is -an indefatigable and learned antiquary. - - -_Scrambles Among the Alps, in the Years 1860-1869._ By EDWARD WHYMPER. -John Murray. - -Mr. Whymper has written the history of the conquest of the Matterhorn -_quorum pars magna fuit_, and his book is a worthy record of a great -achievement. Making a not unreasonable allowance for the difficulties -of a writer who is the hero of his own story, and for the necessary -conflict between his modesty and his fidelity, and with the single -remark that the former is not unduly sacrificed to the latter, we may -commend to our readers a most interesting and exciting narrative, -written with lucidity and skill, terseness and pertinence, and -illustrated by Mr. Whymper himself, whose pencil, he tells us, has -been employed upon the work for the greater part of the last six -years. The illustrations are very numerous and effective, and, -generally speaking, all of a high artistic quality; with the -letterpress, they make a really sumptuous Alpine volume. From the very -nature of some of the subjects, some little has been supplied by the -imagination. For instance, the flying fragments in the 'Cannonade on -the Matterhorn' are not all of them in the line of any conceivable -projectile force; and certainly the 'Fall of Reynaud,' as represented -p. 229, could have had, for him, but one issue, and that not of a kind -to produce 'roars of laughter' from his companions. Had Mr. Whymper -fallen, as pictorially represented p. 120, he would never have written -his book save, indeed, with the assistance of Mr. Home. His survival -is, indeed, a miracle. He fell, he tells us, 200 feet 'in seven or -eight bounds--ten feet more would have taken me, in one gigantic leap -of 800 feet, on to the glacier below.' He describes his sensations as -by no means unpleasant, and thinks that death by a fall from a great -height is painless. Hardly, again, should we have fancied the suicidal -position of Croz cutting away the cornice on the summit of the Monning -Pass. Photographs, had such been possible, would, we imagine, have -presented some striking divergencies from these imaginary positions. -But, making allowance for pictorial effect in these two or three -instances, the illustrations appear to have been done with great care, -as well as with great spirit. Some excellent maps are also furnished; -two are transferred from the plates of the Dufour Map; two, a map of -the chain of Mont Blanc, based upon the Government maps of France and -Switzerland, and the survey of Mr. Reilly, and a map of the Matterhorn -and its glaciers, being an enlargement, with corrections, from the -Dufour Map, are original. The fifth is a general route map. - -Mr. Whymper's first escalade in the Alps was the ascent of Mont -Pelvoux in Dauphine, the account of which is reprinted from 'Peaks, -Passes, and Glaciers.' Sundry other subordinate, and yet novel and -arduous ascents are recounted; with interspersed dissertations on -Alpine climbing, on glaciers, on mountain lakes, &c., with criticisms -on the erosion theories of Professors Tyndall and Ramsay. But the -book, as we have said, is a history of the conquest of the Matterhorn. -Between the years 1861-1865, Mr. Whymper made seven unsuccessful -attempts to ascend the Matterhorn--four or five attempts having also -been made by others; two by Professor Tyndall in 1860 and 1862, who, -on the latter occasion, reached within 600 feet of the summit. These -attempts were made on the south-west ridge. Mr. Whymper's successful -attempt was made on the east face, which, from the Gorner Grat, is so -familiar to tourists, and looks like the side of an obelisk; its -profile, however, shows the angle to be less than 45 deg., and the ascent -is comparatively easy. Some of the most experienced guides had given -up the Matterhorn as inaccessible. Almer decidedly declined it. -'Anything but the Matterhorn,' said he, thinking it hopeless. The two -Cassels proved treacherous, and finessed with Mr. Whymper, while -completing arrangements with Signor Giordano, who started up the -south-west side from Breil, on July 11, 1865. On the 12th, Mr. Whymper -crossed the St. Theodule, for Zermatt, having been joined by Lord -Francis Douglas and Peter Taugwalder the younger; at Zermatt he found -Michael Croz, who had been engaged by the Rev. Charles Hudson and his -friend, Mr. Hadow, to attempt the Matterhorn. The two parties united, -and started on the 13th at half-past five, four tourists and four -guides; by twelve o'clock they had easily ascended 11,000 feet; they -halted for the day, and pitched their tent. At 9.55 on the 14th they -had reached the height of 14,000 feet, at the base of what, from the -Riffell, seems the overhanging summit. They then crossed the ridge to -the northern side, the general slope of the mountain being less than -40 deg. Only one part, of about 400 feet, was really difficult; it was -surmounted, and 200 feet of easy snow brought them to the summit at -1.40. The party from Breil had been four days on the mountain; they -were seen at an immense distance below; the shouts of Mr. Whymper's -party, and some stones which they rolled down to attract attention, -frightened them. 'The Italians turned and fled,' but whether from -superstition, as Mr. Whymper implies, or from fear of the stone -avalanche, so ominously directed upon them, we are not told. The fatal -accident on the descent, when five out of the eight perished--three -travellers and two guides--seems, like the accident on the Col du -Geant two or three years before, to have been caused by no special -difficulty. Mr. Hadow's foot slipped; he fell against one of the -guides, and knocked him down; the party was roped together, and but -for the providential breaking of the rope the three who were saved -must have been precipitated with the rest 4,000 feet, down to the -Matterhorngletscher. Some sixteen ascents of the Matterhorn have been -subsequently made, but it must ever be an arduous and perilous -expedition, save to the best trained and most experienced cragsmen. - - -_At Last: A Christmas in the West Indies._ By CHARLES KINGSLEY. -Macmillan and Co. - -Readers of 'Westward Ho!' will remember the singular vividness with -which Mr. Kingsley described West Indian scenery. It was difficult to -believe that he had not seen it, and that his minute and glowing -pictures were productions of the artistic and pictorial imagination -purely. 'At last,' he has actually visited the region about which he -has read and dreamed and written for forty years, and the result is a -book of luxuriant and gorgeous description, such as nobody but Mr. -Kingsley could have written, and no one can read without catching -something of his enthusiasm. He fairly revels in West Indian fauna and -flora. Wherever he goes he sees some insect, or shell, or plant, or -flower, or forest-tree, or geological phenomenon worth noting. His -knowledge as a naturalist--his imagination as a poet--his skill as a -literary artist--all combine to produce a book which is a naturalistic -romance, gorgeous with colour, and riotous with enthusiasm on every -page. It would be difficult to find a stronger illustration of the -difference between 'Eyes and no eyes,' or of the wealth of beauty and -aesthetic and devout stimulus that an instructed eye can command. Mr. -Kingsley discovers nature for us as well as interprets it, and clothes -the earth with a glory that duller eyes only dimly observe. It is -difficult to imagine a better preparation for such a journey, or a -finer combination of qualifications for describing it. Mr. Hugh -Macmillan has great gifts of this character, but he must yield the -palm to Mr. Kingsley. Every footstep is on fairyland. His touch opens -our eyes, and we see mountain and forest, cliff and glade, shore and -sea, full of the chariots and horses of God. If the book is for -criticism at all, it is to be criticised as we criticise a picture. -From the first departure from Hurst Castle to the return to it, Mr. -Kingsley has some unthought-of thing to say, or some undiscovered -beauty to point out in common things; the phosphorescent sea suffices -for the prelude to his grand prose poem, and the gorgeous vegetation -of the West Indian islands furnishes inexhaustible material for its -substance. The book is not without its details of personal incident, -its snatches of historical reminiscence and of superstitious legend, -its sketches of negro life and of romantic adventure, its touches of -social and political disquisition; these are skilfully woven together -as only Mr. Kingsley could weave them, but they are entirely -subordinate to the visions and revels of the rapturous naturalist, his -pictures of tropical forests, pitch lakes, mangrove swamps, volcanic -mountains, and cultured gardens. Mr. Kingsley spent seven weeks in the -island of Trinidad, only glancing at other West Indian islands as the -touches of the steamer enabled. His descriptions are therefore almost -limited to that island. We are sorely tempted to cull some of the racy -anecdotes that Mr. Kingsley tells, and to reproduce some of the superb -pictures that he has painted, but we must forbear. We will say only -that his science is simply the framework of popular descriptions, that -his book is for the multitude, and not so much for natural -philosophers, and that from beginning to end it is simply a gorgeous -series of pictures, a fairyland of colour and form and wonderful -adaptation, a psalm not of life but of nature, a prolonged -'Benedicite,' a companion-book to 'Glaucus,' and to the 'Essay in a -Chalk Pit;' only richer in detail, more novel in phenomena, and more -gorgeous in colour. The world was as beautiful when he found it, but -he has made it more beautiful to our apprehension. His book has -excited our enthusiasm almost as much as the scenes which it describes -excited his. - - -_To Sinai and Syene and back, in 1860-61._ By WILLIAM BEAUMONT, Esq. -Smith and Elder. - -A very fairly written narrative of the author's journey, having the -drawback that the writer is slightly given to bad jokes--thus, -'Suli-_man_, the boy of our party,' 'the cam-els are coming,' &c. - -The route to Sinai from the wells of Moses was the more eastern one, -taken by Robinson, whereby the writer missed the fine Wady Feiran, the -Bedouin Paradise, which, however, he afterwards visited on his return. -He was admitted to the convent of Sinai by the looped chain; more -fortunate than the writer of this notice, who, arriving after sunset, -had to sleep at the door in the open air, the archbishop's letter -notwithstanding, but was afterwards admitted at sunrise through the -postern. Surely Mr. Beaumont is wrong in saying that Tischendorf found -his famous Codex at Cairo, and not at Sinai. - -We can only say concerning Mr. Beaumont's book, that it is one of -those painstaking records of travel which gather together round each -locality, most of the important things done, and interesting things -said concerning it. It has not grown, it has been made; but it is -written with intelligence and commendable accuracy. - - -_Peeps at the Far East: a Familiar Account of a Visit to India._ By -NORMAN MACLEOD, D.D. Strahan and Co. - -India is almost as well travelled as Palestine, and a cursory -traveller must have great gifts of suggestive imagination and of -description to interest us in a book about it. Dr. Macleod does -interest us: in addition to the gifts we have named, he has an -unfailing geniality and an indomitable optimism, which give a glow of -kindly interest to his pages. He went to India on official business in -connection with the Missions of the Church of Scotland. Elsewhere he -has reported concerning them. In this volume he only incidentally -refers to them, chiefly in relation to the genial brotherhood of -Christian Ministers and members of all Churches which he experienced. -It is a melancholy reflection upon our home religious life that such a -sensation of relief and enjoyment in this particular is realized by -the traveller in America or India. We hardly know in what a bitter -sectarian element we live until we get out of it. Dr. Macleod's broad, -healthy, human soul heartily rejoiced in deliverance from it. - -Dr. Macleod tells us about Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta--places that -we have heard about as often as about Jerusalem. He describes -peculiarities of Hindoo life, features of Indian scenery, and the -ordinary incidents of Eastern travel; but with an observation so -alert, a geniality so bright, a humour so rich, and descriptive powers -so lively, that his book has a very pleasant charm; the reader's -interest never flags. Bombay is less eastern than Cairo, which Dr. -Macleod justly thinks is the most picturesquely oriental of all -cities. European insolence to natives, which has borne such bitter -fruits, is greatly diminished in India; the Mussulman is, in moral -virtue and general tone, superior to the Hindoo; Hindoo villages -surpass in poverty and squalor the worst specimens of Irish; English -education is doing great things for India--Dr. Macleod was frequently -surprised by the familiarity of the natives with our English -literature; the Brahmo Somaj lacks an objective basis, and can never, -therefore, firmly cohere, or make real progress. A genuine reform -movement it must ever be, changing and breaking up, gaining, and -losing what it gains; it wants the positive cohesive power which -Christianity would give it. Dr. Macleod recounts again, with great -power of description and pathos, the story of the Mutiny. In short, -this book, which is elegantly got up and profusely illustrated, is -full of the manifold charms of high intelligence, generous sympathy, -and easy, yet brilliant description. A pleasanter book has not often -fallen into our hands. - - -_The Nile without a Dragoman._ By FREDERICK EDEN. Henry S. King and -Co. - -Egypt is by no means an economical country to travel in for Europeans, -and a Nile dahabeah, which costs from L100 to L200 per month, is an -expensive luxury. Dragomans covenant to supply travellers with -everything at so much _per diem_, according to numbers. We have known -L4 paid, and we have travelled for L1 10s. Mr. Eden determined to -dispense with a dragoman, hire a dahabeah of a friend, paying, -however, the advertised price demanded, and he accomplished a pleasant -voyage of more than four months at a cost of L60 per month. This -bright and clever little book tells us how he did it. It does not deal -much in antiquities or descriptions, it chiefly narrates experiences; -tells us the things that Murray does not tell us. A dragoman is a very -pleasant luxury, relieving the traveller of all care and many -difficulties, which Mr. Eden had to overcome; but this is the final -cause of difficulties, which Mr. Eden proved, although he evinces his -utter ignorance of the customs and prejudices of his motley crew. For -his racy descriptions of his very pleasant life, and for innumerable -touches and impressions of Nile life, we must refer our readers to the -volume; it is enough to say, that it scarcely suffers by comparison -with that of Lady Duff Gordon. - - - - -POLITICS, SCIENCE, AND ART. - - -_Pauperism: Its Causes and Remedies._ By HENRY FAWCETT, Fellow of -Trinity Hall, and Professor of Political Economy in the University of -Cambridge. Macmillan and Co. - -In this very timely book Mr. Fawcett commences the discussion of his -subject by depicting, in somewhat gloomy colours, the pauperized state -of a large class of our population. This debased condition, he -believes, is not a dismal necessity which admits of no remedy, but the -fruit of unwise legislation, which has produced and still encourages a -disregard of those social virtues of prudence and self-restraint which -can alone permanently raise and maintain the social condition of any -class in the community. He proceeds to show how powerful was the -influence upon our population exerted by the old Poor-law, which was -in operation until 1834. The evil results which flow from bad -legislation, at that time reached a height which threatened the -dissolution of society, and this was averted only by the new Poor-law, -which yet has failed to provide a perfect remedy, and in some of its -provisions has even a tendency to discourage in our people those -qualities from which we may hope for the extinction of pauperism. The -practice of outdoor relief to able-bodied paupers is shown to be -pernicious, and indeed ruinous in its tendency; and a very shrewd -suggestion is made, or rather hinted at, for its abatement. The relief -of the poor is now, it is well known, a common charge upon a union of -parishes which is under the charge of a board of guardians. Permit -this to continue in the case of indoor relief, but provide that -outdoor relief should be a charge upon the parish in which the pauper -resides. This would no doubt soon lessen the amount of outdoor relief, -and would secure its administration only in cases of real and pressing -necessity. Against the modern practice of boarding out pauper -children, which has been recommended by many kindly and philanthropic -persons, a very heavy indictment is drawn, and grave doubt is shown to -exist as to its practical operation. Broadly, it may be said, that Mr. -Fawcett judges of the administration of relief to the poor mainly -according to its ultimate moral effects upon the class to which they -belong; because he holds that the existence of a high standard of -prudence and self-restraint is the only means by which any class can -attain and keep a high social and physical condition. If the working -classes of England are taught by the Poor-law and by misdirected -charity to abandon providence and self-restraint, no power on earth -can permanently improve their position, and every temporary -amelioration must be soon lost in a still larger class depressed to -the low level existing before the benefit was received. If, on the -other hand, the virtues of providence and self-restraint be but -sufficiently cultivated, it is difficult to say how high may be the -standard of comfort reached by the working classes of our country. - -The views we have thus slightly sketched are expanded and enforced -with great clearness in the first three chapters of this book, and in -the postscript, on the boarding out of pauper children. We should be -glad indeed if all our legislators could be compelled to pass an -examination in the first half of Mr. Fawcett's little volume, and -should hope for the best results from their study of his vigorous and -thoughtful sentences. In the remaining four chapters the probable -effects upon the condition of the working classes of national -education, co-partnership, and co-operation, and an improved land -tenure, are carefully examined, and many valuable suggestions are -made; but it must be obvious, on Mr. Fawcett's own principles, that -except these remedial measures have a direct tendency to produce -prudence and self-restraint, they can only afford temporary relief, to -be followed by a depression to the previous low condition. This is the -great lesson taught by the learned professor, and taught with abundant -illustration and convincing argument; and we hold that it is a lesson -which our people greatly need to learn. - -At the present time, probably, the greatest hindrance to a real -improvement in the condition of the working classes is the feeble -sentimentality which prevails so widely in modern society, and which -finds its natural expression in that maudlin pity which doles out -relief alike to idle and industrious, to the vicious and the -unfortunate. By this practice, so common both in public and private -charity, and which is far more deleterious in systematic and public -charity than in private gifts, all the springs of care and prudence -are weakened, and even that degree of providence which is admitted as -needful to the middle classes, to enable them to maintain their -position, is scouted as unnatural and cruel, when urged upon the -working classes. Mr. Fawcett is an advanced Liberal, and one of the -ablest leaders of the most democratic party in our country. We think -it greatly to his honour that he has the courage and honesty so -fearlessly to proclaim the true causes of most of the pauperism which -exists among us; and we trust his words will be received with all the -weight they deserve by that great body of working people who are -especially his clients, and whose cause he is ever ready to plead. - -Mr. Fawcett's book is written with great clearness and force, and we -can hardly fancy any one finding political economy dull in his -company. Sometimes, perhaps, the strength of his convictions seems to -lead to statements so strong and unqualified as to need some -correction, but we fully concur in the main drift of his argument, and -recommend his book to the careful study of all interested in the -investigation of the causes of pauperism. - - -_General Outline of the Organization of the Animal Kingdom, and Manual -of Comparative Anatomy._ By THOMAS RYMER JONES, F.R.S. John Van Voorst - -The fourth edition of Professor T. R. Jones's 'Outline' may be taken -as an evidence that his work is still in demand, notwithstanding the -formidable rivalry of Professor Rolleston's recent work on the same -subject addressed to the same class of readers. Perhaps the less -formal and technical style of treatment may be an attraction to some -students of comparative anatomy. Men who give themselves to the study -of what are called the descriptive sciences, have often had their -attention directed to them in the first instance by their pictorial -attractions, and they retain a certain license in dealing with these -branches of learning which neither instructors nor students of the -more exact sciences would permit themselves. Professor R. Jones has -taken his full poetical license, and the parts of the work which -display it in the highest degree are peculiarly his own. There is no -objection to this mode of treatment so long as it does not take off -the attention of the learners from the more general and harder parts -of the subject. But the comparative anatomy of the whole animal -kingdom is so vast that if the author allows himself to run after the -descriptions which are of most interest, his presentation of the whole -subject is likely to be fragmentary and imperfect. - -The previous editions of this work have stood almost alone as popular -elementary manuals, and this edition contains very few additions to -the former ones--such only, in fact, as have been forced on the -author. He has designedly hung in the rearward of the science, and is -a collator rather than a critic or an investigator. Thus he cannot -resist the claims of the Caelenerata to be ranked as a sub-kingdom, and -the adoption of Free and Leuckart's classification has compelled him -to transpose the positions of the Anthozoa and Hydrozoa. This, -however, is almost his only classificatory innovation. By a convenient -conservation he still retains the Cirrepedia as a distinct class, -while the Rotifera are placed under the Crustacea. The Brachiopoda -are still interposed between the Conchifera and Gasteropoda. The -Amphibians are not separated from the Reptilia. These antiquated ideas -of classification are to be regretted; but inasmuch as the object of -the volume is to describe, rather than to classify, they need not be -condemned as erroneous. When treating of the vertebrate classes, the -author becomes little more than the interpreter of Professor R. Owen, -and we deplore that a theory of the elements of a vertebra which has -never been generally adopted by the scientific world should be -introduced into a student's book without criticism or comment. - -The principal additions which appear in this edition are pictorial, -and the new pictures are, for the most part, illustrative of natural -history rather than of anatomy. An exception to this is, however, -found in the introduction of Mr. Albany Harcock's very instructive -delineation of Waldheimia Australis. - -An absence of dogmatism in dealing with the natural sciences is, for -some reasons, commendable, but all instructional works must be -dogmatic. To place two quite contradictory descriptions taken from two -authors side by side, without aiding the student to determine in any -way which is the truthful one, is quite inexcusable, and yet this is -precisely what is done with regard to Duge's and Dr. Williams's -descriptions and theories of the functions of the organs of the -earth-worm. Old errors are still retained in this new edition. Thus -the description of the generative system of the common snail is -repeated word for word from the old edition, although the views there -taken are certainly wrong. - -We have freely remarked on the shortcomings of the work, but with all -its faults it has been long known as a very interesting and popular -treatise on a subject which is very difficult to treat as a whole, and -we do not doubt it will retain its popularity in its present form. - - -_Wonders of the Human Body._ From the French of A. Le Pileur. Blackie -and Son. - -This is a work on human anatomy and physiology so treated as to form -an easy, familiar, and interesting book of study for the public of -both sexes. It is not of any special 'wonders,' but of the whole -structure of the body, _minus_ those parts of anatomy which are unfit -for the young, of which the book treats. No doubt the whole body is a -world of wonder, and therefore the title is allowable, and was meant -to be attractive, but it is a little liable to mislead. This is, -indeed, a painstaking and systematic description of the structure and -functions of all the anatomical elements and complex organs throughout -the body, illustrated by good clear diagrammatic drawings. It is by no -means so charming in its style as Professor Huxley's little volume on -the same subject, but it is more equable in the attention it bestows -on the several parts of the body, and so far is better suited for the -kind of general school instruction for which we assume it is intended. - - - - -POETRY, FICTION, AND BELLES LETTRES. - -_The Coming Race._ William Blackwood and Sons. - - -The author of 'The Coming Race' treads in the steps of the author of -'Gulliver,' _haud passibus aequis_, indeed, but with an individuality -and a power that are altogether his own, and with a geniality in the -delicate and subdued irony of his satire that makes his book as -pleasant as it is clever. In competent hands, no form of allegory so -lends itself to the castigation of the follies of an age, or to the -embodiment of previsions and prognostications. It constitutes a little -literature of its own, which boasts of some remarkable productions. - -'The Coming Race' inhabit a subterranean world, into which the author -was precipitated while at the bottom of a mine; and in the inhabitants -thereof we are led to contemplate the good and evil of certain social -theories and scientific speculations realized in actual result. There -is no savage castigation of vices, nor cynical delineation of -abortions, but a quiet, keen, playful exhibition of possible good and -probable evil; of things to be desired and of things to be shunned. -The author is too serious for ridicule, and too sly for gravity. His -tone is that of a good-natured optimism, with just a touch of banter. -Probably, he himself would find it difficult to balance the exact gain -or loss of the changes he conceives. It is difficult, indeed, to -determine when he is indulging in day-dreams, when in subtle satire. -He is a citizen of the American Republic, and as such is in the best -subjective condition for appreciating the unconventional. In this also -there is a touch of sly satire. He realizes in his pallid world what -Brother Jonathan boasts so much about, the actual apotheosis of -republican liberalism, social equality, and religious and scientific -knowledge. We cannot even indicate the vast variety of problems that -in these several departments find their solution. We can only, in a -loose way, mention a few of the phenomena of life in the nether world. -Deprived of solar light, it is compensated by science, and innumerable -lamps constitute perpetual day, but of a pale hue. Its strange flora -and fauna are described. Its inhabitants are a giant race, perfected -through long processes of natural selection, and advanced to -unthought-of possibilities of scientific culture. They have attained -to a perfect practical knowledge of mesmeric force or 'vril;' a tube -in the hands of a child is charged with an agency so terrible that it -would annihilate an army, and yet so delicate and subtle that it -soothes a nervous impatience--a force so perfect that it cannot be -used in strife. Absolute equality, social harmony, and tranquil -happiness are not only the privileges, they are necessary conditions -of social existence; leisurely enjoyment, consummate knowledge, virtue -cultured into an instinct, are its natural causes. Mechanism has been -so perfected that automaton figures render all necessary domestic -service, and locomotion is equally facile on the earth, in the water, -or through the air. Of course, their laws are perfect; government is -a high social duty from which men shrink, save as moral obligation -constrains, self-seeking being annihilated. Wise provision against -over-population is made by regulations for emigration. The women are -bigger and cleverer than the men, having greater power over the -mysterious 'vril;' and in love matters have men's privilege of -'speaking first,' love being of more importance to women than to men. -Democratic government--the government, that is, of the most -ignorant--is denounced as superlative folly--Koom-Posh; and the utmost -scorn is poured upon our legislation, war, and social habits, as the -absurdities of a barbarous age and people. Learned disquisitions on -language, literature, and the arts suffice to show, at any rate, the -accomplishments of the writer: and the tender susceptibilities of -which the hero was the victim from the Vril-ya women supply a pleasant -touch of humanity. The people, in short, have attained a development -which is as far ahead of ours, as ours is of our anthropoid ancestors. -They have penetrated the chief secrets of nature, and almost got rid -of all human ills. Theirs is a paradise of physical, scientific, -social, and moral perfection; wealth is disliked, power is shunned, -crime is unknown, and force is unnecessary. But somehow the general -result is unsatisfactory and melancholy. The book is an able and -remarkable one. Much wisdom, as well as much learning, is veiled under -its ingenious allegory; the _reductio ad absurdum_ is suggested with -exquisite subtlety. It is one of the cleverest satires of its class. - - -_The Songstresses of Scotland._ By SARAH TYTLER and J. L. WATSON. -Strahan and Co. - -Notwithstanding some slight tendency in two or three of these sketches -to attempt a story when there is no story to tell, this is as charming -a book of its class as we remember to have read. A single ballad -sometimes gives fame, as, for example, the 'Werena my Heart Licht' of -Lady Grisell Baillie; but then all that we care to know about its -author may be told in a paragraph. With others, however, it is -different. Song-writers like Mrs. Cockburn, Lady Ann Barnard, and the -Countess of Nairn, are so much more than song-writers that they amply -deserve the separate biography which has already been produced of the -latter, and which, we are glad to learn, is being prepared of the -former. Scotch ballads, like Scotch whisky, have their own peculiar -flavour, and it has a special charm for Englishmen. We should be -ashamed to have to confess how many mediocre verses in poetry, and -dialogues in novels, delight us simply in virtue of their Scottish -dialect. There are Scotch ballads, however, that, in virtue of their -intrinsic merits, will live for aye. The biographies which the -industry and skill of Miss Tytler and Miss Watson have here supplied -are those of Lady Grisell Baillie (1665-1746), author of 'Werena my -Heart Licht,' immortal chiefly in virtue of its single refrain, 'And -werena my heart licht I wad dee;' Jean Adam (1710-1765), author of -'There is nae Luck about the House,' who was a pedlar; Mrs. Cockburn -(1712-1794), author of 'The Flowers of the Forest;' Miss Jean Elliot -(1727-1805), author of another 'The Flowers of the Forest;' Miss -Susanna Blamire (1747-1794), author of 'What ails this Heart of Mine,' -and 'Ye shall walk in silk attire,' &c.; Jean Glover (1758-1801), -author of 'O'er the Muir among the Heather;' Mrs. Elizabeth Hamilton -(1758-1816), author of 'My ain Fireside;' Lady Ann Barnard -(1750-1825), author of 'Auld Robin Gray;' Baroness Nairne (1762-1851), -author of 'The Land o' the Leal,' 'Caller Herring,' 'The Laird o' -Cockpen,' &c.; and Joanna Baillie (1762-1851), author of 'Woo'd and -Married and a',' 'Saw ye Johnny Comin,' &c. A more charming miscellany -of gentle thought and lyric sweetness it would be difficult to find. -As might be expected with woman's songs, there is but little of the -national and political fierceness that inspires so many of the Scotch -ballads of the other sex. Even the Jacobite songs of Lady Nairne are -so gentle and winsome that the stoutest old Hanoverian Whig might -easily sing them. But the chief charm of the book is the sketch of the -delicious old lady, Mrs. Cockburn, the friend of Allan Ramsay, Burns, -and Scott, and surely the most vivacious, witty, and optimist -octogenarian that ever lived. She was one of the queens of Edinburgh -society, and the authoresses have had access to her letters, which -Walter Scott so highly prized, and which for gossiping fulness, -vivacious interest, intellectual sparkle, and versatile cleverness, -can hardly be surpassed. She was the life and soul of the social life -which she helped to mould. We are glad to learn that a biography of -this clever and beautiful old lady is in preparation. Meanwhile we -commend the 'Songstresses of Scotland' as a delightful book. -Everything that Miss Tytler touches she adorns, and she has here hit -upon a genial and interesting theme. - - -_Arber's English. Reprints._--_Tottel's Miscellany, 1550_; _Thomas -Lever's Sermons, 1550_; _William Webbe's Discourse of English Poetrie, -1587_; _The First Printed English New Testament_. Translated by -WILLIAM TYNDALE. Photo-lithographed from the Unique Fragment now in -the Grenville Collection, British Museum. London: 5 Queen-square, -Bloomsbury. - -Mr. Arber continues his munificent and inestimable work with -increasing efficiency, and we infer with increasing encouragement. -Certainly no attempt to bring the curiosities and treasures of our -early English literature within the reach of the very poorest student -and the common reader is at all comparable to it. For a shilling may -be purchased copies of precious treasures which wealth could not buy. - -'Tottel's Miscellany' is the first known collection of English verse, -the progenitor of the countless volumes which now load our -drawing-room tables, and defy criticism. Tottel's collection includes -poems by the Earl of Surrey, Sir Thomas Wyatt, Nicholas Grimald, and -ninety-five by 'uncertain authors.' Either our forefathers three -centuries ago had very contracted ideas about literature, or it was -more affluent than we suppose--for we find William Webbe, in his -'Discourse of English Poetrie,' thus complaining of a tribulation -which we thought was peculiar to modern reviewers. 'Among the -innumerable sortes of Englyshe bookes, and infinite fardles of printed -pamphlets, wherewith thys Countrey is pestered, all shoppes stuffed, -and euery study furnished; the greatest part, I thinke in any one -kinde, are such as are either meere Poeticall, or which tende in some -respecte (as either in matter or forme) to Poetry.' Mr. Arber has the -genuine bibliophilist's afflatus: the patience with which he picks up -bits of bibliographical information, and the caution and skill with -which he uses it, are perfect. 'Tottel's Miscellany' was very popular -in its day. - -Lever was Fellow, Preacher, and Master of St. John's College, -Cambridge; Pastor in exile of the English Church at Aarau; Prebend of -Durham Cathedral, and Master of Sherburn Hospital. He was, as Mr. -Arber terms him, one of the 'spiritual children' of the Reformation, -the associate of Latimer, Bradford, and Knox. These three sermons, -after the manner of the times, deal with public and passing topics, -manners, and customs, and are valuable not only as part of the -religious but as part of the domestic history of their day. Lever was -a man of Latimer's type--superlatively faithful and fearless. - -Webbe's 'Discourse of English Poetrie' is a reprint of a very rare -book, only two copies of it being known to exist. Webbe was a -Cambridge graduate, and a very accomplished, modest, and able man. -Singularly his critique on English poetry was almost synchronous with -the greater work of Puttenham, on 'the Arte of English Poesie,' which -Mr. Arber has already reprinted in this series. Webbe's discourse -contains a good deal of shrewd penetrating criticism. He was well -acquainted with the classical poets, and made experiments in -translation, with a view of naturalizing classical feet. - -The facsimile of the fragment of Tyndale's 'First Printed English New -Testament' is a great literary, as well as religious curiosity. Well -may Mr. Arber speak of the reverence, almost the awe, with which he -offers the 'photographic likeness of a priceless gem in English -literature,' the progenitor of the millions of English Scriptures. Mr. -Arber accompanies the work with a very extensive and multifarious -bibliography, giving an account of Tyndale and Roy, and of the first -two editions of the English New Testament; and discussing the question -whether Tyndale's quarto was a translation of Luther's German version. -It is a perfect luxury to read the scholarly, modest, and painstaking -bibliography of Mr. Arber. We earnestly direct attention to his -invaluable labours. - -_The Novels and Novelists of the Eighteenth Century._ By WILLIAM -FORSYTH, M.A., Q.C. John Murray. - -Mr. Forsyth's book hardly falls within the scope of criticism. Gossip -is scarcely amenable to the laws of art, and Mr. Forsyth's research -is not wide enough, nor are his reflections profound enough to deserve -any other description. It is, however, very pleasant gossip, and will -both amuse and instruct, even if it amuses rather more than it -instructs. The eighteenth century has now passed into the region of -history, and we study it with the same merely historical interest with -which we study the fifteenth. We read the books of the eighteenth -century as we read the classics--not as we read the authors who -reflect our own ideas, and manners. Fielding is perhaps now less read -than at any other time, and chiefly by literary men in the way of -their profession, or by historical students. We would forgive Mr. -Forsyth the admitted defects of his book, if it did anything to arrest -the progress of this classical oblivion. That, however, does not seem -to be Mr. Forsyth's intention. He seems to have been a good deal -surprised when he found, in the course of his studies, that he had got -into such disreputable company, and was correspondingly disgusted. -Much of the book is accordingly occupied with criticism, in which the -author is very hard on the immoral novelists, who only aimed at -describing the times as they were. Mr. Forsyth does not maintain that -they were unfaithful to the reality, and therefore criticises the age -rather than the books which mirrored it. But that kind of criticism -belongs to an almost extinct school. - - -_The Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini._ Vol. VI. Critical and -Literary. Smith, Elder, and Co. - -The critical and literary writings of Mr. Mazzini are not purely -literary, and their criticism is not disinterested. The prophetic -function and the critical are not quite compatible, and Mr. Mazzini is -a prophet of the Old Testament order, though unhappily with the fate -of Cassandra. The political passion burns too hotly in him to admit of -the coexistence of that pure critical instinct which has no -enthusiasms, and which maintains its impartiality by holding aloof -from affairs. Accordingly the objects of his admiration belong to the -militant class in literature; he subordinates Homer to Dante, Goethe -to Byron, and, we suppose, Fielding to George Sand. If he would not -exactly define genius as the spirit of revolt, he would say that -sympathy with the active movements of humanity is an essential -constituent of it. An organ for apprehending thought as such, ideas -apart from their application, he does not seem to possess. The purely -spiritual side of life, the purely metaphysical side of thought, are -blanks to him; yet in even the most imperfect state of society, and -the most urgently needing reformation, these will always form a large -part of the total life of humanity. He is, in short, the high-priest -of the revolution, and grants absolution only to votaries at that -shrine. The essays in the present volume are conceived in this spirit, -and are less criticisms than impassioned orations, delivered with -crusading fervour. That on George Sand is a discourse on the 'life of -Genius,' its sorrows, aspirations, and ineradicable melancholy. That -on Goethe is a denunciation of political inaction and the worship of -indifference; while the greatness of Lamennais is recognised only when -he ceased to be a thinker, and took to abortive action. Putting aside -their absence of critical disinterestedness, and therefore of critical -value, these essays are full of eloquence and genuine enthusiasm. They -may be called the evangel of that section of the party of action which -aspires to a great democracy of the future--a transformation that -shall be more than political, more than social, that shall be almost -theocratic. - - -_The Orations of Cicero against Catiline; with Notes, &c._ Translated -from the German of Karl Halm, with many additions. By A. S. WILKINS, -M.A. Macmillan and Co. 1871. - -_A Complete Dictionary to Caesar's Gallic War._ By A. CREAK, M.A. -Hodder and Stoughton. 1870. - -The first-mentioned of these works is, we think, the best school-book -that has ever come under our notice. The excellence of the original is -sufficiently guaranteed, by its appearing in Haupt and Sauppe's -series, and its practical usefulness fully established by the sale of -seven editions in the course of a few years. But we do not hesitate to -affirm that the English edition is rendered far superior to the -original by the extensive additions of Professor Wilkins, which bear -ample testimony, not simply to his varied critical and literary -acquirements, but also to the correctness of his judgment respecting -the difficulties and wants of the generality of students. There is -scarcely a note in the original to which important additions have not -been made by the editor. Among the most valuable helps to the English -student are the constant reference to 'Mommsen's History,' 'Ramsay's -Antiquities,' and 'Madvig's Grammar.' The etymological notes by the -translator often contain, within a narrow compass, the substance of -the views of Curtius, Schleicher, or Corsen on the subject. More -advanced students are directed for further information to the works of -Bekker, Drumann, Naegelsbach, Arnold, Niebuhr, Merivale, and Forsyth. -In fact, no source of illustration has escaped the editor, not even -essays in the _Rheinisches Museum_ and the _Fortnightly Review_. Not -the least valuable contribution is the excellent analysis of the four -orations, enabling the student to follow the argument at every step. -We cannot speak too highly of this little volume. It is our candid -opinion that here the junior student will lack nothing, and that the -mature scholar may learn much. We have the greatest satisfaction in -recommending it to all in search of an efficient help in studying the -Catiline Orations. - -The second book is quite an elementary work, somewhat on the plan of -our Teutonic neighbours. The author's aim is twofold; to provide the -youthful learner with a better dictionary for the reading of Caesar, by -delivering him from the bewilderment of a large one and the meagreness -of a small one, and to secure from the very commencement idiomatic -modes of translation. The latter is kept in view all through the -work, and is the sole object of the two appendices, the first of which -contains 116 idiomatic phrases, with their English equivalents; and -the second, hints on translation into English. Mr. Creak very rightly -maintains that a lesson in Latin translation should also be one in -English composition. This work, though small and elementary, is not -unimportant. It aims at correcting one great defect of most of the -current school-books, and exhibits the ability of a scholar, combined -with the experience of a teacher. We heartily wish the author success -in his effort to shorten the tedious and cumbrous modes of instruction -prevalent in our best institutions. - - -_Homer--Odyssey._ Books I--XII. By W. W. MERRY, M.A. Oxford: Clarendon -Press. - -School-books, in almost every department of literature, seem to be -making their appearance in battalions. There are at present several -rival series, which travel over exactly the same classical ground. The -volume before us belongs to the Clarendon Press series, and is the -precursor of a larger work on the same subject. This will probably -account for the disappointing brevity of the notes and illustrations. -The materials for a good edition of the 'Odyssey' are abundant, -consisting of elaborate works treating of every topic connected with -this ancient poem, as well as of excellent commentaries. The notes -given by Mr. Merry are so brief and elementary as to convey but little -idea of the labours of his predecessors. We do not believe in a -school-book being overladen with explanatory matter or piled up with -references to authorities, which the schoolboy will be probably unable -and certainly unwilling to consult; but we do think that every -annotated classical book should contain ample references to our best -elementary books on grammar, antiquities, and history; the absence of -which is in our opinion a serious drawback to the present edition. Mr. -Merry has followed in the main the text of La Roche. The brief but -excellent introduction is adapted from the pamphlet of Thomaszewski. -The illustrated matter contains a sketch of the principal Homeric -forms, the metre of Homer, Homeric syntax, and notes for which the -commentaries of Nitzsch, Ameis, and Crusius have been consulted. The -notes, as far as they go, are clear, precise, pertinent, judicious, -and seem to be on the same plan, and scarcely more extensive than -those on the first six books of the Iliad, in the 'Annotated Oxford -Pocket Classics.' - - -_The Georgics of Virgil._ Translated by P. D. BLACKMORE, M.A. Sampson -Low, Son, and Marston. - -Mr. Blackmore is not only one of the best of novelists and gardeners, -he is also a complete scholar and a charming poet. This translation of -the 'Georgics' is a most remarkable achievement; the full significance -of Virgil's words is almost always perceptible in the rendering, -notwithstanding the exigencies of rhyme. We are by no means of opinion -that the decasyllabic couplet is a fit metre for Virgil; that elegant -Roman was as nearly as possible a Tennyson, and his tricks of -versification can be admirably echoed in Tennysonian blank verse. Mr. -Blackmore has more force and a stronger idiosyncrasy than Virgil had; -hence, in the translation we think more of the English than of the -Roman poet. To such a style of translation we do not object; we read -our Virgil with a difference, with a new flavour, in fact. Just in the -same way did Dryden turn Horace into a nobler form when he wrote, - - 'Not heaven itself upon the past has power, - But what has been has been, and I have had my hour.' - -If we mistake not, Mr. Blackmore himself remarks somewhere, that the -meaning of the New Testament comes out better in English than it -possibly could in Greek; similarly, we prefer Blackmore's 'Georgics' -to Virgil's. As we have here no space for anything like critical -discussion, we prefer to quote the beautiful lines with which the -translator apologises for his temerity. - - 'Indulgence have ye for a gardener's dream - (A man with native melody unblest)! - How patient toil and love that does its best, - Clouds though they be, may follow the sunbeam. - - 'And in this waning of poetic day, - With all so misty, moonlit, and grotesque, - 'Tis sweet to quit that medley picturesque, - And chase the sunset of a clearer ray. - - 'Too well I know, by fruitless error taught, - How latent beauty hath fallacious clues, - How difficult to catch, how quick to lose - The mirage of imaginative thought. - - 'And harder still to make that vision bear - The loose refraction of a modern tongue, - To render sight to hearing, old to young, - And fix my purview on an English ear. - - 'Too well I know, by gardener's hopes misled, - How cheap are things which long have cost me dear; - And though I fail to graft the poet here, - No wilding branches may I flaunt instead. - - 'But yonder, lo, my amethysts and gold, - So please you--grapes and apricots--constrain - These more accustomed hands; unless ye deign - To tend with me the kine and beeves of old.' - -The pregnant felicity of this prelude will show better than any -criticism Mr. Blackmore's poetic capacity. - - -_Ancient Classics for English Readers. The Commentaries of Caesar._ -By ANTHONY TROLLOPE. _Horace._ By THEODORE MARTIN. _AEschylus._ By -REGINALD S. COPLESTON. _Xenophon._ By Sir ALEXANDER GRANT. Edited by -Rev. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M.A. Blackwood and Sons. - -This is a brilliant idea of Mr. Collins; and his collaborateurs have -well discharged their duty. It is not only the English reader who will -be thankful to Messrs. Trollope, Martin, Swayne, Grant, and Collins, -but all young students, who may now grapple with portions of those -great classics with more zest and profit after thus obtaining a -comprehensive view of the whole works which they are compelled often -to nibble at in sublime unconsciousness of their general purport or -spirit. Mr. Trollope has told the wondrous story of Caesar as far as -his Commentaries reveal it, and has illustrated it throughout with -geographical exposition, historical parallel, and realistic art. -Bright, stirring bits of description, curt despatches, stunning -condensations of campaigns into a few pages or sentences, are given in -the mighty Caesar's own words, and the story is told with grace and -simplicity in nervous clear English by one of the most popular writers -of the day. Mr. Martin has graduated with high honour in the school of -Classical Translation before attempting this difficult task. We must -confess to great satisfaction with his dainty and delicate work. He -has given us a sketch of the career of Horace, and by skilful -quotation has made him tell the story of his youth, of his high -military career, of his relation to Maecenas, of his health, and his -tastes, of his love-passages, of his friendships, and of his religious -ideas. Mr. Martin has gracefully introduced Professor Conington's -translations where he preferred them to his own. Lord Lytton has not -met with equal favour at his hand, though his criticisms are not -unfrequently referred to. - -If our readers will try and conceive what 'Hamlet' or the 'Revolt of -Islam' would look like if described to some younger civilization in -some language of the future, they will have an idea of the difficulty -of reproducing the dramas of the ancient tragedians in the shape of a -mere account of them in prose. It is not only that the exquisite art -of the originals evaporates in the process, but the poetry goes, and -only the great conceptions remain; even the beliefs of the ancient -world lose their simplicity in transmission. But it was hardly -necessary for Mr. Reginald Copleston to be so misleading as to speak -of the 'gloomy deities which belong to the sphere of conscience and -moral responsibility,' or to find in the Greek mythology such lessons -as the 'deep and dreadful responsibility of man, the possibility of -restoration from sin to purity, and the overruling providence of a -supreme Creator.' Some of these truths are the offspring of Roman law, -others are the growth of Christianity, but they are all modern. -Aristotle certainly knew nothing of them, and anyone who carried such -associations into his reading of the 'Prometheus' would find his ideas -of it vitiated by a fundamental misconception. Except that Mr. -Copleston's sentences are mostly halting and broken-backed, his -account of the plays is otherwise good and accurate. - -'Xenophon' is the father of military history, of romance, and of -Boswelliana. He is less appreciated than 'Herodotus,' but is equally -vivacious and interesting. We do not think, therefore, that his 'chief -service to modern readers consists in the amount of information he has -preserved.' There is more in his pictures of contemporary life than -this. Sir A. Grant has done his work well, and 'Xenophon' ought -thereby to be more attractive to English readers than he has been. We -could have wished for a somewhat fuller picture of his life and times, -but the exigencies of space are imperative. - - -_The Works of Virgil, rendered into English Prose._ By JAMES LONSDALE, -M.A., and SAMUEL LEE, M.A. Macmillan and Co. - -A prose translation of 'Virgil' is of course unreadable. We presume -this is meant as a 'crib.' Davidson certainly left room for -improvement, and may now be considered to be superseded by the -excellent translation of Messrs. Lonsdale and Lee. The introductions -are full of matter, though they are written in a pedantically antique -style which was probably suggested by a not quite accurate sense of -congruity. - - -_Ralph the Heir._ By ANTHONY TROLLOPE. Hurst and Blackett. - -Mr. Trollope's novels contribute a distinct element to English -fiction. He is the creator, almost perfect, of commonplace. If we -limit his genius, it is not because it so embodies itself, for it -demands genius as great to create the commonplace as the heroic or the -grotesque. Extremes are always easy, they are the fault of all -undisciplined force; only well-balanced and practised power can avoid -them. The artistic defect of Mr. Trollope is that he never does -anything else. He is a Paganini among novel writers; he fiddles -exquisitely, but always upon one string. He has no situations of -passion; his characters are not conceived so as to render development -into passion possible. What heroics can be got out of the Bishop of -Barchester or his wife, or 'Ralph the Heir'? Within his range, Mr. -Trollope has wonderful variety, but before opening a new work of his -we may always predicate, if not the species, yet the genus of his -characters; no one would ascribe to him many-sidedness. 'Ralph the -Heir' is essentially commonplace--not wicked, nor good--not weak, nor -strong--in any distinctive way. A young man with a few hundreds a -year, the heir-presumptive of his uncle, he has simply gone the way of -many young men who ultimately settle down, as he does, into -respectable country gentlemen, magistrates, and fathers. He has given -himself to horse-racing, hunting, and betting, with their belongings, -and has got embarrassed, his only chance of extrication being the -reversion of the estate, the possession of which, however, his uncle -seems likely to retain for many years. Out of these circumstances, -such being his characters, the entanglements of the tale are wrought. -Ralph, who is as weak in love as he is in moral habit, commits himself -to a virtual declaration of affection for Clarissa, the daughter of -his guardian, Sir Thomas Underwood; his pecuniary necessities press -hard upon him, and drive him to the extremity of a proposal to Polly -Neefit, the daughter of a wealthy breeches-maker; a brilliant cousin -of Clarissa's--Mary Bonner--comes from the West Indies, with whom -everybody falls in love; delivered from old Neefit by the accidental -death of his uncle, Ralph proposes to her and is refused, then again -to Clarissa and is refused, and at last is married by Lady Eardham to -her daughter Augusta. The peculiar triumph of Mr. Trollope is that he -carries his hero and the ladies through all this without a single -feeling of disgust. None of the characters have much in them except -Mary, who shadows a fine conception, but they are all redeemed from -contempt. Pooly Neefit is vulgar, but she has strong common sense and -true-hearted honesty, and knows what she is; Clarissa is a coquette, -but she has tenderness and faithfulness, if not depth of feeling; the -Eardhams are the Eardhams, types of scores of common-place families, -who, if they think about affections at all, clearly regard them as -troublesome superfluities; the viciousness and vulgar ambition of old -Neefit are redeemed by a certain generosity and kindliness of social -and domestic feeling. Everybody interests, nobody excites; everybody -is tolerable, and commonplace. Indeed, so conscious of this is Mr. -Trollope, that he devotes two or three pages at the conclusion of his -novel to an apology for it, showing us how undesirable it is that -every man should be a Henry Esmond, and every woman a Jeannie Deans. -True: but the only hope for mean, selfish, common-place people is for -literary artists to paint ideal excellence. Mere portrait-painting is -not the final cause of poetry and fiction; while life-like, it must be -life-idealized. Jeannie Deans has touched myriads of common-place -hearts, and made them nobler. Why does not Mr. Trollope try to give us -a Jeannie Deans occasionally? What good to anybody is it to paint only -Ralph Newtons, except, perhaps, to excite a tolerance for -common-place, an allowance for the defective men and women one meets -with every day--an end important, no doubt; but why not delineate -virtues and vices--nobilities and meannesses--so as to do something to -excite the emulation of Ralph Newtons themselves, as well as our -charity towards them? - -Mr. Trollope's masterpiece in this novel is Sir Thomas Underwood, a -barrister, living in chambers, with two daughters at Putney, who has -been Solicitor-General, and who has been all his life purposing to -write a life of Bacon--a conception, again, of a respectable form of a -somewhat selfish and irresolute character, but admirably portrayed. So -is Ontario Moggs, the son of Ralph's bootmaker, his rival in the -affections of Polly Neefit, a red-hot Communist orator, and the -working man's candidate in the Percycross election. In the description -of this election, at which Sir Thomas was returned and then unseated -on petition, Mr. Trollope has excelled himself. Contested elections -have often been described; Thackeray, Dickens, and George Eliot -especially, have found them as fruitful in humour as Hogarth did. -George Eliot excepted, we doubt if any living writer could approach -the skill and power with which the election of Percycross, the tactics -of its candidates, and the characteristics of its free and independent -electors are described; happily, it is now disfranchised for bribery. - -Mr. Trollope's selection of types of characters and his successful -delineation of them are equal even to his best work. Sir Thomas and -old Neefit are not surpassed by Mrs. Proudie and Archdeacon Grantley. -Every portrait is characteristic, and is most carefully finished. -There are few things in fiction finer than the subtle admixture of -excellencies and defects in Sir Thomas. We do not care much for 'Ralph -the Heir;' we feel neither great indignation at his sins nor great -satisfaction with his virtues. He will be as happy as a nature like -his can be. Old Neefit is, in his way, as distinctive in drawing and -indelible in impression as Pickwick himself, only, of course, far less -agreeable. - -Mr. Trollope is a Dutch artist, and paints with the fidelity of a -Teniers and the power of a Paul Potter. It is not the highest school -of art, but Mr. Trollope is a master in it, and 'Ralph the Heir' is -one of his greatest pictures. If one word may designate it, it is a -novel of selfishness exhibited in various striking types, not -pleasant, but unquestionably powerful, and likely to live when many -things that Mr. Trollope has done are dead and forgotten. - - -_Joshua Marvel._ By B. L. FARJEON. Tinsley Brothers. - -The promise which we recognised in Mr. Farjeon's 'Grif' is more than -fulfilled in 'Joshua Marvel.' The author, with a rapidity which is -really surprising, has acquired a mastery of delineation and a -delicacy of touch, that give him high rank among brothers of his -craft. The opening chapters, which delineate the boyish friendship of -Joe and Dan, and the bird-fancying of the poor little cripple, are as -full of delicate beauty and pathos as anything that we have for a long -time read. Indeed, the entire history of the friendship of the two -lads is exquisitely conceived and wrought out. In its unselfishness, -tenderness, truthfulness, and moral beauty, it is like the love of -David and Jonathan. Like the author of 'Episodes from an Obscure -Life,' Mr. Farjeon's strength lies in his descriptions of East-end -life. Like him, too, he idealizes it by the delineation of noble -thoughts and faithful love. The old sailor--Mr. Meddler--the -Lascar--Minnie--Ellen--as well as Joe and Dan, are all portrayed in a -very masterly manner; while all is idealized, nothing is exaggerated. -Joe is a very noble character. The shipwreck, and the experiences in -the Australian forests, which Mr. Farjeon's colonial life qualify him -for describing with great truthfulness and power of colouring and -incident, are narrated in a very powerful way. The quiet beauty and -pathos of the story have greatly charmed and moved us. It is a pure, -wholesome book, carefully and skilfully written, the precursor, we -hope, of many more. - - -_Tales of the North Riding._ By STEPHEN YORKE. Smith, Elder, and Co. - -The title of this book led us to expect that 'Stephen Yorke' had -attempted to do for Yorkshire what the author of 'Lorna Doone' has so -admirably done for Devonshire, or what, in his 'Wenderholme,' Mr. -Hammerton has done for the Yorkshire and Lancashire borders. We are -disappointed. 'Stephen Yorke' is not the impersonation of a _genius -loci_, although there is no reason to deny that _she_ may be a -Yorkshire-woman; nor have the four stories any very distinctive local -colouring. Neither the descriptions of natural scenery nor the -reproduction of the vernacular is characteristic enough to necessitate -a Yorkshire _locale_ rather than a Devonshire one. It might be an -imperfect representation of either, save, indeed, that the items of -natural configuration catalogued are more true of Scarborough than -they are of Lynton. The forte of the authoress certainly does not lie -in description. We can, however, speak much more favourably concerning -her powers of portraiture. The characters of her four stories are well -conceived and delicately discriminated. The tone is artistic and -tender, and the treatment skilful; a quiet and acute observation of -the gentler sorrows of human life, sometimes, however, as in -Lizzie--the heroine of Thorpe House Farm--developing into sad domestic -tragedy, and considerable power in daguerreotyping it, are the -writer's _forte_. Thorpe House Farm is the best story of the four, and -is very pathetic; when the authoress attempts stronger positions she -becomes sensational, as in the quarrel of 'Squire Hasildene and his -Son,' and the rough winter experiences of the latter in Danesborough. -There is much that is natural and touching in the delineation of Mrs. -Wynburn and her daughter; the yearnings of the mother, and the -breaking down of the cold reserve of the daughter after the not very -original mishap which befel her. Sophia Wynburn is a very clever -creation. The book is not great, but there is a certain something in -it which indicates a power of character-painting which itself has not -adequately realized, and which may, when it has shaken off what 'A. K. -H. B.' would call a little of the 'vealy,' and when it has acquired -the confidence and skill of practised writing, develope into a -distinctive gift. The stories are very pleasant reading--that is, they -are admirable in tone and interesting in execution. - - -_For Lack of Gold: A Novel._ By CHARLES GIBBON. Blackie and Sons. - -Success has produced upon Mr. Gibbon the effect that it always does -produce upon true men: it has animated him to painstaking effort. 'For -Lack of Gold' is a piece of very genuine workmanship, and its effect -upon us is that we have to restrain our strong inclination to eulogize -instead of criticize. The defect of the story is that the painful -tension is too great; it wants the relief of quiet scenes and composed -feelings. Angus and Annie are in a chronic agony. Shakespeare -understood the tragic art better; strong passions can be only -occasional, and 'Lear' without the fool would be too painful. This, -however, is almost the only fault we have to find. The writing is -good, and the little descriptive bits evince the keen and careful eye -as well as the skilful hand of an artist. The beautiful and tender -touches with which the work is inlaid--the genuine pathos of even the -most intense feeling is very powerful; the well-regulated freedom of -the artist's hand--the carefully-studied tone of the dialogue--the -constructive skill of the plot--the fine moral atmosphere of the -whole--even the humour of the mere Scottish dialect--all are -accessories essential to the best work, but in one or more of which -even very good work is sometimes lacking. But the prime quality of -every novel is its characterization, and in this Mr. Gibbon has been -eminently successful. The conception of Annie's character, and of the -blind instinct of noble, self-sacrificing love that always guides her -rightly even when she seems to be acting most fatally, are very able -and beautiful. Angus, again, in another way exhibits the same -characteristics, the difference being chiefly that between man and -woman, for in love it is true that the superiority is with the woman. -Angus's mother is after the type of Robert Falconer's mother,--a fine -Scottish matron, full of Calvinism and stern tenderness. Annie's -father, and Dalquherrie, the evil geniuses of the piece, are also well -conceived; they exhibit two natural, types of selfishness. Nor must we -omit to mention that strange compound of incontinence, soldierliness, -eccentricity, and fidelity,--the Deil--a creation worthy of Scott. - -Altogether we congratulate Mr. Gibbon on a second very marked success, -which bids fair to place him, as a describer of Scottish forms of our -common humanity, at no very great distance from George Macdonald. - - -_The Beautiful Miss Harrington._ By HOLME LEE, Author of 'Basil -Godfrey's Caprice,' &c. Smith, Elder, and Co. - -The accomplished writer who passes by the pseudonym of Holme Lee has -added to her reputation by this novel. It is written with great care -and felicitousness of style, with perfect taste, and much delicacy of -conception. As might be expected, it is pure as the driven snow, and -very life-like in delineation. It professes to be written by one of -the principal actors in the tragic story, the wife of the rector of -the parish in which the history developes itself, and every -complication of event and thought, and all the balancings of motive -reach the reader through the heart and mind of this one individual. -She is a nimble, strong-minded little woman, with an abhorrence of -shams, and an outspokenness at times quite astonishing. This old, old -story of love arrested by family pride and selfishness, and ending in -cruel disappointment and perverse conjugal relations, in a semblance -of madness, in cruel suspicions, fever, and death, has often been -told, but not often from the standpoint of a sympathetic, loving -spectator and intimate friend of the suffering heroine. The only -drawback is, that we are never admitted to the secret heart of any -masculine actor in the drama; we are never introduced into the privacy -of the lover, or the father, or the grasping heir-at-law of the -'beautiful Miss Barrington.' The presumed biographer is always -present, or quoting extracts from Felicia Barrington's letters, or -relating the gossip of her friends or her enemies. We question whether -poetical justice is altogether done, either to the selfish father, the -long-suffering husband, or to the sneaking, hypocritical reptile who -is the marplot of Felicia's happiness. There are so many ways in which -the machinations of her enemies might have easily been disappointed, -that it is evident that Holme Lee repudiates the position of being -'privy councillor to Providence,' to use one of her own expressions. -Felicia does conquer world, flesh, and devil after a fashion, and her -cruelly-used, high-minded, but intolerably blundering lover, -notwithstanding his gentleness and his Victoria Cross, his forbearance -and patience, deserves his fate; but then, after he has intentionally -broken the tender heart of the heroine, he provokingly consoles -himself with another love. We are not sure that a ward in Chancery and -heiress of entailed estates could have conferred on her husband such -powers as the wife and daughter of Mr. Barrington successively -entrusted to him; but let that pass. We thank Holme Lee for her -fascinating story, the moral of which is,--let young lovers be true to -their plighted word, though fathers, guardians, duennas, family -dignity, titled suitors, death's heads and cross-bones all demand -instant and precipitate repudiation. - - -_In that State of Life._ By HAMILTON AIDE. Smith, Elder, and Co. - -There is not much to be said about Hamilton Aide's little story. The -plot is slight. Maud, the stepdaughter of Sir Andrew Herriesson, a -pompous, irascible, narrow-minded baronet, is goaded into -clandestinely leaving his house, after refusing a wealthy match upon -which he was beset. She answers an advertisement, and becomes an under -lady's maid, with a stipend of twenty pounds a year, to Mrs. Cataret, -whose son falls in love with her, and, after a due amount of -difficulty and fuming, marries her. The story is told in a simple, -straightforward way, and the characters are well delineated, -especially that of the vivacious half-French Mrs. Cataret, and of -noble-hearted John Miles, the curate. If the story does not encourage -ill-used baronets' stepdaughters to run away, it may, harmlessly -enough, fill up an idle hour. - - -_Squire Arden._ By Mrs. OLIPHANT. Hurst and Blackett. - -Mrs. Oliphant has won such a position among our lady novelists--second -only among living writers to that of George Eliot--that it is almost -enough to announce a new story from her pen: certainly it is -superfluous to speak of her characteristics as a writer; they are as -well known as those of Anthony Trollope. Like other writers, however, -her productions are not all of equal excellence, and although there -are in 'Squire Arden' elements of literary skill and imaginative power -which would arrest the attention and excite the interest of any -critic, it cannot be designated one of her best works. The story is -not a cheerful one. Its plot is very simple. Edgar Arden, a young man -whom his father has hated and kept abroad, finds himself, soon after -attaining his majority, the Lord of Arden, with an only sister, -between whom and himself there exists a strong affection. Clare has -the Arden blood in her; with much that is excellent derived from her -mother, she has the imperious temper of her father. The redeeming -feature of her character is her love for Edgar. The new experiences of -the heir are described. A few of the village characters are -introduced, notably Dr. Somers, the village doctor, a _bon vivant_, -clever and good at heart, but somewhat cynical; his sister, Miss -Somers, a very clever creation, a kind of pious Mrs. Nickleby; Mr. -Fielding, the gentle, kindly rector, and some of the peasants. At the -house of one of them a Scotchwoman, Mrs. Murray, and her -granddaughter, Jeannie, come to lodge. The Pimpernels, Liverpool -merchants, come on the stage, but little comes of it; so do the -aristocratic neighbours, the Thornleighs. A cousin, Arthur Arden, a -half worn-out and penniless man about town, turns up, and schemes to -marry Clare, to the great distress of everybody who knows her. - -The chief interest centres in Arden. Some letters are discovered in a -bureau proving that Edgar is not an Arden, but an adopted child, the -old Squire having been at enmity with his heir. Edgar at once makes -known the discovery, and surrenders the estate to Arthur Arden, the -true heir, whose coarse, servile selfishness comes out. Edgar proves -to be the grandson of Mrs. Murray. The three volumes are occupied with -the simple development of this. The fault of the story is its -prolixity; it doesn't get on. Chapter after chapter is filled with -analyses of everybody's feelings and reflections, and with details of -everybody's movements, until the reader is really wearied. The burthen -of three volumes lies heavily upon both writer and reader. Like every -story that Mrs. Oliphant writes, the book is full of good sense and -clever things, but she should either have put into it more subordinate -and varied incidents, or have made it shorter. It is altogether -melancholy. We pity the villagers who have Arthur Arden for their -Squire; we pity Edgar, who goes forth almost penniless; but most of -all we pity Clare, whose defects hardly deserved such a retribution as -Arthur for a husband. - - -_A Snapt Gold Ring._ By FREDERICK WEDMORE. Smith, Elder, and Co. - -A story of ill-consorted marriage and of the evil that comes of it. -The point of contrast is between gifts and goodness--the power of -intellect and the greatness of love. Madeline, the simple, loving -wife, is well delineated; so is her cousin Kate, the sempstress and -actress. The writer has no great depth, but is well acquainted with -places and people, and with artist-life, and he tells his story and -points its moral fairly well. - - -_Shoemakers' Village._ By HENRY HOLBEACH. Two vols. Strahan and Co. - -Mr. Henry Holbeach cannot write without saying many clever things. He -has an eye for the humours of men and the oddities of religious -persuasion. From an outside standpoint he can see the incongruities of -strongly marked religious profession with the common affairs of life -and business. If Serene Highnesses or great ecclesiastics were -represented with their feet in hot water, and with bowls of toddy at -their side, and seen to be intent on expelling the results of -superfluous rheum from their systems, or if Prime Ministers were -honestly painted at their sport or personal business, the -incongruities of their great professions and their positive actual -doings would seem as laughable as the toy-shop and bill-discounting -and mutton pies of 'cumbersome Christians.' - -There are many scenes and bits of description in these volumes which -are almost worthy of Robert Browning, or Mrs. Oliphant; but Mr. -Holbeach seems often to be trying to produce a droll or a weird -effect, in which he never quite succeeds. For our part, we laughed -when he clearly meant us to weep, and we failed to see anything -ludicrous in the incongruities and weaknesses which he so painfully -depicts. As to plot or scheme in 'Shoemakers' Village,' there is -scarcely the apology for one. A few mysteries, of no earthly interest, -are supposed to be lying under our feet, or huddled up in dark -corners, ready to break forth upon the hum-drum life of the principal -characters, but they vanish away, without conferring any interest on -the narrative. The character of Cherry White, _alias_ Tomboy, is -freshly and vividly drawn; and the simple sweetness of her life, just -opening to the significance of love, and making her the _confidante_ -of everybody in 'Shoemakers' Village,' redeems the story from absolute -insipidity; but why she should have been drowned in a horse-pond, in -the attempt to save the life of a 'malignant epilept,' who was her -only enemy, baffles our philosophy; and we feel that the ugly splash -she must have made, when she was dragged into the muddy pool, -disfigures the entire story with uncanny stains. However, the separate -characterizations of the 'Shoemakers' Village' reveal a touch of real -power. We would respectfully advise Henry Holbeach to keep to those -higher walks of literature, where he has won for himself so just a -reputation. - - -_Historical Narratives._ From the Russian. By H. C. ROMANOFF. -Rivingtons. - -Madame Romanoff has translated six Russian tales or sketches--three by -S. N. Shoubinsky and three by V. Andreeff. She has, she tells us, -taken great liberties with Mr. Andreeff's original narrative, which is -extremely disorderly and rambling. She has curtailed it; and from its -parts or chapters has compiled one continuous narrative. The result is -not very satisfactory. The stories of Catherine the Great and the -Emperor Paul are very timidly told--either from the cautiousness of -the original or the courtliness of the translator. Strange romances -are possible under a despotism, and few nations have more tragic or -wonderful court tales to tell than the semi-oriental, semi-barbarous -despotism of Russia; but whether it be autocrat or favourite, it is -necessary that the story should be told fearlessly and fully. Neither -concerning the venal favourites about whom Shoubinsky tells us, nor -the scandalous monarchs upon whom Andreeff employs his pen, do we get -this. We have read the stories with a certain interest; but we have -felt in doing so that 'the half was not told us.' Ugly facts are -covered over with gentle euphuisms, and manifest barbarians are -decently clothed. It is the shadow of history that falls upon the -disc, not history itself. - - -_Restored._ By the Author of 'Son and Heir.' Hurst and Blackett. - -'Restored' is a very conscientious and clever novel, and deserves a -much fuller description and criticism than we can bestow upon it. It -is a piece of very honest, painstaking work; its plot and characters -are fresh, and escape the conventional type of novel-writers; its -descriptions indicate a close study of nature, an eye to observe, and -a considerable power of reproduction; while its narrations and -dialogues are inlaid with thoughtful observations and vivacious -disquisitions on men and things. The writer has made her book a -repertory for much of her philosophy of life. It would, for instance, -be possible to glean from it something like a complete theory of the -'Woman's Right' question; and we must do the authoress the justice to -say that her views are generally just and her remarks sensible. The -book, in short, is full of sterling stuff, and will bear more than one -perusal. Evidently, it has been a labour of love, written with -literary care and pride, and with a purpose much higher than that of -mere amusement. The writer's aim is high, and it has achieved a signal -success. Mr. Malreward, of Malreward Park, in Somersetshire, a -handsome, almost unmitigated scoundrel, had married the sister of the -Rev. Arthur Byrne, rector of Tintagel--we beg pardon, Trevalga--on the -northern coast of Cornwall. He soon breaks her heart; and her two -children, Victor and Frederica, become the charge of the rector, until -Harry, Mr. Malreward's eldest son by a former wife, is killed by being -thrown from his horse, and Victor becomes the heir, and has to reside -at Malreward Park. The story turns on his temptations there, under the -bad influence of his father, who is brute as well as devil, and once -almost kills him. Strong in noble principle, Victor is faithful, aided -by Deverell, the head-keeper, a striking character, an illegitimate -son of Mr. Malreward. Deverell is accused of Mr. Malreward's death, -and Victor is suspected of implication in it. After a few years, -during which, under most disheartening conditions, Victor redeems the -estate and regenerates its peasantry, he dies of fever, after a deed -of noble heroism. Freddy, his sister, has married Stansfield Erle, a -cold, selfish, self-willed lawyer, whose conversion is the most -improbable thing in the story--almost a psychological impossibility, -we think--and her son inherits the estate. Three or four of the -characters--Victor's own--Arthur Byrne, the noble-hearted -rector--Deverell's, and Freddy's--are almost original in their -conception, and are developed with admirable vigour, truth, and skill. -The drawbacks are that Victor is too hysterical, and Stansfield Erle -too much of a brute. Throughout, indeed, the agony is piled on a -little too much, but there are great power, deep truth, and a -wholesome moral in this really remarkable novel. - - -_Emmanuel Church: A Chapter in the Ecclesiastical History of the -Present Century._ By R. THOMAS. Hamilton, Adams and Co. - -A very well-written and pleasant sketch of Nonconformist church life, -exhibiting the influence which a good and wise pastor will always -gather, and the impotence of mere faction and folly seriously to -damage it. There is great good sense in the conception of the sketch, -and considerable skill in the execution of it. - - -_Checkmate._ By J. SHERIDAN LE FANU. Hurst and Blackett. - -Mr. Le Fanu occupies a distinctly original position among novel -writers. He is a master of what it has become the fashion to call -'sensation,' yet does not attain his ends by the ordinary methods. The -stereotype characters of such stories do not appear on his pages. -Never do we encounter the lovely female fiend whose first type was -'Miladi' in the 'Three Musketeers' of Dumas the inexhaustible, and who -has since committed bigamies and murders (the murders of best husbands -by preference) in the works of popular authors whom we need not name. -Again, Mr. Le Fanu is great at a mysterious plot, but his mysteries -have the immense advantage of being not entirely translucent; and in -the novel now under notice we think the readers of most experience in -such matters may reach the middle of the third volume without -penetrating the mystery which surrounds Longcluse. It is a real -puzzle, based upon an original contrivance which it would be unfair to -reveal. Mr. Le Fanu has also a strongly penetrative imagination, -whereby he lights up luridly the strange scenes that he describes, -producing an effect like a picture by Rembrandt, or like that -observable when the electric flame through a lighthouse lens falls -upon some scene in utter darkness. This power of giving intense -reality to description makes every chapter of our author's work worth -reading. The story of 'Checkmate' we shall leave untold; it has a -curious fascination about it, and will pretty surely be finished by -any one who commences it. Its characters are definite and varied. -Longcluse, hero and villain, successful for a long time, yet -checkmated at last, is an admirable portrait. The Arden baronets, -father and son, might almost be identified in Lodge or Debrett. The -ladies, especially Grace Maubray and Lady May Penrose, are choice -studies of patrician life; and as to Baron Vanboeren, that wonderful -patron and protector of scoundrels, he is one of the most original -conceptions in modern romance. Critics who question the existence of -romantic brilliancy may be referred to the _Times_ newspaper, which -has daily to record events that no novelist dare imagine. Therefore we -shall decline to inquire whether a Vanboeren exists or has -existed--whether, indeed, his vocation is possible,--and shall simply -say that he is an entirely new and strangely powerful character in the -world of bizarre romance. - - -_The Mad War-Planet._ By WILLIAM HOWITT. Longmans. - -_Muriel, and other Poems._ By E. T. WEATHERLY. Whittaker and Co. - -_Avenele, Desmond, and other Poems._ Two vols. By SOPHIA A. CAULFEILD. -Longmans. - -With some distrust of our critical infallibility, we have selected -these four volumes of poems out of some two dozen that lie on our -table. The difference between one volume of minor poetry and another -is generally infinitesimal, and we are far from meaning to imply that -the volumes left unnoticed are much below the level of the others. We -presume that minor poetry is written chiefly for a few congenial minds -in whom similar associations produce susceptibility to similar -impressions and emotions. But the critic must judge from a _quasi_ -absolute point of view, and take his stand, as it were, on the -elementary passions of the mind and the cardinal facts of nature. We -notice Mr. Howitt's volume not because we think it contains anything -even resembling poetry, but from respect for his name, and for the -sincerity of his convictions. 'The Mad War-Planet' is, unhappily, an -epic, and, still more unhappily, an epic with a theory. Mr. Howitt -believes the earth to be a spherical lunatic asylum, in which the -thousand million lunatics are unfortunately _not_ under restraint. The -theory is, of course, not new, but the working out of it is less -original and interesting than we should have expected. 'Muriel, the -Sea King's Daughter,' is musical with the tones and tinged with the -hues of the youngest school of poetry. But the art of it is delicate -and finished, and proves a real poetic gift, apart from the echoes of -Tennyson and Morris which ring through the poem. The majority of Miss -Caulfeild's poems are the manifestations of an evidently unaffected -piety. The poetry of them lies chiefly in a certain completeness of -presentation, a severity of limitation by which the ragged edges of an -emotion are made to fall off, and the mood to crystallize into a -defined and beautiful form. - - -_Pilgrim Songs in Cloud and Sunshine._ By NEWMAN HALL, LL.B. Hamilton -and Adams. - -Few things in modern literature are much more significant than the -extraordinary diffusion of the author's first publication, 'Come to -Jesus.' The spirit of that musical and soothing refrain pervades these -'Pilgrim Songs,' and offers a loving rebuke to the cold and cynical -criticism which it is fashionable to pronounce on Evangelical -Christianity. These songs of the pilgrim are full of hope and -exultation; they all seem singable on the border-land between earth -and heaven. They reveal great sensitiveness to beauty, and show the -kind of chord that has been struck in the heart of the writer by the -loveliness of earth as well as by the deepest realities of life. There -is in them a triumphant faith, born of a deep experience--a faith -which does not battle with scientific speculation nor modern -mysticism. It knows and does not prove, it rests and does not fret. -The key-note of the volume is struck in a hymn of universal praise. -The tenderness, strength, and good cheer of many of the personal -meditations are helpful. A motto appropriate to the volume would be, -'Thy statutes have been my songs in the house of my pilgrimage.' - - -_Parish Musings, or Devotional Poems._ By JOHN S. R. MONSELL, LL.D. -Rivingtons. - -A new and neat edition of one of Dr. Monsell's volumes of exquisite -sacred poems. Next to Keble and to Dr. Bonar, there is no hymn-writer -of this generation to whom the Church of God owes so much. Like them, -he is intensely subjective, spiritual, and tender. Many of his hymns -have passed into the use of all sections of the Church, and minister -richly to the best forms of devotional feeling. - - - - -THEOLOGY, PHILOSOPHY, AND PHILOLOGY. - - -_The Doctrine of Holy Scripture respecting the Atonement._ By THOMAS -J. CRAWFORD, Professor of Divinity in the University of Edinburgh. -Blackwood and Sons. 1871. - -When Dr. Crawford published his treatise on 'the Fatherhood of God, -considered in its general and special aspects, and particularly in -relation to the Atonement,' we called the attention of our readers -(_B. Q._ vol. xlvi., p. 272) to the great ability and admirable temper -with which he brought various modern theories of the Atonement to the -following test:--'How far do these theories represent the sufferings -of Christ as a manifestation altogether unparalleled of the fatherly -love of God towards all mankind.' In our opinion, he showed -triumphantly that they were lamentably defective in this prime article -of their alleged strength. The substance of these criticisms is -introduced into the present volume, and much of the able review of the -theories of Messrs. Maurice, M'Leod Campbell, Robertson, Young, and -Bushnell is here repeated, with a broader reference to the whole -question of the Atonement. The powerful _argumentum ad hominem_ is, -however, omitted, and the author's views of the limited extent of the -Atonement are so far hinted as to make us anxious to see how he will -on that hypothesis develope his strongly held thesis on the Fatherhood -of God. Doubtless, the ground taken by him would be this, that the -love of the Eternal Universal Father was so great to the whole of -mankind that He sent His Son to save all who should believe in Him. -Dr. Crawford says truly, that 'a full discussion of it would be -impracticable, apart from the difficult and mysterious subject of the -_purposes of God_.' The limitation of the _extent_ and _destination_ -of the Atonement to those and those only who stand in covenant -relation with Christ in the counsels of the Godhead, or who are in -living union with the Lord Jesus Christ by faith, originates _per se_ -so many grievous difficulties that it has done more than anything else -to induce the violent criticism of the orthodox doctrine of the -Atonement. The not infrequent concession of this hypothesis in this -able writer's discussion of other aspects of the Atonement, disturbs -the almost unlimited satisfaction with which we have perused the -volume. We may say further, by way of criticism, that it seems to us -scarcely legitimate to place the theory upheld by Wardlaw, Pye-Smith, -Jenkyn and others, on a lower platform than that of Martineau, Jowett, -or Bushnell. It is certainly submitted to the most scathing criticism -contained in the entire volume, and is represented in colours and -terms hardly meted out to those who arraign at the bar of conscience -the entire idea of substitution, and who entirely repudiate the -Catholic doctrine of the Atonement. We have not space here to discuss -or defend Dr. Wardlaw from this powerful attack. We have previously, -in this Review, at considerable length, shown that we consider the -rectoral or governmental theory insufficient, and exposed to serious -objection. It is well known that Dr. Campbell, in his interesting work -on the 'Nature of the Atonement,' reveals far less sympathy with the -modern Calvinism of the school of Wardlaw and Jenkyn than he does with -the more logical and profound principles of Calvin and Owen. But -Wardlaw and Campbell, though they widely differ on the _rationale_ of -the Atonement, do both, together with Dr. Crawford, stand firmly on -the position that our blessed Lord consummated a great work of -redemption _for_ human nature, which no individual of the human race -could effect for himself, and this _over_ and _above_ that work -wrought _in_ humanity by the grace of the Spirit in virtue of the work -of Christ. We beg our readers, however, to read Dr. Crawford's -examination of the 'theory of sympathy,' which is made by Campbell and -others to cover and explain the deep mystery of the sufferings of -Christ. The alternative exhibited by Luther, that forgiveness of sins -could not be conceived of in the dominion of a holy God, unless there -be either a sufficient satisfaction or an adequate repentance, was -accepted by Dr. Campbell; but instead of looking, with Luther, for -satisfaction of a violated law, he has taken the other side of the -alternative, viz., the _adequate repentance_ for the sins of the human -race, rendered from the ground of human nature, in the awful sympathy -of Jesus, and in that loving consciousness of human sin and peril -which filled the cup of sorrow, and broke the heart of the Son of God. -Now, Dr. Crawford has not referred to the various Scriptural arguments -by which Dr. Campbell endeavoured to sustain his somewhat startling -thesis, but has grappled with the main proposition itself, and shown -it to be insufficient to sustain the language of Christ or his -Apostles; that all the elements of a complete and _adequate -repentance_ for the sins of the world could not be found in one who -had no experience of sinful desire; further, that if this were -possible, and were clearly stated in Holy Scripture, then, so far from -the sufferings of Christ consequent on his agonizing sympathy with -sinners providing the ground of forgiveness of sins, this theory would -merely aggravate the offensiveness of sin, and run the danger of -transforming the entire efficacy of the Atonement of Christ into the -power of His example exercising a sanctifying influence upon the life -of the believer. - -We cannot follow Dr. Crawford in his clear, calm, candid treatment of -the various hypotheses of Grotius, Maurice, Bushnell, Young, and -Robertson. These controversial chapters are models of honourable -debate, they are scrupulously fair in quotation, and complete in -rejoinder. But it would be incorrect not to state that the greater -proportion of this valuable work is expository rather than -controversial; inductive rather than deductive. The author assumes no -theory or theological definition from which to start, but simply -enumerates, with much elaboration and care, in fourteen 'groups,' all -the teaching of the New Testament on the subject of the work of -Christ. The principal interpretations of these _loci classici_ come -under review, and great care is taken to make them sustain no weight -greater than they can bear. The conclusions at which the author -arrives are given in twelve brief sections of high and sacred -eloquence. 'The confirmatory evidence of the Old Testament respecting -the Atonement' is summed up under the heading of _prophecy_ and -_sacrifice_; and, while claiming for the Levitical sacrifices a -piacular character for sins of a certain class, the non-expiatory -theories of Baehr, Hofmann, Keil, and Young are carefully reviewed. - -The general objections to the Scriptural doctrine of the Atonement are -well handled. We call special attention to the manner in which Dr. -Crawford replies to the allegation that Christ manifested personal -reserve respecting the Atonement. It is well to remember that 'the -purpose of our Lord's ministry was to _make_ rather than _preach_, the -Atonement;' that 'Christ is the _subject_ as well as the _author_ of -the Gospel--His life, death, resurrection, and ascension are included -in it as its most important elements; that the teaching of Christ was -gradual and progressive, and when most advanced indicated the need of -further teaching,' and then, finally, that 'this reserve has been -greatly exaggerated.' Our author is most happy in refuting a variety -of objections raised to the atoning character of the work of Christ -from the silence of the parables, and says, most truly, that 'if we -were to proceed upon the principle that anything that is not expressly -mentioned in a particular passage which speaks of the forgiveness of -sin may be set aside as having no connection with that blessing, I -might undertake to prove that _repentance_ is not at all necessary to -forgiveness.' - -We have devoted unusual space to our notice of this important book. -The intrinsic grandeur of the theme, and the masterly treatment it has -received from our author, must be our explanation. We have, however, -touched only a very few of the points with which he has grappled. It -ought to be observed, in conclusion, that he has purposely omitted all -reference to the _history_ of the doctrine of the Atonement Nor was it -necessary. The treatise is, strictly speaking, a vigorous attempt to -establish, by an inductive process, 'the Biblical theology' of the -Atonement. Dr. Crawford does not use or defend the soteriology of the -Fathers, Schoolmen, or Reformers, nor does he the confession of faith -of his own Church. We have not read a theological treatise for a long -time which, upon the whole, has given us greater satisfaction. - - -_The Doctrine of the Atonement, as taught by the Apostles; or, the -Sayings of the Apostles Energetically Expounded._ With Historical -Appendix. By Rev. GEORGE SMEATON, D.D. Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark. - -We cannot too highly commend the conception and general execution of -this really great theological work. Professor Smeaton may claim the -honour of having inaugurated, at any rate in Scotland, a _novum -organum_ of theology. In relation to passing phases of thought in -Christendom, he opposes the severely theological character of his work -to 'a sort of spiritual religious or mystic piety, whose watchword is -spiritual life, divine love, and moral redemption, by a great teacher -and ideal man, and absolute forgiveness, as contrasted with everything -forensic.' In relation to ordinary Scottish methods of treating -theological doctrines, he proposes to establish the doctrine of the -Atonement by a severely inductive method. In his former volume he -submitted to an exegetical examination the sayings of our Lord in -relation thereto; in the present volume he submits to a similar -examination the sayings of the apostles. In this he has had -predecessors in Germany and Holland--as for example, in the works of -Schmid and Van Oosterzee, of which translations have been recently -published. But in British theology he has had no predecessor, so far -as we remember, in such treatment of the doctrine of Atonement. In his -great work on the 'Scripture Testimony to the Messiah,' Dr. Pye-Smith -adopted it in relation to our Lord's Divinity. Obviously it is the -only satisfactory method. _A priori_ theories constructed for systems -of theology can never satisfy independent inquirers concerning a -doctrine which, while it appeals to the principles and intuitions of -our moral nature, yet as to its facts is a matter of pure revelation. -The exegetical method which Professor Smeaton adopts, as opposed to -the systematic theology method usually adopted, is clearly the true -one. - -The question, therefore, is, how far has Professor Smeaton been -successful in realizing his method, and what is his exegetical -ability? _First_, we regret that, with all its disadvantages of -repetitions and lack of order, he rejected the plan of 'discussing the -passages as they lie _in situ_ in the several books,' and adopted the -plan of 'digesting them under a variety of topics.' Not only does a -strictly inductive method demand the former plan, but very important -meanings depend upon the development of a strict chronological order. -Professor Smeaton even accepts the arrangement of the Epistles in the -English Testament. _Next_, in our notice of Professor Smeaton's former -volume, we were compelled to say that he brought to our Lord's sayings -much preconceived theology--that he had not thrown off the heavy -burden of the Assembly's 'Confession of Faith,'and that thus his -method was seriously vitiated. From this the strictly chronological -method would have helped to keep him. In this volume he has perhaps -been more successful, but the indications, not to say the bias, of his -school of theological thought, are everywhere cognizable, both in -phrase and in exegesis--_e.g._, the term 'surety for others' as -applied to our Lord; the statement, 'according to the will of Him that -sent Him, He comprehended in himself a body, or a vast multitude;' -with the corresponding interpretations of 1 John ii.2. The 'whole -world,' according to Professor Smeaton, is 'believers out of every -tribe and nation,' 'The redeemed of every period, place, and people.' -This bias, too, prompts the interpretation of 1 John i.7 in an -objective rather than a subjective sense. Altogether, the subjective -conditions of the Atonement are unduly disparaged, although they are -not only recognised in Scripture, but are the essential complement of -the objective conditions. Throughout, the theological and scholastic -predominate over the exegetical and inductive. Professor Smeaton is a -very accomplished scholar, and, notwithstanding the qualifications we -have mentioned, a vigorous and independent thinker. His work would -have been better had its method been more rigidly adhered to, but it -is a great and noble work--a credit to British Biblical scholarship, -and a great service to doctrinal theology. - - -_An Examination of Canon Liddon's Bampton Lectures in the Divinity of -our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ._ By A CLERGYMAN OF THE CHURCH OF -ENGLAND. Truebner and Co. 1871. - -This writer is anxious to impale, not only Canon Liddon, but all who -hold substantially the Catholic doctrine of the Person of our Lord -Jesus, on one or other horn of the following dilemma:--Either Pure -Rationalism is our adequate guide, or the Catholic Church is the true -divine informant of man. 'Repudiate,' he virtually says, 'orthodox -doctrine, or admit that the Church is the depository and organ of -Divine revelation.' Protestant orthodoxy confessing Catholic -exposition of Holy Scripture, is, to our author's mind, inconsistent -in method and fundamentally insecure. He professes not to debate 'the -truth or falsehood of a doctrine, but the security or insecurity of a -foundation on which a minority of Christians have attempted to erect -that doctrine.' In every variety of phrase our author charges upon -Protestant interpreters of Holy Scripture, and on Mr. Liddon, as the -principal illustration of the painful phenomenon, the prepossession -and bias which blunt their exegetical tact; the traditionary and -apparently invincible blindness which prevents their understanding the -contents of the Bible; and the prejudice which so obfuscates their -spiritual perceptions that they continually wrest the true -significance of God's Word written, into irrational agreement with the -creeds of the Church. Orthodox believers 'never read the other side.' -The mastery of standard Unitarian books is no part of clerical -preparation in the Church of England, and orthodox Nonconformist -ministers are 'not genuinely and honestly acquainted with the -adversary at all.' The moral results of Protestant orthodoxy are, in -this writer's opinion, deplorable. Where anything has been effected by -it, according to our anonymous author, it has not been 'in virtue of -the dogma that God is three Persons rather than one Father, but in -virtue of truths which are the property of Theism as much as of -Ecclesiasticism.' We think he is just when he urges that 'no man or -society of men, while abjuring the Church's authoritative, -interpreting, and revealing functions, is legitimately empowered to -bind on the conscience doctrines which have not reasonable evidence -and do not admit of reasonable detailed exhibition.' He is extremely -vigorous, if not bitter, in his denunciation of those Protestant -divines who, according to him, already surcharged with Catholic or -ecclesiastical traditions, pretend to find on Protestant principles -the doctrines they know and love in the Holy Scriptures. Repeated -examinations of the Bampton lecture of Dr. Liddon have convinced him -that the lecturer's method is vicious and unsound, and that no -'unbiased individual judgment, rationally exercised, can deduce from -the Bible the doctrines of Christ's co-equal deity.' The work which -follows is a searching attempt to grapple with the Scriptural argument -as presented by Mr. Liddon. There is great ingenuity in the method of -attack. The author lays hold of the most consummate expression of Mr. -Liddon's theology--one on which Trinitarians of different schools -might join issue with him, and which can hardly be said to be the -explicit doctrine of the Nicene or Athanasian Creed--viz., 'that our -Lord's Godhead is exclusively the seat of His personality, and that -His manhood is not of itself an individual being.' There are those who -may say that in this statement Mr. Liddon somewhat verges on -Monophysitism, and therefore on a special theory which is intended to -explain what for ever must remain inexplicable, if the two halves of -the great synthesis are both to be held with equal tenacity. We are -not concerned here with this theory further than to show that the -author continually supposes this fundamental principle involved by Mr. -Liddon in every reference which Holy Scripture makes to the humanity -of our Lord. The leading features of the Catholic doctrine in the -matter seem to us to be a repudiation of any theory on the _how_ of -the hypostatic union, and a continuous assertion of the veritable -humanity as well as the eternal godhead of the Christ. Our author -refers to the various and abundant proofs contained in Holy Scripture -of the humanity, as if they were, _pro tanto_, a denial of the vast -induction of theology touching the Person of the Lord. He appears to -imply that every investigator in this great field of theological -inquiry must necessarily go through the entire induction for himself -before he is at liberty to see in any particular passage of Scripture -anything more than what a rigid grammatical praxis can make out of it. -Let us take an analogous case: The doctrine of gravitation (together -with the third law of motion) is established on a wide induction of -facts, still the realization of the truth of it requires a careful -elaboration of the facts in a generalized form, and a certain amount -of imagination. The motion of the earth towards the falling -rain-drops; or the circumstance that each fly on a window-pane drives -the round earth backwards in its upward march, is absolutely -inconceivable and incredible taken as a separate, isolated fact of -observation; and when the observer goes to the special supposed -phenomenon he must take with him pre-suppositions and broad -generalizations, which countervail all the evidence of his senses. No -one fact of attraction would be enough anywhere in the vast field to -determine the law, or even suggest it; the majority of isolated facts -taken alone would--nay, _still do_--suggest a counter theory; and yet, -for all that, the theory of universal gravitation may be held -dogmatically, and must be brought to interpret an apparently -recalcitrant fact without violating any principle of induction. It -does not follow, even if the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed be -accepted as a true induction of the facts of the Scripture, and a -broad and satisfying generalization of the revealed Essence of the -Godhead and of the Person of Christ, that those who do so accept it -are bound to believe the creed to be the result of supernatural -guidance given to the Church; nor is it just or rational in their -application of it to see _all_ it involves in _every_ text of Holy -Scripture on which its elements are presumed to rest. Our anonymous -clergyman is lavish in his terms of abuse, and, though careful to -quote Mr. Liddon's own words, he does not hesitate to speak -continually of his 'heedless rhetoric and readiness of assumption,' of -his 'reckless verbiage and stilted exposition and neglected context,' -of his 'rapacious deduction,' and 'unscrupulous eagerness, in the face -of probability, to appropriate ambiguous language.' He sings a -cuckoo-note of 'pre-supposition' and 'orthodox bias' blinding orthodox -eyes, and all the rest of it. It would seem that those who take a -diametrically opposite view of the Person of our Lord always 'calmly -review the evidence,' and are never moved by any predisposition -whatever. Now, nothing has seemed to us more obvious than that this -clergyman of the Anglican Church has gone with a thorough Arian, if -not Unitarian bias, to the New Testament, and he cannot see there what -to the consciousness of millions of honest thinkers is as plain as the -sun in the heavens. It would be just as easy for Mr. Liddon to turn -round, and with text after text accuse his critic of foregone -conclusions, of arrant scepticism, of ignorant sciolism, of -colour-blindness. - -We think that it is scarcely fair of this anonymous critic to promise -to refute the Protestant method of Mr. Liddon in demonstrating the -Deity of our Lord, and then to commence by undermining, not simply the -authenticity of John's Gospel, but the trustworthiness of the -synoptists. If the New Testament is to be blown upon as well as the -Protestant principle, let us understand one another, and not waste -time in writing our rational vindication of the orthodox doctrine of -the Godhead. - -It is impossible to go into the details of the criticism of Mr. Liddon -in a short notice, we therefore confine ourselves to two more remarks -on the principle of the volume. The author seems to think that nothing -but Catholic, conciliar orthodoxy can be held to account for the -perverse exegesis of Protestant theologians, and their unthinking -trust in the revealed dogma of the Divine-humanity and Deity of our -Lord. Surely the very fact may be in itself a vindication that, apart -altogether from Church authority, and apart from the Bible also, in -the history of religious thought and philosophical speculation there -are predisposing causes and tendencies which lead up to this great -induction. Apart from Christianity altogether, religious men have with -surprising frequency believed either in Divine incarnation or in -apotheosis, or in both. No wonder, when the religious instinct points -so strongly in this direction, that the exegetical faculty may be -assisted by it to see what mere grammar may sometimes fail to see. - -The speculative view, the induction which this author would justify as -the final dictum of Biblical theology, would, after all, go a long way -in the direction of the truth. He admits the Christ of the New -Testament to be more than man; he cannot deny He is the giver of all -spiritual gifts to man, and possesses many other lofty sublime -superhuman functions. The difficulty in this whole class of exegesis -has been felt for ages, and appeared in the Nicene controversy; it -leads to practical tritheism, to a rivalry on the throne of God. If -the Biblical theory of the author be accepted, he who is less than God -is, practically, the God of the Christian; but this, with the Bible in -our hands, is impossible. It is the intense monotheism of the Bible, -and of Christ himself, which has driven the Protestant Christian -consciousness, as well as the Catholic Church, into the formulization -of the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity. We cannot affect to regret -that the arguments and method of Mr. Liddon should have received so -searching a criticism. Our author's extra-bilious hatred of rhetoric -has betrayed him into unnecessary severity of personal invective, but -there is a manly and obvious desire to be fair and honourable in his -treatment. It is a war to the knife over the most sacred theme in -human thought, and, while we do not attempt to justify all Cannon -Liddon's interpretations, or stand by all his philosophy, we believe -that he is much nearer to the thought of St. John and St. Paul than -his critic. - -_Select English Works of John Wyclif._ Edited from original MSS., by -THOMAS ARNOLD, M.A. Oxford, at the Clarendon Press. 1869. - -These volumes were undertaken by the delegates of the University -Press, at the earnest instance of the late Canon Shirley, the -accomplished editor of the 'Fasciculi Zizaniorum Magistri Johannis -Wyclif cum Tritico' of Thomas Netter, of Walden, one of the series of -'Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the -Middle Ages,' issued by the Master of the Rolls. The learned Canon -intended to have personally superintended their preparation, and to -have prefixed to them an Introduction, in which he would have -endeavoured to fix the exact theological position of the writer, in -reference both to his own and to later times, besides probably -settling, so far as the means at our disposal allow, the chronology -and authenticity of the immense mass of writings ascribed to Wyclif--a -task for which he was eminently qualified, having devoted the best -part of ten years of his life--alas! too short--to the study of the -works and age of the English Reformer. The lamented death of Dr. -Shirley devolved the duty of preparing these select works for the -press on Mr. Arnold, whom he had previously requested to act as his -editorial assistant. - -Some time before his death, Dr. Shirley had compiled, partly from -previously-published catalogues of the writings of Wycliff, such as -those of Bale, Leland, Tanner, Lewis, and the late editor of this -Review, and partly from other sources, a carefully prepared catalogue -of his own, which he issued from the press in 1865, adding to each -article critical notices of the evidence on which it was assigned to -the Reformer, and intimating in the preface that one of his objects in -the publication was to solicit the aid of scholars generally, in -making the catalogue complete. What success this intimation met with -does not appear. There is but one writing of Wyclif's published in -these volumes which is not included in Dr. Shirley's catalogue, the -'Lincolniensis,' vol. iii. 230. Mr. Arnold prints it from a manuscript -in the Bodleian, in which it is inserted between two other tractates, -both of which appear in this selection, and one of which had -previously been published both by Dr. James and Dr. Vaughan, who, as -well as Ball, Lewis, and Dr. Shirley, also ascribe the other to the -Reformer. It would have been more satisfactory, therefore, if he had -given his reasons for including it in his selection, as it is scarcely -possible that it had been 'overlooked,' especially by Dr. Vaughan and -Dr. Shirley, the inference from which would be that they regarded it -as of much too doubtful authenticity to be even noticed; and all the -more so, that although he had previously said (vol. i. 3), 'I have no -doubt that this, like most of the remaining contents of the -manuscript, was written by Wyclif,' in the note which he has prefixed -to the tractate (vol. iii. 230), he confesses 'it cannot be denied -that it contains nothing which might not equally well have been -written by one of his followers, as Herford, or Repyndon, or Aston.' - -Dr. Shirley's catalogue enumerates _sixty-five_ English works which -are attributed to Wyclif. Of these, however, Mr. Arnold has only -published _thirty-two_, the others being omitted on one of the -following grounds: either 'that they are certainly not by Wyclif, or -that their authenticity is more doubtful than that of those selected, -or that they are in themselves less valuable, or that they have been -already frequently printed.' It is on this last ground, especially, -that he omits the _Wycket_, the best known, and at one time also the -most popular of all Wyclif's writings. The omissions are enumerated, -vol. iii. _et seqq._, where Mr. Arnold also states his reasons for -assigning each to the head under which it is classified. Some of these -reasons are conclusive--_e.g._, when he rejects the '_Speculum vitae -Christianae_,' because it is found to be a little manual of religious -instruction, compiled in English by the direction of Thoresby, -Archbishop of York, in the year 1357. But those assigned in other -cases strike us as being open to considerable question--_e.g._, the -only one alleged for the rejection of the 'Early English Sermons' is, -that '_no one except Dr. Vaughan ever ascribed them_ to Wyclif, and -_the partial examination_ I was able to make of them at Cambridge last -year convinced me they were the production of a traveller in the -well-known track of homiletics, who possessed no spark of the erratic -and daring spirit of our author.' Dr. Vaughan was not the man to -rashly commit himself on such a subject, and it is quite possible that -his opinion was based on something more than 'a partial examination' -of the MS. In other cases Mr. Arnold has endorsed his opinions, though -without any reference to him; a more thorough 'examination' might, -therefore, have led him to a similar agreement with Dr. Vaughan in -this. But Mr. Arnold's omission of some of the other writings included -in Dr. Shirley's Catalogue on the ground of their authenticity 'being -more doubtful than that of others selected,' is even more summary than -his dismissal of the judgment of Dr. Vaughan on the subject of the -'Sermons.' The reason he assigns is, that after carefully reading them -through, he 'considered that whether from the absence of a tone of -authority, or from the contractedness and poverty of the style, or -from peculiarities of diction, or from the _multiplied indications of -a period of active persecution_, it was more probable that they -proceeded from some Lollard pen, writing _from ten to thirty years_ -after the Reformer's death.' And this appears in the preface to vol. -iii., after his Confession in the preface to vol. i. 'Relying on the -_consensus_ of all the ordinary English historians, including Lingard. -I came to the study of the questions affecting the authenticity of -writings ascribed to Wyclif with the preconceived belief that the -attempts of the English State and hierarchy to coerce heretical or -erroneous opinions had not, previously to the enactment of the famous -statute commonly called "De Haeretico comburendo," in 1401, proceeded -to the length of inflicting capital punishment, either on the gibbet -or at the stake. The common impression certainly is--and it was shared -by myself--that no one suffered death in England for his religious -opinions, by direct infliction at the hands of the magistrate, before -William Sawtre, the first victim to the statute above-mentioned.... -Being led to examine narrowly the grounds of the supposition -above-mentioned, I came upon certain facts which tended to throw doubt -... on (it). Mr. Bond, keeper of the MSS. at the British Museum, was -good enough to point out to me a passage in the Chronicles of Meaux -... which is much to the purpose.... Abbot Burton says (vol. ii. 323) -that the Franciscans or a section of them, opposed certain -constitutions of John XXIII., who therefore caused many of them to be -condemned to be burnt, some in France in 1318, others at various -places in France, Spain, Italy, and Germany in 1330; and that among -the severities practised on this last occasion, "in Anglia, in quadam -silva, combusti sunt viri quinquaginta-quinque, et mulieres octo, -ejusdem sectae et erroris." This is indefinite, certainly, but there -seems no possibility of questioning its substantial truth; and if it -be true, then men and women were burnt in England for heresy before -1401!' We have no means of judging of the 'multiplied indications of a -period of active persecution' in the writings which are ascribed for -that reason to 'from ten to thirty years after the Reformer's death,' -but they can hardly be more decided or more numerous than similar -indications, even in the 'Sermons,' contained in the first and second -of these volumes, the 'authenticity of which, taken as a whole,' Mr. -Arnold tells us, 'cannot reasonably be questioned.' The following are -examples: 'Antecrist denyeth not to alegge Goddis lawe for his power; -but he seith that, if men denyen it, thei shal be cursid, _slayn_ and -_brent_' (vol. i. 111). 'Crist diffineth thus, that who so is wroth to -his brother is worthi of judgment to be dampnyd in helle: and who so -with his ire speketh wordis of scorne, he is worthi to be dampned in -counsaile of the Trinitie. And who so with his wrathe spekith folily -wordis of sclaundre, he is worthi to be punishid with the fire of -helle. Myche more yf _preestis now_ withouten cause of bileve _sleen -many thousand_ men, thei been worthi to be dampnyd' (vol. i. 117). -'They procuren the people, bothe more and lesse, to kille Cristis -disciplis for hope of great mede' (vol. i. 153); an evident allusion -to the Act surreptitiously foisted into the Statute Book by the -prelates in 1382, like the following, 'And herfore make them statutis -stable as a stoon; and thei geten graunt of knyghtis to confirmen hem. -O Crist ... wel y wote that _knyghtis tooken gold in his case_, to -help that thi lawe be hid' (vol. i. 129). 'And this word (Luke vi. 23) -comfortith symple men, that ben clepid eretikes and enemys to the -Chirch, for thei tellen Goddis lawe: for thei ben somynned and -reprovyd _many weies and after put in prison, and brend or kild as -worse than theves_' (vol. i. 205). 'Seculer men for _muck ben_ to these -prelatis ... and these betraien Cristene men to _turment_, and -_putten hem to death_ for holdinge of Cristis lawe.' - -Had Mr. Arnold consulted Burton for himself, he would have found -another passage: 'Hiis diebus (1201) idem papa Innocentius tertius, -Philippo regi Franciae misit ut terram Albigensium converteret et -haereticos deleret. Qui plures capiens cremari fecit; quorum _aliqui in -Angliam venientes vivi comburebantur_' ('Chronicc. Mon. de Meesa,' ed. -Bond. i. 333). And if he had pursued the subject further, he would -have found the abbot's testimony confirmed by that of Thomas of -Walden, of whom he speaks, vol. iii. 9, who says: 'Tempore Joannis -Anglorum regis veniunt in Angliam Albigenses haeretici, quorum _multi -capti vivi_ combusti sunt' ('Doctr.' i., 2d ed., 1532); and also by -Knyghton, who, speaking of the same reign, tells us: 'Albigenses -haeretici venerunt in Angliam, quorum aliqui comburebantur vivi' (ap. -Twysden, x. Script. 2418): that according to the 'Liber de Antiquis -Legibus,' there was an Albigense burnt in London in 1210 (ap. Hook, -'Lives of Abps. of Cant.,' i. 153): and that Ralph of Coggeshall tells -us of two persons that were burnt for heresy at Oxford in 1222 -('Chron. Angll.' 268). He would also have discovered that, so far from -being 'the first victim to the Statute de Haeretico comburendo,' Sawtre -did not suffer under that Act at all. The warrant for his execution -had been signed and his execution had taken place before the Act was -passed. ('Rott. Parl.' iii. 459. Fascicc. lix.) Such lawyers as -Britton, Bracton, Fitzherbert, and Chief Justice Hale maintain that -heresy had previously been punished with death under the common law of -the realm. (Hale, 'Pleas of the Crown,' i. 383.) - -But although for these and other reasons we cannot estimate the -critical value of these 'Select works' at all highly, we welcome their -appearance with great thankfulness as a very important addition to the -materials already supplied, especially by Dr. Vaughan, Dr. Shirley, -and Dr. Lechler, for the study of the times and works of the Reformer. -They add but little to our knowledge of his opinions or of those of -his followers, but they throw great light on his unwearied industry -and the heroic zeal in the cause which he espoused; and particularly -the 'Sermons,' which were evidently intended to be used by his 'poore -preestis' in preaching to the people, on the means by which he -acquired so paramount an influence with his countrymen generally. They -will not, by any means, supersede Dr. Vaughan's carefully prepared -'Tracts and treatises' (Wycl. Soc., 1845), but rather add to their -value. We shall yet hope that the delegates of the University Press -will issue, if not all, at least the more important of the English -writings of the Reformer which are still unpublished; and, if that -were followed by another or two of his Latin theological treatises, -under the editorship of some such competent scholar as Dr. Lechler, to -whom we are indebted for admirable editions of the 'De Officio -Pastorali' (Lips., 1863) and the 'Trialogus,' recently issued from the -Clarendon Press, they would do the ecclesiastical student a most noble -service. - - -_The Martyrs and Apologists._ By E. DE PRESSENSE, D.D. Translated by -ANNIE HARWOOD. Hodder and Stoughton. - -This second volume of Dr. Pressense's great work on the early years of -Christianity, like its predecessor, has been specially prepared by its -author for this English edition. Although not, perhaps, of such -familiar and pregnant interest as the first volume, which contained -the history of the first Christian century, it is yet hardly possible -to exaggerate the importance of the sub-apostolic age, its -crystallizing life and formulating dogmas, its incipient errors and -manifold oppositions; and we need not say that M. de Pressense brings -to the delineation of these the rich eloquence, epigrammatic -characterization, keen spiritual insight, and ample learning which -have given him perhaps the very foremost place as a Church historian -and apologist among his contemporaries in France. Especially must we -note the scientific skill of his arrangement, and his artistic sense -of proportion--an essential feature, without which a general history -becomes a mere encyclopaedia. The volume abounds in finished portraits -and descriptions. While, however, M. de Pressense holds firmly by the -great principles of the Christian revelation, as they are held by -orthodox theologians, he is yet so essentially independent in his -judgments, and sympathetic in his charities, that he is utterly -removed from either narrowness or dogmatism. He thus combines -orthodoxy with liberality, as he does scientific exactness with -popular representation, in a way which makes his work for general uses -as valuable in England as it is in France. It takes a place of its -own, with a power, completeness, and eloquence not likely soon to be -surpassed. It is affecting to think how in the midst of the sad -tragedies of Paris during the past nine months the author has been -engaged, while the translator and printer have been doing their work. -The present volume is divided into three sections. The first treats of -the missions and persecutions of the Church; the second of its most -illustrious representatives, the Fathers of the second and third -centuries; and the third of its controversial conflicts, presenting a -complete outline of the Apology of the Early Church. We can only touch -one or two points, premising that M. de Pressense's wonderful touch -quickens into life and beauty things that _dilettanti_ readers are -accustomed to turn from as dry and barren. M. de Pressense first -describes in a few masterly paragraphs the conditions, and, that we -may the more vividly apprehend the magnitude of the Church's -conquests, he summarizes the elements of conflict; on the one side, -the simple, unaided spirituality of the Church, her poverty, lack of -prestige, prejudice, and simplicity; on the other, the moral -corruption, the intellectual as well as physical sensuousness, the -religious fanaticism, the philosophic materialism and infidelity of -heathenism. We had marked for quotation more than one eloquent -paragraph, but must forbear. M. de Pressense maintains the continuance -and only gradual cessation of miraculous powers in the Church. Equally -beautiful and masterly is his picture of Christian life during -persecution, carefully gathered in its details from patristic -writings. Of the persecutions themselves he gives a discriminating -account, especially of the severest and most anomalous of all, the -persecution under Marcus Aurelius. Alexander Severus relaxed the -severity of Imperial infliction, and on one occasion even exceeded -some of our modern Churchmen; for, when some Roman tavern-keepers -memorialized him for the closing of a place of Christian worship, he -refused, saying that 'It was better that a god should be worshipped in -that house, be he who he might, than that it should fall into the -hands of tavern-keepers.' He also so much admired the principles of -Christian Church government that he sought to introduce some of them -into the administration of the empire. In this portion of his work M. -de Pressense gives us admirable epitomes of the principal Christian -apologies. Concerning his portraits of the Fathers of the Church, -beginning with the Apostolic Fathers, then arranging in two classes -the Fathers of the Eastern and of the Western Churches, we can say -only they are most admirable. Some are medallions, some are -full-length figures; they all constitute a gallery of great richness -and brilliancy. M. de Pressense is never greater than when -portrait-painting. We can only commend this very instructive, -eloquent, and fascinating book to all who care to know how the forms -of Christian life, which fill eighteen centuries, had their origin; -once taken up, they will find it difficult to lay it down. It is only -just to say that, aided in matters of scholarship by learned friends, -Miss Harwood has achieved the translation with great care and ability: -while converting idiomatic French into idiomatic English, she has -admirably preserved the vivacity and antithesis of M. de Pressense's -style. - - -_The Ten Commandments._ By R. W. DALE, M.A. Hodder and Stoughton. - -The ten 'Words' of Sinai, both as an injunction of mere authority, and -as a mere prohibition of evil, are a very inferior rule of Christian -life. They are adapted to the nonage of men, and they relate, in part, -to vices from which all men of ordinary Christian morality are far -removed; they are, in fact, an authoritative legislation for men who -have not yet risen to the intelligent recognition of the great -principles of right and wrong, and who know nothing of the love of God -and of holiness--which, by making a man a law to himself, makes -statutory legislation in the domain of religion and virtue -superfluous. The humiliating thing is, that after eighteen centuries -of the 'Sermon on the Mount,' and of the principles and constraints of -the Gospel of Christ, any teaching from the 'Ten Commandments' should -be either requisite or possible. But so it is. There are multitudes of -men and women upon whom sheer authority alone will tell, who love to -be dealt with as we deal with children; but even with these, among -ourselves, Mr. Dale has to exercise his ingenuity in finding practical -applications for the first two of the commandments, which relate to -idolatry. With the rest he has no difficulty--they furnish him with -texts for the inculcation of much practical and urgent moral teaching, -often entering, as in the fifth and ninth commandments, into domains -of life and relationship that are not often touched by preachers. We -especially commend Mr. Dale's wise and beautiful treatment of the -fifth commandment; his remarks on family relationships and duties are -very felicitous and timely. We cannot agree with Mr. Dale's conclusion -that the Sabbath originated with the Leviticus. Some of his arguments -in support of it, as, for instance, that the gathering of manna was -interdicted on the seventh day before the delivery of the decalogue, -to prepare the people for the new Sabbath-keeping, are singularly -weak, especially in an acute reasoner like Mr. Dale; while all the -presumptions are, we think, against him. We think, too, that the -Divine authority for the Lord's Day is stronger than he represents it -to be. These, however, are but exceptions to the strong approval and -admiration that the volume has constrained. The simple, nervous, lucid -style, the clear discrimination, the pointed, practical faithfulness, -and especially the manly, fearless honesty of Mr. Dale's expositions, -demand the very highest eulogy. It is a vigorous, useful, and honest -book. - - -_Fundamentals or Bases of Belief concerning Man, God, and the -Correlation of God and Man._ By THOMAS GRIFFITH, M.A., Prebendary of -St. Paul's. Longmans. - -This extremely interesting book is justly entitled a 'Handbook of -Mental, Moral, and Religious Philosophy;' and the author, while fully -alive to the latent expression of physiological metaphysics, takes a -firm stand on the datum of consciousness, and establishes the -substantial, moral, religious, progressive, and permanent qualities of -the human being, as well as the intelligence and personality of God. -The author then proceeds to those facts of history which show that God -is carrying on a development for the human race, by awakening men to -their need of himself, by sending gifted spirits to respond to this -need, by originating the sacred family, nation, and brotherhood, by -dwelling in the midst of this brotherhood, by assimilating its members -to His own image, and perfecting them in His final kingdom. The volume -is full of quotations from the masters of human thought, and is -pervaded by a very high tone of speculation. Distinctive doctrines of -the Gospel are scarcely touched upon, but they are not ignored. The -author makes good his profession that in spite of 'the dust rained by -the conflict of opinion in this unsettled age, there are foundation -truths upon which to plant the tottering feet.' - - -_Seven Homilies on Ethnic Inspiration; or, on the Evidences supplied -by the Pagan Religions of both primaeval and later Guidance and -Inspiration from Heaven._ By the Rev. JOSEPH TAYLOR GOODSIR, F.R.S.E. -Part First of an Apologetic Series and a sketch of an Evangelical -Preparation. Williams and Norgate. 1871. - -There is a wonderful flourish of trumpets about this volume. One might -almost suppose that Mr. Goodsir was the first man who from a purely -Christian and Biblical standpoint recognised a divine order in the -evolution of the human race--a divine and supernatural guidance -afforded to the nations of the world beyond the limits of the Hebrew -people and the Christian Church. It is remarkable that in spite of his -considerable learning he makes no reference to such popular treatises -as Archbishop Trench's 'Hulsean Lectures,' or Archdeacon Hardwick's -work entitled 'Christ and Other Masters,' or the abundant labours of -Doellinger, De Pressense, Creuzer, and others in the same region. He -does not appear in the whole discussion to look into the metaphysical -ground of the facts to which he alludes, nor attempt to generalize the -law of divine illuminations, nor even to show that the extraordinary -light possessed by the 'ethnics,' by great sages, by distinguished -races of the old world, is any vindication in itself, of the Father's -heart. We believe that Mr. Goodsir has something to say well worth -hearing, and while he is aiming to redeem what he calls catholic -history from 'rationalizing mythologers like Professor Max Mueller, and -rationalizing theologians like the Rev. Baring-Gould,' it is rather -curious that he should have so little to say in reply to the theories -of Sir J. Lubbock, Mr. Tylor, Mr. Darwin, Mr. M'Lellan, and others, -whose principles and facts, if they have any truth in them, destroy -much of his position. We believe it is a rejoinder to the theory of -evolution, and of the utterly savage origin--to say the least--of all -our civilization to go back steadily on the traces of the -'intellectual antiquity of man,' and to follow the line of human -elevation along the course of certain sublime traditions. There is, -however, something mortifying in the extraordinary dependence Mr. -Goodsir places on the divine origin of the Great Pyramid. Adopting all -Professor Piazzi Smyth's most dubious speculations as to the -astronomical significance of the Great Pyramid, he comes to the -conclusion that the subtle measurements and recondite facts of modern -astronomy, must have been revealed to the builders of the Pyramid, and -that the Pyramid was not only a protest against astrology, but is -frequently referred to in Holy Scripture! The proof of this is flimsy -in the extreme. Mr. Goodsir accepts Mr. Osburn's theory of the early -history and mythology of Egypt, and Mr. Galloway's elaborate and -inconclusive arguments on the chronology of Egyptian dynasties. It is -extraordinary that he does not refer to the Vedic faith, nor make any -mention of Buddhism. There is much in the sixth and seventh homilies -worthy of careful consideration. The philosophy of the heathen -oracles, the significance of dreams, and the ethnic doctrine of Divine -Providence and judgment, deserve our hearty recognition; but the -ethnological authorities to whom he appeals for his facts are -generally of the highest speculative class, the class that may be -called crotchety. - - -_The Problem of Evil. Seven Lectures._ By ERNEST NAVILLE. Translated -from the French, by EDWARD W. SHALDERS. Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark. - -We called attention to M. Naville's very able and popular lectures -when they appeared in the original (_British Quarterly Review_, vol. -1. p. 286); we need therefore only announce this translation by Mr. -Shalders, which is done with an intelligence and a precision which -places the English reader almost upon a par with readers of the French -original. The book is a very valuable and honest apologetic, and we -shall be glad to know that English readers are induced by Mr. -Shalders' translation to make themselves acquainted with it. - - -_The Hidden Life of the Soul._ From the French. By the Author of 'The -Life of Madame Louise de France,' &c., &c. Rivingtons. - -This volume consists of certain brief meditations of Pere Jean -Nicholas Grou on some of the deepest realities of the spiritual life. -This saintly man, born in 1731, and educated by the Jesuit fathers, -lived through stormy and eventful days an uneventful life that was -hidden with Christ in God. His fellowship was with the Father and the -Son, and his spirit seemed above the need of any other companionship. -There is more of the spirit of a Kempis than of Aquinas in him, and a -clear, stainless, childlike sweetness pervades all his utterances. -With exceedingly few exceptions, there is nothing in these meditations -which would determine the ecclesiastical position of the writer. They -have to do with truth and reality, with eternal beauty and purity, -with the redemption in Christ Jesus, with the mysterious joys of the -interior life. 'Assuredly (says he) God would not have a soul which -clings to Him, scared at the thought of the last narrow passage to be -crossed in reaching Him. But no set words or thoughts will enable us -to meet death trustfully. Such trust is God's gift, and the more we -detach ourselves from all save Himself, the more freely He will give -us' this, 'as all other blessings. Once attain to losing self in God, -and death will indeed have no sting.' 'God calls such rather to a -perpetual death to self, in will, in thought, in deed; so that when -the actual moment of material death arrives, it is but the final -passage to eternal joy for them.' How near the saints of God approach -each other! What gathering together is there unto HIM! - - -_Breviates, or Short Texts and their Teachings._ By the Rev. P. B. -POWER, M.A. Hamilton, Adams, and Co. - -The author of this volume has long been known as the writer of many -admirable, sententious, readable tracts, through which he has -exercised a wide and beneficial influence. The same happy -characteristics of sharp phrase, proverbial sentence, apt -illustration, original turns of thought, and earnest piety which mark -his tracts, are to be found in these short sermons. There is here more -sturdy thinking, taking indeed quaint, pleasant forms of expression, -than is contained in many a more pretentious work. We feel inclined to -compare it with Beecher's 'Familiar Talks,' different though it is in -its style, it has the same forceful, wise, and broad tone in dealing -with many special aspects of spiritual life. If sermons are to be -reduced to a ten minutes' limit, then we could wish them to be not -unlike these. - - -_One Thousand Gems from the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher._ Edited and -compiled by the Rev. G. D. EVANS. Hodder and Stoughton. - -Perhaps no preacher of modern times has said so many wise and good -things as Henry Ward Beecher, or said them so well. His sermons abound -with passages of racy description, of penetrating exposition, of -rhetorical brilliancy, and of fervid, practical urgency. Mr. Beecher's -habits of preparation make this very remarkable. Most orators prepare -their best passages, and are careless about their frame-work. Mr. -Beecher does the reverse: he prepares his frame-work, and trusts to -the inspirations of his regal creative imagination to conceive and -shape his most brilliant things. Mr. Evans has culled out of the -reported sermons of this great preacher a thousand 'Gems.' They are -full of wisdom, depth, and beauty. A more precious and suggestive -table book--a book to take up in the morning, for a fresh, dewy -germinant thought to lay upon the heart, and to expand into the -religious wisdom of the day--it would be difficult to name. - - -_The Peace-maker; or the Religion of Jesus Christ in His own Words._ -Dedicated to all His Disciples. By the Rev. ROBERT AINSLIE, of -Brighton. Longmans, Green, and Co. - -We like the idea of Mr. Ainslie's little book better than we do the -preface in which he expounds it. The latter seems to undervalue those -parts of the New Testament which are not the _ipsissima verba_ of -Jesus Christ, and apparently casts a reproach at the grand science of -inductive theology. Surely there is room for the most varied approach -to the revelation of God. History of dogma is not to be despised if we -wish in true brotherhood to understand the thoughts of past ages. We -agree heartily with Mr. Ainslie in his unwillingness to allow to any -doctrinal standards whatever the place due to the words of Jesus. All -dogmatists, however, and Mr. Ainslie cannot be shut out from their -number, have a trick of believing that the words of Jesus are best -explained and enforced in their own system. We think that the -translation and arrangement are for the most part excellent. Mark's -Gospel is made the central line for the arrangement, and this always -seems to us the most satisfactory principle. Mr. Ainslie translates -from Tischendorff's eighth critical edition. We are rather surprised -to find some omissions, such as the words of our Lord addressed to -Paul and John, and a few others from Mark and Lake's Gospel. We think -that at times he becomes an interpreter as well as translator; _e.g._, -he translates [Greek: doron] in Matthew x. 5, as 'offering to God,' -and [Greek: en tois tou patros mou], in Luke ii. 49, as 'in the house -of My Father.' We doubt whether [Greek: Telones] is accurately or -satisfactorily translated 'tax-_gatherer_,' nor do we see why, if -[Greek: archon] is translated magistrate, the Greek terms for moneys -should have been retained. However, these are minor blemishes. There -is very great care and wisdom shown in the translation as a whole, -which does not aim at preserving the tone of the authorized version, -but at putting into nervous, modern English the words of 'the -Peace-maker.' - - -_Christ in the Pentateuch; or, Things Old and New concerning Jesus._ -By HENRY H. BOURN. S. W. Partridge and Co. - -This volume is the result of much careful and devout study, not only -of Holy Scripture, but of some of the best and most thoughtful -interpreters of the Pentateuch. The literature bearing on the typology -of Scripture is very extensive and unequal in value, and Mr. Bourn has -added to the long list a treatise, the aim of which is greatly to -enlarge the doctrinal significance of the ritual and sacrificial -worship of the Hebrews. The author sets aside Dr. Alexander's prudent -canon on the determination of the typical character of the Old -Testament history by the express teaching of Scripture as highly -unsatisfactory, and proceeds to find the most recondite evangelical -truth in minute circumstances and details of the old worship. -Analogies may be found between the tabernacle in the wilderness, and -the tabernacle of our Lord's humanity, but when the shittim-wood, the -gold, the silver, and the brass, have all to do special duty in -working out the analogy, when 'the _blue_ covering is made the -manifestation of God's love in the ways and death of Christ,' the -'_purple_ as the manifestation of the God-man,' the '_scarlet_ as the -manifestation of the true dignity and glory of man as seen in the Son -of Man,' the '_goat's-hair curtain_ as a memorial of the death of the -Lord Jesus Christ as an offering for sin,' and 'the rams' skins dyed -red, the outward aspect of Christ as born into this world to die, and -'the badgers' skins as the outward aspect of Christ as having neither -form nor comeliness to the natural heart,' we feel that Mr. Bourn has -gone beyond his depth, and endangers the significance of the analogy -altogether. This allegorical interpretation of Scripture runs the risk -of transforming the holy Word of God into a collection of pretty -riddles, and makes the whim, audacity, or it may be, good taste of the -interpreter, the revelation of God to mankind. It would be just as -wise, just as reverent, and perhaps more to the purpose, to see in the -seven coverings of the ark, the last seven days of our Lord's life, or -any other seven things mentioned in the Old or New Testament. We much -prefer Dr. Fairbairn's interpretation of the Cherubim to that of our -author. The sentiment that pervades the volume is admirable, but we -have very little confidence in the method of interpretation adopted by -Mr. Bourn, and the school to which he belongs. - - -_Keshub Chunder Sen's English Visit._ Edited by SOPHIA DOBSON COLLET. -Strahan and Co. 1871. - -This is a volume of more than six hundred pages, filled with the -reports of the various public meetings which Mr. Sen attended during -his English visit, and the sermons and addresses delivered by him on -numerous occasions. We have frequently referred to the work of the -Baboo Sen, to what is noble and grand in it, and also to the striking -method in which he holds himself aloof from purely Christian thought -and enterprise. We merely remark now on the significant welcome he -received from all the leading Christian societies in England, the fine -and appreciative sympathy he won from the representatives of almost -every phase of religious thought in England. This did not prevent his -very frequent allusion to the sectarianism of our Christianity. He has -gone back to India confirmed in his bare Theism, and in the mystic -theology which has been his consolation. The mode in which he -patronizes the Bible, the Christ, and the Church of God and -Christianity, may be perfectly explicable from his education and his -standpoint, but it hardly shows that deference for the religious -consciousness of the West which he is so anxious that we should accord -to Indian religion. This patronage, often supercilious, if tendered by -one who had resiled from Christianity, instead of one who, from a -Heathen-Theist standpoint, was drawing near to the Kingdom of God, -would be mischievous and offensive. We notice that the address -presented to him by the clergy of all denominations at Nottingham is -given at length as well as his outspoken reply. The speech he made -before the Congregational Union is also included, and his sermon on -'The Prodigal Son.' We believe his mission may prove a harbinger of -light and hope for his country,--it corresponds with the attitude -assumed by philosophic reformers beyond the pale of the Church at many -crises in the history of Western Christianity. - - -_The Hebrew Prophets._ Translated afresh from the original, with -regard to the Anglican Version, and with illustrations for English -readers. By the late ROWLAND WILLIAMS, D.D., Vicar of Broadchalke. -Vol. II. Williams and Norgate. 1871. - -This volume completes, we suppose, the publication which Dr. Williams -projected before his lamented decease. It includes the prophets -Habakkuk, Zechariah, and Jeremiah, a version of Ezekiel, and a -fragment from his translation of Isaiah lii.-liii. To the translations -of the three prophets first mentioned are prefixed introductory -dissertations, which are not, however, to be regarded as general -introductions to these prophetical Scriptures. The first is occupied -with a vigorous attempt to bring into the language of modern thought -the famous verse of Habakkuk, or rather, the thought of the Hebrew -prophet about the relations of _life_ and _faith_, as these were -subsequently conceived by the apostles of Christ, and expounded in -theological systems. We could hardly discuss the question without -occupying a space equal to that of the author. There is much hardness -coupled with his great learning; there is roughness of translation, -and lack of susceptibility to the deeper beauties of the prophetic -Scripture, which take away our highest satisfaction with these -versions; while a curious admixture of extreme rationalism with -mediaeval sympathies is very noticeable. Thus, after repudiating all -the directly Messianic or predictive qualities of Jeremiah's -prophecies, he says (p. 69), 'The collapse, first of popular -predictions, and at last of those which seem well grounded, until they -are brought into contact with tests of priority or meaning, teaches us -the depth of Gibbon's sarcasm, that "with all the resources of miracle -at their disposal, the fathers of the Church betray an unaccountable -preference for the argument from prophecy." The sting of the remark -depends on the supposition that religious faith must have a ground -external to its own sphere. It disappears when we recollect that Deity -is revealed to us by moral attributes more evidently than by power or -wonder.' Surely the sting of the remark is that the great authority of -Gibbon should thus insinuate that there was no miraculous evidence -worth quoting. Is not the 'supposition' based after all on deepest -truth? Can we lose the 'sting' by being ready to inflict it upon -ourselves, by endorsing Gibbon's sneer, and making it one element of -our faith? Dr. Williams follows up these remarks by many others, which -reveal his rationalistic sympathies. Thus he speaks of 'the -aggregation of later writers under the name of Isaiah,' and says 'what -Jeremiah was for Israel (in the way of meriting Divine favour), Christ -is for mankind.' It is very amazing, after remarks of this kind, to -find that his commentary on Jeremiah i. 5--'_Before I formed thee in -the belly, I knew thee_,' &c.--is as follows: 'The eternal law that -fitness is the gift of God, though human officers or assemblies may -consign to it a sphere, appears in Jeremiah's sense of consecration -from his birth. Hence the rightful indelibility of holy orders when -deliberately accepted.' Dr. Williams's arrangement of the order of -Jeremiah's prophecies is very thoughtful, and his moral sympathies are -throughout very lofty and pure. - - -_The Holy Bible, according to the Authorised Version_ (1611); _with an -Explanatory and Critical Commentary, and a Revision of the -Translation, by Bishops and Clergy of the Anglican Church_. Edited by -F. C. COOK, M.A., Canon of Exeter. Vol. I. Part I. Genesis and Exodus. -Part II., Leviticus--Deuteronomy. John Murray. 1871. - -This is the first instalment of a work for which scholars have waited -with considerable curiosity, and 'the ordinary reader of the English -Bible' with some impatience. The publication of 'Essays and Reviews,' -and the critical examination of the 'Pentateuch' and the 'Book of -Joshua' by a certain Anglican Bishop, who is, for the most part, -referred to in these pages as 'a living writer,' or a 'modern critic,' -and the appearance of works or translations which many acquainted with -the arguments, theories, and historical reconstructions of German -philologers and critics, created about seven years ago considerable -anxiety. It was a wise thing to combine such forces as Mr. Cook has -been able to marshal, to offer the results of modern criticism to the -intelligent readers of the Bible in a form in which Christian scholars -have received them, to reply to some objections, to vindicate some of -the impugned authorities, to take the Bible book by book, and show -what, in the estimation of Biblical students, it is reasonable to -believe with reference to its authorship, integrity, and -trustworthiness; and then to take it, chapter by chapter, and verse by -verse, and resolve to shirk no difficulties, to meet honest scepticism -by careful criticism, and dishonest conjecture by calm repudiation. It -is too soon to speak of this work as a whole, or as finally -accomplished. When the 'Speaker's Commentary' is further advanced, we -shall venture on a lengthened examination of its merits. We are not -precluded, however, from saying how the beginning strikes us. Bishop -Harold Browne and Canon Cook, the Rev. Samuel Clark and the Rev. J. E. -Espin, are the authors of the commentaries now before us. They appear -to us to have done their difficult work with singular tact, fine -spirit, and considerable learning, and to have produced a series of -exegetical and explanatory comments far in advance of anything in the -hands of the English reader. They have aimed at condensation, at -explanations of difficulty, at exposition of beauty, harmony, and -truth. The pages are not burdened with moral reflections or spiritual -homilies. Notes of considerable expansion amounting at times to the -importance of essays, on points of special interest, are introduced -between the chapters. Improved translations are given in the notes in -such a type as to strike the eye. The only deficiency of which we are -disposed to complain is the limited choice of marginal references, and -the almost entire absence of maps. The latter may be supplied in later -volumes or subsequent editions. Few things are more needed by the -average reader of the Bible than well-executed maps, conveying the -most recent information, not only as to the identification of sites, -but the configuration of the country. This noble work will be -incomplete unless it include within itself a trustworthy Biblical -atlas. It may be true that the introductions and comments on the -several books of the Pentateuch are executed with different ability; -that the reading of Mr. Espin is more extensive in this particular -line than that of the Bishop of Ely. We concede that the latter has -not expounded all the theories, or even the latest of the -speculations, which aim at the solution of the problem of the -composition of Genesis. He has mainly confined himself to the -literature which has been produced in reply to the fragmentists, and -has presented the arguments of Mr. Quarry rather than any fresh -exposition from his own standpoint. He does, however, steer quite -clear from Mr. Quarry's authority in his interpretation of the Book of -Genesis, and accumulates a mass of presumptive evidence for the -traditional belief, which no fresh evolution or re-arrangement of -Elohists or Jehovists and Redactors can overturn. Bishop Browne and -all his collaborators admit that the author of the Pentateuch may have -gone over his work with the new light of the full revelation of the -name of Jehovah; that subsequent revisions, and added notes, and -quotations from other documents may have been reverently intertwined -with the original text; and when they appear in the course of -exposition, they are pointed out. This leaves a far truer estimate of -their number and insignificance than a laboured discussion of them in -rotation. The special discussions in the comments on Genesis are of -varied value. The Cherubim, the Deluge, the Chronology of Jacob's -Life, and the Shiloh, are useful. We think it would have been well to -have given some specimens of the Hindu and Persic analogues to the -story of the Creation, the Fall, and the Deluge. Considering the -immense interest excited by the recent study of the Zendavesta, and -the light thrown on the 'Tree and Serpent Worship,' it would have been -desirable to refer to it. - -Mr. Cook has had an immense field to traverse in his introduction to -'Exodus,' and his comment thereupon. He has disposed of many of the -difficulties raised by Colenso, and ignored others. He takes the -naturalistic interpretation of the passage of the Red Sea, but does -not adopt the theory of Ewald as to the multiplication of seventy -persons into a vast migratory nation. The Essays on Egyptian history -and Egyptian words in the Pentateuch, though beyond the faculty of -those who are entirely unacquainted with Hebrew, are well adapted to -build up the cumulative argument that these books must have been -written in the main by one who was learned in all the wisdom of -Egyptians, familiar with its manners, laws, language, and people. Mr. -Clark's dissertations on the sacrifices of the Levitical law are most -instructive and thoughtful; his notes on the clean and unclean beasts, -&c., on leprosy, on the various offerings, are worthy of close -attention; and Mr. Espin's introduction to Deuteronomy appears to us -to be a triumphant refutation of the theories of Colenso and Kuenen. -We have not space to enter at the present time into details, but we -are satisfied that if the learned and candid scholars who have, for -the most part, undertaken this work, complete it with corresponding -ability, there will be a practically useful commentary on Holy -Scripture, as great in advance of all previous works of the kind, as -the Dictionaries of the Bible by Kitto and Smith transcended all -cyclopaedias of Biblical literature accessible before their time. - - -_Commentary on the Boole of Isaiah, Critical, Historical, and -Prophetical; including a Revised English Translation, with -Introduction and Appendices._ By the Rev. T. R. BIRKS, Vicar of Holy -Trinity, Cambridge. Rivingtons. 1871. - -This work derives some special interest, from the circumstance that it -was originally intended for the so-called 'Speaker's Commentary.' -Circumstances, not very fully explained, led to a separate and -independent publication. We have thus the prospect of two works on -this great theme instead of one, and obtain a treatment of the whole -complicated question from different standpoints. Mr. Birks devotes -great space, in an appendix, to the question of the integrity of the -prophecies of Isaiah, and has, with extreme ability, gathered up the -arguments in favour of the Isaian authorship of the last twenty-six -chapters, answering objections with admirable vivacity and pith, and -doing much to establish the genuineness of this most sublime portion -of Hebrew prophecy. We fear that Mr. Birks overstates what he calls -the 'external evidence,' for the Isaian authorship of this portion. It -does not amount to more than this, that the book was treated as a -whole, and that the later prophecies were referred to by the Son of -Sirach, by the Baptist, by the Evangelist Matthew, and by our Lord, as -those of the prophet Esaias. The theory of the modern critics is made -to involve what Mr. Birks calls the 'spuriousness' of the prophecies, -and even the character and inspiration of our Lord. It does not appear -to us that the theory involves the _spuriousness_ of this portion of -Scripture any more than a critical examination of 'the Psalms of -David' involves their spuriousness, even though it should refer half -of them to later authors and a subsequent period. The arguments of Mr. -Birks for their true origin are very difficult for the advocates of -the modern theory to refute. He lays stress on the fact that the -prophets of the later portion of the captivity and of 'the return' are -known, and that they bear not the slightest resemblance to the -mysterious unknown author of this most precious portion of the Old -Testament. He must therefore have deviated from all his great -confraternity, in concealing his name, his date, and the circumstances -or great men of his times. He is silent about any prophetic call, and -preserves an inexplicable reticence about the names of all the great -men and notorious events in contemporary history. - -Mr. Birks has elaborated an interesting argument, to show that the -structure of the whole book demands unity of authorship; that through -the second part there are references more or less distinct to the -earlier oracles; that the repeated claim to foretell future events -connected with the return from captivity would have constituted his -prophecies impudent forgeries, supposing them to have been written in -the days of Cyrus. We cannot go over a tithe of the arguments alleged -by Mr. Birks, but call special attention to the list of 'words and -phrases which the later prophecies have in common with the earlier, -but which are not found in the writings of the prophets of the close -of the exile, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, and Daniel.' - -Another interesting appendix on the chronology of the Assyrian kings -differs from the opinion of the Rawlinsons and others on the matters -supplied by the Assyrian monuments. The author shows that it is -exceedingly probable that the SARGON of Isaiah and of the monuments is -identical with the SHALMANEZER of the Books of Kings, and he thus -brings the records of the prophet into harmony with the Assyrian and -Hebrew authorities. - -We have no space to say in conclusion, more than that we highly value -Mr. Birks's translation of the prophecies, and the devout and -spiritual tone which pervades all his commentaries. His learning and -insight are unquestionably of a high order, and he has devoted them to -a maintenance of the integrity, the predictive character, and the -Messianic import of the visions of the great 'Isaiah, the son of Amoz, -which he saw concerning Judah and Jerusalem in the days of Uzziah, -Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah.' - - -_The Book of Psalms._ A new translation with Introduction and Notes -Explanatory and Critical. By J. J. STEWART PEROWNE, B.D. Vol. II. Bell -and Daldy. - -We are glad to receive the completed version of Mr. Perowne's really -great and able work. No book of Scripture so thoroughly tests a -critic, not only in the lower departments of philology and theology, -but in the higher department of spiritual discernment, as the 'Book of -Psalms.' Mr. Perowne's scholarship is of a high character; his robust -common sense is equal to it, and his poetic and religious feeling are -superior to both. Introductions, translations, and comments are alike -excellent. It is not to be expected that Mr. Perowne will always carry -with him the convictions of his critical readers, but he will commend -himself very generally. The peculiar gratification that we have felt -in the use of his book is, that the higher devotional feeling of the -Psalms is neither vulgarized nor comminuted by their critic. He helps -us to meanings in a scholarly, reverent, and sympathetic spirit. We -repeat our conviction that Mr. Perowne's book is by far the best -commentary on the Psalms that English theology possesses. - - -_The Psalms Translated from the Hebrew. With Notes, chiefly -Exegetical._ By W. KAY, D.D. London: Rivingtons. 1871. - -Notwithstanding the endless translations of this ancient hymnal, no -one who has carefully examined the subject will think that the result -is so satisfactory as to render a further attempt unnecessary and -superfluous. So much, however, has been accomplished as to justify us -in expecting from anyone who enters the field afresh a conclusive -proof of his possessing the highest qualifications for the task. The -time for mediocrity is gone by. We would not deny that Dr. Kay -possesses several important qualifications for the work. He is -orthodox in sentiment, and free from dogmatism. He has profound -reverence for Divine truth, and exhibits considerable reading, with -the power to make use of it. But we have been deeply impressed with -the fact that he lacks several of the qualities which constitute the -successful exegete, and, above all, a thorough and profound knowledge -of the Hebrew language. Hence we find him disappointing in passages -demanding the highest critical ability. There are, as all Hebrew -scholars are aware, several crucial passages which always test the -strength and quality of the translator--_e.g._, Ps. xvi., 2, 3, where -he translates, 'I have said to the Lord, My Lord art Thou, my -prosperity has no claims on Thee: 'tis for the holy ones, who are in -the land,' &c. Pss. xxxii. 6 and 9; xl. 5, 6, 7; cx. 3, 6; cxxxix. -14, 15, 16, &c. In all the instances above-mentioned, the author has -signally failed. In dealing with some of the psalms he has, -consciously or unconsciously, allowed doctrinal predilections to shape -his conclusions; we can see no other reason for such renderings as Ps. -ii. 12, 'Kiss the Son.' xvi. 10, _corruption_ for _pit_ or _grave_. -Ps. civ. 'Making his angels to be wind.' This will also account for -the wide range of the author's Messianic Psalms, and the faith he -places in the authority of the titles. The chief faults we have to -find with the translation are its obscurity, and its unnecessary -innovation, and in some instances the substitution of Latinized words -for the simpler but equally expressive Anglo-Saxon--_e.g._: - - Ps. ii. 12. 'While His wrath blazes for a moment.' - - Ps. vii. 6. 'And rouse Thee unto me.' - - Ps. xiv. 4. 'The eaters of My people have eaten bread.' - - Ps. xxvi. 8. 'O Lord, I have loved Thy house _domicile_.' - - Ps. xxxii. 9. 'With curb and rein must its gaiety be tamed, - so as not to come near Thee.' - - Ps. xxxix. 10. 'I am wasted away because Thy hand _is cross - to me_.' - - Ps. c. i. 'Shout ye aloud to the Lord, _all the whole - earth_.' - - Ps. cxxxix. 14. 'Wondrously _amid awful deeds_ was I - formed.' - -We have observed many instances where literalness has been aimed at to -the violation of good taste, idiom, and rhythm. - -The notes are not intended to form a full and complete commentary; we -are not, therefore, surprised at finding some of the most difficult -expressions passed over without any explanation. This is, alas! too -often the case with more extensive commentaries; but we think Dr. Kay -might, with advantage to the reader, have confined himself to a -critical explanation of the text, instead of indulging so freely in -theological and allegorical interpretations. Several literary mistakes -of minor importance might be pointed out, which, though of small -moment in themselves, yet tend to shake our confidence in the accuracy -of the author's scholarship. We regret our inability to pronounce this -volume a successful attempt to translate and explain this ancient -Psalter. We think it inferior to what we might fairly expect from one -who had before him the valuable commentaries of Huepfeld, Hitzig, -Olshausen, Ewald, and Kamphausen. We would, however, remind our -readers that Dr. Kay has undertaken a very difficult task in appearing -on a field where so many have failed, and that, notwithstanding all -faults of the work, its excellencies are very numerous. We have -thorough sympathy with the author's spirit, and fully agree with many -of his renderings. - - -_Notes and Reflections on the Psalms._ By ARTHUR PRIDHAM. Second -Edition. Nisbet and Co. - -These, like most notes and reflections that have come under our -notice, are exceedingly feeble. We see no reason why such books might -not be produced by the score. A person has only to exercise a little -patience and to draw freely upon his inner consciousness, disregarding -at the same time all exegetical laws and lexical meanings, and the -result will inevitably follow. We would gladly recognise in any one -the ability to evolve out of this old book any new truths which it may -be justly said to contain, but we protest against having so much -common Christian experience and so many religious platitudes crammed -into it, in violation of all the laws of common sense as well as of -interpretation. The author has full right to ventilate his own views -on Messianic prophecy, the restoration of the Jews, and the details of -the millennial reign, with which he seems to be perfectly familiar, -but we demur to his palming them off upon the authors of the Psalms. -The work is for the most part composed of pious reflections loosely -strung together, dogmatic assertions, and illogical inferences. The -author spiritualizes the Book of Psalms without ever catching its -spirit or comprehending its meaning. Mr. Pridham tells us in his -preface that his aim is twofold, to 'minister to the refreshment of -those who are already established in the grace of God,' and to 'afford -encouragement to the inexperienced but godly inquirer after truth.' -And with a view to this end he has attempted 'to present a faithful -though general outline of the Book of Psalms both as it respects the -true _prophetic_ intention of each psalm, and also its immediate -application to the Christian as a partaker of the heavenly calling.' -This will enable our readers to comprehend the writer's standpoint. It -is just the kind of work to be pronounced by certain oracles as -containing 'much precious truth and able criticism.' The pious conceit -of such productions has often secured for them an immunity from the -criticism they richly deserved. To let them pass without condemnation -is an abuse of Christian charity. - - -_A Commentary on the Holy Scriptures--Critical, Doctrinal, and -Homiletical--with especial reference to Ministers and Students._ By -JOHN PETER LANGE, D.D., with a number of eminent European Divines. -Translated from the German, revised, enlarged, and edited by PHILIP -SCHAFF, D.D. Vol. VII. of New Testament, containing the Epistles of -Paul to the Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians. - -_The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah, theologically and homiletically -expounded._ By Dr. C. W. EDWARD NAEGELSBACH. Translated, enlarged, and -edited by SAMUEL RALPH ASBURY. - -_The Lamentations of Jeremiah._ Translated by W. H. HORNBLOWER, D.D. -Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark. - -This great work is advancing to completion. Whoever becomes possessed -of it will have, in a compendious form, the results of all ancient and -modern exegesis of the sacred Scriptures, with an _apparatus criticus_ -of surprising copiousness. The doctrinal lessons and homiletic and -ethical comments give a sketch of the entire literature of every -verse passing under review. These two volumes equal their predecessors -in every respect; the first puts the student in possession of all the -work done by the great English scholars who have devoted so much of -their energy to the elucidation of the epistles to the Galatians, -Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians. Dr. Schmoller is the author of -the Commentary on the Galatians, and the translation is made by Mr. -Starbuck and Dr. Riddle. We have often been struck by the admirable -'additions' which are the work of the latest editor. The epistles to -the Ephesians and Colossians were originally entrusted to Dr. -Schenkel, but the present commentary has been substituted for Dr. -Schenkel's in consequence of his change of theological position. The -work has been effected by Dr. Karl Braune, and translated by Dr. -Riddle. Dr. Braune is also the author of the Commentary on the Epistle -to the Philippians. It would be obviously impossible to convey in a -brief notice any idea of the contents of this large volume by -referring to a few details of exposition. - -The elaborate Commentary on Jeremiah is accompanied by a careful -introduction to the two books, in which the chronological and -historical difficulties are treated with clearness and independence. -Dr. Hornblower has criticised Dr. Naegelsbach's curious scepticism as -to the authorship of the Lamentations, and has vindicated the -traditional opinion on this matter with a great array of argument. -Although nearly seven hundred pages of closely printed matter are -devoted to these two books, a far larger proportion of the work is -occupied with the exegetical and critical departments, than in some -previous volumes of the series. The author has developed with -considerable care both in his introduction and in his commentary, the -important canon 'that all parts of the book in which the threatening -enemies are spoken of generally, without mention of Nebuchadnezzar or -the Chaldeans, belong to the period before the fourth year of -Jehoiakim, while all the portions in which Nebuchadnezzar and the -Chaldeans are named, belong to the subsequent period.' This canon -enables the author to reduce the difficulties of a chronological kind, -and the supposed confusion in the order of the prophet's discourses. -The new translation, in spite of the use of certain Latinized words, -appears to us to be singularly excellent and spirited, to preserve the -fire of the original, and to remove much of its obscurity. It is -incomparably the most elaborate work on the writings of this prophet -accessible to the English scholar. We heartily congratulate Dr. Schaff -and his English publishers on the admirable despatch and punctuality -with which this Herculean task is approaching completion. - - -_Commentary on Paul's Epistle to the Romans with an Introduction on -the Life, Times, Writings, and Character of Paul._ By WM. S. PLUMER, -D.D., LL.D. Edinburgh: W. Oliphant. - -An imperial octavo of 650 pages on the Epistle to the Romans is -somewhat appalling, especially from Mr. Plumer, whose verbiage is -chiefly the cause. He is not very learned, and not very logical. He -heaps together a vast amount of comment from various writers,--not, -however, modern ones, whom he ignores,--in which are some things acute -and useful. We could spare the bits of sermons; _e.g._, 'Reader, have -you a good conscience? Is it purified by atoning blood? Do you study -to keep it void of offence?' Dr. Plumer should not palm off sermons -under the guise of a commentary. - - -_The Epistle of St. Paul to the Galatians._ A new Translation, with -Critical Notes and Doctrinal Lessons. By JOHN H. GODWIN. Hodder and -Stoughton. - -The volume before us contains a treatment of the Epistle to the -Galatians after the same general principle of arrangement as that -adopted by Professor Godwin in his translation of the Gospels of -Matthew and Mark. The translation is not offered as a specimen of the -revision which it is desirable to introduce into the authorized -version, it being 'agreed by all that in this revision the fewer -changes the better, none being proper that are not necessary.' 'But it -is (continues Mr. Godwin) desirable that ordinary religious -instruction should be given in familiar modes of speech; and so there -is an advantage in looking at the writings of prophets and apostles -without the guide of an antique dress, and with the aids to clear -thought and correct reasoning which are afforded by the language we -daily use.' Mr. Godwin has taken full advantage of this principle, and -by his use of certain non-technical words and phrases, which may in -theological usage have acquired a different signification from that -intended by the Apostle, provokes inquiry and compels attention. Thus, -the word _gospel_ is uniformly translated _good message_; _grace_ is -rendered _favour_; _to be justified_ is rendered _to be judged right_; -_child-guide_ by _schoolmaster_; and _the flesh_ by a _lower nature_. -Familiar verses are thus made to startle us by unfamiliar forms. -Conscientious labour and long pondering are very evident throughout -the entire work. The notes and the apothegmatic statements of -doctrinal truth are charged with significance, and are models of lucid -condensation. The exposition of the train of thought pervading the -third chapter is singularly happy. We wish we had space to quote the -note to verse 16, as it appears to us a most felicitous removal of the -difficulty involved in Paul's use of the promise made to the seed of -Abraham. Mr. Godwin's exposition of the celebrated verse 20 of the -same chapter deserves careful study. Everywhere we have the results of -scholarship, of penetration, of strong sense, and practical sympathy -with the purpose of the Apostle. - - -_A Commentary on the Epistles for the Sundays and other Holy Days of -the Christian Year._ By the Rev. W. DENTON, M.A. Vol. II. Bell and -Daldy. - -The great excellency of Mr. Denton's running commentary on the -Epistles of the Prayer-book is its richness of patristic reference; -while his own remarks are vigorous, spiritual, and suggestive. -Literally every paragraph has a marginal reference to some Church -writer, either as embodying his sentiments or quoting his words. -Excepting Mr. Williams's 'Devotional Commentary on the Life of our -Lord,' we know no work that in this respect is to be compared with it. -It is, however, a great defect that only the name of the writer is -given, and not the reference to his works. Mr. Denton is evangelical -in sentiment, and although a very decided Churchman, tolerant in -spirit. - - -_Synonyms of the New Testament._ By RICHARD CHENEVIX TRENCH, D.D., -Archbishop of Dublin. Seventh edition. Revised and enlarged. Macmillan -and Co. 1871. - -The two small duodecimo volumes which Dr. Trench, when Professor of -Divinity at King's College, published on the Greek synonyms of the New -Testament, have long been highly prized by all the students of Holy -Scripture. The seventh edition of this invaluable work in a goodly -octavo, revised and enlarged by the accomplished author, will augment -the obligation under which he has placed all who are searching for the -exact meaning of the sacred text. Dr. Trench's work even now does not -pretend to be a complete encyclopaedia of reference on this profoundly -interesting theme. He gives us in the preface to the present volume a -long list of words on the mutual relations of which he would have -thrown light, if they had been included in his scheme. Among them are -many which Archbishop Trench candidly admits are among 'the most -interesting and instructive.' We have only to refer to such words as -[Greek: pneuma] and [Greek: nous], [Greek: olethros] and [Greek: -apoleia], [Greek: lytrotes] and [Greek: soter], [Greek: prosphora] and -[Greek: thysia], [Greek: dikaioma], [Greek: dikaiosis], and [Greek: -dikaiosyne], to make it evident that certain large divisions of -exegetical theology which are included in a full discussion of the -synonyms of the New Testament, have been purposely omitted from this -volume. Still this does not detract from the extreme value of the work -that has been actually done by our author. The treatises on the words -[Greek: neos] and [Greek: kainos], on [Greek: agapao] and [Greek: -phileo], on [Greek: zoe] and [Greek: bios], on [Greek: metanoeo] and -[Greek: metamelomai], and many others will be fresh in the -recollection of all students. The great range of Archbishop Trench's -reading, and the ease with which Greek literature is laid under -contribution to further his well-defined purpose, the flashes of light -that he throws over many difficult texts, and the caution, candour, -and fairness of his judgments, combine to render this edition of his -important work a very welcome addition to the _apparatus criticus_ of -the Biblical student. - - -_A History of the Christian Councils, from, the original documents, to -the close of the Council of Nicaea, A.D. 325._ By CHARLES JOSEPH -HEFELE, D.D., Bishop of Rottenburg, formerly Professor of Theology in -the University of Tuebingen. Translated from the German, and edited by -WILLIAM R. CLARK, M.A., Oxon., Prebendary of Wells. Edinburgh: T. and -T. Clark. - -We are glad to see this instalment of a translation of Dr. Hefele's -great work on the history of Christian Councils. As the title -indicates, this volume of five hundred pages does not bring the -history beyond the proceedings, canons, and creeds of 'the first -Oecumenical Council.' Dr. Hefele's last published volume of the -_Conciliensgeschichte_ comes down to the Council of Constance. He does -not confine the history of this volume to the preliminaries and -discussions of the Council of Nicaea, but gives what documentary -evidence is at hand to throw light on the synods relative to -Montanism, and the feast of Easter, in the first two centuries; on -those held at Carthage and Rome on account of Novatianism and the -_Lapsi_; on those held at Antioch on account of _Paul of Samosata_, -and on the African synods demanded in the Donatist controversy. He -has, moreover, presented from a thoroughly Roman standpoint a general -introduction to the history of this department of ecclesiastical -history. There is no controversial tone in the exposition of the -elements of his theme, but the divine inspiration and supernatural -guidance granted to these assemblies is quietly assumed as undoubted -and indubitable. The chief authority for such a conviction is the way -in which these sacerdotal _reunions_ were accustomed to speak of -themselves. This sublime self-consciousness has never forsaken them, -and has reached its highest expression in the Vatican Council, which, -by its infallibility dogma, has, probably, constituted itself the last -of the series. Dr. Hefele seems also more impressed than we can be, -with the opinion of the Emperor Constantine on this point. The -deference of Constantine to the bishops, and his belief in the -infallibility of their conciliar conclusions, have not the smallest -weight with those who mourn over the entire work of Constantine, and -who see in his subsequent treatment of Arius a practical refutation of -the high-sounding titles he gave to the Council of Nicaea. - -Dr. Hefele assumes that an _Oecumenical_ Council must be summoned by -'the oecumenical head of the Church, the Pope; except in the case, -which is hardly an exception, in which, instead of the Pope, the -temporal protector of the Church, the Emperor, with the previous or -subsequent approval and consent of the Pope, summons a council of this -kind.' Our author refutes the arguments of Bellarmine in favour of the -_formal_ recognition by the Ancient Church of the hierarchical -initiative in this matter, because his proofs are derived 'from the -pseudo-Isidore, and, therefore, destitute of all importance;' but he -tries to build up a similar argument in support of the early -recognition of the supremacy of Rome in this matter, which is very -shaky. Constantine is _supposed_ to have consulted Sylvester, Bishop -of Rome, before issuing his summons to the bishops to attend the first -oecumenical council, _because_ in the year 680 A.D., _i.e._, 355 -years after the Council of Nicaea, _it is said_ that the sixth -oecumenical council made reference to such consultation. A second -argument appears to us even more Jesuitical: 'Ruffinus says that the -Emperor summoned the Synod of Nicaea _ex sententia sacerdotum_, and -certainly, if several bishops were consulted on the subject, among -them _must have been_ the chief of them all, the Bishop of Rome.' - -The way in which our author toils to make it appear that the [Greek: -proedroi] of the council were the delegates sent from Sylvester, -diminishes our confidence in the general excellence of this elaborate, -painstaking, conscientious work. The effort is made to show the part -which the Pope took in the calling of the subsequent general councils. -The volume will not be studied for its treatment of Christian -doctrine, so much as of ecclesiastical discipline. The whole -discussion of the Easter controversies, which were brought before the -Council of Nicaea, is done with much greater clearness and fulness than -the exposition of the doctrine of the [Greek: homoousios]. Indeed -there is, for general purposes, no dissertation more valuable than -this in the entire volume. The elements are contained here for a reply -to the speculations of the Tuebingen school on the irreconcilability of -the traditionary notices of the Johannine practice, and the _prima -facie_ evidence of the Fourth Gospel as to the day on which the -Passover was kept in the week of our Lord's Passion. Dr. Hefele also -explains the astronomical controversy between the Easter calculations -of Rome and Alexandria, and clearly expounds the several problems -brought up for the solution of the Council of Nicaea. - -We thank Mr. Clark for this well translated and carefully-edited -volume. It supplies a great _desideratum_ in English literature, and -we hope he will be enabled to continue his task. We have no doubt it -is impossible to secure perfect accuracy in producing such a volume. -The egregious misprint on p. 309, involving a huge chronological -blunder, will almost correct itself. Polycarp is said to have visited -Amcetus 'in the middle of the _eleventh_ century.' - - -_Title-Deeds of the Church of England to her Parochial Endowments._ By -EDWARD MIALL, M.P. Second edition, revised. Elliot Stock. - -Few people know the history of English tithes. Nothing is more common -than to hear intelligent Churchmen talk of the pious enthusiasm with -which the early English Church was parochially endowed. The very -completeness and universality of the system might make us sceptical -concerning the spiritual fervour of the people, whatever the feeling -of their rulers. Mr. Miall shows convincingly that the charter of -Ethelwolf, which is the title-deed of the English tithe system, was a -bribe to Aelstan, Bishop of Sherburn, who, during his absence in Rome, -had conspired to depose him, and that it was necessary, in order to -secure its provisions, that the charter should be renewed by -successive monarchs, sometimes in a minatory and coercive way that is -very significant. Thus Edgar, A.D. 967, enacts that if any one shall -refuse to pay tithes, the king's sheriff shall seize them by force, -causing the tenth part to be paid to the Church, four parts to the -lord of the manor, four parts to the bishops, the unfortunate owner -being left with but a tithe himself. With great minuteness, Mr. Miall -traces the history and operation of the law, and shows that the law -knows nothing of the Church as a corporate ecclesiastical body, or of -a common ecclesiastical fund. Individual bishops and clergymen may -claim personal revenues as assigned to them by Act of Parliament, but -that is all. The individual claim that is, is the only claim to be -satisfied in the event of disendowment. The Church is no more a -corporate body than the army is; in its relations to Church property, -the endowments pertain not to Protestant Episcopalianism, as such, but -to the State Church for the time being, whether Roman, Episcopalian, -or Presbyterian. - -Mr. Miall has done good service in publishing his able and valuable -little book for eighteen-pence. No Nonconformist or Churchman who -wishes to be well informed concerning the questions of Church property -that are pending should be ignorant of it. - - -_Letters from Rome on the Council._ By QUIRINUS. Reprinted from the -_Allgemeine Zeitung_. Authorized Translation. Rivingtons. - -We have already noticed the first parts of this admirable history and -critique on the Council. It is full of learning, wisdom, and wit, and -must be read so long as the Council itself engages the attention of -either theologians or historians. We do not wonder that a book so able -and well-informed should have excited denunciation and protest from -those whose trickery it exposes. Written by Liberal Catholics, it is -the most damaging exposure of the chicanery of Rome that this century -has seen. - - -_Reasons for Returning to the Church of England._ Strahan and Co. - -This is a kind of book of Ecclesiastes, which no one will read without -interest, and which will be even instructive to some of the author's -co-churchmen; but it is almost astounding to find him detail as new -discoveries, arrived at after years of pondering, reasons for leaving -the Church of Rome which have been the _principia_ of Protestantism -from the time of the Reformation. - -The real interest of the book lies in the contrasts of practical -religious life in the two churches which the peculiar experience of -the author enables him to give. Thirty-five years ago he took orders -in the Church of England. Twenty-five years ago he became a member of -the Church of Rome. After remaining in it thirteen years he seceded -from it, and has for the last twelve years passed a 'life of -isolation,' which he now ends by returning to the bosom of the -Anglican Church. Those acquainted with that Church will have no -difficulty in identifying the author with Mr. Capes. In much that he -says about the common religious life of the two Churches, and of all -Churches, we agree, although he goes too far, we think, in his -depreciation of the practical religious influence of Divine dogmas. -The credulities of intellectual ability and moral conscientiousness -chiefly strike us in reading the author's confessions; but he has -furnished us with an interesting _apologia pro vita sua_. - - -_Pioneers and Founders; or, Recent Workers in the Mission Field._ By -C. M. YONGE. Macmillan and Co. - -Miss Yonge has made a selection of biographies of eminent missionaries, -with a view of exhibiting the scope and progress of modern English -Protestant missions. The names selected are John Eliot; David -Brainerd; Christian Frederick Schwartz; Henry Martyn; Carey, Marshman, -and Ward; the Judson family; the Bishops of Calcutta--Middleton, -Heber, and Wilson; Samuel Marsden; John Williams; Allen Gardiner; and -Charles Frederick Mackenzie. Knowing Miss Yonge's strongly marked -Anglicanism, we opened her volume with some apprehension, but were -gratified to find it not justified, for, with the exception of a -certain phraseology when speaking of Nonconformists or Americans--such -as 'it is the custom of this _sect_,' the word being used with a -perceptible emphasis, as from a vantage ground of ecclesiastical -orthodoxy--the spirit of the book is admirable. We all know how -lucidly, beautifully, and sympathetically Miss Yonge can write, and -all that is best in her devout feeling flows forth without restraint -as she narrates the marvellous stories of Carey, the Judsons, and John -Williams. She cannot resist--she has no wish to resist--the power and -wisdom with which they spake, or the indubitable signs and wonders of -God's Spirit that followed them. We have only words of commendation -for her charming little book; never have the achievements of these -Christian heroes been told in a more religious or fascinating way. - - -_Baptist History: From the Foundation of the Christian Church to the -Present Time._ By J. M. CRAMP, D.D., with an Introduction by Rev. J. -ANGUS, D.D. Elliot Stock. - -We confess to an utter and disqualifying impatience with 'the Baptist -Controversy.' We wish that our friends who prefer immersion and think -the baptism of believers the true conception of the design of the -ordinance, would follow their preferences, and cease to vex the Church -so much with their reasons, defences, and assaults. The controversy is -not worth its cost. Dr. Cramp begins fiercely with 'Paedobaptist -Concessions and the New Testament,' and finds support for his views in -the Apostolic Fathers and in the past Nicean Church. Be it so; we are -not convinced, but we will not controvert him. His book aims at being -a general history of Baptists throughout the world, as distinguished -from provincial histories of Baptists--English, American, and Foreign. -We might be glad to accept it as a chapter of Church history, -containing many things in which all good men have a common interest; -but then, conceived and based as it is, it has necessarily a -denominational twist and colour. Baptists whose faith needs -confirmation and support may derive benefit from it. - - -_The Practical Moral Lesson Book._ Edited by the Rev. CHARLES HOLE, -F.R.G.S. Longmans and Co. - -Mr. Hole has produced a very valuable elementary lesson-book on topics -too often neglected in education. It is divided into three books--the -first which is the only one yet published, treats of duties which men -owe to themselves--(1) duties concerning the body, including the laws, -functions, and conditions of physical life, such as food, air, light, -exercise, cleanliness, rest, recreation, temperance, &c.; (2) duties -concerning the mind--treating of the right conduct of the appetites, -the senses, the intellect, the emotions, the will, the actions, &c.; -and (3) embracing the whole range of self-culture, and of moral and -social obligations. - -The little work is prepared and adapted for schools, and is written -simply, popularly, and with great wisdom and completeness. We have -only good to speak concerning it. We should be thankful to know that -it was used in every elementary school in the kingdom. - - -_Synonyms Discriminated; a Complete Catalogue of Synonymous Words in -the English Language, with Descriptions of their Various Shades of -Meaning, and Illustration of their Usages and Specialities._ By C. J. -SMITH, M.A. Bell and Daldy. - -It is impossible to exhibit the character of works of this kind by -detailed criticisms. Even the best will furnish abundant material for -adverse judgment, while the worst must be right sometimes. A thorough -knowledge of such works, moreover, can be attained only by long use. -We can only, therefore, give our impressions of Mr. Smith's work, -formed, after turning over his pages, and fixing upon examples here -and there most likely to test his knowledge and his judgment. - -The task which he has set himself is a very delicate one--it demands -an equal knowledge of philology, literature, and popular usage, and a -keen faculty for discerning things that under apparent resemblances -really differ, and things that under various and unlike forms, have -common root ideas. The philologist has to deal with only one root -word. The compiler of a book of synonyms must be, so to speak, a -compound philologist, and must have in hand, for comparative purposes, -several root words. Nor, again, is philology a sufficient guide, for -the significance of words changes in popular usage; they are found -sometimes in a state of ambiguous, sometimes of even contradictory -meaning. Mr. Smith had the advantage of Crabbe's previous labours; but -to say nothing of Crabbe's inferior scholarship, his book is almost -obsolete--for, unlike dictionaries which deal with intrinsic meanings, -a book of synonyms has chiefly to do with conventional meanings. -Generally, we may say, that Mr. Smith is a very accomplished -etymological scholar, a very keen discriminator, and that his -illustrative examples are selected with great industry, and from a -wide field of English literature--although he might have laid under -greater contribution great living masters, such as Tennyson, Freeman, -Froude, Browning, and others; but it is only gradually, and by the -labour of contributive students, that a corpus of references is -formed. Perhaps the defect that we the most frequently note is in -derivations. Mr. Smith is too often contented with popular meanings, -to the neglect of etymological ones. Thus, under 'Devout, Pious, -Religious, Holy;' all that he says under the crucial word 'Religious' -is, that it is 'a wider term, and denotes one who, in a general sense, -is under the influence of religion, and is opposed to irreligious or -worldly, as the pious man is opposed to the impious or profane, and -the devout to the indifferent or irreverent.' He ventures upon no -etymology, although he has given us Fr. _devot_--why not the Latin -_devotus_?--Lat. _pius_--A.S. _halig_. A book of synonyms is not, -however, a hook of etymological solutions; and we are very thankful to -Mr. Smith for a work incomparably superior to Crabbe, and which will -be indispensable on every scholar's desk. - - -_The Practical Linguist; being a System based entirely upon Natural -Principles of Learning to Speak, Read, and Write the German Language._ -By DAVID NASMITH, Member of the Middle Temple. In 2 vols. Nutt. - -Mr. Nasmith is the author of the ingenious chronometric characteristic -History of England, by which the student may learn at a glance, more -than it might take him hours to put together for himself. Information -obtained so easily, though impressed involuntarily upon the eye, does -not leave so deep an effect behind it. In the 'Practical Linguist' Mr. -Nasmith has endeavoured to throw into a system the principle naturally -adopted by a child or uneducated person in learning a foreign tongue. -The more frequently used words, called the 'permanent vocabulary,' are -separated from the 'auxiliary vocabulary,' and an effort is made to -bring the former into great prominence, and gradually to introduce the -latter according to the varied subject-matter of a prolonged series of -graduated exercises, terminating in translation and re-translation of -Heine and other German classics. A careful and practical arrangement -of the German accidence precedes the exercises, and grammatical -commentaries follow them; while each exercise is accompanied by a -Germanized English version of the English sentence that is to be -rendered into German. The Germanized English which is called by the -author 'Anglicized German,' forms the rock in the midst of the stream, -to and from which it is supposed more easy to throw the pontoons over -which the army of young scholars may pass from one territory to -another. This, like many other systems, will demand much effort and -patience to master. We have no doubt that if it be followed carefully -to the end, a thoroughly practical acquaintance with the German -language will be secured. - - - - -THE - -BRITISH QUARTERLY REVIEW. - -OCTOBER, 1871. - - - - -ART. I.--_Dr. Carl Ullmann_.[43] - - -Dr. Carl Ullmann is perhaps best known in this country and in America -as the author of the two apologetic treatises, 'The Sinlessness of -Jesus' and 'The Essence of Christianity;' but his name will probably -live in the history of theology mainly as the founder, and for many -years conductor of the _Theologische Studien und Kritiken_, that -oldest and ablest of all the German theological journals. Though not -what his fellow-countrymen term an epoch-making man, either in the -scientific or practical sphere, he was unquestionably a representative -man--representative of the best elements both of German thought and -German character. Both the strength and weakness of German theologians -were illustrated in his experience; the former in his successes, the -latter in his failures. There are few, if any, German theologians -whose works contain so much that applies directly to the theological -needs and efforts of the present moment. - -Dr. Carl Ullmann was born on the 15th of March, 1796, at Epfenbach, a -village about half-way between Heidelberg and Mosbach, six miles from -the river Neckar, where his father was pastor of the Reformed Church. -Several of his forefathers on his mother's side had been pastors at -Epfenbach; and his father, who was a native of Heidelberg, took -possession of the living, and married the daughter of its previous -incumbent at the same time. His father was a harmless, kind-hearted, -cheerful, and pious man; his mother had a lively, imaginative, -poetical temperament; the son inherited the qualities of both. The -only other child, a daughter, died when very young. - -Carl was of a delicate physical constitution, but eager to learn. Till -he reached his ninth year, he went to the village school, the -instruction at which was supplemented by his father. Among the first -things he read were the poems of Claudius and Hebel; and he learnt by -rote so easily, and took such a pleasure in declaiming poetry, that -his parents used to say--'We must make a Professor of him.' Happy as -he was at home, he began early to feel the lack of other companionship -than that supplied by the peasant children with whom he associated, -and a desire stirred in him to go out into the world. In the fragment -of an autobiography which was found among his papers, he says:--'I -remember the very spot--it was in one of the beautiful forests near my -birth-place--where I first became conscious of a yearning to leave -home. It was as strong as the yearning which one generally feels to -return home when one is away. I was then seven years old.' In his -ninth year he was accordingly sent to Mosbach, where he lodged with a -clerical brother of his mother's, and attended the Latin school. After -a year he entered the Gymnasium at Heidelberg, with the distinct idea -of becoming a pastor, and perhaps eventually of succeeding his father. -The school does not seem to have been all that it ought to have been; -but the social influences by which he was surrounded were of an -exceptionally stimulating and elevating kind. He rose from class to -class in the Gymnasium with such rapidity, that he was prepared to -pass the so-called _Abiturienten-Examen_[44] before reaching his -seventeenth year--an unusually early age. - -About this time his thoughts were almost completely turned aside from -the profession he had intended to pursue, by the influence of friends -of the family with which he lived. These were the brothers Boisseree, -who were enthusiastic lovers of art, and had a fine collection of -works of the old German masters. Young Ullmann was often invited by -them to study their treasures, and became eventually so infected with -their enthusiasm; or rather, perhaps, one ought to say, his own -slumbering love of, and susceptibility to, the beautiful in nature and -art, was so awakened, that he proposed to his parents to allow him to -become a landscape painter. Two young men who were then his friends, -and in whose company he used to traverse the charming scenes which -abound in the neighbourhood of Heidelberg, afterwards became eminent -artists, and he himself produced sketches and drawings full of the -brightest promise. His parents, however, were shocked at the idea of -their son taking up a profession that brought more honour than bread, -especially as they were not in circumstances to sustain him until he -should have attained a name and position; they urged on him, -therefore, that he might secure leisure enough for the pursuit of art -as a country pastor, and promised to let him study in Munich after -completing his course at the University. The prospect thus opened up -calmed him, and by the time his theological studies were completed, -other thoughts filled his mind. To the end of his life, however, -Ullmann remained a lover of art, and the aesthetic turn of his mind -manifested itself in occasional poetic effusions, in that grace of -style for which he was reputed beyond most of his contemporaries, and -in a general refinement of culture. It is scarcely likely, however, -that he would have attained the eminence as an artist that he gained -as a theologian; and certainly the pursuit of art would not have -admitted of his exerting the direct practical influence which he -eventually wielded, and which was to him a source of such deep -satisfaction. - -He matriculated at Heidelberg in the autumn of 1812. The University -had just lost one or two of its brightest ornaments--the youthful -Neander, for example,--but still, notwithstanding its losses, next to -the young and rising Berlin, it had the ablest professors, and was -inspired by the highest aims. The most eminent member of the -theological faculty was Daub; the most notorious was Paulus. The -former was a man of remarkable force, energy, simplicity and -earnestness, and so devoted to his academic vocation that he once -wrote to his then young friend Rozenkranz, now Professor of Philosophy -in Koenigsberg, and one of the few remaining Hegelians of the right -wing, 'Holidays, do you say? Does the old man still take no holidays? -No, my dear friend, not yet, nor do I want any; my heart's desire is, -if possible, to die in my chair, docendo.' His desire was almost -literally fulfilled; for the stroke which terminated his life, smote -him whilst lecturing on anthropology, November 19th, 1836. He has been -termed, rather wittily, but spitefully, the Talleyrand of German -Philosophy and Theology, because 'he passed from the Kantian -Revolution, through Schelling's Imperialism, to Hegel's Reactionaryism.' -Deducting the spite, there is truth in the description, for he began -his career as a thorough Kantian, then became a warm disciple of -Schelling, and finished up as a Hegelian of the right wing. The -changes he underwent were both sign and evidence of the honesty and -thoroughness with which he devoted himself to the investigation of -truth; there was not a trace in him of the frivolity of the French -diplomatist. His best-known work is 'Judas Iscariot; or, Meditations -on the Good in its relation to Evil.' Daub was still in his Schelling -stage when Ullmann began to study. Paulus was, on the other hand, the -most noted representative of the _Rationalismus vulgaris_, as it has -been termed, in the department of exegesis. He was a man of wide -reading, great learning, and acuteness, but possessed by so intense an -aversion to everything that did not square with his narrow common -sense, that he was incapable of understanding Christianity, and -therefore made it his business to explain away everything that bore a -supernatural or mystical character. Perhaps this was due in part to -the fact that his father, who had been removed from his pastorate, _ob -absurdas phantasmagorica visiones divinas_, forced him, whilst still a -boy, to take part in the conferences with spirits and demons which he -was in the habit of holding in conjunction with others like-minded. -Professor Tholuck, of Halle, rarely lets pass an opportunity, in his -exegetical lectures, of whetting his humour on some absurdity or other -of Paulus. A greater contrast than that between him and Daub could -scarcely have existed; and scientifically they may be said to have -lived like cat and dog. Beside these two, another eminent name then -graced the rolls of the University--Creuzer, author of the 'Symbolik -und Mythologie der alten Voelker, insbesondere der Griechen,' a work -which was long the chief authority on its subject, and which even now -well deserves consulting. - -Ullmann's mind seems at this stage to have been in the unreflective -state, in which, perhaps, a majority of German theological students -are at the outset; naturally so, too, for his vocation was rather the -choice of his parents than his own. He says about himself:-- - - 'As I was still young, and my father wished me to have - plenty of time for study, I did not at once devote myself - exclusively to strictly professional studies, but attended - the philosophical and philological lectures of Daub and - Creuzer, and those on the "Encyclopaedia of Theology" and - "Church History," by Paulus. During the year that I thus - spent at Heidelberg, I cannot say that I either felt any - specific interest in science, or evinced any independence - of mind. I was an industrious and respectful hearer, but - little more. With the idea of setting me on my own feet, - and plunging me more into theology, my father wished me to - go to another University.' - -Advised by Daub, Ullmann accordingly resolved to go to Tuebingen. - -This custom of students pursuing their studies at more than one -University is almost universal in Germany; and where the system of -instruction is one by lectures, has, unquestionably, many advantages. -Some of the direct personal influence and stimulus that a man of -eminent vigour may exercise, is perhaps lost; but, on the other hand, -the danger of a young man being too much influenced is avoided, and a -greater manifoldness of development is favoured. This is one reason -why thought in Germany is less stereotyped than among ourselves. Some, -however, may, perhaps, deem this no advantage. - -Tuebingen was at that time considered the safest and soundest of all -the German universities. It was the seat of the so-called -Supranaturalistic school, and had been the refuge and stronghold of -orthodoxy during the prevalency of Rationalism. Students of theology -streamed thither from all parts of Germany. The principal theological -professors were Scheurer, Flatt the younger, Bengel, and Bahnmeier, -whose teachings tended to confirm young Ullmann on the positive -Christian belief which had been inculcated on him at home and at -school. Still he cannot be said to have been satisfied. The Tuebingen -theology, based as it was on philosophical presuppositions that had -been to a large extent outgrown, was now becoming antiquated, and his -mind was unconsciously reaching out towards the new mode of -representing Christian truth, of which Schleiermacher was the -harbinger, and which he himself eventually did so much to propagate. -Some of his best and highest instincts and capabilities found -nourishment and stimulus, however, in the circle of University friends -to which he belonged. Among these were Gustav Schwab, the biographer -of Schiller, and himself a poet, and above all, Uhland, who had then -just published his first poems. The friendship formed with Schwab -continued unbroken to the end of life. Such circles, originating in -like literary interests and tastes, were then common in Germany. The -atmosphere, especially of the universities, was full of what strikes -our colder English mind as sentimental enthusiasm, but which then -appeared to be glowing love for the highest ideals in State and -Church, in science and philosophy, in prose and poetry. It were -possibly better for our national and social life if there were a -little more capability of enthusiasm for the ideal in the young men of -our universities and colleges. We are too hard, muscular, and -materialistic. Ullmann retained his susceptibility for the beautiful -in literature to the end of life; and occasionally, too, expressed his -thoughts and feelings in rhymes, of which, even poets by profession -would not have needed to be greatly ashamed. He returned home in the -autumn of 1816, and shortly afterwards passed his theological -examination at Carlsruhe. The certificate he received was so good that -he was at once offered a teachership at the Lyceum in Carlsruhe, but -declined it on the ground of health, and resolved, according to the -general custom in Baden, to become a 'vikar,' or, as we say in -England, a 'curate,' or assistant. He was ordained on the 12th of -January, 1817, in the church at Epfenbach, and immediately thereupon -entered on a _vikariat_ at Kirchheim, where a friend of his father's -was the incumbent. There he remained a year, but his wish to become a -country pastor was not to be realized. The manner in which he had -passed his examination had excited the attention of the ecclesiastical -and university authorities, and as there was at that time a strong -wish to see Baden young men selecting the _academical career_, that -is, settling as teachers at the university with a view to becoming -professors, the Government called upon him to take this course, and -offered to supply him with the means necessary to further study. -Ullmann's own inclinations responded to this invitation; but he -hesitated at first because he had a wholesome horror of adding -another to the already too long list of second-rate professors. His -parents were naturally gratified; but with noble tact and generous -self-sacrifice, at once said that they themselves would provide their -son with the requisite means, in order that he might remain free to -take whatever course seemed most suitable to himself. - -In the autumn of 1817, he accordingly recommenced his university -studies. At first he hesitated whether he should go to Goettingen or -remain at Heidelberg; he wisely decided on the latter. For though the -former had not a few eminent men, it was bound too much by the -traditions of the eighteenth century, whereas Heidelberg was one of -the fountains of the new theological and philosophical life that had -begun to permeate Germany. - -Philosophy was the subject to which he first devoted himself; in -particular, the philosophy of Hegel, who had then just been appointed -professor at Heidelberg. He never properly relished Hegel; indeed, to -judge from one of his letters to his friend Schwab, he seems to have -been made not a little melancholy by it. Satisfaction it could not -well afford him, for his was not a mind to put up with dry bones and -logical subtilties; but it proved to be an excellent intellectual -gymnastic, and compelled him to an examination of his own theological -and philosophical position that was greatly needed, and which would -otherwise have been scarcely possible. The _a priori_ constructive -method of the Hegelian philosophy did not accord with the native bent -of his mind. He shows, too, that he began to be aware of the line he -himself would have to take in the following words addressed to one of -his examiners who had urged him to turn his special attention to -systematic theology:-- - - 'I am not one of those who are able to construct an - historical fact like the Christian religion, by starting - from a philosophical centre. My way into science is that of - historical inquiry; it passes from the particular to the - general, not from the general to the particular; or, - applied to theology, from exegesis and history to - systematic theology and Christian ethics.' - -He accordingly first took up philological, exegetical, and patristic -studies; he did so from a just though instinctive conviction that -satisfactory solutions of the great problems of theology and -philosophy are only possible on the basis of sound and thorough -historical studies. That it cost him no little self-restraint to carry -out this method, is evident from the letters he wrote about this time. -In one addressed to Schwab occur the words-- - - 'It is my misfortune that at present I have little time to - give to the highest questions. I have so many of the merely - outward parts of science which are absolutely necessary to - fetch up, that I often groan as under a heavy burden. - Still, even in the desert of grammatical and critical - study, I meet with many a refreshing oasis.' - -He began also to feel a deeper sympathy with the practical aspects of -the vocation on which he was entering. In the same letter from which -we have just quoted, he says-- - - 'I am sometimes disposed to envy the men--and there are - many of them--who live on an untroubled life, doing the - right without difficulty. My life appears, by comparison, - one continuous self-torture. But should I not be acting - unworthily? Must I not rather confess to myself that I have - as yet no solid ground on which I can take my stand? Yes; - and therefore, I am resolved to forego all the enjoyments - and pleasures of life rather than not attain to - certainty--rather than not be able to say, "I know in whom - I have believed."' - -He concluded his studies at Heidelberg by taking the degree of Doctor -of Philosophy, and in the spring of 1819 entered on a scientific tour -intended to embrace Jena, Goettingen, Dresden, Leipzig, Berlin, and -other centres of German culture. His stay in Berlin was both the -longest and the most important. He there made the personal -acquaintance of De Wette, Neander, and Schleiermacher, and his -intercourse with the last two in particular had a determining -influence on the whole of his future course. That for which his own -studies had been preparing the way was now accomplished, namely, his -emancipation from the old supranaturalistic forms of theological -thought which had hitherto hampered him. He did not, however, quit his -hold of the substance of the Christian faith; on the contrary, it -became more completely a living possession. In the sketch he wrote of -the life of his friend Umbreit, he describes his Berlin experiences as -follows:-- - - 'In intercourse with De Wette, Neander, and Schleiermacher, - I absorbed into myself the elements of the new theology. In - opposition to both Rationalism and Supranaturalism, - Christianity presented itself to me then as a new vital - creation and divine revelation, in the full sense of the - term, but, at the same time, as something undergoing an - organic development in the history of mankind. I saw - accordingly that it was the function of the theologian to - seek to effect a reconciliation between the Christian faith - and the healthy elements in the culture of the age, that - is, to exhibit it in its reasonableness, instead of in the - form of authority.' - -De Wette's influence was more an exegegetical than a critical one, -and Ullmann never showed much taste for the business of the critic. -Schleiermacher taught him the distinction between faith and theology -and the central significance of the person of the Redeemer, without, -however, seriously infecting him with his own exaggeratedly subjective -and speculative tendencies. Through Neander, his mind was open to the -appreciation of Christianity as a phenomenon and power in the history -of humanity. He was most drawn towards the last-mentioned, and always -spoke of him with deep and loving reverence. There was not a little -affinity between the two--an affinity which manifested itself even -more distinctly in later years; and if their course of development had -been more similar, the resemblance between them would have been -something very unusual. This will appear as we advance in our task. - -During this tour, Ullmann visited Hamburg, and there formed an -acquaintance which was destined to become very intimate, and to have -not a little influence on his career as a theologian--it was that of -the celebrated publisher, Friedrich Perthes. The circumstances under -which the introduction took place were embarrassing enough. Ullmann -had ran short of money, and not knowing what else to do, went to -Perthes, who at once, on the credit of his honest face, as he said, -lent him a sufficient sum of money to enable him to carry out his -immediate plans. Perthes subsequently became Ullmann's publisher.[45] - -In the autumn of 1819, Ullmann commenced lecturing at Heidelberg, -taking for subjects Exegesis and Church History. With unusual -consideration, the Government gave him, even as _Privat-Docent_, a -small salary, and promised him early promotion to an _Extraordinary_ -Professorship, a promise which was fulfilled in 1821. The first -published fruits of his studies were a critical treatise on the Second -Epistle of Peter, in which he defended the first two chapters as a -genuine fragment of the Apostle, but admitted the remainder to be the -work of another hand; and an examination of the 'Third Epistle of Paul -to the Corinthians,' which had just been translated from the Armenian -by Rind, and which he demonstrated to be a forgery. These were the -first and last properly critical essays he ever wrote. His next -publications, which were 'An Archaeological Essay on the Christian -Festivals,' originally appended to the second edition of Creuzer's -'Symbolik,' and another on the sect of the Hypsistarians, written in -Latin, as the programme when he entered on his professorship, -inaugurated the labours in the field of Church history where lay his -true vocation, and in which he achieved his best successes. - -The year 1820 brought two events on which he never ceased to look back -with the intensest thankfulness--his betrothal with Hulda Moreau, who -eventually became his wife, and his friendship with Umbreit, who had -become his colleague as Professor of Oriental Languages. The strain in -which he refers to the former, when writing to his friend Schwab, was -all that the most ardent lover could demand. It will suffice to quote -one sentence:--'Never had I either in hopes or dreams represented to -myself the happiness of love so beautifully and truly as I have found -it to be in reality.' Of Umbreit he spoke in the following terms:--'He -is just the friend for whom I have longed; one who takes me and -understands me just as I am and live; who loves me faithfully with all -his heart, despite my defects, and who has insight into and sympathy -with the needs of my soul.' 'Soon,' says he, in his own sketch of -Umbreit's life, 'our hearts opened to each other, and ere long our -relation to each other was such that it became a necessity to meet -daily and exchange thoughts and experiences. We were one as to the -basis and goal of life; and yet the individuality and development of -each were so different that we supplemented each other, and were thus -for each other a perpetual stimulus.' It was due to Ullmann's -influence that Umbreit became positively Christian, both in his -theology and life. - -These were the bright aspects of the life of the young professor. It -had, however, its shadows. The University numbered at this time only -fifty-five students of theology, and they were mainly divided between -Daub and Paulus; besides, the ground was so pre-occupied by -Rationalism on the one side, and Speculation on the other, that there -was no room for a theology that aimed to be at once evangelical and -historical. In 1823, Ullmann wrote to Schwab:--'In a scientific -respect, our position here is bad. The constellation of theological -studies is of such a kind that several, I might say most of the -professors, are really useless. To this number I have the honour to -belong, along with men like Abegg and Umbreit. I deliver my regular -lectures, but I have very few hearers and little hope of an -improvement.' In addition to this, his salary was so small that it did -not suffice for his own wants, much less could he marry on it. He -became at last so weary of this state of things that he begged the -Government to give him a living in the country. Instead of acceding to -his wish, however, they increased his salary, and thus enabled him to -venture on marrying in 1824. - -In the following year he published his first large work--a monograph -on Gregory Nazianzen, which proved him to be a worthy compeer of -Neander, and brought him, in 1826, an invitation to the Theological -Seminary at Wittenberg. Had not the Government again increased his -salary, and made him in addition Professor in Ordinary, he would -probably then have quitted Heidelberg, much as he loved it, and -thoroughly loyal and grateful as were his feelings towards his native -land. He no longer, however, felt so happy there as he had done in -former years. The party spirit under which he had to suffer so -severely at a later period, and which has done so much to degrade both -theology and the Church in Baden, was just beginning to make itself -felt, both in the University and in private circles. - -The next great event in his life, and an important event in the -history of German theology, the founding of the _Theologische Studien -und Kritiken_, shall be narrated in his own words:-- - - 'About this time the thought occurred to us' (referring to - Umbreit and himself) 'of establishing a new theological - journal, of which we proposed to ourselves to be joint - editors. Our idea was, not to increase the already too - numerous depositories of mere dry erudition, but to create - an organ for the new theology which was either already in - existence or in process of growth. After talking the matter - over carefully between ourselves, we communicated our idea - to our friends--Nitzsch, Luecke, and Gieseler,[46] all of - whom were then in Bonn. As they at once promised their - cooperation, we arranged to meet, for the maturing of our - plans, at Ruedesheim, in the spring of 1827. Singularly - enough, too, the publisher to whom we proposed applying, - Friedrich Perthes, had himself also, quite independently, - been entertaining a similar plan; and that not merely as a - business speculation, but also for the sake of promoting - the so-called new theology.' - -As his and their wishes thus happily met, the scheme was speedily -ripened, and the first number made its appearance at Hamburg, in 1828, -bearing on its title-page the names of Drs. Ullmann and Umbreit as -editors, and of Drs. Gieseler, Luecke, and Nitzsch as collaborateurs. - -During the first years of its existence, the _Studien und Kritiken_ -had a severe struggle: in a commercial point of view it certainly -did not pay; indeed, as such things are now regarded in this country, -it never has paid well. The highest circulation it ever -attained--unprecedented before, and since, in Germany--was between 900 -and 1,000. This was prior to that year of political and social -disturbances--1848. What the number of its subscribers at the present -moment may be, we do not know; we have been told they do not reach -500. Among its contributors it has had almost all the greatest German -theologians of the last forty years; for example, Schleiermacher, De -Wette, Rothe, Julius Mueller, Twesten, Hundeshagen, Tholuck, Bleek, -Neander, Dorner, Schenkel, Schweitzer, and others too numerous to be -specified. At present, it is edited by Drs. Hundeshagen and Riehm. -Whilst from the beginning the original design of its founders--that it -should be the organ of the theology of which Neander and Nitzsch may -be said to have been the best-known representatives--was -conscientiously adhered to, its pages were constantly open to opinions -diverging very widely from those of the editors. In fact, it was a -kind of neutral ground on which men of, one might almost say, opposite -theological opinions met for courteous tourney. None were excluded -from contributing whose spirit was that of reverential inquiry. It has -accordingly been in the best sense a power, not only in Germany but -even throughout Christendom. We cannot write these words without -blushing with shame that we in Great Britain have never been able -adequately to sustain, for any length of time, any purely theological -journal at all, much less one that dared to be something more than the -mere organ of a little party or sect. It is a disgrace to us. In this -matter, we are far behind even America; how much farther behind -Germany! and that, too, notwithstanding that a certain interest in -theological questions is much more widely diffused among us than in -the latter country. - -The article with which the _Studien_ opened, at once established the -character both of the journal and of its principal editor; it was one -on the 'Sinlessness of Jesus,'[47] which subsequently appeared in a -separate and considerably enlarged form. During Ullmann's lifetime it -ran through seven editions, and was translated into, at all events, -one foreign language. Few books have rendered better service to young -theologians, in their doubts and struggles, than this. - -In 1829, an invitation came to him from Prussia to take the chair of -Church History at the University of Halle. Strongly as he was attached -to Heidelberg, and patriotically desirous as he was of serving Baden, -still this time he felt that it was his duty to go. Such, too, was the -opinion of his friends; even the Minister of Education in Baden raised -little objection, though he expressed the hope that when the right -moment came, Heidelberg would be able to reclaim its own. The change -was a very great one--greater than can well be appreciated by any one -who is not acquainted with the difference, not only between Halle and -Heidelberg, but also between their respective inhabitants. South -Germans do not always harmonize well with North Germans. No contrast -could be greater than that between the two towns. The praises of -Heidelberg--of its river, castle, forests, mountains, and -valleys--everybody sings, and sings with justice. Halle is known to -comparatively few, and is not likely to be loved by ordinary tourists. -And yet those who have lived in Halle for any length of time always -think of it with affection. Its streets are narrow and close; its -pavements used to be uncivilized in summer, and absolutely barbarous -in winter; its atmosphere is tainted by one general smell of the -peculiar kind of turf that is burnt, and by numerous particular -odours; the older houses and rooms are fusty, and abound in tenants -who do not pay, but exact rent from their fellow-lodgers; it is -awfully hot in summer and cold in winter; the scenery around, save in -one direction, is very dismal--and yet few who have studied there can -help saying, 'Dear old Halle!' The secret is the kind, unpretending, -truly scientific spirit that prevails among the professors and their -families, rendering them very accessible to all, and facilitating -close intercourse. Ullmann found in Halle all the diversities of point -of view that existed at Heidelberg, and, indeed, at every University. -Wegscheider and Gesenius represented Rationalism, but a better and -larger spirit possessed the faculties. More frequent opportunities -were, moreover, afforded him of meeting the other eminent men of the -age. He visited Schleiermacher and Neander in Berlin; Tieck in -Dresden; Hase and Baumgarten-Crusius in Jena; went a foot tour with -Lachmann, Hossbach, and Schleiermacher in Thuringia; and held a -conference with the co-operators and contributors of the _Studien_ in -Marburg. But the chief source of satisfaction were the 800 theological -students who then frequented Halle; for he now secured auditories -double the number of all the theological students of Heidelberg taken -together. Naturally, too, his income was more adequate to the -necessities of a man of family and learning than it had ever been -before. All these circumstances gave his letters to his friends in -South Germany a tone of unmistakeable cheerfulness. - -During the early Halle years, his time and energies were so much -absorbed in the preparation of his lectures and the editing of the -_Studien_, which now devolved almost entirely on himself, that -extensive literary undertakings were out of the question. He lectured -on Church History, History of Doctrine, Symbolics, Introduction to the -New Testament, and at last also on Dogmatics. This last subject was -taken up by way of counteracting the influence of Wegscheider. In his -inaugural discourse on 'The Position of a Church Historian in the -Present Day,' afterwards printed in the _Studien_ (1829), Ullmann -sounded the key-note of his entire future teachings in words some of -which may be quoted here. The entire discourse well deserves studying -by ourselves at the present time:-- - - 'Sound reason and pure revelation of God are not at the - root diverse, and cannot be opposed to each other, though - they may present religious truth in differing forms and - compass. A truly divine doctrine will never interfere with - the freedom of thought and of intellectual development; on - the contrary, it will confer true, inward liberty. That - which separates the opposing parties in our midst is, on - the one hand, that the defenders of reason are not always - rational enough, not truly and impartially rational; and on - the other hand, that the believers in revelation do not - adhere with sufficient simplicity to the word and spirit of - revelation.' 'Christianity is higher reason; it is reason - in the form of history, in the form of a divine - institution; and as such it connects itself with the - deepest needs of the human soul.' 'Christianity and reason - must not and cannot be separated from each other.' - -The years 1831 and 1832 were years of deep sorrow: in the former he -lost his eldest daughter; in the latter his beloved wife. Severe as -was the test to which his faith was thus put, it stood it well. He was -able to say, 'The Lord gave; the Lord hath taken away: blessed be the -name of the Lord.' But the blow affected him very severely. He -withdrew from the social intercourse in which he had so greatly -delighted; his health, too, was so enfeebled that he was compelled to -go for a time to Baden on visits to friends. The following extract -from a letter to Umbreit, after his return, shows how he thought and -felt:-- - - 'I have found it very hard to settle down in Halle after so - long an enjoyment of the beauties of my old home. Like an - unwilling child, I have only given in by degrees. Nor did I - really become contented again till I set thoroughly to - work. And now that I am at work, I am again looking forward - to the holidays. One always seems to remain a child, and - life is an eternal circle, and after all a labour and - sorrow, occasionally broken by brighter glimpses of heaven, - of the hearts of friends, of one's own soul, and of nature. - When one looks seriously at life, one can scarcely help - both smiling and weeping; and it would be utterly - unintelligible to me without God and eternity. It is not - good, however, to think and grub too much about it; one - must undertake some work, even though it be not much. Faith - and work are the only sources of lasting peace.' - -In the autumn of 1834 he married again. Until 1833, when his first -contribution to the 'History of the Reformers before the -Reformation'--'John Wessel and his Times'--appeared, he printed -nothing but a few essays and reviews in the _Studien_. That the time -was not a very favourable one for theological authorship would appear -from the circumstance that Perthes, the publisher of 'Wessel,' -large-minded and sympathetic as he was, did not expect it to pay -expenses. It proved, however, a success, and with the portions -subsequently issued, is now esteemed one of the best German monographs -in the domain of Church history. - -Early in 1835, Ullmann wrote to a friend: 'In the world of literature -we have at present a complete ebb; nor does there seem any prospect of -our being stirred out of our quiet jogtrot existence. What a blessing -it would be, if some great light were to arise in theology--some -second Luther, or Lessing, or Goethe!' He little thought that the -stirring up that he desired would so soon come; still less that it -would come in the way in which it did come. It was not a new Luther, -or Goethe, or Lessing that arose, but Strauss, with his 'Life of -Jesus.' As is well known, this work, notwithstanding its containing -little that was really new, produced an unexampled sensation in the -theological and ecclesiastical circles of Germany. It called forth a -perfect flood of replies; and among them, Ullmann's, though small in -compass, occupied a very honourable position. He put his finger on the -weak spot in Strauss's book, in the following words of a letter -written to Schwab, immediately after he had taken a first glance at -it:--'All honour to criticism, but in Strauss's case it becomes -plainly unhistorical; for on the view with which he starts, the origin -of Christianity and the rise of men like the Apostle Paul are alike -inexplicable.' His reply consisted of two essays in the _Studien_ of -1836 and 1838, and afterwards published separately, under the title, -'Historisch oder Mythisch.' Next to Neander's 'Life of Jesus,' -Ullmann's treatise is said to have had most influence on Strauss. - -Shortly after his second marriage, Ullmann wrote to a friend that he -felt he was becoming every year more and more attached to Halle and -North Germany; and yet, when the call came to him, in 1836, to resume -his position at Heidelberg, he was unable to resist it. He had -previously declined without hesitation to entertain a proposal to -remove to Kiel. Many considerations weighed with him; certainly, -however, not an increase of income, for he positively lost by the -change. The thought of revived intimacy with Umbreit; the being near -to his aged father; the beauty of Heidelberg; perhaps, too, the -sorrows associated with Halle; but, above all, the prospect held out -that his return should be the first step in the renewal of the -theological faculty, were the magnets drawing him homeward. Still he -found it difficult to decide. The Prussian Government did all in their -power to retain him, but he thought duty pointed to a return; and he -accordingly left Halle in the autumn of 1836. He could not always -congratulate himself on the step thus taken. Indeed, a certain feeling -of disappointment almost immediately took possession of him. He -missed especially the large Halle auditories. In Halle he had 100 -students; in Heidelberg he began with six, who evinced, moreover, -little interest. His hope of securing Nitzsch as a colleague was -frustrated; the Government soon grew weary of special efforts to -further theological study; the old ornaments of Heidelberg died -rapidly out; and the new generation had neither faith nor refinement, -so that when a professorship was offered him in 1841 at the University -of Bonn he was strongly tempted to accept it, although he had -previously refused one at Tuebingen. Indeed, he probably would have -returned to Prussia but for the renewal of the promises to do more for -theology than had been done heretofore, and an autograph letter from -the Grand Duke himself, begging him in the most flattering terms to -remain. Having, soon after this time, purchased a house and garden of -his own, he settled down inwardly and outwardly as a permanent -Heidelberg fixture. - -Death again visited his household, taking this time the only remaining -daughter of his first wife, and the only child of his second. In other -respects, however, he grew more content as the years advanced; partly -because the circle of sympathizing friends gradually increased, and -partly because the state of things at the University materially -improved. The advent of new colleagues like Rothe, Hundeshagen, -Schenkel, and Schoeberlein, was naturally a source of great -satisfaction. - -In 1842, he completed his principal work--'The Reformers before the -Reformation.' It was his last great effort. An intention, long -entertained, of writing a life of Luther, was never realized. He -became too absorbed in the various theoretical and practical questions -that successively agitated the political, theological, and -ecclesiastical worlds, to find time or energy for extensive literary -undertakings; not that he ceased writing, but that what he wrote bore -predominant reference to questions of immediate interest, and appeared -for the most part in the pages of the _Studien und Kritiken_. Two of -the most notable of the essays written at this period are those on the -'Cultus des Genius' and 'Das Wesen des Christenthums.' The former was -directed against Strauss, who, in his 'Vergaengliches und Bleibendes im -Christenthum,' having reduced Jesus Christ to the rank of a religious -genius, maintained that the cultus of genius is the only form of -public and common religion the educated of the present generation can -celebrate. The immediate occasion of his 'Sendschreiben,' as he termed -it, was an oration delivered by his friend Schwab in connection with -the inauguration of a monument to Schiller, at Marburg. It has always -been esteemed one of the freshest, completest, and most artistic -products of his pen. Of the geniality of the tone in which he -approached the subject, the following passage will be sufficient -evidence:-- - - 'Our age is an age of distracted spirits. Let us look at - the greatest among them, that ideal of all who really are, - or affect to be, at discord with themselves and God, the - Poet-Lord! A spirit of defiance, of contempt for mankind, - of doubt; a cold breath of hopelessness and destructiveness - pervades his writings. Terror is his domain; the - destruction and misery of mankind are his dwelling place; - he knows little of those fundamental elements of piety, - hope, humility, and self-sacrifice. And yet who dare deny - that he is engaged in a struggle, painful and desperate it - is true, after the highest; that he is filled with - irrepressible longings after the noblest? Because human - life seemed to him so vain and empty, therefore did he - despise it; because he would fain have loved men so much - more truly than he could, therefore did he hate them; and - yet, when at certain moments the primal consciousness of - the heavenly and divine welled up from the depths of his - soul, what energy and vitality did it evince, and what a - mighty influence did it wield!' - -There is very much in this essay that deserves carefully weighing by -all who are mixed up with the intellectual struggles of the present -time; and we have noted numerous passages for quotation, but our space -forbids. The second one, on the 'Essence of Christianity,' strikes us -as a scarcely satisfactory answer to the question discussed, though -one's estimate of it naturally depends on one's own point of view. His -course of thought is as follows. - -Christianity, although unchangeably one and the same, has been viewed -in different ages in different ways; first as doctrine, then as law, -then as a plan of redemption. If we wish to understand its inmost -essence, and to account for its workings in their entire compass, we -must regard it as a new life, grounded on a complex of divine deeds -and manifesting itself in human works. This life necessarily had a -creative centre; this centre must have been a living one; and as it is -life of the highest kind, the centre must have been a person. The -founder of Christianity was the person in whom was effected that which -all religions have striven after, the perfect union of God and man. -Such being his character, the relation in which he stands to the -religion founded by him, is not the outward one which subsists where -the religion is advanced as a doctrine, or a law, or an institution; -no, he himself embodies in himself the religion he founded, and his -religion is essentially faith and life in him. The essence, the -distinguishing character of Christianity, must accordingly be defined -to be the person of its founder. Many of the ideas unfolded in this -essay have exercised a very great influence on, and are now the common -property of Christendom. Schleiermacher was the first in modern times -to assign to the person of Christ the central position in -Christianity; but Ullmann purified Schleiermacher's teaching on this -subject from its speculative accessories, and made it in the best -sense popular. The wide-spread tendency among the preachers and -religious thinkers of this country to bring the person Christ to the -foreground is, unquestionably, largely traceable to this German -source. What we should blame in it is the vagueness and sentimentalism -by which it is often accompanied or marked. The treatise pleased -neither the critical nor the ultra-orthodox. An attack made on it by -Count Agenor de Gasparin, in the 'Archives du Christianisme' (1851), -called forth a reply from Ullmann which, to our mind, is far more -interesting and valuable than the work it was meant to defend. From -that reply, which appeared in the _Studien_ of 1852, we cannot forbear -making the following quotation, partly for what seems to us its -intrinsic suggestiveness, and partly because it is characteristic of -its author's position. 'The subject in dispute between Count Gasparin -and myself,' says Ullmann, - - 'May be reduced to three points, the relation first between - the outer and inner rule; secondly, between dogma and love; - thirdly, between the person and the work of the Saviour. As - to the first point, he appeals solely to the outer rule. - Now an outer rule is one that comes to us from without, - with the claim to be the norm of our spiritual life. The - completest embodiment of the idea of the outer rule is - Catholicism. But the Count will say, "The true outer rule - is the Bible, not the Church." But how does he decide which - of these outer rules is the true one? Each is a form of the - same thing; each claims to be the only true form. In - discriminating between them, appeal must clearly be made to - an inner rule of some kind or other. Do I then mean to deny - that the Scriptures are an outer rule? Certainly not! If I - am asked, In what sense, then, is the Bible an outer - rule?--is it in a sense that excludes all reference to an - inner rule, to something higher, deeper, broader than the - written word? I reply, No! In such a sense the Bible does - not itself claim to be an outer rule. That in it which is - outward issued forth from what was originally inward, and - has the tendency, and is designed to become inward again. - In thus becoming inward, it is not intended to operate as - an outward rule, but to bear witness to itself in our inner - life, and secure our free assent. Inward and outward thus - act and react on each other. If the Scripture be a rule, it - is fair to ask whence it came to us? It did not fall from - heaven; it was not written immediately by the hand of God; - it did not exist prior to Christianity. Christianity, on - the contrary, existed first, and the Scripture was the - organ through which it presented itself to, and propagated - itself among men. That which existed before Scripture was - the complex of saving facts, whose centre is Christ and the - Christian life. The function of the Scripture, therefore, - was to be the medium of making known the person and work of - Christ, where the living message could not reach. For this - reason its position and worth are not unconditional. Christ - it is who conditions Scripture and gives it its worth. It - is not the Scripture that gives authority to Christ, but - Christ to Scripture. The proper object of faith is Christ, - not the Scripture; the latter is merely the guide and - educator unto Christ.' - -The point of view indicated in the above extract is one that needs -taking to heart and developing by the Christian thinkers of this -country; rightly carried out, it would aid them materially in meeting -the difficulties raised by the critics or opponents of the Bible. The -exposition of the nature and function of mysticism in this same reply -is admirable. - -In two things, Ullmann had always differed from the majority of German -theologians, and resembled the majority of English theologians. He -endeavoured to write so as to be intelligible and acceptable to -educated laymen, and aimed at exerting direct practical influence. -Science, including theology, is too frequently pursued and expounded -in Germany in the genuine dry-as-dust style; and theological authors -in particular have been in the habit of completely ignoring the fact -that they lived to serve the Church, and ought therefore to have an -eye to its practical needs in all their enquiries. Hence the -astonishing ignorance of theology that prevails in all but -distinctively professional circles. A better feeling on this point has -been growing up during the last ten years; but any change of practice -has been rather forced on the theologians than spontaneously -adopted--forced on them by the consideration that the laity of their -Church were being utterly robbed of faith by the popular -anti-Christian expositions of philosophy, criticism, and natural -science that abounded. We in this country have erred for the most part -in an opposite direction. Our eye to popularity and practical effect -has had a squint in it. But though our theological investigations have -lacked depth, they have, at all events, been far more widely -appreciated. And that our fault is the less serious of the two is -clear from the fact which is possibly unknown to most--that sound -German theological works like those published by the Messrs. Clark, of -Edinburgh, have had, with few exceptions, a larger circulation in the -English than in their original dress. Still, it were well if both -writers and readers in this country were a little more eager to sound -the deeper depths of the science even at the risk of creating and -meeting with difficulties. - -The desire felt by Ullmann to exert a direct influence in Church -matters grew with his years. He longed to see the ideas he had -expounded becoming realities, and thought he could and ought -personally to put hand to the work. There was much, too, in the -circumstances of the ten years that preceded 1853 to draw his mind in -the direction in which it naturally tended. Germany was everywhere in -a state of ferment; especially in the domain of ecclesiastical -affairs, were new and difficult problems constantly presenting -themselves. He was also repeatedly called upon by the authorities of -various German States to supply them with _Gutachten_ on difficulties -that had arisen; and the opinions he gave carried great weight, -because of the sound judgment, thorough conscientiousness, and -reverential liberality which characterised them. - -One movement in particular greatly strengthened the inclination to -which we are referring: we mean the secession from the Roman Catholic -Church of Germany that took place under Ronge. He was not, however, -carried away by it, as were many of his contemporaries, who hailed it -as the harbinger of a new era in the history of the Christian Church. -Its insignificance was clear to him from the very first. In a letter -to his friend Schwab, he says sarcastically:--'The reformers of the -nineteenth century have already passed through Heidelberg and -Mannheim, doing a notable amount of eating and drinking and halloeing -by the way.' An essay on the subject, published originally in the -_Studien_ for 1845, and afterwards as a pamphlet, contains much that -bears forcibly on efforts that are now being made among ourselves to -form churches or religious communities without either historical or -doctrinal basis. - -In 1853, a post was offered to him, which seemed to meet the wish he -had cherished, to be able to wield direct practical influence in -ecclesiastical affairs. He was called to be _Praelat_ of Baden. This -office or dignity--to which nothing exactly corresponds in our own -country--conferred on its holder a seat in the Upper Chamber of -Deputies, as the representative of the Evangelical Church; but, -singularly enough, did not necessarily make him a member of the Upper -Ecclesiastical Council, so that his direct influence was more personal -than official. Ullmann hesitated at first to sacrifice the quiet and -independence of his University position, and the opportunities of free -action which he largely enjoyed, possessing, as he did, the confidence -of the better clergy throughout the country; but at length he yielded. -Considerations, such as loyalty to his prince, disgust at the -illiberal liberalism that was increasingly gaining the upper hand at -Heidelberg, and perhaps, too, an unconscious stirring of ambition, -influenced his decision; but the main reason, undoubtedly, was the one -to which reference has already been made. Before making this change, -he did as he had done when he consented to remove from Halle to -Heidelberg, and his experience, as a man of a less idealistic turn of -mind might have anticipated, was again the same. He stipulated for -many alterations, both in the principles and methods of ecclesiastical -procedure. Could the programme which he laid before the Grand Duke -have been thoroughly carried out, a great reform would have been the -consequence; but the programme was a professor's programme, and the -professor was not the man to make it a reality. He soon found that -bureaucratic redtapeism, vested interests, indifference, incapacity, -not to mention intrigue and open opposition, were as common in the -higher ecclesiastical as in the political circles, and as difficult to -vanquish. - -In 1857, he was appointed to the office of Director of the Upper -Ecclesiastical Council--a position equivalent, in some respects, to -that of the Minister of Cultus in Prussia. The increase of honour -brought an increase of care, but the increase of apparent power did -not bring a corresponding increase of real power. He was associated -with men who, besides being narrow bureaucrats, and having no sympathy -with the higher interests of the Church, looked on Ullmann as a sort -of interloper; the consequence being perpetual struggles and -annoyance, without adequate compensation. Dislike to him personally -began also to spread among the clergy, and the laity charged him with -being a High Church reactionary. His difficulties culminated in the -so-called _Agenden-Streit_, and in the disputes relating to the new -constitution proposed for the Church; the upshot of the whole, being -that, in 1860, he retired from office, broken in health, and almost -broken in spirit. - -He was never able to resume independent literary work, though he did -again undertake the direction of the _Studien und Kritiken_, which for -several years had mainly devolved on his colleague Umbreit. After the -death of the latter, in 1860, he associated Dr. Rothe with himself as -joint editor; but, owing to an ever-increasing divergence of their -views--both practical and theoretical--this arrangement terminated in -1864, at which date the journal passed into the hands of its present -editors. - -The faith that Ullmann had expounded and defended in life, sustained -him in the decline of health and in the hour of death. In the autumn -of 1863, both bodily and intellectual vigour began seriously to fail; -and on the 12th of January, 1865, he died, surrounded by his family, -and repeating to himself the closing words of that grand, but almost -too moving hymn-- - - 'O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden.' - -FOOTNOTES: - -[43] For the materials of this paper, we are largely indebted to a -biographical sketch by Dr. W. Beyschlag, Professor of Theology in -Halle. - -[44] This is the examination which every _gymnasiast_, or scholar of a -Gymnasium, who intends going to a University must pass ere quitting -school. Papers certifying that this examination has been passed have -to be laid before the University authorities prior to matriculation. - -[45] F. A. Perthes, of Gotha, son of F. Perthes, has recently -published a collected and cheaper edition of the works of Ullmann. - -[46] Dr. Gieseler, author of one of the most valuable Church histories -Germany has produced; Dr. Luecke, best known by his exhaustive -commentary on the writings of St. John; and Dr. Nitzsch, equally -celebrated as a theologian and practical ecclesiastic. - -[47] A translation has been published by the Messrs. Clark, of -Edinburgh. The line of argument pursued by Ullmann has an important -bearing on controversies that are now arising in our midst, especially -on that relating to the Incarnation, as opened by such writers as Mr. -Hutton, in his 'Essays,' and Mr. Baring-Gould, in his work on 'The -Origin and Development of Religious Beliefs.' It is not a little -remarkable that the latter, in his discussion of the evidence for the -incarnation, should never allude to the sinlessness of our Lord--a -point on which great stress has justly been laid by some of the most -eminent of the recent apologists for Christianity. If it be true that -Christ was sinless; if it be further true that moral perfection is -impossible, save on the condition of complete fellowship and harmony -with God; if it be further true that the creature, the more intimate -its fellowship with God, the more completely it will recognise, in -word and deed, the distinction between itself and God, then, as it -seems to us, the sinlessness of Jesus, taken in connection with the -claims he advanced for himself, involves his standing in a relation to -God such as is meant by the word incarnation. Either that, or his own -very assertion of sinlessness, is one of the strongest evidences of -his sinfulness. Mr. Baring-Gould's arguments for the incarnation, in -_another form_, may be utilized by such as hold the old position; in -his hands, they seem to us a piece of caprice. - - - - -ART. II.--_Aerial Voyages._ - - -_Travels in the Air._ By JAMES GLAISHER, F.R.S., CAMILLE FLAMMARION, -W. DE FONVIELLE, and GASTON TISSANDIER. Edited by JAMES GLAISHER, -F.R.S. With 125 illustrations. London: Richard Bentley and Son. 1871. - -A few years ago a Frenchman, apostrophising the Genius of Humanity as -none but a Frenchman can do, took the liberty of reproaching that -metaphorical being for its extreme backwardness in one department of -duty. He called upon it to 'march,' an injunction which his countrymen -are so fond of issuing that they sometimes forget to tell you where, -or to state the reason why. The present age, he intimated, demanded -this movement: the coming generations would be greatly disappointed if -it were not accomplished. 'One effort,' said he encouragingly to the -Genius, 'and the future is thine (_l'avenir t'appartient_)!' The -crooked places, he promised, should be made straight, and the rough -ones delightfully smooth. There should be no more mountains (Pyrenees -or otherwise), and the valleys should become as level as the plains! - -And what does the reader suppose was the duty in respect of which the -genius in question was so shamefully in arrear? It was, says M. -Farcot, in the matter of aerostation. How is it, asked this -individual, somewhat sharply, that man, who is so anxious to conquer -everything and everybody (except, we might add, himself), should not -have made greater exertions to subdue the sole element which continues -in a state of rebellion? How is it that a being who has such -magnificent forces at command, and can traverse the ocean with an ease -and a rapidity which the fleetest denizens of the deep cannot surpass, -should suffer himself to be outstripped in the air by an insignificant -fly? M. Farcot could not comprehend it; M. Farcot would not submit to -it. He therefore offered his services to mankind as the precursor of a -new era, in which the balloon was to become the prominent figure, and -entreated the object of his invocation to wake up, and with a single -bound to overleap the gulf that lay between it and its greatest -triumphs. - -We are not in a position to state whether the genius in question -listened favourably to M. Farcot's fervid appeal; but it is certain -that his hopes have not yet been realized. The balloon has always -appeared to possess such splendid capabilities that it is no wonder -its admirers never weary of predicting a brilliant future for the -machine. Considering the prominent part which Frenchmen have played in -the history of aerostation, it will be readily understood that the -apparatus commenced its career with a dash and _elan_ which led -mankind to anticipate that it would accomplish marvellous things, and -become one of the foremost agents in the great work of civilization. -Our lively neighbours, ever on the alert for glory until their recent -misfortunes, and probably so still, were charmed with the idea of -conquering a new region, though it contained nothing but clouds, and -were by no means insensible to the vanity of riding in the air, though -in most cases they went up, like their famous sovereign, simply to -come down again. - -Many years have elapsed--nearly a century--since Pilatre de Rozier and -the Marquis d'Arlandes made their daring voyage into the atmosphere in -the car of a fire-balloon, this being the first excursion ever -attempted by living creatures, if we except three anonymous animals, a -sheep, a duck, and a cock, which were sent up in the previous month, -and returned in safety to the earth. But as yet, though the machine -has rendered considerable service to science, and will doubtless -assist in the solution of many interesting problems, it is a thing of -promise rather than of performance. It is still in a rudimentary -state, and should be received, says M. Glaisher, simply 'as the first -principle of some aerial instrument which remains to be suggested.' -Potentially, it may include the germ of some great invention, just as -Hiero's eolipile and Lord Worcester's 'water-commanding' engine -contained a prophecy of the most masterly of human machines--the steam -giants of Watt. But to apply the well-known metaphor of Franklin, -when asked what was the use of a balloon, we may say that the -'infant' has not grown up into a man. - -Within the last twelve months, however, this largest of human -toys--the plaything of pleasure seekers, and the cynosure of all eyes -at _fetes_ and tea-gardens--has been converted into a useful machine, -though under the pressure of circumstances which every philanthropist -must deeply deplore. - -Of course, when the balloon was presented to mankind, one of the first -thoughts which suggested itself to our combative race was this--'Can -we turn it to any account in war? Will it assist us in killing our -enemies, or capturing their fortresses?' And when we remember that the -machine was reared amongst the most military people in Europe, can we -doubt that as Napoleon's great question respecting the Simplon road -was, whether it would carry cannon, so the chief point with a -Frenchman would be, whether a balloon could be rendered of any service -in a battle? Not many years were suffered to elapse before regular -experiments were instituted with this view. An aerostatic school was -established at Meudon, a company of aeronauts, under the command of -Colonel Coutelle, was formed, and a number of balloons constructed by -Coute were distributed amongst the divisions of the French army, not -even forgetting the troops despatched to Egypt. At the sieges of -Maubeuge, Charleroi, Mannheim, and Ehrenbreitstein the invention was -found to be of some value for purposes of reconnoitring; and previous -to the battle of Fleurus, Coutelle and an officer spent several hours -in the air, studying the positions of the Austrians, and this with -such effect that their information materially assisted General Jourdan -in gaining the victory. The machine was, of course, held captive -during the process, but its tether was easily extended by means of a -windlass, and thus the occupants were enabled to soar above the -enemy's fire. - -More than once it has been proposed to build huge balloons, and -freight them with shells and other missiles, which might be -conveniently dropped down upon a hostile corps, or 'plumped' into the -midst of a beleaguered town. With a view to the demolition of the -fortress of St. Juan de Ulloa, during the war between Mexico and the -United States, Mr. Wise suggested the construction of an enormous -air-ship, which was to carry up a quantity of bombs and torpedoes, -and, whilst securely moored in the atmosphere by means of a cable -several miles in length, it would be in a position to rain down death -upon the devoted place. To its honour, however, the American -Government declined the use of such an aerial battery. - -Fortunately--we think we may say fortunately--for the interests of -mankind, the balloon has not succeeded to any considerable extent as a -military machine. Even the Jesuit Lana felt inclined to weep over his -abortive project (he did pray over it) when he considered how easy it -would be for warlike marauders to set the stoutest walls and ramparts -at defiance, and to hurl destruction into any city they might select. -Let us hope that the balloon is destined for more pacific purposes. -The range of modern guns, and the difficulty of manoeuvring so -rudderless an apparatus, seem to cut it off from a career of glory. If -employed for purposes of reconnoitring purely, and kept in a captive -condition, it may occasionally render service by darting suddenly into -the atmosphere, and taking a glimpse of the enemy's position or -movements. But, then, a tethered balloon, as M. de Fonvielle -intimates, belongs neither to the air nor the earth; it is a creature -compelled to serve two masters, and therefore cannot do its duty to -either; but, whilst attempting to obey the commands of its rulers -below, it is forced to yield to the caprice of the breezes above. If -free, asks M. Simonin, and if the wind were everything the aerial -heroes could wish; if, moreover, the balloon, charged with the most -formidable fulminates, were carried direct to the hostile camp, could -they expect to find the enemy massed for a review or a manoeuvre -precisely at the spot over which they sailed, and could they time -their discharges so beautifully, having due regard to the speed of the -machine, that their projectiles should explode at the most fitting -moment for damaging their foes? Happily, in neither of the two -greatest struggles of recent times--how recent none need say, for the -scent of blood is yet on the soil of Virginia, and the bones of Teuton -and Gaul still lie blended on the fields of France--has the balloon -brought itself into formidable confederacy with Krupp cannon or the -murderous mittrailleuse. - -War, however, the greatest of scourges, is sometimes compelled, in the -good providence of God, to yield an incidental harvest of blessings. -Liberty has often been entrusted to the keeping of the bayonet, and -civilization has more than once depended upon the explosive virtues of -charcoal and saltpetre. It is not impossible that the recent -investment of Paris may ultimately lead to the development of aerial -navigation on a scale which would gladden the heart of M. Farcot, and -almost satisfy the expectations of some of the greatest enthusiasts in -the art. We allude, of course, to the employment of the balloon for -postal purposes. During the recent siege of that city--we mean, of -course, by the Germans, and not by Frenchmen themselves--upwards of -fifty of these aerial packets sailed from the beleaguered metropolis -with despatches for the outer world. They conveyed about -two-and-a-half millions of letters, representing a total weight of -about ten tons. Most of them took out a number of pigeons, which were -intended to act as postmen from the provinces. One, called _Le General -Faidherbe_, was furnished with four shepherds' dogs, which it was -hoped would break through the Prussian lines, carrying with them -precious communications concealed under their collars. The greater -number of these balloons were under the management of seamen, -sometimes solitary ones, whose nautical training, it was naturally -supposed, would qualify them more especially for the duties of aerial -navigation. More than one fell into the hands of the enemy, having -dropped down right amongst the Prussians. In some of these cases the -crews were generally made prisoners, but in others they effected their -escape; and more than once their despatches were preserved in a very -remarkable way--in one instance being secreted in a dung cart, and in -another being rescued by a forester, and conveyed to Buffet, the -aeronaut of the _Archimede_, who had been sent out in search of them, -and had traversed the hostile lines on his errand. Many of these -postal vessels were carried to a considerable distance, some landing -in Belgium, Holland, or Bavaria; whilst one, _La Ville d'Orleans_, was -swept into Norway, and came to anchor about 600 miles north of -Christiania. A few, unhappily, never landed at all. _Le Jacquard_, -which left the Orleans railway station on the 28th November, with a -bold sailor for its sole occupant, disappeared like many a gallant -ship. It was last observed above Rochelle, and probably foundered at -sea, as some of its papers were picked up in the Channel. _Le Jules -Favre_ (the second of that name), which set out two days subsequently, -has arrived nowhere as yet; and one of the last of these -mail-balloons, the _Richard Wallace_, is missing, as much as if it had -sailed off the planet into infinite space. So long as these machines -continued to be launched by day, they were exposed to a fusillade -whilst traversing the girdle of the Prussian guns, the bullets -whistling round them even at an elevation of 900 or 1,000 metres. To -avoid this peril it became necessary to start them by night, although -the disadvantages of nocturnal expeditions, in which no light could be -carried, and consequently the barometer could not be duly read, were -held by many to outweigh all the dangers attaching to German -projectiles. - -Let us now attempt an imaginary voyage through the air, availing -ourselves as much as possible of the experience of the gentlemen whose -excursions are chronicled in the work which heads this article. A more -attractive volume cannot well be imagined. It is the production of one -Englishman and three Frenchmen. Mr. Glaisher is well known, in -companionship with Mr. Coxwell, as our greatest authority on the -subject. All his visits to the clouds have been for scientific -purposes, and if the question, - - Quis crederet unquam - Aerias hominem carpere posse vias? - -could be put in reference to any man, it might surely be applied to -him, for he has had the honour of ascending higher than any other -mortal from Icarus to Gay-Lussac. MM. Flammarion, Fonvielle, and -Tissandier are all enthusiasts in the matter of ballooning; the second -of these gentlemen having expressed his willingness to be shot up into -the air in connection with a sky-rocket, provided its projectile force -could be duly regulated and a proper parachute were attached. In the -narratives of their numerous ascents, there is necessarily some degree -of sameness; but the whole are not only thoroughly readable, but -thoroughly enjoyable to the last. The illustrations to the book are -really superb. As a mere portfolio of sky-sketches, it is well worth -the price. Not unreasonably indeed, one of the writers expresses his -hope that the work will form a kind of epoch in the history of the -subject, 'for it is the first time that artists have gone up in -balloons for the purpose of familiarizing the eyes of the public with -a series of aerial scenes.' We have charts of triple texture, showing, -first, the path of the machine through the air; secondly, the -geography of the country over which it passed; and thirdly, the -gradations of light and darkness during the expedition, these being so -arranged as to answer point for point. We have also pictures in which -the balloon is seen in almost every phase of adventure--sweeping -through the clouds, plodding through the snow, cruising amongst the -stars by night, exploding in the sky, plunging into the sea, dragging -on the ground, caught in the trees, stranded amongst the sheepfolds, -or tumbling upon the coast and struggling madly to escape the pursuing -billows. But we have also some gorgeous views of cloud-land, with its -marvellous scenery; now silvered with the pale radiance of the moon or -the stars, now drenched in the golden glories of the setting sun--at -one time darkening into night under the gathering thunderstorm, at -another fantastically illuminated with haloes and many-tinted spectra; -and through all these wonderful fields of air, a tiny sphere, a mere -bubble of the sky, with a bubble or two of human breath attached, may -be seen pursuing its noiseless way as if it had escaped for ever from -this turbulent earth. - -Before we start, however, the great question is, Dare we start at all? -Well might the first aerial navigator, like the anonymous hero _qui -fragilem, truci commisit pelago ratem primus_, shudder at his own -audacity as he launched his miserable vessel upon the untraversed -deep. When it was first determined to send up some human beings to the -clouds in a Montgolfier, it was by no means an unnatural suggestion -that the experiment should be tried upon a couple of criminals; but -French valour would not permit even French rascality to carry off the -honour of the exploit, and Pilatre de Rozier indignantly protested -that vile malefactors ought not to have 'the glory of being the first -to rise in the air.' Brave men, however, whose courage could not be -impeached even in the fieriest hour of battle, have been known to -shrink from a balloon when they would have calmly faced a battery. A -gallant field-marshal, says Flammarion, 'who had never hesitated to -advance through the discharge of cannon and musketry,' declared more -than once that he would not, for a whole empire, ascend even in a -captive machine! On the other hand, it is related of an old woman (who -had been an inmate of Lambeth workhouse for forty years, and who, on -losing her son at the age of seventy-five, exclaimed, 'I felt sure I -should never bring up that poor child!') that being asked on her -hundredth birthday what treat she would like by way of celebrating the -occasion, the ancient female decided upon an excursion in the great -balloon then tethered at Chelsea. Her wish was granted, and she -enjoyed a ride in the atmosphere at the foot of this huge floating -gasometer, which was fettered to the earth by a cable of two thousand -feet in length. The fair sex, indeed, have never exhibited much -timidity in dealing with balloons. Out of the seven hundred persons -carried up in the air at various times by the veteran Green, not less -than one hundred and twenty were females. 'If,' hinted he to -Fonvielle, 'you wish balloons to become popular in France, begin by -taking women in them; men will be sure to follow!' Does not this -accord to the letter with George Stephenson's dictum, that feminine -influence would draw a man from the other side of the globe when -nothing else would move him? Not that we think the advice was -specially needed for France, for the first lady who made an ascent was -a Frenchwoman, Mme. Thible; and the first lady who met her death on an -aerial excursion was Mme. Blanchard, who belonged to the same nation. - -First of all, then, we ought to see the balloon before it is inflated. -There it lies, a vast expanse of varnished silk, or calico, or -india-rubber cloth, enveloped in netting, and covering many a square -yard of ground with its flabby, crumpled form. Nothing more lifeless -and uninteresting can well be conceived than the huge shape which, in -a short time, will lift itself by degrees from the soil, like a giant -creeping gradually into consciousness, and then standing erect in all -the pride of its newly-discovered powers, will expand into one of the -most stately and picturesque machines ever invented by man. It is even -possible to sympathise with M. Flammarion in his heroics when he -imagines an aeronaut addressing it in language of mingled insult and -adulation:-- - - "Inert and formless thing, that I can now trample under my - feet, that I can tear with my hands, here stretched dead - upon the ground--my perfect slave--I am about to give thee - life, that thou mayest become my sovereign! In the height - of my generosity I shall make thee even greater than - myself! O vile and powerless thing! I shall abandon myself - to thy majesty, O creature of my hands, and thou shalt - carry my kingdom unto thine own element, which I have - created for thee; thou shalt fly off to the regions of - storms and tempests, and I shall be forced to follow thee! - I shall become thy plaything; thou shalt do what thou wilt - with me, and forget that I gave thee life!" - -For many reasons, carburetted hydrogen, or coal gas, is the agent -employed to give levity to the machine. In the earlier days of -aerostation, hydrogen presented strong temptations. It is the lightest -of the gases, being upwards of fourteen times rarer than atmospheric -air, and therefore it was naturally regarded as the element best -fitted to do man's bidding, and to drag him nearest to the stars. But -hydrogen is an expensive article, and needs an elaborate apparatus for -its production, whereas coal gas is burnt in every civilized street, -and may be obtained in any quantity by connecting a flexible tube with -the nearest tap. In the still darker ages of aeronautic science, it is -well known that heated air was the element employed; and, going back -into yet more benighted times, we find that Father Lana proposed to -give buoyancy to copper globes by filling them, as an Hibernian once -remarked, with a vacuum; whilst another worthy Pere, Galien of -Avignon, gravely suggested that balloons should be inflated with -attenuated air, brought down from mountain tops in bags prepared for -the purpose, in which case they would, of course, ascend to similar -heights! - -Let us now enter the car. The huge monster above us is swaying to and -fro in the breeze, and struggling for freedom like some giant soul -which has done its work on earth and is eager to reach its native -skies. The cords which hold us captive are loosed, and, as if by -instinct, we grasp the nearest rope, or hold fast to the wicker work, -to secure ourselves from the effects of our sudden translation--we -might almost say projection--through the air. But the first feeling is -one of surprise. We find ourselves perfectly stationary, whilst, -strange to say, the earth--the great solid globe on which we recently -stood, with all its towers and temples, its gazing crowds and -spreading landscapes--is seen shooting downwards in space with -frightful velocity! Worse still, glancing upwards, the sky appears to -be falling, as if the ceiling of the universe had given way; and -yonder big dark cloud, which seemed to be motionless when we took our -seat, is now tumbling headlong upon us, and will, infallibly, crush -our balloon like a moth. It requires some little consideration to -correct this delusion, and satisfy ourselves that here, as in many of -the moral and social phenomena of life, the change is in us, and not -in the world itself. - -As we rise, the view below grows more expansive, but, at the same -time, it appears to flatten. The hills are planed down, the valleys -are filled up, and the rich undulations and inequalities which -contribute so much to the picturesque are in a great measure lost to -the aerial eye. We seem to be hovering over a huge, variegated -ordnance map, tinted for the most part with green; its rivers looking -like silver ribbons, its railways like ruled lines, its woods -represented by patches of verdure, and its towns exhibiting grooves or -gutters for streets, and kitchen areas for squares. - -This effect is the more striking when we look perpendicularly down -upon tall, slender objects like steeples, pillars, or elevated -statues. The Monument of London becomes a mere gilded speck on the -pavement. The hapless column in the Place Vendome, now overthrown by -the hands of Frenchmen themselves, was described by an aeronaut as a -kind of 'pin stuck head downwards in a cushion.' A view of the statue -of Napoleon, as seen from on high, is given by M. Flammarion, and -presents a ludicrous picture, the figure being crushed into a sort of -black amorphous lump, which would be utterly unintelligible were it -not that the shadow exhibits something of the human form, and not -inaptly suggests some strong reflections respecting the fallen -fortunes of the imperial dynasty. In fact, the landscape seems to be -flattened as if some great roller had passed over it, and ironed out -all the prominences in order to reduce it to one vast plain. - -This appearance may be qualified by another, which, however, is not -visible to every voyager. Without going so far as to imagine that the -earth will display any portion of its convexity, we certainly should -not expect it to assume a concave aspect to the eye. Yet, for the same -reason that the sky above us looks like a great vault, and that the -clouds overhead slope down towards the horizon, if sufficiently -extended, the landscape beneath us should appear to be similarly -hollowed were it surveyed from a corresponding elevation. In some -degree, and to some susceptible minds, this curious impression is -realized in a balloon. The central parts of the expanse below seem to -sink and assume a dish-like form, so that, as M. Flammarion observes, -we float between two vast concavities, the blue dome of heaven resting -upon the green and shallow but inverted dome of earth. - -But can we witness all this without a sensation of giddiness? Is not -our enjoyment of the scene marred by a strong disposition to vertigo, -such as is natural to human heads when raised to perilous altitudes? -This tendency, however, is far less prevalent than might be expected -in the car of a balloon. Professor Jacobi, who could not look down -from a lofty building without dizziness, made his first, perhaps his -only ascent without experiencing the least swimming of the brain. The -chief feeling of an aeronaut, according to M. Simonin, is one of -elation; his sense of individuality becoming so triumphant that he -glances down upon the poor wretched globe he has left grovelling in -its sins and sorrows, with a species of pity which is probably very -much akin to contempt! But this sentiment, according to M. Flammarion, -may be combined with another of a much more equivocal description. 'I -also felt,' says this gentleman, 'a vague desire to throw myself out -of the balloon. Though feeling convinced that it would be certain -death, I was under the influence of a mild temptation to allow myself -to fall, and my death became, for the moment, a matter of indifference -to me.' The lofty air with which this is written, and the supreme -_nonchalance_ displayed, are eminently characteristic of the soil, or -rather of the sons of France. 'Let me live or let me die,' he seems to -say; 'whether I float in these pure ethereal regions, victorious over -all the evils of earth, or whether my body lies shattered on those -rocks below, a mass of featureless pulp, is a question of no -consequence to Camille Flammarion! He is perfectly content whether he -figures as an aerial conqueror or as a poor, palpitating corpse!' - -We continue rising. The balloon will, of course, persist in doing so -until the weight of the included gas and of the entire apparatus -exactly balances an equal bulk of the surrounding air. Starting from -the earth with all its buoyant power in hand, it would soon acquire a -considerable momentum were it not controlled by the resistance of the -atmosphere, which reduces its motion to a steady, uniform ascent. This -presumes, however, that nothing transpires to alter its gravity. The -addition of a few rain-drops to the machine would infallibly slacken -its speed, whilst the fall overboard of one of the passengers would -convert it for the time into a runaway balloon. When Mr. Cocking -severed his parachute from the great _Nassau_, the latter, huge as it -was, bounded aloft with such swiftness that whilst the poor fellow was -descending to death, the two aeronauts seemed to be mounting to -destruction, either by the bursting of the balloon or the stifling -emission of gas. - -In another way, also, too rapid a start may lead to dangerous -consequences. In 1850, MM. Bixio and Barral took their places in the -car of a balloon inflated with pure hydrogen. Their object in using -this lightest of all aerial fluids was to climb to an elevation of -thirty or forty thousand feet; but not having made due allowance for -its buoyancy, the machine, when released, shot through the air like a -ball from a gun. The envelope expanded so rapidly that it bulged down -upon the aeronauts and shrouded them completely, the car being slung -at too slight a distance below. Struggling like men beneath a fallen -tent, one of them, in his endeavours to extricate himself, tore a hole -in the great bag, from which the gas poured upon them, producing -illness and threatening suffocation. Precipitately they began to sink, -and it was only by tossing everything overboard that they succeeded in -landing safely on the earth. They had traversed a bed of clouds 9,000 -feet in thickness, reached a height of 19,000 feet, and then performed -the return journey all in the space of little more than three quarters -of an hour. - -Higher and higher we mount. Shall not we knock our sublime heads -against the stars, if we continue to ascend in this indefinite way? -How rapidly we move, and what curious effects vertical travelling may -involve, a single illustration will suggest. Aeronauts may enjoy a -spectacle which, at the first mention, might almost recall the -retrograde movement of the solar shadow on the dial of Ahaz--namely, -that of two sunsets in one day. An early balloonist, M. Charles, was -very much impressed by this vision. When he left the earth for an -evening excursion, the great luminary had just disappeared, but, said -the Frenchman, proudly, 'he rose again for me alone!' 'I had the -pleasure of seeing him set twice on the same day.' For was the -spectacle such as the dwellers on the soil may command, by permitting -the orb to sink behind some elevation, and then mounting it so as to -bring him again into view--thus playing at bo-peep with the lord of -day. For, continued M. Charles, still more proudly, 'I was the only -illuminated object; all the rest of nature being plunged into shadow!' - -But now, looking aloft, we observe a mass of clouds, towards which we -are rapidly speeding. There are mountains of snow and great -threatening rocks, against which it seems as if our fragile vessel -would inevitably be dashed. The novice in aerial navigation almost -instinctively holds his breath as he sees the distance narrowing -between his frail skiff and these frowning piles, and awaits the awful -collision. But they open as if by magic, and the balloon glides into -the midst without a shock, or a tremor in its frame. We are then -enveloped for a time in a sort of obscurity, but we have nothing to -fear, for the machine might travel blindfold without dread of the -slightest obstruction in these pathless expanses. Destitute of every -object which could serve as a guide, we proceed until we emerge into -sunshine once more, and then, looking down, we see the clouds through -which we have entered closing like a trap-door after us, and shutting -us out from the dear old world, where we lead such a life of charmed -misery. - -Sometimes, however, it seems impossible to rise above the 'smoke and -stir of this dim spot, which men call earth.' - -In an ascent from Wolverton, in June, 1863, Mr. Glaisher passed -through an extraordinary succession of fogs and showers and -rain-clouds; and though he soared to a height of 23,000 feet, the -balloon was unable to extricate itself from its earthly entanglements. -Following a fine rain came a dry fog, which continued for some -distance; this traversed, the aeronauts entered a wetting fog, and -subsequently a dry one again. When three miles in height, they -imagined that they would certainly break through the clouds, but, to -their great surprise, nebulous heaps lay above them, beneath them, and -all around them. Up they clambered, but at an elevation of four miles -dense masses still hung overhead as if to forbid any further progress, -and two clouds with fringed edges specially attracted their attention, -from the fact that they were unmistakeably nimbi, although formations -of this latter class are mostly creatures of the nether sky. On -returning, a heavy rain fell pattering on the balloon at an altitude -of three miles, and then, lower down, for a space of 5,000 feet, they -passed through a curious snowy discharge, the air being full of icy -crystals, though the season was high summer. - -It is not often, however, that the atmosphere is in this nebulous -condition throughout so large a portion of its depth. For days -together terrestrials may be enveloped in fog and rain, and in that -case must wait patiently until the clouds please to roll off, and -drench some other locality; but if at such seasons we were to jump -into a balloon, we might soon pass out of the watery zone and soar -into the jocund sunshine. Continuing our ascent, therefore, through -the dense tract of moisture we first entered, our machine at last -lifts its head joyously above the surface, and shaking off the cloudy -spray, bounds into a new sphere, where the great giver of light glows -with unadulterated ray. We are, in fact, in a new world. We are -completely cut off from our native earth by a huge continent of -vapour, which appears to have been suddenly petrified into rock. - - 'Above our heads,' writes Mr. Glaisher, 'rises a noble - roof, a vast dome of the deepest blue. In the east may - perhaps be seen the tints of a rainbow on the point of - vanishing; in the west, the sun silvering the edges of - broken clouds. Below these light vapours may rise a chain - of mountains, the Alps of the sky, rearing themselves one - above the other, mountain above mountain, till the highest - peaks are coloured by the setting sun. Some of these - compact masses look as if ravaged by avalanches, or rent by - the irresistible movement of glaciers. Some clouds seem - built up of quartz, or even diamonds: some, like immense - cones, boldly rise upwards; others resemble pyramids whose - sides are in rough outline. These scenes are so varied and - beautiful that we feel we could remain for ever to wander - above these boundless plains.' - -As we ascend, however, a serious question comes into play. To the -first adventurer we may suppose that it would present itself with -alarming force. Shall we be able to breathe safely in yonder upper -regions, where the air is so thin that the lungs must work 'double -shift,' as it were, to procure their necessary supply? At the earth's -surface, it is well known that the atmosphere presses upon every -square inch with a force of from fourteen to fifteen pounds. A column -of air forty miles in height resting upon a man's hat, would, of -course, crush it flat upon his head in a moment, were it not for an -equal resistance within; and, but for the same cause (the equal -diffusion of pressure at the same level), we should all go staggering -along under our burden of thirty thousand pounds--such is our share of -the atmospheric load--or, if laid prostrate, should find ourselves -incapable of rising. But of course the pressure grows smaller as we -ascend, for the simple reason that the height of the column above us -continually decreases. Seeing, moreover, that we are adapted by our -organization to existence at the bottom of this aerial ocean, it is -natural to expect that at considerable elevations some sensible -disturbance of our functions will ensue. At the height of three miles -and three-quarters the barometer, which stands at about thirty inches -at the level of the sea, has sunk to fifteen inches, exhibiting a -pressure of some seven-and-a-half pounds to the square inch, and -showing that as much of the atmosphere in weight is below us as there -is above. Reaching an elevation of between five and six miles, the -mercury would be found to mark ten inches only, representing a -pressure of five pounds to the square inch, and proving that -two-thirds of the aerial ocean had been surmounted, leaving a thin -third alone to be traversed. The following table, as given by Mr. -Glaisher, will, however, best express this decline of density:-- - - 'At the height of 1 mile the barometer reading is 24.7 in. - " 2 miles " " 20.3 " - " 3 " " " 16.7 " - " 4 " " " 13.7 " - " 5 " " " 11.3 " - " 10 " " " 4.2 " - " 15 " " " 1.6 " - " 20 " " " 1.0 " less.' - -One indication of increasing rarity in the air is to be found in the -lowering of the point at which water boils. On the surface of the -earth ebullition takes place, as is well known, at 212 deg. Fahr.; but at -the top of a mountain like Mont Blanc, where the pressure is so much -lightened, and the liquid therefore encounters so much less resistance -to its vaporous propensities, it will pass into steam at a temperature -of about 178 deg. At still greater elevations this point becomes so -ridiculously reduced--if the expression may be employed--that we might -plunge our hand into the fluid when in full simmer, or drink it in the -form of tea when absolutely boiling. Of course, under such -circumstances, it would be impossible to extract the full flavour of -that generous herb unless the process were carried on under artificial -pressure, and therefore the most gentle and legitimate of all -stimulants must lose much of its potency if decocted at 20,000 feet -above the level of the sea. - -Another little circumstance is very significant. In opening a flask of -pure water at the earth's surface, we should not expect the cork to -fly out with an explosion as if it were a flask of Clicquot's -sprightliest champagne; but this is what occurs when we reach an -altitude where the external pressure is slight compared with the -spring of the imprisoned air. In dealing with a bottle of frisky -porter or highly impatient soda-water, it may be well to act -cautiously, lest the cork should go like a shot through the envelope -of the balloon; and in drinking the contents it will be wise to wait -till the effervescence has subsided, lest the same results should -arise as those which were experienced by the Siamese king, when, -instead of mixing his soda powders in his goblet, he put the acid and -the alkali separately into his stomach, and left them to settle their -affinities there. - -Whilst urging his way aloft, therefore, the novice will probably call -to mind some of the accounts he has read of poor animals which have -been tormented and philosophically murdered in the receiver of an -air-pump. He will remember how miserable butterflies and other insects -have been unable to use their wings, and, after a few flutterings, -have fallen motionless; or how helpless mice, after gasping for a time -in hopeless distress, have expired, unwilling martyrs to science. And -can he enter such an attenuated atmosphere as the one above him -without undergoing some of their agonies, though in a milder and less -fatal form? For, on ascending a lofty mountain, the traveller is soon -reminded that his lungs are dealing with a much thinner fluid than -they inhaled below. Long before he reaches the summit he finds that -his drafts upon the atmosphere are increased in consequence of its -tenuity, and that the requisite supply can only be obtained with much -pulmonary toil. His head begins to ache, a feeling of nausea is -frequently induced, and sometimes he experiences the taste of blood in -the mouth, or the scent of the same fluid in the nostrils. With -throbbing temples and tottering limbs, he drags himself to the peak, -and then probably throws himself upon the rock utterly exhausted, his -first sentiment being one of relief that the ascent is well over, and -his next one of regret that the descent is not already accomplished. - -But in estimating the results in such a case, we must remember the -great physical exertion which has been incurred. Every traveller who -plants himself upon the summit of the Dome du Goute must have lifted -as many pounds avoirdupois as he weighs, to say nothing of his baggage -and personal accoutrements, to a height of some 15,000 feet in the -atmosphere by the sheer force of his own muscles. To carry one's own -body about is scarcely regarded as porter's work, but what -particularly stout man would ever dream of reaching the Grand Plateau, -or even attempt to scale the Great Pyramid, without a troop of -attendants to drag him to the top? In a balloon, however, all this -expenditure of strength is spared. The aeronaut arrives at an -elevation far higher than the tallest peak in Europe without -squandering as much force as would be required to grind an ounce of -coffee. Here, therefore, the influences of rarefied air may be tested -without any of the complications arising from previous fatigue or -present muscular exhaustion. - -Now, the results, as noted by different voyagers, are by no means -accordant. In his first ascent, Mr. Glaisher found his pulse throbbing -at the rate of a hundred per minute, when he had reached a height of -18,844 feet. At 19,415 feet, his heart began to palpitate audibly. At -19,435, it was beating more vehemently, his pulse had accelerated its -pace, his hands and lips were dyed of a dark bluish hue, and it was -with great difficulty that he could read his philosophical -instruments. At 21,792 feet (upwards of four miles), he seemed to lose -the power of making the requisite observations, and a feeling -analogous to sea-sickness stole over him, though there was no heaving -or rolling in the balloon. Of course, we may well suppose that -different individuals will be differently affected. There are some -terrestrials who suffer little from sea-sickness, whilst there are -others who can scarcely cross the bar of a river without incurring the -agonies of that abominable complaint. But Mr. Glaisher seems to be of -opinion that the balloon voyager may speedily master the _maladie de -l'air_, and become quite at home at any elevation hitherto attained. -It is a matter of simple acclimatization. In his own case, he found -that he could breathe without inconvenience at a height of three or -four miles, whereas his first sallies into that region, as we have -seen, were productive of considerable discomfort; and though he -regards an altitude of six or seven miles as the frontier line of -natural respiration, with a possible reserve in favour of its -extension, he hints that artificial appliances may, perhaps, be -devised for freighting the aerostat with the fluid in suitable -quantity, and so enlarging the sphere of atmospheric enterprise. We -are not certain whether this hint has reference to an apparatus for -condensing the air; but it is a pleasant fancy, whether practicable or -not, to picture a couple of excursionists feeding their lungs by -compressing the thin medium around them into pabulum of the needful -density. - -There is another enemy, however, to encounter, and it is probably to -this more than to the attenuation of the air that the painful effects -in question are attributable. We allude to the extreme cold of the -upper skies. The atmosphere has its polar regions as well as the -earth. There frost builds no solid barriers it is true, but his -invisible ramparts are a surer defence against intrusion than bulwarks -of granite. Even at a height of three or four miles, explorers are apt -to find their extremities benumbed, and their faces turning purple or -blue. In a night ascent in 1804, Count Zambeccari, who subsequently -met his death in consequence of his balloon taking fire, was so -severely handled by the frost that he lost the use of his fingers, and -was compelled to have some of them amputated. On one occasion, Mr. -Coxwell, having laid hold of the grapnel with his naked hand, cried -out in pain that he was scalded, which is precisely the punishment -inflicted by metallic objects upon all who grasp them incautiously in -arctic latitudes, when the temperature is exceedingly low. - -Combining, therefore, these two causes, the rarefaction of the upper -air, and the crushing influences of frost, we may readily understand -why so many bold adventurers have been smitten with asphyxia when -pushing their way into such untrodden solitudes. When Andreoli and -Brioschi ascended from Padua, in 1808, to a prodigious height, the -latter sank into a state of torpor, and shortly afterwards the former -found that he had lost the use of his left arm. In the instance -already alluded to, when Zambeccari was so mangled by the cold, he and -Dr. Grassetti both became insensible, and their companion alone -retained the control of his faculties. - -On one memorable occasion, Mr. Glaisher and Mr. Coxwell rose to a -region which had certainly never been visited before, and most -probably will not be speedily visited again. The precise elevation -they reached could only be guessed, but it could scarcely be less than -35,000 feet, and might possibly extend to 37,000 feet, or seven miles. -This famous ascent was made in 1862 from Wolverhampton. When the -aeronauts had soared to a height of some 29,000 feet, about -five-and-a-half miles, Mr. Glaisher suddenly discovered that one arm -was powerless, and when he tried to move the other, it proved to have -been as suddenly stripped of its strength. He then endeavoured to -shake himself, but, strange to say, he seemed to possess no limbs. His -head fell on his left shoulder, and on his struggling to place it -erect, it reeled over to the right. Then his body sank backwards -against the side of the car, whilst one arm hung helplessly downwards -in the air. In a moment more, he found that all the muscular power -which remained in his neck and back had deserted him at a stroke. He -tried to speak to his companion, but the power of speech had departed -as well. Sight still continued, though dimly; but this, too, speedily -vanished, and darkness, black as midnight, drowned his vision in an -instant. Whether hearing survived, he could not tell, for there was no -sound to break the silence of those lofty solitudes. Consciousness -certainly remained; but the mind had ceased to control the body, and -the reins of power seemed to have slipped for ever from his grasp. Was -this the way men died? And did one faculty after another desert the -soul in its extremity, as servile courtiers steal away from the -presence of royalty when its last hour has arrived? Soon afterwards -consciousness itself disappeared. - -Fortunately, this insensibility was not of long duration. He was -roused by Mr. Coxwell, but, at first, could only hear a voice -exhorting him to 'try.' Not a word could he speak, not an object could -he see, not a limb could he move. In a while, however, sight returned; -shortly afterwards he rose from his seat, and then found sufficient -tongue to exclaim, 'I have been insensible!' 'You have,' was the -reply; 'and I too, very nearly!' - -At the time Mr. Glaisher was smitten with paralysis, Mr. Coxwell had -climbed up to the ring of the balloon, in order to free the -valve-rope, which had become entangled. There, his hands were so -frozen that he lost the use of them, and was compelled to drop down -into the car. His fingers were not simply blue, but positively black -with cold, and it became necessary to pour brandy over them to restore -the circulation. Observing on his return that Mr. Glaisher's -countenance was devoid of animation, he spoke to him, but, receiving -no reply, at once drew the conclusion that his companion was in a -state of utter unconsciousness. He endeavoured to approach, but found -that he himself was lapsing into the same condition. With wonderful -presence of mind, however, he attempted to open the valve of the -balloon, in order that they might escape from this deadly region, but -his hands were too much benumbed to pull the rope. In this fearful -extremity, he seized the rope with his teeth, dipped his head -downwards two or three times, and found to his relief that the machine -was rapidly descending into a more genial sphere. Fortunately, the -voyagers reached the ground in safety, without feeling any lasting -mischief from their audacious excursion; but it would be difficult to -invent a scene better calculated to make the nervous shudder than that -of a balloon floating at a height of nearly seven miles, with its -occupants awaking from a state of insensibility to discover that their -limbs were utterly powerless, that the rope which might enable them to -descend was dangling beyond their reach, and that there they must -remain until the cold, which had turned every drop of water into ice, -should eat away the feeble relics of vitality from their frames. - -We proceed. We are now cruising in the full glare of the sun. The rays -of that luminary beat upon us with scorching force; but whilst the -head seems to be in the Sahara, the feet may be in Spitzbergen. For -here, as on the top of a snow-clad mountain, the temperature of the -air is one thing, the direct heat of the sun is quite another. The -difference may amount to thirty or forty degrees in an ordinary -ascent, and of course, becomes more noticeable the higher the flight. -The thin air and scanty vapour of the upper regions furnish us with -flimsy clothing; whilst in the nether world we wrap the dense medium -round us like a mantle, and keep our caloric within our frames. - -Is there any law, however, by which the decrease of temperature can be -expressed? Seeing that the atmosphere is divided, as it were, into -various storeys, these being formed of changing currents, or fugitive -strata of clouds, each with its peculiar charge of heat, is it -possible that any fixed principle of decline can be detected? - -Take a few results. On leaving the ground, where the temperature was -50 deg. (in the afternoon of the 31st of March, 1863), the thermometer -indicated 331/2 deg. at one mile, 26 deg. at two miles, 14 deg. at three miles, 8 deg. -at 33/4 miles, where a bed of air heated to 12 deg. was entered, and then at -an elevation of 41/2 miles, the instrument had fallen to zero. In -descending, the temperature rose to 11 deg. at about three miles in -height, it sank to 7 deg. in passing a cold layer, afterwards increased to -181/2 deg. at two miles, to 251/2 deg. at one mile, and finally settled at 42 deg. on -the ground. - -Again, on starting (17th July, 1862), the temperature at the surface -was 59 deg., at 4,000 feet, it was 45 deg., and at 10,000 feet it had sunk to -26 deg. For the next 3,000 feet it remained stationary, during which -time the aeronauts donned additional clothing, in anticipation of a -severe interview with the Frost King; but to their great surprise, the -thermometer rose to 31 deg. at 15,500 feet, and to 42 deg. at 19,500 feet, by -which time they found it necessary to divest themselves of their -winter habiliments. Sometimes, indeed, the changes of temperature -experienced are startling and unaccountable. At an elevation of 20,000 -feet, Barral and Bixio, whilst enveloped in a cloud, found their -thermometer at 15 deg. Fahr. Above this cloud, at a height of 23,127 feet, -the instrument had sunk to 38 deg. below zero, making a difference of not -less than 54 deg. of heat between the two points. Judging from this -observation, might we not expect to find all the moisture at those -cheerless altitudes curdled into ice? and if our globe is sheathed in -an envelope of frozen particles, is the fact wholly without meaning in -reference to the aurora and other meteorological phenomena? - -From such capricious data, it would seem impossible to extract any -definite law; but it has been assumed by many that, taking all things -into account, the temperature decreases one degree for every 300 feet -of elevation. Putting the matter more exactly, there is, according to -Flammarion, a mean abatement of one degree for every 345 feet where -the sky is clear, and of one degree for every 354 feet when the -heavens are overcast; the decline being quicker when the day is hot -than when it is cold, and in the evening than in the morning. Mr. -Glaisher, however, feels himself compelled to repudiate this theory of -a steady, constant diminution of heat. The results of all his midday -experiments amounted to this:-- - - 'The change from the ground to 1,000 feet high was 4 deg. 5' - with a cloudy sky, and 6 deg. 2' with a clear sky. At 10,000 - feet high it was 2 deg. 2' with a cloudy sky, and 2 deg. with a - clear sky. At 20,000 feet high the decline of temperature - was 1 deg. 1' with a cloudy sky, and 1 deg. 2' with a clear sky. At - 30,000 feet the whole decline of temperature was found to - be 62 deg. Within the first 1,000 feet the average space - passed through for 1 deg. was 223 feet with a cloudy sky, and - 162 feet with a clear sky. At 10,000 feet the space passed - through for a like decline was 455 feet for the former, and - 417 feet for the latter; and above 20,000 feet high the - space with both states of the sky was 1,000 feet nearly for - a decline of 1 deg. As regards the law just indicated, it is - far more natural and far more consistent than that of a - uniform rate of decrease.' - -It should be carefully observed that these conclusions refer to -ascents by day; and that by night the temperature augments within -certain limits, as Marcet showed, and as numerous experiments have -confirmed. - -Scarcely less interesting is the question as to the moisture in the -atmosphere. Does it decline according to any graduated law? From a -large number of observations it has been concluded that the watery -vapour increases up to a certain elevation (varying with the season of -the year, the hour of the day, and the condition of the sky), and -then, having reached this maximum, we find that the air grows -continually drier the further we climb. Upon this simple fact much of -the physical happiness of our globe depends, for it is the moisture in -the lower regions which arrests the efflux of caloric, preserves it -for home consumption, and assists the earth in the kindly production -of its fruits. - -Meanwhile, the rays of the sun playing with unchecked fervour upon the -balloon, have been heating and expanding the gas. Lightened also by -the dissipation of the moisture contracted in the cloudier portion of -the ascent, it probably occurs to the voyager, particularly if he is -prone to take alarming views of events, that as the machine rises into -a rarer atmosphere the envelope may distend until it actually bursts. -Nor is this apprehension, however painful to the nerves, wholly -without foundation. Looking up at the flimsy globe above his head, he -will observe that it is now fully inflated, though purposely left -somewhat flaccid when the journey commenced; and, possibly, he may -observe signs of the sun's action on its sides, as if it were -blistering under the solar beams. Brioschi, the Neapolitan astronomer, -wishing to soar higher than Gay-Lussac, who had reached 23,000 feet on -his way to the stars, was stopped on his ambitious flight, as Icarus -had been before him, by getting too near the sun. He had no wings to -melt, it is true, but he had a balloon to rupture, and the swollen -tissue accordingly gave way, though, happily, without involving him in -the fate of the presumptuous youth. Will it be credited, however, that -any aeronaut could deliberately make an ascent with the express -intention of bursting his balloon himself? Yet this has been done -without pre-engaging a coroner, and without the slightest wish to -commit scientific suicide. The individual by whom this perilous -experiment was performed was Mr. Wise, the American. He argued that if -the explosion were neatly managed, the collapsing envelope would act -as a sort of parachute, the lower part retreating into the upper, and -forming a concavity which would present sufficient resistance to -ensure a safe and steady descent. Nor were his expectations wholly -disappointed. Having risen through a thunderstorm to a height of -13,000 feet, he fired his magazine of hydrogen gas. The car rushed -down with awful rapidity, supported, however, by the relics, like a -torn umbrella, and alighted upon the ground without inflicting any -great violence upon the daring navigator. Not many weeks afterwards, -he repeated the exploit, if such it may be called, and in exploding -the gas tore the silk receptacle from top to bottom; but, with equal -good fortune, he arrived at the earth without a broken limb, the -machine having taken a spiral course in falling, which enabled him to -descend with uniform velocity. - -Having now reached the highest point to which our aerostat will mount -so long as its weight continues unchanged, we surrender ourselves to -the guidance of the current in which we are involved. In rising to a -moderate elevation, a balloon will sometimes shoot through more than -one of these aerial streams. Mr. Foster detected the existence of four -distinct currents in one experiment, namely, from the E.N.E., N., -S.W., and S.S.E., and on the following day found there were three, -namely, from the E.N.E., S.E., and S.S.W. Sometimes an upper and an -under current may move in opposite directions. Had it not been for -this fact, M. Tissandier's _debut_ in the clouds might have terminated -in his death in the ocean. Ascending with M. Duruof from Calais under -somewhat rash and defiant circumstances, their balloon was borne out -to sea, not towards the English coast, which might, perhaps, have been -reached, but right up the North Sea, where they would probably have -perished. Fortunately, after proceeding for some distance, they -observed a fleet of _cumuli_ steering for Calais at a depth of some -3,000 feet below, and by dropping into this counter stream they were -floated back to land. - -There is no subject of greater moment to aeronauts than the -determination of the atmospheric currents. Upon this question in a -great measure depends the utility of ballooning as an art. We should -certainly consider that ocean navigation was in a despicable condition -if the utmost we could do for a vessel was to commit it, preciously -freighted with our own persons, to the wind and waves, without a sail -to propel it or a rudder to guide it in any particular direction. Yet -this is pretty much the state of aerial seamanship, except for -purposes of vertical travelling. If it could be ascertained that -streams flowed to different quarters at different elevations--river -rolling over river--then it might be easy to book our balloon for some -special point of the compass. But the atmosphere is comparatively -unexplored in this respect, and it will require long study before any -definite conclusions can be formed, even if such should be ever -realized. - -That there is some degree of certainty in air-currents may be -indicated by a curious fact mentioned by Flammarion, namely, that the -traces of his various voyages are all represented by lines which had a -tendency to curve in one and the same general direction. 'Thus,' says -he, 'on the 23rd June, 1867, the balloon started with a north wind -directly towards the south-south-west, and, after a while, due -south-west, when we descended. A similar result was observed in every -excursion, and the fact led me to believe that above the soil of -France the currents of the atmosphere are constantly deviated -circularly, and in a south-west-north-east-south direction.' - -Still more curious is a fact which Mr. Glaisher may be said to have -discovered. - -We are accustomed to talk much of the Gulf Stream. It is as popular a -marine phenomenon as the Great Sea Serpent. For some time it has -figured in meteorology as the subtle agent to which all climatic -eccentricities, and not a few climatic advantages, are ascribed; but -what shall we say to a genuine 'aeria Gulf Stream?' What, to a stream -flowing through the atmosphere in kindly correspondence with the -beneficent current which sweeps through the Atlantic below? - -On the 12th January, 1864, Mr. Glaisher left the earth, where a -south-east wind was prevailing. At a height of 1,300 feet he was -surprised to enter a warm current, 3,000 feet in thickness, which was -flowing from the south-west, that is, in the direction of the Gulf -Stream itself. At the elevation in question the temperature, according -to the usual calculation, should have been 4 deg. or 5 deg. lower than that at -the ground, whereas it was 31/2 deg. higher. In the region above, cold -reigned, for finely-powdered snow was falling into this atmospheric -river. Here, therefore, was a stream of heated air previously -unsuspected, which, if its course is steady, as it appears to be -during winter, constitutes a prodigious accession to our resources, -and adds another to the many meteorological blessings the world -enjoys. - - 'The meeting with this south-west current (writes Mr. - Glaisher) is of the highest importance, for it goes far to - explain why England possesses a winter temperature so much - higher than our northern latitudes. Our high winter - temperature has hitherto been mostly referred to the - influence of the Gulf Stream. Without doubting the - influence of this natural agent, it is necessary to add the - effect of a parallel atmospheric current to the oceanic - current coming from the same regions--a true aerial Gulf - Stream. This great energetic current meets with no - obstruction in coming to us, or to Norway, but passes over - the level Atlantic without interruption from mountains. It - cannot, however, reach France without crossing Spain and - the lofty range of the Pyrenees, and the effect of these - cold mountains in reducing its temperature is so great that - the former country derives but little warmth from it.' - -The velocity of these atmospheric streams must, of course, differ -considerably; but, however rapid may be their motion, the balloonist -will not fail to notice the feeling of personal immobility which gives -such a peculiar character to aerial travelling. We can hardly realize -the idea of being transported, say, from London to Dover, without -experiencing sundry jars of the muscles or tremors of the nerves, even -if we escape, as is by no means certain, the chances of a collision; -but M. Flammarion remarks in reference to one of his journies, that -the distance accomplished was a hundred and twenty miles, 'during the -whole of which time we never felt ourselves in motion at all.' No -better illustration of this exemption from the jerks and joltings of -terrestrial locomotion could be given than a simple experiment. A -tumbler was filled with water till the liquid stood bulging over the -brim. The balloon was travelling with the velocity of a railway train, -and sometimes rising, sometimes falling, through hundreds of feet at a -time, yet not a single drop of the fluid was swung out of the glass! - -Striking as the fact is, it would be still more surprising if it were -otherwise; for, having once entered a current of air, and surrendered -our machine to its guidance, we become, as it were, part of the medium -in which we are immersed. The balloon has no longer any will of its -own, or of its occupants, except for purposes of ascent or descent. It -glides along with the stream, and, coming athwart no obstructions, it -knows none of the bumpings to which more grovelling vehicles are -exposed. Hence results another consequence which will scarcely escape -attention, namely, that here, in the very place of winds, we -experience no wind whatever. You may sit in the car of a balloon -without undergoing much danger from draughts. There are no fierce -gales to encounter, and therefore there are no weather-beaten mariners -aloft. If we come to a spot where two breezes meet in battle, or, if -two currents of differing directions were so sharply defined that the -upper part of the machine could emerge into the superior stream whilst -the lower part was in the keeping of the inferior, then very -unpleasant results might ensue; but these are not events which aerial -navigators have frequently to record in the serener regions aloft. - -And as all motion seems to have ceased, except what is due to the -rotatory action of the balloon, so all sound appears to have expired. -On earth we have nothing to compare with the awful stillness of these -airy solitudes. Some noise--be it the sighing of the wind, the -pattering of the rain, the fall of a crumbling particle of rock--will -break the tranquillity of the vale, the loneliest wilderness, the -loftiest peak. But here nature appears to be voiceless, and silence, -'the prelude of that which reigns in the interplanetary space,' seems -to be a consecrated thing, as if it were destined to remain -uninterrupted until the Trumpet of Judgment shall wake the world. - -But did we say we were in absolute solitude? If so, imagine the -startled look of an aeronaut when, on issuing from a cloud, he sees -before him, at the distance of some thirty or forty yards, the figure -of another balloon! If a feeling of horror creeps over him at the -sight, he might well be pardoned, for his first thought would -doubtless be that it was some phantom of the air sent to lure him to -destruction, as the Flying Dutchman is reported to do with mariners at -sea. One remarkable feature, however, instantly attracts his -attention. The car of the stranger is placed in the centre of a huge -disc, consisting of several concentric circles--the interior one being -of yellowish white, the next pale blue, the third yellow, followed by -a ring of greyish red, and, finally, by one of light violet. That car, -too, is occupied. Its tenants are engaged in returning the scrutiny, -and their attitudes express equal surprise. By-and-bye, one of them -lifts his hand; but that is just what one of the aeronauts has done. -Another motion is made, and this is imitated to the letter. A laugh -from the living voyagers follows. They have discovered that the -stranger is an optical apparition, for on examination it is found to -correspond with their own machine, line for line, rope for rope, and -man for man, except that they, the living ones, are not surrounded by -a glory as if they were resplendent saints. - -This beautiful phenomenon is due to the reflection or diffraction of -light from the little vesicles of vapour, and must not be confounded -with the ordinary shadow of the balloon which, under fitting -conditions, and in a more or less elongated form, generally appears to -accompany us like some spectral shark in pitiless pursuit of an -infected ship. - -It is now time, however, to commence our homeward voyage. In other -words, we must tumble perpendicularly to the earth, but so regulate -our fall that no bones shall be broken, and no concussion, if -possible, sustained. To do this from an elevation of three or four -miles must strike us as a vastly more dangerous problem than the -ascent to a similar height. The valve at the top of the balloon -affords us the means of diminishing its relative levity by a gradual -discharge of the gas. But this process must be cautiously performed, -otherwise the machine may start off like a steed which is suddenly -inspired with a new life when its face is turned towards its home. -Hence the necessity of retaining a proper amount of ballast to control -its impatient descent. If it should sink too rapidly, the emptying of -a bag or two will check its pace, and even give it an upward turn for -the time, so that the aeronauts, in rising again, will sometimes hear -a pattering upon the balloon, which proves to be the very shower of -sand they have just ejected. - -So delicately, indeed, does the machine respond to any alteration in -its weight, that once, when M. Tissandier threw out the bone of a -chicken he had been assisting to consume, his companion gravely -reproved him, and, on consulting the barometer, he was compelled to -admit that this small act of imprudence had caused them to 'rise from -twenty to thirty yards!' - -Not unfrequently it happens that a balloon has to dive through such -heavy clouds, or through such a rainy region, that its weight is -considerably increased by the deposited moisture. In passing through a -dense stratum, 8,000 feet in thickness, Mr. Coxwell's aerostat, on one -occasion, became so loaded that, though he had reserved a large amount -of ballast, which was hurled overboard as fast as possible, the -machine sped to the earth with a shock which fractured nearly all the -instruments. - -Lunardi, having ascended from Liverpool in July, 1785, found himself -without ballast, and in a balloon insufficiently inflated. He was -carried out to sea, retaining of course the power of sinking, which, -however, he did not wish to exercise, as he was almost without the -means of rising. To lighten the machine, he tossed off his hat, and -even this insignificant article afforded him some relief. Soon -afterwards, he removed his coat, and this enabled him to mount a -little higher, and bear away towards the land. To escape a -thunder-cloud, he subsequently divested himself of his waistcoat, and -finally succeeded in grappling the earth in a cornfield near -Liverpool, spite of his improvidence in the matter of ballast. - -It is under such circumstances, however, that we discover the value of -the long rope suspended from the car, and which may be let out to the -depth of some hundreds of feet. It is a clever substitute for ballast, -with this great-advantage, that it is retained, not lost; and that it -may also be used as a kind of flexible buffer to break the force of -the descent. When the balloon is sinking, every inch of the rope which -rests upon the ground relieves it of an equivalent portion of its -weight: the process is tantamount to the discharge of so much ballast, -and, therefore, the rapidity of the descent is not only lessened, but -possibly the downward course of the machine may be arrested some time -before it reaches the soil; should it mount again, every coil of the -cable lifted from the earth adds to its gravity. In cases where the -aeronaut has from any cause lost the mastery of his vessel, this -self-manipulating agency may preserve him from a fatal reception, -whilst, on the other hand, he has it in his power, by letting out gas -when the balloon is balanced in the air, to lower himself (other -conditions being favourable) as peaceably as he chooses. - -The _Geant_ of Nadar, with a weight of 7,000 to 8,000 lbs., in -descending on one occasion, after all the ballast had been exhausted, -rushed down towards the earth with the speed of an ordinary railway -train, and yet, thanks to the guide-rope, no serious accident -occurred, though the instruments were all broken, and a few contusions -were sustained. This admirable contrivance was introduced by that -'ancient mariner' of the air, Mr. Green. - -In returning to our native soil, however, one of the most dangerous -conditions which can arise is the prevalence of a thick fog, or the -necessity for ploughing our way through a dense cloud. Under such -circumstances, how do we know where the earth lies? Not that we are -likely to miss it--the great fear is that we may hit it too soon, and -too forcibly. It is then that the value of the barometer is most fully -appreciated. This instrument does for the aeronaut what the compass -does for the sailor. But the observer must be prompt and careful in -his reading, for if the descent is rapid, the least inattention may -result in a fractured collarbone, or a couple of shattered bodies. - -Presuming, however, that, as we sink through the cloudy trap-door by -which we entered the upper sky, we find all clear below, the old -familiar earth again bursts upon our view. For a few moments the -planet appears to be shooting upwards with considerable velocity. It -is like a huge rock which has been aimed at our little balloon, or a -star which has shot madly from its sphere, and is hastening to crush -us on our return from our sacrilegious voyage. By throwing out a -quantity of ballast, however, as if in defiance, we seem to check it -in its course, and if it continues to approach, it does so with -moderate speed. But we soon discover the deceit, and learn (probably -to our chagrin) that it is not the world which is troubling itself to -meet us, but we who are doing obeisance in our own puniness to its -irresistible will. - -In one sense, indeed, the appearance of a balloon in the sky is always -the signal for a certain amount of commotion. Dogs begin to bark -furiously, poultry begin to run to and fro in evident alarm, whilst -cattle stand gazing in astonishment or scamper off in terror, as -people used to do--so we suppose--when hippogriffs were in the habit -of alighting at their doors. One French aeronaut remarks very drily -that the best mode of obtaining a correct estimate of the population -of any given district is to approach it in a balloon, for then every -individual rushes out of doors to look at the visitor, and so 'the -people can be counted like marbles.' Another states that in passing -over Calais the only figure that did not lift its head to gaze at the -travellers was the Duc de Guise, whose bust in the Place d'Armes was -incapable, for good reasons, of paying them that act of homage. - -Other things being duly considered, the chief business of a balloonist -in descending is to select an open and unincumbered locality. To plump -down upon a cathedral, or impale his car upon the top of a spire; to -allow it to alight amongst the clashing trees of a forest, or to -attempt to ground it amongst the chimneys and gables of a crowded -town, would be pretty much the same as for a sailor to run his vessel -amongst the breakers, or to drive it full tilt against the nearest -lighthouse. The experienced navigator knows where to throw out his -grapnel, and this, digging into the soil or catching in the rocks, or -laying hold of any object from a tree to a tombstone, will bring the -big airship to anchor, and enable the crew, with a little management, -to disembark. - -But having landed, what kind of a reception shall we encounter? That -is a question of some little consequence. There are two ways of -dealing with aeronauts: the first is to invite them to dinner and -offer them beds for the night; the other is to make an extortionate -claim for damages, or carry them before the magistrates as -trespassers. The latter practice is much in vogue in rustic regions. -You have scarcely leaped out of the car than up there comes an angry -farmer, vociferating loudly, gesticulating frantically, and when he -sees his fences broken down, and his crops trampled under foot by a -crowd of villagers who rush to the spot to inspect the stranger from -the clouds, his wrath rises to the boiling point (far below 212 deg. -Fah.), and the brute threatens immediate arrest, or appears to be on -the eve of inflicting personal chastisement. In some instances, -attempts have been made to distrain upon the balloon, _damage -feasant_, as lawyers would say, though it would have puzzled the -bumpkins to determine how such an unmanageable object could be safely -lodged in the village pound. - -When the first hydrogen balloon fell at Gonesse, near Paris (1783), a -most extraordinary scene was witnessed. The inhabitants of the village -were struck with terror upon seeing an unknown monster descending from -the sky. A genuine dragon could not have excited more consternation. -Was it some fabulous animal realized in the flesh, or was it the great -fiend in proper (or improper) person? On all sides they fled. Many -sought an asylum at the house of the _cure_, who thought that the -wisest mode of dealing with the intruder was to subject it to -exorcism. Under his guidance they proceeded falteringly to the spot -where it lay, heaving with strange contortion. They waited to see what -effect the good man's presence would produce, but the creature seemed -to be utterly insensible to his fulminations. At length one of the -crowd, more intrepid than the rest, took aim with his fowling-piece, -and tore it so severely with the shot that it began to collapse -rapidly; whereupon the rest, summoning up courage, darted forward and -battered it with flails or gashed it with pitchforks. The outrush of -gas was so great that they were driven back for the time, but when the -dying monster appeared exhausted, the peasants fastened it to the tail -of a horse and drove it along until the carcase was utterly -dismembered. - -The rustics who witnessed the first descent in England--Lunardi's, in -Hertfordshire--shrank from the aeronaut as a very equivocal personage, -because he had arrived on what they called the 'devil's horse.' Nor -are these terrors wholly extinct in the present day, for Flammarion -gives a description (with the pencil as well as the pen) of a descent -in which men appear to be flying, children screaming, and animals -scampering, whilst the balloon with its flags and streamers, waving -fantastically on each side like long arms or tentaculae, is regarded by -them as some formidable being coming from the clouds. 'It is the devil -himself!' they exclaim. - -But having anchored, and escaped all the perils due to chimney-tops or -infuriated farmers, the first question we put will doubtless -be--Where are we? A more unfortunate query could scarcely be -propounded. It expresses the greatest of all the infirmities under -which the balloon labours--namely, that no mortal can tell us -beforehand where we shall alight. Would it not be rather inconvenient -if a traveller, on setting out from Derby, were unable to say whether -he should land at Liverpool or at Hull, at Brighton or at -Berwick-upon-Tweed? For aught we know, we might find ourselves, after -ascending from the most central part of England, hovering over the -Irish Sea or the English Channel, with simple power to rise into the -clouds or plunge into the waves, but with none to choose any -horizontal path or enter any particular port. Whilst drifting -tranquilly along in a current, we could hardly fail to ask whether no -means could be adopted for propelling balloons in the air as is the -case with vessels on the water. Put out our oars? Unhappily they would -do little to assist our progress, for, however broad their blades, -they would meet with small resistance from the thin medium into which -they were dipped. Rely upon paddle-wheels? Just as bad! There is no -dense fluid like water to grip, and the floats would spin around -almost as vainly as if they were worked in the receiver of an -air-pump. Besides, the inflated globe with its suspended car does not -constitute a rigid and inflexible whole, and if it did, the attempt to -drive it against or athwart a current, in its present form, would be -like rowing a man-of-war, with all its canvas stretched, right in the -teeth of a gale. - -It would be impossible in an article like this to glance at the -innumerable schemes which have been propounded for the guidance and -propulsion of balloons. Wonderful ingenuity has been expended upon the -subject. In one project, for example, the waste gas, instead of being -idly discharged, was to be conveyed into an apparatus from which it -would issue with a centrifugal force capable--so it was fondly -supposed--of urging the aerostat in any given direction. In another, -the balloon itself was to be converted into a kind of screw, so that -when turned by means of a small engine, it should advance at each -motion through a space proportioned to the distance between the -threads of this monster spiral. M. Farcot gives us a description, in a -little treatise on Atmospheric Navigation,[48] of a _petit navire -aerien de plaisance_, framed like a flying whale, 100 yards in length, -with an extensive gallery slung below, and fitted up with fins or -wings, by means of which it is to be propelled. The picture of this -marvellous structure is so enchanting, that we feel an irrepressible -desire to mingle with the passengers who seem to be lounging -luxuriously over the balcony, and who are evidently as much at home as -if they were taking a pleasure excursion in a steamer on Windermere or -the Lake of Geneva. M. Dupuy de Dome not long since received a grant -from the French Government to enable him to construct a fish-like -machine to be worked by a screw, and assisted by a sort of swimming -bladder. Indeed, a large number of persons, either doubting or -despairing of man's power to master the balloon in its ordinary form, -rest their hopes upon the construction of machines which, whether -lighter or heavier than the air, shall be driven through the -atmosphere by brute force, if it may be so called. Mr. Glaisher does -not, of course, share in these views. He tells us that he has -attempted no improvement in the management of the balloon, that he -found it was wholly at the mercy of the winds, and that he saw no -probability of any method of steering it being ever discovered. -Fonvielle and Tissandier, on the other hand, whilst admitting that the -machine is still in its infantile stage, complain that the engineers -have not yet brought all their resources to bear upon the subject, and -entertain some vague notion that what has been done for locomotives, -for steamboats, and ordinary sailing vessels, will surely be done for -the ships of the air, forgetting that the problem to be solved is not -exactly how you shall skim the surface of the water in a boat, but -rather how you could drive a frigate through the fluid with its sails -set when sunk to a depth of many feet, and this with the whole body of -water in motion in a different direction. M. Flammarion remarks that a -bird is much heavier than its bulk of air, yet the eagle and the -condor, massive as they are, soar with ease to the tops of the tallest -rocks; and shall man, he inquires (especially a Frenchman, to whom the -empire of the air properly belongs[49]), be beaten by a bird? M. -Flammarion declines. M. Farcot positively refuses. - -For all purposes of aerial travelling, however, the painful fact -remains, which may, perhaps, be most summarily expressed by saying -that there is no Bradshaw for balloons. When the day comes in which it -can be announced that 'highflyers' or 'great aerials' will leave -Trafalgar-square for Paris or Dublin, weather permitting, at a -certain hour; or that balloon trains will regularly ply between Hull -and Hamburg, or, better still, that a Cunard or Collins line of -atmospheric steamers has been established between London and New York, -then the apparatus will be admitted into the noble army of machines -which, like the ship, the locomotive, the steam-engine, the spinning -jenny, the telescope, the mariner's compass, the electric telegraph, -and many others, have rendered such splendid service to mankind. - -Some dozen years ago, indeed, an aerial ship, intended to traverse the -Atlantic, was announced as in course of construction in America, by -Mr. Lowe. Weighing from three to four tons in itself, it was to -possess an ascending power equal to twenty-two tons. Its capacity was -to be five times larger than that of any previous machine. Fifteen -miles of cord were to be employed in the network alone. Beneath the -car a boat thirty feet in length was to be slung, and this skiff was -to be fitted up with masts, sails, and paddle-wheels, in order that -the crew might take to the water in case their balloon failed them at -sea. Copper condensers were to be attached, in order that additional -gas might be driven into the globe, or surplus gas abstracted, as -occasion demanded, the object of this contrivance being to enable the -navigators to raise or lower themselves without wasting any precious -material. The ship was to be directed by an apparatus containing a fan -like that of a winnowing machine, and this was to be worked by an -Ericsson's caloric engine of four-horse power. Various ingenious -appliances, amongst others a sounding line one mile in length to show -the course of the atmospheric currents, were to be adopted, and it was -confidently hoped that this _Great Eastern_ of the atmosphere, which -was to be styled the _City of New York_, would cross the Atlantic in -not less than three days, and possibly in two! We regret to say that -it has not yet put into any European port, though its arrival would be -hailed with more satisfaction than the first steamship, the _Sirius_, -was in America. - -Let it not be supposed, however, that the balloon, even in its present -rudimentary condition, is available for frivolous or exceptional -purposes alone--for the former, when it is used as a brilliant -supplement to some display of fireworks; for the latter, when we -happen to be locked up in some steel-begirded city. For scientific -objects it may be difficult to overrate its value as a 'floating -observatory,' and we cannot refrain from sharing in M. Fonvielle's -chagrin when he tells us how, on one occasion, after preparing to view -an eclipse from a lofty elevation, he found that his aeronaut was not -ready to set out until the eclipse was over; or how on another, when -all had been arranged to make a sally amongst the November meteors on -one of their grand gala nights, he found, on arriving at the spot, -that the workmen had taken to flight in consequence of the escape of -the gas, and that his only chance was to go up the 'day after the -fair.' Many uses also may be found for captive balloons. Half in jest, -M. Flammarion inquires, whether these might not be pleasantly employed -in traversing the deserts where camels or dromedaries constitute the -ordinary means of conveyance. How uncomfortable is a seat upon the -back of one of these brutes--what patience it requires to endure the -tearing, jerking motions of these ships of the wilderness--most -wanderers in the East well know, and perhaps painfully remember. -Suppose, then, that an aerostat were harnessed to a dromedary and -drawn peacefully along, whilst the traveller sat softly in the -car--reading, smoking, sleeping, dreaming--without a single jolt to -mar his enjoyment, would not this be a blessed improvement in -locomotion? Half in jest, too, we might carry the idea a little -further, and ask whether, if balloons occupied by delicate voyagers -were attached to steamers, and allowed to float at a sufficient -height, so as to reduce the see-saw motion of the vessels to an -imperceptible quantity, the pains of that abhorrent malady, -sea-sickness, might not be avoided in crossing the Channel, or making -small marine excursions? - -So, many homely uses for captive balloons might be imagined. A -traveller in Russia gives an account of a church at St. Petersburg -with a lofty spire crowned with a large globe, upon which stood an -angel supporting a cross. The figure began to bend, and great fears -were entertained lest it should come down with a terrible crash. How -could it be repaired was the question? To erect a proper scaffold -would involve a formidable expense, and yet to reach the object -without it seemed utterly impracticable, for the spire was covered -with gilded copper, and looked more unscaleable than the Matterhorn. A -workman, however, undertook the task. The plates of metal had been -attached by nails which were left projecting. Furnished with short -pieces of cord, looped at both extremities, he slung one end over a -nail, and placing his feet in the other, raised himself a short -distance: this enabled him to reach a little higher and fasten another -loop over another nail, and so by repeating the process, and mounting -from stirrup to stirrup, he crawled up, until by a still more daring -manoeuvre he threw a cord over the globe, and then finally -clambered to the side of the figure. A ladder of ropes was next drawn -up, and the rest of the work became comparatively easy of execution; -but with a captive balloon the needful materials might have been sent -up, and the angel put in repair, without costing an anxious thought, -or jeopardising either life or limb. - -How far it is possible to employ a balloon for purposes of exploration -in quarters which are naturally inaccessible, or at any rate difficult -of approach, must be a question dependent in no small degree upon the -power of replenishing the machine with gas or heated air. It would, -doubtless, be a fine thing if men could thus sail over all the -obstructions which fence in the two poles, and pry into the Antarctic -continent, or solve the problem of a hidden Arctic sea. Many years ago -Mr. Hampton designed, and we believe completed, a big Montgolfier, -which was to be employed in the search after Sir John Franklin. The -machine was to be inflated by means of hot air produced by the agency -of a great stove; but, if the necessity for a supply of the ordinary -gas was thus avoided, the demand for fuel in regions where neither -timber nor coal could be had (blubber, indeed, might perhaps have been -procured), must have proved an insuperable difficulty, and the -enterprise would probably have terminated in leaving the aeronauts -stranded on some icy waste, without any better means of return than -were possessed by the poor lost ones themselves. - -Let us not part from this subject, however, without informing the -reader that if M. Flammarion's views are correct, it is the most -important topic under the sun. 'For,' says he, with the look of a -prophet and the tone of a poet, 'when the conquest of the air shall -have been achieved, universal fraternity will be established upon the -earth, everlasting peace will descend to us from heaven, and the last -links which divide men and nations will be severed.' Without laying -any stress upon the oracular form of this prediction--and the -indefinite 'when' may conceal some sly reference to the Greek -Kalends--we regret to say that we cannot join in his jubilant -conclusion. Our firm persuasion is, that in the present state of -affairs, seeing that so large a portion of the world's revenue is -squandered upon fighting purposes, one of the first steps which would -be taken in case the 'conquest of the air' were perfected to-morrow, -would be to fit out a fleet of war-balloons, to raise a standing army -of aeronauts, to add a new and afflictive department to our annual -estimates, and to encourage the Chancellor of the Exchequer to make -another assault upon the match-sellers, and probably to double our -income-tax without compunction. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[48] 'La Navigation Atmospherique.' Par M. Farcot, -Ingenieur-Mecanicien, Membre de la Societe Aerostatique et -Meteorologique de France. Paris, 1859. - -[49] - - 'Les Anglais, nation trop fiere, - S'arrogent l'empire des mers; - Les Francais, nation legere, - S'emparent de celui des airs.' - - - - -ART. III.--_Early Sufferings of the Free Church of Scotland._ - -(1.) _Illustrations of the Principles of Toleration in Scotland._ -Edinburgh. 1846. - -(2.) _The Headship of Christ and the Rights of the Christian People._ -By the late HUGH MILLER. Nimmo, Edinburgh. - -(3.) _The Cruise of the Betsy._ By HUGH MILLER. Nimmo. - -(4.) _Evidence before a Committee of the House of Commons on the -Refusal of Sites for Churches in Scotland, 1847._ - -(5.) _Statement on the Law of Church Patronage, prepared by a -Committee of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, in -compliance with a suggestion of the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone._ -William Blackwood and Sons. 1870. - - -We were enabled to present our readers last year with what we believe -to be the only full sketch in existence, drawn from authentic and -official documents, of the rise and progress during a quarter of a -century, of the Free Church of Scotland. From the figures there quoted -it was made clear that at the very time when the Archbishop of -Canterbury was proclaiming that this voluntary church was 'a failure' -financially, its yearly income, steadily increasing from L275,000 of -its earliest lustrum, had at last reached the highest point of -L400,000; and that just when his Grace was asserting that 'whereas for -a time it went forth triumphantly, now the ministers in all remote -places are utterly destitute,' these remote ministers had, for the -first time (although their number was doubled) attained the minimum -stipend proposed by Dr. Chalmers of L150 each. The organization and -machinery by which such a striking success has been achieved, as well -as the principles which gave the original impulse to the body, were -worthy of careful statement and study. Yet while devoting exclusive -attention to these, we became gradually conscious that we were -treading coldly upon the ashes of what history will describe as a -marvellous outburst of self-sacrifice. The pathos and the suffering of -that sad but noble year of 1843 have never yet been brought before -English readers, but there is not so much heroism among us that we can -afford to lose from the annals of this easy-going modern time so -startling a narrative. - -'Ah! that was something like disestablishment,' said a minister of the -Free Kirk to us in the spring when the precedents of the Irish Church -Bill were being discussed. He had been arguing that besides assuring -their life-interests to the Irish clergy, it would be only fair to -make a present to them of their glebes and parsonages. 'You should let -a working-man take his working tools with him,' said our friend, and -he was not sorry when the House of Lords gave a million or so of money -to the new body. We were rash enough in reply to ask whether he got -any equivalent for a glebe when a quarter of a century ago he and his -two boys left the pleasant manse of B---- overlooking the Great -Strath. But we had touched too deep a sore. The old man cheerfully -turned it off with the words we have quoted above, but we could not -forgive ourselves; and the thing led us back to enquire into some -extraordinary scenes which took place in Scotland when many of the -present generation were too young to observe them. - -For this chapter of forgotten heroism, in which men of kindred blood -and almost of our own generation took part, there are fortunately -authentic as well as vividly descriptive materials. The reports -presented year by year to the Scotch General Assemblies are the most -public of all documents, and are intended to invite challenge and -scrutiny. The evidence presented to the House of Commons Committee in -1848 is of great importance and of unquestioned authority. The -writings of a man of genius like Hugh Miller will carry part of the -truth down to other generations of readers. And yet, while much is -known, much must ever remain untold. Scotchmen, who are men of -education, and in a sacred office, are precisely the men to cover the -sharpest pangs of poverty, and dread of poverty, with an impenetrable -covering of reserve; and now that twenty-six years have passed, most -of those grave, suffering faces have gone down into a deeper silence. -Besides, the Free Kirk has come to be so proud of its extraordinary -success in reconstruction, that it has rather attempted (notably in -the recent debates in the House of Commons) to throw into the -background the anguish of its birth, and to dwell rather on the -achievements of the whole than on the sufferings of individuals. Our -business is now rather with the latter, and fortunately there is one -additional source whence this information can be derived. Dr. Thomas -Guthrie, of Edinburgh, is known chiefly by his philanthropic efforts, -after the example of Dr. Chalmers, to provide churches and schools -and ragged schools for the masses in the large towns of Scotland; but -the great achievement of his life, and one, too, for which men of all -parties can now join in his praise, was that marvellous tour through -Scotland in the year 1845, as the result of which parsonages, or -'manses' as they are called in Scotland, were actually provided for -the seven hundred ministers, most of whom had been left homeless a -year or two before, and whose places in the Establishment had all now -been filled up. In the course of this great 'circumnavigation of -charity,' he naturally became acquainted with facts and details, some -of which found their way into speeches published at the time, and it -is fortunate that we can still quote, from one of the greatest -platform orators whether of England or Scotland, some of the fresh -facts of that suffering time. - -Until we recently came to the knowledge of these documents, we had the -feeling that this suffering must have consisted more in apprehension -or imagination than in actual privations--that the terrible dread -which haunted men who were giving up their whole livings had scarcely -any actual realization. And even though this turns out not to be the -case, it is plain from Dr. Guthrie's own statements, that all over -Scotland the approaching trial struck a chill to the hearts even of -those who were determined to face it:-- - - 'I remember,' he says, 'in a certain district of country, a - minister said to me, "You think there is no chance of a - settlement?" I said, "We are as certain of being out as - that the sun shall rise to-morrow." I was struck by - something like a groan, which came from the very heart of - the mother of the family; they had had many trials in their - day: there had been cradles and coffins in their home, and - the place was endeared by many associations to the mother; - there was not a flower or shrub or a tree but what was dear - to her--some of them were planted by the hands of those who - were in their graves,--and that woman's heart was like to - break. I remember another instance, where there was a - venerable mother who had gone to the place when it was a - wilderness, but who, with her husband, had turned it into - an Eden. Her husband had died there. Her son was now the - minister. This venerable woman was above eighty years of - age; yes, and I never felt more disposed to give up my work - than in that house. I could contemplate the children being - driven from their home; but when I looked on that venerable - widow and mother, with the snows and sorrows of eighty - years upon her head, and saw her anxiety about two things, - namely, that Lord Aberdeen should bring in a bill to settle - the question, but her anxiety, at the same time, that if - Lord Aberdeen did not bring in a satisfactory measure, her - son should do his duty,--I could not but feel that it was - something like a cruel work to tear out such a venerable - tree--to tear her away from the house that was dearest to - her on earth.' - -For, as we formerly said, compared with this blow, the -disestablishment of the Irish Church was a fall into the lap of -luxury. Every minister in Scotland who adhered to the Church lost his -income in one day--Whit-sunday of 1843. On the same day they lost -their dwellings. The professors of divinity, with Chalmers at their -head; the missionaries, with Dr. Duff at their head; the humble -schoolmasters, with no great name to sustain them--were all turned out -at the same moment. And the great strain and crisis of conscience must -have been in the spring of that year, when those who in 1842 had -pledged themselves, with two-thirds of the Assembly, 'to endure -resignedly the loss of the temporal blessings of the Establishment,' -saw that there was to be no escape from the sacrifice. The dread and -depression must often have been extreme; yet it was not unmixed with a -sustaining joy, as in the case of the following story, with reference -to Dr. Charles Mackintosh (a venerated minister in the North, whose -memorials have recently been published), for which we are indebted to -a correspondent who is a native of the Highlands:-- - - 'One morning in the spring of 1843, I jumped early out of - bed, for my head was full of marbles and peg-tops, and a - dozen or so of games before breakfast has its attractions - for a schoolboy. To my astonishment, I found my father down - before me; nay, he had evidently been there for some time, - for the moment I appeared he folded up the newspaper in - which he had been so unseasonably engaged, and--with a - break in his voice indicating an emotion that was quite - unaccountable to me--he asked me to take it at once over to - the manse, with his compliments to the minister. I went - very readily, for, besides the comfort of fingering the - marbles in my pocket, the hedge-rows were full of young - birds upon whom legitimate hostilities could be waged in - passing. But as I went I reflected on the austere and - stately image of the minister--a man everywhere respected, - but whose face inspired awe rather than love in the - beholder--(Had I not seen the town-boys break and scatter - round one corner of the street as soon as he appeared at - the other?)--and I resolved that my interview with him - should be short. And it was shorter than I expected, for I - had scarcely got out of the sunshine into the manse - evergreens, when I found him in the porch; and when I - offered him the newspaper, he showed me that he had already - got the _Times_, by some unusual express, and as he spoke - he patted my head and smiled--but such a smile, so full of - radiant kindliness! I was confounded; and as I went back - between the edges the birds sang unheeded while I thought - what could be up with the minister. Had anybody left him a - fortune? or had he met one of the shining ones walking - among the hollies in that early dawn? And it was not for - some weeks that I found out that this was what had - happened--the newspaper that morning had brought him the - vote of the House of Commons, finally refusing an inquiry - into the affairs of the Scotch Church, and so making it - certain that within a few weeks he and his aged mother - would leave for ever the home, at the door of which I saw - him; in which his father, the previous minister, had dwelt - peacefully before him, but which the son would now have to - quit without retaining a farthing of his income for the - future. Of course he came out, and 470 ministers with him.' - -For the crisis followed in May. The disruption itself (as the actual -and final wrench given to the Church came to be called) concentrated -the anguish of the general sacrifice in a very painful, but, at the -same time, a more poetical form. Sir George Harvey, the present -President of the Scottish Academy, has painted the 'Leaving of the -Manse' with much dignity and power: the grey-haired pastor moving with -feeble steps from the well-known door; his wife's quiet tears, as she -guides the child whose pet lamb refuses to accompany it in its early -exile; the awe-struck respect of the rustics around, while the men -take off their caps, and the women throw their aprons over their faces -and sob. Yet the words which immediately follow what we have already -quoted from Dr. Guthrie, are, perhaps, the most memorable record of -the feelings which accompanied the final step:-- - - 'I remember passing a manse on a moonlight night, with the - minister who had left it,--for the cause of truth, his - brother Scotchman earnestly adds--'No light shone from the - house, and no smoke arose. Pointing to it in the moonlight, - I said, "Oh, my friend, it was a noble thing to leave that - house." "Ah, yes," he replied; "it was a noble thing, but - for all that it was a bitter thing. I shall never forget - the night I left that house till I am laid in my grave. - When I saw my wife and children go forth in the gloaming, - when I saw them for the last time leave our own door; and - when in the dark I was left alone, with none but my God in - the house; and when I had to take water and quench the fire - on my own hearth, and put out the candle in my own house, - and turn the key against myself, and my wife, and my little - ones that night--God in His mercy grant that such a night I - may never again see! It was a noble thing to leave the - manse, and I bless God for the grace that was given to me; - but, for all that, it was a cruel and bitter night to me."' - -The actual circumstances of departure must have been very various: -'One minister writes to us that he left the manse with his family in a -snow-storm, when the mountain was white with snow, and the sky was -black with drift; but that he never knew so much of the peace of God -as he did that night, when following his wife and children as they -were carted over the mountain, without knowing where they were to find -a place to dwell in.' - -And in many places over Scotland, this was the beginning of sorrows. -In some parts, and especially in the large towns, the actual hardships -were nothing worse than diminution of income and straitened -circumstances; while in not a few cases even that was not felt. But in -the country, and especially in the Highlands, it was different. It was -some years before the manses were built, and homelessness added to -poverty pressed heavily on the outed ministers. - - 'I remember well,' writes the Highland correspondent we - have already quoted from, and for whose accuracy and good - faith we can vouch, 'how I used to watch one man, the - minister of the neighbouring parish of E----, who, like - many others, was unable to find a place to dwell in among - his own people, and had to come into the neighbouring town. - He was a scholarly and cultivated man, who in his early - days had attained much academical distinction at a Northern - University, but a weak chest and a threatening of heart - complaint now bore heavily upon him. Yet week after week, - as every Sabbath morning came round, he persisted in - driving away for miles through that first inclement winter, - to meet his congregation; and I can remember to this day - his keen, delicate face set to meet a heavy snow-storm from - the north-west, while a hacking cough shook his whole frame - as he set out on his journey, four miles of which must pass - ere he caught sight of the well-sheltered manse, which the - year before he had left for ever.' - -But those who, like him, found shelter in a town dwelling, however -humble, were not worst off. The great difficulty was in the country; -even where harbouring the minister was not forbidden (as in some -cases, from a desire to crush out the movement, it was) by the great -landlords. And of course it was with this that Dr. Guthrie's facts -chiefly dealt. - - 'I have a letter here from a man who has suffered more for - gospel truth than any other I know. He says that he has - been obliged to pack two nurses and eight children into two - beds, in the small house to which they have removed. His - wife took a cold in October, which there was some - apprehension might end in consumption; and at my own table - he told me, what was enough to melt a heart of stone, that - when he and his family gather together at the family altar, - they have not room to kneel before Almighty God, and some - of them require to kneel on the floor of the passage before - they can unite together in their family devotions. Some of - our ministers write that they live in crofter's houses; - some in places as damp as cellars, where a candle will not - burn. One says he sits with his great coat on; another that - the curtains of his bed shake at night like the sails of a - ship in a storm. One minister, a friend of mine, lives in a - house which every wind of heaven blows through. On getting - up one morning he found the house all comparatively - comfortable, and wondered what good genius had been putting - it in order, when he discovered that a heavy shower of snow - had fallen, and stopped up the crevices of the roof.' - -Narrating this to a vast meeting in Glasgow, at the close of which he -announced that upwards of L10,000 had been subscribed during that one -day for his scheme, Dr. Guthrie added, with Scotch shrewdness, 'I said -to my friend, that I was glad he had told me that story, for if that -shower of snow did not produce a shower of notes, I would be very much -disappointed.' The story of the shower of snow was hearsay; but we -must make room for what the speaker testifies to having seen with his -own eyes. - - 'Some of you may have read of the death of Mr. Baird, the - minister of Cockburnspath, a man of piety, a man of - science, a man of amiable disposition, and of the kindest - heart, but a man dealt most unkindly by; although he would - not have done a cruel or unjust thing to the meanest of - God's creatures. I was asked to go and preach for a - collection to his manse, last winter. He left one of the - loveliest manses in Scotland. He might have lived in - comfort in Dunbar, seven or eight miles away, but what was - to become of his people? They were smiting the shepherd, - that they might scatter the sheep. No, said Mr. Baird, be - the consequences what they may, I shall stand by my own - people. I went out last winter, and found him in a mean - cottage, consisting of two rooms, a _but_ and a _ben_, with - a cellar-like closet below, and a garret above; and I - honestly declare, that the house was so small and so cold - that, when sitting by the fire, the one part of the body - was almost frozen, while the other was scorched by the - heat. Night came, and I asked where I was to sleep. He - showed me a closet; there was a fire-place in it, but it - was a mockery, for no fire could be put in it; the walls - were damp. I looked horrified at the place; but there was - no better. Now, said I to Mr. Baird, where are you to - sleep? Come, said he, and I will show you. So he climbed a - sort of trap stair, and got up to the garret, and there was - the minister's study, with a chair, a table, and a flock - bed. His health was evidently sinking under his sufferings; - and, but that I was not well myself, I never would have - permitted him to lie on such a bed. A few inches above were - the slates of the roof, without any covering, and as white - with hoar frost within, as they were white with snow - without. When he came down next morning, after a sleepless - night, I asked him how he had been, and he told me that he - had never closed an eye, from the cold. His very breath on - the blankets was frozen as hard as the ice outside. I say, - that man lies in a martyr's grave ... and I would rather, - like him this day, be laid in the grave, with a grateful - Church to raise my honored monument, than dwell in the - proudest palaces of those that sent him there.' - -We have exscinded from these quotations, not only all polemics, but -such not unnatural expressions of indignation as the brethren of the -more unfortunate ministers slipped into. There is no injustice in -omitting these now, for the time has come when all parties, and in -particular most of the members of the Scotch Established Church, are -earnest in expressing their admiration of the heroism of those who -suffered. But, in order to bring out the story completely, and, in -particular, to do justice to the difficulties in the face of which the -enormous task of covering the land with voluntary churches and manses -and ministers was accomplished, it is necessary to go farther down, -and refer to another historical chapter. We allude to the facts which -came out in the Committee of the House of Commons on 'Sites for -Churches (Scotland),' in 1847. No doubt these hardships have nearly -all now passed away, and the great landowners, themselves chiefly -members of the Church of England, have, almost in every case, -consented to sell to the poorer congregations of the Church ground on -which to erect churches. But at first it was perhaps natural that men, -most of them imperfectly acquainted with their countrymen, should have -conceived it possible to stamp out, or starve out, the new church. -And, accordingly, some very strong things were done. The writer -happened to be acquainted with one district, where a gentleman of -large property, a man, too, of immense energy and public spirit, -entertained a passionate opposition to the popular movement, and had -been heard to declare, shortly before the disruption, that he would -'give five hundred trees from his woods, to hang the seceding -ministers upon.' Those innocent vegetables were, fortunately, not -called upon to bear the _novos fructus et non sua poma_, thus destined -for them; but Mr. R---- soon tried another course, which was -practically of not much more use. He suddenly issued a notice, that -every labourer on his estates, who did not go to the parish church, -should cease, after next Monday, to work on his land. Now, in that -part of the Highlands, as in most others, the people had gone out _en -masse_ with their ministers, and no one would go to the Established -Church for the heaviest bribe. What was the result of the attempt at -coercion? The result was simply this, that on that Monday no plough or -spade was touched on all his estates; and Mr. R----, proud and -passionate as he was, had simply and unconditionally to -surrender--knowing, too, that he had consolidated the whole -country-side in a bond of mutual allegiance, which would long survive -the living generation of men. The same sort of oppression was -attempted in particular cases for years afterwards. So late as 1847, -we find, in the evidence before Parliament, many cases, _e.g._, a -witness, whose family had been tenants of a farm, in Strathspey, for -many generations, 'probably since 1630,' saying, that 'there is a -general rumour prevalent in the district, and among the adherents of -the Free Church, that certain of their number may be made examples of -at the earliest opportunity, in the way of being evicted from their -farms, possessions, or holdings', and expressing his own lively -apprehensions in consequence. Nor was this general belief unfounded. A -poor woman, who had offered a shed on her holding, where the -congregation might meet, 'got a message from his lordship's factor, -through another person, that, in the event of her granting such a -site, he would withdraw her lease.' One Donald Cameron, in the same -place, who, being an elder in the church, had come out with his -brethren, was urged by the same middleman with the sensible argument, -'Why, I conceive you to be the greatest fool in the nation; might not -a minister who remained within the walls of a church, be as -instrumental in saving your soul, as those who preach in woods or -fields?' but, on this very fair reasoning failing to make him abandon -his own pastor and principles, he was summarily turned out of his -situation as the great man's overseer. But the most curious instance -of this sort of thing being carried out systematically is given in the -evidence of Mr. M----, of Skye, who was factor for Lord Macdonald, in -that island. In this case, not only was the minister refused a -holding, but a list was made out of all the collectors who ventured to -go round and gather up the small contributions of their brethren, and -all of them received summary notice to quit, some under circumstances -of the greatest hardship. The factor, who seemed, at last, to be -somewhat ashamed of the transaction, told the Committee that 'It was -Lord Macdonald himself who gave me the list of such as he wished to be -served with notices, on account of their being collectors. The day he -was leaving the country he gave me a list, and said, "Here is a list -of fellows that must have notice to quit."' One of the poor men -travelled all the way up to London to try to persuade his landlord to -be merciful; but, as the factor told the Committee, 'I rather think -his lordship did not look at his petition.' Nor was it merely the -officials connected with the Free Church who were turned out: the -innkeeper and the miller of the district were both ejected on account -of their being members, or, as the factor put it, partisans, of that -body. 'Being, as we considered, public servants, we thought it better -to remove them.' The Committee was very severe in dealing with the -allegations of partisanship made _ex post facto_ against these -unfortunate people, the factor not being able to say that he had ever -hinted such a reason to themselves. Mr. Bouverie's question to the -factor, 'Was any _locus penitentiae_ allowed to the miller?' was met by -the curious reply, 'That would be interfering with the man's -conscience, if he thought he was acting rightly,' and Mr. Fox Maule's -rejoinder, 'And you think it was no interference with his conscience, -turning him out of his farm?' received the placid answer, 'No.' Niel -Nicholson, one of the unfortunate Free Churchmen removed at this time -to make way for a teacher of the Established Church, at the time he -received notice to quit, had a bedridden wife, and his son the eldest -of eight or ten children, laid up with a broken leg. Another man, -removed by a brother of the Established minister, after being ejected -from his land had nowhere to go, and lived for a considerable time in -a kind of tent by the roadside, at last receiving shelter from the -very factor of Lord Macdonald whose general conduct seems to have been -so harsh. The correspondence brought in evidence before the Committee -on this occasion was very instructive, as in the case of the following -laconic missive:-- - - 'ARMADALE, 16_th November_, 1846. - SIR,--I refuse a site for a Free Church for your people. - I am, sir, your obedient servant, - MACDONALD.' - -But the same minister who was thus addressed as to his church, wrote a -very respectful letter to his landlord, as to his house, trusting -'that your Lordship does not really intend to drive me, with my young -and helpless family, out of my present dwelling-house.' - - 'I am willing to give any rents for the same which another - will offer; and should your Lordship not choose to give the - farm on any terms, I would be satisfied with the house, and - grass for two cows and a horse. The building of this house - cost me L150, and I have been at considerable expense in - improving the farm, for which, from the shortness of the - lease, I have had as yet little or no returns. Will your - Lordship allow me to observe without offence, that at a - time[50] when we are all suffering under the chastening - hand of our heavenly Father, it looks somewhat unseemly - that we should be the occasion of suffering to one another. - I have already taken the principal part in distributing - food supplied by the Free Church among your Lordship's - cotters and crofters in this country. I am at this moment - in receipt of nearly L40 (I may now say L100) from - respectable private parties in London, Edinburgh, and - Glasgow, with which I am helping to relieve much of the - present distress, besides lessening the burden of - supporting many of the people to your Lordship and tenants. - From all these considerations, I might naturally expect - some favour at your Lordship's hands.' - -The answer to this letter came through, another factor, to the effect -that 'Lord Macdonald instructs me to inform you that he has received -your letter, and that it is not his intention either to grant you a -site or give you any lands;' adding that the landlord would not give -him any compensation for his improvements, and that 'he had brought it -all on himself' by persisting in staying with his present -congregation. - -But with the House of Commons Blue-book before us, let us leave cases -of individual suffering for a time, and look at the case of whole -congregations. Throughout Scotland the Free Church was, with labour -and difficulty, erecting places in which to worship God. But in many -places the landlords refused a foot of soil on which to do it. The -congregations who met in the open air were not much to be pitied at -their starting, for it was summer, and a thorough soaking with rain -was the worst that befel them. But as the first winter of 1843 -darkened down upon them, it was no wonder that men and women gathering -weekly under a canvas tent, and in some cases without even that, but -in the open air, under the bitter inclemency of the northern sky, -began to set up piteous requests to be permitted to meet under some -roof, or at least to be allowed land on which to erect a roof to cover -them. But in many instances this was refused; and during that winter, -in different districts of Scotland whole congregations of not men -only, but delicate women and children (after coming, as the Scotch -manner is, many miles to worship or to sacrament), remained through -each Sunday of December, January, and February, under whatever variety -of snow, sleet, slush, frost, rain, and ice, their native sky, rich -in such alternations, chose to pour upon them. Another year came -round, and though by this time a number of the proprietors had -relented, a great many stood firm, and the second winter showed the -same kind of suffering as the first. The following circumstances in -which one of the ordinary services in a congregation in the South of -Scotland, in February of the year 1844, was held, must have had -parallels during the same months, especially in Skye, and the Western -Isles, and the Highlands of Inverness and other counties. But it is -given by the Edinburgh minister who conducted the meeting, and whose -evidence on matters of which he was eye-witness we have already found -so graphic. In this case the congregation had met for some time in a -canvas tent on a piece of moor or waste ground by the permission of -the tenant; but the landlord, who had already refused a site, -checkmated this evasion of his will by procuring an interdict, or -order of Court, and the congregation were driven in the beginning of -winter to meet on the public road, and to try to erect their tent -there. But the tent could not be erected without digging holes for the -poles, and making holes in the public road was an illegal proceeding, -which they were afraid to attempt so soon after being driven off a -waste moor. Consequently, they met all that winter without shelter, as -described in the following private letter, written at the time, but -afterwards read publicly to the Committee of the House of Commons:-- - - 'Well wrapped up, I drove out yesterday morning to Canobie, - the hills white with snow, the roads covered ankle deep in - many places with slush, the wind high and cold, thick rain - lashing on, and the Esk by our side all the way, roaring in - the snow-flood between bank and brae. We passed Johnnie - Armstrong's tower, yet strong even in its ruins, and after - a drive of four miles a turn of the road brought me in view - of a sight which was overpowering, and would have brought - the salt tears into the eyes of any man of common humanity. - There, under the naked boughs of some spreading oak trees, - at the point where a country road joined the turnpike, - stood a tent, around, or rather in front of which was - gathered a large group of muffled men and women, with some - little children, a few sitting, most of them standing, and - some old venerable widows cowering under the shelter of an - umbrella. On all sides each road was adding a stream of - plaided men and muffled women to the group, till the - congregation had increased to between 500 or 600, gathering - on the very road, and waiting my forthcoming from a mean - inn, where I found shelter till the hour of worship had - come. During the psalm-singing and first prayer I was in - the tent, but finding that I would be uncomfortably - confined, I took up my position on a chair in front, having - my hat on my head, my Codrington close buttoned up to my - throat, and a pair of bands, which were wet enough with - rain ere the service was over. The rain lashed on heavily - during the latter part of the sermon, but none budged; and - when my hat was off during the last prayer, some man kindly - extended an umbrella over my head. I was so interested, and - so were the people, that our forenoon service continued for - about two hours. At the close I felt so much for the - people; it was such a sad sight to see old men and women, - some children, and one or two people pale and sickly, and - apparently near the grave, all wet and benumbed with the - keen wind and cold rain, that I proposed to have no - afternoon service; but this met with universal dissent--one - and all declared that if I would hold on they would stay on - the road till midnight. So we met again at three o'clock, - and it poured on almost without intermission during the - whole service; and that over, shaken cordially by many a - man and many a woman's hand, I got into the gig and drove - here in time for an evening service, followed through rain - in heaven and the wet snow on the road by a number of the - people.' - -When this letter was produced to the House it was taken advantage of -by Sir James Graham, with the view of bringing out that so sad a sight -must have had the effect of driving the minister who witnessed it into -some bitterness of expression in the pulpit, such as might perhaps -justify or excuse the Duke of Buccleuch. Said Sir James-- - - 'May I ask whether your own feeling was not that some - oppression had been exercised towards those people? Ans. - Certainly; I felt that the people were in most grievous - circumstances, being necessitated to meet on the turnpike - road; and not only I, but I may mention in addition that - the person who drove me in the gig from Langholm to - Canobie, when we came in sight of that congregation - standing in the open air upon such a day, and in such a - place, burst into tears, and asked me, Was there ever a - sight seen like that? - - 'You have mentioned that "oppression makes a wise man mad;" - the feelings of the driver might be one thing, but you, a - minister of the gospel, would be very considerably excited - by seeing what you have described; you thinking it an act - of oppression upon the people? Ans. Deep feeling would be - excited--if you mean by excitement that I was ready to - break forth into unsuitable expressions, I say certainly - not; I felt when I saw it as if I could not preach, I was - so overpowered by the sight--to see my fellow-creatures, - honest, respectable, religious people, worshipping the God - of their fathers upon the turnpike road was enough to melt - any man's heart.' - -Sir James was disappointed in the object of his examination, for it -turned out that Dr. Guthrie on this occasion had with some -deliberation avoided making any reference to the circumstances of the -congregation, and had turned all the feeling roused within him into -the channel of more fervid preaching of the common gospel. - -This was in 1844; the following year the ministers, even in the -bleakest Highlands, began to have some comfort, for now the manse -scheme was set on foot, and was being pressed by Dr. Guthrie; but the -position of these unfortunate and exceptional congregations remained -the same. A minister in Skye, whom the Highlanders there regarded with -boundless veneration, but who was little fitted to face hardships (he -saw his family of eleven delicate children melt into the grave before -him), used to preach at Uig in the open air, with a covering over -himself, but none for the people. 'I have preached,' he says, 'when -the snow has been falling so heavily upon them, that when it was over -I could scarcely distinguish the congregation from the ground, except -by their faces.' Two years more passed on; and even then, in 1847, -there were still thirty-one cases in Scotland in which sites were -absolutely refused, besides many others in which very inconvenient and -humiliating places were alone offered, and in many cases had been -accepted. The House of Commons now took up the matter, and perhaps the -most curious thing in their investigation was the careful -cross-examination of medical men on the question whether it could be -proved that the members of the congregation who met winter after -winter in the open air had actually suffered, or at least had suffered -seriously and fatally from their compulsory exposure. No doubt they -were drenched with rain and chilled with sleet, and then they caught -cold and died; but were the medical men prepared to prove (so argued -the apologists of oppression in the committee)--could the medical men -say that their taking cold was the necessary consequence of the drench -and chill, or that the fatal result was due to this original cause, -and not to subsequent carelessness or blunders in the treatment? For -example, when 'Miss Stewart, Grantown, about eighty years of age, but -strong for her years, and of sound constitution, after attending -public worship of the Free Church in the open air, was attacked by -sub-acute rheumatism,' and died exhausted after four months of the -disease, no one could certainly say that the old lady might not have -taken rheumatism even if she had separated from her neighbours, and -gone peaceably back to the Established Church! - -We shall quote no more, however, from the details of this Blue-book, -but it will be remembered that, after taking evidence extending to -nearly five hundred pages of print, the committee unanimously -concurred in expressing an 'earnest hope that the sites which have -hitherto been refused may no longer be withheld.' They held, and all -Englishmen will echo the opinion, that 'the compulsion to worship in -the open air, without a church, is a grievous hardship inflicted on -innocent parties;' while they found that even at that late date of -1847, about 16,000 people were still compelled so to worship, or at -least were 'deprived of church accommodation,' and were without 'a -convenient shelter from the severity of a northern climate.' - -But though the site-refusing caused much distress to the people, still -the edge even of this fell chiefly upon the ministers. Driven out of -their old homes in one day, they were often refused new ones, and in -the great Highland counties denied even temporary shelter. Lodging -there was hardly to be got, and in many places the tenantry were -haunted with fears of what the consequences might be to themselves if -they gave house-room where their landlords had already refused a site. -'Many of these ministers' families,' said Dr. Guthrie in 1845, when -the facts were recent,--'some of them motherless families--are thirty, -and fifty, and sixty, and seventy miles separated from them. I think -of the hardship of many of these men going to see their own children; -and of children who see their father so seldom that they do not know -him when he visits them.' One of the most curious cases thus produced -was that of the parish of Small Isles--so called because it consists -of four little islands clustered together in the Atlantic. The -minister, Mr. Swanson, well known now as the friend from youth of Hugh -Miller--famous as a geologist, and much more famous as a Scottish -stonemason, gave up his home, 'placed far amid the melancholy main,' -and came out with the others in 1843; and a site both for manse and -Church being refused on the central island, where the whole -congregation adhered to him, he betook himself to what his friend, the -gifted editor of the _Witness_, dubbed the 'Floating Manse.' It was a -little yacht, 30 feet by 11 feet, in which he lived when visiting his -parish, his family, however, residing in Skye. - -In 1844, Hugh Miller set out to visit his friend on a geological -excursion, the scientific record of which he has preserved in his -volume 'The Cruise of the _Betsy_,' where he also gives a most curious -account of the relations of Mr. Swanson, the minister, to the people -to whom he so clung. On one Sunday morning the geologist and his host -got ashore on their way to a low dingy cottage of turf and stone -(just opposite the windows of the deserted manse), which its former -occupant had built with his own money as a Gaelic school for the -people, and which they were obliged to use as a place of worship--'the -minister encased in his ample-skirted storm-jacket of oiled canvas -protected atop by a genuine _sou'-wester_, of which the broad -posterior rim sloped half-a-yard down his back; and I closely wrapped -up in my grey maud, which proved, however, a rather indifferent -protection against the penetrating powers of a true Hebridean -drizzle.' When they got in, the minister took off his sou'-wester, and -preached on 'God so loved the world,' and the visitor remarks how the -attention of his hearers to him who was not only their pastor, but the -sole physician, and that without fee or reward, in the island, was -increased by his new life of hardship and danger undertaken for their -sakes; for they had seen his little vessel driven from her anchorage -just as the evening had fallen, and always feared for his safety when -stormy nights closed over the sea. Next year Miller had himself an -opportunity of judging of this, for while he was on board the _Betsy_ -'the water, pouring in through a hundred opening chinks in her upper -works, rose, despite of our exertions, high over plank, and beam, and -cabin door, and went dashing against beds and lockers. She was -evidently fast filling, and bade fair to terminate all her voyagings -by a short trip to the bottom.' They barely saved themselves by the -Point of Sleat interposing between them and the roll of the sea. The -'Floating Manse' will not be forgotten while the works of this -charming writer survive; but very much later than this, on Loch -Sunart, also in the West, a 'floating church' also had to be provided -in consequence of the refusal of a site; and the Sheriff of -Edinburghshire, himself a naval officer in his youth, testified to the -Committee of the House that in the winter of 1846 it answered very -well. It was moored about a hundred yards from the shore, and although -there was a little difficulty in the people going out in boats, still -it was possible to manage it. Many English pedestrians in Sutherland -have seen the famous Cave of Smoo, a vast cavern protected by a -natural gateway of rock, and with an interior chamber where a black -stream flows in perpetual darkness. It was here that the Free Church -congregation of Durness met. - - 'One minister has preached for two years in a deep sea pit, - which I saw in Sutherlandshire; God's sea is their - protection. No man can say he is ruler of the sea, though - he boasts himself possessor of the land. In a deep gully, - where the rocks are some hundred feet high, a hollow has - been closed in from the sea by a barrier of rocks, which - protects them from the Western Ocean, behind this they - meet; and there, some hundred feet down, where no man can - see them till he stands on the verge of the precipice, and - where they might have been safe from Claverhouse in the - days of old, that minister with his congregation, while the - waves of the Atlantic Ocean were roaring beside them, and - protected by that barrier of rock, met two winters and two - summers; and I know, from the determination of that man and - his people, that there they would have met till their dying - day if the Duke of Sutherland had not granted them - redress.' - -But we were treating of the hardships rather of the ministers than of -the congregations, and Dr. Guthrie's question is pertinent, - - 'Where does the minister go after having preached in such - circumstances? Not in the case I have just mentioned, but - in another, the minister, after preaching to his hearers in - the winter snow, where there was no barrier or creek - sheltering them from the salt sea spray, had to go back, - not to a comfortable home, like you and me, but to a - miserable dwelling, where he had to climb to a lonely and - miserable garret, and in a place where there was little - ventilation, and in a room where he could have no fire, the - minister had to sit from week's end to week's end, till his - health was broken down, and he was obliged to retire from - the battle-field, forced away from it to save himself from - an early, and, I say, a martyr's grave.' - -It need not be said that such cases as these were exceptional and -extreme; but, on the other hand, it is certain the facts in these -cases are accurately given, and are representative of other extreme -cases that were never published. Our last quotation from the eloquent -divine who laid the foundations of the homes of a whole Church (and to -whom we shall not apologize for quoting so many facts which are the -inheritance of the Church catholic) is interesting to the writer, -because the younger of the two ministers spoken of in it was one of -the first men whom he remembers in his childhood to have seen in the -pulpit. He gave up no manse in 1843, but belonged to another class, -the licentiates or candidates of the Church, who threw in their lot -with the body now to be stripped of all its prospects and emoluments. -The following visit, narrated by Dr. Guthrie, was to the old minister -of Tongue, 'a man of the highest character and the best affections.' -His son, whom we remember merely as a gentlemanly young cleric, with a -rather plaintive voice, which ranged through endless intonations and -cadences, and was provocative of meditation much more than of -thought, was at this time his father's assistant, and died of the -fever mentioned by Dr. Guthrie. - - 'The place where Mr. Mackenzie's old manse is situated is - near the small village of Tongue, the prettiest place in - all that country. He had a sort of ancestral right to - it--his family having had possession of it for about a - hundred years--and he had spent several hundreds of pounds - in improving the property, never dreaming but that his son - would inherit it after he was gone. It was told me that his - Grace of Sutherland wrote to him, expressing his hope that - he would not go out, considering how much he had done for - him. Mr. Mackenzie wrote back that he was not forgetful of - his Grace's kindness, but that he owed more to the Lord - Jesus Christ.... When I went to Tongue, where did I find - him? I passed the manse, with its lawns, its trim walks, - and its fine trees. I went on till I came to a bleak, - heather hill, under the lee of which I found a humble - cottage belonging to the parish schoolmaster, where this - venerable man and his son had found a shelter, and were - accommodated for four shillings a week. There was nothing - inviting about the house, though I believe the people were - kind enough. Before the door there was an old broken cart, - and a black peat stack, and everything was repulsive. I - opened the door of the single room, which served for - dining-room, drawing-room, parlour, library, study, and - bedroom, all and everything in one; and there, beyond the - bed, I saw him, nature exhausted. He had never closed his - eyes all night, having passed a night of extreme suffering; - and there, in exhausted nature, he was sitting half dressed - in a chair, in profound slumber, his old grey locks - streaming over the back of the chair on which he was - sitting--a picture of old age, a picture of disease, a - picture of death. I stood for some time before him, and as - I looked round the room I thought, Oh! if I had B----, if I - had any of the men here who are persecuting our poor Free - Church, surely they would be moved by such a sight as this! - I pushed open a door, and in a small mean closet I found - this venerable man's son--a minister of our Church, and a - man who would be an honour to any Church--lying on a fever - bed. His children were seventy miles away, for no house - could be procured for them in the district. The son had - never closed his eyes all night, his own sufferings having - been aggravated by his father's. I tried to console him, - but I was more fit to weep with him than anything else. I - only remember that he said something to this effect: "Ah, - Mr. Guthrie, this is bad enough and hard enough, but, - blessed be God, I don't lie here a renegade; my own - conscience and my father's are in peace." As I came back - amid the driving tempest, I confess that I was more like a - child than a man, so little was I able to resist what I had - seen; and as I came along I saw a little flower, that God - in his providence had taught, when the storm came on, to - close its leaves; and I thought, if God is so kind to this - little flower, he will never see the righteous man - forsaken, nor his seed begging bread.... When I returned - from the North a few days ago, I found a letter, informing - me that this venerable man was dead. Death has tied his - tongue: it has loosed mine. I believe that that man may - have died as much in consequence of the privations he - endured, as John Brown did from the pistol of Claverhouse. - There was some mercy in the dragoon's pistol; it put an end - to the man's sufferings at once. But he is now in his - coffin, and they cannot disturb him there.' - -'And what I pray this meeting to remember,' concluded the speaker, 'is -that there are other men in similar circumstances.' There were others, -not a few; but most of them now dwell where they hear not the voice of -the oppressor; and though family records all over Scotland might add -not a few pages to our chronicle of constancy, these are generally too -sacred to draw upon. Enough has been said to recall us to the -circumstances of straitening and suffering under which the -extraordinary work of church organization and construction which we -formerly sketched was carried on; and to remind us that the favourite -motto of the Scottish church, _Nec tamen consumebatur_, has more -modern applications than to those days of the Covenant - - 'Whose echo rings through Scotland to this hour.' - -But this subject has at present a more than historical interest. The -paragraph referring to Scotland and its urgent educational needs in -the Queen's Speech at the opening of this Session, followed by the -immediate introduction of a bill by the Lord Advocate, which was -promptly opposed by his political opponents, on the ground that it -confessedly cuts off the parish schools from any connection with the -Established Church, reminds us of perhaps the most cruel chapter in -the whole history of suffering in 1843. The parish school-masters of -Scotland have always been a most meritorious but very ill-remunerated -set of men; and it might have been hoped that whatever severities a -mistaken sense of duty might have led those in power to exercise -towards the ministers and leaders of the Church after 1843, these -humbler members not being themselves ecclesiastical officials, might -have been allowed to remain in the possession of their hearths and -homes. But it was not so. Many of the schoolmasters were elders of the -Church. All of them were to a certain extent educated men, and took an -interest in the questions raised as to the Church's right to be free -from patronage and from civil dictation generally. The consequence -was, that not a few of them came out along with the other laymen who -followed the ministers in 1843, prepared to take their share of the -pecuniary burdens which were thus brought upon the community. But this -milder lot was not allowed them. They, too, like the ministers, had -their Bartholomew's Day. They would gladly have clung to their humble -daily work in the school-house, and more gladly still to the little -home built generally at the end of it, during the week, with bare -liberty on the Sabbath to join with either congregation in worship; -but it was not to be. Throughout Scotland, every schoolmaster who -joined with the Church in fulfilling its pledge of 1842, was at once -ejected from his small house, and deprived of his smaller income; and -the consequences to them and to their families were in many cases -misery, approaching almost to starvation. The result to education was -not disadvantageous; for the Free Church, having thrown upon it the -burden of so many men deprived of bread, for no other crime than their -attachment to itself, was in no mood to shrink from the duty. It at -once added to the rest of its organization an education scheme. Homes -were gradually built for the ousted schoolmasters, and in as many -places as possible they continued to teach the same children of the -same hamlets where they had previously dwelt. The Free Church has now, -or had very recently, 620 schools and 645 teachers, and taught upwards -of 60,000 of the youth of Scotland, many of whom were in the most -remote and destitute parts; while its normal schools are reported by -her Majesty's inspectors as the most efficient in Scotland. Yet for a -proper national scheme, such as has for many years been desired in -Scotland, the Free Church would at once be ready to give up an -organization so interesting in its origin, and so powerful in its -results. Some years ago, in the midst of the keenest opposition by the -Conservative party and the Established Church, the choice of a teacher -of any denomination was allowed to the heritors; and next year, -whatever else is done on this most important subject, it is plain that -the last strands of exclusive connection will be parted. - -The remaining matter which may come before Parliament during the next -session is one in which the other Voluntary and Presbyterian Churches -of Scotland are quite as much interested as that which dates from -1843. It is the proposal to transfer the patronage of the churches -from the few existing possessors, partly to the landowners, and partly -to the communicants of the Established Church, but excluding other -parishioners. A Committee was appointed in 1869 by the General -Assembly, to watch over a legislative measure to this effect, and -their first step was to go to the Prime Minister. In answer to Mr. -Gladstone's questions, they explained that the chief reason for the -sudden change of sentiment on the part of a body which had hitherto -been distinguished by its uncompromising defence of the present rights -of patrons, was a desire to conciliate the Presbyterians outside by a -deference to their well-known views. On this point, and on the -proposal generally, Mr. Gladstone requested that a formal memorial -might be drawn up, not only 'because it is desirable that the -Government should have in their hands some statement with some degree -of authority,' but also to instruct 'the Parliament of the three -kingdoms' in a matter which Scotchmen alone can be expected accurately -to know. - -The desired 'Statement on the Law of Church Patronage' has accordingly -now been issued and transmitted to the Government, and will doubtless -be laid on the table of the House. It is a very remarkable document, -giving the ecclesiastical history of Scotland with great fairness -until it comes down to quite recent times, but making it in -consequence quite impossible for any Legislature with the least sense -of justice to reconstitute church endowments in the way desired. It -narrates how patronage was abolished in Scotland at the Revolution -settlement; and how its restoration by an Act in 1711 (protested -against by the Free Church in 1843 as altering a thing reserved from -the jurisdiction of the Union Parliament) was 'one of the acts of a -conspiracy for the purpose of bringing back the Stuart dynasty to the -throne.' The Assembly of 1735 stated in an address to the King, 'That -it was done in resentment against the Church of Scotland.' Bishop -Burnet, present at the passing of the Act, says it was intended to -'weaken and undermine' the Church of Scotland. The 'Statement' then -goes on to show how it was not merely the Free Church that protested -against the outrage: the Assembly of 1812 protested that 'the Act -abolishing patronage must be understood to be a part of our -Presbyterian constitution secured to us by the Treaty of Union -forever;' and for seventy years in succession thereafter the Assembly -yearly instructed its Committee to attempt to get redress. Gradually, -however, as the cold eighteenth century crept on, a party began to -dominate in the Church which took the same view of patronage which was -afterwards formulated by Dr. Mearns and Dr. Cook, and by the aid of -the civil courts became finally triumphant in 1843. And thus followed -the first secession. Ebenezer Erskine, a great name in those northern -regions in that dark century, protested publicly that 'those professed -Presbyterians who thrust men upon congregations without, and contrary -to, the free choice their king had allowed them, were guilty of an -attempt to jostle Christ out of his government.' He and three other -ministers were thereupon deposed in 1733, and 'appealed unto the first -free, faithful, and reforming General Assembly of the Church of -Scotland.' The second secession, in 1752, was a still more exact -parallel to the third great schism of 1843, for the founders of the -Relief Church in 1752 were driven out, like Dr. Chalmers and his -friends, because they refused to take a personal part in ordaining -those whom the patron had presented, but whom the people refused to -receive. These circumstances are very fairly narrated in the -Statement, which farther refers to the evidence given before the -Select Committee of the House of Commons on the Law of Patronage in -1834, as giving 'the best summary of the historical and legal aspects -of the question which we possess.' That Committee, it is stated, came -to no definite finding, because the necessity for doing so was -superseded by the Act of the previous General Assembly, giving the -people a veto against an unacceptable presentee--an Act which was 'not -passed without a full assurance from the law officers of the Crown in -Scotland that it was quite within the power of the Church.' Within a -year thereafter, however, a question arose as to this, and a narrow -majority of the Scotch judges, backed by the House of Lords, held that -it was not within their power. The Church at once took steps to appeal -to the Legislature to correct the anomaly, and concede the power which -was questioned; asking only that in the meantime the courts should not -force them to take a part in violating with their own hands those -rights of the Christian people which they had affirmed. The refusal to -allow this brought on the disruption. The 'Statement' winds up with -pointing out how 'the non-intrusion controversy thus passed into that -of spiritual independence;' and 'it was on a question thence arising -in regard to the respective provinces of the ecclesiastical and civil -courts that the secession of 1843 actually took place.' They add, -however, that though in 1836 the Church refused to condemn patronage -altogether, and was satisfied with the supposed security of the Veto -Act, in 1842 this as well as other matters came to maturity, and the -General Assembly resolved, 'That patronage is a grievance; has been -attended with much injury to the cause of true religion in this -Church and kingdom; is the main cause of the difficulties in which the -Church is at present involved; and that it ought to be abolished.' Far -from conciliating opponents, however, this resolve was made part of -the reason by the courts and the moderate party for driving its -authors into disruption. - -The candour and fairness of the earlier historical part of this -memorial will always give it importance; but the gross inadequacy of -the practical measures proposed has subjected it in Scotland to an -unfair amount of ridicule. Dr. Cook, as the head of the moderate -party, the proper representative of those who stayed in in 1843, at -once protested against it, asserting that patronage is essential to -the stability of the Church of Scotland. Dr. Tulloch, of St. Andrew's, -as representing the broad section of the Church, repudiated it two -days after. Mr. Story, the biographer of Dr. Lee, and Dr. Wallace, who -is Dr. Lee's successor in Edinburgh, made haste to attack it also. The -great difficulty within the Church seems to be the proposed refusal to -admit all parishioners to vote for the parish minister. So long as he -was appointed by a single laird or nobleman, who might be a stranger -altogether, that difficulty was not felt. The people were excluded, -but they were excluded equally. It is now proposed, however, that the -minister should be paid by the whole country, but should be appointed -by the communicants of the Established Church alone, excluding the -members of the older and properly anti-patronage bodies, who have all -the same creed, but whose principles of Church polity the Established -Church, itself a minority of the nation, is only now adopting. It is -clearly the vague sense of injustice and wrong thus caused which is at -the root of the dissatisfaction everywhere expressed with the proposed -measure, even by members and ministers of the Scottish Establishment -itself. But another more important result has been the clear -recognition that there is no chance of thereby 'conciliating' the -older anti-patronage Presbyterians or uniting the Church. Last year we -expressed the belief that any fair proposals or endeavours on the part -of the Establishment would have the effect of at least producing a -pause in the projected union of the voluntary Presbyterians outside. -The 'Statement' to be laid before Parliament has had decidedly the -effect of consolidating that union, and there is no doubt now that it -will go on, though probably in the meantime rather by way of mutual -co-operation. A very short time will see the Free Church, the United -Presbyterian Church, and the Reformed Presbyterian Church--all the -large Presbyterian communities who have protested against patronage, -and whose leading principle is the liberation of religion from State -control--absolutely united in their work, and partitioning Scotland -between them. It need not be said how hopeless is the proposal to -choose this time for asking Parliament to reconstitute the endowment -of a minority of the Scotch people at the expense of the whole, or how -fatal to the Church the success of the scheme would be, even if it -could be expected to succeed. - -The movement is more likely to be in quite another direction. Dr. -Wallace, in his paper on 'Church Tendencies in Scotland,' and some -other men not belonging to his party in the Kirk, have rather -indicated that the Highlands of Scotland, with which a large part of -our paper has dealt, should be handed over from their own body to that -disestablished church which for the last twenty-five years has with -increasing success taken charge of it. In July last, this subject came -up in the House of Commons, in the discussion upon Mr. M'Laren's -Church Rates Abolition Bill for Scotland, a measure which its able and -energetic mover has withdrawn, upon receiving a promise from the -Government to introduce one next year upon their own responsibility. -On some matters raised by this bill differences of opinion were -expressed. Mr. Graham, member for Glasgow, said that he knew from -experience that 'a large number of his constituents--the enormous mass -of the people of Scotland--bitterly resented these compulsory -assessments;' while his colleague, Mr. Anderson, opposed the bill as -premature, on the ground that 'if, as is very probable, in the course -of a few years the House should think proper to disestablish and -disendow that Church, its property will have to be handed over to the -State.' But the special matter of the Highlands, a scandal which even -the friends of the Establishment are desirous to see wiped out at any -expense, was brought forward by Mr. Ellice, who 'agreed with the hon. -member for Edinburgh, that in many parts of the country the Church of -Scotland was but the caricature of a Church, and that the presence of -the Established Church, in places where it was only represented by -five or ten persons, was a reproach to the Legislature. He hoped the -Lord Advocate, when dealing with the question, would also deal with -those useless churches and manses which were a standing reproach to -common sense, and ought no longer to be supported.' The Lord Advocate -was cautious in his rejoinder to this appeal, restricting his -observations to the Highland churches and manses '_provided by_ -_Parliament_ at a time when the Church numbered a larger portion of -the population than it does now.' With regard to these--the annual -payments in connection with which form, perhaps, the most offensive -example of mere waste of public money at present existing--the -Government officer said, 'So far as I have been able to ascertain, it -would be in accordance with good sense to make provision whereby that -accommodation, which is not profitable either to the kingdom or the -Church, might close.' Any money saved in this direction will almost -certainly be devoted to the education of Scotland; for the Free Church -will refuse a concurrent endowment which would include Roman -Catholics, and the long Conservative battle against a good Education -Bill beyond the Tweed, cannot be successful for ever. When the Scotch -Presbyterians form their Union (in which as Mr. Gordon pointed out in -Parliament, there is no reason why the members of the present -Established Church should not join), they will undertake a weighty -responsibility for the religious good of Scotland. But the weight -which they unite to bear will be easy, compared to that crushing load -which fell upon one of them in 1843, and which yet became to it only -such a burden 'as wings are to the bird.' - -FOOTNOTE: - -[50] The famine of 1846, to relieve which the Free Church sent L15,000 -to the Highlands. - - - - -ART. IV.--_The Romance of the Rose._ - -(1.) _Le Roman de la Rose._ Nouvelle Edition. Par Francisque Michel. -Paris: Firmin Didot Freres. 1864. - - -The study of pre-Renaissance literature belongs especially to the -present century. A few ballads had been previously rescued from -oblivion; a few names unearthed from the rubbish of centuries; but the -great mass of writers who lived and flourished in what men used to -call the Dark Ages had been utterly forgotten, names as well as -writings, until the labours of Ampere, Fauriel, Raynouard, and others -in France, as well as those of our own antiquarian scholars in -England, brought them again to light within the last fifty years. - -The literature thus revived has a value of its own quite independent -of any literary merit, though this is by no means contemptible. It -reveals to us not only the manners and customs of the time, the -mediaeval daily life, but, which is more important, the mediaeval -conditions and modes of thought, within such limits--too narrow, -alas!--as the conventional rules of poetry allowed. But artificial -grooves cannot wholly prevent a vigorous mind from running off the -beaten track, and in spite of conventionalism, the reader comes -sometimes, in the midst of sandy deserts of commonplace morality, -monotonous repetitions, and thirsty verbiage, upon oases of such -exceeding brightness and splendour, cooled with fountains so sparkling -and foliage so luxuriant, that he feels he is repaid for all his -trouble. And the country is by no means explored. As in the great -goldfields of Australia, the big nuggets have disappeared and been -gathered up long since; nevertheless there remain, for those who have -patience to dig, plenty of smaller pieces of virgin gold, which may -amply serve to reward their toil. But because all have not the time or -the opportunity for this work, and because, after all, it lies a good -deal out of the beaten track of scholars, it may not be uninteresting -to our readers to invite them to come with us and visit, sparing -themselves the trouble of looking for them, certain oases which lie -scattered about in a vast Sahara of verse called the 'Romance of the -Rose.' 'Rien n'est agreable et piquant,' says Sainte Beuve, 'comme un -guide familier dans les epoques lointaines.' - -Our sketch of the book will be necessarily incomplete; nor could any -ordinary limits of a paper suffice for its thorough examination. Its -importance is evidenced by the fact that for two hundred and fifty -years it was a sort of Bible to France; the source whence its readers -drew their maxims of morality, their philosophy, their science, their -history, and even their religion; and which, after having retained its -popularity for a length of time almost unparalleled in the history of -literature, was revived with success after the Renaissance, the _only_ -mediaeval book which enjoyed this distinction. - -We shall endeavour to show some of the reasons of this long-continued -success, and to prove that the book, once the companion of knights and -dames, of _damoiseaux_ and _damoiselles_, has the strongest claims on -the student of the Middle Ages; that it is not a congeries of dry and -dead bones of antiquity, not a mass of mediaeval fables, but a book -full of ideas, information, and suggestion--a book warm with life. - -France, whence it came, is indeed the mother of modern literature. -Thence both Italy and England derived their inspiration. In the -countries of Provence and Languedoc lingered longest the remains of -the Latin civilization: there the lamp of learning, dwindled down at -last to a mere speck, had yet flame enough to light the new taper of -the troubadour; there was first heard the 'Nibelungen Lied;' there -originated the _tenson_, the _canso_, the _sirvente_, the _chanson -royale_, the _triolet_, and all the varied forms of mediaeval poetry; -and there was the chosen home of such philosophy and science as -existed between the ninth and thirteenth centuries. English writers -before the Elizabethan age copied openly and avowedly from French -sources, taking plot, plan, and framework of their poems. Even Dante -deferred to Provence, and owned that the troubadour led the thought of -Western Europe. Other countries of Europe have little indeed in their -early literature to compare with the treasures of the Langue d'Oc and -the Langue d'Oil; and while, outside France, stand almost alone the -great figures of Dante, Petrarch, and Chaucer, there is, within the -circle of the Langue d'Oil alone, a constellation in which are the -names of Marie de France, Rutebeuf, Jean de Meung, Charles of Orleans, -Christine de Pisan, Alain Chartier, Eustache Deschamps, and Francois -Villon, besides a host of minor poets whose works are little inferior, -and who may still be read, if not always with delight, certainly -always with profit. Scattered about in their writings is the whole of -the mediaeval life; by their light we can penetrate through the clouds -of six hundred years, and bring those picturesque ages of colour and -splendour back to our minds as brightly and vividly as we realize any -battle-field in France by the pen of a special correspondent. And -besides the mediaeval life, with its habits and its thought, the -student will trace in this poetry the gradual development of the true -French Muse--her mockery, her satirical spirit, her cynicism, her -incredulity, her curiosity, her want of reverence, with her inimitable -wit and fresh buoyancy of spirit--a muse _gaillarde et moqueuse_, -unlike any other that the world has seen, whom to know is to love, -though not always to respect. It is no fault of modern France if her -old literature is not known as it deserves to be. Editions have been -multiplied of the fabliaux, romances, poems, and chronicles which -began with Wace and ended with Clement Marot. But as yet no great -writer has taken up the subject as it deserves, and a consolidated -history of the literature and thought of the Middle Ages, from the -tenth century to the Renaissance, embracing as a whole, and not in -unconnected parts, the writings of Italy, France, and England, with -those of Spain and Germany, is a work which awaits the hand of some -man who will devote to it the greater part of a lifetime. Materials -for such a work amply exist; but he who undertakes it should bring to -his task a knowledge of languages and an amount of reading rare -indeed, and difficult to be found. - -English readers principally know this 'Romance of the Rose' through -the translation which is attributed to Chaucer. Whether it be really -his or not is a matter which does not concern us here, and, to save -trouble of explanation, we will refer to it as Chaucer's translation. -It is unfortunate, in some respects, that it contains only a -portion--viz., the first 5,170 lines, and then, with an omission of -5,544 lines, about 1,300 more. It gives entire the portion contributed -by Guillaume de Lorris, and as much of the remainder as fell in most -readily with the humour of the translator, the attack on the hypocrisy -of monks and friars. But by omitting all the rest, amounting to about -two-thirds of the whole, he has failed altogether in giving the spirit -of the work; and those who read only Chaucer's version would certainly -be at a loss to explain the rapid, extraordinary, and lasting -popularity which the book achieved. - -The reasons of this popularity have, indeed, been the subject of -considerable discussion among French critics. Pasquier speaks of its -'noble sentiments,' and considers that its object was moral--viz., to -show that love is but a dream. Roquefort can see in it only a long and -rather stupid allegory, enlivened by occasional gleams of poetry; -Villemain considers it a mere gloze on Ovid's 'Art of Love,' with a -_melange_ of abstractions, allegories, and scholastic subtilties. -Nisard deduces from its popularity a proof of its entire conformity -with the spirit of the age--an almost obvious conclusion. Other -writers, Goujet among the number, try to account for its success by -the reputation which Jean de Meung enjoyed as an alchemist, and the -belief that the great secrets of the science were to be found in the -poem: a manifestly inadequate reason, because the proportion of -alchemists to the rest of his readers must have been small indeed. -Others, among whom were Molinet and Marot--of whom more -presently--thought its success was due to a double allegory which they -found in it; while Professor Morley and Mr. Thomas Wright, the latest -writers who have given any account of the book--both of them meagre, -dry, and uninteresting--do not attempt to explain its popularity at -all. There are sufficient reasons why the book sprang at once into -favour, which we hope presently to explain. The great success which it -attained is illustrated by the number and weight of its assailants. -Foremost among these was Gerson, the 'most Christian Doctor.' He -calls it a book written for the basest purposes; he says that if -there were only one copy of it in the world, and if he were offered -fifty pounds in gold for it, he would rather burn it: that those who -have it ought to give it up to their father confessors to be -destroyed: and that even if it were certain--which was unfortunately -far from being the case, the contrary being presumable--that Jean de -Meung had repented his sins in sackcloth and ashes, it would be no -more use praying for him than for Judas Iscariot himself. Cursing so -ecclesiastical, invective so angry, stimulated public curiosity more -and more, and instead of copies being given to confessors to be -burned, copies were given to scribes to be multiplied. Assailants came -every day unto the field. Christine de Pisan, later on, took up the -cause of her sex, and vindicated womankind from the sweeping charges -made against them by the poet; while Martin Franc, who styled himself -'Le Champion des Dames,' wrote an elaborate apology for his clients, -which has all the dreariness of the 'Romance of the Rose,' and none of -its brightness. The one is a desert indeed; the other, as we have -said, is a desert with oases. - -The book is the work of two writers, Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de -Meung. The earlier of these seems to have died about the time that his -successor was born. Of his life we know absolutely nothing. He came -from the little town of Lorris, where, it is said, the house in which -he was born is still shown. Two or three lines in the poem are cited -to prove the date of his birth and death. These, however, are by no -means to be relied upon. Thus, he tells us in his opening lines-- - - 'Au vingtiesme an de mon aage, - Si vi ung songe a mon dormant.' - -whence most writers have assumed that he died at the age of twenty, -considering, we suppose, that it would not take a year to write the -4,670 lines which form his part. This would be, at least, quick -writing, while internal evidence seems to us to point most -unmistakeably to the bestowal of very careful thought, and therefore -much time, upon the work. And the lines which follow shortly after -have not received proper attention--indeed, hardly any modern writer -on the 'Romance of the Rose' appears to have read the book at all. -Here the poet says-- - - 'Avis m'iere qu'il etoit mains; - Il a j'a bien cinc ans au mains.' - -which would make him five and twenty at least, a much more likely age, -considering the work he had done, for his death. - -At the close of his part of the book we get the following note by the -scholiast, if we may call him so:-- - - 'Ci endroit, trespassa Guillaume - De Lorris et ne fist plus pseaume; - Mais apres plus de quarante ans - Maistre Jehan de Meung li romans - Parfist, ainsi comme je treuve, - Et ici commence son oeuvre.' - -That is,-- - - 'Here William died; his song was done. - When forty years had passed away, - Sir John the romance carried on, - And here commencing, told the lay.' - -While Jean de Meung himself says, prophesying after the event-- - - 'Car quant Guillaume cessera - Jehan le continuera - Apres sa mort que je ne mente - Anns trespasses plus de quarente.' - -So that if we fix the date of Jean de Meung, we have that of Guillaume -de Lorris. Now, there is nothing to help us, except a tradition that -Guillaume died in the middle of the thirteenth century, and whatever -internal evidence the book itself affords. Most writers, because the -order of Knights Templars is mentioned as still existing, have been -content to date the book at about 1306, the year before the -destruction of the fraternity; but the poet mentions Charles of Anjou -as King of Sicily. We have, therefore, a much lower limit, viz., the -year 1282. Perhaps on closer examination, a range of years might -easily be found in which the book was written. It is, however, -sufficient for our purpose to date its authorship about 1280, and that -of Guillaume de Lorris at 1240. - -It is not all certain that the poet was very young when he feigned his -dream. The hero of the poem is necessarily a young man. Early manhood -is the period of vehement desire and passion. Twenty is the typical -age of early manhood; that age may have very well been selected as the -one best fitted for dreams of love and the adventures of a lover. We -are, however, inclined to believe, on the whole, that the poem was -written in quite early manhood. A tradition which only recalls one -fact is generally true, and the one fact recorded of the poet is that -he died quite young. Internal evidence, too, appears to support this -view. His style bears marks which seem, though one may here be very -easily mistaken, those of inexperience. His imaginative faculty is -abundant, and even luxuriant. His descriptive power, fully employed in -his portraits of abstract personifications, is very much above the -average. He revels in picturesque accessories and details which his -copious fancy has conjured up; and his pictures, if they have not -always the _tone_, have all the vividness, with the wealth of work, -which belongs to a young poet's early style. The versification, -moreover, is cold, regular, and monotonous; there is nothing to -indicate the possession of experience or the presence of passion. He -had read Ovid, and used him freely to suit his own purposes; but he -wants Ovid's sympathetic power, and tries to supply its place by a -certain cold and mannered grace; his faults being attributable, in the -assumption of his early death, more to inexperience and youth, than to -any defects which years would not have removed. Considered in this -light, his work remains an unfinished monument of early genius, -chiefly redeemed from mediocrity by its collections of curiously -constructed allegorical portraits, a work which would never have been -rescued from oblivion but for the splendour of light thrown on it by -Jean de Meung. - -Chaucer's translation is exceedingly accurate, giving line for line, -and almost word for word, save when he sometimes adds a line to -enforce its meaning, or to make it clear. Thus, when translating the -famous - - 'La robe ne faict pas la moyne,' - -he says-- - - 'Habite ne makyth monk no frere; - But clene life and devocioun, - Makyth gode men of religioun.' - -The saying itself (for nothing in the 'Romance of the Rose' appears to -be original), may be traced to Neckham, who died at Cirencester in -1217. - - 'Non tonsura facit monachum, nec horrida vestis, - Sed virtus animi, perpetuusque vigor.' - -The great ease of the translation makes it read almost like an -original work, though we cannot agree with those who think that the -translator has improved on his model. No literal translation, not even -the very best, can be free from a certain stiffness and constraint. - -The felicity with which difficult passages are occasionally rendered -may be judged by the following lines, which contain a touch almost -worthy of Shirley. It is, if our own experience be worth anything, -excessively hard to translate. We subjoin original and translation, -side by side. - - 'Les yex gros et si envoisies, - Qu'il rioient tousjors avant - Que la bouchette par couvant.' - - 'Hir eyen greye and glad also, - That laugheden ay in hir semblaunt, - First or the mouth by couvenant.' - -That is, her eyes began to laugh before her lips. - -We must, as briefly as possible, set forth the action of the poem. It -begins, like De Guilleville's 'Pilgrimage of Grace,' Chaucer's 'Court -of Love' (borrowed, of course, from this), Alain de l'Isle's -'Complaint of Nature,' and so many other mediaeval works, with a dream. -In the month of May,--that season when the earth forgets the poverty -of winter, and grows proud of her renewed beauty, clothing herself in -a robe of flowers of a hundred colours; when the birds, silent during -the long cold months, awake again, and are so joyous that they are -fain, _per force_, to sing,--the youth of twenty summers wanders forth -and comes upon the Garden of Delight (_Deduit_). We may remark here, -how the walled garden, secured from the outer world, is the mediaeval -writer's only idea of scenery. Perhaps our modern craving for the -picturesque would be greatly modified if we were uncertain, as our -ancestors were, about wolves, bears, and brigands, whose admiration -for wild scenes induces them to inhabit them. - -The wall of the garden is painted with figures of all evil passions, -such as Envy, Hatred, Avarice, and Hypocrisy (_Papelardie_), with -those of Sorrow, Age, and Poverty. The youth is admitted at a wicket -by the Lady Oyseuse (_Idlesse_), and wanders about, admiring the rows -of strange trees, the birds and flowers, the peace and safety of the -place. Presently he comes upon _Deduit_ himself, whom Chaucer calls -Myrthe. - - 'Ful fayre was Myrthe, ful long and high: - A fayrer man I never sigh.' - -With him are all his courtiers, including _Leesce_ (Joy). - - 'And wot ye who came with them there? - The Lady Gladness, bright and fair.' - -With the company was the God of Love, accompanied by _Doux Regard_, -bearing two bows: one of them was crooked and misshapen; the other -straight, and beautifully wrought. This shows the different -impressions of love, or its opposite, produced by the eyes. He had, -too, ten arrows (the idea is borrowed from Ovid), five belonging to -Love, viz., Beauty, Simplicity, Frankness, Company, and Fair -Semblance; and five to Dislike, viz., Pride, Villany, Shame, Despair, -and New Thought. Love was followed as well by Beauty, whose attendants -were Riches, Largesse, Franchise, and Courtesy, as _Dames_ -_d'honneur_, each of whom had with her a lover, that of Largesse being -'sib to Arthur Duke of Bretaigne.' This is intended, of course, to -show how different qualities attract love. - -The garden is square; it contains all sorts of fruit trees, 'brought -from the country of the Saracens;' these are set five or six fathoms -apart; wells, fountains, and streams, soft grass and turf, and flowers -of every kind. Round the stone-work of one fountain he finds written, -'Here died the fair Narcissus,'--an accident which enables the poet to -narrate at length the full history of that unfortunate swain. Getting -over his digression, the youth discovers a rosebush laden with roses -and rosebuds, one of which he desires incontinently to pluck. Here his -troubles begin. Love shoots at him with five arrows, and when he is -sick and faint with wounds, calls upon him to surrender, and become -his vassal. This he does, giving Love as a gage of fealty his heart, -and receiving in return a code of rules which have been imitated by -many subsequent poets, notably by Chaucer, in the 'Court of Love,' and -by Charles of Orleans. He also receives as a mark of especial favour, -Hope, Doux Penser, Doux Parler, and Doux Regard--Sweet-Thought, -Sweet-Speech, and Sweet-Looks--as companions. He makes a rash and -ill-considered attempt upon his Rosebud. But Danger is there with -Malebouche, Shame (child of Trespass and Reason), and Chastity, the -daughter of Shame. He is driven away, loaded with reproaches. His -companions leave him, and while he is sitting dejected and despairing, -Reason comes to him and argues on the folly of love. - - 'Love is but madness! I tell you true; - The man who loves can nothing do. - He has no profit from the earth: - If he is clerk, he forgets his learning: - If anything else, whatever his worth, - Great is his labour and little his earning. - Long and unmeasured and deep the pain: - Short is the joy; the fruition vain.' - -But the pleading of Reason, as generally happens in such cases, is -quite useless. The lover - - 'For still within my heart there glows - The breath divine of that sweet Rose,' - -goes next to a Friend (Ami), from whom he gets small sympathy, but -much practical relief. Acting on his counsel, he begs pardon of -Danger, who grants it sulkily. Danger in most mediaeval allegories -stands for the husband, but there is nothing to show that Guillaume de -Lorris meant him to be understood in this sense, and we may without -any violence take him to represent the natural guardian of the -damsel. Getting Bel Accueil to accompany him, he goes once more to see -his Rosebud, which he finds greatly improved. Venus obtains for him -the privilege of a kiss. Shame, Jealousy, and Malebouche, are alarmed, -and interfere. Danger turns everybody out. Jealousy builds a high -tower, in which Bel Accueil is shut up, a prisoner, with Danger and -Malebouche to guard him. Outside the tower sits the disconsolate -lover, lamenting his misfortunes, and the mutability of love's -favours, which he compares to those of Fortune, of whom he says: - - 'In heart of man, - Malice she plants, and labour, and pain; - One hour caresses, and smiles, and plays; - Then as suddenly changes her face: - Laughs one moment, the next she mourns; - Round and round her wheel she turns, - All at her own caprice and will. - The lowest ascends, and is raised, until - He who was highest was low on the ground, - And the wheel of Fortune has quite turned round.' - -And at this point the poet died--'trespassa Guillaume de Lorris.' Had -he lived to complete his work we should had a complete Ars Amoris, -fashioned on the precepts of Ovid, and clothed in an allegory--cold, -monotonous, bloodless--though graceful, fanciful, and not devoid of -poetic taste. - -Perhaps we should have had more than this. In its simple, first -meaning, it is not difficult for anyone to make out. Idleness or -Leisure alone makes Pleasure possible; through Idleness we enter into -the garden of Delight, where love wanders. Youth is the season of -love, and Spring is an emblem of youth. The escort of Love is the -collection of qualities which belong to the time of youth, and make it -happy, such as beauty, wealth, and courtesy. What has Reason to do -with Love? Who can advise but an experienced friend? The only -possession that the vassal can give to Love the suzerain is his own -heart; the chief aid to success is Bel Accueil--'fair welcome'--while -Envy, Shame (for fear of Malebouche--Calumny), Jealousy, and Chastity -protect the maiden. - -So far all is clear and easy to be read. Was there not, however, under -an interpretation as easy as that of Bunyan's Holy War, a second and a -deeper meaning? It is a question not easy to answer. Molinet, the dull -and laborious Molinet, who published, towards the end of the fifteenth -century, an edition of the book in prose, - - 'Le Roman de la Rose - Moralise cler et net - Translate en rime et prose - Par votre humble Molinet,' - -pretends not only that there is a hidden meaning, but also to discover -what this hidden meaning was. 'The young man,' he tells us, 'who -awakens from his dream is the child born to the light: he is born in -the month of May, when the birds sing: the _singing of the birds is -the preaching of holy doctors_ (!)' He dresses, in his dreams, to go -out. This is the entrance of the child into the world, enveloped in -human miseries: the river represents Baptism: the orchard is the -Cloister of Religion; outside it, because they cannot enter therein, -or have no share or part in paradise, are the figures of human vices. -_Deduit_ is our Lord; Leesce is the Church; Love is the Holy Spirit; -the eight doves of Venus's chariot are the eight Beatitudes; and the -combat between Love and the guardians of Bel Accueil is the perpetual -conquest between good and evil. Even the story of Narcissus is not -without its meaning; and the pine which shades the fountain is the -tree of the Cross, while the fountain itself is the overflowing stream -of mercy. Love, again, in the latter part, stands for our Saviour; -homage to him is the profession of faith of a novice; the commandments -of Love are the vows of chastity and poverty. Even the legend of -Virginia is an allegory; the maiden being the soul, and Appius the -world. This position he strengthens by deriving, after the fashion of -the philologists of the period, the name of Appius from _a_, -privative, and _pius_. - -Clement Marot, on the other hand, in his edition, where he turned the -language into French of his own day, and thereby utterly spoiled it, -finds an interpretation of his own, quite as ingenious and quite as -improbable as that of Molinet. The Rose is the state of wisdom, 'bien -et justement conforme a la Rose pour les valeurs, doulours, et odours -qui en elle sont: la quelle moult est a avoir difficile pour les -empeschements interposez.' It was a Papal Rose, made of gold, and -scented with musk and balm; of gold, on account of the honour and -reverence due to God; scented with musk to symbolize the duties of -fidelity and justice to our neighbours; and with balm because we ought -to hold our own souls clear and precious above all worldly things. - -Or, the Rose is the state of Grace, difficult for the sinner to arrive -at, and fitly symbolized by the flowers which had sufficient virtue to -transform Apuleius from an ass back to his human shape. - -Or, again, the Rose was the Virgin Mary--the Rose of Jericho, pure and -spotless, and not to be touched by human hands. - -Fourthly: it was the rose which the Queen of Sheba gave to Solomon, -which signified eternal happiness. The interpretations of Molinet and -Marot are both manifestly absurd, and represent the pedantic trifling -of a time when the taste for double allegories had been carried to a -ridiculous extent. And as for Jean de Meung's part, there are plenty -of touches in it which show that the writer, though no heretic, had -little sympathy with church matters; and would certainly not be -disposed to spend his time in laboriously concocting a riddle of -twenty thousand lines, the answer to which was to be found in the -Romish creed. And in Guillaume de Lorris himself, it is difficult to -find a word for or against the Church. - -He was, no doubt, mindful of the stern lesson read to heretics in the -crusade of Provence, fresh in all men's recollection. But he had been -nurtured and fed on the poetry of the troubadours; the form of his -verse and the turn of his thought were Provencal. Was it likely that -so young a writer should escape the spirit of the literature while he -studied its form? And since in a time of violent religious excitement, -he can find no word of sympathy for a church which persecutes, is it -not probable that his sympathies are, if not with the Church -persecuted, at least with the people? The probability, moreover, of -there being a double allegory in the 'Romance of the Rose,' as planned -originally by Guillaume de Lorris, appears to us to be strengthened by -a further consideration of the Provencal literature and the line of -its development. - -Love, in a time when life had few pleasures and distractions to -offer--when these were generally only to be snatched in the intervals -of fighting--became not only the symbol of all life's joy, but grew -into a kind of religion. It had its own ritual, its ceremonies, its -sacraments, its lessons, and its hymns. Aged poets were its bishops, -the guardians of its forms; young poets its priests; instead of the -images of saints, were living women, and instead of the procession and -the chant, were the love song and the dance. It was nothing new to the -Provencal to celebrate the religious worship with a dance. He alone, -among Christians, preserved a custom handed down from old pagan times, -and as late as the sixteenth century, the worthy people of Marseilles -welcomed Christmas in this way. - -The other sex would naturally offer few obstacles to a homage which, -though it sometimes destroyed their virtue, always flattered their -vanity, and invested them with a power which was beyond that of kings. -Princes, indeed, might make men rich, but women alone could make men -happy. An accurate knowledge of love's ceremonies became part of the -education of a gentleman; these were reduced, like those of chivalry, -to a sort of code; questions of law, so to speak, arose, which were -tried with great solemnity at courts of law where ladies were judges; -appeals from these decisions were often made to higher courts, and -there is every reason to believe that the _Arrets d'Amour_, numerous -examples of which are given in the work of Martial d'Auvergne, were -courts as serious and as gravely disputed in times of peace, as those -which decided other differences of opinion. From being, therefore, the -legitimate end of a young man's hope, the chief solace of his life, -love grew gradually to be surrounded by all sorts of restrictions and -ceremonies, and losing its charm of spontaneity and freedom, was -idealized until it lost itself, and became the mere shadow of a poetic -dream. As every idea, pushed beyond its legitimate limits, provokes -some kind of rebellion, two streams of thought presently diverged from -the main channel, one of them, with which we have nothing to do, -satirical, cynical, earthly and gross; the other, religious. Sexual -love is only possible, or is strongest when life is young and the -blood is strong and hopeful; as years creep on and the end of things -approaches, its insufficiency to satisfy the cravings of the soul must -become, even to its most ardent votary, more and more deeply apparent. -The days when a smile from his mistress made him, according to the -rules of the craft, happy, or a frown miserable, would leave behind -them, when they had passed away, an increased sense of the real -seriousness of life; while at the best of times, the art of love would -not be felt as anything but elegant trifling, and the passion which it -excited, transitory. Women, too, the object of all this homage, were -really, though they might not know it, degraded by what was intended -to do them honour. And let those who lament the subjection of the sex, -own that the extravagant honour paid to ladies in the Middle Ages has -had something, at least, to do with it. From some such feelings as the -above, we believe it came to pass that the poet began first to -imagine, and then to contrive, for his love songs a deeper and a -mystical meaning. The sentiment of nearly all the Provencal poets, as -regards women, was delicate, elevating to themselves, and -enthusiastic. Women are to men, in the poet's imagination, what heaven -is to earth; their gentleness contrasts with man's ferocity, their -weakness with his strength, their strength with his weakness. Love is -the principle of all honour and merit, the mainspring of every noble -action; its desires and its pleasures are only legitimate, inasmuch -as they are as a stimulus to the painful duties of chivalry; the -springs of poetry are in love; without love there is nothing that -civilizes, softens, or elevates. But earthly love, so high, so pure, -so separated from the common instincts of the world, is but a type of -that infinitely higher and purer heavenly love. All the allegories of -the poets are to be read in a deeper sense by those who are initiated -into the mysteries, and when a poet sings songs of love, he is singing -songs of a mysterious religion. - -That this was the case with all the troubadours, or even with most of -them, we do not affirm; that it was at one time believed to be true of -all of them seems tolerably clear. And no doubt many an honest bard, -quite simply putting down his thoughts about his mistress's lips, or -the tangles of her hair, would have been astonished to hear that he -was preaching the glories of the Virgin, or advocating a free and -Pope-less Church. On the supposition that Guillaume de Lorris was one -of those who had learned from the troubadours the art of double -allegory, and that he conveyed religious teaching under this disguise, -we should expect to find the key to his poem in the religious -difficulties of his time. It is not, at least, difficult to get at -these. - -The people of Provence[51] had always mixed freely with the educated -Mahometans of Spain, and the wealthy Jews who lived among them: their -own Christianity sat lightly upon them, as a cloak, the fashion of -which might at any time be altered; theology was held in universal -disesteem, and the priesthood, taken from the lowest strata of -society, were objects of pity and contempt: a widespread heresy -existed, which does not appear to have had much, if anything to do -with modern Protestantism, holding 'erroneous views' on Baptism and -the Eucharist, rejecting the Old Testament, denying the authority and -necessity of the priesthood, and even repudiating, in some cases, -marriage itself. It was growing rapidly not only in Switzerland and -Languedoc but also in the _Nord_, in England, and in Germany, by means -of wandering bards, who scattered their new doctrines broadcast -wherever they went. By local persecutions and burnings, attempts were -made to stop it, but in vain; and Rome saw with consternation a -province the most cultivated, the most richly endowed with genius, the -most wealthy, that from which the greatest help for the Church was to -be expected, a prey to free thought of the most unbridled kind. - -As soon as persecution began, or even suspicion of the truth, the -poets would see the necessity for veiling their thoughts under -carefully-constructed allegories, and while they chanted a monotonous -refrain on one of the many rules of love, secretly inculcated a code -of doctrines more subversive than any the Church had yet combated. -Occasionally we hear a voice which speaks aloud, and plainly enough, -to let us know the kind of thing that was whispered. Thus Fauriel -gives the following from Pierre Cardinal.[52] He is considering the -insoluble problem of suffering and evil, and cries, with a boldness -that has more despair than blasphemy in it--'At the Last Day I shall -say, myself, to God that He fails in His duty to His children if He -thinks to destroy them and plunge them into Hell.... God ought to use -gentleness and to keep His souls from trespass.' - -Voluptuous, loose in morals, satirical, and careless as these poets -were, they yet have the merit of boldly using thought, and carrying -conviction to its logical and legitimate end. They anticipated the -movement of the fifteenth century, without its knowledge and higher -light: their penalty was extermination, thorough and complete. The -land was destroyed; its cities burned; the people massacred; Pope and -kings combined to make a desert, and to call it peace. - -What could the Church do more? What indeed, could she do less? For the -war was a struggle for existence, and the heresies of Provence were -only the most formidable in a general movement of free thought which -shook the powers of Rome to its very foundations. But one thing the -Church could not do. The flame of insubordination and opposition could -be handed down in secret. Things that could not be attacked openly, -might be attacked secretly. There were secret societies in the Middle -Ages, which had a real and definite object, the danger and the terror -of the Church.[53] And to this day Rome excommunicates the members of -all secret societies, whether the mild and convivial Freemason or the -bloodthirsty Fenian. The Society of Jesus is the only secret society -to which a Roman Catholic may belong. Guillaume de Lorris belongs to a -time when doctrine was secretly assailed; his successor, Jean de -Meung, to a time when practice was openly assailed. For men very soon -left off attacking their enemies by allegory, and Guillaume de Lorris, -if he was indeed one of that school, was one of its last disciples. - -Whether he was, or was not, can never now be satisfactorily answered. -He left his poem unfinished, hardly, perhaps, begun. Whatever has to -be said on the subject of its original plan, must be necessarily -conjectural. We incline, on the whole, to believe that he did have a -religious purpose, which was not understood by Jean de Meung; that one -who bears in mind the religious history of Provence as well as the -character of its situation, may well construct an interpretation of -the work of Guillaume de Lorris far more probable and consistent than -that of Molinet or of Marot. - -Jean de Meung, so-called because he was born at the little town of -Meung, in the department of Loiret-- - - 'De Jean de Meung, s'enfle le cours de Loire.' - -Jean Clopinel, Limping John, because he was lame, finding himself, -some forty years later, with his head stuffed full of all the learning -of his time, and nearly bursting with sentiments, convictions, and -opinions, on religion, politics, social economy, and science, began, -one may suppose, to cast about for some means of getting rid of his -burden. Lighting on the unfinished and half-forgotten work of -Guillaume de Lorris, he conceived the idea of finishing the allegory, -and making it the medium of popularizing his own opinions. He could -hardly have hit upon a readier plan. It was not yet a time for popular -science; there were no treatises in the vernacular on history, -theology, and political economy, and the only way of getting at people -was by means of rhyme. But Jean de Meung was no allegorist, and no -storyteller. He took up the tale, indeed, where his predecessor left -it, and carried it on, it is true, but in so languid a manner, with so -many digressions, turns and twists, that what little interest was -originally in it goes clean out. Nothing can well be more tedious than -those brief portions devoted to the conduct of the story. It finishes, -somehow. Love calls his barons together, is defeated, sends an embassy -to his mother, Venus, who comes to his assistance; the fortress is -taken, Bel Accueil is released, and the Rose is plucked. In the course -of the poem, Malebouche gets his tongue cut out, Deduit, Doux Regard, -Leesce, Doux Penser, and others drop out of the allegory altogether; -the Garden is forgotten; all the little careful accessories of -Guillaume de Lorris, such as the arrows of Love and his commandments, -are contemptuously ignored. Those that remain are changed, the Friend -in the second part being very different from the Friend in the first, -while _Richesse_ appears with a new function. Every incident is made -the peg for a digression, and every digression leads to a dozen -others. The losses of the old characters are made up by the creation -of new ones, and, in Faux Semblant, the hypocrite and monk, Jean de -Meung anticipates Rabelais and surpasses Erasmus. - -Between Guillaume de Lorris and his successor there is a great gulf -hardly represented by the forty years of interval. Men's thoughts had -widely changed. The influence of Provencal poetry was finally and -completely gone, and its literature utterly fallen, to be revived -after many centuries only by the scholar and the antiquarian. More -than this, the thoughts and controversies of men which had turned -formerly upon the foundations of the Christian faith, now turned -either on special points of doctrine, or on the foundation and -principles of society. - -No writers, so far as we remember, have noticed the entire separation -between the two parts of the romance. They are independent works. Even -the allegory changes form, and the idea of the _trouvere_, Guillaume, -was lost and forgotten when his successor professed to carry it on. - -In passing from one to the other, the transition is like that from a -clear, cold, mountain stream to a turbid river, whose waters are -stained with factory refuse, and whose banks are lined with busy -towns. The mystic element suddenly disappears. Away from the woodland -and the mountains and among the haunts of men, it cannot live. The -idea of love becomes gross and vulgar. The fair, clear voice of the -poet grows thick and troubled; his gaze drops from the heavens to the -earth. It is no longer a _trouvere_ bent on developing a hidden -meaning, and wrapping mighty secrets of religious truth in a cold and -careful allegory; it is a man, eager and impetuous, alive to all the -troubles and sorrows of humanity, with a supreme contempt for love, -and for woman, the object of love, and a supreme carelessness for the -things that occupied the mind of his predecessor. We have said that -new characters were introduced. The boundaries of the old allegory -were, indeed, too narrow. Jean de Meung had to build, so to speak, the -walls of his own museum. It was to be a museum which should contain -all knowledge of the time; to hold miscellaneous collections of facts, -opinions, legends, and quotations, than which nothing can be more -bewildering, nothing more unmethodical, nothing more _bizarre_. - -As a poet he is superior, we think, to his predecessor, though -Guillaume de Lorris can only be reckoned as a second-rate versifier. -He is diffuse, apt to repeat himself, generally monotonous, and -sometimes obscure. His imagination is less vivid, and his style less -clear, than those of Guillaume de Lorris. Occasionally, however, -passages of beauty occur. The following, for example, diffuse as it -is, appears to us to possess some of the elements of real poetry. The -poet is describing a tempest followed by fair weather. Nature weeps at -the wrath of the winds:-- - - 'The air itself, in truth, appears - To weep for this in flooded tears. - The clouds such tender pity take, - Their very clothing they forsake: - And for the sorrow that they bear, - Put off the ornaments they wear. - - * * * * * - - 'So much they mourn, so much they weep, - Their grief and sorrow are so deep, - They make the rivers overflow, - And war against the meadows low: - Then is the season's promise crossed; - The bread made dear, the harvest lost, - And honest poor who live thereby, - Mourn hopes that only rose to die. - - * * * * * - - 'But when the end arrives at last, - And fair times come, and bad are passed; - When from the sky, displeased and pale, - Fair weather robs its rain and hail, - And when the clouds perceive once more - The thunder gone, the tempest o'er-- - Then they rejoice, too, as they may, - And to be comely, bright, and gay, - Put on their glorious robes anew, - Varied with every pleasant hue; - They hang their fleeces out to dry, - Carding and combing as they fly; - Then take to spinning, and their thread - Abroad through all the heavens spread, - With needles white and long, as though - Their feathery gauntlets they would sew-- - Harness their steeds, and mount and fly - O'er valleys deep and mountains high.' - -It is needless, after what has been said, to pursue any further the -story of the romance. There is not much lost by this omission, because -the work has really little or nothing to do with the allegory, and -might simply be called, 'The Opinions of Jean de Meung.' Our object is -to show what actually were the opinions of a scholar of liberal views -in the thirteenth century. - -They may be divided into four classes, foremost of which, in his own -mind, stands his hatred of monks. In religion he was not an infidel, -or even a heretic; he was simply in opposition. He writes, not against -sacerdotalism, but against the inversion of recognised order by the -vagabond friars. Order, indeed, he would insist upon as strenuously as -Hooker himself; but order he would subordinate to what he deems the -most essential thing, personal holiness. To decry, deride, and hurl -contempt on the monastic orders: to put into the strongest possible -words the inarticulate popular hatred of these was, we believe, his -leading thought when he began his book. - -His second idea was to make an angry, almost furious protest against -the extravagant respect paid to women, and an onslaught on their -follies and vices. It is very curious, and shows how little he was -trammelled by his allegory, that he fails altogether to see how -entirely out of place is such an attack in the 'Romance of the Rose.' - -He had two other principal ideas: one to communicate in the common -tongue as much science as the world could boast; and the other, to -circulate certain principles of vague socialism and hesitating -republicanism which were then beginning to take the place of those -religious speculations which occupied men's minds in the early part of -the century. - -Jean de Meung's was not the only book of the time which aimed at being -an encyclopaedia, but it was by far the best known and the most widely -_repandu_. There were written towards the close of the thirteenth -century certain collections called _tresors_, which were designed to -contain everything that was to be learned, _quicquid scibile_, in -mathematics, physics, astronomy, alchemy, music, speculative -philosophy, and theology. They were generally in verse; one of the -best of them being by a monk, called 'Mainfroi,' which professedly -contained the Arabic learning, borrowed from the Moors in Spain. -Probably Jean de Meung had access to this. Readers of old English -literature will also remember that dreariest of dreary books, Gower's -'Confessio Amantis,' into which the hapless student plunges without -hope, and emerges without profit, having found nothing but vapid -imitation, monotonous repetition, and somnolent platitudes. The -'Confessio' is a _tresor_, and designed to contain all the science of -the time. It is adapted, so far as the science goes, from a _tresor_ -called the _Secretum Secretorum_. - -Let us, then, gather some of the opinions of our author, classifying -them according to this fourfold division. It may be premised that the -division was not thought of by the poet, from whom, indeed, sequence -and method are not to be expected. - -Liberal thought, in the time of Jean de Meung, did not attack the -domain of doctrine, partly, perhaps, from an unwillingness to meet -the probable consequences of a charge of heresy; indeed, when doctrine -came in its way, it seems to have leaned in the direction of -orthodoxy. Thus we find Jean de Meung siding with Guillaume de St. -Amour in an attack on the 'Eternal Gospel,' that most extraordinary -book, ascribed to Joachim, Abbot of Flora,[54] which was intended to -have the same relation to Christianity which Christianity bears to -Judaism, to be at once its fulfilment and its abolition, which was to -inaugurate the third and last, the perfect age, that of the Holy -Spirit. The mendicants, an ignorant, credulous body, quite incapable -of appreciating cause or consequence of teaching, espoused the cause -of the book; Guillaume de St. Amour arraigned them, not only of the -ordinary vices attributed to them--vices entirely contrary to their -vows--but as preachers of doctrines pernicious, false, and heretical. -Probably Jean de Meung was actuated by _esprit de corps_, Guillaume de -St. Amour being a champion of the University of Paris, as well as by -hatred to the monks, and, in spite of his hard words, was not moved -strongly by any specially inimical feeling towards the book. Following -the instincts of his time, however, he flatly ascribes its authorship -to the Devil, the alleged author of so many theological books. -Partizanship in those days, as in ours, meant, to be effective, a -good, sound, honest hatred, and much command of language. In his -description of hell, Jean anticipates the realistic horrors of Dante. - - 'What guerdon,' he asks, 'can the wicked man look for, save - the cord which will hang him to the dolorous gibbet of - hell? There will he be rivetted with everlasting fetters - before the prince of devils; there will he be boiled in - cauldrons; roasted before and behind; set to revolve, like - Ixion, on cutting wheels turned by the paws of devils; - tormented with hunger and thirst, and mocked with fruit and - water, like Tantalus, or set to roll stones for ever up - hill, like Sysyphus.' - -One thing seems here worthy of remark. The place of punishment for the -wicked man, in the Middle Ages, was the torture-chamber of their own -criminal courts, intensified by imagination. Their punishment was -through the senses. Of mental agony they had no conception. Yet, -strangely enough, their heaven _was never a heaven of the senses_; and -it shows how deeply they were penetrated with the feeling of Christ's -holiness that while every temptation seemed set to make the mass -believe in a paradise like that of Mahomet, the heaven of Christendom -has always offered, as its chief charm, the worship and praise of a -present God. 'There, by the fountain of mercy,' says Jean de Meung, -'shall ye sit.' - - 'There shall ye taste that spring so fair; - (Bright are its waters, pure and clear), - And never more from death shall shrink, - If only of that fount you drink. - But ever still, untired, prolong - The days with worship, praise, and song.'[55] - -The poet reserves, however, his chief strength and the main exposition -of his views for his character of Faux Semblant--False seeming--the -hypocrite. There is a dramatic art of the very highest kind in the way -in which Faux Semblant draws and develops his own character, -pronounces, as it were, the apology of hypocrisy. His painting of the -vices of the mendicant orders cannot approach those of Walter de -Mapes, of Erasmus, and of Buchanan, in savage ferocity; but it is more -satirical and more subtly venomous than any of those, and has the -additional bitterness that it is spoken as from _within_ the body -which he attacks. The others, standing _outside_ the monastic orders, -point the finger of scorn at them. Jean de Meung makes one of -themselves, an unblushing priest, with a candour which almost belongs -to an approving conscience, with a chuckling self-complacency and an -entire unconsciousness of the contrast between his life and his -profession, which rises to the very first order of satirical writing, -depict his own life, and take credit for villanies which he takes care -to inform us are common to his order. He has been compared with Friar -John; but the animalism and lusty vigour of this holy man lead him to -a life of jovial sensuality through sheer ignorance; whereas Faux -Semblant, his conscience seared with a hot iron, sins against the -light. We may compare, too, the attacks made by Jean de Meung's -contemporaries and immediate successors. They never even attempt -satire.[56] It was an instrument whose use they could not comprehend. -Their line is invective, as when Rutebeuf says, in his straightforward -way-- - - 'Papelart et Beguin, - Ont le siecle honi.' - -or, as Eustache Deschamps attacks the pluralists-- - - 'Prestres et clers qui tenez vos monciaulx - De chapelles, vous autres curiaulx, - Des povres clers ayez compassion: - Repartez leur ces biens ecclesiaulx, - Afin que Dieu vous soit propiciaulx: - Vous les tenez a vo dampnacion.' - -Faux Semblant, in his sermon, or address, a small part only of which -we consider, begins by telling his hearers that he lives, by -preference, in obscurity, and may, therefore, chiefly be found where -this is most readily obtained, viz., under a religious habit. With the -habit, however, he does not put on the reality of religion. He -attaches himself to powerful patrons; he goes about preaching poverty, -but living on the best of everything; nothing can be more contrary to -his experience than that religion is to be found at all under the robe -of a monk; nor does it follow that men and women lead bad lives -because they wear a worldly garb; very many, indeed, of the saints -have been married, were parents of children, and men and women of the -world. - -He tells how he changes his habit from time to time; how, out of the -religious life, he 'takes the grain and leaves the straw;' how he -hears confession and grants absolution, as well as any parish priest; -but how, unlike the parish priest, he will hear the confessions only -of the rich, who can afford to pay; 'let me have the fat sheep, and -the pastors shall have the lean.' So with the poor; he will not help -any. - - 'Let dying beggars cry for aid, - Naked and cold on dunghill laid: - There stands the hospital, with door - Wide open to receive the poor. - Thither let all who please repair, - For help nor money can I spare: - No use for me to save their life: - _What can he give who sucks his knife?_' - -Now, with the rich it is different; and the mendicant, while he takes -the alms of those whose sins he has heard, may glow with conscious -virtue, reflecting that the rich are much more exposed to temptation, -and therefore, as a rule, more grievously weighed down with a sense of -guilt than the poor. When relief can be given, surely it should first -be bestowed on those who need it most. - -Mendicancy, Faux Semblant acknowledges with an engaging candour, is -only right when a man has not learned and cannot learn a trade. Monks, -according to the teaching of Saint Augustine, ought to earn their -bread by labour, and when we are commanded to give all to the poor, it -is not meant that we should take it back by begging, but that we -should work for our living. But the world, neglecting this among other -wholesome rules, has set itself to rob, plunder, and despoil, every -man trying to get whatever he can from his neighbour. As for himself, -his business, and that of his brethren, is to rob the robber: to spoil -the spoiler. - -The mendicants keep up their own power by union; if a man does one of -them an injury, they all conspire to effect his ruin: if one hates, -all hate: if one is refused, all are refused, and revenge is taken: if -any man is conspicuous for good deeds, they claim him as their own -disciple, and in order to get the praise of people and inspire -confidence, they ask, wherever they go, for letters which may testify -to their virtue, and make people believe that all goodness abounds in -them. - -He says that he leaves others to retire into hermitages and caves, -preferring to be called the Antichrist of robbers and hypocrites: he -proclaims himself a cheat, a rogue, a liar, and a thief: he boasts -that his father, Treachery, and himself rule in every realm, and that -in the security of a religious disguise, where no one is likely to -suspect him, he contrives various means to charm and deceive the -world. Set forth in this bold fashion, the discourse of Faux Semblant -loses all its dramatic force. It is fair, however, to state that this -is chiefly found in detached passages, and that the sermon is entirely -spoiled by the many digressions, notably that on the 'Eternal Gospel,' -which are found in it. Chaucer's rendering of this portion appears to -us to be far less happy than the rest of his work. - -Another long and very curious dissertation, into which there is no -space here to enter, is that on Predestination, where he arrives at -the conclusion that the doctrine must be accepted as a dogma in -Christian faith, but that it need not affect the Christian life-- - - 'For every man, except a fool, - May guide himself by virtue's rule.' - -A conclusion which seems almost to anticipate the conclusion arrived -at in the Article of the Church of England. - -The sum of Jean de Meung's religious teaching is to be found in the -sermon of Genius-- - - 'And, Lords and Ladies, this be sure, - That those who live good lives and pure; - Nor from their work and duty shrink, - Shall of this fountain freely drink.-- - - * * * * * - - To honour Nature never rest, - _By labour is she honoured best_; - If others goods are in your hands, - Restore them all--so God commands. - From murder let all men abstain; - Spotless keep hands, and mouth keep clean. - Be loyal and compassionate, - So shall ye pass the heavenly gate.' - -The one thing insisted on by Jean de Meung is the absolute necessity -of a pure life. A profound sense of the beauty of a pure life is, -indeed, the key-note to all mediaeval heresies and religious -excitements.[57] The uncleanness of the clergy was the most terrible -weapon wielded by the heresiarchs. Thus Peter de Brueys compelled -monks to marry. Henry the Deacon taught that the Church could exist -without priests. Tanchelin of Antwerp held that the validity of the -sacraments depended on the holiness of him who administered them. -Peter Waldo sent out his disciples two by two, to preach the -subversive doctrine that every virtuous man was his own priest; while -the _Cathari_ went gladly to the stake in defence of their principle -that absolute personal purity was the one thing acceptable to God. The -more ignorant the age, the wider is religious speculation; but in the -most ignorant ages, there rises up from time to time a figure with a -spiritual insight far beyond that of more learned times. Protestantism -in its noblest form has found nothing more sublime than this -conception of a Church where every good man is a priest; and there is -nothing in the history of religious thought more saddening than these -efforts of the people, ever hopeless, ever renewed, to protest against -dogma, creed, perfunctory and vicarious religion, and to proclaim a -religion of personal holiness alone. - -Let us turn to the second division. We find the book teeming with a -misogyny, bitter enough to make us believe that there must have been -some personal cause for it. 'What is love?' he asks. 'It is a _maladie -de pensee_--the dream of a sick fancy.... There is a far higher and -nobler thing in the friendship of men.' And it is after narrating the -stories of 'Penelope' and 'Lucretia,' that he puts into the mouth of -Jealousy the famous couplet-- - - 'Toutes estes, serez, ou fustes, - De faict ou de voulente, putes.' - -Of course it may be urged that these are the words of jealousy, and -not of the poet; but, unfortunately, there are so many indications of -the author's entire approval of the sentiment, that the plea is hardly -worth much. Take, for instance, the dramatic scene, when the wife -worms out her husband's secret; or that of the old woman's lesson to -Bel Accueil, where, as in the case of Faux Semblant, he puts woman's -condemnation in her own mouth. She teaches him the art of love almost -in Ovid's own words; she prefaces her lesson by a lament over the past -days of youth and beauty; her regrets are not for a life of sin and -deceit, but for the past bad days that can come no more. She is -steeped in wickedness and intrigue; she can see no happiness, except -in love and luxury. - - 'My days of gladness are no more; - Your joyous time is all before; - Hardly can I, through age and pain, - With staff and crutch, my knees sustain. - Almost a child, you hardly know - What thing you have to bear and do. - Yet, well I wot, the torch that all - Burns soon or late, on you will fall; - And in that fount where Venus brings - Her maidens, will you drench love's wings. - But ere you headlong enter, pause, - Listen to one who knows Love's laws. - Perilous are its waters clear; - He risks his life who plunges here - Without a guide. Who follows me - Safe and successful shall he be.' - -She tells of her vanished youth and all the pleasant follies of her -young days; how she threw away her affections on a scoundrel, who only -robbed and ill-treated her; how she wasted her money and neglected her -chances; how she grew old, and her old friends ceased to knock at her -door. - - 'But ah! my child, no one can know - Save him who feels the bitter woe, - What grief and dolour me befell - At losing what I loved so well. - The honeyed words, the soft caress, - The sweet delight, the sweet embrace; - The kisses sweet--so quickly sped, - The joyous time so quickly fled. - Fled! and I left alone to mourn. - Fled! never, never to return.' - -The whole passage is full of the truest touches of nature, and is -written with a _verve_ quite extraordinary. Villon has imitated it in -his ballad of the _Belle Heaulmiere_,-- - - 'Avis m'est que j'oy regretter - La belle qui fust Heaulmiere; - Soy jeune fille souhaiter - Et parler en ceste maniere. - - * * * * * - - Qu'est devenu ce front poly, - Ces cheveulx blonds, sourcils voultiz, - Grant entr'oeil, le regard joly, - Dont prenoye les plus subtils; - Ce beau nez ni grand ni petit; - Ces petites joinctes oreilles; - Menton fourchu, cler vis, traictiz - Et ces belles levres vermeilles?' - -And Beranger sings in the same key,-- - - 'Combien je regrette - Mon bras si dodu, - Ma jambe bien faite, - Et le temps perdu.' - -Jean de Meung's old woman is no more reformed than her successors. And -she tells Bel Accueil all that Ovid had to impart. - -It is quite possible that in putting an imitation of the 'Art of Love' -into the old woman's mouth, Jean de Meung catered to the lowest tastes -of the age, and courted a popularity from this part of his work which -he might not have obtained from the rest. The same sort of defence--no -defence at all, but another and a worse charge--has been set up in the -cases of Rabelais and Swift. All such offenders we are told, deferred -to popular opinion, and wrote what they inwardly disapproved. This -surely is worse. To be yourself so far depraved as to take delight in -things impure is bad; to deliberately lay yourself out to please -others with things impure is surely infinitely more wicked. It is -_possible_ that Jean de Meung, Rabelais, and Swift, did this; but we -do not think it probable. In the case of the poet whom we are now -considering, there seems every reason to believe that he had formed -the lowest possible ideas of love and women; that from the depths of a -corrupted morality, which permitted him the same pleasure in impurity -which the common herd of the vulgar and illiterate shared, he had -eager yearnings for that purity of life which alone as he felt and -preached, could bring one to taste of the heavenly spring. That a man -could at the same time grovel so low and look so high, that his gaze -upwards was so clear and bright, while his eyes were so often turned -earthward, is a singular phenomenon; but it is not a solitary one. -Other great men have been as degraded as they were exalted. Perhaps -when Christiana and her children saw that vision of the man with the -muck-rake, while the angel, unregarded, held the crown of glory over -his head, had they looked much longer, they might have seen him drop -his rake and gaze upwards, with streaming eyes, upon the proffered -glory. Jean de Meung was the man with the muck-rake who sometimes -looked upwards. - -The poet feels it necessary to apologize for his severity against the -sex. 'If,' he says, 'you see anything here against womankind, blame -not the poet.' - - 'All this was for instruction writ, - Here are no words of idle wit. - No jealousy inspired the song; - No hatred bears the lines along. - Bad are their hearts, if such there live, - Who villainie to women give. - Only, if aught your sense offend, - Think that to know yourself is good, - And that, with this intent, your friend, - I write what else might seem too rude.' - -He thinks it right, too, to make a sort of apology for the severity of -his attack on monks. - - 'I strung my bow: I bent it well; - And though no saint, the truth to tell - I let my random arrows fly, - In lowly town and cloister high. - For what cared I where'er they lit? - The folk that Christ called hypocrite, - Who here and there are always found, - Who keep their Lent the whole year round, - - * * * * * - - But feed on live men's flesh the while - With teeth of envy and of guile, - These were my mark; no other aim - Was mine except to blot their fame.' - -Let us pass to what is perhaps the most curious part of the book, and -the richest for the student of mediaeval ideas, that in which he gives -us his views on the growth and principles of society. Here are -advanced theories of an audacity and apparent originality which make -one curious to know how far they penetrated into the lower strata of -France; whether they were the speculations of a dreamer, or the tenets -of a school; whether there was any connection--it is more than -possible--between this kind of teaching and the frantic revolt of the -peasantry; whether, in fact, Jean de Meung was a prophet with a -following, or a visionary without disciples. Read, for instance, his -account, somewhat abridged, of the Golden Age:-- - - 'Once on a time, in those old years, - When lived our grandsires and forbears, - (Writers, by whom the tale we know, - And ancient legends, tell us so), - Love was loyal, and true, and good; - The folk was simple; the fare was rude; - They gathered the berries in forest and mead: - For all their meat and all their bread; - They wandered by valley and plain and mountain, - By river and forest and woodland fountain, - Plucking the chestnuts and sweet wild fruits, - Looking for acorns and rustic roots. - They rubbed together the ears of wheat; - They gathered the clustering grape to eat; - Rich fare they made when the forest bees - Filled with honey the hollow trees: - Water their drink; and the strong red wine - Was not yet pressed from the autumn vine. - - * * * * * - - 'When sleep came with the shades of night, - They spread no beds of down so light, - But stretched in their cabins on piles of hay, - Fresh gathered grass and leaves they lay. - Or slept without--when the air was mild-- - And summer winds were hushed and stilled; - When birds in the early morning grey - Awoke to welcome, each in his way, - The dawn that makes all hearts so gay. - In that glad time when the royal pair, - Flora--Queen of the flowers fair-- - And Zephyr, her mate, give timely birth - To flowers of spring, through all the earth. - - * * * * * - - ... 'such splendour give - That you might think the world would strive - With Heaven itself for glory--so bright, - So fair, so proud, with its flowers bedight. - Then in the woods they lay at ease, - Over their heads the branching trees-- - Lovers kissed, who lovers were, - And kissed again, and had no fear-- - Then they chaunted rounds and lays, - Joyously led their sports and plays: - A simple folk; they had no prayer-- - No fond ambition--nor other care - Then just to live a life of joy-- - And loyal love without annoy. - No king or prince was with them yet - To plunder and wrong, to ravish and fret; - There were no rich, there were no poor, - For no man yet kept his own store: - And well the saying old they knew-- - (Wise it is, and is proven true) - _Love and Lordship are two--not one_: - _They cannot abide together, nor mate_: - _Who wishes to join them is undone_, - _And who would unite will separate_.' - -Or, as Dryden, who certainly never read the 'Romance of the Rose,' -unless perhaps in Marot's edition, says:-- - - 'Love either finds equality, or makes it.' - -The end of the Golden Age--a thing not generally known--was -accelerated by Jason's voyage, the hero bringing home with him -treasures from _Outremer_: people begin to get ideas of property: they -amass wealth: they rob and fight for plunder: they go so far as _to -divide the land_. 'La propriete,' says Proudhon, 'c'est le vol.' - - 'Even the ground they parcelled out, - And placed the landmarks all about; - And over these, whene'er they met, - Fierce battle raged. What they could get, - They seized and snatched; and everywhere - The strongest got the biggest share. - - * * * * * - - So that at length, of plunder tired, - Needs must a guardian should be hired. - - * * * * * - - A sturdy peasant chose they then, - The mightiest of the sons of men; - Strongest in battle or in ring, - And him they chose to be their king.' - -Voltaire has exactly the same idea: - - 'Le premier roi fut un soldat heureux.' - -This is the origin of royalty. The growth of feudalism, of armies, -taxation, and division into classes is carefully traced from these -small beginnings. - -But he deduces the great law of charity and love for our neighbours. -Having this, we have everything; and wanting this, we get wars, -tyranny, and all the miseries of the world. - -What is the nature of true gentility? Lineage, he explains, has -nothing to do with it. None are gentle, but those whose virtues make -them so. Ancestors may leave their wealth behind them, but not the -qualities that made them great. Clerks have an advantage over -unlettered persons in knowing what is right. If they are coarse and -rude, they sin against greater light, and incur heavier punishment. - - 'Let him, who gentleman would be, - From sloth and idleness keep free; - In arms and study be employed, - And coarse rusticity avoid. - Let him, with humble, courteous grace, - Meet every class in every place; - Honour all women, wife or maid, - So that not too much trust be laid - In woman's faith. So may he steer, - Of this great danger wholly clear. - - * * * * * - - Know all that gentle blood may bring - No benefit, or anything, - Except what each man's worth may give. - Know, also, none of all that live - Can ask for honour, praise, or blame - By reason of another's name.' - -The idea, of course, is not new. It is found frequently enough in the -Greek and Latin literature. It occurs, we believe, for the first time -in the fragments of Epicharmus,-- - - [Greek: agathos d' aner - kan Aithiops kai doulos, eugenes ephy]. - -and afterwards it is found in Euripides, Horace, Juvenal--'Stemmata -quid faciunt?'--and, lastly, in Seneca. Doubtless, Jean de Meung took -it from Seneca. Once started anew, the idea, of course, became -popular, and poet after poet repeated it, until it became a mere -commonplace. But so far as we have been able to discover, Jean de -Meung gave it new life. - -A few words only, for our limits press, on the natural science taught -in the 'Romance of the Rose.' The poet, having got rid of this -indignation and wrath that lay at his soul anent the mendicant friars, -and the vices of women, wishes now, it seems, to sit down for a quiet -and comfortable disquisition on universal knowledge, including -alchemy, in which he is a firm believer; indeed, he wants to pass, in -a certain ballad of his, for an adept. This part takes the form of a -confession of Nature to her chaplain Genius (in which Power afterwards -copies him). The confession is long and wearisome, but it is curious -as being the earliest and fullest popular account of mediaeval science. - -He fancies Nature to be perpetually at work, fashioning creatures whom -Death continually tries to destroy. - - 'Nature, who fashions all that holds - The sky beneath its ample folds, - Within her forge meanwhile was found, - And at her work's eternal round,-- - Struck out new forms of every race, - Lest life should fail, and types should cease; - She made so many, that Death, who toiled - With heavy mace to kill, was foiled. - - * * * * * - - They fly to save themselves, where'er - Their fate may lead, or feet may bear; - Some to the Church and convent rule, - Some to the dance, some to the school; - Some to their merchandize are turned, - Some to the arts which they have learned. - - * * * * * - - Another, sworn by Holy Writ, - Puts on the cloak of hypocrite; - And, flying, would his thoughts conceal, - Did not his life the truth reveal. - So, shunning Death, do all men shape - Their diverse ways, his blows to 'scape.' - -The scientific discourse follows: observe the _good sense_ of many of -his remarks:-- - - 'God, having made the world out of nothing, having put all - things into their proper places, measured spaces, and - allotted courses, handed all over to Nature as his - _chambriere_. Whatever man can do--and his power is very - great--he cannot equal Nature, the inexhaustible and - untiring. By alchemy he can interchange metals; can restore - its pristine purity to everything; can turn quicksilver - into gold by subtle medicines; but he cannot change or - create species. This Nature alone is able to effect, - changing the complexions of things, so that they assume new - forms and become new substances; as when in thunderstorms, - stones fall from the clouds, where no stones ever were. - - 'The heavens turn every day, bearing with them the stars. - They go round from east to west, rejoicing the world. A - complete revolution is made every 26,000 years. - - 'The moon is different from the planets in being obscure in - some places and clear in others. The reason of this is, - that the sun can penetrate through one part of it, as - through glass; the dark part, on which is figured a serpent - having a tree on his back, reflecting the rays. - - 'In the centre is the sun, like a king. He it is who makes - the stars so bright that they serve as lamps of the night; - were we nearer to the sun we should be scorched; were we - farther away we should be frozen. - - 'The comets are not attached to the heavens, but fly about - in the air. They do not last long, and it is a mistake to - suppose that they portend disaster. For there is no man of - worth or power sufficient for the heavens to take notice of - him. - - Nor any prince of so great worth, - That signs from heaven should give to earth, - Notice of death for him alone: - Nor is his body--life once gone-- - Worth one jot more than simple squire, - Or clerk, or one who works for hire. - - 'Foolish people imagine, too, that stars fall like flying - dragons from the skies; and that eclipses are to be taken - as portents. Now, no one would be astonished at these - things who understood the causes of things. - - 'Every student ought to acquire a knowledge of optics, - which can be learned by the aid of geometry, from the books - of Aristotle, Albacen, and Hucayen. Here can be learned the - properties of mirrors; how they produce things which appear - miracles; make small things seem great--a grain of sand - like a mountain; and great things small--a mountain like a - grain of sand; how glasses can be used to burn things; how - straight lines can be made to look crooked, round things - oblong, upright things reversed; the phantoms which do not - exist appear to be moving about.' - -The book from beginning to end is as full of quotations as Burton. The -author quotes from Aristotle, Justinian, Horace, Seneca, St. -Augustine, Ovid, Cicero, Boethius, Lucan, Claudian, Suetonius, and he -has, probably through Cicero, some knowledge of Plato, but all this in -the wildest jumble, with no discrimination and no critical power -whatever. His range of reading was not by any means contemptible, and -though we know of no writer of his time who can compare with him in -this respect, it is evident that since one man had command of so many -books, other men must have enjoyed the same advantages. There is -reason to believe from Jean de Meung alone that acquaintance with -Latin literature was much more extended than is generally thought, and -that the scholarship of the time was by no means wholly confined to -scholastic disputation. - -Such, roughly sketched, is the work of Jean de Meung, from which we -have plucked some of the fruits that come readiest to our hand. If not -altogether an original or a profound thinker, he has at least the -merit of fearlessness. He taught the folk, in the most popular way -possible, great and valuable lessons. He told them that religion is a -thing apart from, and independent of, religious profession; that "la -robe ne faict pas le moyne;" he says that most of the saints, men and -women, were decent married people, that marriage is a laudable and -holy custom, that the wealth of monks is a mockery of their profession -and a perjury of their vows, that learned persons ought to set an -example, and what is sheer ignorance and brutality in others is rank -sin with them; he attacks superstition, showing that all phenomena -have natural causes, and have nothing to do with earthly events and -the fortunes of men, because men are equal in the sight of God; and he -teaches in terms as clear as any used by Carlyle, that labor is noble, -and in accordance with the conditions of our being--that man's welfare -is the end and aim of all earthly provision. - -All this is what used to be called the Dark Ages. After six hundred -years, the same questions exercise us which exercised Jean de Meung. -We are still disputing as to whether true nobility is inherited or -not; we have not all made up our minds about the holiness of marriage; -we still think the clergyman, because he wears a surplice, holier than -other men; work has been quite recently and with much solemnity -pronounced noble by a prophet who forgot, while he was about it, to -call it also respectable; men yet live who look upon scientific men -with horror, and quote with fine infelicity, a text of St. Paul's -about 'science falsely so called;' while the lesson of personal -holiness has to be preached again and again, and is generally -forgotten in the war over vestments and creeds. - -Jean de Meung wished, as it seems to us, to write a book for the -people, to answer their questions, to warn them of dangers before -them, to instruct their ignorance. On the sapless trunk of a dying and -passionless allegory he grafts a living branch which shall bear fruit -in the years to come. His poem breathes indeed. Its pulses beat with a -warm human life. Its sympathies are with all mankind. The poet has a -tear for the poor naked beggars dying on dung-heaps and in the -Hotel-Dieu, and a lash of scorpions for the Levite who goes by on the -other side; he teaches the loveliness of friendship; he catches the -wordless complaint of the poor, and gives it utterance: he speaks with -a scorn which Voltaire only has equalled, and a revolutionary -fearlessness surpassing that of D'Alembert or Diderot. - -And much more than this. It seems to us that his book--absolutely the -only cheerful book of the time--afforded hope that things were not -permanent: evil times may change; times have not been always evil: -there was once a Golden Age: the troubles of the present are due, not -to the innate badness of Nature and the universal unfitness of things, -but to certain definite and ascertainable causes. Now to discover the -cause is to go some way towards curing the disease. - -In that uneasy time, strange questions and doubts perplexed men's -minds--questions of religion and politics, affecting the very -foundations of society. They asked themselves _why_ things were so; -and looking about in the dim twilight of dawning knowledge they could -find as yet no answer. There was no rest in the Church or in the -State, and the mind of France--which was the mind of Europe--was -gravitating to a social and religious democracy. An hour before the -dawn, you may hear the birds of the forest twitter in their sleep: -they dream of the day. Europe at the close of the thirteenth century -was dreaming of the glorious Renaissance, the dawn of the second great -day of civilization. Jean de Meung answered the questions of the times -with a clearness and accuracy which satisfied if it did not entirely -explain. Five generations passed away before the full burst of light, -and he taught them all, with that geniality that is his greatest -charm. His book lasted because, confused and without art as it is, it -is full of life and cheerfulness and hope. Not one of the poets of his -own time had his lightness of heart: despondency and dejection weigh -down every one: they alternate between a monotonous song to a mistress -or a complaint for France; and to Jean de Meung they are as the -wood-pigeon to the nightingale. They all borrowed from him, or studied -him. Charles of Orleans, Villon, Clement Marot, Rabelais, La Fontaine, -Regnier, Moliere, Beranger, all come down from him in direct line, his -literary children and grandchildren. And in Jean de Meung, to make an -end, is the first manifestation of the true spirit of French -literature--the _esprit Gaulois_--the legacy, they tell us, of the -ancient Gaul. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[51] Milman's Hist. of Latin Christianity, vol. iv. p. 407 - -[52] He died about 1308, at the age of one hundred. A selection from -his satires is to be found in Raynouard's collection of Provencal -literature. - -[53] Among these, the most formidable, at one time, was the great -order of Knights Templars--_Ecclesia super Ecclesiam_. - -[54] See _Revue des Deux Mondes_, 1866, vol. 64. - -[55] Cf. also Richard of Hampole-- - - 'Ther is lyf withoute ony deth, - - * * * * * - - Ae yatte the most sovereign joye of alle - Is the sight of Goddes bright face, - In whom resteth all manere grace.' - -[56] It may be objected that 'La Bible Guyot' was a satire on the -times. But this curious book is, so far as it deals with the Church, a -querulous complaint of certain indignities and privations suffered by -the author, chiefly in the way of eating and drinking. 'The Abbot,' he -says, 'gets the meat and the clear wine; the monks get beans and muddy -wine. And they are obliged to be "roaring and bellowing" all night -long, so that they can get no sleep.' A monk, whose chief complaint is -the frequency of church services and the rigorous mortification of the -flesh, can hardly be called a satirist. - -[57] It was, among others, the cause of that most singular movement, -the Crusade of Children. Friar Nicholas preached that by reason of the -rapacity and lust of the soldiers, the Holy Land would never be -conquered, but that, were the children to invade it, the arms of the -infidels would drop powerless from their hands. Acting on this belief, -hundreds of children started from Germany and France, in the belief -that the Mediterranean would be dried up for them to pass. Seven -shiploads were kidnapped and sold for slaves in Alexandria, several -thousands perished; only a few found their way back. The story is told -by M. Capefigue in a note to Michault's 'Histoire des Crusades.' - - - - -ART. V.--_Letters and Letter Writing._ - -_Gossip about Letters and Letter Writers._ By GEORGE SETON, Advocate. -Edinburgh. 1870. - - -We all of us know well, and to our cost, that we can make no -improvement in the management of our affairs, no change for the better -in the arrangements, economical and ethical, of our modes of life and -action without some attendant trial, trouble, or loss coming ever like -a shadow in its train. It is, therefore, not a cause for wonder that -some spirit of evil has cast its shadow in the wake of the -introduction of the penny post, and the still later changes in the -direction of cheapness in the newspaper press. A feeling of regret -arises in our minds that with their introduction the good -old-fashioned long and newsy letter of bygone days has been almost -crushed out of existence. Letter writing is becoming a lost art, and -no correspondence is now carried on as in the olden time; for no one -now lives 'a life of letter writing' as Walpole said he did. The -reason of this is not far to seek, for the hurry and bustle of life -has become too great to allow of anything but the passing thought -being committed to paper, and each writer finds it to be useless to -tell news to a correspondent who has already learned what has happened -from the same source as himself. It is now frequently a shorter -operation to call upon your friend and talk with him than to write him -a long letter; but it is a happy thing for us of this day that this -was not always the case, for the letters of the past which we possess -form one of the most charming branches of our lighter literature. - -The value of communication between persons in distant places was -appreciated in very early times; and we find Job exclaiming, 'Now my -days are swifter than a post.' In the days of Hezekiah 'the posts went -with the letters from the king and his princes throughout all Israel -and Judah,' and Ahasuerus sent letters into every province of his -empire by 'the posts that rode upon mules and camels,' and were -'hastened and pressed on by the king's commandment,' to inform his -subjects that it was his imperial will that every man should bear rule -in his own house. Various modes of communication other than writing -have at different times been in use, such as numerically marked or -notched pieces of wood, and the many-coloured cords, regularly -knotted, which were called _quipus_ by the Peruvians. Herodotus tells -us of a cruel practice resorted to, in order to convey secret -intelligence with safety. The head of a trusty messenger was shaved, -and certain writings were impressed upon his skull. After his hair had -grown sufficiently long for the purposes of concealment he was sent on -his mission, and on arriving at his destination was again shaved, in -order that the writing might be revealed. When the Spaniards visited -America they found the postal communication in Mexico and Peru to be -carried out on a most perfect system; and we learn that the couriers -of the Aztecs wore a differently coloured dress, according as they -brought good or bad tidings. - -The establishment of a postal system in England is chiefly due to the -sagacity of Richard III., who commanded the expedition against the -Scots, in his brother Edward's reign. During this time, as it was -necessary for the king and his government to know how the war was -carried on, stages of about twenty miles each were established upon -the North road. When Richard came to the throne he did not allow this -system to fall into abeyance. Henry VIII. instituted the office of -'Master of the Postes,' and from his time to the present the Post -Office has increased in importance year by year. Henry Bishop was -appointed Postmaster-General at the Restoration, on his entering into -a contract to pay to Government the annual sum of L21,500. In Queen -Anne's reign the revenue of the Post Office had risen to L60,000; in -1761 it reached L142,000; in 1800 L745,000; in 1813 L1,414,224, and is -now between four and five millions sterling. - -Much of this great increase in the revenue is owing to the various -improvements that have been introduced; and most of these have come -from without, and have been opposed by the officials. John Palmer had -great difficulty in obtaining the adoption of his scheme of mail -coaches, and Sir Rowland Hill battled for many years for his penny -postage. Thomas Waghorn, the hero of the Overland Route, was -originally a pilot in the service of the Hon. East India Company, and -came to England with a letter of introduction from the Governor-General -to the chairman of the Company. The chairman cared nothing for his -scheme, and told him to return to his duties in India, saying that the -East India Company were quite satisfied with the postal communication -as conducted _via_ the Cape of Good Hope. Waghorn left the room, -disgusted with his reception, and wrote the following laconic note in -the hall:-- - - 'To John Harvey Astell, Esq., M.P., Chairman of the Hon. - East India Company. - - 'SIR,--I this day resign my employment as a pilot in the - Hon. East India Company's Bengal Marine Service, and have - the honour to remain, your obedient servant, - - 'THOMAS WAGHORN.' - -With the ink scarcely dry he rushed into the august presence, and -delivering his letter, said, 'There, sir, is my resignation of my -position in the Company's service, and I tell you, John Harvey Astell, -Esq., member of Parliament, and chairman of the Hon. East India -Company, that I will stuff the Overland Route down your throat before -you are two years older.'[58] - -It was very long before the present enlightened views of cheap postage -took root in the official mind, and in a tract, entitled 'England's -Wants,' reprinted in 'Somers's Tracts' (vol. ix. p. 219), letters are -among the objects proposed for taxation. When the cost of postage was -high the receiver expected to get his money's worth in a long letter, -but various tricks were often resorted to in order to save this cost, -and blank letters, with a cipher on the outside, were sometimes sent, -and refused by the persons to whom they were directed, because they -had learnt from the exterior all that they wanted to know. Another -trick discovers an ingenious mode of getting letters free. A shrewd -countryman, learning that there was a letter for him at the post -office, called for it, but confessing that he could not read, -requested the postmaster to open it, and let him know the contents. -When he had obtained all the information he required, he politely -thanked the official for his kindness, and drily observed, 'When I -have some change I will come and take it.' The doctrine of the -inviolability of letters is held by all persons of honour, and Cicero -asks 'who at all influenced by good habits and feelings has ever -allowed himself to resent an affront or injury by exposing to others -any letters received from the offending person during their -intercourse of friendship?' Nevertheless, all Governments have -reserved to themselves the right of opening, in time of emergency, the -letters that pass through their hands. The great Falkland would not -countenance any such dishonourable doctrine, and Lord Clarendon says -of him, 'One thing Lord Falkland could never bring himself to, while -Secretary of State, and that was the liberty of opening letters upon -suspicion that they might contain matter of dangerous consequence, -which he thought such a violation of the law of nature that no -qualification of office could justify him in the trespass.' In late -years Sir James Graham incurred much public odium, for allowing the -letters of Mazzini to be opened as they passed through the English -post. - -The history of literature presents us with many specimens of beautiful -letters, and of continued correspondence of a high order. The French, -more especially, excel in this charming department of the _belles -lettres_, and can claim a De Sevigne and a Du Deffand; while we too -can boast of the possession of Walpole, Gray, and Cowper among the -men, and of Lady Russell and Lady Mary Montagu among the ladies. Good -letters should be like good conversation, easy and unrestrained, for -fine writing is as out of place in the one as fine talk is in the -other. Pope did not understand this, and his early letters are showy -and unnatural, full of rhetorical flourishes on trivialities. He was -in the habit of keeping rough copies of his own letters, and sometimes -repeated the same letter to different persons, as in the case of the -two lovers killed by lightning, an account of which he sent to the two -sisters Martha and Theresa Blount. His letters, therefore, are of -little more interest than those of Katherine Phillips, the matchless -Orinda, to her grave Poliarchus (Sir Charles Cottrel). Dr. Sprat, in -his life of Cowley, makes some judicious remarks upon this subject, -but draws the conclusion that familiar letters should not be published -to the world. - - 'There was (he says), one kind of prose wherein Mr. Cowley - was excellent; and that is his letters to his private - friends. In those he always expressed the native tenderness - and innocent gaiety of his mind. I think, sir, you and I - have the greatest collection of this sort. But I know you - agree with me that nothing of this sort should be - published; and herein you have always consented to approve - of the modest judgment of our countrymen above the practice - of some of our neighbours, and chiefly of the French. I - make no manner of question but the English at this time are - infinitely improved in this way above the skill of former - ages. Yet they have been always judiciously sparing in - printing such composures, while some other witty nations - have tried all their presses and readers with them. The - truth is, the letters that pass between particular friends, - if they are written as they ought to be, can scarce ever be - fit to see the light. They should not consist of fulsome - compliments, or tedious politics, or elaborate elegancies, - or general fancies, but they should have a native clearness - and shortness, a domestical plainness, and a peculiar kind - of familiarity which can only affect the humour of those - for whom they were intended. The very same passages which - make writings of this nature delightful among friends will - lose all manner of taste when they come to be read by those - that are indifferent. In such letters the souls of men - should appear undressed; and in that negligent habit they - may be fit to be seen by one or two in a chamber, but not - to go abroad in the street.' - -The letters of Scott, Byron, Southey, and Burns--all thoroughly -different in style--keep up the character of the moderns, and show -that they understood the secret of the art. - -Letter-writing has a special charm for shy, retiring men, because they -are able to exhibit upon paper the feelings and emotions about which -they could not speak. Some men seem able to think only when a pen is -in their hands; though others, in the same situation, seem to lose all -their ideas. Johnson said of the industrious Dr. Birch, 'Tom Birch is -as brisk as a bee in conversation, but no sooner does he take a pen in -his hand than it becomes a torpedo to him and benumbs all his -faculties.' Dr. French Lawrence was an instance of the exact reverse, -for Fox made him put on paper what he wanted to relate, saying, 'I -love to read your writing, but I hate to hear you talk.' - -Sir James Mackintosh was a great admirer of Madame de Sevigne, and we -find in his works the following admirable remarks on the proper tone -for polite conversation and familiar letters. We doubt whether it -would be possible to find juster or finer thoughts on this subject, -expressed in more elegant language:-- - - 'When a woman of feeling, fancy, and accomplishment has - learned to converse with ease and grace, from long - intercourse with the most polished society, and when she - writes as she speaks, she must write letters as they ought - to be written, if she has acquired just as much habitual - correctness as is reconcilable with the air of negligence. - A moment of enthusiasm, a burst of feeling, a flash of - eloquence may be allowed, but the intercourse of society, - either in conversation or in letters, allows no more. - Though interdicted from the long continued use of elevated - language, they are not without a resource. There is a part - of language which is disdained by the pedant or the - declaimer, and which both if they knew its difficulty would - dread; it is formed of the most familiar phrases and turns - in daily use by the generality of men, and is full of - energy and vivacity, bearing upon it the mark of those keen - feelings and strong passions from which it springs. It is - the employment of such phrases which produces what may be - called colloquial eloquence. Conversation and letters may - be thus raised to any degree of animation without departing - from their character. Anything may be said, if it be spoken - in the tone of society; the highest guests are welcome, if - they come in the easy undress of the club; the strongest - metaphor appears without violence, if it is familiarly - expressed; and we the more easily catch the warmest - feeling, if we perceive that it is intentionally lowered in - expression out of condescension to our calmer temper. It - is thus that harangues and declamations, the last proof of - bad taste and bad manners in conversation, are avoided, - while the fancy and the heart find the means of pouring - forth all their stores. To meet this despised part of - language in a polished dress, and producing all the effects - of wit and eloquence, is a constant source of agreeable - surprise. This is increased when a few bolder and higher - words are happily wrought into the texture of this familiar - eloquence. To find what seems so unlike author-craft in a - book, raises the pleasing astonishment to the highest - degree. I once thought of illustrating my notions by - numerous examples from "La Sevigne." I must some day or - other do so, though I think it the resource of a bungler, - who is not enough master of language to convey his - conceptions into the minds of others. The style of Madame - de Sevigne is evidently copied, not only by her worshipper, - Walpole, but even by Gray, who, notwithstanding the - extraordinary merits of his matter, has the double - stiffness of an imitator and of a college recluse. Letters - must not be on a subject. Lady Mary Wortley's letters on - her journey to Constantinople are an admirable book of - travels, but they are not letters. A meeting to discuss a - question of science is not conversation; nor are papers - written to another, to inform or discuss, letters. - Conversation is relaxation not business, and must never - appear to be occupation, nor must letters. Judging from my - own mind, I am satisfied of the falsehood of the common - notion that these letters owe their principal interest to - the anecdotes of the court of Louis XIV. A very small part - of the letters consist of such anecdotes. Those who read - them with this idea must complain of too much Grignan. I - may now own that I was a little tired during the two first - volumes. I was not quite charmed and bewitched till the - middle of the collection, where there are fewer anecdotes - of the great and famous. I felt that the fascination grew - as I became a member of the Sevigne family; it arose from - the history of the immortal mother and the adored daughter, - and it increased as I knew them in more detail; just as my - tears in the dying chamber of Clarissa depend on my having - so often drank tea with her in those early volumes, which - are so audaciously called dull by the profane vulgar. I do - not pretend to say that they do not owe some secondary - interest to the illustrious age in which they were written; - but this depends merely on its tendency to heighten the - dignity of the heroine, and to make us take a warmer - concern in persons who were the friends of those celebrated - men and women, who are familiar to us from our childhood.' - -A French writer has said, 'les marins ecrivent mal;' but the gallant -admiral, Lord Collingwood, whose correspondence was published in 1828, -was a brilliant exception to this rash assertion. The following -letter, addressed to the Honourable Miss Collingwood, is dated July -1809, and shows that its writer, in the midst of his manifold duties -as a sailor, found time to direct the education of his children. - - 'I received your letter, my dearest child, and it made me - very happy to find that you and dear Mary are well, and - taking pains with your education. The greatest pleasure I - have amidst my toils and troubles is in the expectation - which I entertain of finding you improved in knowledge, and - that the understanding which it has pleased God to give you - both has been cultivated with care and assiduity. Your - future happiness and respectability in the world depend on - the diligence with which you apply to the attainment of - knowledge at this period of your life, and I hope that no - negligence of our own will be a bar to your progress. When - I write to you, my beloved child, so much interested am I - that you should be amiable and worthy the esteem of good - and wise people, that I cannot forbear to second and - enforce the instruction which you receive by admonition of - my own, pointing out to you the great advantages that will - result from a temperate conduct and sweetness of manner to - all people, on all occasions. It does not follow that you - are to coincide and agree in opinion with every ill-judging - person; but after showing them your reason for dissenting - from their opinion, your argument and opposition to it - should not be tinctured by anything offensive. Never forget - for one moment that you are a gentlewoman, and all your - words and all your actions should mark you gentle. I never - knew your mother--your dear, your good mother--say a harsh - or hasty thing to any person in my life. Endeavour to - imitate her. I am quick and hasty in my temper, my - sensibility is touched sometimes with a trifle, and my - expression of it sudden as gunpowder; but, my darling, it - is a misfortune which, not having been sufficiently - restrained in my youth, has caused me much pain. It has, - indeed, given me more trouble to subdue this natural - impetuosity than anything I ever undertook. I believe that - you are both mild; but if you ever feel in your little - breasts that you inherit a particle of your father's - infirmity, restrain it, and quit the subject that has - caused it until your serenity be recovered. So much for - mind and manners; next for accomplishments. No sportsman - ever hits a partridge without aiming at it, and skill is - acquired by repeated attempts. It is the same thing in - every art; unless you aim at perfection you will never - attain it, but frequent attempts will make it easy. Never, - therefore, do anything with indifference. Whether it be to - mend a rent in your garment or finish the most delicate - piece of art, endeavour to do it as perfectly as it is - possible. When you write a letter give it to your greatest - care, that it may be as perfect in all its parts as you can - make it. Let the subject be sense, expressed in the most - plain, intelligible, and elegant manner that you are - capable of. If in a familiar epistle you should be playful - and jocular, guard carefully that your wit be not sharp, so - as to give pain to any person; and before you write a - sentence examine it, even the words of which it is - composed, that there be nothing vulgar or inelegant in - them. Remember, my dear, that your letter is the picture of - your brains; and those whose brains are a compound of - folly, nonsense, and impertinence are to blame to exhibit - them to the contempt of the world, or the pity of their - friends. To write a letter with negligence, without proper - stops, with crooked lines and great flourishing dashes, is - inelegant. It argues either great ignorance of what is - proper, or great indifference towards the person to whom it - is addressed, and is consequently disrespectful. It makes - no amends to add an apology for having scrawled a sheet of - paper, for bad pens, for you should mend them; or want of - time, for nothing is more important to you, or to which - your time can be more properly devoted. I think I can know - the character of a lady pretty nearly by her handwriting. - The dashers are all impudent, however they may conceal it - from themselves or others; and the scribblers flatter - themselves with the vain hope that, as their letter cannot - be read, it may be mistaken for sense. I am very anxious to - come to England; for I have lately been unwell. The - greatest happiness which I expect there is to find that my - dear girls have been assiduous in their learning. May God - Almighty bless you, my beloved little Sarah, and sweet Mary - too.' - -Having seen from the foregoing extracts the principles that should -govern the composition of familiar letters, we shall be better able to -judge of the merits or demerits of the specimens that follow; and we -will take this opportunity of saying that we have preferred to choose -our examples from little known sources, rather than from such -well-known volumes as the correspondences of Walpole, Gray, or Cowper. -The celebrated Mrs. Elizabeth Carter was much troubled by one of her -most intimate and early friends always writing to her in terms of -great respect. In order to show her correspondent the absurdity of her -conduct, and to obtain an easier kind of intercommunication, she wrote -the following letter:-- - - 'Nov. 29, 1742. - - 'To MISS ---- - - 'It is with the utmost diffidence, dear Miss ----, that I - venture to do myself the high honour of writing to you, - when I consider my own nothingness and utter incapacity of - doing any one thing upon earth. Indeed, I cannot help - wondering at my own assurance in daring to expose my - unworthy performance to your accurate criticisms, which to - be sure I should never have presumed to do if I had not - thought it necessary to pay my duty to you, which, with the - greatest humility, I beg you to accept. Unless I had as - many tongues in my head as there are grains of dust betwixt - this place and Canterbury, it is impossible for me to - express the millionth part of the obligations I have to - you; but people can do no more than they can, and therefore - I must content myself with assuring you that I am, with - the sublimest veneration, and most profound humility, - - 'Your most devoted, - 'Obsequious, - 'Respectful, - 'Obedient, - 'Obliged, - 'And dutiful, - 'Humble servant, - - 'E. CARTER. - - 'I know you have an extreme good knack at writing - respectful letters; but I shall die with envy if you outdo - this.' - -Aaron Hill expresses in elegant words what many have felt when they -have received a letter from one who was separated from them by time -and space:-- - - 'Letters from absent friends extinguish fear, - Unite division, and draw distance near; - Their magic force each silent wish conveys, - And wafts embodied thought a thousand ways. - Could souls to bodies write, death's power were mean, - For minds could then meet minds with heaven between.' - -James Howell, who has left us a most amusing collection of letters, -and therefore may be allowed to speak with some authority, says -'familiar letters may be called the 'larum bells of love;' and he puts -the same idea into the form of a distich, thus-- - - 'As keys do open chests, - So letters open brests.' - -Unfortunately all the letters in the _Epistolae Ho-elianae_ are not -genuine, but were written when Howell was confined in the Fleet -prison, and were made up in order to supply their author with money -for his necessities. - -To Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, has been given the credit of the -invention of letterwriting, but her claim is easily disposed of, as we -have specimens of written communications very long before her time. -The earliest letter of which we have any record is that written by -David to Joab, directing him to place Uriah in the front of the -battle. There are several classical stories, that bear a likeness to -this, of persons who carried letters, in which their own execution was -desired; thus Homer tells the story of Bellerophon, who himself bore -the sealed tablets that demanded his death. In later Jewish History we -learn from the Bible that Queen Jezebel wrote letters in Ahab's name, -and sealed them with his seal, and sent them to the elders and nobles. - -Cicero was one of the earliest to bring the art to perfection, and his -letters exhibit most of the graces of which it is capable. Seneca and -the younger Pliny were also amongst the masters in the art. When we -consider the inconvenient and perishable medium that the Romans had to -content themselves with, we cannot but feel surprise at the number of -letters that were written, and the large proportion that has come down -to us. Thin wooden tablets, coated over with wax, were used and -fastened together with a crossed thread. The knotted ends were sealed -with wax, and as the letters were usually written by a confidential -slave (the _librarius_), the seal was the only guaranty of -genuineness. Sometimes ivory or parchment tablets were used, and an -elevated border was probably added, in order to prevent rubbing. The -want of a system of posts was not felt among the Romans, as most -families possessed _tabellarii_, or special slaves, whose duty it was -to convey letters to their destination. - -It was the practice with the Romans to place the names of both the -writer and his correspondent at the commencement of the letter, as -'Paul, an apostle of Jesus Christ, unto Timothy, my own son in the -faith;' and the ending usually consisted of the word _vale_, or _ave_, -or _salve_. The dates were scrupulously added, and sometimes the very -hours were mentioned. This method of the Romans might well be imitated -by us, for we often find an old letter rendered of little value by the -omission of a date. A bad habit that some writers indulge in is to use -the name of the day of the week, instead of the day of the month and -year. - -Amongst ourselves, etiquette once placed her stern hands upon -correspondence, and laid down rules of how a letter was to be written. -Among persons pretending to any fashion it was considered proper to -use fine gilt paper, sealed with a coat of arms. Ladies used tinted -paper with borders, and sealed their letters with coloured and -perfumed wax. In town it was not the fashion to send letters or notes -through the post, nor to put the address upon the envelope, for no one -could be supposed to be ignorant of the abode of so distinguished a -person as Lady Arabella Smith. The circle of fashionable life, -however, has been so much enlarged and encroached upon, that most -people now are forced to acknowledge their ignorance on such points. -If we imagine that we should groan under these restrictions, what -should we think of the etiquette enjoined in the East? There -correspondence is carried on with many degrees of refinement. Letters -are written by some accomplished scribe, on beautiful paper, and the -sender's mark is placed in a particular position, according to the -recognised status of his correspondent. The letter is folded by rule, -and a florid superscription is added, such as, 'Let this come under -the consideration of the benefactor of his friends, the distinguished -in the State, the renowned, the lion in battle, on whom be peace from -the Most High.' The following are two amusing specimens of the untrue -complaisance common in Chinese correspondence:-- - - 'To a Friend who has lately left another. - - 'Ten days have elapsed since I had the privilege of - listening to your able instructions. Ere I was aware, I - found my heart filled and choked with noxious weeds. - Perhaps I shall have to thank you for favouring me with an - epistle, in which I know your words will flow, limpid as - the streams of pure water: then shall I instantly see the - nature of things, and have my heart opened to understand.' - - 'To a Friend at a distance. - - 'I am removed from your splendid virtues. I stand looking - towards you with anxious expectation. There is nothing for - me, but toiling along a dusty road. To receive your advice, - as well as pay my respects, are both out of my power. In - sleep my spirit dreams of you; it induces a kind of - intoxication. I consider my virtuous brother a happy man, - eminent and adorned with all rectitude. You are determined - in your good purposes, and rejoice in the path of reason. - You are always and increasingly happy. On this account I am - rejoiced and consoled more than can be expressed.' - -We are not now so distant as formerly in the commencement of our -letters, and use more friendly openings (such as 'Dear Sir,' 'My dear -Sir') than our fathers did. 'Sir,' alone, was once nearly universal, -but is now usually considered cold. Even Howell, who was most -inventive in his endings, usually commences with _Sir_, although once -he breaks forth with 'Hail! half of my soul.' Such beginnings as -'Right worshipful Father,' 'Good Sir,' 'Honoured Sir,' 'Respected -Sir,' are quite out of date, but many writers adopt a variety in their -commencements, and do not always follow the beaten track; thus the -great Chatham wrote to his wife, 'Be of cheer, noble love.' In modern -letters we miss the use of some of the quaint and loving expressions -of former days, such a one, for instance, as the good old word -'heart,' for is there not always a charm about an old letter beginning -with the words 'Dear Heart?' - -The ending of a letter requires some taste, and many find it as -difficult to close one gracefully as to finish conversation and leave -a room with ease. The 'I remain' requires to be led up to, and not to -be added to the letter without connection. There is a large gamut of -choice for endings, from the official 'Your obedient servant,' and -high and mighty 'Your humble servant,' to the friendly 'Yours truly,' -'Yours sincerely,' and 'Yours affectionately.' Some persons vary the -form, and slightly intensify the expression by placing the word -'yours' last, as 'Faithfully yours.' James Howell used a great variety -of endings, such as 'Yours inviolably,' 'Yours intirely,' 'Your intire -friend,' 'Yours verily and invariably,' 'Yours really,' 'Yours in no -vulgar way of friendship,' 'Yours to dispose of,' 'Yours while J. H.,' -'Yours! Yours! Yours!' Walpole writes--'Yours very much,''Yours most -cordially,' and to Hannah More, in 1789, 'Yours more and more.' Mr. -Bright some years ago ended a controversial letter in the following -biting terms, 'I am, sir, with whatever respect is due to you.' The -old Board of Commissioners of the Navy used a form of subscription -very different from the ordinary official one. It was their habit to -subscribe their letters (even letters of reproof) to such officers as -were not of noble families or bore titles, 'Your affectionate -friends.' It is said that this practice was discontinued in -consequence of a distinguished captain adding to his letter to the -Board, 'Your affectionate friend.' He was thereupon desired to -discontinue the expression, when he replied, 'I am, gentlemen, no -longer your affectionate friend.' The expression was supposed to have -been adopted from James Duke of York, who, when Lord High Admiral, -always so subscribed his official letters; but we have found a letter -from the Navy Office to the Officers of the Ordnance, dated '9th May, -1653,' which is subscribed 'Your very loveing ffrends.' The position -of the writer's name was once a matter of consequence in Europe, as it -is now in the East, and this appears from the following curious -directions in Angel Day's 'English Secretary' (1599). - - 'And now to the subscriptions, the diversities whereof are - (as best they may be allotted in sense) to either of these - to bee placed, forwarned alwaies unto the unskilfull - herein, that, writing to anie person of account, by howe - much the more excellent hee is in calling from him in whose - behalfe the Letter is framed, by so much the lower shall - the subscription thereunto belonging in any wise be placed. - - 'And if the state of honour of him to whome the Letter - shall be directed doe require so much, the verie lowest - margent of paper shall do no more but beare it, so bee it - the space bee seemelie for the name, and the room faire - inough to comprehend it.' - -We now come to the consideration of directions, and here a certain -etiquette still lingers, as many who have no claim to any title are -dignified by the addition of the meaningless &c., &c., &c. A friend of -the once celebrated agriculturist, Sir John Sinclair, amusingly -ridiculed the fancy that some men have for seeing a number of letters -of the alphabet after their names, by directing his letter to 'Sir -John Sinclair, A.M., F.R.S., T.U.V.W.X.Y.Z.' Besides the name of the -person to whom the letter was sent, it was formerly the custom to -write on the outside of a letter various directions to its bearer: -thus a letter of the Earl of Hertford afterwards the Protector -Somerset, to Sir William Paget, upon the death of Henry VIII., was -addressed 'Haste, Post Haste, Haste with all diligence, For thy life! -For thy life!' - -As long as letters have been written, the inadvertent misdirecting of -them must have been a constant source of trouble and annoyance. In -James I.'s reign a lover sent a letter intended for his mistress to an -obdurate father, and his letter renouncing her to the lady. When he -found out the dreadful mistake he had committed life became -insupportable to him, and he threw himself upon his sword. Swift sent -a love-letter to a bishop, and the letter intended for the bishop to -the lady. - -The celebrated civilian, Dr. Dale, was fortunate in the success of his -expedient of purposely misdirecting his letters. When he was employed -on a diplomatic mission to Flanders he was much pressed for money, and -in a packet to the Secretary of State he sent two letters, one for -Queen Elizabeth and the other for his wife, which he misdirected, so -that the letter for his wife was addressed _to her most excellent -Majesty_, and that for the Queen _to his dear wife_. The Queen was -surprised to find her letter beginning 'Sweetheart,' and concluding -with a request to her to be very economical, as the writer could send -her nothing because he was very short of money, and could not think of -trespassing on the bounty of Her Majesty any further. Dale was -successful in his stratagem, as an immediate supply of money was sent -to him and to his family. - -There are three peculiarities in letter-writing that ladies indulge -in, viz., crossing, postscripts, and the underlining of words. -Disraeli makes Henrietta Temple advise her lover to cross his letters, -and states her reasons as follows:-- - - 'I shall never find the slightest difficulty in making it - out, if your letters were crossed a thousand times. - Besides, dear love, to tell the truth, I should rather like - to experience a little difficulty in reading your letters, - for I read them so often, over and over again, till I get - them by heart, and it is such a delight every now and then - to find out some new expression that escaped me in the - first fever of perusal; and then it is sure to be some - darling word fonder than all the rest.' - -Few men cross their writing, but many of them indulge in the luxury of -a postscript, and some even when they have closed their letters think -of a last word, and write it on the envelope. It is said that the -underlining of words is a confession of weakness in the writer, -because if he had used the best possible word he would not need to -give it extra force by the mere mechanical contrivance of underscoring -it with a pen. - -Letters written in the third person are a constant snare to some -people and usually lead to confusion. This form can only be used with -safety in very short letters. - -Frequently, a short note contains more pith than a longer letter, and -Politian's letter to his friend well exemplifies this: 'I was very -sorry, and am very glad, because thou wast sick, and that thou art -whole. Farewell.' One of the most spirited letters ever written, was -that sent by Ann, Countess of Dorset, to Sir Joseph Williamson, -Secretary of State in Charles the Second's reign, when he wrote to her -to choose a courtier as member for Appleby:-- - - 'I have been bullied by an usurper, I have been ill-treated - by a court, but I won't be dictated to by a subject. Your - man shall not stand. - - ANN DORSET, - Pembroke and Montgomery.' - -The following note from one Highlander to another is very pointed and -witty:-- - - 'MY DEAR GLENGARY,--As soon as you can prove yourself to be - my chief I shall be ready to acknowledge you. In the - meantime, - - 'I am _yours_, MACDONALD.' - -Charles Lamb being tickled by the oddity of Haydon's address, sent him -the following reply to an invitation:-- - - 'My Dear Haydon,--I will come with pleasure to 22, Lisson - Grove North, at Rossi's, half-way up, right hand side, if I - can find it. - - 'Yours, C. LAMB. - - '20, Russel Court, - 'Covent Garden East, - 'Half-way up, next the corner, - 'Left hand side.' - -Ignorant people when they manage to write a letter are usually very -proud of their performance, and this is illustrated by a very good -story in the Countess Spencer's 'East and West.' A lady proposed to -Mrs. Law, a poor woman in St. Peter's Home, Kilburn, that she should -write to Lady E., who had been very kind to her. She had some doubts -at first, but they passed away, and she dictated a letter which is -given, and the narrator adds:-- - - 'Having finished it to her evident pride, I offered to read - it to her; but I had hardly got down the first page when - she became so deeply affected by her own eloquence, that - she began to cry and rock herself backwards and forwards. I - persevered, and when I had read the last word, paused, not - knowing what to say to this unexpected grief. Mrs. Law put - down her handkerchief, and shaking her head very seriously, - said, "Well, now, that _is_ a lovely letter! It's a great - denial to me that I can't write, or I'd send plenty like - it."' - -It is usually supposed that writing comes natural to all, but we are -often led to agree with Sheridan, that 'easy writing is cursed hard -reading,' and the highest art is often required to be thoroughly -natural. The Irish hodman, however, managed to express in a fine -confused way his inner feeling, that he himself was little better than -a machine:-- - - 'DEAR PAT,--Come over here and earn your money: there is - nothing for you to do but to carry the bricks up a ladder, - for there is a man at the top who takes them from you and - does all the work.' - -Excuses of hurry, with expressions of fear lest the post should be -lost, and such endings as 'yours in haste,' should seldom be indulged -in, as they partake somewhat of the character of a slight to the -receiver. The letters of ladies are usually more natural and -unconstrained than those of men, and these are great merits, for the -real man or woman should be seen in the letter. Locke says:-- - - 'The writing of letters enters so much into all the - occasions of life, that no gentleman can avoid showing - himself in compositions of this kind. Occurrences will - daily force him to make use of his pen, which lays open his - breeding, his sense, and his abilities to a severer - examination than any oral discourse.' - -The deficiency of ordinary people in the art has long been felt, and -complete letter-writers have been compiled to supply the want. Sir -Henry Ellis has pointed out that manuals of epistolary composition, -both in French and English, of the early part of the fifteenth -century, exist in manuscript. The 'English Secretary,' published in -1599, is perhaps the earliest work on the subject in print. The -voluminous author, Jervis Markham, brought out in 1618 a guide, with -the following title: 'Conceited Letters: or a most excellent Bundle of -New Wit, wherein is knit up together all the perfections of the art of -Epistoling.' The booksellers, Rivington and Osborne, applied to Samuel -Richardson to write for them a volume of letters in a simple style, -on subjects that might serve as models for the use of those who had -not the talent of inditing for themselves. While employed in composing -some letters for the benefit of girls going out to service, the idea -of 'Pamela' came into Richardson's head, and the subsequent success of -that novel caused him to continue the mode of telling his stories by -letters, which he had there adopted. - -In entering upon the consideration of special classes of letters, we -will take love letters first. This is a style of literature of which -the outer public have few opportunities of judging, and doubtless it -is one that is not fitted for rigid examination. Those love-letters -that we read in the reports of breach-of-promise cases are usually -beneath contempt: they are often unreal, and make us sick with -references to Venus and Cupid, goddesses and nymphs, and many other -absurdities. There are, however, existing some interesting letters of -the reckless Earl of Rochester to his wife, which exhibit him in a new -and pleasing character. The following breathes a tender consideration -to which few are able to rise:-- - - 'I kiss my deare wife a thousand times, as farr as - imagination and wish will give mee leave. Thinke upon mee - as long as it is pleasant and convenient for you to doe - soe, and afterwards forget me; for though I would fain make - you the author and foundation of my happiness, yet I would - not bee the cause of your constraint or disturbance, for I - love not myself soe much as I doe you, neither doe I value - my owne satisfaction equally as I doe yours. - - Farewell, ROCHESTER.' - -As Sterne was making love to women throughout his entire life, we -suppose he may be considered as an authority on how a love-letter -should be written, and here is a specimen of his style:-- - - 'MY DEAR KITTY,--If this billet catches you in bed, you are - a lazy, sleepy slut, and I am a giddy, foolish, unthinking - fellow for keeping you so late up--but this Sabbath is a - day of rest; at the same time that it is a day of sorrow, - for I shall not see my dear creature to-day, unless you - meet me at Taylor's, half-an-hour after twelve; but in this - do as you like. I have ordered Matthew to turn thief and - steal you a quart of honey--what is honey to the sweetness - of thee, who art sweeter than all the flowers it comes - from! I love you to distraction, Kitty, and will love you - on so to eternity. So adieu, and believe, what time will - only prove me, that I am, - Yours.' - -Sir Richard Steele had for his second wife a woman who was difficult -to please, and the collection of his letters to her give us a curious -insight into his domestic life. They are mostly short, but filled -with excuses. The following are three of them:-- - - 'DEAREST BEING ON EARTH,--Pardon me if you do not see me - till eleven o'clock; having met a school-fellow from India, - by whom I am to be informed in things this night which - immediately concern your obedient husband.' - - 'MY DEAR DEAR WIFE,--I write to let you know I do not come - home to dinner, being obliged to attend some business - abroad, of which I shall give you an account (when I see - you in the evening), as becomes your dutiful and obedient - husband.' - - 'DEAR PRUE,--I have partly succeeded in my business to-day, - and I inclose two guineas as earnest of more. Dear Prue, I - cannot come home to dinner. I languish after your welfare, - and will never be a moment careless more. - 'Your faithful husband.' - -These are natural and real; but let us look into 'The Enemy of -Idleness,' 1621, and see there what the author thought a lover should -write to his mistress:-- - - 'A Lover writeth unto his Lady. - - 'To expresse unto thee (my deere) the inward griefes, the - secret sorrowes, the pinching paines, that my poore - oppressed heart pitifully endureth, my pen is altogether - unable. For even as thy excellent vertue, beautie, - comelines, and curtesie farre surmounteth in my conceipt - that of all other humane creatures, so my pitious passions - both day and night are no whit inferiour, but farre above - all those of any other worldly wight. So excell not thy - giftes, but as much exceede my griefes. Therefore (my - sweete) vouchsafe of thy soveraigne clemencie to graunt - some speedie remedie unto the grievous anguishes of my - heavie heart; detract no time, but wey with thy selfe, the - sicker that the patient is--the more deadly that his - disease is deemed--so much the more speede ought the - physitian to make--so much the sooner ought he to provide - and minister the medicine, least comming too late his - labour be lost. But what painefull patient is hee that - sustaineth so troublesome a state as I, poore soule, doe, - except thou vouchsafe to pittie me? For the partie patient - being discomforted at thy handes can have recourse unto - none, but still languishing must looke for a lothsome - death. Consider, therefore, my deare, the extremitie of my - case, and let not cancred cruelty corrupt so many golden - gifts, but as thy beauty and comelinesse of body is, so set - thy humanity also and clemency of minde. Draw not (as the - proverb saith) a leaden sword out of a golden scabberd. And - thus hoping to have some speedy comfort at thy handes, upon - that hope I repose mee till further opportunity.' - -The fair fame of Mrs. Piozzi (Dr. Johnson's Mrs. Thrale) has been -injured by an attempt to represent her as in love with a young actor -in her old age and some letters of hers to William Augustus Conway -were published a few years ago as the 'Love Letters of Mrs. Piozzi.' -In 1862 the original correspondence was placed in the hands of the -editor of the _Athenaeum_, and in an article in that journal her -character is vindicated, and the letters are proved to have been -garbled in order to infer a sexual love. Mrs. Piozzi formed an -intimate friendship with Mrs. Rudd, Conway's mother, and the two -ladies passed much of their time together, consulting how to help the -young actor. Conway was in love with a young lady who jilted him, and -Mrs. Piozzi tried to comfort him. In consideration of all her kindness -he calls her 'his more than mother,' and she calls him 'her youngest -adopted child.' The following is one of Mrs. Piozzi's letters to -Conway:-- - - 'You have been a luckless wight, my admirable friend, but - amends will one day be made to you, even in _this_ world; I - know, I feel it will. Dear Piozzi considered himself as - cruelly treated, and so he was by his own friends, as the - world perversely calls our relations, who shut their door - in _his_ face because his love of music led him to face the - public eye and ear. He was brought up to the Church; but, - 'Ah! Gabriel,' said his uncle, 'thou wilt never get nearer - the altar than the organ-loft.' His disinclination to - celibacy, however, kept him from the black gown, and their - ill-humour drove him to Paris and London, where he was the - first tenor singer who had L50 a night for two songs. And - Queen Marie Antoinette gave him a hundred louis-d'or with - her own fair hand for singing a buffo song over and over - again one evening, till she learned it. Her cruel death - half broke his tender heart. You will not wait, as he did, - for fortune and for fame. We were both of us past - thirty-five years old when we first met in _society_ at Dr. - Burney's (grandfather to Mrs. Bourdois and her sisters), - where I coldly confessed his uncommon beauty and talents; - but my heart was not at home. Mr. Thrale's broken health - and complicated affairs demanded and possessed all my - attention, and vainly did my future husband endeavour to - attract my attention. So runs the world away.' - -Among the letters quoted in the _Athenaeum_ is the following amusing -one:-- - - 'While there was so much talk about the town concerning - maladministration, some of the Streatham coterie, in a - quibbling humour, professed themselves weary of - _male_-administration, as they pronounced it emphatically, - and proposing a _fe_male one, called on Dr. Johnson to - arrange it. "Well then," said he "we will have - - Carter for Archbishop of Canterbury. - Montague, First Lord of the Treasury. - Hon. Sophia Byron, Head of the Admiralty. - Heralds' Office under care of Miss Owen. - Manager of the House of Commons, Mrs. Crewe. - Mrs. Wedderburne, Lord Chancellor. - Mrs. Wallace, Attorney-General. - Preceptor to the Princes, Mrs. Chapone. - Poet Laureate, Hannah More." - - "And no place for _me_, Dr. Johnson?" cried your friend. - "No, no; you will get into Parliament by your little silver - tongue, and then rise by your own merit." "And what shall I - do?" exclaims Fanny Burney. "Oh, we shall send you out for - a _spy_, and perhaps you will get _hanged_. Ha, ha, ha!" - with a loud laugh.' - -Having thus noted what may be said about love, let us turn to the -opposite feeling, and see what may be written under the influence of -hate. - - 'Ungracious offspring of hellish brood, whome heavens - permit for a plague, and the earth nourisheth as a peculiar - mischiefe, monster of mankinde and devourer of men, what - may I tearme thee? With what illsounding titles maie I - raise myselfe upon thee? Thou scorne of the world, and not - scorne but worldes foule disdaine, and enemie of all - humaine condition, shall thy villanies scape for ever - unpunished? Will the earth yet support thee, the clouds - shadow thee, or the aire breath on thee? What lawes be - these, if at leastwise such may be tearmed lawes, whereout - so vile a wretch hathe so manie evasions? But shalt thou - longer live to become the vexation and griefe of men? No; - for I protest, though the lawes doe faile thee, myselfe - will not overslip thee. I, I am hee that will plague thee; - thou shalt not scape me. I will be revenged of thee. Thinke - not thy injuryes are so easie that they are of all to bee - supported; for no sooner shall that partched, withered - carkasse of thine sende foorth thy hatefull and abhorred - lookes into anie publicke shew, but mine eyes shall watch - thee and I will not leave thee till I have prosequuted that - which I have intended towardes thee, most unworthie as thou - art to breath amongst men, which art hated and become - lothsome even in the verie bowels and thoughtes of men. - Triumph, then, in thy mischiefes, and boast that thou hast - undone mee and a number of others, whom with farre lesse - despight thou hast forced to bende unto thee; and when by - due deserte I shall have payed what I have promised thee, - vaunt then (in God's name) of thy winnings. For my - part--but I will saie no more, let the end trie all. Live - wretchedlie and die villainouslie, as thou hast deserved, - whome heavens hencefoorth doe shunne, and the world denieth - longer to looke upon.' - -This is the model that Angel Day, in his 'English Secretary' (1590), -thinks suitable for 'a hot enraged spirit' to write to his adversary. - -Most persons at some time in their lives are called upon to write -letters of condolence, but it is usually found to be a difficult task. -However well the writer may succeed, he must feel how inadequate words -are to give relief to a troubled spirit, and it is only insomuch as he -shows his own heart and sympathy that he is successful in his -attempt. When Alexander Lindsay, Earl of Balcarres, died, a few months -before the Restoration, Charles II., who was then at Bruxelles, wrote -the following kindly letter to the widow, Lady Anna Mackenzie:-- - - 'Madame,--I hope you are so well persuaded of my kindness - to you as to believe that there can no misfortune happen to - you and I not have my share in it. I assure you I am - troubled at the loss you have had; and I hope that God will - be pleased to put me into such a condition before it be - long, as I may let you see the care I intend to have of you - and your children, and that you may depend upon my being - very truly, madame, - 'Your affectionate, CHARLES R.' - -Letters of thanks are frequently difficult things to write well, as it -is a hard matter to appear grateful for the present of something that -we do not want. Talleyrand made a practice of instantly acknowledging -the receipt of books sent to him; for he could then express the -pleasure he expected to enjoy in reading the volume, but if he delayed -he thought it would be necessary to give an opinion, and that might -sometimes be embarrassing. A celebrated botanist used to return thanks -somewhat in the following form:--'I have received your book, and shall -lose no time in reading it.' The unfortunate author might put his own -construction on this rather ambiguous language. When Southey published -his 'Doctor' anonymously, he gave directions to his publishers to send -all letters directed for the author to Theodore Hook, and the -following letter from Southey himself was found among Hook's papers:-- - - 'SIR,--I have to thank you for a copy of the "Doctor," &c., - bearing my name imprinted in rubrick letters on the reverse - of the title-page. That I should be gratified by this - flattering and unusual distinction you have rightly - supposed; and that the book itself would amuse me by its - wit, tickle me by its humour, and afford me gratification - of a higher kind in its serious parts, is what you cannot - have doubted. Whether my thanks for this curiosity in - literature will go to the veteran in literature,[59] who of - all living men is the most versed, both in curious and fine - letters; whether they will cross the Alps to an old - incognito,[60] who has the stores of Italian poetry at - command; whether they will find the author in London,[61] - surrounded with treasures of ancient and modern art, in an - abode as elegant as his own volumes; or wheresoever the - roving shaft which is sure to reach its mark may light, the - personage, be he friend, acquaintance or stranger, to whose - hands it comes is assured that his volumes have been - perused with great pleasure by his obliged and obedient - servant, - - 'ROBERT SOUTHEY.' - -One of the most elegant letters of thanks we have met with is now -before us. It was written by Lord Lytton soon after the publication of -his 'Zanoni.' - - 'DEAR SIR,--I am extremely pleased and flattered by the - attention with which you have read, and the marks of - approval with which you have honoured, "Zanoni." Allow me - to wish to yourself a similar compliment from some reader - as courteous and as accomplished as yourself, you will then - judge of the gratification you have afforded to your very - truly obliged, - E. B. LYTTON.' - -Begging letters are hardly a branch of literature, although great -ingenuity is frequently exhibited in their composition; but a -sufficient number of them can be seen in the 'Mendicity Society's -Reports.' W. F., the author of the 'Enemy of Idlenesse,' 1621, gives -the following directions how to ask a favour:-- - - 'As concerning the manner how to demand temporall things, - as a booke, a horse, or such like, the letter must be - divided into foure partes. First, wee must get the goodwill - of him to whome wee write by praising his liberality, and - specially of the power and authority that hee hath to grant - the thing that hee is demanded. Secondly, wee must declare - our demand and request to bee honest and necessary, and - without the which wee cannot atchieve our determinate end - and purpose. Thirdly, that the request is easie to be - granted considering his ability, and that in a most - difficult thing his liberality is ordinarily expressed. - Fourthly, to promise recompence; as thankes, service, &c.' - -Some men have very obdurate hearts, and will not be moved by any such -language. Jeffrey had a form of refusal which must have been very -tantalizing to his correspondents. He managed to bring the sentence 'I -have much pleasure in subscribing' to the end of the first page, and -then added, on the opposite side, 'myself, yours faithfully, F. -Jeffrey.' - -Charles Lamb wrote upon books that are not books, or those that 'no -gentleman's library should be without.' In the same way there are -letters that are not letters, and of such are the political letters of -Junius, Pascal's 'Provincial Letters,' Swift's 'Drapier's Letters,' -and all essays, disquisitions, and satires which are merely thrown -into the epistolary form. Some historical letters are in the same -category; because, although the letters of such men as Cromwell, -Marlborough, Nelson, Franklin, Washington, and Wellington must always -interest us, we read them more for the matter that is in them than -for the form in which they are thrown. The following letter from the -Princess Mary (afterwards Queen of England) to the wife of the -Protector Somerset, is an exception to the above rule, and exhibits -its writer in an amiable light, as interceding for two poor servants -who were formerly attached to her mother's household, and who had -fallen into poverty:-- - - 'To my Lady of Somerset. - - 'My good Gossip,--After my very hearty commendations to - you, with like desire to hear of the amendment and increase - of your good health, these shall be to put you in - remembrance of mine old suit concerning Richard Wood, who - was my mother's servant when you were one of her Grace's - maids; and as you know by his supplication, hath sustained - great loss, almost to his utter undoing, without any - recompense for the same hitherto; which forced me to - trouble you with this suit before this time, whereof (I - thank you) I had a very good answer; desiring you now to - renew the same matter to my lord your husband, for I - consider that it is in manner impossible for him to - remember all such matters, having such a heap of business - as he hath. Wherefore, I heartily require you to go forward - in this suit till you have brought it to an honest end, for - the poor man is not able to lye long in the city. And thus - my good Nan, I trouble you both with myself and all mine, - thanking you with all my heart for your earnest gentleness - towards me in all my suits hitherto, reckoning myself out - of doubt of the continuance of the same. Wherefore, once - again I must trouble you with my poor George Brickhouse, - who was an officer of my brother's wardrobe of the beds, - from the time of the king my father's coronation; whose - only desire it is to be one of the knights of Windsor if - all the rooms be not filled, and if they be, to have the - next reversion; in the obtaining whereof, in mine opinion - you shall do a charitable deed, as knoweth Almighty God, - who send you good health, and us shortly to meet, to his - pleasure. From St. John's, this Sunday at afternoon, being - the 24th of April. - - 'Your loving friend during my life, - 'MARYE.'[62] - -The duchess to whom the above letter was written was very haughty, and -held her head higher than the Queen-dowager, who had married the -Protector's brother, Lord Seymour of Sudeley, the Lord High Admiral. -Lloyd says, 'Very great were the animosities betwixt their wives, the -duchess refusing to bear the queen's train, and in effect justled her -for precedence, so that between the train of the queen and long gown -of the duchess they raised so much dust at court as at last to put out -the eyes of both their husbands.' - -Men of position and fame must often groan under the affliction of -letters and other applications that are constantly besetting them. Sir -Walter Scott was frequently victimized in this way, and once he was so -unfortunate as to have to pay L5 postage for a large packet from New -York, which contained a MS. play, by a young lady, intended for his -perusal, and accompanied with a request that he would read and correct -it, write a prologue and epilogue for it, procure it a good reception -from the manager of Drury Lane, and make Murray or Constable bleed -handsomely for the copyright. A fortnight after he received another -packet, for which he paid the same amount, which contained a second -copy of the 'Cherokee Indians,' with a letter from the authoress -stating, that as the winds had been boisterous she feared the first -packet had foundered. - -The managers of theatres are peculiarly troubled with applications -that they are unable to accede to, and authors often think that those -who do not rate their productions as highly as they do themselves must -be actuated by unworthy motives. The following letter from F. Yates -exhibits some of a manager's troubles:-- - - 'MY DEAR SIR,--I this moment have received your letter, - which has given me more pain than I can describe to you. I - do assure you that, from the little I have known of you, - you are the last man in the world whose feelings I would - wound. Your note came to me yesterday at rehearsal; I - answered it, enclosing two orders, stating that I could not - afford more, and explained myself in the following manner - about "Love at Home," viz:--That, as there was no chance of - our being able to produce such a piece for some time, I - thought it better to return it to you, or words to that - effect. This note I put in the person's hands who gave me - yours; who it was I can't recollect. You know what last - rehearsals are to a manager sitting at the prompter's - table. This morning, when I was in bed, the servant came - with your card, and in answer to your note I could only - fancy you wanted your piece, and desired her to wrap it up - and give it the messenger. I confess I should have seen to - its being properly enveloped, but you can make excuse for a - fatigued man, who hears of nothing but manuscripts from - morning to night. I am most anxious that you should acquit - me, and believe me with truth to be yours, - 'With much esteem, - 'FRED. YATES.' - -Managers are not the only persons who are troubled by the application -of authors, and the following letter from Liston (dated 1833) shows us -how he refused to perform an unpleasant task:-- - - 'SIR,--The repeated annoyances I have been subjected to, by - undertaking to read pieces at the desire of authors and - managers, have determined me to avoid for the future so - unpleasant a task, and I therefore trust you will not take - offence, if, in pursuance of that determination, I feel - myself compelled to decline a compliance with your request. - Mme. Vestris will, I have no doubt, pay every attention to - your production should you feel disposed to entrust it to - her, and in the event of my having a character assigned me - you may be satisfied that I will do my duty, both to you - and to the theatre. I would have answered you earlier, but - I have not had five minutes at my own disposal for the last - three weeks.' - -Besides the trouble of reading new plays, managers have to bear with -the offended dignity of the actors. The following irate letter of -Elliston (Charles Lamb's Elliston) shows what they have occasionally -to put up with:-- - - 'SIR,--Your information respecting the "School for - Scandal," which I received last night, is happily imagined - to fill up the measure of disrespect which seems to have - been studiously offered to me since I have been in the new - Drury Lane Theatre. You cannot be ignorant that I have - always played the part of "Charles" with the Drury Lane - company, and Mr. Arnold, when I met him on Kew Bridge - previous to the opening of Drury Lane, and when it was in - contemplation to open the new theatre with Mr. Sheridan's - brilliant play, distinctly told me in answer to a question - I put to him, that I should be expected to play "Charles." - Under these circumstances I cannot but conceive the cool - mode in which I am asked, without request, to be ready for - the eldest brother, to be an insult. To oblige the - committee and to serve the interests of the concern, I - think I have already sufficiently manifested [my desire] by - the acceptance of a very inferior part in the tragedy, and - by my suppression of complaint where complaint was almost - peremptorily called for; but there are bounds beyond which - it would be contemptible for patience to show itself; I - enter, therefore, a decided protest against this your last - proceeding, and expect that for the future it may - constitute a part of yours and Mr. Arnold's management to - show me a little more good manners than your natures have - hitherto permitted.' - -Although a great number of letters have been printed, there must be an -immense mass of unprinted ones that ought to see the light, and would -add much to our information. We should like to see all the known -correspondence of the world overhauled, re-arranged, and extracted -under heads. By this means we should gain new views of the characters -of men, and the high and dry description of action would be -supplemented by vivid touches of feeling that would breathe life into -the dry bones of history. Some such scheme as this was hinted at by -Dr. Maitland, in his work on the 'Dark Ages.' - -We must now, however, bring our subject to a close, ere we have -exhausted the patience of our readers; but we do so with reluctance, -for the number of letters that we should like to quote are numberless. -We think that there is a peculiar pleasure in being taken into the -confidence of the great ones of the earth, of those who are great by -birth, by genius, and by worth; and we can imagine few greater -literary treats than to turn over a well-arranged collection of -autograph letters, which have been selected for the interest of their -contents as well as for the celebrity of the writers. We feel suddenly -taken out of ourselves and transplanted into a brilliant society, and -we rise with the feeling that our list of acquaintances and friends -has been enlarged by some of the best and greatest that have walked -the earth. We have only left ourselves room to say a few words on Mr. -Seton's book, but those words must be in its praise. The author has -succeeded in putting together some very interesting and amusing essays -on 'Letters and Letter-writers;' but as the subject is a large one, -and the illustrations for it are peculiarly rich, we have preferred to -make a selection of our own instead of using those that Mr. Seton has -collected. - -In conclusion, we cannot but express the pride we feel in the belief -that our countrymen and countrywomen have added so many charming -chapters to this branch of the great literature of the world: chapters -that will bear comparison with those produced by the writers of any -other country. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[58] 'Mark Boyd's Reminiscences of Fifty Years.' - -[59] Disraeli. - -[60] Mathias. - -[61] Rogers. - -[62] Tytler's 'England under Edward VI. and Mary,' 1839, vol. i., p. -48. - - - - -ART. VI.--_Wesley and Wesleyanism_. - -(1.) _The Life and Times of the Rev. John Wesley, M.A., Founder of the -Methodists_. By the Rev. L. TYERMAN. 3 vols. Hodder and Stoughton. - -(2.) _The Life and Times of the Rev. Samuel Wesley, M.A., Rector of -Epworth, and Father of the Rev. John and Charles Wesley_. By the Rev. -L. TYERMAN. Simpkin and Marshall. - -(3.) _John Wesley and the Evangelical Reaction of the Eighteenth -Century_. By JULIA WEDGEWOOD. Macmillan and Co. - -(4.) _The Poetical Works of John and Charles Wesley_. Vols. I.--XI. -Methodist Book Room. - -(5.) _John Wesley's Place in Church History_. Bell and Daldy. - -(6.) _Wesley and Methodism_. By ISAAC TAYLOR. Bell and Daldy. - -(7.) _John Wesley: His Life and His Work_. By the Rev. M. LELIEVRE. -Translated from the French by the Rev. A. J. FRENCH, B.A. Wesleyan -Conference Office. - -(8.) _John Wesley; or, the Theology of Conscience_, By the author of -the 'Philosophy of Evangelicism.' Bell and Daldy. - - -Protestantism has never shown any especial pride in its hagiology, it -does not treasure very highly the lives of its saints; yet it has an -illustrious succession of eminent and noble men--great by endurance -and self-denial, by the majesty and multiplicity of their labours, by -the fervent enthusiasm of their character, and by their exalted -intercourse with divine truths and things. Among the most eminent of -these lives, great by its endowments and virtues, transcendent by -incessant and immeasurable activity, extraordinary by its protracted -period of service, stands that of John Wesley, mild and modest, but -conspicuous and renowned, alike in the Old World and the New. Shall we -be doing a needless thing if we devote some pages to an attempt at an -estimate of the man, his ideas, his work, and his influence? First, -the man. Pleasant, it has been said, is the task to trace up to their -mountain source the streams which, broadening into great rivers, -descend to run among the hills and water the valleys; to drink at the -fountain-head, where perhaps all seems bleak and drear, compared with -the fertility through which the river wanders below; thus, also, it is -pleasant to trace some great benevolent flood of influence and thought -back to its obscure fountain, its unlikely, perhaps unsuspected, -spring. Thus also it is that in the kitchen of a poorly furnished -Lincolnshire parsonage, in its atmosphere of poverty and piety, -Methodism really had its origin; the early life of its founder was -lightened by its special providences, his sense of wonder was excited -by its supernatural voices, his frame was nourished by its hard -discipline. Such was the cradle and the early aliment of John Wesley; -and the first element in Methodism is the quality and character of the -man. - -Even at this day, Epworth is a quiet old village town, lying on the -windy side of a Lincolnshire upland; no railway has, we believe, -disturbed its solitary stillness, and the rest of its inhabitants is -unbroken by the shrill whistle of the locomotive. We may figure to -ourselves its loneliness a hundred and seventy years since, when in -its old parsonage John Wesley's eyes first opened to the light. Samuel -Wesley, his father, was the rector of the little village; quite a -notable man to us, and by no means an obscure man in his day. Epworth, -considering those times, was not a poor living, it was worth L200 a -year; it is now worth nearly L1,000; but excellent and admirable man -as he appears to have been, the old rector was usually in debts and -difficulties. Perhaps even Goldsmith's typical clergyman would not -have 'passed rich with L40 a year,' if, in addition to that wealth, he -had found his quiver filled by nineteen children; although we know -wonderful Robert Walker became a rich man, kept out of debt and -danger, and accumulated a fortune in his incumbency of Seathwait on an -annual income of L10! Few well-authenticated stories are more romantic -than that of Epworth parsonage; among old houses it has a -distinguished pre-eminence. Both the pastor and his wife were -extraordinary people: on both sides their ancestors were remarkable, -and they in turn became parents of an offspring, marvellous not merely -in number, but in the singular versatility of their genius. The old -rector was one of the stupendous scholars, of whom there were so many -in the lone and obscure retreats of village life in that age; one of -those men who, patiently trimming the midnight lamp, or kindling it -before the earliest glow of the summer's sunbeam, thought or wrote -with equal facility in Hebrew, Greek, or Latin, and published their -works in huge quartos or folios. Of him probably we should now know -nothing, but for the work of his remarkable children. Yet he was -himself a huge folio of a man, a poet, too, in virtue of a -considerable power of conception, fertility of illustration, and -melody of expression; those queer old volumes, the 'Athenian Oracle,' -which are a choice amusement and recreation for the bookworm, received -large contributions, and on the most curious subjects, from his pen: -he possessed a nimble wit, and his posthumous work on Job is said to -contain--for it has never fallen in our way--a vast wealth of -scholarship. Susannah Wesley, his wife, was at once a saint and a -scholar, far more equal to the discussion of many knotty matters in -divinity than some of the bishops of that day; and she also had an -intense concern for the souls of the parishioners round about her. The -household of that parsonage vividly reflects that old twilight time. -Twice the rectory was consumed by fire: it was supposed to be the work -of incendiaries, for the rector was very unpopular, and the story has -often been told in prose and in painting, how, on one of these -occasions, the infant John nearly perished in the flames, how he was -rescued, and how the brave rector knelt with his children on the -village green, exclaiming, 'Come, neighbours, let us kneel down, let -us give thanks to God, He has given me all my eight children--I am -rich enough.' But in the fire he lost not only his house, but his -furniture and his precious library, all his manuscripts, and his -sermons, and moreover a work on Hebrew poetry, which, from what we -know of his pen, must have been very valuable. Grim shadows often fell -over the rectory. One circumstance gives it a most singular notoriety, -and was probably not without influence on the mind of John. We allude -to its celebrated ghost. Among ghost stories, this of the apparition -or _polter-geisterie_ of Epworth--for the hauntings were noisy -racketings rather than appearances--has always been held to be one of -the most inexplicable. Dr. Southey quite inclines to a belief in the -genuineness of the ghostly visitations, and Mr. Tyerman expresses -himself as reluctantly driven to the conclusion that the noises and -other circumstances were occasioned by the direct and immediate agency -of some unseen spirit; Isaac Taylor also seems forced to a similar -admission. Thus it was a singular old house and household; much there -was calculated in every way to stir the souls of such children and -youths as John and Charles Wesley, not to mention the less famous, but -scarcely less ingenious, Samuel and Mehetabel, Amelia and Keziah; it -is interesting to think of that family in those old Epworth fields and -lanes and hedgerows, and to follow them in all their strange, varied, -and parti-coloured existence. - -In due time, John left home for college; he studied at Christ-church, -Oxford, after he had fulfilled his earlier course at the Charter -House. It was long before he found his way into the work which has -made his name so eminent; nor can it be said that in earlier life he -gave much promise of that especial excellence to which he attained. He -was a hard and industrious student, an exemplary and pious youth and -young man. It is not uninteresting to notice that at this time he had -rather a close and not unaffectionate correspondence with Mary -Granville, then a young widow, which suggests suspicious -possibilities. Talented, beautiful, and accomplished, we know her -principally as the old lady, Mrs. Delany, the cherished friend of -George III., to whom he paid such courtly and beautiful deference in -her old age at Windsor. Mr. Tyerman seems to think, and we think too, -that Wesley had a 'fair escape;' that he was not at all uninteresting -to the fair widow is certain. What would have become of Methodism had -the intimacy been closer? He was elected a fellow of Lincoln College, -Oxford; but his ideas of Christian truth appear to have been very -crude and confused. In his twenty-fifth year he was ordained a priest -of the Church of England, and ministered for some time at a wretched -little Lincolnshire village called Wroote; the population was under -three hundred, 'and the people,' says Mehetabel Wesley, 'were as dull -as asses and impervious as stone.' It is true there was at this time a -small cluster of Oxford students who had received the denomination of -'Methodists,' and Wesley was one of them; he was called even the -'Curator of the Holy Club,' and a 'crack-brained enthusiast.' His -brother Charles regarded him with reverence, and all looked up to him -as the worthy leader of the little band. He appears to have led the -life of an ascetic, and his charity to the poor was limited only by -his very scanty means. An instance shows us something of the character -of the man. On one cold winter day, a young girl, whom these earlier -Methodists kept at school, called upon him in a state nearly frozen. -The young man said to her, 'You seem half-starved; have you nothing to -wear but that linen gown?' She said, 'Sir, it is all I have!' Wesley -felt in his pocket, but it was almost empty; the walls of his chamber, -however, were hung with pictures, and these now seemed to him to -become his accusers. 'It struck me,' says he, 'will thy Master say to -thee, "Well done, good and faithful steward, thou hast adorned thy -walls with the money which might have screened this poor creature from -the cold." O justice! O mercy! are not these pictures the blood of -this poor maid?' When he had reached the age of seventy-three, the -Commissioners of Excise--in all generations a race of monetary -ferrets--addressed to him a circular, expressing that beyond a doubt -he had neglected to make a proper entry and return of his silver -plate. The letter was very curt and peremptory. Wesley evidently -thought the application to him was ridiculous, and he replied in a -note still more curt. 'Sir, I have two silver spoons at London and two -at Bristol; this is all the plate that I have at present, and I shall -not buy any more while so many round me want bread. I am, Sir, your -most humble servant, John Wesley.' Thus the reflection of the young -student realized itself in the active life of the old man. - -For some time, however, John Wesley appears before us as a kind of -eighteenth century Puseyite, or rather such an one as Hurrell Froude; -his notions were cast in a mould of High Church idealism, not unmixed -with a certain morbid pietism; and Oxford Methodism almost anticipates -that other mighty reaction, the great religious movement of our age; -but the Methodism of Oxford, indeed, although it numbered among its -adherents such men as the Wesleys, and Whitefield, and Hervey, and -Ingram, soon came to an end, and, but for Wesley's after career, would -have been buried in oblivion, for Mr. Tyerman truly characterizes it -as 'misty, austere, gloomy, and forbidding, while yet intensely -earnest, sincere, and self-denying.' - -The friends were soon widely scattered to their different vicarages -and curacies, and John Wesley himself--now in his thirty-second -year--accepted a mission to the little American State of Georgia. We -need not describe his experience in America further than to remark -how, on his way thither, he fell in with Moravians, who imparted to -him some new light in theology on its experimental side. The vigorous -hymns of the Moravians and their vivid representations of Christian -life, put before him a new set of ideas, which, when he separated -himself entirely from the organization of that sect and returned to -England, bore abundant fruit. His life in Georgia was of short -continuance, but characterized by singular circumstances; first and -foremost, he took into his ministry a very strange, morose, and -cheerless type of Christianity; also in connection with this, we have -to notice a very important item in his history--he fell in love. It is -quite remarkable that all Wesley's transactions with womankind--on -his own account--were unfortunate, even exceedingly unhappy. The lady -who first drew forth his affections appears to have accepted his -proposal of marriage; but by a rapid transition we find her a week or -two after, married to a Mr. Williamson; this overwhelmed the poor -priest, and introduced him to other troubles. He refused to admit her -to the Lord's table; then we find him arrested and brought before the -recorder for defaming the lady; then followed a stream of indictments -against him, and, in brief, sick and sore, and as a prisoner at large, -we find him hurrying away from the colony. - -For a life which became so remarkable for the prescience and rigidity -of its principles, such a commencement was very singular. A strange -undeterminateness appears to rule, or rather to leave him unruled and -ungoverned, until his thirty-seventh year. It is singular, for -instance, to find an undoubtedly pious, earnest, holy, and -self-denying man, such as Wesley was, declaring that until he returned -from Georgia he was an unconverted man. He was no doubt in search of -that deep faith which is eternal life. It appears that a real change -came over him when he heard the preaching of Peter Bohler, the -Moravian; in all these earlier years of Wesley's activity he seems to -have been greatly indebted to the Moravians. The issue of the -influence of Bohler upon his mind, was his confession that before this -period he was a servant of God, accepted and safe, but now he knew it, -and was happy as well as safe, and in after years and until our own -time, the conscious happiness of believers has been a considerable -point in Methodist teaching. There is no doubt that Wesley himself -attained a cheerful, quiet, restful consciousness he had never known -before, and his life hereafter, while constant in its course of -self-denial, was lifted above the morose asceticism of his earlier -years. But as to the principle itself, it is surely as dangerous as a -rule of Christian experience, as it is doubtful in all human -philosophy. For some time he was materially influenced by Moravian -principles and practices, and, indeed, it is easy to see that God who -destined for his distinguished servant a very long life, was teaching -him in various schools those principles, which upon an eminently large -scale he was to apply. He went to Germany to visit the Moravian -settlement of Hernhutt, he came to know that eminent and extraordinary -man, Christian David, he heard him preach and received from his own -lips his singular story. He professed himself to have received -remarkable spiritual intelligence from Moravian teachings; and some of -the finest hymns in the Wesleyan Hymn Book are translations made at -this time by John Wesley from those of Count Zinzendorf. But it is -very remarkable that he signalized the period of his conversion by a -quarrel with William Law; he charged him most ungraciously with having -deceived him in having given to him a mystical, notional, and -intellectual faith; and Law replied to him in language, which -assuredly in every way leaves that devout and eminent Christian -philosopher in possession of the field. It is, however, the last -ground of serious exception we can take to the life of Wesley. At this -point, his life seems to collect itself into eminent purpose and -consistency. He was soon compelled to disentangle himself from the -Moravians, whose notions at that time were beset by the most mystical -and mischievous fancies, and ridiculous and even indecent allusions. -He was forbidden their pulpit on account of his clearly expressed -dissent from their doctrines, and almost immediately, and apparently -without any distinctly marked design on his own part, he commenced -that course which made him so pre-eminent a father and apostle in the -modern church. John Wesley's course is very singular. It has this -strong mark of eminent honesty: that the whole of the immense system -of usefulness he inaugurated, appears to have been without especial -intention or plan. From year to year the institution grew; piece by -piece, the mighty structure took proportion and shape. Commencing in a -simple design to be useful, to awaken men to a knowledge of sin, and -to the determination of salvation from sin, Wesley became an -evangelist. He had no idea of separating himself from the Established -Church; he always regarded himself as one of its ministers, and was -sufficiently filled, even to the close of his life, with all the ideas -implied in being an ordained priest in its communion. It is impossible -to regard him in relation to England at that time, without feeling -that he, in an eminent degree, was raised up and set apart for the -salvation of his country. - -The social condition of England, when Wesley appeared presents no -attractive picture to the student; in some measure it relieves and -lightens our despondency concerning England at present, to remember -what the country was then. It is true the population was small, almost -insignificant, as compared with our present overcrowded masses--it was -not more than about six millions--but with abundant wealth and means -of happiness, the people fell far short of what we should now consider -comfort. This was, however, a slight shade in the picture; there were -cruelty and injustice in the administration of English law, life and -liberty were held very cheap, deism or atheism in religion and a wild -licentiousness and rude brutality of manners, pervaded all classes, -from the court to the meanest hamlet of the land. For the most part -the Church of England had shamefully forgotten and neglected her duty, -while the Nonconformists had sunk generally into so cold an -indifferentism in devotion, and so hard and sceptical a frame of -thought in theology, that almost every interest of the land was given -over to profligacy or recklessness, and in thoughtful minds to -despair. Those who called themselves Christians were for the most part -spiritually dead. The literature of England suffered a temporary -eclipse, and such as it was, it was shamefully perverted from all high -purposes, and was very generally adverse to all purity and moral -dignity. The gaols, indeed, were crammed with culprits, but that did -not prevent the heaths from swarming with highwaymen, and the cities -with burglars; in the remote regions of England, such as Cornwall in -the West, and Yorkshire and Northumberland in the North, and -especially Midland Staffordshire, the manners were wild and savage -beyond all description or conception. The reader must conceive a state -of society divested of all the educational, philanthropic and -benevolent activities of modern times. There were no Sunday-schools -and few day-schools; here and there a solitary chapel sequestered in -some lane, either in the metropolis or the country town, or more -probably far away from a town, stood in some confluence of roads a -monument of old intolerance; but religion was, as we have said, in -fact dead or lying in a trance. To few men has it been given, -commencing a career at the age of thirty-seven, to have reserved for -them yet, upwards of half-a-century of health, strength, and mental -vigour, to carry out and give effect to all their plans. Wesley rose -to break up this monotony, and to alarm this depravity of social life; -his strong, clear voice sounded over the land; the amount of hatred, -hostility and persecution which he roused, evidently showed the living -feeling he had created; it is a more favourable circumstance that a -man should hate religion than be wholly indifferent to it; on the -other hand, the love was more fervid and intense than the hate, hate -roared and hissed, and threw about its mischievous display of foolish -fireworks in the shape of pamphlets and satires; but there would -appear to have been such a degree of genuine sympathy, that men and -women, united by certain principles of faith, statedly met together, -regardless of peril or cost, and thus there gradually extended over -the whole of England a circle of religious societies bearing Wesley's -name. - -The Church of England very soon set itself against the new movement; -Whitefield, much younger than Wesley, an ardent, flaming, seraphic -man, had been compelled to betake himself to the fields. Like Wesley -he was an ordained minister of the Church, but he had been threatened -with suspension and expulsion, and he was the first who could collect -thousands--sometimes not less than twenty thousand--to hear the -gospel. It was with great fear and trembling that Wesley imitated him, -and he says, referring to his first preaching in the open air near -Bristol, 'I could scarcely reconcile myself at first to this strange -way of preaching in the fields; having been all my life, till very -lately, so tenacious of every point relating to decency and order, -that I would have thought the saving of souls almost a sin if it had -not been done in church.' 'Such,' says Mr. Tyerman, 'were the -prejudices and feelings of the man who for between fifty or sixty -years proved himself the greatest outdoor preacher that ever lived.' - -It does not seem very easy to settle the precise etymology of the term -Methodist, whether derived, as some have said, from an allusion in -Juvenal to a celebrated quack physician, or whether, as Mr. Tyerman -seems to think, first used in a pamphlet attacking Whitefield in the -earlier years of his ministry, in which the author fetches up an old -sentence from the pages of Chrysostom, who says, 'To be a Methodist is -to be beguiled.' We ourselves happened once, in a parish church in -Huntingdonshire, to be listening to a clergyman notorious alike by his -private character and vehement intolerance, who was entertaining his -audience on a week evening by a discourse from the text in Ephesians -iv. 14. 'Whereby they lie in wait to deceive.' He said to his people, -'Now you do not know Greek; I know Greek, and I am going to tell you -what this text really says; it says, "they lie in wait to make you -Methodists;" the word used here is _methodeian_, that is really the -word that is used, and that is really what Paul said, "they lie in -wait to make you Methodists." A Methodist means a deceiver, one who -deludes, cheats and beguiles.' The Grecian scholar was a little at -fault in his next allusion, for he proceeded to quote that other -passage of the apostle, 'We are not ignorant of his devices,' and -seemed to be under the impression that 'device' was the same word as -that on which he had expended his criticism. 'Now,' said he, 'you may -be ignorant because you do not know Greek, but "_we_ are not ignorant -of his devices," that is, of his _methods_, his deceivers, that is his -Methodists.' It was a piece of the richest criticism we ever remember -to have heard in any pulpit. In such empty wit and ignorant punning, -it is very likely, however, that the term had its origin; be that as -it may, 'Methodist' soon became the designation of a really large body -of social and spiritual reformers, and assuredly no term has obtained -greater renown and importance since 'the disciples were first called -Christians at Antioch;' but in fact the word is to be found in several -places in our obsolete English. Wesley was not the greatest outdoor -preacher that ever lived, but we can forgive Mr. Tyerman for thinking -so in his high feeling of admiration for his illustrious hero. He -became a power in the country. Earl Stanhope in his very interesting -'History of England from 1713-1783,' devotes a lengthy chapter to -Wesley and the rise of Methodism, and says, 'with less immediate -importance than war or political changes, it endures long after, not -only the result, but the memory of these has passed away, and -thousands who never heard of Fontenoy or Walpole continue to hold the -precepts and venerate the name of John Wesley.' Thus this venerable -name is a distinguished landmark or milestone in the history of the -mind of England. By his labours he gave the noblest freedom to -thousands of enslaved minds, and marshalled their wild natures under -the principles of order and obedience. Wesley achieved his greatest -victories in the open air; he probably inherited from his father a -tolerably sharp power of satiric reproof, which often served him well -in such encounters as he would be sure to have in the broad streets or -the fields, and was well illustrated in his victory over Beau Nash. -The accomplished rake and dandy king of Bath, master of the ceremonies -in that then famous watering-place, appeared swaggering in his -enormous white hat, and asked, 'By what authority he dared to do what -he was doing now?' 'By the authority of Jesus Christ, conveyed to me -by him who is now Archbishop of Canterbury, when he laid his hands -upon me and said, "Take thou authority to preach the Gospel."' Cried -the man of Bath, 'Your preaching frightens people out of their wits.' -'Sir,' said Wesley 'did you ever hear me preach?' 'No!' 'How then can -you judge of what you have never heard?' 'I judge, he answered, 'from -common report.' 'Common report,' replied Wesley, 'is not enough; give -me leave to ask, Sir, is not your name Nash?' 'It is,' he said. 'Sir,' -replied Wesley, 'I dare not judge _of you_ by common report.' Even the -unblushing master of ceremonies was abashed and worsted; he was -slinking away, when, to complete his discomfiture, an old woman lifted -up her voice, and begged Wesley to allow her to question and to answer -him; this made the scene ludicrous, and in the midst of such a -singular and disgraceful defeat, the mighty dandy left the preacher to -continue and to close his sermon. - -The most romantic lives of the saints of the Roman Catholic calendar -do not present a more startling succession of incidents than those -which meet us in the life and labours of Wesley and his Praetorian -band, and these are all the more marvellous and romantic because they -lay no tax upon credulity and never appeal to miracle as their -foundation. Wesley never, like blessed St. Raymond of Pennafort, -spread his cloak upon the sea to transport him across the water, -sailing one hundred and sixty miles in six hours, and entering his -convent through closed doors; nor do we ever find him, like the dear -and judicious Xavier, spending three whole days in two different -places at the same time, preaching all the while. We fear it is true -that Wesley does not shine in feats like these, but he seems almost -ubiquitous, and moves with a rapidity which reminds us of that flying -angel who had 'the everlasting gospel to preach;' while his conflicts -with the tempests of nature, and those wilder tempests caused by the -passions of men, crowd his life with incident. We read of adventurous -journeys through regions in the North of England when snowstorms -drifted and baulked the way, and made travelling almost impossible, or -over roads made like glass by the hard frost, and through pathless -wastes of white. Thus we read of his travelling through the long -wintry hours, two hundred and eighty miles, on horseback in six days, -a wonderful feat, and Wesley himself writes,--'Many a rough journey -have I had before, but one like this I never had, between wind and -hail and rain and snow and ice, and driving sleet and piercing cold; -but it has passed, and those days will return no more, and are -therefore as though they had never been. So "the love of Christ -constrained him."' Vast concourses met him in singular places: on -Blackheath fourteen thousand people, in Kingswood more, in Moorfields -and on Kennington Common twenty thousand people. Singular was his -visit to Epworth, where he found the church of his childhood, his -father's church, and the church of his own first ministrations, closed -against him, but for eight days he stayed, and preached every night -standing on his father's tomb; truly a singular sight, the living son, -the prophet of his age, surely little short of inspired, preaching on -the dead father's grave, with such pathos and power as we may well -conceive. 'I am well assured,' he says, 'that I did far more good to -my Lincolnshire parishioners by preaching three days on my father's -tomb, than I did by preaching three years in his pulpit.' Visiting -York, he went to the service of St. Saviour's Gate church; the rector, -the Rev. Mr. Cordeux, had warned his congregation against hearing that -'vagabond Wesley' preach. Wesley went into the church in his -canonicals, it was not unusual for ministers then to wear the cassocks -or the gown like the university man in a university town: the rector -of course saw he was a clergyman, but not knowing who he was, offered -him his pulpit to preach, and Wesley was thoroughly willing and ready. -He took for his text a part of the gospel of the day--sermons leaped -impromptu from his lips and heart; this sermon was an impressive one, -and after the service the rector asked the clerk if he knew who the -strange clergyman was. 'Sir,' said the clerk, 'it was the "vagabond -Wesley" against whom you warned us.' 'Ay, indeed!' said the -astonished rector, 'we have been trapped, but never mind, we have had -a good sermon.' The Dean of York heard of the affair, and threatened -to lay the matter before the archbishop; but the rector outstripped -the dean, and went himself and told the story to the archbishop. 'You -did quite right,' he said, and so the matter ended; only when the -'vagabond Wesley' came to York again, the rector offered his church -the second time to him, and a second time be preached in St. -Saviour's. - -A succession of persecutions attended him and his followers on their -way, and yet very little could be alleged to their discredit. In -Cornwall, Edward Greenfield, a tanner, with a wife and seven children, -was arrested under a warrant signed by Dr. Borlase, the eminent -antiquarian, who was a bitter foe to Methodism. Wesley appeared to -vindicate his friend, and he first inquired what objection there was -to the peaceable, inoffensive man. The answer was, 'The man is well -enough in other things, but the gentlemen cannot bear his impudence; -why, Sir, he says that he knows his sins are forgiven!' When -Bernardine of Sienna preached at Bologna, the people brought out their -dice-tables and burnt them in the streets; when Antony of Padua -preached at Pavia, he saw impure books and pictures committed to -immense flames; and even more remarkable, when Savonarola preached in -Florence, the woman left off painting their faces, and decorating -their hair. The results of Wesley's preaching were scarcely less -remarkable. The story is well known how in one place a whole -waggon-load of Methodists had been taken before a magistrate, but when -he asked what they had done, a deep silence fell over the court, for -no one was very well prepared with any charge against them; at length -some one exclaimed that 'they pretended to be better than other -people, and prayed from morning till night;' and another said, 'They -have _convarted_ my wife; till she went among them she had such a -tongue, but now she's as quiet as a lamb.' 'Take them back, take them -back,' said the sensible magistrate, 'and let them convert all the -scolds in the town.' We are amazed when we attempt to realize all the -causeless conflicts through which many of these holy enthusiasts -passed, certainly the world in all its force was against them; no wild -anti-popery riots were more unreasonable and brutal than the turbulent -mobs which tore down houses and insolently assaulted women and men for -their attachment to the new movement. Attempts were often made on -Wesley's life in Cornwall; wild cries rose around him, 'Away with -him!' 'Kill him at once!' 'Crucify the dog!' Stones and bricks were -frequently hurled at him; often he might have said, 'My soul is among -lions.' Staffordshire was scarcely behind Cornwall in the rough -assaults. Quiet men were pressed for soldiers, and sent as prisoners -to jail, simply because they were Methodists; hot-headed Hanoverians -did their best to make the whole Methodist body disloyal, and both -John and Charles Wesley were arrested or taken before the magistrates -upon suspicion of being favourable to the Pretender. Thus Charles was -brought before the magistrates at Wakefield, and five witnesses were -ready to swear that he had either prayed or preached about the return -of the 'Banished One,' the well-known and tender words of the wise -woman of Tekoa, being supposed to convey some sinister allusion to the -exiled Stuarts. It was the age of mobs and riots; for a long time the -preaching of Wesley appears to have been greeted by turbulencies as -wild and vehement as those which give a disgraceful notoriety to the -name of John Wilkes or Lord George Gordon. - -So astonishing were the results of these very simple and Christ-like -ministrations, that there was surely something of the supernatural in -the man Wesley. It is part of the very nature of Christianity to -believe that from time to time the Church is invigorated by -extraordinary impulses of divine life find grace, and singular -effusions of the Holy Spirit: and to those who are able to reach at -all the idea of supernatural causes in the Christian life, it is not -difficult to apprehend the reality of such impulses. There was surely -much that was remarkable in Wesley; it is unquestionable that strange -influences seemed to attend him. His words, it has been remarked, -seemed to possess a mesmeric power; his proximity to the supernatural -has often been made the subject of criticism. Extraordinary -circumstances which Southey, Richard Watson, Isaac Taylor, and other -eminent writers have found to be perfectly inexplicable upon -principles of natural reasoning marked his ministry; we read of -innumerable instances of individual convulsions, and of multitudes -falling prostrate to the ground before his words; cold and -imperturbable natures were suddenly overwhelmed. Wesley was quite a -believer in the visible and oral manifestation of the 'powers of the -world to come;' such instances were especially prominent in the -earlier part of his singular course. We have no remarks to make upon -these phenomena, nor shall we inquire whether they may or may not be -accounted for on merely natural principles; the facts remain -unquestioned. One thing is certain, as when Peter preached, so at the -preaching of Wesley, innumerable thousands were 'pricked to the heart, -and exclaimed, "What shall we do?"' - -The power of Wesley's teaching may probably be traced to the fact that -it dealt with sin as sin, and with souls as souls; but then the whole -doctrine was suffused in the fulness, the sufficiency, and the -sweetness of Jesus, and it was a mighty reaction against the -indifference and injustice of the age. The party formed against Wesley -represented the higher classes, bishops and men whose minds and hearts -it would seem were incapable of sympathy for the suffering and the -poor, and for those who were out of the way; coarse ribalds like -Lavington, the Bishop of Exeter, or dilettanti gentlemen like Horace -Walpole, buffoons and time servers like Foote, or even hard -theologians like Toplady, their doctrines tinctured with the harsh and -morbid severity of the times, when, as we have seen, reckless -disregard for life, a claim over it for the most insignificant -offences, must have tended to give a rigour and narrowness to many -religious ideas. Wesley's audiences were chiefly composed of the poor. -The early Methodist was a very simple, perhaps usually an ignorant, -man, but he had that light which 'lighteth every man that cometh into -the world.' The Methodist was not such an one as the Puritan of other -days, who was a sort of Knight of the Iron Hand, a Nonconformist -crusader, whose theology had trained him to the battle-field, nerved -him to frown defiance upon kings, and to treat as worthy only of -contempt the unsanctified nobles of the earth. The Methodist was not -such an one; he was as loyal as he was lowly, he had been forgotten or -passed by, by priests and Levites, but suddenly he found himself -raised to the rank of a living soul--a voice had reached him assuring -him that he, too, was in possession of a soul. Over the country the -ground, on the whole, was easy to Wesley to win; there was no -education, there were no conflicts of opinion, there were no popular -books, the people had no objects to claim their attention, the towns -were far apart, and connected only by the mail or stagecoach, or that -heavy and much more romantic-looking than agreeable conveyance, the -market-cart; there was little popular excitement, there were only -coarse amusements. It is unquestionable that the people had far fewer -religious interests than in the old days of popery, the entire -services of the Church were bald and uninteresting, there was no -music, unless of such a description as to move the passions by -shattering the nerves,--there was no popular psalmody worthy of the -name; thus the religious nature was entranced or buried. But the -Methodist was one who had heard the call of God, conscience had been -stirred within him, and a new life had created new interests; for -Christianity really ennobles a man, gives him self-respect, shows to -him a new purpose and business in life, and stirs the spirit, -moreover, with a pulse of joy and cheerfulness; hence Methodism -created the necessity for meetings and for frequent reciprocations. -There were no chapels, or but few, and none to open their doors to -these strange new pilgrims to the celestial city. The churches, of -course, were closed against them;--what could be done, for they must -speak together. Reciprocation was the soul of Methodism; almost all -the great religious movements have been instituted and marked by some -sign--Dominic invented the rosary, Loyola the spiritual contemplations -and the retreat, Wesleyanism created Class-meetings; this constituted -its essential symbolism. A church can scarcely long maintain a -standing without a symbol. This is the countersign of parties and -sects. So these people assembled in each other's houses, in rude and -homely rooms, by farm ingles, in lone hamlets; thus was created a -homely piety, rugged enough, but full of beautiful and pathetic -instincts. When the faith became more consciously objective, it was -possessed by that singular belief ruling the Church in all such -movements--the belief in the power, conjoined to the desire to save -souls. This drove them out on great occasions to call the vast -multitudes together on heaths and moors. Occasionally, but this was at -a later period, some country gentleman threw open his old hall to the -preachers; but the more aristocratic phase of the Methodist movement -fell into the Calvinistic rather than into the Wesleyan ranks; these -last sought the sequestered places of nature, or in cities and towns -they took to the streets, outlying fields or broadways; in some -neighbourhoods a little room was built containing the germ of what in -a few years became a large Wesleyan society. The burden of all their -meetings and their intercourse, whether in speech or song, was the -sweetness and fullness of Jesus; they had an intense faith in the love -of God shed abroad in the heart; their great solicitude was that souls -were on the brink of perdition. This was to them more than spiritual -difficulties, mere interior trials, or speculative despair; these were -mostly a _terra incognita_ to them. Wesley dealt, as it has been -expressed, with sin as sin, and with souls as souls; he had little -regard to mere proprieties. Wesley and his preachers, 'out of breath -pursuing souls,' seemed to many ungraceful, undignified, their faces -weary, their hands heavy with toil. Yet these men had found, such as -it was, a definite creed, and, as in the case of their great leader, -all the inexhaustible variety and world-wide energy of other minds -were in them concentrated into a burning instinct; the word of 'the -Lord was like fire, or like a hammer.' The early Methodists had also -the mighty instincts of prayer--to them there was a meaning in it and -a joy. So these men pursued their way. God's ministry goes on by -various means, ordinary and extraordinary; it is the difference -between rivers and rains, between the dews and the lightnings, the -rivers are exhaled by the sun and return to the earth in rains, the -Severn and the Wye roll their beautiful forces through the meadow and -along the hill-side, but if they did not give their waters to the sun -and the cloud, and fall back upon the earth as dew and showers, they -would cease from their channels among the hills. So Methodism availed -itself of the ordinary and extraordinary. - -All truly holy souls, even those the most opposed in their pews or -their studies, meet and melt and mingle in song; holy song is the -solvent of the most divergent creeds. Perhaps the greater number of -the early Methodists were not pressed by physical want; concern for -the soul was the grand business, in many instances possibly it was a -wild and even diseased feeling. There was no art, no splendid form of -worship or ritual; early Methodism was as free from all this as -Clairvaux, in the valley of Wormwood, when Bernard ministered there -with all his monks around him, or as Cluny, when Bernard de Morlaix -chanted his 'Jerusalem the Golden.' Methodism, like all the great -religious movements which have shaken men's souls, was purely -spiritual, or, if it had a sensuous expression, it was not artificial; -loud 'Amens!' resounded as Wesley preached, spoke, or prayed, and then -the hearty gushes of, perhaps, not melodious song united all hearts in -some Wesleyan Litany or Te Deum. It was so throughout the whole land; -such cyclones of spiritual power mysteriously visit our world from age -to age, but this surely was one in which there was infinitely more to -bless and benefit, and far less to which good taste or good sense -could take any exception, than in perhaps any of the great preceding -waves of spiritual power which had rolled over Europe. It was the -ascetic type set forth by Wesley in an age of animal and sensual -indulgence. It was principally by fighting with the sins of the age, -at the same time by laying hold upon its characteristics, and -especially by remembering that man is more than a machine to fill rich -men's pockets, or to digest victuals--a soul, in fact, for whom Christ -died--that Methodism 'grew mightily, and prevailed.' - -The strength of a great and popular leader is especially shown in his -power to infuse his own spirit into the minds of other men, thus -constituting an organized band of kindred helpers; never surely was -there a man who more remarkably abides this test than Wesley, and he -became the general of a remarkable order. Protestantism may well, with -Wesley to adduce, challenge Rome to produce any superior illustration -of spiritual power. Archbishop Manning has spoken of St. Benedict, St. -Francis, St. Dominic, and St. Ignatius, chiefs of the orders they -created, as the four rivers of the water of life; it is a singular -illustration and not creditable to the archbishop's piety or good -taste; but if Wesley be compared with these great fathers of the -Romish Church, he shines brilliantly in the comparison. Mr. Tyerman -enthusiastically inquires, 'Is it not true that Methodism is the -greatest fact in the history of the Church of Christ?' We may reply we -do not think so, and may yet be prepared to render almost equal homage -with Mr. Tyerman to this stupendous spiritual organization. John -Wesley very soon poured his animating spirit into other men, and the -history of Jesuitism--that marvellous story of the conquest of the -human mind--does not exhibit anything like so striking an array of -heroic and glorious achievements. Rome would make much of such a -history, had she to recite it of herself. The names of those who -surround Wesley as his fellow-labourers and helpers are, indeed, all -of them humble men; no courtly or episcopal favour smiled upon him or -them as they passed along. He had absolutely nothing but the pure -Gospel, by the proclamation of which he sought to awaken human -interest and to command attention; but soon there came a host, of whom -it might be said, 'There went with him a band of men whose hearts God -had touched.' The mind of England seemed to be waiting for that which -Wesley brought to it. Spiritually dead as the Church of England was, -many clergymen, responsive to his call, shook off their lethargy, and -several, like William Grimshaw, of Haworth, laboured heartily with the -apostle of Methodism. The right material was constantly at hand so -soon as it was needed, in men who have almost passed away from memory, -but whose 'record is on high.' We have no space for the review of that -long gallery of interesting portraits of marked and remarkable men; -only we notice there seemed to be a hand for every kind of work that -had to be accomplished; one to lead on the polemic work of the -disputant, and another, or others, to pour forth hymns; some to sway, -by rugged but splendid powers of persuasion, immense masses of people; -others to minister in localities and gather up the lost sheep into -folds; and others to visit in prison, or in those scenes where the -tender voice and the ministering hand were needed, while all bowed -before the omnific mind of Wesley. Few lives are more startling than -that of John Nelson; few types of saintly holiness are higher than -Thomas Walsh; Thomas Maxfield has generally been supposed to be the -first of the long line of lay preachers to whose exertions Methodism -owes so much; while John and Thomas Oliver, John Haine, George Story, -and Sampson Staniforth, and a number of other goodly names, represent -lives of such intense earnestness, holiness, and activity, as would -certainly win them a place in a Catholic calendar of saints, and are -so full of glowing adventure, that the story of many of them would -keep a boy's eyes from winking even late in the night. - -Simultaneously with Wesley came the singular apparition of Whitefield, -who fell into no groove of Church routine or life, although -undoubtedly standing on the Calvinistic side of Methodist opinion. It -is interesting to compare these two men together. Whitefield sprang -upon the world ready armed as a youth of twenty, and finished his -career in the prime of life; he seems almost to realize, if it can be -realized, the idea of an abstract soul. We read his words, and they -are nothing; but those words uttered by him broke down, overwhelmed, -and dissolved all prejudices. What must he have been to whom such -strong men, such courtly, artificial, yet highly cultured men, such -sceptical and inaccessible men as Bolingbroke, and Chesterfield, and -David Hume, and Garrick, and Benjamin Franklin, 'were as tow,' while -he was as 'a spark' to kindle all into consuming flame. Not -immediately connected with Wesley's organization, this mysterious and -marvellous man, an entire soul of all-embracing love and compassion, -greatly aided the movement;--equally at home in preaching in the -select saloons of the Countess of Huntingdon, to Dukes and Duchesses -and arrays of Peers, or in the wildest and most furious and murderous -mobs. Whitefield is a mystery to us; he only seems to burn with an -incandescent heat, so that words shrivel, and evaporate in the flame -of that pure, ingenuous, generous, and wholly consecrated soul; and -this, notwithstanding the melody of that full, clear, all-encompassing -voice, varying to every passionate accent, sinking to the most -penetrating entreaty, swelling to the most rousing apostrophe. In the -full careering heat of his speech, Whitefield became, unconsciously to -himself, poet, philosopher, psychologist, thus enabling us to -understand something of his stupendous power, even while we are still -perplexed as to its cause. No melody or poetry shines through the -words of his published discourses; but no pictures we have ever met -with of inspired, rapt oratory, are more surprising than those which -are presented to us by his contemporaries of Whitefield's preaching, -on the slope of some mountain or hill, the trees and hedges full of -people hushed to profound silence, the open firmament above him, the -green fields around him, the sight of thousands on thousands of -people, some in coaches, some on horseback, gathered around him and -all affected--melted to tears. When the evening approached, he once -said, 'Beneath the twilight it was too much, and quite overcame me!' -One night he describes a time never to be forgotten: it lightened -exceedingly; he preached the warnings and the consolations of the -coming of the Son of Man; the thunder broke over his head, the -lightning gleamed upon his path; it ran along the ground, and shone -from one part of the heavens to the other. His spirit rose above the -storm; he longed for the time when Christ should be revealed in -flaming fire. 'Oh,' exclaims he, 'that my soul may live in a like -flame, when He shall actually come to call me!' - -But Wesley's success! Wesley, as an orator, seems still more -inconceivable. By all accounts Whitefield was seraphic. Wesley seldom -rose beyond penetrating good sense, and nothing appears to have -transported him out of his invariable calm. Yet the effects of his -oratory were even still more wonderful; there was something of -magnetism in it. Henry Moore, his great friend, says, 'At this moment, -I well remember my first thought after hearing him preach nearly fifty -years ago; _spiritual_ things are natural things to that man;' In -innumerable instances we find audiences shaken as by a mighty wind, -hurled down, agonizing, screaming aloud; there was much more of all -this in Wesley's preaching than in Whitefield's, yet in Whitefield's -we should expect it more. Wesley, in the style of his oratory, seems -to have been judicial, and our readers are not unaware of the -remarkable power that quiet statement is able to exercise. Who so -passionless apparently as Jonathan Edwards, a man who would have -disdained every approach to sensationalism, whose entire mode of -pulpit delivery was obnoxious to all ideas of pulpit oratory, and -whose whole scheme of thought and expression were as calm and clear as -logical metaphysics could make them? yet what scenes he witnessed when -he preached? Thus it was eminently with Wesley; crowds thronged around -him intent to listen wherever he appeared; if the face was beautiful, -the height of the body was so far beneath the average standard that it -seems almost contemptible for the holding of such powers as he -wielded; and then the voice, not less than the manner, appears to have -been unfitted to carry tempests of passion--nor did he desire that it -should; we suppose that it must have been singularly clear and -penetrating, and that every sentence was sharply cut and elaborated, -not by preparation and the pen, but by convictions deep and indelible. -Such sentences carried upon a clear penetrating voice--and in oratory -the voice is all but everything--will achieve more than more plausible -means. It is fervour which fires, but fervour often burns more -effectually in the still, white, soundless heat, than in what seems to -be the most raging flame. There must have been considerable natural -dignity in the man. 'Be silent, or begone,' he said on one occasion to -some who were molesting him in preaching, and the intruders were -silenced. The traditions of Methodism are rich in the recollection of -such scenes;--the scenes of Gwennap Pit for instance. This is a -natural excavation, three miles from Redruth, an amphitheatre, formed -by nature, whose walls are from seven to eight hundred feet in height, -and which is capable of holding from twenty-five to thirty thousand -persons. This was one of Wesley's most famous churches. Year after -year this most spacious and magnificent cathedral amongst the wild -moors of Cornwall was crowded by vast and hushed assemblies. Until -Wesley's day, all that immense population might have said, 'No man -cared for our souls.' Wild, rugged miners and fishermen of whom it was -true that they never breathed a prayer except for the special -providence of a shipwreck--men whose wicked barbarity in kindling -delusive lights along the coast to allure unfortunate ships to the -cruel cliffs of those dangerous shores, had won for their region the -name of 'West Barbary.' Now, as if some power had passed over them, -clothed anew and in their right minds, they assembled to greet and -gladden their venerable father in that wild glen, creating a strange -and not unbeautiful life in the stillness of that desolate and -romantic spot, and worshipping with the birds overhead and the broom -and the wild flowers under foot, under the overhanging shadow of the -venerable rocks. Truly it must have been a sublime thing to have heard -that great multitude peal out in Wesley's own words:-- - - 'Suffice that for the season past, - Hell's horrid language filled our tongues, - We all thy words behind us cast, - And loudly sang the drunkard's songs. - But, oh! the power of grace divine, - In hymns we now our voices raise, - Loudly in strange hosannas join, - And blasphemies are turned to praise.' - -Twenty-five thousand persons! and it is said he was able to make -everyone hear his words; wonderful, whether we think of the acoustical -properties of the church itself, the attentiveness the preacher could -command, or the marvellous strength, the clearness and fulness of his -voice. - -Of all the helpers from whom Wesley derived assistance essential to -the carrying on his work, his brother Charles was the most -providential. He was a narrow ecclesiastic, and often troublesome, but -he did good service. Much as Wesley loved the service of the Church of -England, it was utterly impossible to employ it in the work he set -himself to perform; but it has been felt again and again, whether it -has been expressed or not, that a religious service without liturgies -is impossible. People may disclaim and disown the word liturgy, and -substitute for it psalms and hymns, the fact remains the same; psalms -and hymns are liturgies in rhyme--liturgies sung instead of said. -Congregations need to be held together; the voice of a solitary soul -is not enough for religious purposes, and especially for the pressure -of overwrought emotions; multitudes require something more than a mere -monologue. Wesley arose at a time when that popular and united form of -worship, the hymn, had but just ceased to be regarded as an -innovation. There were Churches in London--Maze Pond, for -instance--which had divided upon the question of singing, and the -unmusical members went off, and formed a community of their own, -undistracted by notes of song. Watts had only just published some of -his psalms and hymns, when Wesley came down among the people and began -to move to and fro amongst his congregations. The want of simple forms -of prayer and praise was soon felt. No doubt his recent acquaintance -with the Moravians had given him invaluable suggestions, of which he -was prepared to avail himself. Amidst much which was worse than -foolish, the Moravians had, as he knew, many inspiring psalms, and a -far greater variety of metre than English devotional verse had -heretofore employed. Some of the most magnificent hymns in the -Wesleyan collection are Wesley's translations from Zinzendorf and -other German psalmists; but the fulness and splendour of Wesleyan -psalmody was developed by Charles Wesley. His hymns have been the -liturgies of Methodism, the creeds of that Church have been embodied -in them, they have formed its collects, and enshrined its loftiest -bursts of devotional ardour. What sentiment of Christian experience is -there which does not find an utterance in them? What phase of -Methodist faith is there which is not translated into some of these -verses? In preparing the hymn-book, indeed, a great number of Watts's -hymns were included, and included not only without any acknowledgment, -but the preface, from the pen of John, claims for the Wesleys all the -hymns in the volume. In this condition the hymn-book remains to this -day, and we have often conversed with Methodists who have stoutly -maintained that certain hymns in the volume legitimately belong to it, -although published by Watts years before its compilation. This, -however, in no way interferes with the estimate we have to form of -these sacred lyrics; of course, the Methodist estimate of them is that -they are the highest achievements of sacred song. That which we are -constantly using, and which touches our affections becomes supremely -precious and dear to us. They are all eminently experimental; they -seem to have been constructed for the class-meeting and band-meeting; -they are especially conjubilant, hymns well calculated to excite and -stir, and carry aloft the feelings of the people; and they have -become--they very soon became--the voices of the Church. - -Wesley, in his reformation, soon commenced the work of reforming the -singing. Throughout his life and labours he often remarks upon the -questionable psalmody by which he was greeted; thus at Warrington, he -says:-- - - 'I put a stop to a bad custom which was creeping in here; a - few men, who had fine voices, sang a psalm which no one - knew, in a tune fit for an opera, wherein three, four, or - five persons sung different words at the same time; what an - insult to common sense! what a burlesque upon public - worship! no custom can excuse such a mixture of profanity - and absurdity.' - -Elsewhere he says,-- - - 'Beware of formality in singing, or it will creep upon us - unawares; is it not creeping in already by those complex - tunes which it is scarce possible to sing with devotion? - Such is the long quavering "Hallelujah," and next, the - morning song tune, which I defy any man living to sing - devoutly, the repeating the same words so often, especially - while another repeats different words, shocks all common - sense, brings in dead formality, and has no more religion - in it than a Lancashire hornpipe.' - -In harmony with the Hymns, he introduced tunes, which appropriately -rendered the words, and were soon used throughout the whole communion; -from one end of the country to the other these have echoed and rolled; -few are the circumstances in which they have not awakened or sustained -some thrilling emotion. They hailed the bridal party as it returned -from the church singing,-- - - 'We kindly help each other, - Till all shall wear the starry crown.' - -they followed the bier to the grave chanting-- - - 'There all the ship's company meet, - Who sail'd with their Saviour beneath; - With shouting, each other they greet, - And triumph o'er sorrow and death.' - -And few separations took place without that consolotary song,-- - - 'Blest be that dear uniting love, - That will not let us part.' - -While some hymns speedily became like national airs to the Methodist -heart: amongst the chief,-- - - 'Jesus, the name high over all - In hell or earth or sky.' - -They sob, they swell, they meet the spirit in its most hushed and -plaintive mood; they roll and bear it aloft in its most inspired and -prophetic moods, as on the surge of more than a mighty organ's swell. -Among the mines, and quarries, and wild moors of Cornwall, among the -factories of Lancashire and Yorkshire, in the chambers of death, in -the most joyful assemblages of the household, they have relieved the -hard lot, and sweetened the pleasant one; in other lands, soldiers, -and slaves, and prisoners have recited with what joy those words have -entered into their life. So early as 1748, when a sad cluster of -convicts, horse-stealers, highway robbers, burglars, smugglers, and -thieves, were led forth to execution, the turnkey said he had never -seen such people before. When the bellman came, as usual, to say to -them, 'Remember, you are to die to-day;' they exclaimed, 'Welcome -news! welcome news!' The Methodists had been in their prison, and -their visits had produced these marvellous effects; and on their way -to Tyburn, the convicts sang that beautiful sacramental hymn of -Charles Wesley:-- - - 'Lamb of God, whose bleeding lore - We still recall to mind; - Send the answer from above, - And let us mercy find. - Think on us who think on Thee, - And every struggling soul release; - Oh, remember Calvary, - And let us go in peace.' - -These hymns supplied battle-cries for all the scenes of open-air -aggression and warfare. When Charles Wesley himself was preaching at -Bengeworth, he was beset by a mob. He says, 'Their tongues were set on -fire by hell!' One in the crowd proposed to take him away and duck -him; he broke out into singing with Thomas Maxfield, and allowed them -to carry him whither they would. At the bridge end of the street they -relented and left him; there, instead of retreating, he took his -stand, and, with an immense congregation about him, sang,-- - - 'Angel of God, whate'er betide, - Thy summons I obey; - Jesus, I take Thee for my guide, - And walk in Thee, my way.' - -Innumerable anecdotes might be accumulated touching the glories and -triumphs of Methodist song. With all our higher love and admiration -for Isaac Watts, and our feeling that, as a sacred poet, he had a more -lofty and gorgeous wing, even a far more, tender and touching -expression, and that in some of his hymns he speaks in a manner of -strength altogether far more wonderful, nevertheless it is true that -to Charles Wesley must be given the merit of, perhaps, the most -perfect of all hymns, as the expression of Christian experience,-- - - 'Jesus, lover of my soul.' - -It is necessary to have some apprehension of the Theology of -Methodism, for the spirit of Methodism was in its theology, even as -the soul of that theology was in its hymns. It met the heart at that -point of experience at which it felt its need of God, a living God: -consciousness pervaded it everywhere. This was the central teaching of -the great evangelical reaction. How well does it compare and contrast -with the contemplations and exercises of Loyola in the solitude of the -Manreza; and also with the 'De Imitatione' of a Kempis, against which, -large as has been the regard for it, a certain instinct of the Church -has always testified. The theology of Methodism was, in one word, -Christ for the conscience. Those, happily, were not the days of -scientific theology; as a scientific statement the theology of Wesley -has justly been regarded as defective, but it is possible to be -defective in comprehensive knowledge, and yet to have a sufficiently -full and clear understanding for practical uses; even as it is -possible to work an engine well, and yet in no sense to be an -accomplished engineer. The secret of Wesley's success lay in the fact -that his was a theology for the multitude; on the one hand it was not -a forensic theory, on the other it was not rationalistic. Both are -alike unsatisfactory to the heart. There is a forensic theology, but -it is for the schools rather than for the factories or the fields. -'Wesley,' says Alexander Knox, 'regarded justification neither merely -nor chiefly as a forensic acquittal in the court of heaven, but as -implying also a conscious liberation from moral thraldom.' Indeed this -was the important point with him; consciousness, everywhere -consciousness. It is in the consciousness faith is to be wrought, as -he sings-- - - 'Inspire the living faith, - Which whosoe'er receives, - The witness in himself he hath, - And _consciously_ believes.' - -The strife ran very high upon matters where the disputants were not -substantially divided; the doctrine of personal election and -reprobation, Wesley, indeed, denounced in some of his most vehement -words; and it seemed that the imputed righteousness of Christ, and in -consequence, the doctrine of the substitution of Christ for the -sinner, paled and became ineffective in his teaching. This was -especially manifested in his controversy with the beloved and amiable -rector of Weston Favell, James Hervey, on the publication of his -'Theron and Aspasio.' Hervey says, 'The righteousness wrought out by -Jesus Christ is wrought out for all His people,' &c. Wesley replies, -with truth and force, but with needless vehemence, 'What becomes of -all other people? They must inevitably perish for ever. The die was -cast ere ever they were in being. The doctrine to pass them by has -consigned their unborn souls to hell, and damned them from their -mother's womb. I could sooner be a Turk, a deist, yea, an atheist, -than I could believe this. It is less absurd to deny the very being of -God, than to make Him an Almighty tyrant.' It was Wesley's great and -favourite faith that 'in every nation he that feareth God and worketh -righteousness is accepted of Him.' In some hymns he expresses, -however, very unreservedly the doctrine of substitution for instance-- - - 'Join earth and heaven to bless - The Lord our righteousness; - The mystery of redemption this, - This the Saviour's strange design; - Man's offence was counted His, - Ours His righteousness divine.' - -Wesley dealt always with those great truths which, because of the -depths of his own moral consciousness, man cannot hear announced -without awe. It is possible to receive Christian doctrine as only a -science, or a judicial exposition; the Calvinistic theology has too -often been merely this, but the core of Wesley's creed was personal -perception and appropriation of the work of Christ--in a word, -Consciousness. And usually his ideas were presented in a clear and -transparent style, the chief of them being salvation by faith; -_salvation_ by faith rather than _justification_ by faith. No doubt -Wesley clearly and distinctly held and preached the latter, but those -who have made this the principal theme of their religious teaching -have been usually led into a region of thought higher than was -suitable to the practical purposes of the great Methodist apostle. The -designation of his doctrine, 'Evangelical Arminianism,' has often been -charged with involving a contradiction in terms. The discussion of the -principles of the Divine government, and the Divine decrees, the -relations of fore-knowledge and predetermination in the Infinite mind, -impressions concerning the freedom of the will and the nature of -evil--such questions, it must be admitted, are more curious and -speculative than useful, or sometimes even pious. Wesley was no -metaphysician, he had little taste for such studies; and his life was -passed in a round of useful activities unfavourable to their -prosecution. Into the department of thought which implies the relation -of logic to theology, he never entered. Alike in the frame-work of his -popular creed, as we shall see in the frame-work of his Church -organization, he struck out a broad basis; breadth rather than depth -was the characteristic of his mind and work; he cared little for the -nice distinctions of philosophical refinement; his theology turned -chiefly on the responsibilities of man; his aim was to make man feel, -rather than to make him think. The Calvinistic side of theology -produces the exactly opposite effect. Wesley, naturally, insisted -strongly on the personal sanctification of the soul, this follows, of -course, that other chief and much-belaboured item of Wesleyan faith, -the doctrine of perfection. 'This,' says Alexander Knox, 'was the -perpetual bone of contention between Wesley and the whole phalanx of -Calvinist religionists.' And assuredly, that whole phalanx showed -itself to be imperfect enough in the controversy. In the story of the -strifes of good men this has a shocking pre-eminence. We cannot blame -Mr. Tyerman for presenting the various phases of the struggle, or even -for quoting passages from the innumerable abusive volumes and -pamphlets which were poured out upon Wesley, but we shall not -ourselves dwell upon these scandals. On the whole, we have in Wesley -the picture of a fine Christian temper and spirit, seldom -condescending to reply at all, and when replying, doing so in a tone -worthy even of him who could say, 'Let no man trouble me, for I bear -in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus.' - -That Wesley should be defamed and denounced by ungodly scoffers or -worldly bishops is not surprising, but that he should become the -object of the ribaldry and scorn and contumely of men who were -undoubtedly the children of God, is amazing. He had for long years -been scourged and lampooned in newspapers, magazines, tracts, and -pamphlets; Samuel Foote, the buffoon, had ridiculed him; and -Lavington, the merry-andrew-bishop of Exeter, had poured out upon him -volumes of ribaldry. And well says Mr. Tyerman, 'In turn Mr. Wesley -had encountered mobs, and men of letters, drunken, parsons, furious -papists, honest infidels, and others; but of all his enemies his last -were his bitterest and worst, Calvinistic Christians.' It is a mystery -to us now--and that it is so seems to prove that we have made some -advances beyond our forefathers in good sense, good taste, and good -manners, to say nothing of the higher attainments of Christian -moderation and temper--that Christian men could ever have indulged in -such envenomed speech, and that the pure air of metaphysical theology -should ever have been burdened with such exhalations and such -thunders. It is to the honour of Mr. Wesley that he never condescended -to stoop from his work to personal recrimination, and scarcely, -indeed, to personal explanation. His theology was wanting in those -more noble excursions of intelligence and experience which supply -strength to the spirit in seasons when a black night of doubt spreads -out over the soul. Concerning the ways and means of faith, of -revelation, and providence, he never attempted any solution. His mind, -in all departments of it, was characterized by a quick apprehension; -this was not accompanied by a power of lofty and sustained reflection; -the business of his life was to train as many persons as he possibly -could to habitual and orderly devotion. He taught the doctrine of the -witness of the Spirit, and personal assurance of salvation, with a -persistency which surely ought to have satisfied Toplady; but then -his teaching had this serious difference, he conditioned assurance in -the personal consciousness of the believer, while the school of -Toplady fell back more securely upon the purposes, character, and -promises of God. This makes the technical difference between the -salvation by faith, taught by the one school, and justification by -faith, taught by the other. To a profoundly experienced nature we -suppose the former is included in the latter, and furnishes sources of -satisfaction altogether wanting to the more narrow, plausible, and -popular scheme. - -Hence, so much was made of the happiness arising from states of -feeling, and from the witness of the Spirit; this was to be the aim -and object of the life and heart, and was the proof of that growth in -the life of perfection which seems to reduce--as Coleridge has well -shown in a very able note to Southey--the Christian life to a -sensation: sensational assurance became the counterpart of the -doctrine of sinless perfection in this life; the one is quite -absolutely related to the other. It is not too much to say that Wesley -quite misconceived the term 'perfect' ([Greek: teleios]) as it was -used by Paul; hence it was, no doubt, that Wesley entangled himself in -contradictions, and founded the religious life very much upon certain -ascetic and sumptuary laws: 'Powder was antichristian; a ribbon became -the sign of a carnal nature, and snuff-boxes and tobacco were the very -emanations of the bottomless pit; and very innocent things became -really Babylonish.' The life prescribed by Wesley was as severe as a -monastic rule: his disciples were met every hour by something of which -they were to deny themselves, which was to be a contradiction to them, -and which they were to overcome. He insisted in the spirit of a -monastic legislator, that his preachers should always preach at four -or five o'clock in the morning. 'I exhort all those who desire me to -watch over their souls, to wear no gold, no pearls or precious stones; -use no curling of hair, or costly apparel.' 'Be serious,' was one of -his favourite injunctions; 'avoid all lightness as you would -hell-fire, and trifling as you would cursing and swearing; touch no -woman, be as loving as you will, but the custom of the country is -nothing to us.' Sometimes Wesley uses wiser words, but generally he -appears to teach that deliverance from sin implies deliverance from -human infirmities, and that it is almost inconsistent with temptation; -and this arises apparently from an unnatural interpretation of the -word 'perfect,' as we have it in the language of our Lord and in the -writings of the apostles. 'Truly,' says Coleridge, 'there is no point -at which you can arrive in this life, in which the command, "Soar -upwards still," ceases in validity or occasion.' And yet such seems to -be the doctrine of Wesley: and while in a corrupt and dissolute age -his rules fostered and trained innumerable holy and saintly lives, -they to a very large degree gave occasion for that satire and -ridicule, which indeed is not wonderful, from the scoffing world, but -which is shameful when indulged in by the pens and lips of believers. -The two great controversialists of Methodism, Calvinistic and -Arminian, were Toplady, the vicar of Broad Hembury, and the gentle -Swiss, John Fletcher, the vicar of Madely. Both argued within the -circle of Scripture. We have outlived all taste for this -pamphleteering kind of controversy. Toplady was the more scholarly and -logical, his style was the more nervous and terse: he also was not -only the more witty but the more wilful, and made his pages sparkle -with a lively wickedness which is wonderful in such a writer upon such -subjects, and especially in the writer of such transcendent hymns as -his. Fletcher was the more sentimental and rhetorical, frequently also -more characterized by a plain and earnest common sense; he was more -spiritual and devout than Toplady, nor would it be possible, we -suppose, to find a sentence in his famous 'Checks' unbecoming the -perfect Christian gentleman, and they furnished material and -ammunition for all the Wesleyan preachers, not only for that day, but -for many years after. The world and the Church, however, now demand -something more concise and firmly-textured than the essays of either, -Toplady or of Fletcher. It is satisfactory also to feel our way to -that higher plain of thought which reconciles the two. If God be -infinite consciousness and thought, can the salvation and trials of -any child of man be unknown to Him? If He be infinite character and -will, can any event happen unpermitted by Him? If He be infinite -power, can any circumstance be unordained by Him? Is He not also -infinitely amiable? It is singular how combatants fetch their weapons -from the same armoury, and tilt Scripture against Scripture; but both -are reconciled in consciousness, and the disciples of Wesley and -Toplady alike find the same reposing rest and assuring trust in the -mercy of God, through faith in the righteousness of Christ. - -What shall we say of the Ecclesiastical Polity framed by Wesley? This, -first of all, that he never intended that his discipline should be -regarded as an ecclesiastical polity. Like so many of the fathers of -the Church, he founded an order; he formed a society, not a Church. -He cautions his ministers against calling the society either _the_ -Church or _a_ Church. He created a broad organization, but not the -broadest. He always remembered that he was a minister and an ordained -priest of the Church of England; and it was with great reluctance that -he permitted himself to yield to those innovations which the polity of -the Church of England would have opposed; he always desired to regard -his entire fellowship as in communion with the Establishment; his -arrangements for his services were, as far as possible, for times and -seasons when no services were proceeding in the parish churches of the -neighbourhood, and for a long time he attempted to harmonise his -method of worship to the liturgic forms and devotions of the Church. -Lord King's essay on the Primitive Church made him, theoretically, an -Independent; yet, there can be little doubt that had there been a -broader, wiser, and more tolerant _regime_ in the Establishment, the -whole movement might have been included in the corporation of the -National Church; it was surely of God that it was not so. But the -Church of Rome would have known how to avail itself of such a sudden -burst of energy, as in the cases of St. Francis, of Loyola, and -others; the great leader and his disciples would for some time have -been kept in a state of ecclesiastical quarantine, but in the course -of a few years they would have been received, to pour into the mother -Church the fulness of their newly-acquired life. It was a great -evangelistic movement that Wesley originated and sustained; he -perpetually attempted to limit and curtail the ministerial powers of -his preachers; many of them, indeed, became sufficiently restive even -beneath his authority, and were quite unable or unwilling to perceive -the reason of the ecclesiastical refinements he taught and maintained. - -Isaac Taylor has urged against Wesley that he founded an irresponsible -hierarchy; he says: 'On the one side stand all Protestant Churches, -Episcopal and non-Episcopal, Wesleyanism excepted; on the other side -stand the Church of Rome, and the Wesleyan Conference. This position -maintained _alone_ by a Protestant body must be regarded as false in -principle, and in an extreme degree ominous.' The position is not -fairly stated. The polity of Rome is absolutely intolerant; she not -merely has laws for conserving her own rights, which she claims as -divine, but she treats with perfect contempt and scorn all reference -to, or respect for, the rights of others. Even Frederick Faber, in his -essay on Philip Neri, in a passage of hearty eulogy on Whitefield, -consigns him to hell, notwithstanding all his usefulness, when he -says, 'St. Philip would have taught him to preach if he had been an -oratorian novice, which, unluckily for his poor soul, George -Whitefield never was.' Such is Rome. It was not so with Wesley -himself, nor has it been so with his descendants. The rubric--if so we -may call it--of Methodist polity has been stringent; too stringently, -perhaps, laws have been enacted against those turbulent spirits, -certain to emerge in all communities, endowed with a strong desire to -take their own way, and to do things merely right in their own eyes; -you are free to do so, says Wesley, but not beneath the sanctions of -our society, unless we approve the action. There has been a strong -desire to gather in and build up, but in a sense in which, perhaps, -Wesleyans have not been singular; 'they have dwelt among their own -people,' their fellowship, in spite of numerous schisms, has been one -of the most perfect, harmonious, and useful in Christendom; but this -has existed with entire respect and good-will to other denominations. -Wesley himself says, one circumstance is quite peculiar to the -Methodists, the terms upon which any person may be admitted into their -society, 'they do not impose, in order to their admission, any -opinions whatever; one conviction, and one only, is required, a real -desire to save their souls; where this is, it is enough, they desire -no more, they lay stress upon nothing else, they ask only, "is thy -heart herein as my heart? if it be, give me thy hand." Is there any -other society in Great Britain and Ireland that is so remote from -bigotry? Where is there such another society in Europe--in the -habitable world? I know none. Let any man show it me who can; till -then, let no one talk of the bigotry of the Methodists.' 'Look to the -Lord, and faithfully attend all the means of grace appointed in the -society.' Such was, practically, the whole of Methodism. So that -famous old lady, whose bright example has so often been held up on -Methodists' platforms, when called upon to state the items of her -creed, did so very sufficiently when she summed if up in the four -particulars of 'Repentance towards God, faith in the Lord Jesus -Christ, a penny a week, and a shilling a quarter.' And certainly, -beyond any other scheme or system, the organization of Methodism has -developed the power of the _pence_--that is, the power of the -people--to provide for and to sustain their religious services. The -Rev. Marmaduke Miller, in a letter to the _Nonconformist_ for May -17th, 1871, shows that the various associations in England bearing -Wesley's name, and practically working out his ideas, hold and -provide sittings for 3,500,000 people; they represent the membership -of 624,453 persons; the number of settled ministers is 3,137, and -local preachers 41,456, while the Sabbath-schools represent 1,162,423, -and the teachers 197,163. What a representation of the amazing numbers -of those who call Wesley father! The rules of the Methodist polity, -then, were devised in no insolent spirit; wisely, or unwisely, they -were framed for the conservation of order. Mr. Wesley's object in them -was certainly not ecclesiastical, as he says again, 'I have no more -right to object to a man for holding a different opinion from me than -I have to differ from a man because he wears a wig and I wear my own -hair; but if he takes his wig off, and begins to shake the powder -about my eyes, I shall consider it my duty to get quit of him as soon -as possible.' One cannot but think what might have been, had -Hildebrand been such a man as Wesley; what might the Church of England -have been had Whitgift or Laud held views so broad and tolerant as -these. In effect, his polity said, 'Come amongst us, and we will seek -to do each other good; join some other communion, the Lord be with -you; but if you attach yourself voluntarily to our society, you accept -the conditions of the society.' - -The Wesleyans constitute the largest denomination in the United -States, in the form of the Methodist Episcopal Church founded by the -venerable Asbury, the friend and early disciple of John Wesley, and a -man baptized into a like spirit of indomitable endurance, and ardent, -untiring energy. But it may be questioned whether this should be -regarded as a development of Wesleyanism, or a departure from Wesley's -idea of Church government. Certainly much depends upon what we find -implied in the designation of bishop. The Wesleyan bishop in England -is called a 'superintendent;' from a Methodist's point of view the -terms are almost convertible and synonymous, and we have little doubt -that superintendent is the realization of the Scriptural idea of the -bishop--a pastor, shepherd, or overseer. More than this Wesley did not -desire his ministers to be. Had he great prescience? Was it a -far-sighted sagacity which characterized his mind? Acutely he saw the -present want, and met it. Probably he never realized the wholly -independent attitude his followers would assume in the future; and, -like the constitution of England, so the constitution of his society -grew beneath his eye; he scarcely, therefore, made provisions to meet -the demands of an independent Church, or community. He was perpetually -engaged in furnishing expedients; his ideas never seemed to rise -beyond, or to sink deeper than the present work of evangelizing the -multitude, and keeping them awake, and intent on the desire for -salvation. Hence he was utterly opposed to a permanent pastorate; his -ministers were to be perpetually moving; to some desires expressed to -himself for a longer residence, or more continued ministration of some -of his preachers, he gave his most decided negative. It is a matter -still of serious dispute between the Wesleyan and other Church -polities, whether for the health, growth, and well-being of the -individual Church, the permanent pastorate or the itinerant ministry -may be regarded as best. There is something to be said on either side. -We can have no doubt that the Wesleyan polity, while it may minister -something to the life of Churches, and give a pleasant variety, must -be a barrier to the accumulation of learning, and what is more -precious of pastoral influence; and that it offers a strong inducement -to intellectual indolence, to lean upon old resources rather than to -go on exploring new and fresh fields. The Wesleyan polity almost -denies to the minister the position of the pastor. The true pastor of -each separate little cluster in a society is the class leader; he -permanently resides in the town or village; he is familiar with the -conversions, the experiences, the joys and sorrows of each member of -the little flock. Wesley even went so far as to interdict the presence -of his ministers in the classes; and the minister is still, we -believe, as a rule, only occasionally present for the purpose of -distributing the quarterly tickets. But the immediate followers of -Wesley have now elaborated what they regard, and even term, an -ecclesiastical constitution. Its government is regulated by laws -sharply cut and defined for every emergency; they have their -Blackstone, and Coke upon Lyttleton, and probably Mr. Wesley himself -would be somewhat amazed to find such a framework of polity as the -handbook of Methodist ecclesiastical law, in Edmund Grindrod's -'Compendium of the Laws and Regulations of Wesleyan Methodism.' This -defines its 'ecclesiastical courts,' 'powers of the Conference,' of -'district meetings,' of 'local courts,' of the 'committee of -privileges,' and the nature of all its committees and institutions. -Wesleyan Methodism in England, indeed, may be defined as a -constitutional republic, but of the oligarchic order of Venice or -Florence. Its polity constitutes a civil rather than a spiritual -despotism, but it reminds us that men are not much interested in the -government of the Church of their adoption, and that Church -consciousness is very independent of Ecclesiastical organization. - -Yet the entire polity of Wesley was popular, and few religions -communities have so successfully cultivated the spirit infused into -it; it was intended to meet the religious instincts of the uncared for -multitudes. Certain words of Wesley illustrate this;--a new chapel was -in the course of erection at Blackburn; Wesley was taken to see it. 'I -have a favour to ask,' he said; 'let there be no pews in the body of -this chapel, except one for the leading singers; be sure to make -accommodation for the poor, they are God's building materials in the -erection of His Church; the rich make good scaffolding, but bad -materials.' 'Observe,' he said again to his preachers, 'it is not your -business to preach so many times, and to take care of this or that -society, but to save as many souls as you can, to bring as many -sinners as you possibly can to repentance, and, with all your power, -to build them up in that holiness, without which they cannot see the -Lord.' He knew that preaching needs to be succeeded by personal -intercourse; hence he says in visiting Colchester;--'By repeated -experiments we learn that though a man preach like an angel, he will -neither collect, nor preserve a society which is collected, without -visiting them from house to house.' And this is the key to that -comprehensive and all-permeating spirit which constitutes the idea of -Methodism, at once its danger as well as its defence; to become a -Methodist of Wesley's order was to be, and is to be, looked up, and -looked after, and overlooked. It must be admitted that the system -which is so vigorously and watchfully organized, does not leave much -opportunity for the mind and soul to grow: the tutoring and training -hearts and minds to walk alone is a profound study. Nothing of this is -contemplated in the Wesleyan system; freedom of thought has not -usually fared well in the society; minds are too closely interlocked -and riveted, frequently not only with other, but with inferior minds. -It is therefore a community for the poor and the uneducated, or it is -nothing; and if it is not like the Romish system, dangerous by the -possession of an audacious hierarchy, it must be admitted that it may -become so in virtue of a system of spiritual espionage scarcely less -effective than the confessional. - -Did John Wesley know human nature? Judging from the effects which have -followed his marvellous course, it would seem so; and if severe in -discipline, and intolerant to human infirmities by his system, he was -most tender and merciful, even to the aberrations and stumblings of -believers themselves. He insisted on punctilious obedience to his -rules, but it was easy to him to forgive all personal injustice to -himself; sometimes it seems almost as if he were even unable to feel -injuries, and probably this was greatly the case: his 'place was on -high, his defence the munition of rocks,' and no soul ever seems to -have been more securely shielded in 'the pavilion,' where spirits are -kept 'in secret from the strife of tongues.' The wicked woman who was -his wife, stole a number of his letters, interpolated parts, and -misrendered certain expressions; and, having been guilty at once of -theft and forgery, she, in conjunction with some of his enemies, -published them. It led to venomous and embittered language in the -newspapers concerning them. His brother, Charles Wesley, was in the -utmost consternation: he went off to Wesley, imploring him to postpone -a journey he was on the eve of taking, that he might stay in London -and defend himself against his enemies. He found his brother as calm -as _he_ was excited: - - 'I shall never forget,' says Miss Wesley, the daughter of - Charles, 'the manner in which my father accosted my mother - on his return home. "My brother," said he, "is, indeed, an - extraordinary man; I placed before him the importance of - the character of a minister, and the evil consequences - which might result from his indifference to it, and urged - him by every relative and public motive to answer for - himself and stop the publication. His reply was, Brother, - when I devoted to God my ease, my time, my life, did I - except my reputation? No, tell Sally (Charles's wife) I - will take her to Canterbury to-morrow."' - -Glorious John had to live down many worse persecutions than this. -Ordinarily, his calm was imperturbable; and yet, divine as this often -seems, it often, too, seems related to a side of character which -almost indicates a defect in human nature. It has been alleged against -him that he was thoroughly ignorant of the nature of children, 'Break -their wills betimes,' he says; 'begin this work before they can run -alone, before they can speak plain, perhaps before they can speak at -all.' The method he adopted at Kingswood school was an illustration of -this entire ignorance of the child's nature. It was not so much a -school as a monastery, its rules were more stringent and hard than -those of a workhouse. It is no wonder that it did not succeed, and -that the whole system of the school had to undergo an entire -modification. That Wesley's design and idea in founding the Kingswood -school was benevolent, wise, and prescient, there can be no doubt, as -also that the diet was sufficient and good; nor can exception be -taken to the rule that the children should go to bed at eight, and -sleep on hard mattresses; but to rise at four in the morning! and -spend their time until five in reading, singing, meditation and -prayer! no play-day and no play-hour permitted, on the ground that 'he -who plays when he is a child, will play when he becomes a man!' When -we read of such an arrangement made for children, the question recurs, -did Wesley know human nature? Or if such a constitution might be -suitable to the human nature of monks and ascetic saints, what -knowledge does it exhibit of the child's heart? We like better to read -an anecdote told of him when at the age of seventy-three--about the -period when the letters alluded to were published. At Midsomer Norton, -when preaching in the parish church he was staying at the house of a -Mr. Bush, who kept a boarding-school. While he was there, two of the -boys quarrelled, cuffed and kicked each other vigorously. Mrs. Bush -brought the pugilists to Wesley. He talked to them and repeated the -lines-- - - 'Birds in their little nests agree, - And 'tis a shameful sight, - When children of one family - Fall out, and chide, and fight.' - -'You must be reconciled,' said he; 'go and shake hands with each -other,' and they did so. He continued, 'Put your arms around each -other's neck, and kiss each other;' and this was also done. 'Now,' he -said, 'come to me,' and taking two pieces of bread and butter he -folded them together, and desired each to take a part. 'Now,' he said, -'you have broken bread together.' Then he put his hands upon their -heads and blessed them. The two tigers were turned into loving lambs. -They never forgot the old man's blessing, and one of them, who became -a magistrate in Berkshire, related the beautiful incident in long -afterdays. We love to note those pleasant little incidents in the -man's life, and there are many such. A thousand anecdotes are told of -his benevolence and goodness, and if his life should ever be -adequately written, they will form a more entertaining regalia of -majesty, than we know in the life of any one of the fathers of the -Church. - -We are not writing a life of Wesley; we leave unnoticed, therefore, -his more secret and sacred history. We have no space to devote to the -romance of Grace Murray. She was the light of the prophet's eyes; he -proposed to her in marriage, and was gratefully accepted. We read the -story from a very different point of view to Mr. Tyerman, and have -little doubt that Grace sacrificed her own feelings to the vehement -anger and interference of Charles Wesley, to the welfare of her lover, -and to the interests of the society. Wesley beautifully, -affectionately, and ingenuously said, 'the origin of the object of his -affections was no objection to him; he regarded not her birth, but her -qualifications. She was remarkably neat, frugal, and not sordid; had a -large amount of common sense, was indefatigably patient, and -inexpressibly tender; quick, cleanly, and skilful; of an engaging -behaviour, and of a mild, sprightly, and yet serious temper; and that -her gifts for usefulness were such as he had never seen equalled.' He -concluded, 'I have Scriptural reasons to marry, I know no person so -proper as this.' But the union was not to be. If we followed -implicitly the authority of Mr. Tyerman, we should express an opinion -adverse to Grace; but we prefer to ask whether such a woman as she -seems to have been was not moved to the step she took by the highest -considerations, moved by persuasions, by the tempest she was raising -in the societies, and by the not very saintly conduct of Charles -Wesley, who is described in this matter--very well it seems to us--by -Mr. Tyerman, 'as a sincere, but irritated, impetuous, and officious -friend.' Be this as it may, Wesley met her to say farewell. He kissed -her and said, 'Grace Murray, you have broken my heart.' A week or two -after she was married. The two never met again for thirty-nine years. -She long out-lived her husband; and when in London she came to hear -her son preach in Moorfields, she met her venerable lover--lover still -apparently, for the interview is described as very affecting. -Henceforth they saw each other no more, and Wesley never again -mentioned her name. In the whole transaction, so far from any shade -falling on the memory of Wesley, his admirers will, perhaps, be -pleased to find him so related to intense human feelings. No doubt the -marriage would have been an unfortunate one for the society, and the -possession of such a wife as Grace Murray would most likely have been -fatal to, or at least would have greatly interfered with, that -stupendous scheme of apostolic usefulness which he was destined to -create. Seductions of domestic life sadly derange a prophet's work. -Through long years Grace continued a course of Christian usefulness, -and lived and died eminently respected. She lies in Chinly churchyard, -in Derbyshire. - -The lady who became the wife of Wesley was the roughest of termagants, -the plague and pest of her husband's existence; and she takes her -place in the foremost rank of the bad wives of eminent men, worthy to -be classed with the wedded companions of Socrates, of Albert Durer, of -George Herbert, or Richard Hooker; she was the most vicious vixen of -them all. It may be imagined, without doing any injustice to him, that -when his letters were stolen, interpolated, and forged by his wife, -for the purpose of injuring his character, the grieving spirit of the -old prophet may sometimes have said, 'Grace Murray would not have done -this.' - -Wesley's mind was eminently administrative. It has often been said -that he had in him much that combined the genius of Richelieu and -Loyola--the calm, iron will and the acute eye of the one, the -inventive genius and habitual devotion of the other. He would compare -better with Washington, or the illustrious member of the Wesley family -of our own age, Wellington. His mind was eminently healthy, and may be -said to have been always awake, ceaseless in activity, sleepless in -vigilance. He intermeddled with all knowledge in many languages, and -he compiled and published libraries. He appears to have been almost -wholly indifferent to food; in sleep he was sparing; his frame was -very small, and if this appeared to be a reason against his popular -impressiveness as a preacher, it was a means of his amazing agility. -Look at the remarkable likeness of the man prefixed to the work of -Isaac Taylor; it has been likened to a shrivelled monk of the order of -La Trappe, a face in which sharpness and serenity strive for the -dominion of the features, the dark hawk-eyed intelligence with the -bland smile. The principles which illustrate Wesley's character, and -testify, not merely his greatness, but how it happened that he -achieved so much, may be well presented in some of those brief axioms -which do in fact, as we read the multitudinous events of his long -career, exhibit the pivots upon which his life turned. 'I dare no more -fret than curse or swear.' 'I reverence the young because they may be -useful when I am dead.' 'You have no need to be in a hurry,' said a -friend. 'Hurry?' he replied; 'I have no time to be in a hurry.' 'The -soul and the body,' he writes, in a characteristic letter insisting on -the observance of discipline in his society--'The soul and the body -make a man; the spirit and the discipline make a Christian.' 'Let us -work now, we shall rest by and by.' Such sentences exhibit the secret -of his ubiquitous activity and his power; and such characters are -usually cheerful. A glow of quiet, kindly humour often lightened his -speech, sometimes sharpening into quiet satire. Many anecdotes -illustrate both these attributes. - -At eighty he appeared to have the sprightliness of youth, and moved -about like a flying evangelist. Although so clear-sighted a man, he -was too great by far for the epithet 'shrewd.' If people who make -mistakes in judging of character because of their own want of judgment -become suspicious, the fault is chiefly theirs. Wesley was seldom -mistaken in his judgment of particular persons; Charles was often -mistaken. Wesley himself says, 'My brother suspects everybody, and he -is continually imposed upon; but I suspect nobody, and I am never -imposed upon.' Again and again we are reminded how much he lived in an -atmosphere of continual quiet. 'I do not remember,' said the happy old -man, when at the age of seventy-seven, 'I do not remember to have felt -lowness of spirits for one quarter of an hour since I was born.' Of -course it is to be presumed he means that causeless depression which -is usually the result of indolence. At the age of eighty-six he -writes, 'Saturday, March 21st, I had a day of rest, only preaching -morning and evening.' We have seen that in his first days he was not a -radiant and cheerful man; but through his long sunset we know not -where to find such another instance of active spiritual brightness. He -was a serenely happy old man. Sometimes he seems to us as if incapable -of the feeling either of blame or praise, contempt or homage. There -was great strength, as there ever is, in his clearness and stillness -of spirit. Genius is so vague an epithet and quality that we know not -how either to apply it to him or to deny it; but so far as it -represents soul and imagination, great breadth and depth and height of -soul or feeling, it was certainly denied him. On the other hand, he -had a judgment most clear, an apprehension most quick and vivid, and -an enthusiasm as little tainted by fanaticism as any great Christian -leader since the days of the apostle Paul. Reformer as he was, he was -essentially conservative. - -As is usual in most religious orders, Popish or Protestant, his spirit -has survived in his society, and the shadow of Wesley falls wide and -far. He lived through amazing changes of opinion with reference to -himself, and before he died, from being one of the most abused and -execrated of men, he certainly was one of the most revered. No foe had -been more rancorous and unjust than Lavington, Bishop of Exeter; -Wesley lived to unite with him in the ordinance of the Lord's Supper -in his own cathedral. He writes, with no bitterness of the man who had -with such bitter ribaldry abused him, 'I was well pleased to partake -of the Lord's Supper, with my old opponent, Bishop Lavington. Oh! may -we sit together in the kingdom of our Father.' At Lewisham he dined -with the eminent Dr. Lowth, Bishop of London. On proceeding to dinner -the Bishop refused to sit above Wesley at the table, saying, 'Mr. -Wesley, may I be found at your feet in another world.' Wesley objected -to take the seat of precedence; but the learned prelate obviated the -difficulty by requesting as a favour that Wesley would sit above him -because his hearing was defective, and he desired not to lose a -sentence of Wesley's conversation. It is known that the king had a -great respect for him; and it is to this most probably Wesley refers, -when writing to one of his preachers, advising him to stand his ground -against the vehement opposition of the Bishop of the Isle of Man, he -says, 'I know pretty well the mind of Lord Mansfield, and of _one_ -that is greater than he.' In his latter days his movements to and fro -in the country became ovations; not merely did thousands gather to -hear him preach, the streets of towns were lined to look upon him, and -the windows were thronged as he passed along. While in Yorkshire, we -read of cavalcades of horses and carriages formed to receive and -escort him on the way. At Redruth, as he preached in the market place, -the congregation not only filled the windows, but sat on the tops of -the houses. Assuredly, as often as he had been 'persecuted, he was not -forsaken;' he did not die of Crucifixion, but he felt no elation of -spirit, and we see him still the same man that he had been in the -widely different circumstances of cruel and unjust misrepresentation. - -It is wonderful to think that at nearly ninety years of age he could -continue to make any effort to preach, but he did so, and he continued -as a tower of strength to the companies he had formed and called -together. But he outlived most of his early contemporaries, friends -and foes. He stood in the pulpit of St. Giles's, in London; he had -preached there fifty years before, prior to his departure for America. -'Are they not passed as a watch in the night?' he writes. Old families -that used to entertain him had passed away. 'Their houses,' says he, -'know neither me nor them any more.' His later letters show that -fervid sentiment for woman known only to loftiest minds and hearts; -this again is entwined with beautiful simple regards for children. -When he ascended the pulpit of Raithby Church, where he was often -allowed to preach, a child sat in his way on the stairs, he took it in -his arms and kissed it, and placed it tenderly on the same spot. Crabb -Robinson heard him at Colchester, he was then eighty-seven, on each -side of him stood a minister supporting him; his feeble voice was -barely audible. Robinson, then a boy, destined to enter into his -ninety-second year, says, 'It formed a picture never to be forgotten.' -He goes on to say, 'It went to the heart, and I never saw anything -like it in after life.' Three days after he preached at Lowestoft, and -there he had another distinguished hearer, the poet Crabbe. Here, -also, he was supported into the pulpit by a minister on either side; -but what really touched the poet naturally and deeply, was Wesley's -adaptation and appropriation of some lines of Anacreon. The poet -speaks of his reverent appearance, his cheerful air, and the beautiful -cadence with which he repeated the lines:-- - - 'Oft am I by women told, - Poor Anacreon, thou grow'st old; - See, thine hairs are falling all, - Poor Anacreon, how they fall. - Whether I grow old or no, - By these signs I do not know, - By this I need not to be told, - "Tis _time to live_ if I grow old."' - -In 1790 he gave up keeping his accounts; his last entry--exceedingly -difficult to decipher--is characteristic: 'For upwards of eighty-six -years (meaning, of course, rather, sixty-eight, _i. e._, since he came -to have money of his own) I have kept my accounts exactly. I will not -attempt it any longer, being satisfied with the continual conviction -that I save all I can, and give all I can; that is, all I have. July -16, 1790.' His benevolence indeed was excessive; and Samuel Bradburn -says, 'He never relieved poor people in the street but he either took -off or removed his hat to them when they thanked him.' - -The story of the old man's approach towards the gates of the celestial -city is very beautiful, and has often been told. His last sermons are -certainly among his best; the last sermon he printed, on 'Faith the -evidence of things not seen,' was the last he ever wrote, and was -finished only six weeks before his death. It shows how his mind -sustained the altitude of highest power when bordering upon ninety -years of age; it shows also how the dear old man was preening his -wings for a speedy flight. We suppose the last letter he wrote was to -William Wilberforce, on the abolition of slavery--short, but full of -strength--giving to the apostle of freedom his benediction. 'If God be -for you,' he writes, 'who can be against, you? O! be not weary in well -doing! Go on, in the name of God, and in the power of His might!' - -It was in the City-road that exhausted nature gave way, unable to bear -any more. And what a death it was! He was, indeed, several days in -dying, but there was no pain, only exhaustion; in his wanderings he -was preaching or attending classes, and singing snatches from some of -his brother's, and from Watts's hymns; but he was half in heaven -before he left the earth. His last strain of song was-- - - 'To Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, - Who sweetly all agree;' - -but his voice failed, and gasping for breath he said, 'Now we have -done, let us go!' Friends crowded round his bed, and amidst their -words of comfort and love he was passing away. There was no conflict; -only once he rose, and in a tone almost supernatural, exclaimed, 'The -best of all is God is with us!' His brother's widow tenderly -ministered to him; he tried to kiss her, saying, 'He giveth his -servants rest!' Then he repeated his thanksgiving, 'We thank thee, O -God, for these and all Thy mercies; bless the Church and King, and -grant us truth and peace, through Jesus Christ our Lord, for ever and -ever.' He paused a little; then he cried, 'The clouds drop fatness!' -Then another pause, 'The Lord of Hosts is with us, the God of Jacob is -our refuge!' Eleven persons were standing round his bed as he said -'Farewell,' his last word, at ten o'clock, Wednesday, March 2nd, 1791. -'Children,' said John Wesley's mother, 'as soon as I am dead, sing a -song of praise!' As soon as Wesley died, his friends round his dead -body raised their voices in a hymn, then knelt down and prayed. He was -buried behind the chapel in the City-road, on the 9th of March. So -great was the excitement created by his death, that he was buried at -five o'clock in the morning; before this he had been laid in a kind of -state. Thus Samuel Rogers, the poet, saw him. He says, 'As I was -walking home one day from my father's bank, I observed a great crowd -of people streaming into a chapel in the City-road. I followed them; -and saw laid out upon a table the dead body of a clergyman in full -canonicals, his grey hair partly shading his face on both sides, and -his flesh resembling wax. It was the corpse of John Wesley, and the -crowd moved slowly and silently round and round the table, to take a -last look at that most venerable man.' - -John Wesley appears to have been one of the most faultless of mortals: -some of his followers claim for him a rank little short of perfection; -and certainly few for whom such a claim is made, could sustain it so -well. He nevertheless commands high admiration rather than passionate -affection. The sapling he planted has struck its roots far and wide, -still true to the spirit of its illustrious planter, his work has -resulted in a great organization, rather than in a great _soul_. We -have seen that the proportions of Wesleyanism in America are much more -magnificent than in England. English Wesleyanism has narrowed its -boundaries by making the sermons of its founder its legal creed; it is -not so in America, there the Methodists have accepted his fundamental -idea, while they have given room and verge enough for the soul to -grow. Sometimes, beyond all question, Wesley himself was occupied by -the consideration of the shape and the attitude his gigantic society -would assume in future years; but he writes distinctly--'I do not, I -will not, concern myself with what will be done when I am dead; I take -no thought about that.' His was an ever-growing, keenly penetrating, -and widely observant mind, and we cannot but think that he would have -so modified his organization and adapted his discipline, that the -immense institution he founded would have been saved from many of its -ruptures and schisms, and have comprehended a still more extensive -operation than it acknowledges at present. We have no space to enter -into a comparison between American and English Wesleyanism; enough -that the transatlantic child has far outstripped the English parent. -In England, indeed, several powerful offshoots, all, it seems to us, -comprehensible within Wesley's own idea, have divided the field of -labour, which he, perhaps, would have occupied by his organization -alone. But what a variety of sects regard him as their father: the -Primitive Methodists, the Bible Christians, the Wesleyan Association, -the New Connexion, and the Free Methodists; so that, regarding the -immense Church of America, the old Conference of England, and all its -offshoots, it is not too much to say that no single man, in the -history of the Church has ever been the father of such a progeny, so -many are those who in their temple and services are anxious that the -'shadow of "Wesley" passing may overshadow some of them.' In some -particulars, although its numerical strength has ever gone on -increasing, Wesleyanism has not grown since the days of its founder. -Creating such a hymnology as that of Charles Wesley, the glory and -beauty of Methodism, we do not know that since his time it has ever -written a single hymn which has become the darling and the property of -the Church. It has produced in England few Christian poets, no great -hymn writers; certainly none to take place by the side of the lyrists -of its early days. It was born in missionary fervour, and baptized -into the missionary spirit; it has performed abroad a good and -admirable work. To it greatly it is due that the Fiji Islanders, a -race of cannibals, have ceased from their horrible manners and -customs, and have approached the confines of civilization; but -Wesleyanism has produced no great missionaries, and boasts of no vast -achievements like those which are the heraldry of some it would be -easy to name. It has no literature; it has done nothing for -philosophy, with perhaps the exception of the metaphysical shoemaker, -Samuel Drew; with the single exception of Richard Watson it has done -nothing in scientific theology; here and there scholarly men like the -learned Adam Clarke, Spence Hardy, or the recently departed Etheridge, -meet us, but the history of the literature of Methodism would present -only a poor scroll. There must be some reason for this, although we -are not now disposed to inquire where it is to be found; we simply -state a fact. Nor do those who are the immediate followers of Wesley -occupy the fields of labour Wesley prescribed; we apprehend that -Primitive Methodists and Bible Christians would receive the venerable -Wesley's special benediction, and be regarded by him as carrying -forward most efficiently his labours and intentions. Perhaps, if it -were possible for the English Conference to adopt some of the -principles of the American Conference, this great religious -corporation might soon enlarge its field and sphere, so that even -Wesley himself might seem to be the subject of a mighty resurrection. - -As time advances, the point of view changes from whence a great man -may be most distinctly seen; as the trees are removed which interfered -with the prospect, so prejudices which prevented due appreciation are -modified. If the subsequent ages do not substantially alter their -verdict, yet so much is added to, or subtracted from impressions, -either by a larger catholicity of judgment or by the accumulation of -additional facts, that new portraits and fresh and more accurate -appreciations are demanded. Ours has been called especially the age of -resurrections: beyond all former times it is the age in which men have -industriously 'garnished the sepulchres of the prophets,' and Wesley's -tomb has not been suffered to fall into ruin; many a loving Old -Mortality re-cuts his name on the stone; and recently, especially, -many able hands have set themselves to the task of faithful and -admiring delineation of the features of the man and his work. Miss -Wedgewood's interesting little volume, if founded upon no additional -information, shows the growing disposition in members of other -Churches to do him substantial justice. As a history of the great -evangelical reaction and revival, her work is inadequate, and we -question very much whether she has qualified herself, either by -sufficient sympathy or sufficient knowledge, to fulfil the -requirements of the larger and more comprehensive title of her work. -Mr. Tyerman's volumes constitute by far the most exhaustive, as they -are certainly the bulkiest, and from many points of view, the most -interesting of the lives of Wesley. He has industriously ferreted out -and brought together a great deal of unpublished or unconnected -material, although much material to which he might have found access -still remains unexamined, acquaintance with which would probably have -modified some of his judgments. The author does not aim at any -remarkable melody of style, philosophic disquisition, or even personal -portraiture; his work is simply an Index Rerum about Wesley. Mr. -Tyerman's judgment is usually characterized by great clearness and -good sense; his pen seems to be always governed by the desire to be -fair and impartial, and for the first time our libraries receive a -full and comprehensive memoir of the great religious teacher and -ecclesiastical statesman, of a life as transcendently above ordinary -lives in its incessant and immeasureable activity, as it was -protracted beyond them in its period of service. We suppose that those -readers who desire a philosophy of Methodism, will still turn to the -pages of Isaac Taylor; and those who desire to read a charming story, -will still find most refreshment in the pages of Robert Southey, or in -the more recent glowing collection of anecdotes in Dr. Stevens's -'History of Methodism.' - - - - -ART. VII.--_Mr. Darwin on the Origin of Man._ - -(1.) _The Descent of Man and Selection in relation to Sex._ By CHARLES -DARWIN, M.A., F.R.S., &c. 2 vols. John Murray. - -(2.) _On the Genesis of Species._ By ST. GEORGE MIVART, F.R.S. -Macmillan. - - -The mode of the origin of man is a question of such momentous interest -to intelligent men that it is not easy to handle it with calm -philosophical indifference, or to discuss it dispassionately. It is -true, we have been informed that the conclusions concerning man's -evolution which have been lately taught far and wide are not opposed -to religion, but we have not been favoured with the tenets of that -religion to which an evolutionist may, without inconsistency, -subscribe. We have even been assured that evolution presents us with a -most noble view of the Great Creator, who endowed living matter with -the capacity of change, and subjected it to natural laws; that it -admits the necessity of a directing, intelligent will, and refers all -the phenomena of the universe to God. But those who have recorded this -remarkable discovery have not been careful to make known to us the -attributes of that Deity in whom they trust; and they express -themselves in a manner that is rather vague concerning the limits -imposed upon His power, His will, and His government by what they call -natural law. - -The hypothesis of evolution, it has been said, does not touch the -question of the origin of life, for evolution is supposed to begin to -operate only after that mysterious, if not miraculous phenomenon has -been completed. Our readers should, however, remember that quite -recently Sir W. Thomson has relegated to a sphere long since -shattered, the birth of the first living spark which peopled this -earth, and thus we are released from the difficulty of framing an -hypothesis to account for the first particle that lived. But a third -class of evolutionists professes to be able to trace the actual origin -of the living from non-living matter, and even maintains that a series -of insensible gradations has been established between the inanimate -and the living. - -These are some of the considerations which are agitating men's minds -in the days in which we live; and Mr. Darwin, in his last work, has -clearly defined the conclusions concerning man's origin which, as he -maintains, we are compelled by the facts of nature to accept, though -he does not indicate, and indeed seems supremely unconscious of the -tremendous nature of the issues raised by his philosophic teaching. 'I -am aware,' says Mr. Darwin, 'that the conclusions arrived at in this -work will be denounced by some as highly irreligious;' but he himself -has failed to discover anything irreligious in the view he has taken. -It is, however, very difficult to form a correct estimate of this -opinion in the absence of any explanation of the meaning which Mr. -Darwin attaches to the terms, religion and irreligion. The religious -views of those who regard man as a being distinct and altogether apart -from brute animals must needs be different from the religious views of -those who look upon him as a mere animal, though it is possible that -the latter conclusion may not conflict with religious beliefs of some -kind or other. - -We should not have ventured to offer these remarks upon the religious -aspect of the question had it not been adverted to, and, as we think, -quite unnecessarily, by Mr. Darwin himself; our main object in this -article being to consider the scientific question from the scientific -side. - -That man began to be in a very remote past is now freely admitted by -all; but this is perhaps the only one of the many propositions -advanced in connection with man's origin that will be accepted by -different authorities who have considered the question from different -points of view. - -Not a few persons still accept the ancient tradition, and up to this -very time maintain, that the idea that man sprang as man direct from -the hands of his God remains unshaken, and that the evidence advanced -in favour of more recent interferences is not only incomplete, but -vague, fragmentary, uncertain, and unconvincing. But while it must be -admitted that the majority of scientific men who have studied the -subject are agreed in the conclusion, that science can point to no -fact at all conclusive in favour of the idea of the direct creation of -man from the dust of the ground, it is by no means so certain that the -scientific evidence advanced in favour of very different inferences is -more convincing, or as worthy of acceptance as their enthusiastic -advocates would have us believe. It cannot be too often clearly stated -that the whole spirit of science demands that scientific conclusions -should rest upon the evidence of facts, and upon facts alone. Evidence -advanced by the scientific observer must be evidence which can be -adduced over and over again; evidence which will bear to be examined -and re-examined in its minutest particulars and with the utmost care. -Nothing is to be taken on trust by the man who would advance real -knowledge, and he who endeavours to convince an audience of the truth -of some new scientific conjecture, by telling it that no other -explanation can be advanced than the particular one that he offers, is -true neither to science nor to himself. It is his business to produce -evidence, not to try to force his own conviction on other minds, and -he should most scrupulously avoid phrases which partake more of the -character of threats than arguments. 'Accept this view, or I shall -regard you as unreasonable, and consider you a savage,' is the -language of a member of an intellectual prize-ring rather than that of -a calm, dispassionate investigator of nature, searching after the -truth for truth's sake. - -Into recent discussions concerning the origin of man, much extraneous -matter has been imported, and in many articles acrimonious remarks -have unfortunately been introduced for which little excuse can be -offered; but it appears to us impossible to deny that the conclusion -we arrive at concerning the origin of man may, and probably must -seriously affect our views concerning the nature of our relation to -Deity, and our belief in a future state; but it is surely premature to -allow our convictions to be greatly disturbed by such considerations, -for it is doubtful whether we are yet in possession of sufficient -knowledge to enable us to deduce any definite conclusion upon this -most difficult question. Men who call themselves philosophical and -scientific may laugh at what they call the legends concerning man's -origin, which are received as truths by the unscientific; but much -will have to be added to the evidence already existing in favour of -the arboreal habits of our ancestors, before the notion will be -generally accepted as worthy of serious belief, or as entirely free -from ludicrousness. The reader of science in these days must be -careful not to mistake conjectural propositions, however ingeniously -expressed, for established scientific demonstrations. - -Our acceptance or rejection of Mr. Darwin's views regarding the -descent of _man_ will be mainly determined by the conclusions we have -been led to adopt concerning his doctrine of the formation of -different species of animals by natural selection. The writer of this -article, disagreeing, as he does, entirely, with the views adopted by -Mr. Darwin's opponents, would be quite ready to concede the doctrine -of the descent of man from a lower form if he felt convinced that the -evidence adduced was sufficient to prove that even a few of the lower -animals and plants had resulted by development from lower forms. He is -well aware that, both here and on the Continent, many scientific -authorities accept the doctrine of natural selection as applied to -plants and animals, but hold that as regards man the evidence, is -altogether inconclusive. Mr. Darwin evidently wishes his readers to -accept upon faith the dictum that it has really been positively -demonstrated that all species of the inferior animals have been -evolved from some lower beings, for he uses this as an inferential -argument in favour of the doctrine that man, '_like every other -species_,' has descended from pre-existing forms. - -We shall not therefore argue, as has often been done, that although -natural selection may be true as applied to animals, it is not correct -as regards man, but shall concede this point, and admit that, if it -could be proved that dissimilar animals had descended from a common -progenitor, we might believe that man's body has been formed in the -same way. But we dispute the evidence hitherto advanced to prove that -even plants as much alike or unlike as the rose and the thistle have -descended from a common plant; and we doubt if sufficient time has -elapsed for effecting the requisite changes in the very gradual manner -in which the hypothesis assumes that they have occurred. - -A great array of facts are marshalled before the reader, in order to -produce the impression that the foregone conclusion really rests upon -a very firm foundation; but it is remarkable how frequently -hypothetical inferences are made to do duty for inductive arguments. -Thus Mr. Darwin assumes that because man, like the lower animals, is -subject to malconformations, arrested development, or reduplication of -parts, his origin _must have been_ like theirs. It is, however, -obvious that such an argument begs the question at issue. It is -clearly possible that man's body might agree with the bodies of the -lower animals in these and many other points, and yet be formed upon -altogether different principles; while man and animals might be alike -in these points, without either having been derived as Mr. Darwin -supposes. Again, it seemed scarcely necessary to repeat the -affirmation that there was much in common between the bodily structure -of man and animals, because everyone who has studied the matter ever -so carelessly freely admits that there is, and every child would -acknowledge the fact from his own observation. What Mr. Darwin desires -us to believe is, that this similarity in structure is due to -community of origin; but this is a very different thing. The fact must -be accepted, but the proposed explanation of the fact is, after all, -only an assertion. It has been audaciously said that Mr. Darwin's -explanation ought to be accepted as true if no more probable -explanation be advanced; but surely this is to mistake altogether the -object of scientific inquiry; for it by no means follows that an -improbable hypothesis ought to be accepted and taught as true, because -its opponents are unable or unwilling to propose a new hypothesis -several degrees less improbable. The question for us to determine, is -simply how far the arguments advanced by Mr. Darwin justify the -conclusion at which he has arrived; and it is not good reasoning to -argue that, because the bodily structure of man resembles that of -animals, and the bodily structures of animals resemble one another, -therefore all have community of origin; for it is clear that there may -be some very different explanation of these facts which cannot be -discovered, nor will be until we possess more knowledge of them. We -may accept as a fact the well known general resemblance between the -tissues of different animals and the tissues of man and animals, but -we may deny that this resemblance is sufficiently close to ground upon -it the doctrine that all tissues have been derived from a common -ancestral tissue-forming substance. We quite agree with Mr. Darwin, -that 'man is constructed on the same general type or model with other -mammals,' but we fail to see in this an argument for the doctrine that -he and they have a common origin. - -If, however, the tissues, blood, and secretions of man were like those -of animals, that is, if they could not be distinguished from the -latter in ultimate structure and chemical composition and properties, -we should be quite ready to accept Mr. Darwin's conclusion; and not a -few of Mr. Darwin's readers will imagine that such is really the case, -for the language employed almost implies that a very exact likeness -has been proved to exist. Mr. Darwin has, however, been careful so to -express himself as to lead his readers to adopt the inference he -desires, without laying himself open to the charge of undue -persuasion, while professing only to be laying facts before their -unbiassed judgment. In truth, such enthusiasm has been stirred up in -favour of Mr. Darwin's doctrines that the task of criticism has become -unpleasant, and it requires some courage even to offer a hint that -after all they _may_ not turn out to be true. And yet it is not -possible for anyone who has studied anatomical structure to assent to -many of the statements in the very first chapter of Mr. Darwin's book. -As regards bodily structure and chemical composition, and also minute -structure of tissues, there are points of difference between man and -animals more striking and remarkable than the points in which -resemblance may be traced. So, too, with reference to embryonic -development, resemblance increases the further we go back, and much -more may be proved than Mr. Darwin requires for the support of his -hypothesis. An embryo man is not more like an embryo ape than either -is like an embryo fish. The mode of origin and the development of -every tissue in nature are indeed alike in many particulars, but this -fact, so far from being an argument in favour of the common parentage -of any or all, seems to indicate that all are formed according to some -general law, which nevertheless permits the most remarkable -variations, not solely dependent upon either external conditions or -internal powers. - -It has been shown that certain structural characteristics observable -to the unaided eye are common to man and the lower animals, and this -fact has been urged in favour of the conclusion adopted by Mr. -Darwin. Thus, great stress is laid upon the presence of 'the little -blunt point projecting from the inwardly folded margin or helix of the -ear of man.' This is decided to be the vestige of the formerly pointed -ears of the progenitors of our predecessors with arboreal habits, but -nothing is said in explanation of the complete absence of rudiments of -parts which we should expect to find. And surely there may be -differences of opinion as to the bearing of many of the facts -advanced, although Mr. Darwin affirms that their bearing is -unmistakable. The observation that, 'on any other view, the similarity -of pattern between the hand of a man or monkey, the foot of a horse, -the flipper of a seal, the wing of a bat, &c., is utterly -inexplicable,' is not complimentary to the ingenuity or conjectural -capacity of those who are to succeed Mr. Darwin; but to assert that -these parts have been formed on the same ideal plan is not a -scientific explanation; it is merely to express an opinion in a very -arbitrary and rather abrupt manner. It may be 'natural prejudice' and -it may be 'arrogance' which leads some to demur to the conclusions -deduced by Mr. Darwin and his friends, and the prophecy[63] at the end -of his chapter may be fulfilled, but it is at any rate premature; -while it is by no means fair to imply that every naturalist who -refuses to accept Mr. Darwin's hypothesis believes that each mammal -and man 'was the work of a separate act of creation.' - -As is well known, there are certain diseases which may be communicated -from man to the lower animals, or from the lower animals to man, and -Mr. Darwin tells us that the fact 'proves (!) the close similarity of -their tissues and blood, both in minute structure and composition.' -Here, again, in what he regards as his proof, Mr. Darwin begs the -question. Such premises afford no justification whatever for the -conclusion arrived at, while the force of the remark depends entirely -upon the meaning attached to the phrase 'close similarity.' We may -assert with truth that there is a _very close similarity_ between the -blood of a rat and the blood of a Guinea pig, and also that the blood -of the rat _differs widely_ from that of the Guinea pig. In the first -assertion, 'close similarity' is used in a sense which does not imply -that 'widely different' is not equally true of the statement to which -it relates. The argument adopted by Mr. Darwin is not an argument in -favour of his conclusion. He might urge with equal force that since -bacteria grow and multiply in many different fluids and solids, these -fluids and solids exhibit a close similarity in structure and -composition; or, conversely, it might be held, that because certain -poisons produce very different effects upon the nerve-tissues of -different animals, therefore the nerve-tissues of these animals must -differ widely in minute structure and chemical composition. - -As regards the statements that man and animals alike die of apoplexy, -suffer from fever, are subject to cataract, take tea, are fond of -tobacco, and the like, it is simply astounding that Mr. Darwin should -have advanced them with the view of strengthening his case. The -circumstance almost leads us to infer that he was not altogether -unconscious of the weakness of his own cause. He has been -over-sanguine regarding his powers of convincing his readers of the -truth of any proposition he might think fit to advance. It would have -been more to the purpose to have maintained that, since all mammals -have blood and blood-vessels, brains, and nerves, it is certain that -all mammals must have had a common origin, since it is not possible to -account for the close similarity between these tissues in any other -way. - -Nor is it easy to understand how the community-of-origin hypothesis is -assisted by the fact that man and animals are infested by parasites, -seeing that the parasites are as different from one another as are the -species which they infest, and, like the latter, are incapable of -interbreeding, and exhibit specific distinctions of the most striking -kind. - -That reproduction and gestation are carried out upon the same general -plan in all mammals is universally known, but it is straining argument -with a vengeance to advance this in favour of their community of -origin, considering the marvellous variations in detail which are -observed in respect of these processes in different and even in very -closely allied mammals. - -The fact that man arrives at maturity more slowly than other animals -is met by Mr. Darwin with the cautious observation that 'the orang _is -believed_ not to be adult till the age of from ten to fifteen years.' -This is by no means a solitary example of the very vague observations -which Mr. Darwin admits as data upon which to ground his conclusions. -For want of more demonstrative evidence, he is constrained to accept -the loose statement to which we have alluded; and it must be admitted -that he has displayed considerable ingenuity in making the most of the -utterly inconclusive and sometimes unreliable material at his -disposal; but it is indeed very remarkable that he should consider -himself in any way justified by the facts and arguments to which he -has adverted, in summing up so very definitely and so very decidedly -as he has done on the sixth page of the first chapter of his book. The -italics in the following sentence are our own: 'It is, in short, -_scarcely possible to exaggerate the close correspondence_ in general -structure, in the minute structure of the tissues, in chemical -composition, and in constitution, between man and the higher animals, -especially the anthropomorphous apes!' - -Mr. Darwin adduces another argument in his favor from embryonic -development, and proceeds to show that at a certain period the human -embryo is very like that of the dog. He quotes with approval the -remark of Mr. Huxley, that as regards development man is 'far nearer -to apes than the apes are to the dog;' but if we suppose the -resemblance to be far greater than is really the case, it is difficult -to see how the fact would strengthen the hypothesis in favour of which -it is advanced. Because the embryo of a dog resembles that of a man, -therefore both were derived from a common progenitor, seems a very -curious specimen of reasoning, and implies the acceptance of a number -of other propositions which have been and will continue to be -disputed. We are assured that no other explanation than the one -advanced by Mr. Darwin 'has ever been given of the marvellous fact -that the embryos of a man, dog, seal, bat, reptile, &c., cannot at -first be distinguished from each other;' but as needs scarcely be -said, this circumstance adds no weight to the particular explanation -in question, and does not increase the probability of its being proved -to be true at some future day. According to Mr. Darwin, we _ought_ -frankly to admit the force of every argument he thinks fit to advance; -but surely, before doing so, there is no harm in examining the facts a -little more closely. And, first, it would have been desirable to -inquire whether the resemblance was really as great as a superficial -examination by the unaided eye seemed to indicate; next, it should -have been ascertained whether the _differences_ between the animal and -the human embryo were not also very considerable; in which case it -would have been necessary to inquire further concerning the bearing of -the differences demonstrated, upon the hypothesis of the community of -origin of the several embryos, grounded upon the likeness. - -But Mr. Darwin does not tell us why he selected one particular period -of development for demonstrating the resemblance between the human -embryo and that of the dog. The likeness was in truth much greater at -a period still earlier than the one selected. Nay, the fact must be -known to Mr. Darwin, that at a very early stage in development we fail -to discover, after the most careful scrutiny, any difference between -the matter which, under certain conditions, will become man, and that -which, under certain other conditions, will become dog, or cat, or -bird, or frog, or jelly-fish, or plant; yet it would be monstrous to -assert that apparent likeness was real identity. It is only during the -later stages of development, as Mr. Huxley affirms, and as has been -well known for fifty years or more, that 'the young human being -presents _marked_ differences from the young ape.' But why is the -reader not told that at a very early period of development these -embryos are not only like one another, but could not by any means at -our disposal be distinguished from each other or from any other form -of embryo matter in nature? The results of the act of living in the -two cases are very different, but the living matter itself seems to be -nearly identical. The material out of which man is evolved is perhaps -exactly like that from which every other vertebrate living being -proceeds, and it does not differ in any ascertained points from that -from which the most destructive morbid growths may be developed. Here, -then, is an argument for the community of origin of everything in -nature. Not only is man's brain developed like the dog's brain, but -the matter in which every one of his organs originates is like that -from which every other tissue in nature is evolved. - -But when we come to examine more minutely the tissues of the embryo -man and the embryo dog at about the period of development selected by -Mr. Darwin for comparison, we find very remarkable points of -difference in their minute structure. If we examine particular tissues -by the aid of high microscopic powers, we shall discover points of -difference as well as points in which they agree, and this at every -stage of growth subsequent to the time when the tissues have acquired -their special characters. If, then, from the fact of general -resemblance we are to argue in favour of a common origin, what -explanation have we to offer of the peculiar and constant, though -definite differences between the corresponding tissues of different -animals at corresponding periods of development? Mr. Darwin's -explanation may account for the resemblance between the different -embryos at a particular period of development, but it does not help us -in the least to understand why there should be differences in the -ultimate structure of the tissues at this same period, any more than -it explains the still more remarkable resemblance between different -forms of embryonic matter at every period of life, in health and in -disease. - -It is difficult to understand how 'natural selection' can work, unless -we admit that the matter of the germ possesses the property of -undergoing modification. But if modifying power determines the -changes, this must itself be referred to something _inherent_ in the -matter of the germ itself--a primary power of the organism transmitted -from pre-existing organisms. Such a power is, however, inadmissible in -any evolutional hypothesis, and so far from being explained by natural -selection, explains the facts grouped under that head. It is true that -Mr. Darwin does admit the operation of 'unknown agencies' influencing -the nature and constitution of the organism, but he adduces no reason -for supposing that these unknown agencies will be discovered at some -future time, or that they are in any way dependent on natural -selection. If we require 'unknown agencies' at all, we may surely -dispense with natural selection altogether, and attribute the -formation of species to these unknown agencies directly, instead of -attributing it to natural selection and referring natural selection to -the unknown agencies. - -It certainly would be an argument of the very highest importance, and -indeed most convincing, if it could be shown that, in their minute -structure, the corresponding tissues of man and animals very closely -agreed. Mr. Darwin affirms that this is indeed the case, and says that -the correspondence in minute structure is so close, especially in the -case of man and the anthropomorphous apes, that it is _impossible to -exaggerate it_. But strange to say, he adduces no evidence whatever in -support of the assertion, although he does not hesitate to make use of -the assumed close correspondence as if it had been demonstrated in the -most unequivocal manner. Mr. Darwin is unquestionably correct in -attaching the very highest importance to this part of the evidence. As -the question of correspondence in the minute structure of tissues -between man and animals has scarcely been touched upon in any of the -numerous critiques which have been written upon Mr. Darwin's -hypothesis, we propose to direct the reader's attention to a few -details of considerable interest, affecting not only the validity of -views concerning, the descent of man, but affecting also the -hypothesis of evolution. It has been already stated that we are ready -to admit the full force of the fact of the close correspondence if -this can be proved; but, on the other hand, if constant differential -characters can be distinctly demonstrated, especially in corresponding -tissues of closely allied species, it must be conceded that the -circumstance will be very damaging to the hypothesis of evolution; for -it is very doubtful if even the very great ingenuity displayed by Mr. -Darwin and his followers would enable them to offer an explanation -which would be considered plausible. It is somewhat significant that -the subject of minute structure, in spite of its great importance -having been freely admitted, has been very lightly touched upon. So -far, evolutionists have fought rather shy of the evidence to be -obtained by a very minute and careful examination of the tissues; -though strongly advocating careful investigations of a general -character, they have been very reticent on the question of microscopic -investigation, and in not a few instances there are indications of an -indisposition to study minute details, as if they feared observation -might be pushed too far, or too much into detail to serve their -purpose. Attention is constantly directed to the general points in -which different species resemble each other, and the reader becomes -fully impressed with the great importance of the argument resting upon -the fact of the strong similarity between man and apes, but no direct -comparison in minute structure between any human and simian tissue is -instituted, nor are any results of such comparisons anywhere referred -to. But if, for example, it could be shown that in their minute -anatomy the tissues of an ape so closely resembled those of a dog on -the one hand, and of a man on the other, as that they could not be -distinguished by the microscope, the fact would be of the highest -importance, and would add enormously to the evidence already adduced -to Mr. Darwin who lays much stress upon the close correspondence -between the tissues of man and animals in minute structure, but never -tells us that such comparison has been actually made by himself or by -others. It is certainly remarkable that a fact which Mr. Darwin -evidently considers of vast importance, and which is capable of being -easily put to the test of observation, should be stated without the -results of a single observation being recorded. Surely an appeal to -actual experiment should have been made in at least a few instances, -which would illustrate not only the close correspondence, but the -absence of differences between corresponding tissues in different -species. This having been done, it should then have been clearly -stated in what manner this correspondence in minute structure favours -the idea of the common origin of distinct species. But Mr. Darwin is -content here, as in many other cases, with asserting the fact as a -fact, and then stating that it helps in an important manner to -establish the truth of the doctrine he advocates. - -As this supposed correspondence in minute structure has never, so far -as we are aware, been called in question, we shall occupy some portion -of the space allotted to us in adverting to certain facts of interest, -and shall supplement our observations by some remarks upon the -supposed correspondence, or divergence, in chemical composition -between representative solids and fluids in allied but distinct -species. We must admit, with many other scientific writers, that if -but a very moderate proportion of the arguments advanced by Mr. Darwin -in favour of his conclusions rested upon a really firm basis of fact, -the formation of species by natural selection would be established; -but we have found that in many cases the arguments advanced do not -bear the test of careful analysis, and some assertions crumble into -dust as soon as they are exposed to investigation. We shall find -reason to doubt the validity of Mr. Darwin's inferences concerning -chemical composition, as well as concerning minute structure. Although -undoubtedly, we do discern a general correspondence, the exceptions -are so remarkable, and so far inexplicable upon Mr. Darwin's view, -that we are disposed to think that the argument from it must be -rejected altogether. If we study carefully the minute structure of -corresponding tissues, we shall find that in many instances we are -confronted with the most striking and peculiar differences, which tend -to establish the idea of individuality and distinctness of origin, -rather than that of the community of origin of creatures closely -allied in zoological characters. - -The differences in minute details in the case of creatures much alike -are often very remarkable, and well worthy of attentive consideration. -It may be possible to explain some of them by natural selection, but -the way in which this can be done has to be pointed out. Nor is it -easy to see why many individual peculiarities, that could easily be -specified, should exist at all. They are certainly not required by -their possessors, they do not seem either of advantage or -disadvantage, and it is at least conceivable that in minute structure -the tissues of all closely allied animals might exactly resemble one -another. But is it not remarkable that, for instance, almost every -tissue of the newt, frog, toad, and green tree-frog, has individual -characteristics of its own, which could be distinguished by one who -was thoroughly familiar with the microscopic characters of the -textures? In many cases the differences are so wide that they could -not be passed over.[64] In the newt, as would be anticipated, the -elementary parts of the tissues are formed altogether upon a much -larger scale than, in the other animals, and there are individual -differences which are most interesting. The disciples of evolution -might gain some facts in support of their theory by comparing in -minute structure the tissues of the newt and proteus, in which latter -animal everything is on a larger and coarser (?) scale than in the -newt. But would the evolutional hypothesis gain by the application of -such a test? - -The nerve-fibres in every part of the body of the newt differ in many -minute particulars from those of the frog, and the muscular fibres of -either animal could be recognised if they were successfully prepared -in precisely the same manner, so that a comparison might be instituted -with fairness. But in these animals not only do corresponding tissues, -exhibit peculiarities, but entire organs are totally different. The -kidney of the frog diverges in so many points of structure from that -of the newt, that the two organs could not be mistaken the one for the -other, even if examined in the most cursory manner. Each individual -tube of the newt's kidney is lined by ciliated epithelium from one end -to the other, while that of the frog is so lined only at the neck. The -Malpighian bodies of the two animals are different, and we believe -that corresponding tissues taken from these organs could be -distinguished from one another. It may be answered, 'This very -instance is in favour of evolution, for the kidney tube gradually -loses its ciliated lining, as we pass from the lower towards the -higher batrachian form. In the latter, only the neck of the tube is -ciliated, while in animals higher in the scale than the batrachia, the -uriniferous tube is perfectly destitute of cilia.' Will the -evolutionist be satisfied with this explanation, or will he suggest -some other? - -Again, if we take the skin of the four animals mentioned -above--although it will be seen that there is a certain general -agreement in structure to be recognised, there is not a texture of the -skin which is alike in them all. The cuticle is different, the glands -of the skin are differently arranged, the pigment-cells present the -most marked differences; and individual characteristics are to be -detected in great number by anyone who will study the subject in -detail with sufficient care. We do not, however, suppose for an -instant that Mr. Darwin would be unable upon his hypothesis to offer a -plausible explanation of all these minute points. We are well aware -that this can be done, and in a manner that to some minds may seem -convincing. What we wish to press upon our readers, however, is, that -so far as at this time the argument rests upon a close correspondence -in minute structure, it must be given up, because the asserted close -correspondence in minute structure is not based upon evidence. On the -other hand, actual investigation into the structure of certain -corresponding tissues demonstrates remarkable individual -peculiarities, and these seem to increase in number the more -thoroughly and the more minutely the tissues are explored. What if, in -the case of closely allied species, such structural differences be -demonstrated in every part of the body? Will the fact be urged in -support of a common parentage, or in favour of some different view? It -may be fairly asked, if two closely allied forms have descended from a -common progenitor not far removed from either, why should almost every -tissue and organ in the body exhibit individual peculiarities, not one -of which can be regarded as of advantage to the creature, or as -contributing in any way to its survival? The sensitive fungiform -papillae of the tongue of the common frog and of the hyla differ from -one another in minute structure, and specimens could be readily -distinguished. Again, it might be asked, why are the hairs of the -shrew different from those of the mole, and why is the disposition of -the nerve-fibres round the hair-bulb even to their minutest fibrils -different in different creatures, all of which possess the particular -hairs called _tactile_, which act as delicate organs of touch? One -would have supposed that the apparatus at the side of the base of a -tactile hair of a shrew would be very like that upon which the tactile -hair of a mole operates, and that the mechanism in both animals would -not differ much from that at the base of the tactile hairs of the -mouse. But the structure of the hair is different in all three, and -the arrangement of the nerves is so different that there would be no -difficulty in distinguishing them from the hair-sac alone. In short, -there are probably very many different forms of tactile organs, in all -of which a hair is the external part, but which organs exhibit -important differences of structure. - -If close correspondence in minute structure is to be accepted as an -argument in Mr. Darwin's favour, he will surely hardly venture to -assert that differences in minute structure point to a similar -conclusion, though both sets of facts might be ingeniously used in -support of this eminently elastic hypothesis. If the supposed -correspondence was established, the evolutionist would of course point -to the fact in proof of a common parentage; but if, on the other hand, -the supposed correspondence should be proved to be a fiction, he might -retort triumphantly, 'Only see in what infinitely minute structural -particulars the law of variation by natural selection manifests its -operation!' - -How are we to explain the varying form and size of the red -blood-corpuscles in different animals which have been so carefully -examined and measured by Mr. Gulliver? The corpuscles do not vary -according to the size of the animal, nor, unless our views of -classification are utterly erroneous, can any constant relation be -demonstrated between the size and form of the blood-disks of the -creature and its position in the zoological scale. Again, in some -cases, the colourless corpuscles are much larger than the coloured -ones, while in others the very reverse obtains. Moreover, in many -important characters, the blood-corpuscles of animals of the same -class differ remarkably. The writer of this article could multiply -such facts to a great extent from the observations he has been led to -make incidentally, without reference to any hypothesis whatever; but -he feels almost sure that, if a series of observations were made, the -distinctive characters of corresponding textures taken from closely -allied animals would be enormously multiplied. Such minute anatomical -investigation will doubtless be instituted, but at present the leaders -of scientific thought in this country seem to consider that general -observations extending over a wide range of knowledge are preferable. -Mr. Darwin even supposes, or, at any rate, leads his readers to infer -that he supposes, that the investigation of the structural character -of man and animals has been completed, or is nearly completed. It is -evident he would have us believe such to be the case, for he says that -to take any view of man's origin different from his own is to admit -that our own structural characteristic and those of animals are a mere -snare laid to entrap our judgment--as if all our tissues and organs -had been thoroughly and finally explored. We know neither our own -structure nor that of any plant or animal in the world. Mr. Darwin -must surely be aware that the minute anatomy of the body of man or of -animals is not yet in any part fully ascertained. It is possible that, -as Mr. Darwin himself has not worked much at this subject, he may have -been misled by his anatomical friends; but every investigator who goes -into details with due care, and with sufficient accuracy, soon finds -himself compelled not only to correct the facts advanced by those who -have preceded him, but is able to add to known facts many new ones. -There is no reason for thinking that there is any limit to this -discovery of new facts. We may go on discovering for ever, but our -anatomical observations will never be complete; nor must it be -supposed that, even with our present means, our present knowledge of -minute structure is as far advanced as is possible. - -Mr. Darwin admits in many instances the existence of certain facts -which he cannot explain by his hypothesis, and in this difficulty he -appeals to our 'belief in the general principle of evolution,' and -suggests that, 'unless we wilfully close our eyes,' we must assent to -a doctrine which he confesses is not proved by the evidence he has -adduced in its support. It is, however, only by wilfully closing our -eyes, and very tightly indeed, and for a long period of time, that we -can hope to force the understanding to accept a belief in the 'general -principles in question.' - -The _differences_ observed in the minute structure of corresponding -tissues in closely allied species ought to have more closely engaged -the attention of Mr. Darwin, but he is evidently quite unaware of -either their extent or their number. Had he been alive to these, he -would scarcely have committed himself so fully, or have left so -exposed to attack his argument based on the supposition of close -correspondence in structure. Structural variations in detail are -indeed infinite, and it is extraordinary that Mr. Darwin's assertion -of close correspondence should so long have remained unchallenged. -Whatever may ultimately be accepted as the true explanation of the -fact, it must be admitted that it does not support Mr. Darwin's -hypothesis in its present form. - -Structural difference in the tissues and organs of allied species are -not, however, limited to microscopic characters. There are many broad -anatomical distinctions which have never been explained, such as the -absence of a part or organ in an animal very closely related to -numerous other species, in every one of which not only does it exist, -but is largely developed. Such cases may be regarded by the -evolutionist as exceptional, and he may invent some new hypothesis to -account for them. Such facts may be treated as anomalies, and referred -to laws yet to be discovered, upon which correlation of growth -depends. By this old method of overcoming a difficulty, facts which -really tell against the favourite conclusion are made to appear to -tell in its favour; but in science the exception does not prove the -rule. It is clear that very much is thought of the argument from -agreement in general structure between more recent forms and the -ancestral forms from which they are supposed to have descended, for it -has been very pointedly referred to by those who support the -hypothesis of natural selection. If, however, it is proved on more -minute and careful examination that, although there are some points of -resemblance between species, which would render plausible the idea of -a common parentage, there are also striking differences, which -increase in number and importance the more they are sought for, it -will be admitted that the force of this argument is much weakened; and -although, after making allowance for exaggerated expression, we may -admit with Mr. Huxley 'that in every single visible character man -differs less from the higher apes than these do from the lower members -of the same order of primates,' we are nevertheless compelled by the -facts to maintain that there are so very many points in which man -differs from every ape, that the argument in favour of close -relationship based upon correspondence in structure completely breaks -down. In fact, the differences that cannot be accounted for upon the -hypothesis are more important and more numerous than the resemblances -which it is advanced to explain. Of what worth is an argument resting -on the fact of hundreds of representative muscles, tendons, bones, and -eminences on bones, in closely allied species, if the very muscles, -tendons, and bones themselves exhibit minute and constant structural -differences? And if, besides these anatomical differences, we meet -with differences as regards the rate of development--differences in -the order of development of certain tissues and organs--differences in -the structural changes going on after development is complete, what -shall we infer? - -It is all very well to explain the presence of muscular variations in -man by the tendency to reversion to an earlier condition of existence, -but it is of the utmost importance in the first place to be sure that -our evidence justifies us in concluding that particular and -exceptional muscles in man representing muscles highly developed in -some of the lower animals owe their origin to descent. This is the -very question upon which proof is wanting. The variations _may_ be due -to descent, but it by no means follows that they _must_ be due to -descent, and it is still more difficult to be certain that they are -not due to the operation of some _undiscovered factor_. - -For many years past, naturalists, in their desire to discover the -relationship between the many divergent forms of living things, appear -to have closed their eyes to the remarkable differences which -establish distinct characteristics between very closely allied forms, -and which tend to show that the latter are not so closely related as -the hypothesis of Darwin concludes. What, for instance, is the -explanation of the fact that in no two animals or men are the branches -of the arteries or nerves given off from the larger trunks at -precisely the same points or in precisely the same manner, and why are -variations in the muscles to be detected in each individual -subject?--we cannot call them _accidental_. Will descent account for -the hundreds of variations we meet with, as well as for those -particular kinds which have been minutely described by Mr. Wood and -others, and of which the evolutionists have made so much? Here, as in -many other instances, we find inferences based on a very one-sided, if -not a very imperfect statement of the facts. In order to account for -all the anatomical varieties, it will be necessary again to call in -the help of that 'unknown law' which the advocates of natural -selection invoke when they find themselves in a difficulty. - -But we come now to consider whether Mr. Darwin is more correct in his -assertion concerning the close correspondence in the chemical -composition of the tissues and fluids of the different species, than -he is upon the question of minute structure. How is it that we find -specific characters in the blood, bile, milk, saliva, gastric juice, -urine, and other fluids and secretions of nearly related animals? The -blood of the Guinea pig differs in important characteristics from that -of the rat, mouse, rabbit, and squirrel. The most important -constituent of the blood undergoes crystallization, and the form of -the blood crystal is very different in the several members of the -rodent class. By some undiscovered law of correlation of growth, -perhaps, may be explained the curious fact that the blood-corpuscles -of the tailless Guinea pig crystallize very readily in beautiful -tetrahedra, while those of another rodent in which the tail is -remarkably developed take the form of six-sided plates, and in yet -another which possesses only a faint apology for a caudal appendage, -we find blood crystals taking the form of the most beautiful -rhomboids. - -The blood of one species will not efficiently nourish the tissues of -another; and in cases in which life is temporarily supported by alien -blood artificially introduced into the vessels, it is probable that -the foreign fluid is gradually destroyed and eliminated, and at last, -entirely replaced by blood which is slowly formed anew in the animal's -own vessels. Not only does the blood of man differ from that of the -lower animals, but the blood of every species of animal differs from -that of every other species. - -But if we submit any of the other fluids mentioned above to careful -chemical and physical analysis, we shall find each endowed with -special characteristic properties, and distinguished from the rest by -well-marked and constant characters; and we have reason to believe -that the more minutely such investigation is carried out, the larger -will be the number of divergent characters and properties established. - -Mr. Sorby has lately been examining, by the aid of the spectroscope, -many of the colouring matters of the leaves and petals of flowers and -plants, and has demonstrated the presence of a large number of new -substances which can be most positively distinguished from one another -by spectrum analysis. Substances belonging to different plants which -appear to the eye of nearly the same tint, often exhibit very -different characters when submitted to spectroscopic examination.[65] -There seems to be, in fact, no limit to divergence in essential -particulars in cases in which the correspondence is only to be found -in most general and superficial characters. We will recur for a moment -to the question of minute structure as illustrated by plants. If the -reader will be at the trouble of placing under his microscope, one -after another, the petals of any half-dozen flowers of a red or blue -colour, he will soon be able to discover anatomical differences by -which each of them could be recognised independently of its colour. -Moreover, if he studies the subject with sufficient care, he will find -that new structural peculiarities will be demonstrated, of the -existence of which he had no idea when the investigation was -commenced. - -Series of facts like those adduced above not only seem to militate -against the acceptance of the doctrine of natural selection in its -present form, but they cannot be contemplated without exciting in the -mind a desire to entertain the hypothesis of fixity of species, or -some derivative hypothesis not opposed to that idea. - -Although of late much attention has been given to variation, the -inheritance of variability, and progressive hereditary changes in the -structure of the body, the advocates of evolution have only advanced -statements of the most general kind. They have not entered into -details; they have not suggested at what particular period in the life -of the individual the change in structure occurs. They are silent as -to the precise nature of the change, and the several steps by which it -is brought about; and they say nothing concerning the characters and -properties of the matter, which is the actual seat of the change. It -is not sufficient to show us the bone or muscle, the structure of -which is modified, and to assure us that the modification in question -is due to the law of variability; for the hypothesis deals with the -change itself, and we should be informed concerning the phenomenon -which are antecedent to the change, and the exact circumstances which -determine any particular modification advanced in illustration of the -working of the supposed law. Further, it should be definitely -determined what degree of change suffices to affect the fully-formed -bone and muscle, and whether structural changes occurring at or after -the period of full development of the body are inherited or not. The -reader is probably aware that Mr. Darwin has invented an hypothesis -specially to meet this part of the question--the hypothesis of -Pangenesis. But he has recently remarked that it has not yet received -its 'death-blow'--an observation which excites a doubt whether its -author is not ready to abandon it. This hypothesis was only advanced -tentatively from the first. It is incompatible with a number of facts, -and appears more and more improbable as the phenomena it comprises are -carefully investigated. Many observers well qualified to form a -correct judgment felt almost certain from the very first that -Pangenesis could not be maintained. - -Seeing that, at every period of life, matter exists in every part of -the body in at least two very different states, in each of which -different classes of phenomena occur, Mr. Darwin should have informed -us in what particular matter of the body in his opinion the metabolic -property probably resided, and he should have explained at what period -of life the change which was to result in the production of a new -variety or species occurred. He does not, of course, suppose that -fully-formed bone, or muscle, or nerve, changes its characters; nor -would he maintain that in old age, or indeed long after adult life had -been attained, any great alteration of structural form was possible. -If, then, it is only in the plastic state during the early period of -development that the changes surmised to take place can occur, the -author of the hypothesis should either have given more information -upon the details, or he should at the least have shown that -microscopical observation had yielded no facts adverse to his -doctrine; and something surely should have been suggested concerning -the nature and origin of the inherent metabolic property, or tendency, -or capacity, which is assumed by the terms of the hypothesis. - -It should, however, be stated here that many evolutionists repudiate -entirely the idea of any peculiar property under any circumstances -influencing matter in the living state which does not influence it in -the non-living condition, for the acceptance of the idea of such -property would involve an answer to the inquiry as to the nature and -origin of the property assumed, and it would have to be shown when and -under what circumstances it was acquired by the matter. The -evolutionist believes only in the properties which belong to matter as -matter, and which are coexistent with the matter itself. The admission -of an inherent property peculiar to the living state of matter, almost -amounts to the admission of a vital power; but such an hypothesis, it -need scarcely be said, would be incompatible with the doctrine of -evolution. But physical evolutionists who persist in attributing all -the phenomena of living beings to physical agencies only, ignore the -most important changes occurring in every form of living matter. Again -and again, they repeat the statement that the changes in living matter -are molecular; but this is merely a word which is perfectly -meaningless as applied to the changes in question, since the -'molecule' is undefined, has not been described, and is quite unknown. -The very same authorities acknowledge that conclusions not based upon -evidence cannot advance science, or be looked upon as scientific, and -yet, with an inconsistency that is extraordinary, they state with -confidence that they understand the nature of these changes. But they -have not been able to learn anything of them whatever by experiment, -nor can they discover any means of imitating them in matter in the -laboratory. The changes in question are quite peculiar to living -matter; they occur in all living matter, but in living matter only. -These changes differ entirely from any other changes of which we have -any cognizance. Nothing surely can be more illogical or unscientific -than to assert that actions about which we know nothing are of the -same kind or nature as actions which are understood, and can be -brought about whenever we will. Yet physicists, chemists, and indeed -most scientific men, have fully committed themselves to the dogmatic -creed that the phenomena of living matter are, like all the other -phenomena of nature, due to antecedent physical change. There are no -physical phenomena to which they can point, that in the remotest -degree resemble the actions peculiar to living matter. - -Variation itself is quite peculiar, and as far removed from any -physical change as is possible to conceive. The extent of variation, -and of variations inherited from ancestors, is perfectly marvellous. -Such variations are carried out during that plastic period of life -when the body consists almost entirely of living matter, and occur in -every individual of every species of animal and plant that is known. -Each is _like_ its predecessors, but not one is in any part _exactly -like_ the corresponding part of any predecessor. No two individuals -were ever formed exactly alike in all particulars. Nay, it is doubtful -if any two vital actions that have taken place in nature have been -perfectly alike in all points. - -That variation occurs in the plastic matter of the organism, while the -formative process is taking place, is a truism, for no two noses or -fingers, or other parts, have been seen so much alike as not to be -distinguishable from one another; nay, it is not supposable that any -two should be found precisely similar. Perfect identity in structures -of such complexity is indeed hardly conceivable, unless many facts -known in connection with tissue formation are utterly ignored. But, on -the other hand, it is equally inconceivable that capacity for -variability should be manifested in such a manner and to such an -extent as to lead to the production of a proboscis in place of a nose, -or of a talon in lieu of a finger. Hence, therefore, we must admit -that this capacity works within certain, though at this time not to be -accurately defined, limits. When, therefore, Mr. Darwin maintains that -similarity of pattern between the flipper of the seal, the wing of the -bat, the hand of the man, &c., is due to divergence in structure -during gradual descent from a common progenitor, does he not beg the -question at issue, and by implication assume an extent of variation -far exceeding that which is possible within the period of time which -he is disposed to think may have elapsed during which the hundreds or -thousands of transitional forms have been slowly progressing towards -perfection of type? Undoubtedly, if he could show one or two -gradations between the paw of the bear and the flipper of the seal, or -between the foot of the mole and the wing of the bat, he would have a -powerful argument indeed. But the mind fails to realize the -possibility of the transitional forms whose existence is assumed by -the hypothesis. A thing half bear and half seal, or half mole and half -bat, would be an incongruity which we have no right to assume ever -existed in the flesh, if indeed it is not absurd to suppose it -possible. If such a creature were born, it would die, and the very law -of natural selection supposed to operate in favour of its development -would render certain its destruction without offspring. - -Variation in the living world seems to be indeed infinite, but -nevertheless, so to say, restrained within limits. When we come to -study variation in any particular species, we marvel at the -extraordinary extent of change to be observed without any approach -being recognized towards the nearest allied species. The human face -may vary, we may say, infinitely, but without in the slightest degree -approximating the face of a monkey or any other animal. The animal -face and features may vary infinitely within the animal limits without -manifesting the slightest approach to the human countenance, or even -to that of any other species of animal. Any species of monkey might -become modified in many different directions without making any -approach to the human form. The ass might change for ages, and yet be -something very different from a horse, and so on in other cases. The -most degraded savage exhibits no approach to the ape, any more than -the most highly developed species of monkey exhibits any nearer -approach to man than the very lowest member of its class. There are -human variations, monkey variations, ass variations, &c., without end, -but there is no evidence of any variations occurring in one species -which tend to show that it possesses any intimate relationship with -any different species. The facts hitherto discovered, and considered -by Mr. Darwin to support the view that we have descended or ascended -from monkeys appear to us, therefore, to be very inconclusive and -unsatisfactory. We are quite ready to consider patiently every -argument that evolutionists can adduce, and if we think the case -proved, we are fully prepared to admit it, but when told that we -_must_ accept the doctrine, we distrust our would-be teachers. In the -suggestion of the alternative, 'accept this hypothesis or none,' -there is the suspicion of a threat which ought to be received with -indignation. The world may be wanting in scientific knowledge and -acumen, but it will never submit to dictatorial science. The world is -quite ready to be taught, and to learn, but it will not endure a -tyranny enforced by persons who choose to call themselves, -philosophers, and who claim to be scientifically infallible. The world -knows something of the history of scientific controversies, and will -listen with caution, but it rejects upon principle the application of -scientific tests, and refuses point blank to subscribe to any articles -of scientific belief, or to acknowledge an infallible scientific head. - -After all that can be said against evolution has been uttered, there -remains the defence that the hypothesis _rests upon a vast array of -facts_--anatomical, physiological, geological--and 'it is scarcely -fair,' it may be urged, 'to expect that a generalization which -explains so much, should fully account for every slight divergence of -structure that can be rendered evident by exquisitely minute and -careful investigation.' But surely a view of such wide general -application as this is held to be by its supporters ought not to fail -when tested by particular facts of general observation. Unfortunately, -Mr. Darwin's hypothesis is not adequately supported by the very facts -upon which he relies for proof; for out of the multitudes of living -beings now existing upon the earth, he cannot select any two species -whose differences and resemblances can be fully accounted for by the -hypothesis which he holds to be universally applicable, and to account -for the origin of every species from the monad to man. What must be -the ultimate verdict passed upon a doctrine aspiring to universal -application, which seems satisfactory only when vaguely applied, and -which utterly fails when tested by the individual particulars that are -comprised in the generalities? We may be like the savage, as Mr. -Darwin suggests, but we are by no means convinced by the arguments -adduced by him that man is the co-descendant, with other mammals, of a -common progenitor, nor can we admit that certain structural -peculiarities of man's bodily frame are to be looked upon as 'the -indelible stamp of his lowly origin.' - -All naturalists will agree in believing that there is some truth in -the doctrine which Mr. Darwin has so thoroughly espoused, but there -will be the greatest difference of opinion concerning the acceptance -of many of his propositions; while it must be confessed that the more -minutely and carefully we analyze the data upon which some of his -conclusions rest, the less satisfied are we that they should be relied -upon. Indeed, there is reason to think that at least one of his -subordinate hypotheses, Pangenesis, will certainly have to be -abandoned as untenable. As we have before remarked in this article, -neither Mr. Darwin nor those who think with him appear to realize the -illimitable possible additions to scientific knowledge, and -consequently the continued change in scientific opinion, the -abandonment of old hypotheses, and the development of new ones. Never -in the history of science have such startling hypotheses been -successively advanced as during the last twenty years. Few have stood -the test of one quinquennial period, and not one has been retained in -its original form. The sentiment, as expressed by Mr. Darwin, 'We are -not concerned with hopes or fears, only with the truth,' is a -favourite one with scientific men, but the truth has not yet been -arrived at. Is scientific truth ever to be reached? The nearer we seem -to get to actual scientific truth, the more quickly does it recede -from us; and it has happened but too often that when we thought to -have grasped it, we find it far away, and that what in youth we -thought to be scientific truth, afterwards, but long before we have -reached old age, is proved to be scientific error. - -In conclusion, therefore, we must remark, that while the hypothesis -fails in individual cases to which it has been applied, it is -incompetent to explain numerous facts known in connection with every -particular plant or animal in existence. But, further, the general -facts ascertained by careful and more minute investigation into the -anatomy and physiology of any two closely allied species, such, for -example, as the hare and the rabbit, the rat and the squirrel, the -Guinea pig, or the hyla and common frog, are inexplicable upon the -doctrine of natural selection, even if the time were extended far -beyond the limits which upon other grounds it is not permissible to -suppose it to stretch. Nay, the series of changes believed to occur -during the formation of species by natural selection cannot be -conceived by the imagination, unless multitudes of facts which have -been demonstrated and can be confirmed by anyone who will take the -trouble to do so are completely ignored. That man is like an ape, bone -for bone, muscle for muscle, &c., is only a flourish of rhetoric -unworthy of anyone who professes himself to be an observer of nature. - -The remarks which have been made in respect to animals apply with -marvellously greater force to man himself, for no matter how the -evolutionists may strain the force of the analogies existing between -man and animals, there are transcendent differences which no sophistry -can explain away. We may allow Mr. Darwin and his friends to draw on -time as largely as they may desire, we will permit them to strain to -any extent they like the argument that the ape differs in far greater -degree from the lower animals than he does from man himself, and we -could yet succeed in exposing the improbability of the favoured -hypothesis by discussing with its advocates its insufficiency to -account for one single characteristic, such, for example, as the -possession by man of the power of expressing his ideas. It is surely -not likely that the attempt to found a general argument on the nature, -mode of origin, and formation of all living beings, upon the points in -which they exhibit some resemblance to one another, without showing in -what manner the argument in question would be affected by the -characters in which these same beings differ from one another, will -much longer be regarded as a triumph of inductive reasoning, or -considered to be in accordance with the spirit of science or true -philosophy. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[63] 'But the time will, _before long_, come when it will be thought -wonderful that naturalists, who were well acquainted with the -comparative structure and development of man and other mammals, should -have believed that each was the work of a separate act of -creation.'--Vol. i. page 33. - -[64] An evolutionist who reads these lines may, perhaps, exclaim, -'What, then, do you maintain that the frog, toad, newt, and green -tree-frog, were each the work of a separate creative act?' To which -question we reply, 'By no means; but, nevertheless, the minute -structure of the tissues does not permit the inference that these -creatures have community of descent.' It is very curious that Mr. -Darwin and many of his supporters seem to think that all men who do -not support evolution must believe in separate creations. - -[65] 'Proceedings of the Royal Society,' vol. xv., p. 433 -(_Philosophical Magazine_, vol. xxxiv., 1867, p. 144); _Quarterly -Journal of Microscopical Science_, vol. ix., 1869, pp. 43 and 358; -_Monthly Microscopical Journal, vol. iii., 1870, p. 299; Quarterly -Journal of Science_, new ser., vol. i., 1870, p. 64. - - - - -ART. VIII.--_The Session._ - - -The wearisome assertion that the last session of Parliament has been a -'barren' one, has become a sort of political axiom among a large -section of the community. Writers and speakers innumerable assume it -as a self-evident fact, which no sane person would dream of disputing. -It is, nevertheless, our serious intention to dispute it, and, -moreover, to prove that the session, so far from being utterly barren, -has produced a legislative harvest of more than average fruitfulness. -Putting aside the last two sessions, and that which witnessed the -triumph of free trade, we have no hesitation in saying that no session -since the first Reform Bill has produced so many measures of equal -importance as the last session. It would not be difficult to point to -session after session during that period which, for any good the -country has derived from their labours, might as well have never been. -But no one can say that with truth of the session that has just gone -by. On the contrary, we believe that it will be regarded a few years -hence as one of the most important sessions of this century. To those -who choose to echo an unreasoning cry, rather than take the trouble -to think for themselves, this will, no doubt, appear a wild assertion. -But what are the facts? The present Parliament was elected chiefly for -the purpose of settling the Irish question, and the sessions of -1869-1870 were devoted almost exclusively to the affairs of Ireland. -The Irish Church Bill and the Land Bill, however, having been settled, -there seemed to be a kind of general understanding that the session of -1871 should be given up to the consideration of English, or at least -imperial interests. Ireland accordingly hardly occupied any place in -the programme of the session. And yet, in the very region where it was -expected, as a matter of course, to be peculiarly barren, the session -of 1871 has borne a crop of goodly fruit. Let us glance at a few of -the Irish measures of the session. - -'It is the very ancient privilege of the people of England,' says -Edmund Burke, 'that they shall be tried, except in the known -exceptions, not by the judges appointed by the Crown, but by their own -fellow-subjects.' Trial by jury has probably exercised more influence -than any other institution in moulding our national character, and in -impressing on it especially that inborn reverence for law which has -become proverbial. But with that singular perverseness which has -characterized all our dealings with Ireland for centuries, we not only -imposed our own institutions on that unhappy country, but we imposed -them shorn of all that which made them precious to Englishmen. This is -true in an aggravated sense of trial by jury. The very essence of -trial by jury is, as Burke has observed, that the accused 'shall be -tried, not by the judges appointed by the Crown, but by his own -fellow-subjects.' But how did we carry out this principle in Ireland, -in the case of political prisoners in particular? By simply ignoring -it. We retained the name and the forms of trial by jury, but we so -perverted its intention and spirit, that what Englishmen regard as the -_palladium_ of their liberty became in Ireland the symbol of every -species of injustice and wrong. When it was an object with the -authorities of Dublin Castle to secure the conviction of a prisoner, -they never hesitated to pack the jury that tried him. Names which -ought to have been on the panel were systematically and arbitrarily -excluded, and the jury-box was filled with men of whom it might have -been predicted with tolerable certainty beforehand that they would -bring in a verdict of guilty. Let us illustrate our argument by a -typical example. In 1844, the Government of the day succeeded in -getting a verdict of guilty against Mr. O'Connell, a man of whom -Macaulay has declared truth that 'the place which he held in the -estimation of his countrymen was such as no popular leader in our -history, I might perhaps say in the history of the world, has ever -attained.' If ever there was an occasion when the Government should -have been scrupulously careful to administer justice fairly, it was -the trial of O'Connell; for the eyes not only of Ireland, but of all -Europe, were upon them. But so inveterate had the habit of managing -verdicts become in Ireland, that on a crucial occasion, when trial by -jury itself might be said to be on its trial, the authorities -shamelessly packed the jury which sat in judgment on the great -tribune. Twenty-seven names were omitted from the panel which ought to -have been on it. And then from 'this mutilated jury-list,' as Macaulay -indignantly calls it, forty-eight names were taken by lot. 'And -then'--we must tell the rest of the story in Macaulay's burning -language-- - - 'And then came the striking. You struck out all the Roman - Catholic names; and you give us your reasons for striking - out these names, reasons which I do not think it worth - while to examine. The real question which you should have - considered was this: Can a great issue between two hostile - religions--for such the issue was--be tried in a manner - above all suspicion by a jury composed exclusively of men - of one of those religions? I know that in striking out the - Roman Catholics you did nothing that was not according to - technical rules. But my great charge against you is that - you have looked on this whole case in a technical point of - view, that you have been attorneys when you should have - been statesmen. The letter of the law was doubtless with - you; but not the noble spirit of the law. The jury _de - medietate linguae_ is of immemorial antiquity among us. - Suppose that a Dutch sailor at Wapping is accused of - stabbing an Englishman in a brawl. The fate of the culprit - is decided by a mixed body of six Englishmen and six - Dutchmen. Such were the securities which the wisdom and - justice of our ancestors gave to aliens. You are ready - enough to call Mr. O'Connell an alien, when it serves your - purposes to do so. You are ready enough to inflict on the - Irish Roman Catholics all the evils of alienage, but the - one privilege, the one advantage of alienage, you deny him. - In a case which of all cases most required a jury _de - medietate_, in a case which sprang out of the mutual - hostility of races and sects, you pack a jury all of one - race and all of one sect.... Yes, you have obtained a - verdict of Guilty; but you have obtained that verdict from - twelve men brought together by illegal means, and selected - in such a manner that their decision can inspire no - confidence.'--(Macaulay's Speeches, p. 314.) - -Now let it be observed that this system, which treated the Roman -Catholics of Ireland as aliens in their own country, and at the same -time denied them the rights and privileges of aliens, has been in -force up to this year. And yet many on this side of the Channel are -innocently surprised that the Irish people have no great reverence for -English law, and no great love for British institutions; and so they -rashly conclude that the only way to govern such a lawless race is by -the strong arm of power. But the simple fact is, that the Irish from -time immemorial have been remarkable for their love of justice. To -this fact their bitterest enemies bear witness. In that category may -certainly be reckoned Sir John Davys, Irish Attorney-General under -James I.; yet this is the testimony which he bears:--'There is no -nation of people under the sun that doth love equal and indifferent -justice better than the Irish, or will rest better satisfied with the -execution thereof, although it be against themselves, so as they may -have the benefit and protection of the law when upon just cause they -do desire it.' 'The truth is,' he adds, 'that in time of peace the -Irish are more fearful to offend the law than the English, or any -other nation whatsoever.' That simple expression, 'in time of peace,' -explains the whole matter. English law has unfortunately too often -presented itself to the people of Ireland as a cruel enemy, against -which it was a duty and a necessity to wage a chronic warfare; and it -is no great marvel if they take some time to learn that their enemy of -yesterday has suddenly become their friend. We have no faith in sudden -political conversions, especially in the case of nations; and we do -not despair of Mr. Gladstone's legislation for Ireland, because we -find that its healing properties are percolating but slowly through -the crust of inevitable prejudice which it had to encounter. We must -persevere in the good work, and Mr. Gladstone has shown his -earnestness in the ungrateful task of conciliating Ireland by passing -last session several measures of great importance to the welfare of -that country. Chief and foremost among them is the Juries (Ireland) -Bill. It is an elaborate piece of remedial legislation, though it -passed through Parliament without exciting attention, and it cannot -fail to produce an excellent effect in Ireland, as its character -becomes gradually known. It will no longer be possible for the most -violent partisan to pack a jury in Ireland, and we may reasonably -trust that in process of time Irishmen will learn to appeal to English -justice with a confidence to which they have been so long strangers. - -Another Irish measure of great importance which received the sanction -of the Legislature last session is the Local Government (Ireland) -Act. Its clauses are thirty-two in number, and its object is to amend -the law relating to the local government of towns and populous places -in Ireland. It is not necessary to go through its provisions, but we -may say that their general effect is to make all illegality and -corruption in municipal elections and in the elections of local -commissioners impossible, or at least perilous; to put a stop to -anything like jobbing or any corrupt expenditure of public money by -the governing bodies of towns; to extend to Ireland, with the -necessary modifications, the provisions with regard to the public -health which prevail in England; and to empower the governing bodies -and ratepayers of all towns in Ireland to obtain lands at a cheap -rate, to unite or separate districts, and to alter rates. Another -clause of the bill empowers the Lord Lieutenant, with the approval of -the Treasury, to create a new Local Government Department of the Chief -Secretary's office, 'the salaries of such persons to be paid out of -the moneys to be provided by Parliament for such purpose.' The -tendency of the whole bill is to develop the faculty of -self-government throughout Ireland, and to give the country 'home -rule' in the only sense in which that boon would be practicable or -beneficial. What is needful above all things is to instil into the -minds of the Irish people habits of self-reliance and a respect for -English law; and the two bills which have elicited these observations -are most valuable contributions to that result. Viewing them in all -their bearings, we are bold to say that if the session had produced -nothing else, these two bills alone would have redeemed it from the -reproach of being a 'barren' session. In the election campaign of -1868, Mr. Gladstone described Protestant ascendancy in Ireland as a -great upas tree which was casting its baleful shadow over the whole -land; and ever since he has been in office he has set himself -vigorously and with unwearied patience not merely to cut down the -wide-spreading branches of that fatal tree, but to root up one by one -the noxious growths which flourished beneath its friendly shade. The -Jury Bill and the Local Government Act are the natural fruits of the -Church Bill and the Land Bill. It would have been impossible to pass -them while Protestant ascendancy existed. Other Irish bills have been -passed this session which, though of less importance than those we -have named, have a very practical bearing on the well-being and -conciliation of Ireland. Yet all these measures have been simply -ignored in the various criticisms of the session which have come -under our notice. As if, forsooth! the prosperity and contentment of -Ireland were not of the last consequence to the empire at large. - -So much for the work of the Government in the field of Irish -legislation. Let us now turn to its tale of successful measures in -matters of English and imperial policy. - -The Army Bill demands, of course, the first and chief place in our -review; and we must remark, _in limine_, on the singular ill-luck -which overtook the Government in introducing it. During the autumn and -winter of last year, the country very generally, and even -passionately, demanded a large scheme of army reorganization. Radicals -and Conservatives differed, no doubt, in their views of what was -desirable in a good scheme of army reform. The latter wished merely to -supplement and improve the existing system, which they considered as -near perfection as could reasonably be expected. The former were not -quite agreed among themselves. Some had a hankering after the Prussian -system, and some preferred the Swiss. But Conservatives, Whigs, and -Liberals were all agreed on one point, namely, that Mr. Cardwell's -scheme ought to be a large and comprehensive one, and that a large and -comprehensive scheme involved expense. The Conservatives wished that -expense to go towards the enlargement and perfecting of the old -system. On the other hand, the Liberals, as a body, demanded the -abolition of the purchase system, and the development of a new system -in its place. But all admitted the necessity of a considerable -expenditure, and there was a general acquiescence throughout the -country in the prospect of an increased income-tax. Meanwhile Bourbaki -made his fatal march to the frontier, Chanzy's army was defeated and -scattered, and Paris was obliged to capitulate. The preliminaries of -peace were agreed upon soon afterwards, and the Eastern question, -which Prince Gortschakoff had reopened in so insolent a manner, was in -a fair way to a pacific solution. - -The return of calm after so violent a storm in the political firmament -soon began to tell on English nerves; the panic which prompted, during -the bewildering achievements of the German armies, the cry for an -efficient scheme of army reform subsided by degrees as the danger of -war receded from our shores, and even 'The Battle of Dorking' failed -to impress the British taxpayer with any fear of an imminent invasion. -The consequence was, that by the time Mr. Cardwell laid his scheme -before Parliament, the enthusiasm for army reorganization had cooled -down to the temperate, and among some philosophical Radicals, even to -the frigid zone. The measure of the Government was admitted on all -hands to be thorough and comprehensive, and it received the cordial -acquiescence of the country. But the panic was over, and, as a -consequence, there was an absence of that enthusiastic support which -enables a minister to defeat summarily anything like an attempt at an -organized system of factious opposition. Had the Franco-German war -ended two months earlier than it did, it is questionable whether the -Government would have received sufficient encouragement to attack the -purchase system, considering the expense which its abolition entailed -on the country. There can be no question that if Mr. Gladstone had -taken up the subject and made it his own, as he did the Irish Church -Bill and the Land Bill, he could at any time have commanded such -support from the country as would have carried all opposition before -it. One or two rousing speeches from him, exposing the manifold evils -of the purchase system, and explaining the plan of the Government, -would have done the thing. But the misfortune of Mr. Cardwell was that -he elaborated and matured his scheme at a time when the country was -prepared for almost any expense that would give us an army which would -secure the safety of the empire, and enable us to hold our proper -place in the councils of Europe; and that he propounded his scheme -when the looming spectre of increased taxation appeared a more -tangible evil than the danger of a foreign invasion. The Opposition -availed itself adroitly, if not very patriotically, of the turn of the -tide, and wooed the aid of the extreme Radicals by the cry of -extravagant expenditure. Nor did it cry altogether in vain. There are -a few Radicals in the House of Commons who cannot forgive Mr. -Gladstone for being a Christian. That a man of his commanding genius -and varied acquirements should still retain the faith of his childhood -is an enigma to them. But that he should ever presume to baulk their -efforts to sap and overthrow its foundations is an offence to them; -and, if the truth must be told, they would far rather have a leader of -the Epicurean type of Lord Palmerston or Mr. Disraeli. One or two of -these pseudo-Liberals have been practically in opposition all through -the session, and we shall be curious to see how they defend themselves -before their constituents when the day of reckoning comes. One fact at -all events is certain: it was in a great measure through the help -which they gave to the Opposition that the session has not been more -fruitful than it has been. Whenever the Opposition wished to waste a -night in purposeless debate, the manoeuvre was sure to be seconded -by this handful of Voltairean Radicals below the gangway. - -Such are the circumstances under which the Government introduced their -Army Bill. But it is impossible to appreciate the importance of that -bill, or to understand the virulence of the opposition which it -encountered, without glancing at the evil which it sought to remedy. -When the Government resolved to ask the assent of Parliament to a -large scheme of army reform, they found themselves hampered and -fettered on all sides by the purchase system. The army was enclosed in -a network of vested interests which it was found impossible to break -through for the purpose of effecting even so slight a reform as the -abolition of the ranks of ensign and cornet. It had, in fact, ceased -to be the property of the nation, and was no longer under the control -of the sovereign. It had become mortgaged to the officers, and it was -absolutely necessary to get it out of pawn before it could be -effectually dealt with. In short, the purchase system must cease to -exist, or all ideas of army reorganization must be abandoned. Does -anyone think this too strong a statement of the case? Let him consider -the history of the purchase system, and he will think so no longer. - -We have been told _ad nauseam_ that the purchase system has been the -mainstay of the British army. The bravery of our officers, their -well-bred manners, their discipline, even their patriotism and -loyalty, have all been ascribed to the magic of the purchase system, -and so has the _esprit de corps_ of the men. Now it seems to us that -there is a hitch in this style of reasoning, inasmuch as it implies -that the things which happen to exist together are necessarily related -to each other as cause and effect. The officers of the British army -may be all that their admirers declare them to be,--on that point we -shall have something to say presently--but it by no means follows that -the purchase system is the cause of their excellence. Nearly all the -merits which are claimed for the purchase system were conspicuous in -the German army in the last war; yet the purchase system is unknown in -the German army, and, in fact, in every army in the civilized world, -England alone excepted. Nor, indeed, does it embrace the whole of the -English army. The navy and the marines, the artillery and the -engineers know it not. Its advocates are therefore forced to this -dilemma: they must deny to the navy and to the non-purchase corps of -the army all those qualities which they claim as resulting from the -purchase system, or they are bound to admit that those qualities are -independent of the purchase system, and may continue to exist without -it. For our own part, we have no doubt whatever that the many -admirable qualities of the British officer are not only independent of -the purchase system, but that they remain in spite of it; for the -purchase system, as it has been in practice among us, is essentially a -demoralizing system. We say as it has been in practice among us, -because the purchase system and the illegal custom of paying more than -the regulation price for the value of commissions have been proved to -be inseparable. This has been demonstrated by the Royal Commission -which examined into the subject last year. The payment of -over-regulation prices has been forbidden in every variety of form for -more than a century, but it has grown and prospered on its -prohibitions. On a revision of the prices of commissions, in 1766, by -a board of general officers, a royal warrant was issued, which -contains the following stringent order with respect to over-regulation -prices:--'We having approved of the same (_i. e._, the prices -recommended by the board), our will and pleasure is, that _in all -cases where we shall permit any of the commissions specified therein -to be sold_,[66] the sum to be paid for the same shall not exceed the -prices set down in the said report. And all colonels, agents and -others, our military officers, are hereby required and directed to -conform strictly and carefully to the regulation hereby laid down and -established, upon pain of our highest displeasure.' In 1772 and 1773, -some other royal warrants were issued, prohibiting over-regulation -prices in equally peremptory terms. Still the unlawful traffic went on -unchecked, and in 1783 another step was taken to put a stop to it. A -general order was issued by the Commander-in-Chief requiring every -officer, in sending his application for leave to dispose of his -commission at the regulated price, 'solemnly to declare, on the word -and honour of an officer and a gentleman, that nothing beyond the -price limited by his Majesty's regulations was stipulated or promised, -directly or indirectly, and that no other mode of compensation or -gratuity was in contemplation of the parties, or should be given or -accepted in respect of such sale or purchase.' A similar declaration -was required of the officer desiring to purchase. He 'expressly -pledged his word and honour as an officer and a gentleman that he -would not, either then, or at any future time, give, by any means or -in any shape whatever, directly or indirectly, anymore than the -regulated price.' The commanding officer of the regiment was further -required to declare that he verily believed the established regulation -with regard to price was intended to be strictly complied with, and -that no clandestine bargain subsisted between the parties concerned. -This prohibition was extended to cases of exchange from half-pay to -full-pay, and from one corps to another. The commanding officer was at -the same time ordered to transmit the names of such officers in the -regiment as were willing to purchase in succession; and in cases where -the commanding officer recommended a junior for promotion over a -senior's head, he was to give his reasons for such recommendation. It -appears, therefore, that in establishing the rule of seniority, -tempered by selection, in regimental promotion, Mr. Cardwell has -simply revived an item of military reform attempted about ninety years -ago. But not to dwell on that, the general order from which we have -been quoting went on to clench its prohibition of over-regulation -prices in the following explicit language:-- - - 'His Majesty has, by the advice of his board of general - officers, been further pleased to declare his determination - that any officer who shall be found to have given, or to - have stipulated, or promised, directly or indirectly, to - give anything beyond the regulated price, in disobedience - to these his Majesty's orders, or by any subterfuge or - equivocation to have evaded the same, _and to have thereby - shamefully forfeited his honour as an officer and a - gentleman, shall be dismissed from his Majesty's service_.' - -Still the evil went on. Officers found means of evading the law and -escaping punishment, apparently without any prejudice to their honour -as officers and gentlemen in the eyes of the profession. Three years -later, therefore, that is, in 1786, another attempt was made to compel -British officers to keep their solemn and plighted word of honour; for -it came to that. A circular letter was addressed by the Secretary of -War to colonels of regiments, forbidding officers about to retire to -make any stipulation as to their successors, and insisting that they -should sell out or exchange 'in favour of such persons as his Majesty -should think fit to approve.' For it was discovered that by leaving -officers at liberty to select their successors they found means to -elude the strict orders prohibiting over-regulation prices. - -In 1804, two circulars were issued by the Commander-in-Chief, one -addressed to army agents against the secret traffic in respect to -commissions, carried on with officers of the army; the other to -commanding officers of regiments, giving them precise directions, -which were to be strictly observed, in the purchase and sale of all -commissions. This paper states that 'his Majesty's regulations in -regard to the sums to be given and received for commissions in the -army,' had 'in various instances been disregarded.' The previous -orders on the subject are therefore repeated, and then 'the -Commander-in-Chief thinks proper to declare that any officer who shall -be found to have given, directly or indirectly, anything beyond the -regulated prices, in disobedience to his Majesty's orders, or to have -attempted to evade the regulations in any manner whatever, will be -reported by the Commander-in-Chief to his Majesty, in order that he -may be removed from the service.' Up to this time, and for three years -more, the prohibition of payments in excess of the regulation price -rested entirely on royal warrants and regulations. In 1807, however, a -clause was inserted in the Mutiny Act, making it a misdemeanor for any -agents to traffic in the sale of commissions, since 'great -inconvenience had arisen to his Majesty's service,' from the fact that -'much larger sums than are allowed by his Majesty's regulations are -often given and received for commissions, and great frauds committed.' -This is the first Parliamentary condemnation of over-regulation -prices, and it will be observed that the enactment applies to army -agents only; officers are not included. But in the year 1809, an Act -was passed for the 'Further Prevention of the Sale and Brokerage of -Offices,' and in that Act Parliamentary sanction is given for the -first time to the various prohibitions of over-regulation prices by -royal warrant. Not only was an officer to be immediately cashiered who -paid, received, or connived at the payment of over-regulation prices, -but further, 'as an encouragement for the detection of such practices, -such commission so forfeited shall be sold, and half the regulated -value (not exceeding L500) shall be paid to the informer.' - -It is not necessary to follow the various alterations which the Mutiny -Act underwent in 1815-1829, for they are of no great importance. But -it is time that we should take stock of our inquiry thus far, and -endeavour to gauge the influence of the purchase system on the -character of the officers affected by it, as attested by competent -witnesses. It is obvious that up to the period at which we have now -arrived, that is, up to the year 1829, the payment of over-regulation -prices was found to be practically inseparable from the purchase -system. Nothing could have been done to stop it which was not done, -except the detection and condign punishment of the offenders. The -Sovereign, the Commander-in-Chief, the War Secretary, and Parliament, -all set their faces against the illegal traffic, and fulminated -threats and penal enactments against it; but all their efforts proved -unavailing, because there was an evident conspiracy among the general -body of officers to defeat the law, and, it is sad to add, to -dishonour their own word. For let it be remembered that the officer -who sold, and the officer who bought, and the commanding officer of -the regiment in which the transaction took place, were all required -'solemnly to declare,' and did 'solemnly declare on the word and -honour of an officer and a gentleman,' that, 'neither directly nor -indirectly,' had anything been paid or stipulated for beyond the -regulated price. And yet it was notorious that officers were -constantly in the habit of evading all their engagements 'by -subterfuge or equivocation,' and were thereby habitually violating -their plighted word, or, to quote again the language of the royal -warrant, 'had thereby shamefully forfeited their honour as officers -and gentlemen.' - -Now, we should be inclined to say, _a priori_, that a system which -encouraged and enabled officers in the army to 'shamefully forfeit -their honour as officers and gentlemen,' could not fail to have a -vicious and demoralizing influence, not only on their professional -character as officers, but on their whole [Greek: ethos] as men. The -Duke of Wellington has often been quoted in recent debates as having -said that he had an army 'which could go anywhere and do anything.' No -doubt the Duke of Wellington succeeded, by dint of hard fighting, and -the rare qualities which he possessed as a commander, to manufacture -such an army out of the materials that came to his hand; but that was -by no means the kind of army which the purchase system gave him. On -the contrary, he was continually complaining, up to Waterloo, of the -ignorance, the stupidity, the insubordination, and, in short, the -general inefficiency of his officers. He could trust them in nothing, -he said; for they either could not understand and execute his -commands, or they deliberately disobeyed them. And in some cases he -found them shirking their duties, and asking permission to return to -England on trivial pleas. But it will be better to let the Duke speak -for himself. On the 15th of May, 1811, he wrote to the Earl of -Liverpool a letter, in which he expresses great vexation at the escape -of 1,400 of the enemy, although he had 'employed two divisions and a -brigade to prevent their escape,' and 'had done everything that could -be done in the way of order and instruction.' And then he goes on to -add:-- - - 'I certainly feel every day more and more the difficulty of - the situation in which I am placed. I am obliged to be - everywhere, and if absent from any operation something goes - wrong. It is to be hoped that the general and other - officers of the army will at last acquire that experience - which will teach them that success can be attained only by - attention to the most minute details, and by tracing every - part of every operation from its origin to its conclusion, - point by point, and ascertaining that the whole is - understood by those who are to execute it.' - -In another letter to the Earl of Liverpool, dated July 20, 1811, he -recommends - - 'the adoption of the rule which I have made in respect to - staff appointments attached to the British army, viz., that - those who hold them shall receive no emolument on account - of them if absent from their duty on account of their - health for a greater length of time than two months, unless - their absence should have been occasioned by wounds.' - -He thinks that this rule will probably be considered harsh, but he -insists on it as necessary, on account of 'the abuse of sick -certificates.' In a letter dated 29th September, 1811, and also -addressed to the Earl of Liverpool, he uses the following strong -language:-- - - 'I must also observe that British officers require to be - kept in order, as well as the soldiers under their command, - particularly in a foreign service. The experience which I - have had of their conduct in the Portuguese service has - shown me that there must be an authority, and that a strong - one, to keep them within due bounds; otherwise they would - only disgust the soldiers over whom they should be placed, - the officers whom they should be destined to assist, and - the country in whose service they should be employed.' - -Again:-- - - 'The ignorance of their duty of the officers of the army - who are every day arriving in this country, and the general - inattention and disobedience to orders by many of those who - have been long here, increase the details of the duty to - such an extent as to render it almost impracticable to - carry it on; and owing to this disobedience and neglect, I - can depend upon nothing, however well regulated and - ordered.'--_Letter to Lieut.-General Hill, Oct. 13, 1811._ - -At Freneda, on the 19th of February, 1813, he issued the following -general order:-- - - 'The commander of the forces is concerned to be obliged to - notice such repeated disobedience to orders _on every - subject_. It might have been expected that in a case in - which the convenience of the officers themselves was the - object of the orders issued, they would have been obeyed; - but the general officers and commanding officers of - regiments may depend upon it that until they enforce - obedience to every order, and see that the officers under - them understand and recollect what is ordered, those - subjects of complaint must exist.' - -The following letter shows what the Duke meant when he said that he -had an army that would 'go anywhere and do anything.' In the rank and -file he had splendid material, but here is his description of the kind -of officers which the purchase system gave him:-- - - 'I have received your letter of the 5th, and I am sorry - that I cannot recommend ---- for promotion, because I have - had him in arrest since the battle for disobeying an order - given to him by me verbally. The fact is, that if - discipline means habits of obedience to orders, as well as - military instruction, we have but little of it in the army. - Nobody ever thinks of obeying an order; and all the - regulations of the Horse Guards, as well as of the War - Office, and all the orders of the army applicable to this - peculiar service, are so much waste paper. It is, however, - an unrivalled army for fighting, if the soldiers can only - be kept in their ranks during the battle; but it wants some - of those qualities which are indispensable to enable a - general to bring them into the field in the order in which - an army ought to be to meet an enemy, or to take all the - advantage to be derived from a victory; and the cause of - these defects is the want of habits of obedience and - attention to orders by the inferior officers; and indeed, I - might add, by all. They never attend to an order with an - intention to obey it, or sufficiently to understand it, be - it ever so clear, and therefore never obey it when - obedience becomes troublesome, or difficult, or - important.'--_Letter to Colonel Torrens, dated July 18, - 1813._ - -Two more extracts from the Duke of Wellington's correspondence must -suffice for this part of our survey:-- - - 'I really believe that, with the exception of my old - Spanish infantry, I have got not only the worst troops, but - the worst equipped army, with the worst staff, that was - ever brought together.'--_Letter to Earl Bathurst, dated - June 25, 1815._ - -In the same letter he goes on to complain of an officer who 'knows no -more of his business than a child, and I am obliged to do it for him; -and, after all, I cannot get him to do what I order him.' - -For the following extract we are indebted to an able pamphlet entitled -'The Purchase System,' by the author of 'The Second Armada:'-- - - 'Our officer is a gentleman.... Indeed, we carry this - principle of the gentleman, and the objection of - intercourse with those under his command, so far, as that, - in my opinion, the duty of a subaltern officer, as done in - a foreign army, is not done at all in the cavalry or the - British infantry of the line. It is done in the Guards by - the sergeants. Then our gentleman-officer, however - admirable his conduct in the field, however honourable to - himself, however glorious and advantageous to his country, - is but a poor creature in disciplining his company, in - camp, quarters or cantonments.'--_Letter of Duke of - Wellington, dated April 22, 1829._ - -Our inquiry has now led us to this result. The purchase system and the -abuse of over-regulation prices have been found to be so bound up -together that all efforts to destroy the one while retaining the other -have always ended in the most signal failure; and the demoralizing -influence of the whole system was such that the officers of the -British army were in the habit of 'shamefully forfeiting their honour -as officers and gentlemen,' and were utterly incompetent, the Duke of -Wellington being witness, to fill the most ordinary duties of their -profession. In none of the extracts, however, which we have quoted -from the Duke of Wellington's published despatches does he directly -attribute the evils of which he complains to the purchase system, with -its inseparable concomitant, the payment of over-regulation prices. -His mind was too much occupied with the daily labour of correcting the -faults of his officers to find time to analyze the causes of which -those faults were the natural offspring. Here and there, however, we -find indications that the inefficiency of his officers and the system -of purchase were in his mind intimately connected. This, at all -events, is the sense in which we read the following extract from a -letter to the Commissary-in-Chief, dated November 6, 1810:-- - - 'I may be wrong, but I have objections to all those rules - which prevent the promotion of officers of merit. It is the - abuse of the unlimited power of promotion which ought to be - prevented; but the power itself ought not to be taken, by - regulation, from the Crown, or from those who do the - business of the Crown. By these regulations we are - undermining as fast as possible the efficiency of the - Government. There is no power anywhere of rewarding - extraordinary services or extraordinary merit; and, under - circumstances which require unwearied attention in every - branch and department of our military system, we appear to - be framing regulations to prevent ourselves from - commanding it by the only stimulus--the honourable reward - of merit.' - -It is plain that this criticism strikes at the very root and essence -of the purchase system; nor is it the only criticism of the kind that -the Duke of Wellington has left on record. In March, 1824, the -Commander-in-Chief, the Duke of York, submitted to the Duke of -Wellington, then Master of the Ordnance, three plans of military -reform which he had in contemplation. Those plans, unfortunately, are -not given, but we gather from the correspondence between the Duke and -Major-General Sir Herbert Taylor, that it was proposed, among other -things, 'to stop all regimental promotion by purchase, and on the -retirement of an officer the successor to be selected by the -Commander-in-Chief from the general mass.' It is impossible, without -having the whole correspondence before us, clearly to make out what -the Duke's views were on this point; but it is obvious that this part -of the scheme is in the fullest accord with the opinions expressed by -him in the passage last quoted; and we may therefore presume that, if -he could have seen his way to any fair and practicable plan for -abolishing purchase, he would have given it his support. But, however -that may be, one thing is beyond all doubt--the Duke of Wellington -condemned absolutely and peremptorily the payment of over-regulation -prices. Witness the following passage in his letter to Sir Herbert -Taylor, dated 'London, 17th March, 1824:'-- - - 'I would forbid any brokers to interfere, and would declare - the determination of the Commander-in-Chief to recommend to - his Majesty to cancel the grant of any commission granted - in consequence of any negotiation with them. I would - likewise recommend to his Royal Highness to declare to the - army his determination to recommend to his Majesty to - cancel any commission granted for which it shall appear - that the officer appointed to it has paid more than the - regulated price, and to dismiss from his Majesty's service - any colonel or commanding officer of a regiment who may - appear to have forwarded or recommended such appointment, - knowing that more than the regulated price had been, or was - to be, paid for it.' - -'I am afraid,' he adds despondingly, 'that much of what I above -proposed is difficult to carry into execution, and, as I have above -stated, it may be impossible to prevent the evil altogether.' In his -reply, Sir Herbert Taylor reminded the Duke that the payment of -over-regulation prices was already forbidden by Act of Parliament, and -that the prohibition was sanctioned by the imposition of penalties -which were, in fact, severer than those suggested by the Duke. 'But -in either case the difficulty is to establish the proof, without -which the promotion could not be cancelled, nor the officer himself, -or those parties to the transaction, dismissed the service.' What -stronger proof could we have that the illegal and immoral traffic in -over-regulation prices clung, as an inseparable parasite, to the -purchase system, and could be destroyed only by cutting down the trunk -which supported it? - -We have now arrived at the year 1824. Up to that time the regulation -was still in force which obliged every officer who was in any way -concerned in any step of regimental promotion to declare on his solemn -word of honour as an officer and a gentleman that he was not, directly -or indirectly, privy to any payment made or stipulated for beyond the -regulation price. But this pledge was deliberately and systematically -violated. 'Upon this point,' says the Duke of Wellington, in the -letter to Sir Herbert Taylor already quoted, 'I believe we are all -agreed, as likewise that the certificate upon honour is useless; that -it is commonly signed whether the contents are known to be true or -known to be otherwise, and that on this ground alone it ought to be -discontinued.' Now let the reader just pause for a moment, and -consider what this implies. It means that the officer who retired, the -officer who succeeded him, and the commanding officer of the regiment -in which the transaction took place, all pledged their word and honour -as officers and gentlemen to a declaration which they knew to be a -lie. Nor were they a small minority who so acted--a minority looked -down upon by the general body of their brother officers as men who had -disgraced themselves. On the contrary, this practice of dishonouring -their plighted word was all but universal wherever the system of -purchase prevailed. At the very time when the Duke of Wellington was -bringing this serious indictment against the truthfulness and honour -of British officers, there was a debate going on in the House of -Commons on the Mutiny Act; and it was proposed to abolish the -certificate upon honour, on the ground that there was 'scarcely one -case in ten in which officers received their commissions at the -regulated price.' 'Scarcely one case in ten' in which British officers -did not violate their word of honour and subscribe their names to a -lie! And to perpetuate a system which produced this result, some two -hundred gentlemen in the House of Commons and a majority in the House -of Lords had recourse this session to tactics which, but for the -resolution of the Premier, would have wasted the best part of the -session, and brought an amount of discredit on Parliament from which -it might have found it hard to recover. But more of that anon. In pity -to the frail virtue of the British officer, the certificate upon -honour was abolished in April, 1824, and has not since been revived. -But the illegality of over-regulation prices was at the same time -reaffirmed, and the same penalties, which had proved so unavailing, -were reiterated. - -This is briefly, but substantially, the history of the question up to -this year. 'The result of our inquiry,' says the Royal Commission of -1870, 'is that the payment and the receipt by officers of the army of -any sum in excess of the regulated price for the purchase, sale, or -exchange of commissions is expressly prohibited by the Act of 49 Geo. -III. c. 126.' Indeed, it was impossible that the commissioners could -have come to any other conclusion. The facts are too plain to admit of -more than one interpretation; and, moreover, the courts of justice had -already ruled the point. In a case that came before him in 1855, the -Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer decided that an undertaking by an -officer to give up his commission in a regiment in consideration of a -sum of money promised him beyond the regulated price, was an illegal -transaction, and brought the parties concerned within the provisions -and penalties of the Act of 49 Geo. III. c. 126. This construction of -the Act was confirmed, in 1862, by the Court of Common Pleas. Yet this -illegal practice has lived and thrived up to this very year, in spite -of all the attempts made at various times to put it down. 'We have no -reason to doubt,' says the Report of the Royal Commission of 1870, -'that it prevailed from the time when the prices of commissions were -first fixed in the year 1719-20;' and 'experience has shown that the -most explicit prohibitions and the most stringent regulations have -utterly failed to prevent or even check the practice.' Is there need -of further evidence to prove that it was impossible to destroy the -illegal and degrading practice of over-regulation prices without the -entire abolition of the purchase system? - -We have seen how completely the officers reared under the purchase -system failed in all the requirements of their profession during the -Peninsular War. Is there any reason to believe that the same class of -officers would come scathless out of a similar ordeal now? Doubtless, -the officers of the British army have participated in the general -advancement of society in knowledge and in other respects during the -last fifty years. But has their improvement been in anything like the -same ratio as that visible in other professions? We seriously doubt -it. We believe, indeed, that we have now a far larger proportion of -able and highly-trained officers than we had when the Duke of -Wellington expressed the opinions which we have quoted. Still, taking -our officers in the aggregate, we believe that they are far below the -standard even of respectable competency. This, at all events, is the -frank confession of a distinguished officer, who happens, in addition, -to be a strenuous upholder of the purchase system. In his evidence -before the Royal Commission on military education in 1869, Lord -Strathnairn declared as follows:-- - - 'These mistakes (which he had just mentioned) consist in - officers giving the wrong words of command, and being - unable to execute necessary, and often the simplest - movements. Some officers of long standing, and even - commanding officers, are ignorant of the simple but - important detail, the difference between a change _of - front_ and a change _of position_.... Movements are learnt - by rote for the occasion.... Hence, at my inspections, in - India as well as in Ireland, of regiments, when I have - asked officers the object of evolutions in the book, or - called on them to perform simple strategical movements - adapted to them, I have found that they are ignorant of - their use or the advantage to be derived from them in - operations.... As officers are uninstructed in the first - principles of practical or field operations and movements, - they are equally in the dark as to those of a higher order, - or which are _connected with ground_.... The whole course - of my evidence goes to prove that, owing to a mistaken - system of education and training, and want of reward for - merit, the absence of proper qualifications, of course with - exceptions, exists in all grades, including that of - commanding officers.' - -These opinions do not greatly differ from those which the Duke of -Wellington expressed in Spain sixty years ago, and we believe that -they would be confirmed by every competent authority; indeed, they are -abundantly confirmed in the voluminous Blue Book from which we have -extracted them. Now, this professional ignorance is a much more -serious matter in our time than it was when the Duke of Wellington was -fighting against the armies of Napoleon; for in the scientific mastery -of his profession the British officer of that day was probably not far -behind the officers against whom he was pitted. On both sides the art -of war was learnt, for the most part, in the field, and under the -tuition of the two great captains of the age. There is very little -doubt that, but for the genius of Wellington, the Peninsular campaign -would have ended, as far as the British army was concerned, in -disaster and ignominy. But the conditions of warfare have been greatly -changed since then. Arms of precision, and other improvements in the -mechanics of war, have an increasing tendency to diminish the value of -individual dash and pluck, and to exalt in a relative proportion the -importance of professional skill. The most admirable combinations on -the part of a general may now, much more easily than heretofore, be -defeated by the bungling of a subordinate. The intelligence and -precision with which superior orders were executed by the youngest -subalterns in the German army during the late war was a theme of -general admiration; and is it not clear that an army equal to the -German in all other respects, but inferior to it in this all-important -point, must have been inevitably worsted? But subalterns are the raw -material out of which generals are made, and it stands to reason, -taking human nature as it is, that when you take from men the ordinary -incentives to exertion, they are not likely to arrive at any high -degree of excellence in their calling. A system which promotes the -indolent rich dullard over the industrious poor man of brains, is sure -to damp the energies of both: of the one because his money enables him -to obtain without labour what he covets; of the other, because he -knows that, without money, industry and brains are of no avail. The -Duke of Cambridge, in his evidence before the Royal Commission of -1870, stated, as the result of his experience, that rich young men, -having fewer motives for exertion than others, would not take the -trouble to excel in their profession. But rich young men are precisely -the class of officers who are cherished by the purchase system--men -who join the army for a few years as a fashionable pastime, but who -have never had any serious intention to make the profession of arms -the business of their life. It is notorious, on the other hand, that -the purchase system keeps in subordinate ranks many men who have -genius to command armies. Now and then they come to the surface in the -general sifting which real war occasions, but only after much mischief -has meanwhile been done by the incapacity of those whom the accident -of having a heavier purse had placed over their heads. The Indian -Mutiny discovered the talents of Sir Henry Havelock, who had been -purchased over so often that he was constrained to speak thus of -himself in his fifty-sixth year:--'The honour of an old soldier on the -point of having his juniors put over him is so sensitive that, if I -had no family to support, and the right of choice in my own hands, I -would not serve one hour longer.' Lord Clyde, in his evidence before -the Commission of 1856, says:--'I have known very many estimable men, -having higher qualities as officers than usual, men of real promise -and merit, and well educated, but who could not purchase; when such -men were purchased over, their ardour cooled, and they frequently left -the service; or, when they continued, it was from necessity, and not -from any love of the profession.' In fact, Lord Clyde was himself a -conspicuous example of the mischief of the purchase system. He had -several times been purchased over, and, but for the Crimean War, it is -probable that he would never have commanded an army. - -Where, indeed, can we find a stronger argument against the purchase -system than in the Crimean war itself? The gallantry and endurance of -men and officers alike were beyond all praise. But when that admission -has been made, what else can be said with truth in praise of that -campaign? Was it not, all through, one dreary series of military -blunders and general mismanagement unrelieved by one single ray of -military genius engendered by the purchase system? A French General is -said to have characterized the British troops at Inkerman as 'an army -of lions led by asses.' Whether the epigram was really uttered by the -General in question, or was one of the inventions of the British camp, -it certainly expressed a very general feeling both at home and in the -Crimean army. - -Another objection to the purchase system is, that it sets a premium on -cowardice. According to a return furnished by Messrs. Cox and Co., who -are agents for twenty-one regiments of cavalry, and one hundred and -twelve battalions of infantry, exclusive of the household cavalry and -brigade of Guards, the following is a correct statement of the -regulation prices and over-regulation prices of commissions in the -cavalry regiments for which they are agents:-- - - Regulation. Over-regulation. Total. - - Cornet L450 -- L450 - - Lieutenant 250 L575 825 - - Captain 1,100 2,006 3,106 - - Major 1,400 1,600 3,000 - - Lieut.-Colonel 1,300 1,794 3,094 - _______ ______ _______ - - L4,500 L5,975 L10,475 - -It appears from this statement that the average over-regulation price -paid in the cavalry is more than double the present regulation price. -In the infantry of the line the over-regulation price is not so high -as this, but it is nevertheless considerable; and the upshot of the -whole matter is that, according to the estimate furnished from Messrs. -Cox's office, the sum of L3,577,325 is at this moment invested by -officers in their commissions over and above the regulation price. In -other words, the army, as we have already observed, is mortgaged to -the officers by a long-established system of illegal traffic; and no -reform was possible till that system was destroyed root and branch. -But our immediate object is to show that the system really puts a -premium on cowardice, or, at least, on a dereliction of patriotism. -Let us take the case of the colonel who has paid upwards of L10,000 -for his commission, and let us suppose him to have a family, but to -have no private fortune. A war breaks out, and he is ordered on -foreign service. He dies from one of the numerous causes--other than -wounds which are incident to a soldier's life in a campaign--and the -consequence is that his investment of L10,475 is lost for ever to his -family. The only exception to this hard fate is the case of an officer -killed in action, or dying within six months of wounds received in the -face of the enemy. And even in that case the hardship is only -mitigated, not redressed; for the families of such officers are not -allowed to receive more than the value of the regulation price of the -commission. We thus see that at the very moment when the officer's -mind ought to be most free from all disturbing influences, it is, in -reality, likely to be distracted between two conflicting duties: the -duty of making provision for his family on the one hand, and the duty -of sacrificing his life, if need be, for his Queen and country on the -other. - -Nor is death in the fulfilment of his duty the only event which -involves the forfeiture of the money paid by an officer in excess of -the over-regulation price. He may be dismissed from the service or may -receive a hint to retire quietly on condition of being permitted to -sell his commission. In either case he loses the value of his -over-regulation investment. The same thing happens in the case of an -officer promoted to the rank of a major-general on the fixed -establishment. He cannot recover any portion of what he has paid for -his commissions. - -Other illustrations might be given, such as the case of officers -placed on temporary half-pay in consequence of a reduction in the -establishment; but enough has surely been said to show the utterly -indefensible character of the purchase system, and to prove that no -efficient scheme of army reorganization was possible till the system -was swept clean away. Our main purpose, however, has not been to -demonstrate the irretrievable badness of the purchase system, but to -draw the attention of our readers to the astounding fact that, for the -sake of perpetuating this rotten system, an organized attempt, almost -unparalleled in the annals of Parliament, was made by an Opposition in -a hopeless minority, to defeat by factious means the declared wishes -of the majority, and so to waste the best part of the session. The -scheme of the Government, on the motion for its second reading, was -submitted to a prolonged and exhaustive debate, and on the last night -of the debate, when it was evident that it would be carried by an -overwhelming majority, the leader of the Opposition made a speech for -the purpose of persuading his followers that, however imperfect the -bill might be in details, its _animus_ was so good as to entitle it to -a favourable consideration in committee. 'The _animus_ of the measure -is purely good,' he said, 'and the proposal of the Government is the -first attempt to weld the three great arms of the country--the -regulars, the militia, and the volunteers--into one force.' The -amendment was accordingly negatived without a division. - -But by-and-bye Mr. Lowe produced his unpopular and unstatesmanlike -budget, and Mr. Disraeli saw his opportunity. In the middle of March -he ventured to ridicule the purchase system as - - 'Very much belonging to the same class of questions as a - marriage with a deceased wife's sister. Each side is - convinced that their solution is the only one absolutely - necessary for the welfare of society; while calmer minds, - who do not take so extreme an interest in the subject, are - of opinion that, whatever way it may be decided, it is - possible that affairs may go on much the same.' - -Two or three weeks later, when Mr. Disraeli wanted to rally the -colonels around him in his attack on the Government, he suddenly -turned round and defended purchase with the zeal of a fanatic. And -then began, under the sanction of the Opposition leader, that series -of Fabian tactics which wasted so much of the session, and which, if -not opposed to the letter of parliamentary usage, were certainly at -variance with its spirit. It has hitherto been understood that the -principle of a bill is affirmed on its second reading. Now the -cardinal principle of Mr. Cardwell's bill was the abolition of -purchase in the army, and it was affirmed by the House of Commons -without a division. Yet the question of purchase was fought again, -fiercely, over every clause, almost over every word of the bill in its -passage through committee. When one amendment was disposed of, it -suddenly appeared again in another shape by some ingenious abuse of -the forms of the House. - -At last, however, the Bill left the House of Commons, and was -presented to the House of Lords in the middle of July. There it was -met, on the part of the Opposition, by the following amendment:-- - - 'That this House is unwilling to assent to a second reading - of this bill until it has laid before it, either by her - Majesty's Government, or through the medium of an inquiry - and report of a Royal Commission, a complete and - comprehensive scheme for the first appointment, promotion, - and retirement of officers; for the amalgamation of the - regular and auxiliary land forces; and for securing the - other changes necessary to place the military system of the - country on a sound and efficient basis.'[67] - -Either the amendment was insincere on the face of it, or it betrayed -the most culpable ignorance. Lord Northbrook had, in fact, anticipated -it in a speech of remarkable ability, in which he showed that the Duke -of Richmond's amendment was simply inept. For the scheme of the -Government fulfilled all the conditions required by the amendment, -except in the matter of retirement; and that was one of those details -which could not have been put into a bill beforehand, but must be -dealt with in the light and under the guidance of experience. The bill -was supposed to have been so mutilated in its passage through the -House of Commons, that nothing remained of it except the naked -proposal to abolish purchase. But the plain fact was, as Lord -Northbrook pointed out, that the provisions which had been dropped did -not affect the bill vitally, or even materially. One was an extension -of the Enlistment Act--a matter of no importance; another related to -the ballot for the militia--also of no immediate importance; and the -third of the abandoned provisions was that which empowered counties to -raise money for supplying militia barracks. In all other respects the -bill reached the House of Lords in the shape in which it had been -introduced in the House of Commons, and the proposal to postpone the -consideration of it till more information was furnished was obviously -nothing more than a device for saving the purchase system, with all -its evil and all its scandal, for at least another year. The amendment -was carried, however, by a majority of twenty-five. - -The Government was thus placed in a most awkward dilemma. They had the -choice, on the one hand, of accepting the practical rejection of the -bill for a year; and the consequence of doing so would have been as -follows:--The exhaustive discussion of the subject in the House of -Commons would have been thrown away; all the plans of the Government -for the reorganization of the army must have remained in abeyance for -at least another year; and the interests of the officers would in the -meantime have been needlessly sacrificed, for in such a state of -uncertainty the value of over-regulation prices would probably have -fallen to zero. Moreover, we should have had such an agitation -throughout the country as would, almost to a certainty, have made it -impossible for any Government to offer a second time the very liberal -terms which officers are now enabled to secure. The Opposition -denounced the compensation which the Government offered to the -officers as wasteful expenditure, and if the short-sighted vote of the -House of Lords had not been set aside, the country would have taken -the Opposition at its word, and have refused to sanction so much of -the increased expenditure as was caused by the payment of -over-regulation prices. Purchase would have gone inevitably; but the -officers would have lost more than half the compensation which is now -secured to them. And for this they would have had to thank their -injudicious champions in both Houses of Parliament. The Government has -literally 'saved them from their friends.' Earl Russell and the -Marquis of Salisbury fired up with indignation when this warning was -whispered in their ears during the debate on the second reading of the -Army Bill. 'It had been suggested,' said the former, 'that if the -amendment were carried the proposal of the Government to compensate -officers for what was called the over-regulation price would be -withdrawn; but he must say that that seemed to him to be an incredible -supposition.... If compensation for over-regulation prices was just in -March, 1871, it could not be unjust twelve months later.' With all due -deference to Lord Russell, we think that time _is_ an element in the -case, and that an offer which was just this year might be unjust next -year. It would have been the duty of the Government to consider the -will of the country as well as the interests of the officers, and to -take care that the former did not suffer by any undue consideration -for the latter. A man who refuses a more than equitable offer by way -of compensation for a loss incurred in an illegal manner, has no right -to complain if the offer is not repeated, more especially if he has -received fair warning of what is likely to be the consequence of his -refusal. - -But, whether just or not, the plain truth is that the House of -Commons would not have sanctioned a second time the payment of -over-regulation prices. In the interest of the officers themselves, -therefore, in the interest of the House of Lords also, but, most of -all, in the interest of the army and of the nation, the Government was -bound to avail itself of any legal means which might enable it to -prevent the mischief that could not fail to follow from the rash vote -of the House of Lords. Ministers accordingly advised the Queen to -abolish purchase by royal warrant, which was at once done. This has -been called a _coup d'etat_, and a display of 'high-handed despotism.' -But no one whose opinion is worth anything has ventured to question -the legality of the act. Sir Roundell Palmer, whose absence from the -House of Commons at the time was supposed to indicate his disapproval, -has given the high sanction of his authority, not only to the -legality, but to the advisability, under the circumstances, of what -the Ministry had done. But though the legality of the act has not been -disputed, a chorus of voices in and out of Parliament have pronounced -it 'unconstitutional.' It is not easy to see the distinction. An -unconstitutional act we take to mean an act perpetrated in violation -of the constitution. But what part of the constitution has been -infringed, either in letter or in spirit, by the exercise of the royal -warrant in the abolition of purchase in the army? The purchase system -was created by royal warrant, nor has it ever rested on any other -sanction. Constitutionally and legally, therefore, all that was -required for its abolition was merely the withdrawal of the warrant -which gave it existence; and that is precisely what has been done. -Constitutional or legal objection there is none that can bear a -moment's examination, and the whole matter resolves itself into a -question of expediency. Those who consider the purchase system the -mainstay of the British army will, of course, be of opinion that it -was highly inexpedient to abolish it. Others, however, who prefer to -look at the question in the light of facts rather than of theory and -sentiment, will say that it was expedient to abolish at the earliest -moment in which it could legally be done, a system whose history is -such as we have described, and the continuance of which for another -year, after all that had taken place, would have been fraught with -evil to public morality, and have effectually prevented in the -interval all possibility of reorganizing the army. - -But the sting of the royal warrant abolishing purchase in the army lay -doubtless in the fact that it was only exercised after the consent of -Parliament had been previously asked, and (by the Lords) refused. And -if this humiliation had been put upon the House of Lords wantonly, and -without sufficient cause, the Government would have merited very -severe censure. But was there not a sufficient cause? In the first -place, the abolition of purchase was part of a large scheme, which -embraced, _inter alia_, a very liberal offer of compensation for the -extinction of the vested interests which the officers of the army had -illegally contracted. It seemed, therefore, more respectful to the -House of Commons, which was asked to vote the money, that the scheme -of the Government should be submitted to it in its integrity; and -there is no doubt, we apprehend, that if the House of Commons had met -the second reading of the bill by a vote similar to that which was -carried in the House of Lords, the Government would have bowed to the -decision. But the question assumed quite a different aspect after the -bill had been affirmed, in all its essential features, by decisive -majorities in the House of Commons. It was then in the power of the -Government to abolish purchase by royal warrant, and to send the bill, -thus disencumbered of its bone of contention, up to the House of -Lords. But the Lords would certainly have resented such treatment even -more indignantly than they did the subsequent rescinding of their -vote. So the bill was presented to them as it left the lower House; -and they met it, not by a direct negative, not even by an amendment -affirming the expediency of retaining the purchase system, but by a -motion for delay. The debate which followed, however, clearly showed -that the majority in the upper House were in reality fighting, not for -more information, but for the retention of the purchase system. The -consequence of yielding to their injudicious vote would therefore have -been simply the waste of a precious twelvemonth; for everybody -admitted that the purchase system was doomed, and could not survive -another year. But it would have been much more satisfactory if it -could have been abolished by Act of Parliament, for its resurrection -would have been a moral impossibility; whereas, as matters now stand, -it may be revived any moment by the same process which has for the -time destroyed it. This consideration alone seems to us to be a -sufficient justification for the course which the Government took. The -abolition of purchase by Act of Parliament was the more excellent way, -and the Government was right in trying it before availing itself of -its last resource in the royal warrant. And certainly the officers -are the last persons who ought to complain of what has been done; for -there can be little doubt that if the Government had begun by -abolishing purchase it would have found it hard, in the absence of a -_quid pro quo_, to persuade the House of Commons to sanction the -swollen estimates which compensation for over-regulation prices -necessitated. The Lords, too, if they would only consider the matter -calmly, would see reason to be grateful to a Government which has -rescued them from much obloquy and from a most dangerous agitation. It -is hardly an exaggeration to say that the rejection of the Ballot Bill -and of the Army Bill in one session would have gravely imperilled the -existence of the House of Lords, at least in its present form. But the -unavoidable mortification which the Government was compelled to -inflict upon it served to appease the public resentment, and even to -create a certain degree of sympathy in favour of our hereditary -legislators. - -The limits of our space forbid us to do more than notice very -cursorily the remaining Ministerial achievements of the session. We do -not know what others may think, but our own opinion is that the -University Tests Bill is at least as important a measure as the -Divorce Bill, which was about the sole legislative triumph of the -session of 1857. To the readers of the _British Quarterly_, at all -events, that session will not appear a barren one which has thrown -open to Nonconformists the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. Nor -will the working classes quarrel seriously with a session which has -given them the Trades' Unions Bill. The repeal of the Ecclesiastical -Titles Bill may be considered a small matter. But the passage of it -through Parliament consumed the best part of a session, and disturbed -the peace of the three kingdoms. It was, moreover, a stride backward -in civilization, for it was one of those attempts, against which -Nonconformists have always protested, to defend the truth by the -carnal weapons of penal legislation. It was also the commencement of a -retrograde policy towards Ireland. When the Queen visited that -country, and on several other occasions, the territorial titles of the -Irish Roman Catholic bishops were freely recognised in official -documents. The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill made them penal, and the -result was what men of sense predicted at the the time. The bill -became a dead letter; for it was systematically violated, because it -was too absurd and too antagonistic to the principles of religious -liberty to be enforced. There was a moral fitness in its repeal, under -the Premiership of Mr. Gladstone, for his was the great speech which -exposed its mischief and its incongruities when it was passing through -the House of Commons. - -The Ballot Bill can hardly be reckoned among the achievements of the -session, since it has failed to become law; but it is certainly one of -the achievements of the Government. It was carried through the House -of Commons by overwhelming majorities, and it is not the fault of the -Government that it is not now on the statute book. The Ministry was -blamed for pressing it on, knowing that the Lords would reject it; but -the Ministry had no such knowledge. On the contrary, there was some -reason to believe that the Peers would have been satisfied with -thwarting one of the capital measures of the session. But even if the -Government had felt morally certain that the Lords would reject the -Ballot Bill, we still insist that they were bound to go on with it. -Nothing did so much to damage the prestige of Parliamentary -Government, and to exasperate the working classes against the old -Parliament as the _dolce far niente_ policy of the Palmerstonian -_regime_. Lord Palmerston's adroitness consisted mainly in combining -the maximum of liberal promises with the minimum of liberal -fulfilment. He took up measures to conciliate the more Liberal of the -electors, and dropped them to conciliate the majority of the House of -Commons. More valuable, therefore, even than the passage of the Ballot -Bill into law, is the assurance which the conduct of the Government -has given that it was thoroughly in earnest. But it was contended in -influential quarters that the sincerity of the Government was -sufficiently evinced by the second reading of the bill, and ministers -were accordingly advised to suspend all further progress of the bill, -and resume it again at that stage next session. Besides other -objections to that proposal, it is enough to say of it that it is -founded on a misconception of the powers of the Government. It is the -simple fact that the Government had no power to do what it was so -persistently advised to do. A proposal was made in 1861 that some -power of that kind should be given by statute to either House of -Parliament. But the House of Commons rejected the proposal on account -of 'the grave and numerous objections' to it, and particularly because -'this suspending power in either House of Parliament, if exercised at -its own discretion, would be at variance with the prerogative of the -Crown.' - -Mr. Bruce's Licensing Bill has been considered one of the chief -failures of the session; and we do not wish to conceal our opinion -that there were some tactical blunders in the management of it; but -they were blunders which are in a great degree excusable by the -peculiar circumstances of the session. It was, in our humble judgment, -a blunder to introduce such a bill without a determination to deliver -a decisive battle upon it; for the introduction of the bill roused the -opposition of a powerful and thoroughly organized class interest, -while the withdrawal of it alienated those to whom the Government -looked for support. Mr. Bruce's excuse, and it is so far valid, is -that the unexpected tactics of the Opposition in respect to the Army -Bill wasted so much of the session that there was no opportunity to -fight the battle of the Licensing Bill as he had intended to have -fought it. The bill itself appears to us to be a fair compromise, and -we have no doubt that it was calculated to do much good. The brewers -and publicans have gained a victory for the moment, and they have the -satisfaction of having beaten the Government candidate in East Surrey; -but their victory is likely to prove a Pyrrhic one. It has opened the -eyes of the public to the ruin which the excessive indulgence in -intoxicating drinks is causing, and the more the question is -discussed, the less reason will the publicans have for rejoicing over -the defeat of Mr. Bruce's bill. The yearly sum spent on intoxicating -liquors in the United Kingdom has now reached the enormous and -portentous figure of L110,000,000, and the annual committals for -drunkenness amounted in the year 1869 to 122,310. These are frightful -facts; and if the interests of the publicans stand in the way of a -thorough remedy, so much the worse for the interests of the publicans. -Let the Government take away the licensing power from the magistrates, -and commit the question to the management of local boards elected by -the ratepayers, and we will undertake to say that the publicans will -be checkmated politically in the first place, and that we shall -witness, in the second place, a rapid decrease in their unholy -traffic. Before dismissing the subject, however, it is right to remind -our readers that Mr. Bruce's bill did not perish utterly. A portion, -and a very valuable portion, of it is now law, and will effectually -check the increase of public houses, and at the same time help to -diminish the number of those already existing. - -We have now glanced through the principal measures of the session, and -we confidently ask whether it is not true that both in respect to the -quantity and the quality of the work done it will bear a favourable -comparison with the large majority of Parliamentary sessions during -the last forty years. And yet it cannot be denied that the Government -has incurred a certain amount of unpopularity. How is this to be -explained? A general answer may be given, to the effect that a Liberal -Government which is in earnest is sure to incur some degree of -unpopularity; for its _raison d'etre_ is to attack abuses wherever it -may find them. Its business is to do what is best for the nation at -large in the first place, and to consider the interests of particular -sections of the nation in the second place. But the interests -concerned, as was natural, view the matter in a different light. They -object to be relegated to the second place, for they prefer their own -welfare to that of the nation, and, like the brewers the other day, -are ready, whenever their pockets are menaced, to subordinate the -interest of their party to that of their trade. The Government, to use -a common expression, has 'trodden on the corns' of several powerful -interests, and has thereby incurred their resentment. But it must be -owned that it was from Mr. Lowe's budget that the Government received -its first serious blow. Our own opinion is that incompetent as it was -the budget attracted to itself a good deal of unmerited obloquy. But -we feel bound, at the same time, to express our conviction that if Mr. -Lowe knew human nature better, or took less pains to exasperate it, he -might have produced a budget which would have strengthened instead of -weakened the Government. As it was, the Government never quite -recovered the prestige which Mr. Lowe's financial blunders had lost -them. Then came a series of naval disasters, for which the Government -was somehow considered responsible, though it really had no more to do -with them than it had with the eruption of Vesuvius.[68] Then the -persistent cry of extravagant expenditure, raised by the -Conservatives, and echoed by their small band of allies among the -Radicals, had some effect. Yet there never was a more dishonest cry. -Though the present Government came into office in the end of the year -1868, the naval and military estimates for the ensuing year were -prepared by their predecessors, and they reached the respectable -figure of twenty-six millions sterling. And this, be it remembered, -was in a period of profound peace. Mr. Gladstone's Government had to -prepare the estimates for 1870, and the result showed a reduction from -L26,000,000 to L21,000,000, with a marked improvement, at the same -time, in the efficiency both of the army and navy. It is true, that in -consequence of the complications arising out of the Franco-German war, -two millions more were added to the estimates in the course of the -summer. But no Government can be held responsible for expenditure -caused by unforeseen emergencies: and, moreover, the expenditure in -question was demanded by the country generally, and cannot in fairness -be laid at the door of the Government. The upshot of the whole matter, -however, is that the Government now in office reduced, on the first -opportunity, the estimates of their predecessors by upwards of -L4,000,000, and that, in spite of the expenditure occasioned by a -gigantic Continental war, and a thorough reorganization of the army, -the estimates are still considerably below the figure which the Tory -Government reached in the midst of an universal peace abroad, and in -the absence of any extraordinary expenditure at home. And yet Tory -politicians, in and out of Parliament, have rent the air with their -cries against the 'wasteful and extravagant expenditure' of the -Government. Were it not for the war on the Continent, and the cost of -abolishing the purchase system, and putting the army on a new basis, -it is not too much to say that the navy and army estimates of this -year would have been L7,000,000 lower than those which the -Conservative Government bequeathed to Mr. Gladstone. We believe, -however, that the exceptional expenditure of this session is neither -'wasteful' nor 'extravagant.' It is like the wise outlay of a skilful -husbandman who drains and manures his barren land, in the sure -confidence that it will repay him tenfold. The new basis on which the -Government is reorganizing the army will give us in a few years a -force which will free us from the recurrence of those periodical -panics which make us the laughing-stock of other nations, and which -always involve for the time being a large, but perfectly useless, -expenditure. Already our navy is admitted, even by the political -opponents of the Government, to be more than a match for all the -navies of the world put together; and, under the wise administration -of our present rulers, the army also will soon be in a condition to -maintain our just influence abroad, and make the invasion of these -isles a practical impossibility. - -On the whole, then, we believe that the unpopularity which has -overtaken the Government this session, is for the most part, -undeserved; and we believe in the next place that the unpopularity is -mainly confined to certain political cliques and class interests, -which the Government, in the prosecution of its plain duty, has -unavoidably offended. Through a combination of these causes, a general -election at this moment might lose the Government a score of seats all -over the country; but it would not seriously shake its position. The -nation has not lost its confidence in Mr. Gladstone, and it will think -twice before it makes up its mind to exchange him for Mr. Disraeli. -The journal 'written by gentlemen for gentlemen' has recently told us -in one of its oracular manifestoes, that 'the whole London press has -become thoroughly suspicious of Mr. Gladstone's strength and fitness -for the place which, for the want of any tolerable competitor, he -holds at his own discretion.' We have heard and read this sort of -language before. 'The whole London press,' or rather that portion of -it which is fortunate enough to receive the _imprimatur_ of the -_Pall-Mall Gazette_, pronounced the same verdict on Mr. Gladstone five -years ago. And the result was, that those confiding politicians who -trusted in the sagacity of 'the whole London press' either lost their -seats in Parliament, or had to sit on the stool of repentance and vow -eternal allegiance to Mr. Gladstone. Let those, therefore, who mayhap -are contemplating a repetition of the same experiment meditate on the -history of the Adullamites, and be wise in time. The country has its -eye on that knot of atrabilious Liberals whose voice is that of Jacob, -but whose hands are the hands of Esau. They may declare, _ore -rotundo_, that they have no confidence in Mr. Gladstone. Let them have -a care lest the next general election prove that the country has no -confidence in them. - -To sum up, then, the claims of the Government during the past year on -the continued confidence of the nation. It succeeded in limiting the -area of the war between France and Germany, and, while upholding the -dignity of the country, preserved to us the blessings of peace. By -the treaty of Washington it has laid the foundation of a cordial -understanding and a lasting friendship with the great American -Republic. It has passed several measures for the benefit of Ireland -which will surely help, as they become thoroughly understood, to lay -the demon of disaffection in that impulsive, but not ungenerous -people. Then what shall we say of the Army Bill? Its importance is -gauged by the unparalleled resistance which it encountered in -Parliament, and in times less exacting than the present its success -would have made the fortune of an ordinary administration. On the -other hand, the Trades' Unions Bill, the University Tests Bill, the -Repeal of the Ecclesiastical Titles Act, and the Local Government -Board Bill, (a most valuable piece of legislation) are the quality of -bills which ordinarily constitute the work of a session. And, in -addition to these outward and visible signs of ministerial toil, the -separate departments of the Government have, each in its place, done -an immense amount of that kind of work which makes no appeal to public -notice, but which is none the less valuable because it works in -silence. The Poor-law Board, the Admiralty, and Mr. Cardwell's -department have all laboured incessantly, and the fruit of their -labour is already becoming visible in the better management of our -workhouses, and in the increased efficiency of our army and navy. Nor -must we forget the excellent reforms which Mr. Monsell has already -made in the Post Office, and which entitle him at no distant day to a -seat in the Cabinet. We maintain, therefore, that the Government may, -without any remorse, sit down with a good conscience to frame the -programme of the coming session. The only serious danger which they -have ahead of them is the question of Irish education; and that is a -question which can well wait awhile. But if it must be tackled next -session, we see no reason why the genius which solved the church and -land questions should not be equal to solving that of education also. -The danger of the Government lies in the inconsistent conduct of the -Opposition, who advocate the application to Ireland of principles -which are totally opposed to those for which they contend in the case -of England. Still, it does not appear to us that the question of Irish -education presents any insurmountable difficulty, provided the same -statesmanlike principles are brought to bear upon it which have -already solved the vexed problems of land tenure and religious -equality. In short, a good budget and a moderate programme will enable -the Government to make the next session--we will not say more -fruitful, but--more popular than the last. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[66] Let the reader notice, in passing, the passage which we have -italicised. We shall consider the exercise of the royal warrant by the -Government hereafter; but it may be observed in the meanwhile how -completely the above passage justifies (what, indeed, was not -seriously denied by any competent authority) the legality of Mr. -Gladstone's measure. The purchase system is there made absolutely -dependent on the continued permission of the royal will. The moment -that permission is withdrawn, the purchase system ceases to be. The -Queen simply withdrew the royal warrant which authorized it, and there -was an end of the matter legally and constitutionally. - -[67] The Duke of Argyll questioned the constitutional character of -this amendment, and not without reason, as trenching on the royal -prerogative, acting through the responsible ministers of the Crown. - -'Parliament has a right to call for full information in regard to -military matters, for the purpose of enabling it to vote with -discretion and intelligence. But this right must not be held to -justify an unreasonable interference in respect to the details of -military administration.'--_Todd's Parliamentary Government in -England._ Vol. i. p. 328. - -[68] Mr. Goeschen is certainly much to be pitied. If a first class -man-of-war is driven at midday on a well-known rock he is held -responsible for the disaster, and if he inflicts condign punishment on -the culpable officers, he is accused of unjust and arbitrary conduct. -Indeed, some of our Conservative friends have not hesitated to say -that Mr. Goeschen exceeded his power in superseding the peccant -admirals in the Mediterranean. Such an opinion is in the teeth of -legal authorities. Let us quote one of the latest and best known:--'It -is essential to the constitution of a military body,' says Mr. Todd -('Parliamentary Government in England,' vol. i. p. 326) 'that the -Crown should have the power of reducing to a lower grade, or of -altogether dismissing, any of its officers from service in the army or -navy at its own discretion, _and, if need be, without assigning any -reason; such power being always exercised through a responsible -minister, who is answerable_ for the same, if it should appear to have -been exercised unwarrantably and upon an insufficient ground.' So well -established is this rule that it was decided by the Court of Queen's -Bench, in the case of Dickson _v._ Viscount Combermere, that the -discretionary power of the Crown to remove officers is so absolute -that even if an officer had been tried by a court of inquiry and -acquitted, the Crown was justified in removing him from office upon -the advice of a minister responsible to Parliament. - - - - -CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE. - - - - -HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, AND TRAVELS. - - -_Short Studies on Great Subjects._ By JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE. Second -Series. Longmans, Green, and Co. - -Many of these papers, those especially which have appeared in the -magazine which Mr. Froude has recently edited, and those delivered as -addresses, will be fresh in the recollection of general readers, and -they will be glad to possess them in a permanent form. Like Mr. -Kingsley, Mr. Froude is not so much a constructor as an expositor of -opinion; but he has some rare qualities for exposition, and his -emotional and moral fervour especially give a great charm to his -advocacy. His defects, moreover, like Mr. Kingsley's, are those of a -rhetorician, and severe historical students gravely impugn his -accuracy in details, while dispassionate judges seriously condemn his -somewhat vehement special pleadings. The papers are some of them -political--'England and her Colonies;' 'Reciprocal Duties of State and -Subject;' 'The Colonies once More,' 'England's War,' 'The Eastern -Question;'--some social--'Education;' 'A Fortnight in Kerry,' in two -parts--singularly separated in the volume by half a dozen other -papers; 'On Progress,' a striking paper, which appeared in a recent -number of _Frazer_, and attracted much attention;--and some -ecclesiastical and theological--'Calvinism,' 'A Bishop of the Twelfth -Century'--an interesting account of brave hearted Bishop Hugo, Bishop -of Lincoln, and builder of the Cathedral; 'Father Newman on the -Grammar of Assent;' 'Conditions and Prospects of Protestantism.' That -Mr. Froude has strong partialities and prejudices, sometimes betraying -him into an untenable advocacy, if not into historical paradox, his -greatest admirers must admit. The first volumes of his history read -like an eloquent counsel's brief--we are oftener charmed than -convinced. The later volumes are more judicial, although both the -partisans of Elizabeth and of Mary Queen of Scots have fair cause of -demur to both the coloring of his portraiture and to some of its -details. With rhetorical historians we never feel quite safe. The -advocate is always more fascinating than the judge--they appeal to -wholly different faculties. Macaulay, Froude, Kingsley, all lack, only -in different degrees, the severe historical spirit which Hallam and -Freeman so ably exemplify. One of Mr. Froude's critics has subjected -his account of Bishop Hugo, derived from Mr. Dimock's 'Magna Vita,' to -a minute, and we must say damaging historical criticism, which -produces an uneasy feeling about Mr. Froude's historical writing -generally--especially when we have not at hand means of verification. -Mr. Froude's habit of mind tempts him to round unqualified assertions, -and to hasty generalizations, especially when he is justifying a -foregone conclusion. Another dangerous tendency of his mind is to -themes which either through imperfect knowledge or sectarian habit he -is but little qualified for treating. Few readers of the 'Nemesis of -Faith,' one of Mr. Froude's earliest publications, would feel much -confidence in his dispassionate treatment of any theological question; -and yet theology is the fatal basilisk to which he seems irresistibly -attracted. It was with a startled feeling--half amusement, half -annoyance--that we saw announced the theme which his perverse genius -characteristically fixed upon for his Rectoral Address at St. -Andrew's. No man can possibly give a satisfactory account of Calvinism -who is not sympathetically a theologian; and Mr. Froude is not only -not this, but theology in any form excites him as a red rag excites a -bull. Calvinism, above all theological creeds, might be supposed -antipathetic to him. We naturally, therefore, anticipated a Quixotic -assault upon the Scottish windmill, and imagined the sensations of the -professors and alumni of St. Andrew's on the announcement of his -subject; for Mr. Froude to undertake to discuss Calvinism in its very -metropolis was a chivalry that could be redeemed from its -foolhardiness only by its success. Mr. Froude has not succeeded. He -boldly avows himself a _quasi_ champion of something which he calls -Calvinism, but which really has very little to do with the system of -theology which is known by that designation. We tremble at the bold -generalization of his eulogy, and wonder to see men and systems having -so little in common brought within their range. It is the exordium of -a rhetorician, not of an historical critic. Notwithstanding, -therefore, his great literary merits, a fine historical vein, and -broad illustrative generalization of a very masterly character, the -result is not very satisfactory. Mr. Froude clearly sees that in -Calvinism, or its philosophical equivalents--for he finds the latter -where the former is unknown, as, for instance, in Parsecism and -Judaism, Stoicism and Mahommedanism--there is something very strong -and noble; only we suspect that he has confounded what he calls -Calvinism with the moral sense or conscience. What this is, he essays -to show by historic illustrations gathered from the six or eight great -religious movements of history; but he hardly succeeds. The facts are -indubitable, but Mr. Froude does not furnish their philosophy. Of -course he knows that Calvinism is a great deal more than mere history; -he would, no doubt, admit that it is a very pronounced and -uncompromising metaphysical theology. If it is not this, it is -nothing; but of this he does not attempt to give any account. On the -contrary, he formally eschews it, and he certainly has no very great -sympathy with it. His historic conscience is forced to admit the -strength, persistence, and nobility which the ideas of Calvinism have -in all ages inspired. They have uniformly produced the noblest -morality, the most heroic faith, the most illustrious characters and -movements of their age; they have constituted the great religious and -regenerating force of history, the permanent counteractor and -corrector of formalism, selfishness, mendacity, and slavishness--the -force that has sporadically gathered in all times of lassitude, and -that Mr. Froude thinks our own present condition needs for its -regeneration. But he admires and wonders without love; he has strong -things to say against it. Hence his paper is written with a _nec cum -te nec sine te_ feeling. It produces the impression of one who sees -men as trees walking; who aims at something worth hitting, and misses -it; who has been attracted by the true waters, but to whom it might be -said, 'Sir, thou hast nothing to draw with, and the well is deep.' We -have no sympathy with the logical excesses of Calvinism, but it -involves substantially the only true and noble philosophy of religion. -It is the theology of the almost universal Church; and its noble -inspirations and achievements deserve not only all the eulogy that Mr. -Froude bestows, but eulogy of which he does not dream. If Calvinism be -not a theology, it is nothing; and yet Mr. Froude proposes to the -professors and students of St. Andrew's to discuss Calvinism, while he -carefully disavows all theological questions. How oddly _to them_ his -address must have sounded! History as a _hortus siccus_; a drama--the -grandest ever played out on human stage--evacuated of convictions and -passions; the profoundest metaphysical and spiritual theology -sufficiently accounted for by mere history. Mr. Froude's thesis -demanded that he should have examined the metaphysical ideas involved -in Calvinism, and demonstrated their practical, moral, and spiritual -power. This he has not even attempted. He does not seem even to have -conceived of it. So again, Mr. Froude altogether misses the philosophy -of theology involved in Dr. Newman's 'Grammar of Assent.' He cannot -even speak of Butler's great work without altogether misrepresenting -it. We suspect that he is constitutionally incapable of even -apprehending metaphysical problems. While he sneers at physical -science, he regards theological science as a blind superstition. -Nevertheless, Mr. Froude's volume is worthy of a place on the shelf of -his history. - - -_The National and Domestic History of England_. By W. H. S. AUBREY. -Vol. I. J. Hagger. - -Of the historian, as of the poet, it is emphatically true _nascitur -non fit_. A rare combination of qualities is essential to a historian -of the first-class--patience to accumulate information, learning to -appreciate it, philosophy to interpret it, and imaginative eloquence -to incarnate it. Great histories are more rare than great poems. -Histories are of two classes--those which are written directly from -original sources, and which are historical authorities; and those -which are intended for popular uses, and avail themselves of the -results of original investigation, as historical authorities have -determined them. Mr. Aubrey's work belongs to the latter class; and -is entitled to rank very high in it. In the commendation which we -think it just to bestow upon him, we are not to be understood as -comparing him with Grote, or Hallam, or Freeman, or Froude, or Masson; -but, as gathering into a pleasantly-written and skilfully-constructed -work, the results of modern historical investigation, his history of -England is by far the best we possess. To indomitable painstaking, he -adds the careful judgment of a well-informed student, and of strong -common sense. His work is the fruit of many years' assiduous labour. -Mr. Aubrey, as might be expected, belongs to the school of historians -which holds that the history of a nation is a great deal more than the -history of its monarchs, court intrigues, and wars; and he endeavours -to put his readers in possession of the springs and characteristics of -the social life of the people, of which the most ample knowledge of -the former class may leave us in utter ignorance. The influence of -monarchs, statesmen, politics, and wars, upon the social life of a -people, is necessarily great, and formerly was much greater than it is -now; but probably at no time was it so exclusive as the impressions -derived from ordinary histories would lead us to suppose. The -government of a country, and the policy of a court, except under -conditions of republican freedom, are a very imperfect index of the -condition and character of the people. Mr. Aubrey pays a just -compliment to Sir. Charles Knight's 'Pictorial History of England,' as -being the first considerable and systematic attempt to present the -social history of the English people. But the conclusions of history -have been almost revolutionized since the 'Pictorial History of -England' was written. The calendaring of State papers, and the opening -of State collections at Simancas, Venice, and elsewhere, have thrown -floods of light upon imperfectly understood events. Mr. Aubrey, too, -has greatly improved upon the literary style, as well as upon the -artistic illustrations of Mr. Knight's great work. His style is quiet -and lucid; it never rises to eloquence, or is inspired by passion; no -masterly historical groups or biographical portraits are presented by -him; but he tells his story with a simple, even excellence of pleasant -narration. If he does not greatly excite his readers, he never wearies -them. The first volume brings down the history to the time of Richard -II. Instead of references in the margin, Mr. Aubrey gives us a general -list of the authorities which he has consulted; it is formidable -enough, occupying a dozen pages, and comprising between 600 and 700 -works. Some of the omissions from it, however, are notable; Mr. -Longman's 'Edward III.' for instance, and Professor Creasy's 'History -of England.' The salient points in this period are the characters of -Edward the Confessor, and Earl Godwin, Harold, and William of -Normandy, Becket, and Edward III. Mr. Aubrey forms, on the whole, a -just estimate of these men. The plan of his history precludes -disquisition, but the positions he assumes are warranted by the most -recent criticism; he justly remarks that neither men nor their doings -are 'to be regarded in the light of modern opinions and convictions, -excepting in so far as these are inherently true.' We commend -especially Mr. Aubrey's careful and discriminating estimate of the -quarrel between Henry II. and Becket, as a crucial test of his -intelligence and fairness. Here, as throughout, Mr. Aubrey enhances -the value of his book by well-selected quotations from historians like -Mackintosh, Milman, and others. The great period of Edward III.--the -_fons et origo_ of so much of our English constitution and modern -greatness--is well treated; and the great questions involved in the -French war, the rights of Parliament, and religious liberty, are -intelligently discussed. We should add that the work is profusely -illustrated. In addition to ordinary wood engravings and fac-similes, -portraits and autographs, chromolithographs and well-executed steel -plates are introduced, together with carefully-constructed maps and -plans. The illustrations are scenes and incidents, views of places, -dress, manners, sports, houses, furniture, coins, seals, and medals, -coats of arms, weapons, and ships, caricatures, monuments, and tombs. -Altogether, we may, so far as this first volume goes, commend Mr. -Aubrey's work as, in its completeness, ability, and spirit, fully -justifying its title as a 'Family History of England,' and -incomparably surpassing any other of its class. - - -_View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages._ By HENRY HALLAM, -LL.D. Incorporating in the text the Author's latest Researches, with -Additions from recent Writers, and adapted to the use of Students. By -WILLIAM SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D. John Murray. - -Dr. Smith has done a great service by including in his series of -students' manuals this admirable edition of Hallam's first great work. -Originally published in 1818--not in 1816, as Dr. Smith says--it -rapidly passed through successive editions; the eleventh and last of -which was published in 1855. During these years the author not only -accumulated many corrections, but also a body of supplementary notes -equal in bulk to one-third of the original work. 'Reluctant to make -such alterations as would leave to the purchasers of former editions a -right to complain,' and having thoroughly revised the third edition, -six subsequent editions appeared without alteration. After the ninth -edition, the supplementary notes were published separately in 1848. In -the tenth edition (1853) they were included. The copyright of the -original edition has recently expired, and has been reprinted in a -cheap form, but without either the revision or the supplementary notes -of the author's later editions. Comparatively, therefore, it is of -little worth. Dr. Smith has not only reproduced Hallam's latest -edition, he has incorporated all of the notes that could be -incorporated, inserting at the end of each chapter such information as -could not conveniently be interwoven with the text. For this students' -edition some of the less important remarks have been abbreviated, and -the references to authorities omitted. Valuable additions, moreover, -have been made by the editor, for which the student will thank him. -Among those are the Statutes of William the Conqueror, the Charter of -the Liberties of Henry I. and Magna Charta, together with genealogical -and other tables, and certain items of information from books which -have appeared since Hallam wrote. A good reference index is also -added. More than this concerning so well-known a work we need not say; -too much we scarcely could say. - - -_Cameos from English History: the Wars in France._ By the Author of -the 'Heir of Redclyffe.' Second Series. Macmillan & Co. - -The very skilful way in which Miss Yonge selects the chief incidents -of her episodes, and groups around them such subordinate matters as -may be necessary for a complete historic picture, has given to the -first series of her 'Cameos' a popularity which the second will not -fall short of. Miss Yonge is executing a gallery of historic -compositions that have individual completeness enough to make them -interesting, and connection enough to make them instructive. Without -any affectation of originality in the sources or methods of her -narrative, she skilfully uses the materials and conclusions of the -best historical authorities, and thus provides for young people and -for general readers a historical manual, the ability and interest of -which will convey a vast amount of information to readers whom more -pretentious works would fail to attract. This second series is almost -entirely occupied with the French wars. Beginning in 1330 with the -romantic conquests of Edward III. and the Black Prince, it narrates -the strange solecism of English rule in France, and ends in 1435 with -the still more romantic mission of the Maid of Orleans, and the -Congress of Arras, and the extinction of the English cause in France. -We cannot speak too highly of the care, good sense, and literary skill -with which these historic cameos are cut. The most romantic -incidents--battles such as those of Crecy and Poitiers, achievements -such as those of Joan of Arc--lose nothing in the artistic setting of -the author, while the least interesting are made attractive by it. A -more fascinating and instructive book, as we can testify from our own -well-thumbed copy of the first series, and from the eagerness with -which the second has been seized, could not be put into the hands of -young people. - - -_Life of William Cunningham, D.D., Principal and Professor of Theology -and Church History, New College, Edinburgh._ By ROBERT RAINY, D.D., -and the late Rev. JAMES MACKENZIE. 8vo. Nelson and Sons. 1871. - -As long as the disruption of the Church of Scotland in 1843 is -remembered, the name of Dr. Cunningham will be indissolubly associated -with it. The Free Church party, to which he belonged, was rich in -eminent men at the great crisis. Chalmers, of course, towered over -all the rest as its man of many-sided genius. Candlish was its popular -champion; Hugh Miller was its journalist; Buchanan its ecclesiastical -statesman; Guthrie its orator and wit; Murray Dunlop its jurist. Dr. -Cunningham, however, as a dogmatic theologian and master of Church -principles, long occupied a place by himself in the councils and the -inner life of his Church, and we cordially welcome his memoir. - -The volume is the work of two successive biographers. Rather more than -one-third of it had been prepared by the late Rev. James Mackenzie, -when, his untimely death interrupted his labours; the rest of the book -is written by Dr. Rainy, who, once a pupil of Cunningham's, was -afterwards his pastor and most intimate friend, and is now his -successor in the Chair of Historical Theology. Mr. Mackenzie's portion -is picturesque and lively. The story of the disruption conflict, which -it embraces, has already been told, by Dr. Hanna in his life of -Chalmers, in a way that can hardly be equalled, but the version here -given is at once elaborate and fresh. Dr. Rainy, who continues the -life from 1843 till its close in 1861, has executed his task with -judgment and loving fidelity, and with so entire a mastery of all the -bearings of his subject that his chapters will have a permanent value -for the members of the Free Church as a contribution to her history. - -The outward incidents of Cunningham's life are soon told. Born at -Hamilton in 1805, he lost his father in early childhood, and was -brought up by an admirable mother. At the age of fifteen he entered -the university of Edinburgh, where he remained eight years. At -twenty-five he was ordained to one of the largest churches in -Greenock. Thence, four years afterwards, in 1834, he was translated to -Trinity College Church, in Edinburgh. Quitting the Establishment in -1843, he visited America on a public mission, and on his return was -appointed to the Chair of Apologetical Theology in the Free Church -College. In 1845, he succeeded Dr. Welsh as Professor of Church -History, and on the death of Dr. Chalmers, in 1847, he became -Principal of the College, retaining, however, his Professorship. - -From his very boyhood, Cunningham was wont 'to scorn delights and live -laborious days.' In one long vacation, before he was seventeen, he -read eighty volumes, among them the whole of the Iliad in Greek, -Barrow on the 'Pope's Supremacy,' Taylor's 'Ductor Dubitantium,' and -the like. Such studious habits adhered to him through life. 'He reads -Greek and Latin,' says his biographer, 'in immense quantities, and -French in great abundance.' It was only a strong judgment and a -wonderful memory that prevented his enormous reading from overloading -his powers of mental digestion. At first, metaphysics attracted him, -but soon theology became his favourite field. Up to the age of -eighteen his sympathies were with the 'moderate' or high-and-dry party -in the Scottish Church; but about that time his mind underwent a great -and blessed spiritual change, which, as it was brought about by the -influence of evangelical truth, naturally led him to join the -evangelical party. - -As a preacher, he was decidedly successful during the four years of -his ministry at Greenock. In Edinburgh his gifts were buried in an -almost inaccessible and gloomy church, and his sermons became dry. The -ten years' conflict, however, called forth all his powers. The annual -general assemblies of those days furnished an arena for high debate -unequalled in the history of Scotland. Judges of the supreme courts, -eminent lawyers, physicians, merchants, and landowners, sat on their -benches as elders, along with the flower of the Scottish clergy. The -audience was only limited by the breadth to which galleries could be -carried. The questions at issue, first, the spiritual rights of the -people in the formation of the pastoral tie, and, growing out of that, -the spiritual independence of the Church itself, affected all classes -of society, and interested Dissenters as well as members of the -Establishment. Amidst these scenes Cunningham proved himself-- - - 'No carpet knight so trim, - But in close fights a champion grim, - In camps a leader, sage.' - -Both his biographers labour to describe his power as a debater, but in -truth there must have been something indescribable about it. 'As you -heard him,' says Dr. Rainy, 'you were yourself working at the -question, not with your own faculties, but with Cunningham's, and were -possessed with the same intense moral perceptions.... This effect was -due to the personality of the man put into his speech, to his -intensity, and his vehemence.... The absence of all rhetoric, except -that which sparkled red-hot from the forge at which the workman was -labouring contributed to the same effect. To the same result conduced, -and that very powerfully, his manifest scorn of foul play, and the -manliness and fairness of his battle.' The testimony also is adduced -of Mr. Murray Dunlop, late member for Greenock, who, after long -experience both of the General Assembly and of Parliament, said, -'There is no man in the House of Commons that approaches to -Cunningham.' - -The disruption, to Cunningham and his associates, was a political -defeat, but it was even more than a moral victory. It seems destined -to secure the triumph of their principles in Scotland as it has -powerfully helped to introduce them into Ireland. Now that a -generation has passed away, we see the strange spectacle of the -Scottish Establishment agitating for the abolition of patronage, and -we hear her divines boasting of spiritual independence as if a -satisfactory concordat on the matter had already been concluded with -the State. Dread of another disruption is manifestly the only -concordat that exists. - -It was in the Chair of Historical Theology that Cunningham found his -true sphere of continuous labour. As a lecturer, an examiner, a -director of young men's studies, and a critic of their productions, he -was unsurpassed in his time. Dr. Rainy considers that he was even -superior to Chalmers in the power of producing the feeling of -obligation in the minds of others. His own personal godliness, and his -solicitude for the spiritual welfare of his students, showed itself -quite spontaneously both in the classroom and out of it. Youths who -trembled at coming under the jurisdiction of the great controversialist -were delighted to find him in private intercourse as gentle as a lamb, -and they yielded themselves all the more readily to the mastery of his -influence. Hundreds of his old pupils are now in the ministry, -scattered all over Scotland, and are to be found here and there in -England, Ireland, America, and the colonies; and it may safely be said -that few of them ever mention his name without affection and -reverence. - -Yet with all his gentleness of nature, Cunningham was a born -controversialist. He was quite conscious of this himself. When a -student of divinity, he said to a friend. 'If my life is spared, it -will be spent in controversy, I believe;' and the event went far to -justify the prediction. With true Christian magnanimity, he would at -once apologise, and that in public, for unwarrantable expressions -dropped in the heat of debate; and in one of his later tractates he -says, 'We have some apprehension that the controversial spirit is -rising and swelling in our breast, and therefore we abstain,' &c., -as if he were applying the curb; but the temperament remained. Part of -the last decade of his life was embittered by a controversy within the -Free Church itself, which separated him for a time from some of his -oldest and dearest friends, and made him the object of unwarrantable -attacks on the part of others. His spirit was chastened and purified -by the ordeal. In the beautiful record given by Dr. Rainy of his last -days on earth, we read that two hours before his death he said, 'I am -done with all controversies and all fightings now; I am at rest for -ever.' Then raising his hand, he very emphatically said twice, 'From -the rage of theologians, good Lord, deliver us.' Thus adopting one of -the dying sayings of the gentle Melancthon. - -After his death, Dr. Cunningham's literary executors published two -large volumes of his lectures on 'Historical Theology,' and two -additional volumes of his 'Essays and Reviews'--the one on the -'Reformers and their Doctrines,' the other on 'Church Principles.' -These works are no unworthy monument of his vast learning, of his -logical power, and of the depth of his own convictions. Dr. Rainy, in -the volume before us, has very ably explained and defended -Cunningham's method of teaching theology and the history of dogma, but -we wish he had descended more into particulars, showing the growth of -Cunningham's own mind as a theologian, and the comparative importance -assigned by him to certain truths and views of truth at an earlier and -a later period of his life. It is somewhat unsatisfactory to be told -that on visiting Oxford in his later years Cunningham said musingly to -a friend, 'I am more of a bigot and more of a latitudinarian than I -used to be.' - -_Journals kept in France and Italy from_ 1848-1852; _with a Sketch of -the Revolution of_ 1848. By the late NASSAU WILLIAM SENIOR. Edited by -his Daughter, M. C. M. SIMPSON. 2 vols. Henry S. King and Co. - -Mr. Senior's journals suggest some curious speculations concerning the -writer, and the order of literati to which he belongs; and they are a -contemporary record of some facts which may be regarded as a -contribution to history, and of some speculations which, after twenty -years, it is interesting to test by events. Mr. Senior apparently -aspired to a distinguished place in the class of writers more -prominent in French literature than in English, who contribute, for -the use of the historian and for the gratification of the gossip, -_memoires pour servir_. With considerable literary ability, he -contributed essays to the Edinburgh and other reviews, two or three -series of which have been published. He wrote a treatise on political -economy, which evinced considerable power of philosophical thinking, -and considerable knowledge of economical science, but which fell just -short of classical authority. He was a Master in Chancery, and a -well-informed man of the world. He had an extensive acquaintance with -literati and politicians, which he sedulously cultivated. Probably, -had he chosen to concentrate his intellectual powers and to -subordinate his general knowledge, he might have produced works which -would have taken an honourable and permanent place in literature. But -the difficulty we feel in saying in what department of thought he -would have succeeded the best, indicates the versatility which made -him a clever man, and hindered him from becoming a profound one. He -belonged to the literary class of which, perhaps, Southey may be -regarded as _facile princeps_. Probably a man does best when he -follows spontaneously his own literary instinct; and Mr. Senior, in -becoming a very able chronicler and critic of the opinions of others, -has avoided the fate of a second-rate publicist. It is difficult to -find an exact type that may represent his special function and -quality. His work is the work of a Boswell, only generally applied, -and done with far more intellectual power, but at the cost of that -exactness of record which is Boswell's great charm. All Mr. Senior's -reports of the opinions and conversations of others are reproduced in -his own mould of thought. Although he had apparently that peculiar -kind of very bad memory which forgets nothing, yet clearly he does not -reproduce the _ipsissima verba_ of the interlocutors: while their -sentiments are exactly conveyed, it is a version 'according to Mr. -Senior.' One thinks again of Crabbe Robinson. What he was in a more -literary and limited sphere, Mr. Senior was in his wider sphere of -statesmen, diplomatists, and politicians. Mr. Senior's methods remind -us of the 'interviewing' of American reporters. A highly gifted, -well-informed, agreeable, and brilliant man, he was a welcome addition -to every society. Princes, statesmen, and political leaders found -pleasure in his conversation, and in the information concerning -English opinion and feeling that he was able to impart. He -assiduously prepared himself for making the most of his -opportunities. He sought introductions wherever he went, and had the -rare faculty of using them to the greatest advantage. Clearly, he knew -how to put questions without being intrusive, how to conciliate -sympathies without offensive toadyism, and how to make his note-taking -purpose well understood without loss of dignity, and apparently--but -of this we are not quite sure--without either shutting up his -informants, or making them talk with a view to the record. He has -aimed at whatever degree of literary renown attaches to men like -Beaumarchais, De Grammont, and Pepys, and he will probably be quoted -as a witness to contemporary facts and opinions when he is remembered -for nothing else. It is not everyone who could submit to the -conditions of such a function, or who could be successful in it. Mr. -Senior's success is almost perfect. He is not a describer of men and -manners--he has neither dramatic nor pictorial faculty; he is simply a -chronicler of contemporary opinions. The value of his book, therefore, -depends primarily upon the character of those to whom he had access. -In this it leaves little to be desired. These journals kept in France -and Italy are rich in the affirmations and opinions of the leading -personages in these countries--of men who were chiefly making their -history. It is impossible even to attempt an enumeration of the -illustrious men with whom Mr. Senior freely conversed. The editor of -his journals is so embarrassed by their riches, that he not only -suppresses all mere travellers' impressions, observations, and -descriptions, but reserves for separate publication the conversations -with De Tocqueville, with whom Mr. Senior was on intimate terms. This, -we think, however interesting as a contribution to the biography of De -Tocqueville, is very injurious to the historic value of the journals. -An account of the Revolution of 1848 and of the _coup d'etat_ of 1852, -which chronicles the opinions of men like De Beaumont, Fauchet, -Dunoyer, Gioberti, Circourt, and Horace Say, and systematically omits -those of De Tocqueville, the greatest political philosopher among them -all, is surely Hamlet with the part of the Prince omitted. Better have -omitted the Italian journal, and have presented complete the opinions -of French events which he was able to gather. - -Nevertheless, the journals are remarkably rich in both incident and -opinions, which, as communicated by political leaders themselves, may -be implicitly accepted as authentic. Perhaps the thing that will -chiefly strike the reader is the singular lack of political prevision -which characterizes the forecasts of even the ablest statesmen. The -surprise and violence of revolutionary incident probably disorder the -faculty of the political philosopher, as well as disarrange the -ordinary sequence of things. Whatever the cause, save in things -palpable to ordinary thoughtfulness, few of the anticipations of -statesmen here recorded have been verified. We have noted some dozens -of instances of political sagacity utterly at fault, which justify -this general remark, but our space forbids us to cite them. - -Mr. Senior's journals in France begin about three months after the -abdication of Louis Philippe; but he gathers up a tolerably complete -account of the circumstances attending it, and of the opinions formed -concerning it. A letter of General Bergeaud gives a military account -of the overthrow of the constitutional throne, and attributes it to -defective military preparations, and to vacillating purposes:--'If I -had had the command a fortnight before, things might have passed -differently.' True! but would that have secured respect for the -time-serving king, or have given high-mindedness and dignity to the -shuffling policy of his time-serving minister? Of what advantage would -it have been to avert the revolution of February, if its provocatives -had been left to gather afresh? This policy of expedients has been the -ruin of the French nation; as De Beaumont justly said to Mr. -Senior--'In France we are not good balancers of inconveniences. _Nous -sommes trop logiques_. As soon as we see the faults of an institution, -_nous la brisons_. In England you calculate, we act upon impulse.' - -Mr. Senior throws much interesting light upon the conduct and motives -of Lamartine in his brilliant and meteoric career, equally sudden in -its kindling and its extinction;--possible, surely, only in France. De -Beaumont seems to us to do more justice to Lamartine than Mr. Senior -himself does. 'He thinks that Lamartine has managed foreign affairs -honestly and ably, with an earnest wish for peace, but that the rest -of his conduct has been vain, selfish, and timid. Ten days ago he -would have been elected President by acclamation, now he would be -chosen only to keep out somebody worse.' Whatever Lamartine's vanity -and weakness, he must, we think, have credit for patriotic purpose. A -mere selfish man would surely have pressed his enormous advantage very -differently. - -Much interesting light is also thrown upon the singular and -incongruous character of Louis Napoleon. Certainly our estimate of him -is not enhanced; his narrow, intriguing selfishness, his puerile -fanaticism, and the diabolical unscrupulousness of his _coup d'etat_ -of December 2nd, seem to justify all that his worst enemies have said -about him. A singular incident is recorded. The colonel of one of the -regiments to be employed on December 2nd was absent on the previous -night a few miles from Paris. An aide-de-camp of St Arnaud was sent to -summon him. He owed his success in life to Changarnier. As he passed -Changarnier's door he thought that this mysterious summons must have -something to do with the _coup d'etat_ which everybody was expecting. -He got off his horse, and rang the bell. The porter, probably in bed, -did not answer. Second thoughts suggested to the aide-de-camp that to -tell Changarnier would be a breach of duty. He rode off without -ringing again. Had Changarnier been warned, the _coup d'etat_ might -have been prevented, and the subsequent history of France might have -been different. - -Read in the light of the history of France during the last twelve -months, Mr. Senior's volumes have a singular and instructive -interest. The conclusion to which they force us is a melancholy -one;--the French seem to have learned nothing, and to have forgotten -nothing, but to be simply whirled in a chaotic circle of furious -revolution and delusive order. 'The instant,' says M. Bastiat, 'three -Frenchmen meet, they talk of nothing but extending French influence -over Europe, and vote by acclamation for a military expenditure;' a -singular comment upon which is the recent determination by M. Thiers -and his Government to raise the French army to 500,000 men. In 1849, -Mr. Senior was present at a meeting of the Assembly; Jules Favre -attempted to read a letter from Rome stating that the French prisoners -had offered to serve in the Roman army; a scene of indescribable -confusion followed, some saying that, whether true or false, the ears -of Frenchmen ought not to be disgusted with such statements. General -Leflo protested against letters being read from a French tribune, -which _insultent le drapeau_. 'You tell us that the enemy has taken -one of our colours. You know it is impossible, for only five hundred -men are said to have fallen on our side; but before a colour could be -taken whole regiments must have died.' This was received with -enthusiastic applause, and Jules Favre was not permitted to read the -letter. De Beaumont is right, the French are too logical--even for -facts. 'The French,' said Dunoyer to Bancroft, 'utterly misconceive -the purposes for which a Government ought to exist, and if that -misconception continue, they will fall from revolution to revolution, -and from distress to distress, till they end in bankruptcy, anarchy, -and barbarism. They think that the purpose of Government is not to -allow men to make their fortunes, but to make their fortunes for them. -The great object of every Frenchman is to exchange the labours and -risks of a business or a profession or even a trade for a public -salary. The thousands of workmen who deserted employments at which -they were earning four or five francs a day to get thirty sous from -the _ateliers nationaux_ were mere examples of the general feeling. To -satisfy this desire, every Government goes on increasing the extent of -its duties, the number of its servants, and the amount of its -expenditure.' - -Sumner told Mr. Senior, on the authority of the Minister of War, that -'Persigny was going to Berlin and Vienna to ask for Belgium and the -Rhine and Egypt, giving Hanover to Prussia, Wallachia and Moldavia and -the legations to Austria, Constantinople to Russia, and Piedmont to -the Prince of Leuchtenberg.' This was confirmed by Beaumont, who said -that when he was French Minister at Vienna, in 1849, Schwartzenberg -showed him pretty nearly the same propositions made by Persigny. - -What hope can there be for a people so flippant, so superficial, so -unscrupulous! One is almost thankful for the destruction of a power -whose only law is that of selfishness and opportunity. - -Mr. Senior's journals in Italy are scarcely less interesting; only -they seem to belong to bygone centuries. The King of Naples and the -Duke of Tuscany were in power, the Pope was recoiling into a despot, -Charles Albert was staking and losing his crown at Novara, and Louis -Napoleon was occupying Rome. - -Mr. Senior's journals are choke full of interest--a social comment on -public history which future generations will peruse with greater -eagerness than ourselves. - - -_Life and Letters of William Bewick_ (_Artist_). Edited by THOMAS -LANDSEER, A.R.A. Hurst and Blackett. - -Mr. Landseer is not so careful as he should be to tell us that his -hero is not _the_ Bewick whose engravings are amongst the glories of -the English school. True, William is not Thomas, and Mr. Landseer -somewhat ambiguously suggests the distinction by appending in a -parenthesis the word 'Artist' to his name; but Art knows only one -Bewick, and the lustre of his surname may well make careless readers -oblivious of his Christian name. Mr. Landseer does not tell us whether -there was any relationship between the two northern men, less remote, -that is, than the ancestry of whom Scott reminded William. The absence -of affirmation leads to the conclusion that there was not; as, -doubtless, William would have been proud of a family connection with -Thomas. William Bewick, then, of whose existence we frankly confess we -were ignorant until we made our acquaintance with him in Mr. -Landseer's book, was, notwithstanding, a man and an artist of -respectable ability, whose memoir and letters are interesting chiefly -for their anecdotes and characterizations of people more illustrious -than himself. His father was an upholsterer in Darlington, sorely -disquieted by the artistic tendencies of his son, who bravely -struggled against the genius of upholstery, and dared the paternal -prognostications of beggary, and the stern refusal to give him any -help in his artistic aspirations. He went to London almost penniless, -pleased Haydon, who saw him drawing at Burlington House, and became -his pupil, as were also George Lance, William Harvey, Sir Edwin -Landseer, and the brothers Charles and Thomas Landseer. He struggled -hard for existence, became a pupil at the Academy, so far won the -approbation of Sir Thomas Lawrence as to be commissioned by him to -copy some of Michael Angelo's figures in the Sistine Chapel; and -greatly delighted him by his execution of the 'Sybil,' somewhat less -by that of the 'Jeremiah.' The President intended to present these -copies to the Royal Academy for the benefit of future students, but -died when only four of them were completed. These were sold with his -effects, and, with other copies made by Mr. Bewick, are hidden in some -collection, or scattered among many. The difficulties of procuring -them were very great; and we agree with Mr. Landseer in his regret -that they are not secured for public inspection and use. Mr. Bewick -seems to have had peculiar skill as a copyist. Goethe gave him a -commission to execute copies of some of the figures in the Elgin -marbles. A head painted by him was mistaken for a Murillo by both -Wilkie and Calcott. His 'Jacob and Rachel' was exhibited in London, -and won encomiums from men whose praise was almost fame. Mr. Bewick -seems also to have been a skilful portrait painter, or rather -sketcher, for he usually asked only a couple of sittings from the -notable men whom he sought to include in his portfolio. Thus, he -sketched Hazlitt, Scott, Brewster, Jeffrey, Professor Wilson, Mrs. -Grant of Logan, Jamieson, McCulloch, Liston, the Ettrick Shepherd, Dr. -Birkbeck, Lord Norbury, O'Connell, Lady Morgan, Maturin, Shiel, and -many others. To these he easily procured introductions, and his -artistic ability induced them to sit to him. He seems to have been -singularly successful, and his personal agreeableness and social -abilities seem to have won greatly upon all who thus made his -acquaintance. - -Hence he became acquainted with a large number of persons celebrated -in literature and art. These he carefully Boswellized, drawing their -portraits with the pen as well as with the pencil, and telling -interesting anecdotes concerning them. Hence these volumes, consisting -chiefly of his journals and letters, are a rich repertory of -reminiscences of notable men, which, like Senior's journals in other -circles of life, will have a permanent interest and value as the -records of an intelligent contemporary observer. Mr. Bewick's literary -style is somewhat inflated, and his story-telling is somewhat prolix; -it is not therefore easy, within our limits, to pick out any of the -plums of the really dainty feast that he has set before us. With -Haydon and Hazlitt, Bewick was on terms of personal friendship, and of -both he presents lengthened and interesting sketches. While, of -course, fully conscious of Haydon's faults, he was bravely faithful to -him. Haydon was very kind to Bewick. The latter was moneyless, and -Haydon had only L5. 'However,' says he, 'I'll let you have five -shillings, that will help a little.' He likewise offered to guarantee -a quarter's living at an eating-house. Haydon took no fees from his -pupils, but repaid himself in a characteristic way. He induced his -pupils to put their names to accommodation bills, and Bewick was so -implicated that when the smash came he 'found it impossible to deliver -himself from the difficulties which beset him in consequence of the -desperate state of Haydon's affairs.' Bewick sat as model for the head -of Haydon's 'Lazarus,' he being at the time opportunely ill. Wilkie, -otherwise a clumsy figure, had very fine hands. Taking hold of them, -Haydon said one day, 'Look here, Bewick, these are what I painted my -"Christ's" hands from. Wilkie's hands are the only parts of his person -that are like his pictures. They are made for fine execution; my hands -are very good, but they are not so tremulously nervous,--so delicate -or refined. These will never paint _large_ works with power, nor will -mine ever paint small pictures with sufficient delicacy and -refinement. You would never suppose that these hands would have such a -miserable mess upon the palette as you see there (looking down at -Wilkie's dirty palette). Wilkie's hands were copied for the _real -mother_ in my picture of "Solomon," and it has been said that they are -the most tender and expressive part of the whole picture.' Wilkie's -hands were artistically _close_ as well as symmetrical. Haydon, hard -up, as usual, went to Kensington to ask his friend for the loan of L5. -'I was struck with his blank expression of face; if I had given him a -blow he could not have been more staggered. I knew he had received -some hundreds for his last work, and I _ought_ to have done the same. -Wilkie put his hand to his mouth, and pressed his under lip between -his finger and thumb, like one of the figures in his "Rent-Day," and -drawled out in cold Scotch that he "raaly couldn't" let me have it. I -said, "You can't, eh?" He replied, "No, _indeed_ he could not." I was -silent--numbed; my young heart, warm then in the feelings and -sentiments of friendship, had received a shock. I felt my cheek hot -with the blush of wounded pride and disappointment, and could only -say, "I am sorry for it;" and, wishing him a good morning, left him to -himself and his hundreds.' Haydon was an awkward leech; but -considering their friendship, this was a little too bad of Wilkie. On -his way home, an eating-house keeper was more generous. To eat was a -necessity. Haydon, who had dined at the place often, went in -therefore, and after his dinner 'my hand went into my empty pocket in -make-belief, and I said, "Oh, I've forgot my money to-day, I will pay, -you to-morrow!" Just as I put foot upon the step of the outer door, a -gentle tap on my shoulder stayed my progress, and I was very civilly -invited by the keeper of the eating-house to walk into his room, as he -wished to speak to me. I returned with him. He then shut the door, and -after apologising for the liberty he was taking, said he had read in -the papers how badly I had been used with regard to my picture -("Macbeth," which Sir G. Beaumont had returned because Haydon had -increased its size), and that if dining there, or living entirely at -his house, would be any convenience to me, he should be quite -delighted, and I might pay him when I was able. I agreed to dine there -for the future, with many thanks for this noble, disinterested -kindness.' It is pleasant to add that when, shortly afterwards, -'Solomon' sold for eight hundred guineas, Haydon paid all his -creditors, the generous eating-housekeeper included; and, still more, -that his friendship for Wilkie still continued. 'I did not let trifles -of this kind come between us to mar our mutual satisfaction in the -pursuit of our beloved art.' - -We regret that we cannot extract Bewick's interesting descriptions of -Hazlitt, nor his exciting account of an evening with Ugo Foscolo and -Wordsworth--the best picture in the book--when the passionate Italian -declaimed his poetry before the philosophic Lakeist; and in Haydon's -small parlour, greatly to the peril of Wordsworth's nose, especially -when, in the extraordinary discussion which followed, Foscolo clenched -his fist in the poet's face. Amusing anecdotes of Wilkie, especially -one of his visit to Castle Howard, and of Lord Carlisle's indignation -at the thought that he wanted to dine with _him_--'What does the -fellow mean? Does he want to dine with _me_? I think my steward or -housekeeper might content him;' interviews with Curran, Lord Norbury, -O'Connell; two visits to Abbotsford, introducing anecdotes and -characteristic traits of Scott; a visit to the Ettrick Shepherd; -sketches, anecdotes, gossip concerning dozens of notables in -literature and art; letters and journals from Rome and Naples, with -anecdotes of Gibson, whose friendship he secured, and who modelled his -bust; correspondence in leisurely age with his friend Davison -concerning art and artists, with the various methods and merits of the -latter, make up two volumes of the most interesting _ana_, which few -will be able to throw aside until they are finished. It is pleasant to -add that Mr. Bewick acquired a competence, built a house and a picture -gallery at Darlington, and although for some years a valetudinarian, -died in a good old age, greatly respected by a large circle of -friends. - - -_Life and Adventures of Count Beugnot, Minister of State under -Napoleon I._ Edited from the French by CHARLOTTE M. YONGE. Two vols. -Hurst and Blackett. - -Jean Claude Count Beugnot lived through the entire period of the -French Revolution. He was born early enough (in July, 1761) to have -attained to maturity at its actual outbreak, and to have some -intelligent recollection of its immediate antecedents. He lived long -enough (until June, 1835) to see its course and issue, and to judge -its effects under three succeeding monarchs--Louis XVIII., Charles X., -and Louis Philippe. No life could have been more exactly timed for a -complete experience of it, and perhaps no life could have been better -circumstanced for an intelligent and just appreciation of it. As a -minister and a courtier, he was eminent enough to stand within the -circle of confidential knowledge, but not so eminent as to be a leader -of parties, so as to be blinded by their passions, or to share their -fate; as a politician, he was clever enough to fill offices, and to be -employed in affairs of importance, but not so clever as to be the -victim of great and blinding ambitions. He was, moreover, flexible -enough to serve under Louis XVI.--at any rate, as a loyalist member of -the States General of 1789, and of the Legislative Assembly of 1791, -and to suffer imprisonment during the Reign of Terror; to be Prefect -of La Seine Inferieure, and Administrator of the Grand Duchy of Berg -under Napoleon; to be Minister of the Home Department under the -Provisional Government; and to serve under Louis XVIII. in various -important offices--first, as one of the three commissioners selected -by the King in the commission for the preparation of the Charter of -1814, next as Director-General of Police, next as Minister of Marine -Affairs, next as Postmaster-General. In 1819, a Royal ordinance -summoned him to the Chamber of Peers, but before it could be -countersigned the ministry resigned, and he did not take his seat -until 1830, a few months before the revolution which placed Louis -Philippe on the throne. The retrospect of such a man must have been -something like that of Noah and his sons. He was a good administrator, -a fair Parliamentary orator, an admirable drawer-up of State papers, a -cautious, respectable, able coadjutor; ranking, relatively with men in -English political history, like Sir J. Graham or Lord Halifax. His -literary ability was considerable, as these memoirs prove, but it was -not so great as to cause his ambition for original authorship to -disqualify his talent for reporting or recording what he heard and -saw. He was of the literary type of Mr. Nassau Senior, only with far -better opportunities of knowing; and instead of merely reporting the -sayings and doings and opinions of others, he aspired to -quasi-historical memoir writing, which throws the information that he -had such rare opportunities of possessing into an independent -narrative form, which is to all intents and purposes history, only -with the episodical freedom of journal writing. Perhaps no man, unless -it were Talleyrand himself, could have told us so much of the secret -history of his times, and Talleyrand could not help writing fiction -instead of history. Count Beugnot, as portrayed by himself, produces a -feeling of high respect and esteem. He was sincere, honest, and -faithful; he was a consistent Liberal, who had respect for authority, -and felt it right, in the interests of liberty, to accept whatever -Government was in power; he was, moreover, bold and faithful, -sometimes in circumstances of great personal peril. We do not feel -towards him as towards Mirabeau, or Talleyrand, or Lamartine, or -Guizot. He was not positive enough or brilliant enough to excite -either high admiration or great antagonism. He was a safe politician, -an honourable man, and a literary mediocrity of the very highest -class, but no more. - -It is impossible to exaggerate the rich materials of these volumes. -They lack the aristocratic gossip of the memoirs of St. Simon; they -have not the melodramatic excitement or literary brilliancy of the -historical romances of Lamartine; they are destitute of the -doctrinaire philosophising which characterizes Guizot; but they are -most interesting and sober recitals of what may be called the social -history of the Revolution, in many of its byways, as well as at its -centre. Almost every page is a romance, revealing--sometimes pitiably -and ignominiously--the secret springs of great transactions, the -littleness of great men, the selfishness of patriots, the intrigues of -politics, the little wisdom with which the world is governed. Count -Beugnot, moreover, possesses the rare qualities of truthfulness and -fairness. He manifestly tries to tell us the truth, and with great -shrewdness and justice he endeavours to present both the defects and -excellencies of the monarchs under whom he served. He has generous -words for Napoleon, does full justice to his superb genius, while he -exhibits his hard coarseness and selfish, unscrupulousness, and -clearly discerns the fatal defects which led to his fall. He respects -Louis XVIII., his refinement and his wit, while in a very quiet way he -exhibits his intense heartlessness and selfishness. He penetrates the -unprincipled, intriguing character of the Orleans Princes, and -prepares his readers for their fall, which he did not live to see. He -appreciates, too, with much of the judicial power of an Englishman, -the character of the French nation, and the fatal defects which keep -it in almost a chronic state of eruption. It is impossible to cull -from the rich repertory of these pages. We can only indicate a few of -the points of interest. A native of Bar-sur-Aube, Count Beugnot became -acquainted with the notorious Madame de Lamotte, the heroine of the -'Diamond Necklace,' who in 1762 (a misprint, surely, for 1782) took -refuge in Bar-sur-Aube, on escaping with her sister from the Convent -at Longchamps. The two young ladies were descendants of the Baron de -Remi, a natural son of Henry II., and claimed the estates of their -family, the only thing which it had preserved being its pedigree. The -king had granted to their father a pension of L40, and to the girls -L24 each, besides placing them gratuitously in the Abbey of -Longchamps, near Paris, with a view to the honourable extinction of a -family which had troublesome claims. Madame de Surmont took compassion -upon them, and Mademoiselle de St. Remi fascinated M. de Surmont, and -married his nephew, M. de Lamotte. The part of Madame de Lamotte in -the amazing story of the 'Diamond Necklace' is told at great length, -as also are many details of her history, M. de Beugnot being on terms -of intimacy with her, and more than once coming into perilous contact -with this strange tragedy. To her and Cagliostro three chapters are -devoted; both are admirably sketched, and many illustrative anecdotes -of them are told. The Cardinal de Rohan had faith in Cagliostro and -'the Duke de Chartres (Egalite), at whose court it had been decided no -longer to believe in a God, but who was quite inclined to believe in -Cagliostro.' Beugnot helped Madame de Lamotte to destroy her letters -on the night of her arrest. 'Here it was that, casting cursory glances -over some of the thousands of the letters of Cardinal de Rohan, I was -sorry to see what a wreck the delirium of love, exaggerated by the -madness of ambition, had made of this wretched man. It is fortunate -for the Cardinal's memory that these letters have been suppressed, but -it is a loss to the history of human passion. What an age was that -when a prince of the Church did not hesitate to write, to sign with -his name, and to address to a woman, letters that a man of our day, -who had the least self-respect, might begin to read, but would never -finish!' This story, in the light which it throws upon the condition -of France, forms a kind of prelude to the personal history of Beugnot, -who is first elected a Deputy to the States General. Curious things -are told of Marat, who 'was then only a professor of physic, and made -a crusade against the sun, declaring that it was not the fountain of -light, and found persons senseless enough to listen to, and even to -commend him.' - -A characteristic story of the _hauteur_ of the old French aristocracy -is told of Madame de Brionne, who, at the time of the first -insurrection of Paris, was advised by the Bishop of Autun to go and -spend some time in a little provincial town, where she would not be -known. 'A little provincial town!' she replied, 'Oh, M. de Perigord, I -can be a peasant if you please, but never a bourgeoise!' - -Louis XV. blamed the Archbishop of Narbonne for his inordinate love of -hunting. 'My Lord Archbishop, you are a great hunter; I know something -about it. How can you forbid your priests from hunting if you spend -your life in setting them an example of it?' 'Sire,' he replied, 'for -my priests, hunting is their own vice; in my case, it is the vice of -my ancestors.' 'My Lord Archbishop,' said the King on another -occasion, 'they say that you are in debt, and, very deeply.' 'Sire,' -was the reply, 'I will ask my steward about it, and have the honour of -informing your Majesty.' - -In October, 1793, M. de Beugnot was imprisoned in the Conciergerie, -where, and at La Force, he remained until the fall of Robespierre, in -daily danger of death, but, strangely, escaping it. Of the interior of -prison life during this period he gives vivid sketches; describes his -fellow-prisoners--many of them illustrious for rank, talents, or -virtues--and the incidents connected with the daily death delivery of -one or more of them. It is a vivid and powerful sketch of a notable -interior. This section of the work is a series of carefully executed -sketches of notable persons, especially of the leading Girondists, -including a full-length portrait of Madame Roland. He says, 'I more -than once made this reflection, that death on the scaffold only causes -horror to the generality of men, because they compare it with a state -of peace, of enjoyment, and perhaps of happiness they are -experiencing; but death considered from the depths of a dungeon, or -what is more, death when the whole existence is changed into torture, -is no longer the height of evils, but their remedy.' - -Here we must leave M. de Beugnot. The subsequent portions of his book -are even more important and interesting, as the author himself rose to -eminence, and came into closer contact with the great movements of -history. Every page teems with interest, not only to the historical -student, but to the general reader. Miss Yonge has done good service -in translating this important work, especially at this juncture, when -the spiral cycle of French destiny has again brought its revolutionary -tragedy. It is needless to say that she has executed her task well, -although she might, in one or two places, have still further exercised -her power of excision. - - -_The Coolie: His Rights and Wrongs._ Notes of a Journey to British -Guiana, with a review of the System and of the recent Commission of -Inquiry. By the Author of 'Ginx's Baby.' Strahan and Co. - -The conditions of coolie emigration from the East Indies to the West, -although attracting but little attention from the general public, have -been regarded anxiously by politicians and philanthropists, who know -how easily enormous oppression and cruel wrong may shelter themselves -under legal forms of emigration, and what a peculiar field for -unscrupulous cupidity is constituted by the transmigration of helpless -Hindoos and Chinese to British plantations in British Guiana. That -great abuses have been perpetrated admits of no doubt, but happily -facilities of knowledge and of redress are much greater than in the -old days of slavery; and experience has made the British public and -the British Government susceptible and suspicious so that long -continuance of wrong is not possible. A Mr. Des Voeux, formerly a -stipendiary magistrate in Demerara, now an administrator in St. Lucia, -at the close of 1869 addressed a letter to Earl Granville, the -Colonial Secretary, representing the state of the coolie emigrants 'to -be little other than that from which not many years ago the tillers of -the same soil were redeemed by our generous fathers. Seduced from -India or China by false promises (so he seems to have averred), not -duly notified of the legislation which would affect their relations -when they reached the field of labour, assigned without due caution on -the part of the executive to the power of unconscientious masters, -wronged by the law and against law, daily injured, and unable to -obtain redress because of combinations between unjust magistrates, -hireling doctors, and manoeuvring planters, dying unrecked and -unreckoned (I have tried faithfully thus to sum up this man's -charges), such a fifty thousand British subjects anywhere existing -would heat the sympathies of English hearts to boiling point.' Earl -Granville consequently appointed a commission of inquiry, and two -philanthropic societies, 'The Anti-Slavery,' and 'The Aborigines -Protection Society,' induced no doubt by the humane sympathies and the -great descriptive power of 'Ginx's Baby,' engaged Mr. Jenkins, who is -a barrister, to go out as counsel to watch proceedings on their -behalf--'to represent the coolies in this inquiry.' 'I accepted and -held their retainer as a counsel, not as a partisan.' This volume is -his report. It is, we must confess, simply a blue-book; but little of -the dash and humour and graphic description of 'Ginx's Baby' -characterize it. His clients are distant; his employers required exact -statements of facts and figures. It is a law case, and not a romance. -It is full of valuable information, but useful information is -interesting only to politicians and philanthropic societies. Mr. -Jenkins is not dull--he is most so when he tries to force the fun; -ordinarily, he is as graphic in description and as picturesque in -statistics as his subject-matter will permit him to be. Everywhere he -is intelligent and apparently most solicitously impartial. In the -descriptive parts of his book he suffers by comparison with the -graphic power of Mr. Kingsley's 'At Last,' yet fresh in the memory of -all readers. The book is to be accepted, therefore, simply as a -blue-book of useful information. The question is one of interest and -importance; it affects our national honour and philanthropy. It is -'whether an artificial system for the transfer of the swarming hives -of Eastern Asia to the needy plains of the tropical West can be -formed, organized, and conducted with results equally efficacious to -the capitalists and beneficial to the emigrants.' - -Although Mr. Jenkins thinks that Mr. Des Voeux's statement, made -under fear, as he says, of a coolie rising, are exaggerated, and that -his examination before the commissioners 'proved to be of a very -unsatisfactory character,' that he had written 'a very long and -serious letter, with the honestest of intentions but with the least -business-like of performance,' he thinks that there was a necessity -for the inquiry, and that 'the severe animadversions on Mr. Des -Voeux's conduct, in the report of the commissioners, was beyond the -proper sphere of their duty;' also that, 'on one or two points, -absolute justice does not seem to have been done him in the report.' -Mr. Jenkins describes his voyage out, several farms which he visited, -the proceedings before the commissioner, the organization for -emigration in India and in British Guiana, with the management of the -emigration office, indentures, registers, &c., women and marriages, -emigration laws, remedies against employers, wages, medical -inspection, &c., illustrating each by facts, anecdotes which may not -be always facts, and various details. He also traces the growth of the -coolie system from the time of the abolition of slavery, and discusses -the apprenticeship and other provisions for its regulation. The home -Government has refused to subsidize the emigration; hence it has been -in a state of chronic feud with the colony. The details given by Mr. -Jenkins in his appendix, under the head 'Review of Emigration,' are of -a very grave and ominous character. First he tells us that 'every -importation of African blood, whether aboriginal or West Indian, has -from the first regularly disappointed its promoters; the causes 'lie -partly in the character of the negro, partly in the incapacity of the -old labour system for adaptation to a state of things in which the -labourers had become free.' In 1839, a society was formed to procure -emigrants without the aid of the State; 2,900 labourers were obtained -from Barbadoes, and thirty from the United States. The emigrants were -speedily absorbed into the mass of village population. In 1841, bounty -was paid on 8,098 emigrants, chiefly Portuguese, from Madeira and -Brazil; the mortality was appalling, and under an act of disallowance -in October of the same year, public emigration came to an end. In -1844, Acts were passed providing for Chinese and coolie emigration, -and the next year 563 emigrants came from Calcutta, and 225 from -Madras. In the following year nearly 6,000 Portuguese emigrants -arrived, together with 1,373 from Calcutta, and 2,455 from Madras. -They were 'ravaged by disease, and literally decimated year by year in -the process of acclimatization.' Between 1845 and 1851, 18,707 -Madeirans had been imported. The census of 1851 showed that only 7,928 -were in the colony; some, however, had returned to their native -country. The quinquennial increase in the number of Indian emigrants -arriving during each of the four periods 1851-1855, 1856-1861, -1861-1865, 1806-1870, is represented by the figures 9,000, 14,000, -18,000, and 24,000. In 1853, besides the Indians, 647 Chinese were -added, and in the seven years 1859-1866, about 12,000 more. The -Chinese have proved very valuable emigrants. About 10,000 Barbadians, -12 Portuguese, and 2,500 Africans, made an estimated rural population -of 92,466. The death-rate is very high, never less than 10 per cent. -The proportion of women to men among the coolies in British Guiana is -as 10,000 to 29,000, among the Chinese as 2 to 114. The detailed evils -resulting from this, given in Mr. Jenkins's chapter on the subject, -are appalling. Mr. Jenkins also quotes from the _Pioneer of India_ an -ugly story concerning Jamaica emigration agents, who attempted in -India to carry off some twenty women by force, whom they had got into -confinement; and were defeated only by the energy of the Rev. Mr. -Evans. Although women are almost useless as labourers, it is a -suspicious fact that the fee for each woman recruited in India is -seven rupees, while that for a man is only four. We cannot discuss the -various points of emigration policy advocated by Mr. Jenkins; we can -only thank him for directing public attention to a matter so deeply -affecting our colonial future on the one hand, and our national honour -on the other. - - -_Westward by Rail; a Journey to San Francisco and Back, and a Visit to -the Mormons._ By W. T. RAE. Longmans, Green, and Co. - -In a new introductory chapter to this second and cheaper edition of -his book, concerning which, on its first appearance, we spake with -strong and merited commendation, Mr. Rae gives additional information -concerning the Mormons, and the effect produced upon Mormonism by the -new railway, by the Mormon revolt under Mr. Godbe and the sons of -Joseph Smith, and by the vigorous policy of the United States -Government. Mr. Rae does not think that it has sustained much damage -by either. Brigham Young said that he did not 'care anything for a -religion which could not stand a railroad.' Mr. Godbe's reform is -brought under suspicion by its commercial motive, and was checkmated -by Brigham Young giving the electoral franchise to women. The chief -perils to Mormonism are the successful assertion of the control of the -Mormon militia by Governor Schaffer, and some decisions of Chief -Justice McKean securing absolute impartiality between Mormon and -Gentile in the law courts, refusing to naturalize any aliens who are -polygamists, and refusing to legalize certain donations of public land -made by the Mormon Legislative Assembly. The recent census gives a -population in Salt Lake City of 17,246 persons, in the territory of -Utah of 86,786, both much below the calculation of the Mormons -themselves. - -Mr. Rae also gives the latest information concerning gold and silver -mining in the States of California and Nevada, and the territory of -Utah, and concerning the development of traffic on the Great Pacific -Railway. - - -_Canoe Travelling: Log of a Cruise in the Baltic, and Practical Hints -in Building and Fitting Canoes._ By WARINGTON BADEN-POWELL. With -Twenty-four Illustrations and a Map. Smith, Elder, and Co. - -The canoe achievements of Mr. McGregor--and perhaps even more the -graphic way in which they have been described--have provoked much -emulation, and bid fair to raise canoeing into one of our -characteristic national recreations, like yachting and Alpine -climbing. Mr. Baden-Powell records a remarkable achievement of 400 -miles of canoeing in the Baltic. Starting from Gothenburg in the -Cattegat, on the western coast of Sweden, he and his companion took -their two canoes up the river Gotha, and across the large inland lake -Wevern, 100 miles long, which they crossed in a steamer; then through -the West Gotha Canal, and across the Lakes Wicken and Wettern, Boven, -Roxen, and Elen, with their connecting canals, to the Baltic; then -along the north coast of the Baltic, with its innumerable islets, and -up the Oxlo Sound to Stockholm. From Stockholm they went by steamer to -Gothland, Carlsharm, and Malmo, from which place they crossed in the -canoes to Copenhagen, thence by railway and steamer to Ketson, Kiel, -and Hamburg, where, after some short river canoe excursions, they took -steamer to England. The account of the voyage is little more than a -log of sailing experiences, with slight touches of description of -people and places; but it will be read with interest by all who are -fond of boating, and by many who are not. The second part of the book -is purely technical, and furnishes data for the construction of -canoes. - - - - -POETRY, FICTION, AND BELLES LETTRES. - - -_Balaustion's Adventure: including a Transcript from Euripides._ By -ROBERT BROWNING. Smith, Elder, and Co. - -Mr. Browning's pastimes are characteristic enough. This new poem he -calls a May-month amusement, in the very graceful dedication in which -he explains its origin; but still we have the personal qualities as -predominant as elsewhere. The Countess Cowper, it appears, urged him -to give a version of a play of Euripides, 'of that strangest, sweetest -song of his, Alkestis;' and Mr. Browning gallantly set himself to the -task. But well may he say, in a slightly different sense from what he -meant it, though truly in no disparagement of his own originality, -'_Euripides might fear little; out I, also, have an interest in the -performance_; and what wonder if I beg you to suffer that it make, in -another and far easier sense, its nearest possible approach to those -Greek qualities of goodness and beauty, by laying itself gratefully at -your feet?' Had it not been for the skill with which Mr. Browning -invents dramatic expedients to aid him in relieving and toning down -the contrast which would inevitably have been felt between the direct -and sunny simplicity of the Greek, and his own wayward, imperative -many-moodedness--to coin a phrase--something of the grotesque would -assuredly have mingled itself with this performance. But, though the -clear wine has been poured into a coloured glass, ornamented with -design all too florid, it is presented to us by so sweet a hand that -we often forget the contrast in the singular grace of the maidenly -face and figure. Balaustion--wild pomegranate flower--has in her -something of the Greek; but she has also an ineffable touch of our -modern time. Her image comes as that of a reconciling spirit between -Mr. Browning and the old Greek poet, in such a manner, as suffices to -divert the mind from a too exclusive devotion to particular points. -The necessity that rests on Mr. Browning to first of all create a -series of media through which any circumstance or event may be seen, -comes out most strongly here, where the subject-matter seemed least of -all to admit of it. The triumph of Mr. Browning's genius lies in this, -that in some sort he justifies his own injustice to those Greek -qualities of unvarying clearness and grace of outline. Goethe, in his -'Helena,' celebrated in significant style the marriage of the Greek -and Gothic spirit, and he even condescended under allegorical figure -to point at individual poets. Had he lived to read 'Balaustion's -Adventure,' he would have found in it a valuable instance. Mr. -Browning is Greek in the fresh simplicity of his feeling; but Gothic -in the necessity he is ever under to see his thoughts reduplicated in -the shade and sunshine of many different moods or minds. Hence the -lyrical spirit and the peculiarly dramatic form of his work; and so it -is in this 'Adventure.' - -The girlish simplicity of Balaustion, the Rhodian maiden who recites -the play, and her capacity for pure unalloyed devotion--for she twice -saves her friends by her patriotism and love of poetry--justify, in -part at least, what appear to be inconsistencies in Mr. Browning's -rendering; such, for example, as the lofty idealisation of the -character of Admetos. It is just such as a fresh enthusiastic girl -would, out of her own maidenly conception, impose on a hero of her -own, thrown into such tragic circumstances of those of Alkestis. Thus, -even where we are most induced to criticise, the figure of the teller -comes in to warn us; but after all, the modern poet, by virtue of his -dramatic medium, has reached a truer conception than that of -Euripides, or has illumined his conception by letting full upon it the -freer lights of earlier time. But clearly, the transcript from -Euripides, in the hands of Mr. Browning, undergoes a strange -transformation. It is not alone that lines here and there vary very -much from the original, and that expressions are amplified or departed -from; it is that on the old Greek thought a wholly modern conception -of love, and of life and death, is superimposed, and a dim doctrine of -spiritual compensation interwoven with it, which is quite alien to -Greek feeling. Something, however, may be said for the fact that we -have here really a reminiscence of a former telling, in which, -naturally, much of the halo that rests on the past, simply because it -has 'orbed into the perfect star,' would unconsciously well up round -the recollection, and colour the incident. All this, of course, shows -Mr. Browning's supreme art in dramatic expedient; but some of the -expressions of Herakles and not a few utterances of Admetos, are -almost too distinctly spiritualistic to pass muster in the connection -in which we find them. For example, this:-- - - 'Since death divides the pair, - 'Tis well that I depart and thou remain - Who wast to me as spirit is to flesh: - Let the flesh perish, be perceived no more, - So thou, the spirit that informed the flesh, - Read yet awhile, a very flame above - The rift I drop into the darkness by,-- - And bid remember, flesh and spirit once - Worked in the world, one body, for man's sake. - Never be that abominable show - Of passive death without a quickening life, - Admetos only, no Alkestis now!' - -Mr. Browning, in quoting the verse from Mrs. Browning, sufficiently -indicates the spirit in which he would read the Alkestis; but clear it -is that he might have chosen from the earlier poets passages far less -likely to give rise to the contradiction which we have spoken of, and -which cannot but be more or less felt in this instance. In Euripides, -we see the first fatal symptoms of the skepticism and materialism -which finally overtook the Greek stage. There is a good deal of -casuistry in his expedients, which often the stage-play (of which Mr. -Browning has decisively got rid) helped him to conceal. The old honest -belief in the myths was beginning to fade and weaken, and had already -become pretty much a thing for the theatre. Mr. Browning has aimed at -idealising Euripides--at elevating him, as it were, to the point at -which Greek myth will reflect the rising lights of modern ideas. But -it is inevitable that scholars should feel that there is a lack of -solid foundation for the rendering. To those who choose to receive Mr. -Browning's Alkestis implicitly, it can only be a thing of beauty and -of noblest meaning. So far as it is Greek, it gives the earlier rather -than the later conception; but it has wrapped the Greek ideal in a new -atmosphere of spiritual truth. If Mr. Browning had chosen the Alkestis -of Euripides for the sole purpose of proving his wonderful dramatic -capability, and his power of involving himself in a theme and so -transforming it, he could not have found a better, that is to say, a -more difficult, subject. In Greece the husband existed for the State, -the wife for the husband, and the conjugal relation was little -relieved by sentiment. Euripides celebrates the mere triumph of this -Greek wifely duty--no more; but how exquisitely does Mr. Browning make -Balaustion play chorus, so as occasionally to give opportunity for the -infusion of his own transcendentalism. Sometimes, however, Mr. -Browning shows fine capacity for catching the Greek grace and -unconscious sensuousness of conception. Nothing could be more faithful -than this:-- - - 'For thee, Alkestis, Queen! - Many a time those haunters of the Muse - Shall sing thee to the seven-stringed mountain shell, - And glorify in hymns that need no harp, - At Sparta when the cycle comes about, - And that Karneian month wherein the moon - Rises and never sets the whole night through: - So too at splendid and magnificent - Athenai. Such the spread of thy renown, - And such the lay that, dying, thou hast left, - Singer and sayer.' - -We take it for granted that our readers, either directly or -indirectly, have got some notion of what we may call the machinery of -the poem. When the Rhodians revolt because of the disastrous failure -of the Nikian expedition against Syracuse, Balaustion urges her -friends not to throw off their allegiance, but-- - - 'Rather go die at Athens, lie outstretched - For feet to trample on, before the gate - Of Diomedes or the Hippadai, - Before the temples and among the tombs, - Than tolerate the grim felicity - Of harsh Lakonia.' - -She urges them to go to Athens, and they set sail. When they are blown -out of their course she encourages them to new effort by singing -poems; and when they are cast on the Syracusan coast, she wins the -suffrages even of the Syracusans by her recitations. She tells her -friends, just when she is about to be happily wedded, of this her -early adventure, and recites the 'whole main of a play from first to -last,' which was associated in her mind with such strange, glad -memories. - -And this is Mr. Browning's way of reproducing Euripides to us. Nothing -could be more characteristic than this performance. It is full of -dramatic subtleties; yet ever and anon the pure naturalness and -simplicity of Greek life break through upon us with subduing force -from the strange relief of contrast. One of our poets, in a very -clever _jeu d'esprit_, spoke of Mr. Browning as 'thinking in Greek.' -This poem proves, in a certain respect, how true was the -characterization. But if Mr. Browning thinks in Greek, then it is most -often to the low, sad undertone of modern doubt, question, and -perplexity. The sunshine that is cast over this whole adventure is -what most entitles it to be called Greek, though there is far too much -suggestion of shadow, in the shape of perilous speculation, in the -background. - - -_Faust; a Tragedy._ By JOHN WOLFGANG VON GOETHE. Translated in the -original metres by BAYARD TAYLOR. Strahan and Co. - -All translators of first-class poetry have a difficult series of -problems to solve; but we are disposed to think a version of 'Faust' -in the original metres is about the most arduous task a man could set -himself. We would almost rather attempt 'The Birds' of Aristophanes. -Mr. Taylor, hitherto known as one of the choicest writers of that -variety of English prose which has developed itself across the -Atlantic--a variety which is what gardeners call a 'sport'--is not -quite up to the great work he has undertaken. He is not a sufficiently -subtle metrist to echo the delicate melodies which lurk in Goethe's -simplest forms of rhythm; nor does he always faithfully reflect -Goethe's ideas--which, though twisted into recondite form, are usually -simple reproductions of archaic axioms. It is the highest compliment -you can pay Goethe, to say that there is nothing new in him. He -iterated ancient truths in forms that suited his own era. He was like -a mighty tree, bearing fresh foliage every year, but always the same -old oak that cast cool shadows on the lawns of Eden. Nothing can be -more certain than that absolutely new ideas must be false ideas; but -it is equally certain that a man of great genius does infinite good by -thinking out old ideas afresh, and presenting them in a form that -suits his generation. There is not much in 'Faust' that there is not -in 'Job' (which some authorities deem the oldest poem in existence), -and there is much in 'Job' which there is not in 'Faust.' But 'Faust' -was a necessity of the age, for all that. And even Bailey's 'Festus,' -a very crude and washed-out variation of the theme, did good in its -time. - -The deficiencies we have indicated in Mr. Taylor's work are more -visible in the second part of 'Faust' than in the first. In both they -are painfully observable. Take Gretchen's song, 'The King in Thule:' -we select the first, second, and fifth stanzas:-- - - 'There was a king in Thule - Was faithful till the grave, - To whom his mistress dying - A golden goblet gave. - - 'Nought was to him more precious; - He drained it at every bout; - His eyes with tears ran over - As oft as he drank out. - - * * * * * - - 'Then stood the old carouser, - And drank the last life-glow, - And hurled the hallowed goblet - Into the tide below.' - -Herewith we venture to compare the same stanzas, in a boyish -translation of our own, made when we had a vision of translating -'Faust':-- - - 'There was a king in Thule, the ancient sea beside; - His love a goblet gave him upon the day she died. - 'At festival and banquet he loved that cup of gold, - For many a dream it brought him of the sweet days of old. - - * * * * * - - 'The aged king arises; a mighty draught drinks he, - Then hurls the golden-goblet away into the sea.' - -Some of Mr. Taylor's expressions in the few lines we have cited are -unpoetic, and some are unintelligible; for example, what is to be -understood by the old king's drinking 'his last life-glow?' Rhyme is -of course answerable for the barbarism. - -Now let us take the first four lines of 'The Prologue in Heaven'--the -song of Raphael, the Archangel. Thus Mr. Taylor:-- - - 'The sun-orb sings in emulation, - 'Mid brother spheres, his ancient round-- - His path predestined through creation, - He ends with step of thunder-sound.' - -This is awkward and unpoetic. The sun 'singing a round' makes one -think of - - 'Three blind mice-- - See how they run!' - -Here is Dr. Anster's version of the same lines:-- - - 'The sun, as in the ancient days, - 'Mong sister stars in rival song, - His destined path preserves, obeys. - And still in thunder rolls along.' - -Shelley writes:-- - - 'The sun makes music as of old - Amid the rival spheres of Heaven, - On its predestined circle rolled - With thunder speed.' - -Again, let us place in parallel the final lines of Raphael's song. -Taylor:-- - - 'The lofty works, uncomprehended, - Are bright as on the earliest day.' - -Anster:-- - - 'Mysterious all--yet all is good, - All fair as at the birth of light.' - -Shelley:-- - - 'The world's unwithered countenance - Is bright as at the birth of day.' - -Mr. Taylor's liability to mistake Goethe's meaning--a liability shared -by most translators, because the poet is really simple, when they -fancy him only an utterer of enigmas--is curiously shown by his -rendering of a famous line:-- - - 'Es irrt der Mensch, so lang er strebt.' - -Goethe meant simply this, 'Man errs when he strives'--calm is both -power and joy--leave the great movement of the world do to its work, -and be passive in the hands of the Creator. His faith was in repose. -Well, Mr. Taylor gives us the renderings of nine translators, none of -whom have approached the simplicity, and only one or two the meaning -of the original. - -_Ex. gr._:-- - - 'HAYWARD.--Man is liable to error, while his struggle lasts. - - ANSTER.--Man's hour on earth is weakness, error, strife. - - BROOKS.--Man errs and staggers from his birth. - - SWANWICK.--Man, while he striveth, is prone to err. - - BLACKIE.--Man must still err, so long as he strives. - - MARTIN.--Man, while his struggle lasts, is prone to stray. - - BERESFORD.--Man errs as long as lasts his life. - - BIRCH.--Man's prone to err in acquisition. - - BLAZE.--L'Homme s'egare, tant qu'il cherche son but.' - -To which let us add:-- - - BAYARD TAYLOR.--'While man's desires and aspirations stir, - He cannot choose but err.' - -One would like to know what becomes of the _original metres_, when a -line of eight monosyllables is transmuted into two claudicant lines -that run to sixteen syllables. By the way, we must remember one other -rendering:-- - - SHELLY.-- ... 'Man - Must err till he has ceased to struggle.' - -But even Shelley has not quite caught Goethe's meaning. This is -excusable, as we know that Shelley's German was imperfect. - -Our ultimate judgment on Mr. Bayard Taylor's effort is simply this: it -is a worthy piece of work, but it does not, and cannot stand as -representative of 'Faust,' for the two reasons already assigned. Mr. -Taylor cannot fathom Goethe's meaning, and cannot catch his music. - - -_The Breitmann Ballads._ By CHARLES G. LELAND. Complete Edition. -Truebner and Co. - -Mr. Leland has found it necessary to protest against spurious -Breitmanns, and to say that his only authentic ballads are contained -in this volume--a testimony at once to both the popularity of the -ballads and the value of this edition. The various parts of the volume -are very unequal in merit, but 'Hans Breitmann in Italy' is equal to -the best work of the author, and attests his varied attainments. We -have already done justice to the ballads, and need only quote his -advice to the Pope:-- - - '"Tonitrus et cespes!" dixit Johanes Breitmann. - - "Si veritatem cupies, tunc ego sum der right man; - Percute semper ferrum dum caldum est et _malleable_, - Nunc est tuum tempus te facere _infallible_. - - '"In nostra America quum Praeses decet abire, - Die ultimo fecit omne quodposset imaginire. - Appointet ambasciatores et post-magistros, - Consules et alios, per dextros et sinistros. - - '"Quum Rex Bomba ista Neapolit--anus, - Compulsus fuit to shin it--ut dixit Africanus-- - Fecit ultimo die ducos et countos, vanus. - (Inter alios McCloskey, tuus Hibernicus chamberlanus.) - - '"Et quia tu es; ut credo; ultimus Poporum, - Facis bene devenire, quod dicitur High Cockalorum-- - Sei magnissimus _toad in the puddle_, ite caput, magnamente; - Et ERITUS SICUT DEUS, nemine contradicente! - - '"Unus error solus, Sancte Pater commisisti. - Quia primus _infallible_ non te proclamavisti, - Nam nemo audet dicere: Papa fecit quod non est bonus. - Decet semper jactare super _alios_ probandi onus. - - '"Conceptio Immaculata, hoc modo fixisti, - Et nemo audet dicere unum verbum, de isti: - Non vides si infallibilis es, et vultis es exdare, - Non alius sed _tu_ solus hanc debet proclamare." - - '"Figlio mio," dixit Papa; "tu es homo mirabilis, - Tua verba sunt mi dulcior quam ostriche cum Chablis, - In tutta Roma, de Alemania gente, - Non ho visto uno con si grande mente. - - Ver obenedetto es--eris benedictus, - '"Tibi mitterem photographiam in qua sum depictus, - Tu comprendes situatio--il punto et gravamen. - Sunt pauci clerici ut te. Nunc dico tibi.--Amen."' - - -_The Member for Paris: a Tale of the Second Empire._ By TROIS-ETOILES. -Three vols. Smith, Elder, and Co. - -The purpose of this very clever book is to give a picture of the -political and social state of France during the early period of the -Second Empire, the period immediately subsequent to the _coup -d'etat_--the period of the Crimean War, and of the _Credit Mobilier_. -Anything more shrewd in observation, more competent in knowledge, more -healthy in judgment, more caustic in refined sarcasm, more sparkling -in style, it is difficult to imagine. The thread of story upon which -these sketches are strung is of the slenderest. Raoul Aime was Duke of -Hautbourg, on the Loire, whose head shared the fate of those of so -many of the old aristocracy in 1793, and whose estate was sold for a -mere song to an attorney. Raoul Aime's son went into exile, married -the wealthy daughter of an English slave-owner, with whose money he -bought back the estate, returned to France with Louis XVIII., and died -a Minister of State. His son was accidentally killed in the streets -the day after the _coup d'etat_ of 1851, his nephew, Manuel Gerald, -being heir to his title and property. A sturdy, and noble-hearted -Republican, Gerald cannot take possession of estates purchased with -the money of a slaveholder, or live in France under the _regime_ of -Napoleon III. He lives, therefore, in comparative poverty in Brussels, -and distributes the large revenue of his estates in charities. His two -sons, Horace and Emile, enthusiastically ratify their father's -repudiations, and study law in Paris in order to practise as -barristers. The father, however, wisely refuses to accept the verdict -of his sons as final, puts into their hands a deed conveying the -estate to them, and puts them upon a probation of five years, at the -end of which their decision is to be given. The two young men enter at -the bar, take modest lodgings in the house of a haberdasher, and -become the heroes of the story. Their characters are finely -discriminated. Horace, the elder, is full of fine generous impulses -and virtues, but has certain social weaknesses that render him -incapable of the austere, not to say Quixotic virtues of his father. -Emile, who is subordinate in the narrative, is less brilliant than -Horace, but studious, solid, modest, and Spartan; both brothers, -moreover, are affectionate and filial. The interest centres on Horace, -who makes a brilliant _debut_ in defence of a press prosecution, and -becomes famous; is returned deputy for Paris, becomes acquainted with -M. Macrobe, the great financier, the founder and chairman of the -Credit Parisien; is so far entangled by him as to marry his daughter -Angelique, notwithstanding a deeper passion for Georgette, the -haberdasher's daughter; writes brilliant articles, makes effective -speeches, passes through various phases of Parisian life, and -ultimately, after his father's death, determines to claim the dukedom. -Almost every class and aspect of the venal life of Paris during this -humiliating period is made to pass before us, the chief personages -being portraits from life, easily cognizable by anyone moderately -acquainted with history: indeed, the names of some are but very thinly -disguised. Thus, Jules Favre is Claude Febre, M. Thiers is M. Tire, M. -Arsene Houssaye is Arsene Gousset, Mr. Worth is Mr. Girth, Blanqui is -Albi. Journalist, Republican, Legitimist, and Imperial, notably the -renowned correspondent of the _Daily Telegraph_, who is everywhere and -knows everything; politicians, lawyers, novel writers, financiers, -aristocrats, bourgeoisie, Parisians, and villagers, are presented in -careful portraiture--evidently from life--the whole being done with -very great literary skill and brilliancy. The story, slight as it is, -and notwithstanding the somewhat melodramatic incidents of the -struggle between Horace and Albi at his father's grave, and the death -of the former and his wife on the day they take possession of the -estate, indicates great powers of novel writing, if the writer be so -minded. Nothing can be more skilful, discriminating, or beautiful than -the delicate contrasts in character between the two brothers, Horace -and Emile, the two girls Georgette and Angelique, the two patriots -Horace Gerald and Nestor Roche; or more masterly than the way in which -the working of Imperial institutions is exhibited. The marvel is that -any despot, in such a position of moral isolation, and with such -unscrupulous and reckless methods of tyranny and corruption could, for -eighteen years, have maintained himself upon the throne of France. The -fact speaks volumes for the condition to which unscrupulous rulers and -blind revolutions may reduce a great people. The writer's intimate -acquaintance with the interior of French life, whether the court life -of Paris, or the village life of Hautbourg, the legal life of the -Palais de Justice, or the bourgeoise life of commercial travellers, -and Parisian shopkeepers, is manifest in every sentence, and is -something unique. The book is a gallery of portraits, in a series of -social sketches eminently original and clever. A genial and -high-minded Asmodeus, in a vein of delicate sarcasm, reveals a state -of things which all were assured of, but which very few could picture. -Here, with graphic realism, and yet with perfect delicacy, its -terrible rottenness is indicated. In his very different field, and -with a very different genius, both in quality and degree, the author -of "The Member for Paris" has been as eminently successful as MM. -Erckmann-Chatrian. We trust that the writer, whom we can scarcely err -in identifying with the author of the brilliant French sketches which -have appeared in the _Cornhill Magazine_, will work yet more fully the -mine of which he has given us these specimens. - - -_Behind the Veil_. By the Author of 'Six Months Hence.' Smith, Elder, -and Co. - -It is an undoubted weakness in a writer of fiction when the interest -of the story is made to depend upon a succession of exciting -situations and tragic catastrophes. There was in this writer's former -work a weird interest in the strange psychological problem which he -set himself to work out, and which was done with a considerable degree -of power and promise. In the present story sensational incident -abounds, and is not earned off by morbid psychology. Here, as in the -former work, the interest centres upon a murder--surely human life is -varied enough for a fresh source of interest. The story opens with a -railway accident, in which the hero is well-nigh killed, and, in his -delirium, awakens certain suspicions about his antecedents, the -pendant picture of which is a scene of murder in the Australian bush. -After his marriage is broken off he nearly dies of typhus fever, in -the delirium of which he removes the suspicions which had gathered -round him; and Jessie, his betrothed, nearly dies of a ruptured -blood-vessel. Twice he is found by Beresford in a remote part of -Wales--the chances of finding him there being a hundred thousand to -one, while the plot is carried on by a dozen most improbable -coincidences. Then James his brother, who in fleeing from justice has -slept in a railway truck, apparently rides to his death in a furnace, -into which, by automatic action, it is likely to deliver him; but by a -refinement of feeling, resembling that of a cat with a mouse, he is -made to jump off and over a precipice, only to die a few hours after -in the custody of the police, who are in pursuit of him for -murder--having confessed himself guilty, first of the murder, then of -the crime of blocking the railway, to cause the death of his brother. -In addition to all this, Jessie's brother dies of consumption, and a -seaside acquaintance is half killed by cardiac asthma. Now we have no -objection to a reasonable amount of the tragic, but thus to fill a -novel with it is simply repulsive, and is defective art. A good plot -should be constructed like a Chinese puzzle, and, like a Chinese -puzzle, taken to pieces. The Author of 'Behind the Veil' simply breaks -the puzzle after cleverly putting it together. There can be but little -good, and a very inferior land of interest in such melodramatic -stories; we get too impatient even to be amused, and we cannot rank -very highly the writer who chiefly depends upon them. The best parts -of 'Behind the Veil' are its dialogues and letters--especially those -of Jessie and Flo--which are very spirited and clever; as is also the -schoolboy slang of Conrad. If the writer would trust himself to a -novel of character he would, judging from these, succeed well. The -characters themselves, too, are well conceived and discriminated, -especially those of the mother and the two sisters. Noel Arlington is -too galvanic to be natural or interesting. Beresford is better, and -has two amusing foils in Smith, the pianoforte tuner, and Pinthorne, -the curate--both of which are very clever caricatures. The literary -power evinced is considerable; the love-making is well-nigh perfect, -although we do not quite like a man of thirty-five and upwards -marrying a girl of fifteen. The writer ought to do good work; and -will, if he will only emancipate himself from a vicious school, depend -less upon blue lights, and more upon natural human developments. His -book is one in which, while the defects hinder perfect sympathy, the -excellences are too distinctive to permit us to lay it aside. - - -_Fernyhurst Court; an Every-day Story._ By the Author of 'Stone Edge.' -Strahan and Co. - -If the author of 'Behind the Veil' has gone to the one extreme, the -author of 'Fernyhurst Court' has gone to the other. Although her work -belongs to the higher and more thoughtful school of character, and -although it is written with the delicacy, beauty, and power that -challenged attention and excited expectation in 'Stone Edge,' it has -not movement enough to sustain its characters. The artistic structure -is loose, although upon the artistic finish much careful pains is -bestowed. More of the evolution of a story would have prevented the -tendency to run into inordinate descriptions and to desultoriness -which has sometimes wearied us. The book is a thoroughly good one--it -could not be otherwise from the pen of its author--but like 'Benoni -Blake,' upon which we have offered some criticisms in another place, -it might have been better. Whatever the skill of touch and the effects -of colour, the first great requisite of a picture is composition; so -the first great work of a novel writer is a story--and story there is -none in 'Fernyhurst Court.' Its studies are chiefly of women, and are -apparently intended to exhibit the causes of wifely unfitness and -motherly failure, in little defects of temper and unselfishness. Some -half-dozen thoroughly disagreeable women are delineated--none of them -wicked, but all unloveable through little naggings, or little -selfishnesses. We confess that we could have dispensed with one-half -of them, and could have desired the substitution of two or three -contrasts like May. Milly is an improvement upon Dickens's Dora, but -Lionel's chances of happiness are not great. The moral of the story is -a wholesome one if the girls will but take it; but we confess we -should like to see the authoress devoting her fine perception of -character, and her great descriptive powers, to a work architecturally -great, as well as artistically beautiful. - - -_Her Title of Honour._ By HOLME LEE. Henry S. King. - -This charming biographical fiction is constructed upon the outline of -Henry Martyn's history, which it clothes with imaginative flesh and -blood, incident, conversation, and motive; so far, that is, as the -actual history does not supply these. The authoress has been very -faithful to biographical fact; her religious sympathies, moreover, -have enabled her to enter with great appreciation into the purposes -and motives, the hopes and fears, the fluctuations and resolves of -that heroic life. The result is an imaginative story that is probably -more true to actual life than the ordinary biographies of Henry Martyn -are; for imaginative genius--faithful, as here, to ascertained facts, -even the minutest--can represent men and women much more truly and -vividly than a mere common-place biographer who is restricted to -literal fact. The conception of Eleanor's character, generous and -loving, and yet falling short of needful heroism, is not only very -fine, but is, perhaps, the true explanation of the great -disappointment in Martyn's career. Personal and local names are -changed so as to give greater freedom of treatment to the artist, but -they are easily identified--Truro with Pengarvon, Salisbury with -Craxon, Eleanor Trevelyan with Lydia Grenfell. We scarcely need say of -a book of Holme Lee's writing that it is carefully finished, and -redolent of a refined and beautiful soul. We have no more accomplished -or conscientious literary artist. The fine touches of characterization -of which the book is full, give it a great charm to cultivated minds. -The broken-off purposes of Henry Martyn's life give novelty to the -course and issue of the story, and significance to the moral which -wise preachers often proclaim, that tangible achievement is not the -greatest end or influence of a life. Henry Martyn may have applied -great scholarship and refined intellectual powers to work, which -ordinary literati would have done even better, but the consecration of -ordinary powers would not have filled the Church and the world with -such an influence. - - -_Benoni Blake, M.D., Surgeon at Glenaldie._ By the Author of 'Peasant -Life in the North.' Strahan and Co. - -'Peasant Life in the North' won for its author a respectful attention -to whatever else he might publish. Few sketches, of contemporaneous -writers, surpass or equal the racy characterizations and subtle human -tenderness of 'Muckle Jock,' the mild Rhadamanthus doom of 'The -Dainty Drainer,' or the perfect admixture of refined passion and -rustic roughness of 'The Mason's Daughter.' 'Benoni Blake,' therefore, -excited expectations which it will both gratify and disappoint. Let us -have done with the grumbling first. Of course the subjective -characteristics of this author were to be anticipated. No one could -have looked for a novel in the style of Charles Lever or Wilkie -Collins from him. Subtle analysis, quiet description, and a certain -vein of sentimental and philosophical reflection and comment were to -be expected. We will not say that in these rather than in crowded -incident and dramatic representations the chief genius of fiction -lies. Every man in his own order. 'Charles O'Malley' is, in its way, -as good as 'The Transformations;' but we may say that the greatest -achievement of genius is a just equilibrium between the two, and this -the author of 'Benoni Blake' has not maintained. His work is a -photograph rather than a story, a photograph of the kind that presents -the same face in four aspects of it. The effect is like looking -through an album containing only different photographs of the same -person. The art is very beautiful, and the effect for a little while -very charming, but one gets tired before the second volume, and wishes -that 'Benoni Blake' would do something, or that somebody would do -something to him. We get as tired of his simple inertia as he of the -simple facile sweetness of Bessie's kisses. There is, moreover, a -little too much about kissing; the sweetness of kisses is better -suggested than described. The author has made the mistake of expanding -a sketch, such as might have found a place in 'Peasant Life,' into a -book--story it scarcely is--and he has done this by repetitions and -reiterations of substantially the same situation and sentiments. This -probably is an unconscious revolt against mere sensationalism, for the -writer is clearly capable of spirited dialogue and of inventive -construction. We are not, however, quite sure of the limit of this -power. Neither the peasant dialogues nor the conversations of educated -persons have much variety; the latter, indeed, if we except the brief -episodes at Fanflare Lodge and of the flirtation with Miss Shawe, are -almost wholly substituted by descriptions. We are told what the -characters are--they do not unfold or exhibit themselves. The author -has, however, a minute acquaintance with the provincial thought and -speech of the Scottish peasantry; their racy humour, pawky shrewdness, -and quaint prejudices, are admirably described. John, the minister's -man, and Nannie, his female counterpart, are genuine types;--John's -leal affection comes out very nobly in the proffer of his hoarded -savings. So, in a somewhat higher grade, are Mr. Bowie, the 'paper -minister,' and Miss Robison. The conversation between Mr. Bowie and -John, as the latter drives home the former, is the raciest bit in the -book; but all this runs in a very narrow groove. There are, too, -certain mannerisms, which recall unpleasantly reminiscences of the way -in which Thackeray buttonholes his readers and takes them into his -confidence, which had better be avoided, as also a covert, although -not ill-natured, vein of sarcasm, which leaves you in doubt whether -the writer is in jest or earnest; in which again, the influence of -Thackeray is a little too perceptible. Decidedly, too, the puff -indirect, in reference to the opinion of the _Saturday Review_ on -'Peasant Life in the North,' is in bad taste. Altogether, there is a -lack of the _ars celandi artem_, a certain artificialness, and -self-conscious mannerism that mars the effect of the book. The writer -is apparently ashamed of his gentle sympathies, and tries to appear -cynical. - -It is easier, however, to speak of defects than of excellences, and -the manifold and great excellences of 'Benoni Blake' alone justify us -in saying so much about its defects. The former are a minute knowledge -and love of nature, a keen insight into the fluctuations and -inconsistencies of human nature, a sympathetic tenderness for its -sorrows and loves and pure joys, hearty enjoyment of its humour and -pathos, and a quiet realism, exquisitely flavoured with sentiment, -which portrays life as an accomplished artist paints a portrait, with -just that idealism which adorns character without falsifying it. The -character of Benoni, gentle and good but not heroic, drifting into -virtue rather than fighting for it; that of Bessie, tender, yet -resolute; lowly yet great in self-sacrificing power; trustful as -worship, yet sensitive and very refined in feeling, and capable of -being helped, as her friend Miss Robison helps her--are both admirably -done: so is the contrast between the two ministers, Mr. Blake and Mr. -Bowie. There is, however, something unnatural and improbable in the -relative feeling of father and son, and we are sorry that Miss Robison -should fall into the arms of a selfish and vulgar fellow like Bowie. -The Fanfare family are also well portrayed. Altogether there is great -power and greater promise in 'Benoni Blake.' It exhibits the fine -elements of Scottish life in its lowlier walks, with a degree of -ability that equals that of the author of 'Robin Grey.' It is full of -beautiful lights and shades, tender touches, and racy humour, great -truthfulness, and delicate discrimination. It does not fulfil the -promise of 'Peasant Life in the North,' but had not that appeared -first, it would be the promise of much better things to come. - - -_A Harmony of the Essays, &c., of Francis Bacon._ Arranged by EDWARD -ARBER. English Reprints. London: 5, Queen-square, Bloomsbury. - -Mr. Arber has here furnished us with one of the most curious and -interesting books even of his rich series. His ample bibliography -leaves no point necessary for elucidation untouched. It includes Dr. -Rowley's 'Life of Lord Bacon,' Ben Jonson's testimony, Aubrey's -gossip, 'A Prologue on Varieties of Species in Literature, with -special reference to the Essay and its Natural History;' a general -introduction concerning Bacon's literary character in connection with -his personal history; a bibliographical catalogue and tabular return -of the various editions of the essays, with an account of -translations, &c. Nothing, indeed, seems to have escaped the industry -of this prince of modern bibliographers. But the chief interest of the -volume is its harmony of different texts. The texts selected are--I. -The Editio Princeps, published 1597. II. Second edition, 1598; these -two editions being almost identical. III. A volume preserved among the -Harleian Manuscripts, containing interlineations and corrections in -Bacon's own hand. IV. Second revised text, published 1612. V. Final -English edition, 1625; usually regarded as the standard edition, but -nevertheless varied and corrected by Bacon. These texts are printed by -Mr. Arber in four parallel columns, Nos. I. and II. being identical in -the first column, and Bacon's final corrections of No. V. being -appended in foot-notes. The different works included in Mr. Arber's -volume are:--I. A Harmony of the first group of ten Essays. II. -'Meditationes Sacrae,' Latin text with English translation. III. 'On -the Colours of Good and Evil.' IV. A Harmony of the second group of -twenty-four Essays. V. A Harmony of the third group of six Essays. VI. -A Harmony of the fourth group of eighteen Essays. VII. The Fragment of -an Essay on Fame. We scarcely need point out the great literary -curiosity which this harmony of the essays constitutes, nor the means -which it affords of studying Bacon's painstaking 'file,' and its -illustration of his own saying, 'I alter ever when I add, so that -nothing is finished till all be finished;' the significant comment of -the great master on 'easy' writing. The perfection of Bacon's essays -is the result of nearly forty years' continuous labour. - - -_Publications of the Early English Text Society._ Truebner and Co. -1871. - -46. _Legends of the Holy Rood; Symbols of the Passion and Cross -Poems._ Edited by RICHARD MORRIS, LL.D. - -47. _Sir David Lyndesay's Works. Part V. The Minor Poems of Lyndesay._ -Edited by J. A. H. MURRAY, Esq. - -48. _The Time's Whistle: or a Newe Daunce of Seven Satires, and other -Poems._ Compiled by R. C., Gent. Edited by J. M. COWPER, Esq. - -_Extra Series. XIV. On Early English Pronunciation, with especial -reference to Shakspeare and Chaucer._ By ALEXANDER J. ELLIS, F.R.S., -F.S.A., &c., &c. Part III. - -The present issue will more than satisfy the members of this valuable -Society, and we can scarcely doubt that the publications of which it -consists will attract to it more subscribers. - -Dr. Morris's collection of 'Legends of the Holy Rood' will be welcomed -both for the examples which it furnishes of the English language, as -written in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, and -still more for its exhibition of one of the most interesting of the -Christian legends, in several of the forms in which our forefathers -were accustomed to hear it. The learned editor has prefixed to the -collection a summary of the incidents of the legend in its various -forms, and many who do not care to grope their way through the -legends themselves, may be delighted and instructed by this sketch of -a work of pious imagination which, while it amuses by its quaintness, -can hardly fail also to strike the mind of a reader of the present day -with admiration at the intensity of feeling, the abandonment to -belief, and the wealth of spiritual apprehension, under the influence -of which the story must have grown. To those who are unacquainted with -the forms of Christian thought and feeling in the 'ages of faith,' and -may wish to acquire some knowledge of it from original sources, under -competent guidance, no better aid could probably be recommended than -that afforded by this volume. - -Nearly half of the volume containing the minor poems of Lyndesay is -occupied by a preface by Professor Nichol, giving a sketch of Scottish -poetry up to the time of Sir David Lyndesay, with an outline of his -works. Some of the poems are amusing. That entitled 'The Justyng -betuix James Watsoun and Jhone Barbour,' has a ring of humour, -reminding us of Burns; but, on the whole, these pieces do not give a -very high impression of the poet's power. The expression is better -than the matter. - -The author of 'The Time's Whistle' is unknown, but his present editor, -Mr. Cowper, appears to be inclined to identify him with Richard -Corbet, successively Bishop of Oxford, and of Norwich. Whoever he was, -he hated well Papistry and Puritanism, as well as the grosser vices of -his day, which seem to have been those of most days. The blows of his -satire do not lack force, though they may delicacy of epithet, and his -judgments on others are made from the firm ground of a supreme -self-satisfaction. It is noteworthy how, just after the golden days of -Queen Bess, the age appeared to its censors as evil as that of Queen -Victoria does to ours. The attitude of High and Dry Churchmen towards -Papist and Dissenter also appears in these verses just as we are -familiar with it, and the vices castigated are those of all times. -There is, however, one exception, in the description given of the -ignorant frequenter of bookstalls, who sought to make himself appear a -man of learning by poring over and seeming to read authors whose -language he did not know. The description of him is very amusing. In -some of the smaller poems the writer shows poetic feeling, especially -in reference to the beauties of nature, expressed in graceful verse. - -The third part of Mr. Ellis's valuable work on 'English Pronunciation' -is a vast mine of information and suggestion concerning the great -subject he is attempting to treat. This part contains, besides Mr. -Ellis's own writing, and the passages from authors which he prints for -the purposes of his arguments, reprints of several early tracts on -pronunciation and phonetic writing, and a pronouncing vocabulary of -the sixteenth century, compiled from several authors of that age. We -venture, however, to think that Mr. Ellis will need an interpreter to -make the fruit of his labours available to any but those who can -wholly devote themselves to the study of his subject. His 'Glossic, -or New System of Spelling,' and 'Key to Universal Glossic,' by means -of which he seeks to express the many sounds of human language, are, -to say the least, very hard to be understood. The problem is, -doubtless, a most difficult one, and Mr. Ellis's signal qualifications -to deal with it are so well known that we can do no more here than -acknowledge gratefully this further contribution of his learned labour -in a field of unknown fertility, little cultivated, and painful to -till: while we at the same time point out the hindrance we find in -deriving all the benefit from his work which we believe it is capable -of affording. - - - - -THEOLOGY, PHILOSOPHY, AND PHILOLOGY. - - -_History of Protestant Theology, particularly in Germany, viewed -according to its fundamental Movement, and in connection with the -Religious, Moral, and Intellectual Life._ By Dr. J. A. DORNER, -Oberconsistorialrath and Professor of Theology at Berlin. Translated -by the Rev. George Robson, M.A., Inverness, and Sophia Taylor. 2 vols. -Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark. 1871. - -Dr. Dorner is already well known in this country by the translation, -published by Messrs. Clark, in their Foreign Theological Library, of -his admirable and exhaustive work on the 'Person of Christ,' as a -theologian who unites profound and extensive learning with spiritual -insight, rare intellectual acumen, and earnest piety. The translation -of his 'History of Protestant Theology,' now published, will be hailed -as a welcome boon by all thoughtful students of Christian doctrine. It -cannot fail to increase and extend the high estimation in which the -author is held, and must lead to what is peculiarly needed at the -present time, the formation of deeper and sounder views of the great -principles involved in the religious and intellectual movement of the -Reformation. The original work came out about five years ago, as one -of a series of Histories of the Sciences, undertaken by the Historical -Commission of the Royal Academy of Science at Munich, under the -auspices of the King of Bavaria. It took at once a high position in -the recent theological literature of Germany. The companion work of -the series, 'a History of Catholic Theology,' by Dr. Werner, is -admitted, even by Roman Catholic reviewers, to be decidedly inferior -to it in scientific depth and thoroughness. Unquestionably a history -like this, so intimately pervaded by the true spirit of a living -Protestantism, which enables one clearly to understand the course of -evolution pursued by the doctrinal systems included under that name, -deserves to be regarded as 'a classic, both in respect of matter and -form.' We cannot, however, add _in respect of style_; for it must be -admitted that Dr. Dorner, like most of his countrymen, is very little -solicitous to recommend his thoughts by arranging them in an -attractive dress. His sentences are too often cumbrous and intricate, -sometimes even to obscurity, and require a degree of attention in the -reader that is rather fatiguing. Still there is a vigorous pulse in -them, and an exact propriety in the language, by which the mind is -stimulated and satisfied, so that when we have got to the end of a -chapter or division, and look back on the road we have travelled, we -feel as we might after a laborious climb which has rewarded us with a -noble prospect. - -The distinctive excellencies of Dr. Dorner's history appear to us to -be the following:--First of all, as might be expected, it is marked by -depth and thoroughness of learning. The investigation is carried out -over the whole field, embracing all the sections and national branches -of Protestantism, with their subdivisions, from the time of Luther -onwards to our own day. So far from confining his review to the -Lutheran communities of Germany, ample space is assigned to the -leading representatives of opinion in the Reformed or Calvinistic -churches of France and Switzerland, Great Britain, and North America. -These are all taken up in due order, analyzed, and classified -according to their respective tendencies. The schools of Germany, no -doubt, receive the largest measure of attention, but there is a good -reason for this in the fact which the author says will be owned by -all, 'that the strength of scientific Protestantism, both in -exegetical, historical, and systematic theology, rests in Germany.' He -follows up this claim, however, with an ingenuous confession of the -weakness and shortcomings of the German Churches, in comparison with -those of other countries, in the practical and moral application of -Protestant principles. The accounts given of the different systems, -their origin, method of inquiry, and influence, are very complete and -faithful. They show a wonderful capacity to grasp the contents and -scope of widely different forms of thought and speculation, together -with admirable skill in the exposition of them, so as to make even -their abstruse portions intelligible. There is none of the dryness and -heaviness that is often complained of as attaching to the discussion -of the dogmas of a bygone age; but the vivid force of a subtle and -active mind runs through and enlivens the whole. Some writers on those -subjects remind one of a spiritless cicerone leading you through -avenues of ruins, pointing out each object with the wearisome and -formal minuteness of a catalogue; but our author is like one who -resuscitates the spirit of the past, and who can throw a human -interest around the fallen columns and deserted halls, awakening -sympathy with the men who reared them and made them their home. In -this respect he reminds us of the great Church historian, Neander. The -gift is certainly one of rarer occurrence among theological writers -than in the class of general historians. - -This feeling of interest which is breathed into the discussions and -controversies of the past, is closely associated with what we conceive -to be the cardinal excellence of this history, stamping it with real -scientific worth. We refer to the instinctive skill and fidelity -displayed in tracing out the inner and formative principles of each -movement, defining the limits and relations of each, and with keen and -well-practised judgment determining the degrees of validity that -should be assigned to them. This process is carried out by the author, -not under the influence of some philosophic assumptions--which have -too frequently been set up as a regulation standard in this kind of -criticism--but in a spirit of Christian enlightenment and evangelical -experience. Everywhere we mark the union of reverence for divine -authority with the manly assertion of spiritual freedom in an honest -search after truth. Hence his mode of judging those theories of -religion which are most divergent from his own views, and antagonistic -(as we should say) to Scriptural orthodoxy, is free from all -narrowness, prejudice, and bitterness. He does not pronounce upon them -according to their deviation from certain human formularies, but seeks -to indicate the relation which they hold to ascertained laws of -intellectual and spiritual progress. He shows how, in several -instances, erroneous as they were, they formed a natural and partly -justifiable revolt from the injurious impositions and restrictions of -a barren orthodoxy, and led many to a healthier and more fruitful -cultivation of the intellect and of the spiritual faculty. We have -never read a delineation of the deep-seated causes which occasioned -the birth and growth of Rationalism, so instructive and admonitory--we -might add so impressive--from its candour and tenderness, as that -which is given in the second volume of this work. Hagenbach's valuable -history of the same phenomena is indeed composed with great fairness -and ability, and is presented in a more popular method and style; but -from that very cause it deals more with the superficial and obvious -aspects of the case, and lacks the spiritual depth and completeness of -Dorner's diagnosis. The study of both histories, however, should be -combined; for each supplies what is wanting in the other. We require -to conjoin with the scientific analysis of principles and tendencies -which we have here, the striking pictures of men, society, and events, -which enliven the pages of the more popular writer. In Dorner's view, -the aberrations of Rationalism formed a needful stage, though an -unhappy one, in the purification and elevation of Protestant theology, -which has come forth from it enlarged and liberalized in its scope, -better adapted to the wants of humanity, and more directly based on -just and firm foundations. Accordingly we find that, while he does not -look upon error with cool philosophic indifference, he can expose it -without severity, or any approach to denunciation. He detects the -elements of forgotten truths, which are often mixed up with it; -perceives the openings by which it liberated and brought into play -those faculties of our nature which had been unwisely fettered and -suppressed; and shows how, by the fermentation which it stirred in the -inert mass, it contributed to an ultimate reform both of theology and -religion. In short, in this history we are not only guided to the -sources of the stream in the healthy uplands of a new spiritual -life--that region of experience which was the birthplace of the -Reformation--but it is followed down in its various windings till it -becomes hemmed in and imprisoned by artificial reservoirs; we see it -gradually undermining, and at length bursting through the barriers, -carrying with it for a space wide-spread ruin, till the flood -subsides, and it begins once more to flow with deeper and ampler -current in its proper channel, fertilizing the surrounding fields. All -that now remains, perhaps, is to have patience till the waters become -clearer, more limpid, freer from sediment and wreck; and care must be -taken to keep up and strengthen the natural embankments, that the -river may nowhere diffuse itself into a sluggish, unwholesome -swamp--an expanse of shallow sentiment where boundaries are lost, and -the current of action is imperceptible. - -The work is in two volumes, and is divided into three books, the first -of which occupies the whole of the former volume, embracing three -divisions. The first presents a most interesting account of the -preparatory forces, intellectual and spiritual, which were at work in -the Protestant Reformation period. This sketch is necessarily rapid, -yet it is remarkably complete and accurate. The Papal Church of the -Middle Ages departed from the true idea of Christianity 'in not -subordinating herself to the spiritual renovation of the nations, but -setting up the principle of [Church] authority, and lordship, of its -own end and highest good,' which led to all the spiritual blessings -and ordinances of the Church being 'transferred into instruments of -ecclesiastical power and hierarchical rule.' Thus, religion was -changed in its very essence. Its blessings ceased to consist in -personal fellowship with God, and assumed a materialistic and -impersonal character. Mysterious influences and powers belonging to -the Church and the clergy were made to constitute the riches of -Christianity; and so piety, robbed of its personal end, attached -itself to the visible altar, and to other sensible things. An ethical -personal holiness was exchanged for a material relation, dependent on -ceremonies. This is the radical error of all sacramentalism. The more -sincere, who were anxious about their personal salvation, could not -rest satisfied in such a system. Dr. Dorner--after discussing the -relations of the Mediaeval Church to the questions of man's salvation, -to truth, and to the sphere of the civil power, which it strove to -subjugate; and having traced the influence of Anselm, Aquinas, and the -Schoolmen upon doctrine--treats briefly of the Latin and German -mystics, showing how they sought direct communion with God, by -contemplation and self abnegation. Their defects and excellencies are -ably analyzed. Among the pioneers of the Reformation a high place is -assigned to John Wessel, because of the prominence he gives to -evangelical faith in the Mediator. When the representatives of the -Biblical principle, in this preparatory stage, are introduced, it is -shown how Wycliffe advanced it in alliance with the scientific and -moral factors; but some injustice is done to him in respect of his -doctrinal views, which the translator, Mr. Robson, has carefully -corrected in one of the valuable notes with which he has enriched this -volume. The treatises of Wycliffe, edited by Dr. Vaughan, in 1845, -prove beyond question that the cardinal doctrines of grace were -clearly apprehended and taught by the English Reformer. - -In the second division, the Reformation itself is handled, as it -appeared in Germany and in Switzerland, together with the various -phases and relations it assumed up to the time of the Wittenberg -Concord in 1536. A leading place is, of course, given to the character -and experience of Luther, and the strongest light is thrown upon the -fact that the movement in his case, and in Calvin's as well, had its -origin in a great spiritual conflict and personal change. It was in -seeking for and in obtaining the assurance of pardon, and in the -experience of a power renovating the heart and life, bringing the -whole man into communion with God through Christ, that Luther rose to -the conception of faith as a divine principle uniting the soul to the -Saviour, and freeing the believer, not only from the terrors of -conscience and the moral impotency of the will, but from all -subjection to human authority in divine things. This is justly exalted -by Dr. Dorner as the _material principle_, and the moving force of the -Reformation; this is at once its life and its law. It is by the -harmonious working of this element, in a normal conjunction with the -_formal principle_ which sprung out of it, and which derives from it a -solid application--viz.: The recognition of the divine authority and -inspiration of the Scriptures,--that the life of the Reformation is -fully and healthily developed. Both the evangelical systems of -doctrine, the Lutheran and the Calvinistic, owe their characteristic -excellencies to the interaction of these two principles which gave -them birth. Their improvement, and the prosecution of the truths they -contain, must spring from the same source. It is only by the renewed -mind and heart of the believer, enlightened and guided by the Spirit -speaking through the Word, that the doctrines of Christianity can be -apprehended and embraced. Christianity is the salvation of God, and -can be understood by none but those who personally appropriate its -blessings through the Spirit by a living faith in the Redeemer. -Throughout his history, Dr. Dorner never allows us to lose sight of -that fact. The controversies, the declensions, the errors, the -revivals, which he follows out in long array through the seventeenth, -eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, are so many instructive, -admonitory, or cheering illustrations of this fundamental law of -Protestantism. There is no security for the material principle when -separated from the formal, while the formal is emptied of life and -fruitfulness if divorced from the material principle, _the new life of -faith in the soul_. A divine, child-like faith in the heart, owning -and yielding to divine authority in the Word, is the secret of safety -and progress. That will give us at once Scriptural orthodoxy, and true -freedom. - -Space fails us, or we would fain have touched on the contents of the -second volume, which, in some respects, is the more interesting of the -two, from the account it gives of English Deism, and the rise and -progress of German Rationalism. The critical analysis of the views and -influence of Lessing, and the way in which Schleiermacher's system is -drawn out and displayed, appear to us especially worthy of admiration. -Towards the close of the work, the state of theology in England -receives some attention; but here we are disposed to note, not only -the meagreness of the information supplied, but in one case its -inexactness. We refer to the introduction of the late Dean Mansel's -argument in his 'Hampton Lectures,' given in p. 494, which the writer -(we humbly conceive) has quite misapprehended in some important -points. Further, it is most inaccurate to say that Mansel was -'triumphantly encountered by Maurice, and Professor M'Cosh, of -Belfast.' Anything more crushing and scathing than Hansel's -examination of Maurice's 'Strictures,' which are a mere farrago of -fantastic misrepresentations and hysterical outcries, we never read. -Between M'Cosh and Mansel there is no real opposition; it is in -language rather than in substance that they differ, and as M'Cosh' -himself says, he 'would rather agree with Sir W. Hamilton and Mr. -Mansel, than any metaphysicians of the past or present age.'[69] This -mistake, however, is but a slight speck on the lustre of so great a -production, and may readily be excused in a foreign writer, who can -hardly be expected--though he be better acquainted with our theology -than most foreigners--to look at a controversy of this kind from our -point of view. - -Both translators deserve high commendation for the manner in which -they have executed their laborious task. Mr. Robson's part is marked -by great exactness, which at times becomes too closely literal; Miss -Taylor's performance is more smooth and flowing, but in some of the -metaphysical portions a doubt occurs as to whether the author's -thought has been precisely seized. Yet, in many a paragraph we have -admired the facility with which the lady has worked her way through -rather abstruse speculations and involved periods. We tender both our -most hearty thanks for the service they have rendered the theological -public, and would beg most strongly to commend the work to all -scientific students of our common Protestantism. - - -_The Witness of History to Christ._ Five Sermons preached before the -University of Cambridge; being the Hulsean Lecture for the year 1870. -By the Rev. F. W. FARRAR, M.A. Macmillan and Co. - -Mr. Farrar's object in his Hulsean Lecture is to examine the moral and -intellectual causes of modern unbelief. This he does in five -lectures--the first demonstrating 'the Antecedent Credibility of the -Miraculous;' the second affirming 'the Adequacy (for reasonable -conviction) of the Gospel Records;' the third setting forth, from the -facts of its history, 'The Victories of Christianity;' the fourth and -fifth on 'Christianity and the Individual' and 'Christianity and the -Race,' demonstrating the transcendent and transforming moral power of -the religion of Jesus Christ, as a presumptive argument for its -truthfulness--the whole being a cumulative argument, demonstrating -that Christianity is the Divine and supernatural truth of God, which -it professes to be. Mr. Farrar is necessarily restricted in these -several lines of argument, by the limits of a spoken discourse devoted -to each, to a few salient points, and to an indicative mode of -argument; and we, of course, can follow even him but a very little -way. The first, and fundamental question in the controversy between -sceptical science and religious faith is the credibility of the -supernatural. We do not think that Mr. Farrar has carried the -intellectual argument further than it has hitherto been carried, or -than perhaps it can be carried. Whatever theologians may say, it -revolves in a circle. Science refuses to be represented by men like -Strauss, who begin all argument by the _petitio principii_ that the -supernatural is antecedently incredible and absolutely impossible--for -a more thoroughly unscientific position cannot be conceived. Nothing -is antecedently impossible to true science; by the very conditions of -it, it is restricted to the demonstration and interpretation of actual -facts. Concerning the possible discovery of unknown facts it can say -absolutely nothing. The question really is, Have the alleged -supernatural facts of Scripture been demonstrated? Nor is it enough -that science can urge nothing in disproof--the _onus probandi_ lies -with those who affirm. What then is the scientific value of the -testimony to the alleged miracles of Scripture? First, it has to be -admitted that the testimony is furnished solely by Scripture--that is, -by the book which the miraculous is adduced to authenticate. Next, it -can scarcely be denied that the chief strength of the Scriptural -evidence lies in the transcendent moral qualities of Scripture. It is -not the miraculous that authenticates the holy doctrine; it is the -holy doctrine that authenticates the miraculous. The miraculous is -affirmed by Prophets, Evangelists, and by Christ; and it is a moral -impossibility that these should affirm falsely. We, therefore, who did -not see the miracle, but only receive it on testimony, accept the -testimony because the witnesses are unimpeachable. The actual -beholders did not; to them the miracle was the credential of the -teacher; but to us the teacher is the credential of the miracle. From -which it follows that science will never accept the evidence of the -miracle until it has accepted the unimpeachableness of the -witnesses--that is, it must accept the truth and holiness of Jesus -Christ before it will believe His miraculous works. Mr. Farrar, -therefore, is perfectly justified in affirming that 'modern scepticism -has not advanced one step further than the blank assertion, as regards -the inadequacy of testimony to establish a miracle;' but, on the other -hand, he must admit that beyond the assertion of the book, theology -has not advanced a single step to demonstrate its occurrence. The mere -intellectual argument must be left there, and the decision must turn -upon the unanswerable moral demonstration--first, of the Scriptures -themselves, and, above all, of the perfect character of our Lord; and -next upon the history of Christianity in its progress through the -world, and its contact with the philosophy and the moral phenomena of -human life. Mr. Farrar does not deal with the moral evidence of -Scripture, but he deals very effectively with the moral evidence which -Christian history furnishes. The victories of Christianity are -illustrated by the conditions and issues of its conflicts with Judaism -and Paganism. Judaism without the Church, and Judaism within, and -Paganism in its eclectic revival, its brilliant literature, and its -ruthless persecution. What is more, it had to contend with the -pseudo-Christianity of Constantine. 'Little, indeed,' says Mr. Farrar, -'did Christianity owe to that trimming emperor and unbaptized -catechumen--that strange Christian, indeed, who placed his own bust on -the statue of Apollo, and thought the nails of the true cross a -fitting ornament for the bridle of his charger, and on whose -extraordinary figure the robes, so besmeared with gold and crusted -with jewels, could not conceal the Neronian stain of a son's and a -consort's blood!' Then followed its conflicts with the Northern -barbarian invasion, with Mahometanism, and with the internal -corruptions of the Papacy. Thus, in its material and moral victories, -Christianity witnesses to the truth and power of its Divine Founder's -words. In the chapters in which Mr. Farrar demonstrates its triumphs -over individual hearts and lives, and its total influences on the -social life of nations, his facts are well selected, and his reasoning -is unanswerable. Mr. Farrar's book evinces immense reading. His -quotations are almost in excess of his text, and are gathered from the -most diverse sources, from Ignatius to Lord Derby's speech at Glasgow. -The impression is of a man who has collected his opinions rather than -evolved them by processes of independent reasoning--only there is the -impress of a strong hand upon the whole. Mr. Farrar is master of his -quotations. His lectures are rhetorically eloquent, sometimes too much -so for their character and purpose; but his arguments are well -arranged, and his book is really a valuable contribution to modern -Christian apologetics. - - -_Modern Scepticism._ A Course of Lectures delivered at the request of -the Christian Evidence Society. With an Explanatory Paper by the Right -Rev. J. ELLICOTT, D.D., Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol. Hodder -and Stoughton. 1871. - -The present volume is an interesting sign of the times. Those who love -our common Christianity more than they love the ecclesiastical systems -which have so often interfered with their co-operation in Christian -work, here stand side by side to advocate positions common to them -all. The general diffusion of an atmosphere of sceptical speculation -which has not only crept over the outworks but has invaded the very -citadel of the Christian faith, has received great augmentation from -the mutual antagonism of some Christians, and from the unhappy -concessions of others. If nothing more had been gained for the cause -of Christian truth than the juxtaposition of these essays in one -volume, with the assurance thus given to the world that the most -distinguished dignitaries of the Church of England hold common ground -with learned Congregationalists and Wesleyan divines on the -fundamental bases of religious faith, the Christian Evidence Society -might be fairly congratulated on the success of its enterprise. There -is an intrinsic value in the re-assertion of the deep convictions of -cultured men and genuine Christians, touching the very foundation of -religious thought. When a volume of 500 pages professes to cover the -controversies that have been stirred during the last half century on -the very nature of evidence, on the presence of design in nature, on -the pantheistic and positivistic interpretation of the facts of the -universe, on the relations of science and revelation, on the nature of -miracles, on the gradual development of revelation, on the historical -difficulties of the entire Bible, on the mythical theories of -Christianity, on the credential value of the Pauline Epistles, on the -character of the Lord Jesus, and on the totality and adequacy of -Christian evidences; it is obvious that these topics must many of them -be touched, rather than discussed; approached, rather than developed. -The reader of these discourses is not supposed to be a convert to the -doctrines of either Mr. Darwin or Auguste Comte, of Professor Tyndall -or M. Renan. Those who have plunged into the rapid current of -materialistic philosophy, or have mastered the details of positivism, -or become thoroughly familiar with the 'higher criticism' of Germany, -will not be diverted from their opinions by these popular and -interesting addresses. But there is a large class of educated young -men and cultivated women who are at the present moment staggered by -second-hand _rechauffes_ of various scepticisms, who are fascinated by -the audacity of modern doubt, and relieved from ugly fears by the -confident assertions of triumphant students of history and science, -who relish the boisterous breeze of these cloudy uplands of -speculation, and take greedily any assurance which wars with old -prejudices and threatens to uproot old systems or institutions. There -are, moreover, multitudes of busy men who have no time to study these -various forms of scepticism, but who are made miserable whenever they -have time to think, by the thickly flying shafts of the enemies of -Christianity. To these classes we conceive the volume before us may be -of great service. Everywhere we discover honesty of purpose, sympathy -with the doubter, an endeavour on the part of thoughtful and learned -Christian teachers to put themselves into the position of the -inquirer. There is comparatively little dogmatism, there is very -considerable beauty of illustration, and there breathes throughout -the whole volume a healthy vigorous faith. Several of the -distinguished writers have discoursed on themes on which they were by -previous well-known labours, entitled to speak. Thus the Archbishop of -York has discussed the purely philosophical question of 'design in -nature;' Dr. Rigg has handled Pantheism; and Dr. Stoughton the nature -of miracle. Professor Rawlinson has reviewed the 'Historical -Difficulties of the Old and New Testaments,' and the author of the -'Jesus of the Evangelists,' the Rev. Charles Row, has given us the -pith of the argument of that deeply interesting volume. For our own -part, we think Mr. Row's essay is by far the most complete and -satisfactory attempt in the whole volume to grapple with a great -subject, and to add something to the considerable literature of the -mythical theory. The Bishop of Ely has also approached the fascinating -question of 'Christ's teaching and influence on the world' with -fulness and sweetness of exposition. We trust the volume, which is in -every way attractive, will lead to more thorough investigation of the -great steps of this high argument, and will result in deeper and more -hearty appreciation of the bases of religious faith. - - -_Freedom in the Church of England._ Six Sermons Suggested by the -Voysey Judgment, Preached in St. James's Chapel, York-street. By the -Rev. STOPFORD A. BROOK. London: Henry S. King. - -This little volume contains many things--Doctrinal, Ecclesiastical, -and Social--put with much freshness and power, albeit with some -rashness, upon which much detailed criticism might be bestowed. The -doctrinal sermons on the Atonement and Original Sin would necessarily -demand for their adequate criticism a space equal to that which they -themselves occupy. They lay down positions that must be tested--first -by Scripture, next by general principles of moral philosophy, and -lastly, by the doctrinal standards of the Episcopal Church. We do not -of course attempt to test them. Gladly recognising in them much that -is eternally true, much that is profoundly philosophical, and much -that commands our admiration for its intellectual acuteness and -vigour, we make only one or two remarks concerning them. First, -scarcely any attempt is made to show the harmony of the views -propounded with the doctrinal statements of Scripture; they are -evolved out of the depths of the author's own moral consciousness, -which is perfectly legitimate; only his anxiety to justify them to the -standards of the Episcopal Church rather than to the statements of the -Christian apostles, is not so legitimate and satisfactory for a simple -inquirer after truth, however necessary for a Churchman. The two great -factors of all true doctrine are surely the Divine revelation and -man's moral consciousness. It is the misery of doctrinal Church -standards that they necessarily rule so much of a man's thinking. We, -outside the Episcopal Church care but very subordinately about the -harmony of a clergyman's views with his Church Articles; we care very -much about the harmony of his teachings concerning atonement and -original sin with Divine revelation and the eternal truth of things. -As the result of the whole argumentation, we can say, only, that if -Mr. Brook's conclusions respecting the congruity of his teaching with -the standards of his Church be satisfactory to himself, the acute and -fearless author of the arguments themselves is a mystery to us. To us -it is a painful illustration of the influence of an embarrassing -position upon freedom and coherence of thought. Mr. Brook seems to us -to contradict categorically the explicit teaching of his Church, both -about original sin and the Atonement. Concerning his views on original -sin we have to say (1) that with the ninth article before us, it is to -us utterly incredible that the men, most of whom, Mr. Brook admits, -held the same doctrine which he 'rejects with dismay and horror,' -purposely left their statement so undefined as to admit of views so -opposed to theirs as Mr. Brook's. If they did, all the worse for them -and their article. (2) Mr. Brook altogether fails, in our judgment, to -justify, by his attenuated exposition of the 'fault and corruption of -our nature,' the strong expression of the article 'it deserveth God's -wrath and damnation.' (3) Mr. Brook's answer to the question 'Why -should God have made us with this wrong twist?' is simply 'Because God -wanted humanity,' and not 'a new angelic nature in which there should -be no effort, no contest, no dramatic possibilities.' The only -conclusion that he leaves open to us is, that whatever original sin -is, it is a created part or condition of our nature--that is, God -creates us in a condition that 'deserveth God's wrath and damnation.' -Mr. Brook's view of original sin may be the true one, but this is the -result to which he brings us by applying to it the test of the ninth -article. - -Concerning the Atonement, Mr. Brook's theory is, that Christ was the -ideal man, in whom union with God was gradually developed--being from -'the moment of his birth potentially His, as the whole growth of the -oak is in the acorn.' That the merit of His suffering consisted in His -perfectly identifying himself with the sorrow of mankind; 'losing the -consciousness of Himself and of His own pain, through the intensity of -His sympathy with us,' He threw himself 'into the whole sense of this -vast human suffering, and so realizing it as His own, offered it up to -the pity and love of God.' 'In this way He took unto himself our -suffering, and suffered for it; in this way He represented in that -hour unto the Father, by means of the perfect self-forgetfulness of -love, all the spiritual pain of the world's absence from God.' 'God -sees in Christ the ideal of humanity, the whole race as sinless, as -one with himself;' 'the innocent suffered, through love, the pain -which comes of sin.' 'He passed from feeling as a man, to feeling as a -representative man.' 'He lost all thought of self in awful realization -of the sin of the whole' world.' 'God saw, in the absolute -self-sacrifice which enabled Christ to lose himself in love of man, -and to bear the burden of the sin of man in passionate sympathy with -the awfulness of the burden, the highest reach of human virtue, the -highest ideal of human sacrifice realized;' and, 'as He took into -himself and into union with himself, the humanity of Christ, so He -took into himself and into union with himself the humanity which -Christ represented. This is the reconciliation of God to man, the -forgiveness of men's sin by God. This is the objective side of the -Atonement.' 'With existing humanity God, though pitying and loving it -as a Father, could not, because of its sin, unite himself fully. But -when humanity in Christ had fulfilled all righteousness, and displayed -itself as wholly at one with God's life of self-sacrifice, God was -then able to unite himself to it, to take it up into Himself.' 'To -believe in Christ is to look upon his life and death of -self-sacrifice, and to say with a true heart, "I know that this is -true life; I accept it as mine. I will fulfil it in thought and -action, God being my helper."' From this theory of atonement Mr. Brook -deduces universalism. 'The whole race being in Christ, is now by right -redeemed, righteous, at one with God. But it is not redeemed, -righteous, or at one with God, in fact. It is still struggling with -sin, still wandering away from its inheritance, still rejecting its -rights. But that which has been done in God is done for ever: and -man--every soul of man--_must_ become in fact what they are now by -right. And though no thought may count the years, yet all humanity -shall at last be made coincident with that ideal of it which exists in -God in Christ.' - -Concerning this theory, we remark, that while very much that is said -by Mr. Brook about the sufferings of Christ is beautifully true, yet, -as a theory of the Atonement, it is (1) to our conception, utterly at -variance with the doctrine of the Prayer Book, and with the theories -of its compilers. It is for lawyers to say whether under such -standards such a divergent theory is legally tenable--we can only say -that we should not like to shelter a moral contradiction like this -under a legal possibility. (2) Whatever may be the merits of the -'forensic theory' which, says Mr. Brook, 'I utterly deny and -repudiate,' 'it outrages our idea of God; it makes him satisfied with -a fiction;' this martyr theory of an ideal humanity suffering in -Christ, infinitely surpasses it in unreality. If the forensic theory -involves a legal fiction, this involves a moral fiction--which is not -only unthinkable in the domain of moral realities, but which, so far -as we can think, contradicts our deepest moral instincts. If there is -to be a fiction at all, which we think there need not be, we -infinitely prefer the legal fiction of Aquinas. No! whatever the true -theory of Atonement, this is not it. We can understand a federal -headship of humanity, which obtains for it fresh probation and fresh -privileges, but we cannot understand a federal headship which gives a -_quasi_ spiritual character, and which induces in God an unreal moral -estimate. - -In passing from this doctrinal part of the book, we may ask why Mr. -Brook represents David as being from early morning until noon in -ascending the Mount of Olives, the summit of which may be easily -reached from St. Stephen's Gate in half an hour? - -The first sermon here printed, however, although the last preached, -naturally challenges our chief attention. It discusses the question of -'Freedom in the [Established] Church' _apropos_ of the bearing upon it -of the judgment in Mr. Voysey's case. We note one or two points in it -only. First Mr. Brook says 'that the restrictions upon liberty of -thought, which he deprecates, would soon make the Church into a narrow -and bigoted sect.' The phrase, omitting the adjectives, has become a -kind of formula with Churchmen of Mr. Brook's school. We have -frequently tried to apprehend this attempted distinction between a -Church and a sect, but we are unable to do so; and we should -unaffectedly feel that Mr. Brook had laid us under a great obligation -if he had given us a distinct and intelligible definition. What is a -Church, and what is a sect? and wherein lies the differentia of the -two? In what sense is the Episcopal communion a Church and not a sect, -that is not equally true of the Presbyterian and Congregational -communions? Will Mr. Brook accept the definition of a Church given in -the 19th Article? 'The visible Church of Christ is a congregation of -faithful men, in the which the pure Word of God is preached, and the -Sacraments be duly ministered,' &c.? If so, then he can deny the -designation 'Church' to every congregational ecclesia--only by -impugning its 'faithful' character, its preaching or its sacraments. -Is it the criterion of a Church to be without formulated dogmas--or to -have doctrinal standards from which her clergy have indefinite liberty -to dissent? In the former case the Episcopal communion is not a -Church--in the latter, Congregationalists or Presbyterians might -easily become a Church, by according liberty of dissent from their -standards. The only thing that hinders among them the laxity of -subscription and interpretation which Mr. Brook claims for his own -Church is that they really believe in their beliefs, and make fidelity -to them a matter of conscience. We should be glad to know the exact -variation of the theological compass that converts a sect into a -Church. Or does Mr. Brook regard a National Establishment as the -criterion of a Church? Then he unchurches the Church of Rome in -England, the Episcopal Church in Ireland and Scotland, and prepares -for the unchurching of Episcopacy in England ere long. If universality -be the criterion, then Episcopacy cannot claim it. If to be the -largest religious body in a country be the criterion, then what is -Episcopacy in Scotland, Ireland, or Wales? If the criterion be -catholicity of spirit towards those who differ from us, we fear that -neither historically nor actually could his own Church make out a very -unequivocal claim. We have really looked at this rhetorical -distinction on all sides, and are unable to apprehend it; and yet it -is perpetually flung at our poor Nonconformist heads as a missile that -is as potent as David's sling and stone. - -Is it worthy of intelligent and candid men, such as Mr. Brook, to use -controversial terms, with a view, if possible, to affix a reproach, to -which no intelligible meaning can be attached? In our view of it every -Church is a sect, in the good sense,--in the sense of being but a -section of the universal Church; and any Church, however large or -however small, established or unestablished, with fixed dogmas, or -with flexible ones, may be sectarian, in the bad sense, of being -exclusive in its claims, intolerant in its recognitions, and exacting -in its conduct. It is for members of the Established Church of England -to ask themselves of which of the ecclesiastical communities of the -kingdom these are the most characteristic features. We can scarcely -believe our eyes, when we read, 'In the assent of all to these -doctrines, and in the common love of all to God in Christ, and in the -common love of the body to which they belong, co-existing with an -almost endless variety of individual views about these doctrines, -consists the unity of the Church of England.' Is it then, really so, -that all the Church feuds and litigation from Tract 90 to the Purchas -judgment--the Hampden and Gorham cases, the 'Essays and Reviews' -warfare, the Ritualistic riots, the Liddel case, the Colenso -controversy, the Machonochie, Voysey, and Purchas cases, with the -pamphlets and sermons, the schisms and hatreds of the three great -parties within the Establishment, which for the last forty years have -kept the religious world in a state of intense excitement, that all -these things are the phantasmagoria of a bad dream, or the amiable -reciprocations of brotherly respect and Christian affection? Is there -any Church in Christendom with such a polemical history or at the -present moment so hopelessly and bitterly schismatic? How, in the face -of the English people, such a sentence could be written by a man like -Mr. Brook, is simply inscrutable; 'They do,' he says, 'work together -remarkably well.' 'There is no body of men more united than the -English clergy;' but he makes this fatal admission, 'Destroy the -connection of the State with the Church, and all that vanishes at -once. All the several parties begin quarrelling, and split up into -sects.' Then where is the vaunted unity, and what is the moral worth -of the legal bond that unites such discordant elements? - -Mr. Brook propounds once more the old crippled fallacy, 'By right -every Englishman is a member of the National Church. It is of his own -free choice that he rejects that right.' But what if he -conscientiously disbelieves in that Church--and holds that in -establishing it and requiring national assent to it, both Church and -State have gone beyond the domain of the things that are Caesar's into -that of the things that are God's? This, the real gist of the whole -matter, is carefully avoided. The Jews used the same argument against -the Christians; the Inquisition of the Romish Church against -Protestants. The essential injustice lies in maintaining any -established Church in a divided nation; and in the attempt to control -a man's religious conscience by any civil law or institution -whatsoever. Is it not simply childish to affirm, with England as it -is, that the parochial clergy 'feel as representatives of a National -Church, that all within the range of their several districts--no -matter what and who those are--dissenters, non-church-goers, infidels, -are their responsibility, and are given into their spiritual care by -the nation.' No doubt they do; but does anybody else feel it? is not -this the impertinence which one half the nation so resents? Mr. Brook -is too candid not to see that all this is the theory of a by-gone -state of things, and that the very mention of it now excites ridicule. -Accordingly the word 'ought,' and its equivalents do yeoman's service -throughout this sermon. It is indeed a discourse upon what a National -Church _ought_ to be, rather than upon what the National Church -actually is. So far as we understand Mr. Brook, there _ought_ to be -almost every conceivable diversity of religious belief in the -community, and the National Church _ought_ to be so vague in its -dogmas, or so flexible in their interpretation, as that its clergy -_ought_ to represent them all. And to this the argument must come. - -With very many of Mr. Brook's subordinate remarks we cordially agree. -He is thoughtful and catholic-hearted, and has a keen perception of -much that is beautiful in Christian doctrine and life. But the task -that he has set himself is simply an impossible one. He wishes -contradictories, perfect freedom, and distinctive dogmas; a definite -Church character, and an indiscriminate inclusiveness; the -prerogatives of a supreme Church, while only the fragment of a nation; -which itself again is only a small part of Christendom. There is in -Mr. Brook's direction no possible way out of the embarrassments, -unrealities, and self-contradictions of the English Episcopal Church. - - * * * * * - -_Human Power in the Divine Life; or the Active Powers of the Mind in -Relation to Religion._ By Rev. NICHOLAS BISHOP, M.A. Hodder and -Stoughton. - -The author of this book has attempted a difficult task, viz., to -exhibit in philosophical language the synthesis of the divine and -human in the new life. With profound reverence for God's revelation -and with great insight into the life of God in the soul, he has -discussed the function of the human will in Repentance, Faith, -Conversion, Sanctification, Christian Perfection and its Limits, in -Preaching and Prayer, and in relation to Divine Providence. The range -of thought is very wide, the mode of treatment very stimulating and -fresh. It would be difficult in a brief notice to convey an adequate -idea of the book. Some of the most difficult problems are broached, -and much light is thrown upon them. There are gems of thought -scattered through the discussion which nevertheless form a distinct -and integral part of the argument. Thus 'God's plan of instructing man -seems to be from the lower to the higher forms of thought. The nearer -the instruction can accommodate itself to the sense or to the simpler -acts of the intelligence the more likely it is to succeed. It must -begin with the concrete and rise by slow degrees, to abstract truth. -Christ, as revealed in His gospel, is the nearest possible approach to -this. He is to the weakest mind the simplest possible concrete truth, -and He is also to the strongest mind the greatest possible -abstraction.' Again, 'If man could repent without the Divine Spirit, -his repentance could not be divine; and if the Spirit could produce -repentance without man's co-operation, it could not be human; but upon -God's plan it is perfectly human and perfectly divine--so perfect that -it could not be more divine if man were completely passive in it, nor -more human if the Spirit exercised no power in it.' With the -fundamental principle that 'the divine life is a developed spiritual -consciousness,' the writer has said much that is most refreshing, -stimulating, and practical, and we strongly commend this volume to -those who are seeking a higher life, and would find help and -consolation by an approximate _rationale_ of that life. - - -_Ten Great Religions; an Essay in Comparative Theology._ By JAMES -FREEMAN CLARKE. Truebner and Co. - -Mr. Clarke has made an interesting and earnest endeavour to establish -some of the principles of a science which is likely before long to -occupy a high place in human thought. He has, moreover, shown decided -skill and considerable learning in his view of the salient features of -Brahmanism and Buddhism, in his summary of Confucianism and Taepingism, -in his sketch of Persic, Scandinavian, Egyptian, and Graeco-Roman -religions, and in his estimate of Judaism and Mahometanism. The -materials were ready to his hand in rich abundance, and he has set -forth the leading ideas of each of these great forms of faith with -commendable modesty and fine critical tact. The strong point he makes, -and in which we entirely agree with him, is--that Christ and -Christianity recognise the age-long witness to certain great truths -embodied in these ethnic faiths, that Christ is the fulfilment of the -prophetic visions which the founders of these varied religions -beheld;--that Christianity is the answer to the problem of Brahmanism, -the _pleroma_ of the faith of Sakya-muni, and the complement to all -the speculations of Egypt, Athens, and Scandinavia;--that Christianity -contains all that is living, all that is true to God and nature and -man, in any or all of these religious systems, and a great deal -more;--that it has absorbed many of them, and will eventually solve -the continuity, and embrace the devotees of them all in its catholic -fulness. He claims to find the highest evidence for the truth of -Christianity in this,--that while all other forms of faith have been -more or less one-sided, ethnic in their range, and local in their -influence, Christianity meets the need of every kind of race and -generation of mankind. The 'symphony of religions' is to him the -pledge of the eternal excellency, the indisputable supremacy, and the -absolute truth of Christianity. He will not admit that other religions -are 'natural' and that this alone is 'supernatural;' that other -religions are excogitated by the human intelligence, this alone -'revealed' from heaven; others the work of lying impostors, this alone -preserved from human frailty; others 'human religions,' and this -alone a 'divine' religion. All truth is divine with him, and all such -truth as has been intuitively perceived by great ethnic religious -teachers has been 'revealed' to them by God, the one God. But he -maintains the great position that all other religions are limited in -their range of thought, and in their adaptability to man; while -Christianity includes within itself the sum of all religious truth, -the nexus of all justifiable religious tendencies, the correction of -all extravagances, the answer and solvent to all human inquiry. As we -have said, Mr. Clarke holds here positions with which we sympathize -and which we have often advocated. But while we admit with him, the -significance of the ethnic religions, the truth uttered by Sakya-muni -and found in the Vedas, there is to our ear an exceeding bitter cry -for help and teaching and deliverance, coming out of the very -constitution of the heathen culture, and revealing itself in the -religious rites and in the literature of the East, to which he seems -comparatively indifferent. He is afraid of compromising the dignity -and majesty of human nature, or of saying anything offensive to its -unaided and unregenerated powers. To our view, human nature is in a -much more diseased and miserable condition than he admits; and we hold -that there was a specialty in the vision and faculty given to Hebrew -prophets, and possessed by the Great Master, which make them differ in -kind from those of the sages of India, Persia, or Greece. Though he -furnishes the facts with great fairness and skill, he seems strangely -unwilling to admit the grand difference between Hebraism and -Ethnicism, viz.: that in the one case, God is represented as seeking -and finding his people, pleading with their unwillingness and -disloyalty, unveiling to them his own glorious name, and in the other -cases men are 'feeling after God if haply they might find him, though -he is not far from any one of them.' The argument of Mr. Clarke, -moreover, is in our opinion, truncated and paralyzed by the extremely -low view that he entertains of the person of our Lord, and of the -essence of that very monotheism which has won the victories to which -he points with Christian exultation. There is no disrespect cast upon -the faith of nineteen-twentieths of Christendom, it is simply ignored; -and his Christianity is, after all, little more than 'the morality -touched by emotion,' of which we have heard a good deal lately. We -believe that a sounder and larger view of Christianity itself would -supply wards to the key here used by Mr. Clarke, which would enable -him to unlock many more of the mysteries of human life. We thank him -for the work he has done, so far as it goes, and can agree with him -that the philosophy of missions will lie very much in the direction of -comparative theology. - - -_Sermons for my Curates._ By the late Rev. THOMAS T. LYNCH, Minister -of Mornington Church, London. Edited by Samuel Cox. Strahan and Co. - -Twelve months ago, in calling the attention of our readers to one of -the latest volumes of Mr. Lynch's sermons, we ventured to predict -that when it was too late, the world would find out that a prophet -had lifted up his voice in the heart of modern London, comparatively -disregarded; and now a ministry exercising transcendent influence over -a few sympathetic minds, the spiritual work of a great poet and -philosopher, the subtle wit, and delicate humour, and piercing satire -of a gifted man are things of the past. We have lost him. We, and many -others beside ourselves, are by this volume made to feel how -incalculable that loss is. Hundreds of busy men, and hasty critics, -will, we are satisfied, feel a species of pang when they discover the -realities and the significance of this volume. Here was a man -suffering from the agonies of angina pectoris, precluded by dire -necessity from conducting two services on the Sunday, and out of the -sheer love which he bore to his little flock, in the course of three -months of bitter suffering, producing for their use and advantage a -series of services, each including two prayers and a discourse which, -to say the least, no one but Thomas Lynch could have originated. Mr. -Cox's preface is painfully affecting. We might have expected, if he -had not forewarned us to the contrary, that these pages would have -shivered in sympathy with the intense agony under which they were -penned. On the contrary, they sparkle with life and beauty, with -cheerfulness and Christian hope. There is less of their author's -well-known quaintness, less abundant illustration; he seems more -intent upon the pure thought, and the logical concatenation of idea -than had been customary with him. There is much sweet reasoning with -despondency; there is an absence of all controversial atmosphere; -there is not a trace of bitterness, nor a morbid thought about either -God or man, but there is great fulness of heart and gentleness of -soul; and these are the only signs the printed page reveals of the -almost unutterable physical distress in which they were produced. -Although neither these nor others of Mr. Lynch's published sermons can -be called doctrinal deliverances, and though they deal with the life -of faith, rather than with its essence or its object, yet they will be -singularly valuable, and even indispensable to one who wishes to -understand the doctrinal position of their author. Produced in the -manner to which we have referred, they are above and beyond criticism. -We accept them reverently; we commend them heartily and tenderly to -our readers. - - -_The Ecclesiastical Polity of the New Testament: A Study for the -Present Crisis in the Church of England._ By the Rev. G. A. JACOB, -D.D., late Head Master of Christ's Hospital. Strahan and Co. - -_Churches and their Creeds._ By the Rev. Sir PHILIP PERRING, Bart. -Longmans, Green, and Co. - -Few things in modern controversy are more astounding, and cause more -scandal to Nonconformists than the unwarrantable assumptions and -unscholarly arguments of their Anglican opponents. We scarcely -hesitate to say that such a work as Mr. Blunt's 'Ecclesiastical -Dictionary--while evincing most patient research and abundant -knowledge--contains more arbitrary assumptions and illogical -conclusions than all the works on ecclesiastical controversy which -Nonconformists have published during the present century. Had a -Nonconformist been guilty of a tithe of such, every ecclesiastical -newspaper in the land would have poured out upon him its jubilant -ridicule. In any other science than theology such a treatment of facts -would be simply impossible. We are sadly forced to the conclusion, -that in the judgment of certain Churchmen, Sacramentarianism, and even -an Episcopal Establishment, are religious truths so vital, that the -very investigation of evidence is presumption of a reprobate mind, and -no testimony of history or conclusion of reason is valid against them. -It seems, at any rate, as if it were the first of religious duties so -to manipulate facts and reconstruct history as to compel testimony in -their support. For ourselves, we sorrowfully affirm that, speaking -generally, we have lost all confidence in the conclusions of Anglican -scholarship, and feel it imperative to test every citation and every -assertion before we can attach the slightest argumentative value to -it. - -It is refreshing, therefore, to meet with the work of an Episcopalian -clergyman equally conspicuous for its learning and for its fearless -honesty. Dr. Jacob's work is one of those productions, rare, alas! -which impress the reader from the beginning that he is in the hands of -a man whose supreme solicitude is to ascertain truth--who permits no -ecclesiastical prepossessions or interests to influence his -conclusions; who however much he may love Plato, loves truth more. Dr. -Jacob is an Episcopalian by conviction and preference--he does not -utter a word that either questions the one or impugns the other; and -yet he has written a book which is a patient, scholarly, and -dispassionate investigation into the Ecclesiastical Polity of the New -Testament, from the conclusions of which only men who contend for the -divine right of Presbyterianism or Congregationalism, and possibly of -Episcopalianism, will dissent. Since Archbishop Whately's 'Kingdom of -Christ,' no such thorough treatment, and candid an examination of -Church questions has appeared. To the fearless candour and acuteness -of Whately, Dr. Jacob adds a habit of minute and patient scholarly -investigation, which supplies the evidence upon which his important -conclusions are reached. Had all ecclesiastical controversy been -conducted in his spirit there would still be--as there ever will -be--Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and Congregationalists; but these -would have regarded their Church differences as preferential modes -rather than as divine rights; and Christendom would have presented an -aspect of harmonious diversity instead of one of sectarian assumptions -and animosity. For ourselves, we most heartily thank him for his book, -which, if there were any hope at all from the fanatical sectarianism -of what is known as Anglicanism, would be the best eirenicon of these -latter days. We cannot do better than try briefly to indicate a few of -Dr. Jacob's conclusions, the more especially as our general accord -with them calls for little criticism. 'In the apostolic writings, the -word [Greek: ekklesia] is never said of a _country_ or _nation_. It is -always the church in a city or town. Neither is it ever said to be the -church _of_ any given town, but always _in_ or _at_ the place.' -'Whenever the Christians of a country or nation are spoken of -collectively, the word is always in the plural number, as "The -churches of Galatia," &c. 'Hence national churches, however -justifiable and desirable in certain periods of national life, are not -divine nor apostolic institutions--their propriety rests altogether on -the ground of general expediency and public advantage; and to attempt -to furnish them with a higher sanction by arguments drawn from the -theocratic government of the Jewish people seems to me to savour but -little of sound reasoning, and to confound together some of the -distinctive characteristics of two widely different dispensations.' -'Neither is the word ever applied to a _building_ or a _place of -worship_,' 'nor does it ever mean Christian ministers as distinguished -from the general body of Christians.' The Catholic Church in its -visible form includes any number of Christian societies, which, as far -as human authority is concerned, are independent of each other.' - -'The Episcopate, in the modern acceptation of the term, and as a distinct -clerical order, does not appear in the New Testament, but was gradually -introduced and extended throughout the Church at a later period.' -'Timothy at Ephesus, and Titus in Crete, are never called "bishops," -or any other name which might indicate a special order or ecclesiastical -office; their commission was evidently an exceptional and temporary -charge, to meet some peculiar wants in those places during the -necessary absence of St. Paul.' 'There is evidence of the most -satisfactory kind, because unintentional, to the effect that Episcopacy -was established in different churches _after the decease_ of the -apostles who founded them, and at different times.' 'The custom of the -Church, rather than any ordinance of the Lord, made bishops greater -than the rest.' Dr. Jacob attributes the idea of a priesthood in the -Christian Church to the combined leaven of Jewish and of Pagan -influences; and in this he differs from Professor Lightfoot, who -attributes it exclusively to Pagan influence. 'Tertullian is the first -Christian author by whom the Church ministry is directly asserted to -be a priesthood.' Dr. Jacob undertakes to prove the proposition--'That, -according to Scripture truth, the _Christian ministry is not a -priesthood_, and Christian ministers are not _priests_, are not -invested with any sacerdotal powers, and have no sacerdotal functions -to perform.' The proof is wrought out in detail, with great amplitude -of evidence, acuteness of argument, and to an irresistible conclusion. -We should deal unfairly with it were we to attempt either citation or -summary. The points of the argument are: 1. That the Christian Church -was moulded upon the form of the synagogue, which had no altar; and -not upon that of the temple, which had no pulpit. 2. The equality of -privilege or standing-ground in Christ which Christians of all orders -or degrees possessed. 3. The position and argument of the Epistle to -the Hebrews. 4. The remarkable _omissions_ concerning a priesthood of -the New Testament, which Dr. Jacob contends is '_an insuperable bar_ -to all sacerdotal assumptions, inasmuch as a positive and express -appointment of divine authority is imperative.' A further argument is -derived from the nature of New Testament ordination, which is fully -discussed, and shown to confer, not _power_, but authority _quoad -hoc_. 'Authority it gives according to the order and constitution of -each church, but no other power than was possessed before, or -afterwards, by whatever means obtained.' 'Those, therefore, amongst -ourselves who contend that spiritual power is given by the act of -ordaining, if they are not merely misunderstanding the word and using -it in a sense which does not belong to it, are brought to the -assumption, that it is not a power producing effects which are seen -and felt in the hearts and lives of men, but one much more secret and -unappreciable in its working;--the power, as it is alleged, of -conferring divine grace through the sacraments, thus making the effect -of the sacraments to depend upon something in the administrator, -instead of the ordinance of Christ.' - -'The authority to appoint Church officers was inherent in every duly -constituted church, as the natural right of a lawful and well -organized society.' Hence presbyters were competent to ordain, which -Hooker also admits ('Eccl. Pol.,' vii. 14). 'The government and -ordinations of Presbyterian churches are just as valid, Scriptural, -and apostolic, as our own.' 'A priest, indeed, whose office is to -stand between God and man must be specially called by God; but a -pastor and teacher and administrator of sacred things in a -congregation of Christian men who have access to God through the -priesthood of Jesus Christ, whatever inward call he may require, needs -no other outward appointment to his office than the authority of the -church in which he ministers.' 'Neither apostle nor presbyter in the -primitive church, so far as we know, pronounced absolution upon those -who had confessed their sins for the purpose of conveying to them a -grace from God, which otherwise they would not have had; nor is there -anything in the New Testament to show that the declaration of God's -forgiveness has any greater efficacy from the mouth of an ordained -presbyter, than from that of any ordinary Christian.' 'The clergy, not -being a priestly caste, or a mediating, sacrificing, absolving order, -but Church officers appointed for the maintenance of due religious -solemnity, the devout exercise of Christian worship, the instruction -of the people in Divine truth, and their general edification in -righteous living, are the acting representatives of the church to -which they belong, and derive their ministerial authority from it.' -'The Christian ministry was requisite, not on account of any spiritual -functions which could not otherwise have been lawfully discharged; but -for the sake of the solemnity and regularity which are essential in a -religious and permanent society. There was no spiritual act which in -itself was of such a nature that it might not have been done by every -individual Christian.' Hence Dr. Jacob concludes that neither of the -sacraments demand imperatively the administration of a minister. 'As -at the Jewish Passover any person might preside, usually the master of -the house--this was probably the case in the earliest times in the -Christian Church.' At the celebration of the Eucharist, 'Church -members,' moreover, 'might depose their presbyters.' 'It is evident -from the New Testament that questions of dogmatic theology are to be -considered by lay members of the church, as well as by the clergy; and -that no Christian man is to resign his reason or apprehensions of -religious truth, any more than his conscience, to the judgment of his -pastor.' When ministers teach false doctrine 'it would necessarily be -the duty of every Christian to refuse their teaching.' 'In the -apostolic age, and during the time when Christian worshippers met in -private rooms, or in edifices of a simple style, there was no -distinction made between different portions of the building, men and -women were not separated in the congregation; neither was any form of -consecration then used, or any particular sanctity or reverence -attached to the place. The sanctity was in the worshippers who met -together in the Saviour's name, and the reverence was given to His -spiritual presence, which had been promised to those who should be -thus assembled.' 'The consecration of churches with formal -solemnities, which were supposed to impart a sacredness to the place -and building, does not appear until the fourth century.' 'As no forms -of prayer of apostolic authority are given in the sacred record, nor -any command from the apostles as to the use or non-use of such forms, -this is an open question to be decided by every church for itself; -each church having a full right to act according to its discretion and -deliberate judgment; but no right at all to condemn or disparage the -opposite practice which another Christian community may prefer.' 'I -think it is perfectly certain that in the earliest period of the -apostolic age a fixed and prescribed liturgy could not have been -used.' 'All the evidence directly deducible from the New Testament is -against the use of such formularies in the apostolic age.' 'This, very -briefly expressed, is the sum and substance of the contemporary -patristic testimony; and it points us conclusively to the third and -fourth centuries, and not to the apostolic age for the distinct -appearance and growth to maturity of formal liturgies in Christian -churches.' 'There is in the New Testament no trace whatever of any one -of the annual days of hallowed commemoration which are now celebrated -in Christian churches.' Equally decisive are Dr. Jacob's arguments and -conclusions against anything like sacramental grace in the ordinances -of Baptism and the Lord's Supper. 'There is not the slightest -intimation that the validity of the Sacrament (of the Lord's Supper) -depended upon any ministerial power or act, or that any Christian -minister had the power of conferring sacramental grace through his -administration of it.' 'There is not the slightest intimation that -any change whatever was effected in the bread and wine, or that any -power or virtue, natural or supernatural, was infused into them. They -are not even said to be "consecrated," but only to have a blessing or -thanksgiving offered over them. There is not the slightest intimation -that our Lord Jesus Christ is in any sense present _in_, or _in -conjunction with_ the consecrated elements; or that His presence in -the believer's heart at this service is different in kind from His -presence in him at prayer, or in any other spiritual communion.' - -The conclusions which Dr. Jacob has reached are those which every -severe and impartial historical student must come to--which any legal -testing of evidence must necessarily compel. They have our hearty -concurrence. Dr. Jacob, as we have said, is, by conviction and -preference, an Episcopalian; our convictions and preferences induce us -to reject Episcopacy as having been almost uniformily and inevitably -inimical to the freedom and spirituality of the Church. On some minor -points, moreover, which are not important enough for remark here, we -differ from his conclusions; but as a _vade mecum_ of the -Ecclesiastical Polity of the New Testament we are well contented to -accept his book--we know of none, indeed, comparable with it; and we -cordially commend it, not only to the Anglicans, Evangelicals, and -Broad Churchmen of his own ecclesiastical body, with a strong desire -to know what replies they will give to it, but we recommend it to all -Congregational and Presbyterian ministers, as equally full of learned -fidelity to truth, of just recognitions of the liberty wherewith -Christ has made us free, and of broad, loving charities, which alone -can secure, and which are sufficient to secure, the unity of the -Church of God. - -Sir Philip Perring's book is of a very different character--loose, -garrulous, and impetuous; but yet it contains many good things. It is -the production of one of those men of restless ingenuity--not -unfrequently found in all Churches--whose impulses are good, whose -intentions are true, whose utterance is fearless, but who yet want the -closeness, self-control, and exact logic which give opinions their -just influence. The book is a hotchpotch, made up of papers on -miscellaneous subjects--an 'Address to Conformists and to -Nonconformists,' on their respective faults and differences; 'A Hint -to Bishops,' urging them to call a council, and agree with their -Nonconformist brethren; 'Regulations of Public Worship,' advocating -liberty for Congregational gifts; 'Expenses of Public Worship,' -condemning pew rents and the offertory alike, and advocating -occasional collections; 'Episcopal Ordination;' 'Non-Episcopal -Ordination,' condemning the dogma of apostolical succession; 'The -Baptismal Service,' 'Everlasting Damnation,' 'Biblical Revision,' -'Passages in the Gospels revised,' 'Gospel accounts of the -Resurrection harmonized,' 'Silver Filings,'--a Collection of Aphorisms -and Sentences. Nonconformists have but little reason to complain of -Sir Philip's volume; his chief adjurations are directed against his -own Church, and he denounces in it assumptions, errors, and abuses -which have been the _raison d'etre_ of Nonconformity. We are not let -off without rebuke; but our sins are light in comparison. On some -points we plead guilty. Nonconformity is, no doubt, amenable to the -reproach of undue sectarianism and unnecessary division. We are too -prone to party shibboleths; it is the characteristic sin which our -necessary nonconformity has generated. The evils which Sir P. Perring -rebukes, however, some of which he exaggerates, are evils of human -nature, not of Nonconformity as such. By God's grace we trust to amend -them. He is in error, however, when he says 'we wage a continual -warfare for participation in endowments,' to a fair share of which he -is just enough to say we are entitled. We may forgive a State -Churchman for failing to understand that we really have a strong -objection to endowments, and should deem them a spiritual injury to -our Churches; and yet, if he would look at Nonconformist history, -especially at the history of Regium Donum, he might be assured of the -fact. Our contention is not for a share of endowments; but that -endowments of one particular Church or of any number of Churches, out -of the property of the entire nation should, as an essential injustice -and as practically a prolific source of mischief, altogether cease. We -object to national endowments for religion _per se_, whoever may -participate in them, as being necessarily inequitable and inexpedient; -neither can we see the religious right or wisdom of acquiescing in the -wrong which the Established Church is doing. We are under religious -obligations to put an end to all wrong done to ourselves and others. -We do not interfere with the Episcopal Church as such--we concede to -it all the liberty we claim ourselves; we object to the National -Establishment as a wrong to all Nonconformists--that is, to one half -of the nation; and as citizens, we feel that we have the civil right, -and are under religious obligations to seek at the hands of the -Legislature the redress of this wrong. Can Sir P. Perring understand -the difference between finding fault with others, and seeking to -emancipate ourselves? Righteousness must come before peace is -possible, and it is consistent with the highest religiousness and the -most perfect charity to seek it. - - -_Ante-Nicene Christian Library_:-- - -_Translations of the Writings of the Fathers down to_ A.D. 325. Edited -by Rev. ALEXANDER ROBERTS, D.D., and JAMES DONALDSON, D.D. - -_Vol. XIX. The Seven Books of Arnobius adversus Gentes._ Translated -by A. H. BRYCE, LL.D., D.C.L., and HUGH CAMPBELL, M.A. - -_Vol. XX. The Works of Gregory Thaumaturgus, Dionysius of -Alexandria, and Archelaus._ Translated by Rev. S. D. F. SALMOND, M.A. -And _Syriac Documents, attributed to the First Three Centuries_. -Translated by Rev. B. P. PRATTEN, B.A. Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark. - -The editors of this valuable series of translations are resolved to -furnish the English reader with nearly all the Christian literature -of the first three centuries. The volumes before us are singularly -important. The celebrated books of Arnobius _adversus Gentes_ reflect -the intense antagonism which the _monstra horrendaque_ of heathenism -had excited in pure-minded and thoughtful men. There is exceedingly -little of the peculiar form of Ante-Nicene Christianity to be gleaned -from this _apologia_; there is hardly a reference either to the Old -Testament or the New, or to any distinctively Christian doctrine, but -there is the most elaborate impeachment of the popular faith. The -incredible obscenity of the mythology of Greece and Rome is drawn out -in revolting detail, and is the sufficient reply to the maddened -hostility of heathen persecutors of Christians. Arnobius repudiated -the allegorical interpretation which had been put by philosophers upon -popular legend as a flimsy expedient to condone intolerable impurity, -and he drags out the sensuous earthworm, slime and all, into the -light. The same spirit of uncompromising detestation of the impurities -of heathenism that is conspicuous in the 'Apology' of Tertullian and -the 'Octavius' of Minucius Felix pervades this treatise, which yet, by -its philosophical arrangement and fulness of detail, has gained for -Arnobius the reputation of being the Christian Varro. - -The translations of the genuine and spurious works of Gregory -Thaumaturgus are executed with great care, and contain the panegyric -on Origen, as well as the _metaphrase of Ecclesiastes_. One of the -most interesting things in the volume is the 'Disputation between -Bishop Archelaus and Manes,' which, for its picturesque surroundings, -and for the insight it gives into the activity and intensity of the -Manichaean faith, and the mode in which this great heresiarch was met -by the early Christians, is of immense value. The translations of the -Syriac documents, though acknowledged to have been done with Dr. -Cureton's translations open before the editor, are claimed by him as -an independent translation. The extent of these obligations are -differently estimated by Mr. Pratten and some of his critics; at all -events, they are a valuable addition to the series of the 'Ante-Nicene -Library.' - - -_The Story of Hare Court._ Being the History of an Independent Church. -By JOHN B. MARSH; with an introduction by the Rev. A. RALEIGH, D.D. -Strahan and Co. - -This is an admirable specimen of a class of books that we should like -to see greatly multiplied. The history of many a Nonconforming Church -would be the best defence of its existence, and the best evidence of -its vitality. The Hare Court Church dates from the Commonwealth, some -of the illustrious names of which were connected with it, and with its -first pastor, George Cokayne, notably Sir Bulstrode Whitelocke, Lord -Mayor Tichborne, ancestor of the family just now attracting so much -notoriety--who also signed the death-warrant of Charles I., and Lord -Mayor Ireton, brother of Cromwell's famous Colonel. The Communion -plate now in use by the Church at Canonbury was presented by Sir -Bulstrode Whitelocke and Sir Robert Tichborne. Cokayne was also a -friend of Milton and of Bunyan, who died in the house of Mr. John -Strudwicke, one of Mr. Cokayne's deacons. The church has a great -history, and both in the distinction of its present honoured pastor -and in the noble achievements of the church itself it will perpetuate -its honourable traditions. - - -_The Moabite Stone; a fac-simile of the Original Inscription, with an -English Translation, and an Historical and Critical Commentary._ -Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged, with a Map of the Land of Moab. -By CHRISTIAN D. GINSBURG, LL.D. Reeves and Turner. - -The discovery and interpretation of the Moabite stone equal, and in -some respects surpass in importance and interest, those of the -celebrated Rosetta stone; these thirty-four lines, which have been -exposed to the chances of Bedouin ignorance and way-side accident for -nearly as many centuries, throw unexpected light upon both the history -and language of the Old Testament. The relations of Moab and Israel -were very intimate, and the Biblical records of these are very -perplexing. Thus we find David, who was of Moabite descent, and whose -parents had been sheltered by the king of Moab, for some inscrutable -reason, waging a bloody war against this hospitable monarch, and -slaughtering two-thirds of his subjects. It has been assumed that for -nearly a century the Moabites were tributory to the Israelites, but -the Moabite inscription implies that they had during this period -thrown off the yoke, and were conquered again by Omri. Dr. Ginsburg -thinks that Solomon granted their liberty, as there are several -indications of his friendly feeling. The inscription is a record of -the successful attempt of Mesha, king of Moab, circa B.C. 936, to -reconquer the territory and rebuild the cities anciently subjugated by -the Israelites, 2 Kings iii.; these they retained for upwards of a -century and a half, until in the time of Ahaz the 'burden of Moab' was -pronounced by Isaiah. (Isaiah xv., xvi.) Mesha, this triumphal tablet -tells us, made Dijon his fortified capital, and erected this memorial -in it. He took from Nebo 'the vessels of Jehovah' and dedicated them -to Chemosh, giving the important and entirely novel information that -the Jews had a house for the worship of Jehovah in Nebo, beyond -Jordan. The mention of the name of Jehovah on this tablet is -remarkable, implying that at that time it was commonly pronounced by -the Israelites--that is, the sacred Tetragrammaton had not then ceased -to be used. This superstition, Dr. Ginsburg thinks, was introduced by -the Alexandrine Jews. - -The linguistical interest of the stone consists in the fact that it is -the only pre-Maccabean original written in a language almost identical -with the Biblical Hebrew. It is older than two-thirds of the Old -Testament. Its bearings on the Masoretic text, therefore, are -profoundly important and interesting; these Dr. Ginsburg discusses. -The important fact emerges that the Hebrew words were divided by -points, and the verses by vertical strokes. A system of original -punctuation is thus virtually demonstrated, confirming the Masoretic -division. The palaeographical importance of the Moabite stone is -equally great. It is, by a century and a half, the oldest alphabet of -its character that we possess; it is three centuries older than our -most ancient inscription, the sarcophagus of Eshmunazar. The -characters are the so-called Phoenician, from which the Greek, -Roman, and other European alphabets are derived. We have thus 'the -veritable prototype of modern writings,' for all the twenty-two -letters are here. All these points Dr. Ginsburg evolves and elucidates -with great scholarship and ingenuity. He narrates fully the history of -the discovery of this remarkable monument by the Rev. F. Klein; of the -foolish and fussy, and, as it proved, disastrous jealousy and -selfishness of the French Consul, M. Clermont-Gonneau, and of its -destruction by the Bedouins. The volume is one of almost romantic -interest. Dr. Ginsburg has wisely written for the comprehension of -even unlearned readers. His volume supplies not only a fac-simile of -the stone, the various translations of it already made, but a full -exposition of its manifold significance. It is a wonderful -corroboration of Old Testament authority. - - -_Palestine: its Holy Sites and Sacred Story._ By JOHN TILLOTSON. Ward, -Lock, and Tyler. 1871. - -The history of the Jews, in the form in which we have it in the Old -St. Clair Testament, is a medley. The absence of chronological -arrangement in the books, the positive inversion of the order of -events within the limits of the same book--sometimes the brief account -of some reigns, the interruption of the story by long episodes, the -want of any means of correlating the prophets with the monarchs in -whose reigns they prophesy, combine to confuse the reader; and in -addition to this, the history is absent altogether for the 400 years -immediately before Christ. As a consequence, the Bible history is but -little studied by young people, and for a hundred lads who can readily -run through the list of sovereigns from Egbert to Victoria, or Clovis -to Napoleon, there is hardly one who can distinctly enumerate the -succession of the kings of Israel and Judah. The Bible history seems -far off and shadowy, and needs to be made near and real; it is passed -over for lighter literature, and needs to be invested with the charms -of a story; Palestine geography is neglected, while its relations with -the sacred story are close and living, and a graphic description of -the physical features of the country should always accompany an -account of the events which occurred in it. In those parts where the -Biblical narrative is detailed and connected through a few -chapters--as in the history of the patriarchs, or that of David and -Solomon, of Elijah and Elisha--it _is_ read with interest by the -young; so that if we give continuity to the entire account, we may -expect to create interest in the entire book. We are therefore -indebted to those who reduce the elements to order, and present us -with a connected history of Palestine, like the history of any other -country, as Dean Stanley has done in his 'Lectures on the Jewish -Church,' and Milman in his 'History of the Jews.' Those works, -however, are learned and expensive, and Stanley's book still wants the -concluding volume; so that a cheap popular history for young people -was a desideratum. The author of the present volume has long held a -position in general literature, and in this history of Palestine, as -well as in the Bible Dictionary which preceded it, he shows so much -knowledge of Biblical matters, and so much talent in dealing with -them, that his death, which took place before a copy of this book -could be placed in his hands, will be much regretted by many. In the -preparation of his book he has no doubt availed himself of the labours -of his predecessors; though at the same time he has put himself into -his work, and his fine, healthy, genial, and sympathising spirit is -exhibited in every chapter. In critical and scientific matters many -will disagree from some of his conclusions, as, for instance, when he -accepts Ussher's chronology, places Job earlier than Abraham, makes -the bed of the Dead Sea the site of Sodom, attributes Ecclesiastes to -Solomon, and ignores a deutero-Isaiah. It is better, perhaps, that -these questions should not all be discussed--nor without discussion be -decided adversely to common belief--in a book intended for young -people: else the author here and there shows his capacity to weigh the -evidence on both sides of a disputed matter. For the same reason, it -is well, perhaps, that while the natural and human sides of marvellous -events are made prominent, the question of the supernatural is not -formally discussed, but the very language of the Old Testament is -often quoted and left to make its own impression. In addition to the -Old Testament, the writer makes considerable use of Josephus, and -sometimes borrows from tradition, though more sparingly than does -Stanley. His style is more simple than Stanley's, his language more -homely; he writes in the present tense, and so gives the events a -dramatic interest; he makes old acts and practices understood by -running references to that which is analogous in modern society, and -finishes a portrait or a description with an apt quotation or proverb. -In historical parallels and allusions, the book abounds. For instance, -with reference to Abram's position in idolatrous Chaldaea, when John -Knox, bound as a galley slave, was wearily tugging at the oar in -French waters, he is said to have seized on a wooden image of the -Virgin. 'This a mother of God!' quoth he, 'she is fitter for swimming -than for being worshipped;' and so he flung her into the river. Abram -was more discreet. One day, when his father was away from the -_atelier_, he took a strong hammer and knocked half the idols to -pieces. When Terah returned and inquired the cause, Abram told him the -gods had fallen to fighting as to which was the greatest, and in the -battle had reduced themselves to the sight he saw; Terah, who would -not give up his faith in their vitality, was forced to silence (p. -14). With regard to Israel's passage of the Red Sea, at low tide the -sea may be forded at Suez, as Napoleon and his officers forded it on -horseback; yet the tide comes in with a mighty flood, such as -well-nigh overwhelmed Napoleon and his officers when re-crossing to -Suez (p. 52). When Saul took a yoke of oxen and hewed them in pieces -and sent them throughout all the coasts of Israel by the hands of -messengers, saying, 'Whosoever cometh not forth after Saul and after -Samuel, so shall it be done unto his oxen!' the challenge spread, with -extraordinary rapidity from family to family, from tribe to tribe. -Like the fiery cross of the old Highlanders, the signs were borne -along, and the people responded with one consent:-- - - 'Fast as the fatal symbol flies, - In arms the huts and hamlets rise; - From winding glen, from upland brown, - Then poured each hardy tenant down: - Nor slacked the messenger his pace-- - He showed the sign, he named the place; - And pressing forward like the wind, - Left clamour and surprise behind.' (P. 110.) - -We trust that the author will succeed in his object of awakening a -deeper interest in the holy sites and sacred story of Palestine, and -in quickening a desire to know more about both. - - -_On a fresh Revision of the English New Testament._ By J. D. -LIGHTFOOT, D.D., Canon of St. Paul's, and Hulsean Professor of -Divinity, Cambridge. Macmillan and Co. 1871. - -The substance of this work was read by Dr. Lightfoot to a clerical -meeting before the Revision Committee had held its first session. The -publication of the volume will do good service. The author introduces -his discussion by a clear _resume_ of the circumstances which led to -Jerome's revision of the Latin Bible, and he then recounts the -difficulties and suspicions that were engendered by the proposals -which issued in the production of the authorized English version. It -is curious to find that the criticisms and fears which disturb good -people in the end of the nineteenth century are almost identical with -those which greeted the translators of the seventeenth century. Dr. -Lightfoot vindicates 'the necessity for a fresh revision of the -authorized version.' Though he here traverses ground which has often -been canvassed, the argument has never been more strongly or more -adequately presented. It consists of a careful and condensed -exposition, first of the textual defects and 'false readings' of the -English version; it goes on to enumerate the 'artificial distinctions -created' by an arbitrary variety of translation of the same Greek -words, and the 'real distinctions obliterated' by the reverse process -of using the same English word as the representative of several -different Greek words. Our author accumulates further proof of the -fact that many of the niceties of Greek grammar were not known to our -translators, that they were foggy in the extreme as to the use of the -definite article and the aorist tense, as well as to the fundamental -modifications effected in the meaning of verbs by the 'voice' in which -they are used. He is particularly happy in showing the inconsistency, -confusion, and utter lack of definite principle on which 'proper -names' are introduced into the English New Testament, and in this and -other ways shows that the time is come for a thorough revision of -blunders which often conceal truth and beauty, and interfere with the -vivid impression which the words of Jesus and his apostles ought to -produce upon the English reader. The chief and only criticism we feel -disposed to express is, that in many scores of places Dr. Lightfoot -indicates the obvious blunder of the English version, but does not -show us how he would find a remedy. Dr. Lightfoot argues that there -need be no violation whatever of this 'well of English undefiled;' -that in the matter of Greek scholarship we are never likely to have a -larger body of men competent to execute the work, and to criticise it -when done; and that a revised translation will not now be exposed to -the affectations and Latinisms that might possibly have disturbed such -a work as this at the commencement of the present century. Our author -speaks, moreover, with grateful satisfaction of the fine spirit which -has been expressed and consecrated by the actual co-operation of the -revisers. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[69] See his work on 'The Intuitions of the Mind,' pp. 228 and 229, -and compare his criticism of Maurice in the same work, p. 496. - - - - -SERMONS. - - -_The Religion of the Present and the Future._ Sermons preached chiefly -at Yale College, by THEODORE D. WOOLSEY. (New York: Charles Scribner -and Co.) The name of the venerable and honoured President of Yale -College is well known on this side the Atlantic. His authority as a -jurist has been often cited in our international disputes with the -United States. His articles on the _Alabama_ question have probably -done as much as anything to convince his countrymen that there were -two sides to it, and to induce the temper which has happily led to the -recent convention. In the United States he is universally regarded as -_facile princeps_ on all questions of international law. Connected -with Yale College for forty years, its President for twenty-five, he -has just retired from the latter office into private life, carrying -with him a degree of public respect and of personal affection such as -few men are permitted to win. This volume is a record of his more -pastoral relations to the professors and alumni of Yale. None of his -predecessors, not even Dr. Dwight, have won more religious respect and -affection. His dignified and yet gentle wisdom, his high purity and -deep spirituality, and especially the affectionate sympathy called -forth by his unusual domestic sorrows--for, like Archbishop Tait, his -children have been taken from him more than one at once; his last -bereavement was two daughters, who died last December, in Jerusalem, -within two days of each other--these have gathered round his name and -his home a peculiar reverence, love, and influence on the part not -only of many hundreds of young men who have been under his care, but -of many thousands of his countrymen besides. This volume is a memorial -of his College-chapel preaching, compiled at the request of members -of his classes. It consists of twenty-five sermons on ordinary but -diversified Christian themes; all, however, indirectly having respect -to a collegiate audience. The circumstances of the publication place -the volume beyond our criticism, and were there anything in it to find -fault with, we should simply refrain from commendation. As it is, we -do not hesitate to say that its qualities of thoughtful, earnest, -catholic, practical religiousness, combined with finished scholarship, -high-toned simplicity, and cultured grace, are of a very high -character--every word is pure gold. We trust that it will find its way -into the hands of English readers. We cannot forbear transcribing the -elegant, touching, and characteristic dedication--'To those who have -now and then heard my voice in the pulpit of Yale College, and -especially to the graduates who have gone forth from these halls, -leaving me here until now, when my time of graduation is nearly come, -I affectionately inscribe these discourses as an acknowledgment of the -respect and love which they have shown me.'--_The Training of the -Twelve; or, Passages out of the Gospels, exhibiting the twelve -Disciples of Jesus under discipline for the Apostleship._ By the Rev. -ALEXANDER B. BRUCE, Broughty Ferry. (Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark.) Mr. -Bruce has hit upon a good idea, and has wrought it out in a stronger -manner than his preface, which is somewhat fussy and egotistical, -gives promise of. He selects for elucidation the passages in the -Gospels which set forth our Lord's relations with the Twelve, and -examines them in the light of his great purpose to teach and train -these selected men as the founders of his Church and the Apostles of -his religion. Mr. Bruce's treatment is homiletical rather than -scientific, most of his chapters having evidently done duty in the -pulpit. He is, however, an intellectual and well-read expositor. If -there be nothing in his discoursing that is very penetrating; neither -is there anything inane. His predominant characteristic is sound, -practical common sense. He belongs to the school of Dr. John Brown. -His book is too big. An octavo volume of 550 pages is a great -undertaking for a reader, unless redeemed by originality, or power of -vivid presentation. Mr. Bruce is thoroughly orthodox, even according -to Scottish standards. But he is not blind. He has clearly thought for -himself, and he puts the result with intelligence and independence. It -must, however, have been a difficult task to speak of our Lord's -doctrine of Sabbath-keeping, and to refrain from a rebuke of the -Sabbatarianism into which some of his own countrymen have fallen, -which is surely as superstitious and burdensome as that which our Lord -rebuked; but Mr. Bruce has achieved this. His remarks on liturgies, -which, he thinks, are for private rather than public use, are moderate -and wise. Indeed, Mr. Bruce holds the balance in most things very -fairly. As we have said, a more profound, scientific treatment of his -subject is conceivable. At the hands of a man like Neander, for -instance, it would have received it; but as a practical exposition, -conducted on a high level of common sense, the book is a very good -one. It touches on multitudinous questions, and always intelligently -and wisely. Sometimes Mr. Bruce does not quite get to the heart of the -matter, as for instance, in the section on Peter's sifting. The true -nature of the crisis is brought out by Whateley, in his 'Lectures on -the Apostles,' much more fully and distinctly. But the book is worthy -a place by the side of Dr. Brown's expository volumes.--_Young Men and -Maidens; a Pastoral for the Times._ By J. BALDWIN BROWN, B.A. (Hodder -and Stoughton.) These sermons are only partially designated in this -title, for in addition to the two on young men and women, a third is -devoted to 'our elders.' What Mr. Brown has to say to these will be -anticipated by all who know his writings. His intense earnestness -almost irresistibly takes a monitory form. He stands in the midst of -his generation, like a Hebrew prophet, saying noble and eloquent -things; but he would speak more effectually if he spoke in a more -hopeful spirit of faith. There is evil enough in our life, God knows! -but there is also much good, more, perhaps, than ever there was; and -the most effectual of all inspirations in the battle with evil is the -inspiration of faith. Is it not saying too much of any vice among us, -that 'England is likely to die of it'? This is a rhetorical -exaggeration from which the good dissent, at which the evil laugh. Mr. -Brown's very intensity betrays him into this characteristic fault. Few -men, however, speak better things; and those three sermons cannot fail -to stimulate nobly all into whose hands they fall.--_Sermons_, by the -Rev. FERGUS FERGUSON, Dalkeith. (Edinburgh: Andrew Elliott.) We have a -dim recollection of reading some newspaper paragraph anent the heresy -of Mr. Ferguson, and some proceedings taken thereupon by the -Presbytery of his Church; and in this volume Mr. Ferguson prints a -request of 450 members of his congregation for the publication of it, -on the ground that such a charge was brought. We have utterly failed, -either to recall the nature of the charge, or to gather it from the -request, or from Mr. Ferguson's preface. We had no alternative, -therefore, but to examine the sermons themselves with the eyes of a -lynx-like orthodoxy. We have done so, selecting such as from their -subject seemed most likely to betray the cloven-foot. Our sagacity is -at fault. We have found nothing even suspicious, but only the sermons -of a strong, intelligent, devout man, everywhere fresh, and everywhere -wholesome and stimulating, occasionally fanciful in their ingenuity; -as for instance, in the sermon entitled the 'Centre of the Universe,' -the idea of which, derived from his position between two thieves, is -that Christ is the centre of the visible and invisible worlds, and of -the interstice between the two. We very heartily commend these true -sermons of a true man. God help the orthodoxy that is intolerant of -such teaching as this!--_Sermons_, by JAMES MCDOUGALL, Pastor of the -Belgrave Congregational Church, Darwen, Lancashire. (Williams and -Norgate.) Mr. McDougall's sermons are remarkable for their -independence and strength--a wonderful contrast to the puny pietisms -that are so often put forth under the name of sermons. Conceived in -unconventional modes, expressed in unconventional, albeit sometimes -rugged, phrase--_e.g._, 'eld-time,' 'age-lasting,' and similar -terms--they have a breadth, vigour, and independence that are quite -refreshing, and that are as creditable to hearers as to the preacher. -Mr. McDougall lays hold firmly upon the incarnation, but seems to -attribute the expiation of Christ unduly to it, rather than to his -death upon the cross. Doubtless, the entire human life of our Lord -enters into it; but the language employed by Mr. McDougall is -distributed and guarded compared with the enthusiastic emphasis given -to the cross by the sacred writers. This, however, may be merely -accidental. Perhaps the finest sermon in the volume is that on -Christian Theism, suggested by the British Association addresses of -Professors Huxley and Tyndall. With a feeling of true theistic -conservatism, Mr. McDougall seeks for points of sympathy rather than -of difference, and while uncompromising in his own religious -recognitions, is courteous and sympathetic towards those who fall -short of them. Readers of Mr. McDougall's sermons must feel great -respect for the Church that can produce such men, and rejoice in their -teaching.--_The Companions of St. Paul._ By JOHN S. HOWSON, D.D., Dean -of Chester. (Strahan and Co.) Dean Howson has made the sphere of -Paul's life pre-eminently his own. It is the field of literary and -theological culture to which he has devoted the best energies of his -life. Beside his life of the Apostle, written conjointly with Mr. -Conybeare, he has published, as a Hulsean lecture, 'The Character of -St. Paul: a Series of Papers on the Metaphors of St. Paul;' another on -'Scenes from the Life of St. Paul.' Now he portrays the companions of -St. Paul, Barnabas, Lydia, Luke, Apollos, Titus, Phoebe, &c. Dean -Howson is not a very fervid writer: he presents us with no glowing -pictures; but all that scholarly care, clear good sense, and elegant -simplicity can do, he does. Everything that he writes is instructive -and interesting. These sketches, especially of subordinate and -little-regarded characters will have a special value to all curious -about the bye-ways of Scripture history.--_Synoptical Lectures on the -Books of Holy Scripture._ First Series. Genesis--Song of Songs. By the -Rev. DONALD FRASER, M.A. (James Nisbet.) Mr. Fraser has attempted to -work out a very good idea. We quite agree with him as to the -pernicious effects of the proof-text system, as inducing fragmentary -knowledge, capricious interpretations, and arbitrary dogma. Preaching -from sentences was a thing unknown to the early Church. Mr. Fraser has -attempted to bring the whole scope of a book of Scripture within the -compass of a pulpit lecture. Perhaps a medium course, the treatment of -a single narrative or subject, would have been best. We do not think -that he has succeeded greatly. He has necessarily extended historical -exposition at the cost of religious instruction. It is, of course, -important to understand the Bible; but understanding the Bible is not -an end in itself; the preacher fails when the meanings of the Bible -are not applied either formally or by necessary suggestions to -practical religious life. It is no sufficient justification of a -preacher dealing with an audience of living souls that he has -explained the Bible to them. Mr. Fraser's discourses are necessarily -too much like a table of contents to be of much practical religious -use. On the other hand the popular character of spoken addresses -deprives his book of scholastic value. The points of difficulty, some -of them, at least, are popularly touched, and judgment is pronounced -upon them, generally in the light of sufficient reading; but Mr. -Fraser settles nothing. His chapter on the canon is very superficial. -We cannot but think that these exercises would have been more suitable -for a Bible-class than for sermons. Sometimes, as in the lecture on -Ruth, Mr. Fraser, in his desire to be practical, is driven to -allegorizing. Mr. Fraser, however, has failed only comparatively, and -in what is intrinsically impracticable. There is great positive value -in his synthetical attempt, in the habit of broad general views which -it necessitates, and in the exhibition of the successive links of the -grand chain of the revelation of God. Men sceptically inclined, and -men not sceptically inclined, who feel deeply and painfully, literary, -scientific, and religious difficulties in connection with the -Pentateuch and the Jewish histories, will be impatient with Mr. -Fraser; but those who feel no such difficulties will be benefited by -his generalizations, the more because they proceed upon intelligent -conclusions of his own.--_Vital Truths from the Book of Jonah._ By a -Labourer in the Lord's Vineyard. (S. W. Partridge and Co.) Those -addresses make no pretence to scholarly criticism; they are simply -practical exhortations by a lady to a Sunday class of young women, -delivered without notes, and written down from memory. Accepting them -for what they profess to be, they are to be commended as calculated -for practical religious usefulness. Criticism of their positions would -be out of place; the history is wholly subordinated to spiritual -uses.--_Sermons preached at Auckland, New Zealand._ By SAMUEL EDGER, -B.A., London. Second Series. (Bartlett.) Mr. Edger has produced a -second series of very thoughtful and interesting sermons, but, to our -mind, has spoiled them by a sour, angry, impertinent preface. Why -arrogate so exclusive a monopoly of Christian feeling, intelligence, -and candour? Why impute vulgar and base motives to all chapel-goers? -Why strive so hard to appear heterodox, and not succeed very well -after all? Many of the discourses are full of fine feeling and -ingenious speculation.--_Sermons chiefly on Subjects from the Sunday -Lessons._ By HENRY WHITEHEAD, Vicar of St. John's, Limehouse. (Strahan -and Co.) We have only commendation to give to these sermons, and -commendation of a high character. We do not mean that they indicate a -very high degree of mental power, or that they deal with high -theological speculations. Their great merit is not that they run along -lofty levels of thought, but that they are sermons eminently adapted -for ordinary hearers, and yet as eminently satisfactory to the most -cultured. They are simple and easy, giving no impression of effort; -but they are full of a quiet, natural thoughtfulness, spirituality, -and suggestiveness, which are eminently adapted to the nurture of the -spiritual life. Intuitively, Mr. Whitehead apprehends the spiritual -significance of things. Every incident is presented in its spiritual -root and fruit. The sermons are consequently full of a fine -catholicity of spiritual sympathy, which, while it is infinitely above -all mere ecclesiasticism, is very refreshing and very winning. The -little volume is a genuine help to all that is best in the spiritual -life.--_Sermons preached in Rugby School Chapel in 1862-1867._ By the -Right Rev. FREDERICK TEMPLE, D.D., Lord Bishop of Exeter. Second -series. (Macmillan and Co.) Dr. Temple published his first series of -Rugby sermons immediately after the publication of 'Essays and -Reviews'--that indirectly he might vindicate himself from the wild -charges of heresy and infidelity brought against him. They were -published, therefore, exactly as they had been preached. This second -series has presumably been more specially prepared for the press. They -are distinctively sermons to boys, and their characteristics are a -penetrating and direct practicalness--informed by a rare intuitive -sympathy with boy nature--its keen perception of reality and -earnestness, its equally keen sympathy with what is noblest in -sentiment and feeling. Avoiding all doctrinal disquisition, Dr. Temple -is in every sermon intensely practical--doctrine, however, apparently -ordinary evangelical doctrine, being implied--as for instance in the -sermons about 'Abiding in Christ' and 'The Comforter.' It is needless -to say that Dr. Temple looks at things in a fresh, unconventional way, -and puts things with cultured vigour. The sermons would be better were -the motive-force of the evangelical element more present, but they are -stimulating and instructive, in the best sense. - - -_Body and Mind; being the Gulstonian Lectures for 1870._ By Dr. -MAUDSLEY. Macmillan and Co. - -In reading the volume before us we have been forcibly reminded of the -truth of the statement made by Lecky, in his 'History of Rationalism,' -that 'the discoveries of physical science form a habit of mind which -is carried far beyond the limits of physics;' for Dr. Maudsley, while -professing to confine himself within the domain of physiology, is -constantly pronouncing on psychological matters, and that, too, with a -dogmatism which is quite as genuine as that against which he -repeatedly protests. We admit that, from his general intelligence and -culture, he is eminently qualified to judge of psychological subjects, -but not as a professed physiologist. As long as he keeps to his own -science, we are prepared to listen to his statements, and to bow to -his authority; and when discoursing on these topics he is always -clear, interesting, and instructive; but whenever he meddles with -mental facts, those qualities seem to forsake him, and he involves -both himself and his readers in a maze. After perusing a previous work -of Dr. Maudsley on a kindred subject, we were quite prepared for a -violent tirade against metaphysical psychologists, and are therefore -not surprised to find them abused in terms which are neither very -correct nor very scientific. In the preface he says, 'The -physiological inquirer into mind may, if he care to do so, justly -protest against the easy confidence with which some metaphysical -psychologists disdain physiological inquiry, and ignore its results, -without having ever been at the pains to make themselves acquainted -with what these results are, and with the steps by which they have -been reached.... The very terms of metaphysical psychology have, -instead of helping, oppressed and hindered him (the physiologist) to -an extent which it is impossible to measure; they have been -hob-goblins, to frighten him from entering on his path of inquiry; -phantoms, to lead him astray at every turn, after he has entered upon -it; deceivers lurking to betray him, under the guise of seeming -friends tendering help.' Again, 'Without speculating at all concerning -the nature of mind, I do not shrink from saying that we shall make no -progress towards a mental science, if we begin by depreciating the -body; not by disdaining it, as metaphysicians, religious ascetics, and -maniacs have done, but by labouring in an earnest and inquiring spirit -to understand it, shall we make any step forwards,' &c. We deny the -correctness of these statements, in their application to psychologists -of the present day. There was a time, it is true, when the old -dualistic principle was supreme, when mind and body were regarded as -two distinct essences, formed and developed by entirely different -agencies, and adapted to each other for a time by some intelligent -power distinct from and superior to both; but as regards the present -time, of which Dr. Maudsley is here speaking, we do not hesitate to -state (if we may take the writer as a fair representative of his -class) that the metaphysical psychologists, who disdain physiological -facts, are neither half so numerous nor so bigoted as the -physiological psychologists, who pour contempt on psychological -science, without ever having acquainted themselves with its results, -and do not hesitate to express their disdain for the testimony of -consciousness, the only direct evidence we can ever possess in -psychical matters. Surely the masterly treatise of James Mill, the -voluminous expositions of Professor Bain, and the far more acute and -comprehensive analyses of Herbert Spencer,--all of whom regard mental -phenomena as so necessarily and essentially springing out of physical -conditions, that very little room is left to insinuate, even the -mildest form of spiritualism between them--are a sufficient refutation -of such assertions as the above. Is it a truly scientific procedure, -because the old dualistic hypothesis proved dull, incorrect, and -unfruitful, to refuse the evidence of self-consciousness, and to treat -with contempt all psychological inquiry? - -Dr. Maudsley lays great emphasis on the close connection between the -mind and body; this is, in fact, the foundation-stone of the whole of -his fabric. We fully admit their intimate union, and their mutual -action and reaction on each other. Nay, more, we can conceive of -mental operations only in conjunction with some corporeal form; but we -nevertheless refuse to be shut up to the alternative that all mental -phenomena are strictly and absolutely dependent on physical -conditions, and to set aside all questions respecting the nature of -the mind as wholly futile and transcendental. Is it not much nearer -the truth to regard the mind as the formative principle, pervading and -adapting the body as its instrument, to its own nature and -requirements? Again, we fully admit that the author does not attach -too much weight to the statement that the abnormal phenomena of mind, -omitted by the earlier philosophers, as well as the normal, should be -included in a complete system of mental analysis, and that both should -form a part of the same inquiry. But this has been done (and -successfully we think), even by psychologists. Does Dr. Maudsley -ignore, or is he unacquainted with, the labours of Herbart, Beneke, -and J. H. Fichte, which do ample justice to this department of mind? -Would it not be well for him to take them into his counsel? We come -now to that which is in some respects the most important part of the -work, viz., where it treats of the well-known phenomena of reflex -action. In dealing with this subject, Dr. Maudsley's method is to -proceed from the lower nerve-centres to the higher, and to explain the -latter as developments of the former; to show that in the highest -nervous centres, the hemispherical ganglia, the organic properties, -and the various processes are essentially the same as in the lowest, -and that in all the different centres of action there is a simple and -necessary change in response to the external impulses. He sets out -with an examination of the 'purposive' movements of a decapitated -frog, from which he deduces the conclusion, 'that actions bearing the -semblance of design may be unconscious and automatic.' After remarking -that faculties are not innate in the case of man to the same degree -and extent as in the lower animals, and have therefore to be acquired -by education, but that when acquired they become as purely automatic -as the primitive reflex actions of the frog, he adds another -conclusion, 'that acts consciously designed at first, may, by -repetition become unconscious and automatic, the faculties of them -being organized in the constitution of the nerve-centres, and they -being then performed as reflex effects of an external stimulus.' Here -we expected to meet with a careful distinction drawn between -automatic, voluntary, and volitional movements, and a cautious -handling of the explanations and teachings of these facts; but we are -disappointed. Many explanations of them have been given. According to -some, the second conclusion is an explanation of the first; the -education of the 'sensory and motor nuclei,' in conjunction with the -law of inherited qualities, may make it conceivable that the various -'purposive movements' of the decapitated frog represent the -experience of its ancestors applied to purposes of self-preservation. -Others have ascribed the purposive faculties to a creative mind, -external to the organization, which chose its own instruments with a -view to its own ends. Others, again, have held that there is a twofold -life of the soul--a pre-conscious and a conscious; that the -pre-conscious manifests itself not simply in the building up of the -organization, but in all 'instinctive' action, and in all the -involuntary workings of the intelligence. Lastly, granting that there -is no _opposition_, but only a distinction in _degree_ between the -conscious and unconscious activities, is that mode of procedure above -all question, or is it not rather contrary to experience, to regard -the mental changes which respond to external stimulus as the mere -result of an outer mechanical and necessary influence exerted upon the -soul? Is it not more correct to consider the mind, by virtue of its -original powers as reacting independently, and that, too, with purpose -and design--not simply within the province of self-conscious thought, -but also in the unconscious region of our mental activities? Dr. -Maudsley does not even discuss this question, but with a dogmatism -which equals that of any of the metaphysical psychologists, he assumes -that the only explanation of the conscious and voluntary is to be -found in the unconscious and involuntary acts. On page 17, he tells -us, 'The highest functions of the nervous system are those to which -the hemispherical ganglia minister. These are the functions of -intelligence, of emotion, and of will; they are the strictly neutral -functions. The question at once arises, whether we have to do in these -supreme centres with fundamentally different properties and different -laws of evolution from those which belong to the lower nerve-centres? -We have to do with different functions certainly, but are the organic -processes which take place in them essentially different from, or are -they identical with, those of the lower nerve-centres? They appear to -be essentially the same: there is a reception of impressions, and -there is a reaction to impressions, and there is a registration of the -effects both of the impressions and of the reactions to them.' He then -defines on this principle the various mental operations as follows: -'The impressions which are made there--_i.e._, in the higher nervous -centres--are the physiological conditions of _ideas_; the feeling of -the ideas is _emotion_, for I hold emotion to mean the special -sensibility of the vesicular neurine to ideas; the registration of -them is memory; and the reaction to them is _volition_. _Attention_ is -the maintenance of the tension of an idea, or a group of ideas, before -the mind; and _reflexion_ is the successive transference of energy -from one to another of a series of ideas.' Precluded from assuming the -co-operation of mind, and barred from appealing to self-consciousness, -we are at a loss to understand where he gets these definitions from. -There are things included in them which physiology alone could never -discover. For all we know, a microscope may reveal a 'vesicular -neurine,' but surely not a 'group of ideas.' But all this is eclipsed -by his interpretation of memory, on pp. 19-20 (space will not allow us -to give the passage entire), where he says: 'A ganglionic centre, -whether of mind, sensation, or movement, which was without memory, -would be an idiotic centre, incapable of being taught its functions. -In every nerve-cell there is memory, and not only so, but there is -memory in every organic element of the body. The virus of the -small-pox makes its mark on the constitution for the rest of life.' -'And so,' he adds, 'is the scar of a cut on a child's finger; the -organic element of the past remembers the change which it has -suffered.' Again, 'the more sure and perfect memory becomes, the more -unconscious it becomes.' In our opinion, it would be difficult to find -a greater confusion of ideas than this passage contains. If, as Dr. -Maudsley implies, memory is to be assigned to any ganglionic centre, -whether accompanied by consciousness or not, then a rose has a memory -of its being budded, an apple-tree of its being grafted, the earth of -its being ploughed--in fact, every material thing which bears the -impression of any action upon it whereby its future destiny will be -affected, is endowed with memory. If we accept the statement that 'the -more sure and perfect memory becomes, the more unconscious it -becomes,' then it seems the more memory we have the less we remember. -In the former statement the author seems to confound memory as a -conscious act, and the sign by means of which the conscious act is -performed; and in the latter to give an undue extension to the term -memory--viz., that we _remember_ all which under certain circumstances -we might recall, but have really forgotten; and is therefore equal to -potential memory. - -These confusions and contradictions establish the one-sidedness of the -method of investigation. The author has expended all his efforts on -the search for some single force which would afford adequate -explanation of all known phenomena. He has attempted to account for -the product of two factors by means of one, and the least important of -them. Physiology tells us that there is a contrivance for the -transmission of impressions from the tips of the fingers to the brain, -and that certain physical changes ensue, but here physiology comes to -a standstill. Further than this physiological investigations cannot -carry us. There is an impassable gulf between it and the facts -beyond--the facts of consciousness. Consciousness knows nothing of the -action of the brain and of the motor nerves. Dr. Maudsley has tried to -bridge the chasm by physiology alone; in that he has attempted the -impossible. Professor Tyndall, in the Report of the British -Association, says: 'The passage from the physics of the brain to the -corresponding facts of consciousness is unthinkable. Granted that a -definite thought and the definite molecular action in the brain occur -simultaneously, we do not possess the intellectual organ, nor -apparently any rudiment of the organ, which would enable us to pass by -a process of reasoning from the one phenomena to the other. They -appear together, but we know not why.' He denies that any acquaintance -with the action of the brain can show how 'these physical processes -are connected with the facts of consciousness.' The dissecting knife, -the forceps, and the microscope can render us no aid here. In the -paper on 'Life or Vitality,' the next greatest mystery to that of -consciousness, we find the same tendency and attempt to account for -all its phenomena by a combination of forces, necessary laws, nerves, -and muscles. Here, we are tempted to quote from Huxley's 'Lay -Sermons,' page 373; when men 'begin to talk about there being (or as -if there were) nothing else in the universe but matter and force and -necessary laws, and all the rest of their "grenadiers," I decline to -follow them.' When treating of the physical causes of insanity, Dr. -Maudsley is always interesting and instructive, and this work so far -will be gladly accepted as a valuable contribution to the alleviation -of this darkest and most blighting of human ills. - - -_The Public School Latin Grammar._ Longmans, Green and Co. 1871. - -The very appearance of this book is decidedly unattractive, and we -fear that much of its contents cannot fail to intensify one's first -impressions. It consists of 540 duodecimo pages, crammed with matter -enough to fill two volumes of the same dimensions. It bears all the -marks of an attempt to put the greatest amount of information into the -smallest possible compass, and, as a natural consequence, its pages -are over-crowded, and its contents much more dull and unreadable than -even a Latin grammar need be. From the same cause, we presume, we have -frequently an appalling number of facts strung together, without the -enunciation of any well-defined connecting principles to guide and -assist the student in retaining and applying them; and that, too, -while professedly aiming, by systematic arrangement and philosophical -definitions, to bring into active exercise the reflective faculties. -It thus becomes chargeable with the faults of most of the older -grammars, which burdened the memory without quickening the intellect. -In addition to these general features of the work, we have noticed -that almost every subject is broken up into divisions, and -subdivisions, which are endless in number and far from definite in -character. They are enough to frighten the most courageous student at -the outset, and to bewilder him in his studies. Examples of this are -furnished on almost every page. Take, _e.g._, pp. 55-6, the gender of -consonant-nouns and clipt I-nouns, which are divided into three -classes, denoted by A, B, and C. A is again divided into (1), (2), and -(3), and (1) is again subdivided into (a) [Greek: alpha], [Greek: -beta], and (b) [Greek: alpha], [Greek: beta]. B and C also undergo a -similar dissection. Again, the pronouns are divided into six classes, -the sixth being universalia: the universalia are again subdivided into -five, called--relativa, libitiva, distributiva, inclusiva, and -exclusiva. - -The adverbs are, first of all, divided into nine classes; and the -ninth, consisting 'of various logical adverbs used to modify -discourse,' is further divided into six kinds--the significative, the -concessive, the dubitative, the corrective, the affirmative, the -negative; a division which, if logically tested, will be found as -faulty as the much-criticised categories of Aristotle. In fact, if -there be as many principles as there are divisions in this book, the -student may justly conclude that Latin grammar is as boundless as the -ocean. For the same feature in syntax see the division of simple -sentences on p. 252. - -Our readers, if they have had the patience to follow us thus far, will -have observed the occurrence of many new grammatical terms in the -quotations we have given; which is another characteristic of this -volume. They can be counted by the dozen, of which the following will -serve as specimens:--Phonology, or sound-lore; and morphology, which -the author renders _word-lore_; trajective adjectives, quotientive -adverbs, factitive and static verbs, annexive relativa, oblique -complement, circumstantive entheses, synesis, &c. The author has aimed -at a revolution rather than a reform. Novelty, however, should -constitute no objection to a terminology, provided it justifies its -own existence by its superiority over the old. The advantage of the -new terms should be such as to compensate for the trouble of learning -what they mean. We do not hesitate to say that in the 'Public School -Grammar' novelty has been carried to excess. - -Once more we have observed great irregularity in the amount of -explanation given in different subjects; disappointing us both by its -abundance and deficiency; _e.g._, we have the origin and history of -cases explained by the ordinary diagram, as well as additional -explanation; but there is no explanation of mood, tense, and -conjugation. We are also informed in a foot-note that the names given -by grammarians to the cases are ill-chosen, but the meaning of the -terms--_e.g._, of genitive and accusative, is not interpreted. We -turn, accidentally, to the verbs, and we are told that _possum_ is -from _pote-sum_, and that _pote_ is from _pati_, lord, whence Greek -[Greek: posis potnia] (lord, lady); that _fero_ is from _bhar_, Gr. -[Greek: pher]; but of _volo_, which comes between, we have no such -explanation. Of this verb the author only says that _vis_ is for -_vol-i-s_, and _vult_ for _vol-i-t_, but he omits to add that _vellem_ -and _velle_ are for _vell[)e]rem_ and _vell[)e]re_. The above we -consider to be some of the main defects of this work. A grammar -brought out under such auspices as the one before us, cannot fail to -have many excellences. No doubt it meets one of the great wants of the -times--viz., a manual of convenient size, and easy of reference, -presenting a fuller account of the structure of the language than the -ordinary class-room grammars, and containing, in a condensed form, the -best results of the linguistic discoveries of modern philologists. The -syntax is copious, and carefully arranged, and every important rule is -illustrated by a profusion of well-selected examples, in which the -idiomatic characteristics of Latin are clearly exhibited. One of the -greatest merits of the work is the vast amount of classical Latinity -embodied in its pages, taken directly from the best classical -authors. The Appendix, treating of 'Latin Orthography,' Latin -'pronunciation,' Affinities in the 'Aryan family,' 'Umbrean' and -'Oscar dialects,' &c., furnishes valuable information to the advanced -student. It is, in fact, a complete and comprehensive manual -containing the most recent and useful information on all subjects -coming within the province of a Latin grammar. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of British Quarterly Review, American -Edition, Volume LIV, by Various - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITISH QUARTERLY REVIEW, VOLUME LIV *** - -***** This file should be named 40223.txt or 40223.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/0/2/2/40223/ - -Produced by Alicia Williams, Melissa McDaniel and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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