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diff --git a/39883-h/39883-h.htm b/39883-h/39883-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..87e04c3 --- /dev/null +++ b/39883-h/39883-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1612 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html lang="en"> + +<head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> +<title>The Project Gutenberg e-Book of Alsace-Lorraine; Author: Daniel Blumenthal.</title> + +<style type="text/css"> +<!-- + +body {font-size: 1em; text-align: justify; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} + +h1 {font-size: 120%; text-align: center; margin-top: 4em; margin-bottom: 2em;} +h2 {font-size: 110%; text-align: center; margin-top: 4em; margin-bottom: 2em;} +h3 {font-size: 105%; text-align: center; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em;} + +a:focus, a:active { outline:#ffee66 solid 2px; background-color:#ffee66;} +a:focus img, a:active img {outline: #ffee66 solid 2px; } + +p {text-indent: 1em;} + +.p2 {margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em;} +.p4 {margin-top: 4em; margin-bottom: 1em;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps; font-size: 95%;} +.smaller {font-size: smaller;} +.bigger {font-size: 115%;} + +.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em;} +.right10 {text-align: right; margin-right: 10%;} + +.add1em {margin-left: 1em;} +.min33em {text-indent: -0.33em;} + +.lspaced2 {letter-spacing: 2em; font-weight: bold;} +.poem10 {margin-left: 10%; text-indent: 0em; font-size: 90%;} + +.pagenum {visibility: hidden; + position: absolute; right:0; text-align: right; + font-size: 10px; + font-weight: normal; font-variant: normal; + font-style: normal; letter-spacing: normal; + color: #C0C0C0; background-color: inherit;} + +.figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + +--> +</style> +</head> + +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Alsace-Lorraine, by Daniel Blumenthal + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license + + +Title: Alsace-Lorraine + A Study of the Relations of the Two Provinces to France + and to Germany and a Presentation of the Just Claims of + their People + +Author: Daniel Blumenthal + +Release Date: June 2, 2012 [EBook #39883] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ALSACE-LORRAINE *** + + + + +Produced by Laurent Vogel, Chuck Greif, Christine P. Travers +and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images +generously made available by Case Western Reserve University +Preservation Department Digital Library) + + + + + + +</pre> + +<h1>Alsace-Lorraine</h1> + +<p class="center">A Study of the Relations of the<br> + Two Provinces to France and to<br> + Germany and a Presentation of<br> + the Just Claims of their People</p> + +<p class="p2 center">By</p> +<p class="center bigger">Daniel Blumenthal</p> + +<p class="center smaller">Formerly Deputy from Strasbourg in the Reichstag;<br> + Senator from Alsace-Lorraine; and Mayor<br> + of the City of Colmar</p> + +<p class="p2 center">With an Introduction by<br> + Douglas Wilson Johnson</p> + +<p class="center smaller">Associate Professor of Physiography in<br> + Columbia University</p> + +<p class="p4 center smaller">G. P. Putnam's Sons<br> + New York and London<br> + The Knickerbocker Press<br> + 1917</p> + +<p class="p4 center smaller"><span class="smcap">Copyright, 1917</span><br> + BY<br> + DANIEL BLUMENTHAL</p> + +<p class="p4 center smaller">The Knickerbocker Press, New York</p> + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="pageiii" name="pageiii"></a>(p. iii)</span> INTRODUCTION</h2> + +<p>The problem of Alsace-Lorraine is in a very real sense an American +problem. We entered this war to help crush the Teutonic scheme of +world domination and to free the democratic nations of the earth from +the menace of militaristic autocracy. Any issue which involves these +fundamental causes of American intervention in the great struggle must +command the careful attention of every thoughtful American citizen.</p> + +<p>Alsace and Lorraine provide just such an issue. In 1871 these +provinces were forcibly torn from France and annexed to a militaristic +autocracy, despite the bitter protests of the mother country and the +impassioned appeals of her unfortunate children. This crime was but +one of many incident to the scheme of building up a world empire +controlled by a Prussianized Germany; but in a <span class="pagenum"><a id="pageiv" name="pageiv"></a>(p. iv)</span> peculiar +degree it outraged the democratic sympathies of the world and enhanced +the prestige of autocratic militarism in the opinion of the German +people. As the most recent and most striking fruit of the Prussian +policy of conquest, Alsace-Lorraine is today the visible pledge of the +professed efficiency of autocracy and the supposed decadence of +democracy.</p> + +<p>The vindication of democracy demands the "disannexation" of +Alsace-Lorraine and its return to democratic France. The security of +the world demands that the Prussian policy of military conquest be +discredited and destroyed by depriving the German people of the unholy +profits of that policy. Justice to the mother country and to her lost +children demands that their combined protests be heard and that the +crime of '71 be rectified. Americans are fighting for the vindication +of democracy, for the security of the world, and for the triumph of +justice. When they fully understand that a peace which should leave +Alsace-Lorraine under <span class="pagenum"><a id="pagev" name="pagev"></a>(p. v)</span> German control would be a denial of +democracy, a peril to civilization, and a travesty on justice, our +chivalrous people will refuse to lay down the sword until the lost +children of our gallant Ally are restored to their rightful +sovereignty.</p> + +<p>No one is more eminently qualified to bring to the American people the +facts in the case of Alsace-Lorraine than is the Honourable Daniel +Blumenthal. Himself an Alsatian by birth, he can speak from the heart +on behalf of his brothers and sisters. Honoured by his fellow citizens +with election to the high office of mayor of the important Alsatian +city of Colmar for a period of nine years, he speaks with the +authority of one who has the full confidence of those Alsatians who +know him best. A member of the German Reichstag and of the +Alsace-Lorraine Senate for many years, he speaks with peculiar +knowledge of the Imperial Government's treatment of the conquered +lands. Condemned to death eight times and carrying sentences +aggregating more than five hundred years <span class="pagenum"><a id="pagevi" name="pagevi"></a>(p. vi)</span> of penal servitude, +all imposed upon him by the Imperial German Government because he +escaped from the Empire to tell the world the truth about +Alsace-Lorraine, he comes to us with the highest recommendations which +the Prussian autocracy has power to give. Americans will read with +unusual interest his testimony regarding the lost provinces of France.</p> + +<p class="right10 smcap">Douglas Wilson Johnson.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">New York City</span>,<br> + November 1, 1917.</p> + +<h1>Alsace-Lorraine</h1> + +<a id="map" name="map"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<a href="images/map.jpg"> +<img src="images/map_tb.jpg" width="350" height="461" alt="" title=""></a> +<p>Map of Alsace and Lorraine</p> +<p>The darker shading shows portion of territory ceded to Germany in +1871</p> +</div> + +<h2><span class="pagenum"><a id="page1" name="page1"></a>(p. 1)</span> The Problem of Alsace-Lorraine</h2> + +<p>The problem of Alsace-Lorraine began with the Treaty of Frankfort made +between the German Empire and the French Republic, May 10, 1871. +Beaten by the German armies, France, at the mouth of the cannon, was +forced, notwithstanding the solemn protests of the inhabitants, to +give up part of her territory.</p> + +<p>The Alsace-Lorraine problem has a three-fold character. It concerns +Germany, France, and the World.</p> + +<p>France not having stipulated in the Treaty of Frankfort any clause as +to the treatment of the people of Alsace-Lorraine now become German, +the German Empire <span class="pagenum"><a id="page2" name="page2"></a>(p. 2)</span> alone had the formal right to decide their +fate, and it is <i>vis-à-vis</i> to Germany that Alsace-Lorraine must make +its claims.</p> + +<p>The question of the rule of Alsace-Lorraine became a problem of the +internal policy of the Empire, and therefore a purely German affair.</p> + +<p>The French Government has always scrupulously respected the Treaty of +Frankfort, but the French people have never given up the hope of +redressing the gross wrong of 1871, and all the French policy has been +based on the necessity of protection against renewed German +aggression. In vain did Germany declare that no Alsace-Lorraine +question existed; not only does this question exist, but it has become +the principal obstacle in the way of political reconciliation between +France and Germany. Whether one wishes it or not, it is <i>the</i> +Franco-German question <i>par excellence</i>. At the same time it has an +<i>international</i> character of the highest importance. The form of +alliances, the bidding for armaments, the terms of armed <span class="pagenum"><a id="page3" name="page3"></a>(p. 3)</span> +peace, these were the natural consequences of this state of things. +France never would have undertaken, and Alsace-Lorraine never would +have demanded, a war of revenge to secure the return of +Alsace-Lorraine to France. But since the horrors of war have been let +loose upon the world by the criminal folly of Germany, the problem of +Alsace-Lorraine has become a <i>world problem</i> of the highest +importance.</p> + +<p>From the beginning of the war, the president of the French Republic, +the president of the Senate, the president of the Chamber of Deputies, +the president of the Council, and all the heads of government who have +succeeded one another, and recently Parliament itself, the Senate, and +Chamber of Deputies, all have in accord with the whole French nation, +manifested the unshaken determination not to end the war without the +assurance of the return of Alsace-Lorraine to the mother country.</p> + +<p>Alsace-Lorraine has constituted a striking example of the denial of +the principle of the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page4" name="page4"></a>(p. 4)</span> right of the people to govern themselves, +but now the question has become actually of great practical +importance. Being the principal object of France in the future peace +treaty, it is quite natural that all the nations, and above all the +belligerent ones, should be obliged to give to it very particular +attention. Even for the United States, who will have a most important +rôle to play in the Congress of Peace, the question of Alsace-Lorraine +is one which they cannot treat as being of interest only to France and +Germany. In its nature and from the fact that it is the corner-stone +of the first claim to be made by France, it concerns right and +justice.</p> + +<p>It is consequently opportune that even those who up to the present +time have had no special reason for interest in Alsace-Lorraine should +come to know certain facts about this little country in order to be +able to form for themselves a just and trustworthy opinion of the +disputed question.</p> + + +<h3><span class="pagenum"><a id="page5" name="page5"></a>(p. 5)</span> TERRITORY</h3> + +<p>Alsace-Lorraine is bounded on the north by Bavaria, Prussia, +Luxembourg, and France; on the south by Switzerland and France, on the +east by the Grand Duchy of Baden, and on the west by France. It is +entirely made up of territory surrendered by France to Germany by the +Treaty of Frankfort. This included the following parts of France: the +Department of the Lower Rhine, the Department of the Upper Rhine with +the exception of Belfort, three quarters of the Department of Moselle, +a third of the Department of Meurthe, and two cantons of the Vosges. +The area is about 14,500 square kilometres.</p> + + +<h3>POPULATION</h3> + +<p>German official statistics give on the 1st of December, 1871, a +population of 1,554,738 inhabitants. The last Census of 1910 gives +1,874,014 souls (967,625 men, 906,389 women). This population +includes about 1,500,000 Alsaces-Lorraines of French descent, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page6" name="page6"></a>(p. 6)</span> +who themselves or their parents were born in Alsace-Lorraine before +the 1st of May, 1871, and who, except for the Treaty of Frankfort, +would have been French. The aliens (notably the Italians, French, +Swiss, and the people of Luxembourg) make up a contingent of about +75,000. The rest, 300,000 in all, are German immigrants since the War +of 1870-71, and their descendants, including the military and +government officials with their families.</p> + +<p>The original French people of the ceded territories were allowed to +preserve their French nationality on condition of making an express +declaration before October 1, 1872, and to transfer, within the same +extension of time, their domicile outside of Alsace-Lorraine. From the +official German reports, there were about 160,000 options declared in +Alsace-Lorraine, of which only 50,000 were valid. The options given in +France amounted to about 380,000. The statistics of emigration and +immigration for 1871-1910 give an excess of emigration of 267,639 +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page7" name="page7"></a>(p. 7)</span> souls. The result of the migration of the population in August, +1914, can thus be characterized: some hundred thousand Alsatians left +the country, the greater part of whom settled in France. The number of +the native population has remained stationary; 300,000 Germans and +75,000 foreigners must be added. The German population is almost +entirely concentrated in the cities. In Metz, the immigrants make up +the majority; in Strasbourg, they are a third of the population. In +the country, one finds in general only a few officials.</p> + +<p>Concerning the language, distinction must be made between Alsace and +Lorraine. In most parts of Lorraine, French is spoken exclusively, +whereas, in the greater part of Alsace, we find a German patois mixed +up with many French words and expressions; and so entirely distinct is +it from the <i>hochdeutsch</i> of the Germans, that after forty-seven years +they are not able to understand it. Everyone who is at all educated +speaks French, in spite of the obstacles the Germans are <span class="pagenum"><a id="page8" name="page8"></a>(p. 8)</span> +always putting in the way of teaching the French tongue. All who know +French speak it from preference, and no one who speaks good German, +and they have all learned it in the schools, ever use it in private +life. The official language is of course German.</p> + +<p>As to religion: after the Census of 1910, there were found to be 85% +Catholics, 13% Protestants, 1½% Jews, and a ½% miscellaneous. The +<i>professional</i> Census of 1907 gives the following results: about one +fourth of the population are in agriculture, half are occupied in +commerce and industry, and a quarter enter the liberal professions or +follow no trade at all.</p> + +<p>As to the ethnological origin of the aboriginal people, the Germans at +once declare that Alsace was settled by the Teutons. About Lorraine +they prefer to be silent. But while it is certain that Alsace after +the migration of the tribes presents a mixed population composed of +Celtic and Germanic elements, it would be very difficult to analyse +today such an amalgamation. Do not let <span class="pagenum"><a id="page9" name="page9"></a>(p. 9)</span> us forget that Julius +Cæsar in his famous work, <i>De Bello Gallico</i>, has said that the +country of the Celts which he calls Galli (Gaul) was bounded by the +"<i>flumen Rhenum</i>" (the Rhine), and Tacitus, the illustrious historian, +declares: "<i>Germania omnis a Gallis Rheno separatur</i>" (the whole of +Germany is separated from Gaul by the Rhine).</p> + +<p>The invasion of Alsace by Ariovistus was victoriously repulsed at the +battle of Ochsenfeld 58 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and a new attempt of the Germanic tribes +to invade Alsace in 357 <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> failed before the army of Julian the +Philosopher. During the centuries of Roman domination, which have left +deep traces on the country (building of cities, construction of roads, +commercial and industrial development of all kinds), Alsace enjoyed +great prosperity. Moreover, a recent authoritative work, <i>Wohin +gehoert Elsass-Lothringen</i>, shows that from the last scientific +researches, the shape of the German skull, which the Germans love to +indicate as the sign of the superiority of the German race, is +represented <span class="pagenum"><a id="page10" name="page10"></a>(p. 10)</span> in Alsace only in the proportion of one to three, +and the so-called Germanic type (blue eyes and yellow hair) is nowhere +predominant.</p> + +<p>Alsace is in fact a conclusive example of the fact that the use of a +dialect of German origin does not necessarily indicate the race of +those who speak it and certainly does not prove a community of +sentiments or ideas. This applies also to the German names of the +Alsatian communes.</p> + +<p>Let us remember on this subject, that very recently German names have +been officially given to French localities in Lorraine. When the +Germans wish to accomplish a master stroke of policy they are careful +to quote the Herren Professoren in justification of the establishment +of an historic precedent. Renan, in a mildly bantering spirit, +complimented them on their extraordinary talent in these ridiculous +attempts. "With the philosophy of history," says he, "as practised by +the Germans, there are no legal rights in the world but those of the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page11" name="page11"></a>(p. 11)</span> ourang-outangs, unjustly deprived of these by the perfidy of +civilized man."</p> + +<p>In the main, it matters little to whom Alsace-Lorraine has belonged +during the vicissitudes of history. That only which is important from +the point of view of modern history is the act of 1871 by which +Germany tore Alsace-Lorraine from France when all the inhabitants of +the ceded territories were thoroughly French and wished so to remain. +This is the truth, and it is confirmed by an authority little +suspected by the Germans. Professor Theobald Ziegler, who up to the +present moment was Professor of Science at the University of +Strasbourg, and a liberal democrat, has changed to a pan-Germanist of +the most pronounced type. Here is what the Herr Professor Ziegler +acknowledges, writing in the review <i>Die Grenzboten</i>, March 31, 1915: +"What makes a nation? Not the feeling of race nor the consciousness of +belonging to the same stock which is often lost in the uncertainty +and obscurity of history; not the soil, which may be transferred +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page12" name="page12"></a>(p. 12)</span> from one people to another as in the case of Alsace; not the +language—one has only to think of Switzerland where three languages +are spoken; not even interests in common, for these exist in every +society, but just the living together of two centuries shared with the +great nation of France has made Alsace-Lorraine French."</p> + +<p>But Ziegler and his friends have forgotten that to live together there +must be mutual understanding and esteem. History teaches that no +appreciable advantage is to be gained unless the peoples agree, or if +one nation tries to impose its brutal domination over another. And yet +it is just this which is the great obstacle that prevents Germany from +assimilating Alsace-Lorraine and has condemned all its efforts to +eternal failure.</p> + +<h3>INCOMPATIBILITY OF DISPOSITION OF THE GERMANS AND THE INHABITANTS OF +ALSACE-LORRAINE</h3> + +<p>In his excellent volume, <i>The Peril of Prussianism</i>, Professor +Douglas W. Johnson has <span class="pagenum"><a id="page13" name="page13"></a>(p. 13)</span> traced, in a masterly fashion, the +difference between the two ideals of government, one starting with the +principle that the State is made to serve the people, the other, that +the people are made to serve the State, a view personified by the +Kaiser in Germany today.</p> + +<p>The Alsaces-Lorraines have always had great independence of character; +they are thoroughly democratic and republican, for which reason they +so quickly and solidly became a part of the French nation, which, even +under different forms of monarchical government, respected their +liberty and democratic ideals.</p> + +<p>The political history of Alsace-Lorraine furnishes a new proof of this +fact on every page. Lorraine became a part of France at the Convention +of Friedwald in Hessen, January 14, 1552, when the German Protestant +princes at war with the Catholic House of Austria, gave Metz, Toul, +and Verdun to the King of France, Henry II., in exchange for subsidies +furnished by France.</p> + +<p>In the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page14" name="page14"></a>(p. 14)</span> Alsace was ceded to +France in exchange for services which the King gave to the German +Protestant princes fighting against the Catholic Empire. Alsace was +conquered for France by the German Prince, Bernard de Saxe-Weimar, on +the demand and in the interest of Germany which had called upon France +for help. Strasbourg, which had remained a free independent city, +opened her gates to France in 1681. The Republic of Mulhouse, which +made a part of Helvetia, asked, and obtained the request, to be +incorporated into France in 1798. Neither Alsace nor Lorraine ever +made part of the German Empire founded in 1871, and to which +vanquished France was obliged to give up these territories. When these +two provinces came into the possession of France, they were bound by +rather loose ties to the Holy Roman Empire, of which the House of +Austria was at the head. The Austria-Hungary Empire did not survive +the Napoleonic wars, and I do not know that it ever claimed any part +of Alsace-Lorraine.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page15" name="page15"></a>(p. 15)</span> On the contrary, in order to found the German Empire and +appropriate Alsace-Lorraine, Prussia had to make war on Austria in +1866 to put her out of Germany. The German Empire is wrong, therefore, +in making an appeal to anything but <i>force</i> to explain, if not to +justify the spoliation of France. Alsace-Lorraine was never a +political entity before 1871. We have seen that Alsace was still a +part of the Holy Roman Empire, while Lorraine had already belonged to +France for a hundred years.</p> + +<p>Alsace, alone, had never been a state. This is how the learned +professor of the University of Caen, Georges Weil, describes in his +remarkable book, <i>French Alsace from 1789 to 1871</i>, the period after +the reunion of Alsace with France: "It was a strange mosaic of +different freeholds, of principalities both lay and ecclesiastical, of +free cities or those almost autonomous. Among these freeholds many +belonged to German princes. A sixth part of Alsace was owned by +foreigners." The Emperor's authority had been <span class="pagenum"><a id="page16" name="page16"></a>(p. 16)</span> only nominal. +On his visits, which were few and far between, he was received with +courtesy, money was freely given to him, but the people always +rejoiced when they saw him leave. The Alsatians received but little +assistance from the Empire; Alsace secured no help when menaced or +invaded by foreign armies. The ten ancient cities flourished under an +almost autonomous rule. Even before the reunion with France, +cultivated society was filled with the French spirit. After the Thirty +Years' War, the country felt the benefit of the protection of a +powerful State with a well-ordered government which respected its +habits and customs and which administered justice. So their sympathies +were quickly given to their new political country with which, by +reason of their democratic ideals, they were already politically in +sympathy. That which rapidly attached the people to the new régime +was, on the one hand, the friendly and intelligent interest of the +royal intendants who protected the subjects from arbitrary lords and +other <span class="pagenum"><a id="page17" name="page17"></a>(p. 17)</span> local authorities, and on the other hand, the sovereign +Council of Alsace, sitting at Colmar, which was to simplify, and, if +possible, to unify, the customs that were in force in different parts +of the country and also insure a sound administration of justice. The +success was complete. A German, François d'Ichterscheim, was obliged +to acknowledge, in a work published in 1710, that the Sovereign +Council "rules with strict justice, law-suits are not too lengthy, +expenses are not too heavy, and above all, no favour is shown to +either litigant, the subject often winning his suit against the +sovereign,—the poor against the rich, the layman against the clergy, +the Christian against the Jew, and <i>vice-versa</i>."</p> + +<p>The people were contented and satisfied. The Alsatian has always had a +pronounced taste for the military career. Many young peasants enlisted +in French regiments and were well received. The nobility furnished a +number of officers to the French army. Alsatian gentlemen enjoyed +taking part in <span class="pagenum"><a id="page18" name="page18"></a>(p. 18)</span> the gay social life of the French aristocracy. +Alsatian scholars kept in constant touch with Paris, where they +received every encouragement and were much appreciated. It is not +astonishing then, that Monsieur Schmettan, Ambassador of Russia to the +King of France, should write in 1709: "It is well-known that the +Alsatians are more French than the Parisians themselves."</p> + +<p>The holding in common of the same ideas and feelings was even more +accentuated at the time of the Revolution, and no part of France was +better prepared by her past history for the coming of a rule of +Democracy and Equality. In 1787, Alsace was called upon for the first +time to elect a Provincial Assembly which would represent the +interests of a large number of domains, princely seignorial, and +municipal, the commission chosen to make a report to the Assembly +declared: "That which tends to feudalism carries a mark of servitude +not to be tolerated in a well-constituted society." In the elections +for the États Généraux, the little <span class="pagenum"><a id="page19" name="page19"></a>(p. 19)</span> bourgeoisie won in all the +cities against the oligarchy which desired to retain the control. +Reubell, who played an important rôle in the Revolution, and who was a +member of the Directory, was elected at Colmar. The peasants hailed +with enthusiasm the decree of August 4, 1789, which marked the end of +the feudal régime. The suppression of the custom-house duties between +Alsace and the rest of France sealed the economic union between the +new and the old countries so that the creation of the departments of +the Upper and the Lower Rhine was effected without any difficulty.</p> + +<p>After the proclamation of the equality of the French people, the right +to levy on the feudal rents in France, which the German princes who +owned property in Alsace had exercised, could no longer exist. The +Germans protested and the conflict which followed, in 1792, was the +first war against the French Republic.</p> + +<p>In the report which the well-known civilian, Merlin de Douai, made to +the <i>Constituante</i>, October 28, 1790, is the following passage, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page20" name="page20"></a>(p. 20)</span> very characteristic of the bonds which unite Alsace to France: +"The Alsatian people have united themselves to France because they +wish so to do; it is their own desire, therefore, and not the treaty +of Münster which has legalized the union."</p> + +<p>In February, 1790, Dietrich was elected mayor of Strasbourg against +the conservative candidate, and in June, 1790, the partisans of the +<i>Constituante</i> celebrated amid great pomp and with the co-operation of +the clergy of different denominations, the fêtes of the Federation of +the Rhine.</p> + +<p>The Alsatian National Guard set up in the middle of a bridge over the +Rhine, a tri-coloured flag which bore the inscription: "Here the Land +of Liberty begins."</p> + +<p>It was on the night following the day that it was known at Strasbourg +(April 25, 1792), that war had been declared, that Captain Rouget de +l'Isle composed "the War Song for the Army of the Rhine," which under +the name of <i>La Marseillaise</i> became the national hymn of France.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page21" name="page21"></a>(p. 21)</span> Kléber, who at that time commanded a battalion from the Upper +Rhine, writes, November 15, 1792, in reference to the warlike +enthusiasm of the Alsatian volunteers, "not one of them ever dreams of +deserting his flag; the wounded, yes, and even the sick have implored +me for mercy's sake, to keep them with the battalion."</p> + +<p>In 1799, there was the menace of another war, and the inhabitants were +most zealous in strengthening the fortresses. An official of the Lower +Rhine wrote in his report on the subject of the Alsatians: "They will, +like the Rhine, always be the impregnable bulwark of the Republic" (G. +Weil).</p> + +<p>The assimilation of France and Alsace was made complete during the +Revolution. Fustel de Coulanges well summed up this truth when he +wrote in 1870: "Do you know what has made Alsace French? It is not +Louis XIV., but it is our revolution of 1789. From that moment Alsace +has followed our fortunes; she has lived our life; she thinks as we +think; she feels as we feel; <span class="pagenum"><a id="page22" name="page22"></a>(p. 22)</span> our glories and our faults, our +joys and our sorrows."</p> + +<p>The wars of the Empire gave to the Alsatians a chance to display their +military aptitude which they rendered the more generously to the +service of the country, as promotion was given to each according to +his merits; each soldier carried in his knapsack the baton of a +Maréchal de France!</p> + +<p>The generals of Alsace and of Lorraine who distinguished themselves in +the army of the Republic and with Napoleon are numerous. Among the +best known are Kléber, Kellermann, Rapp, Lefévre, Ney, Mouton, +Lasalle, Shérer, Westermann, and Schramm. The names of twenty-eight +Alsatian generals are engraved upon the Arc de Triomphe at Paris.</p> + +<p class="p2">Many able Alsatians devoted themselves to the administration of the +German countries that were at that time under the French Government. +Their knowledge of German helped them in their task. After <span class="pagenum"><a id="page23" name="page23"></a>(p. 23)</span> +the disasters in Russia and in Leipzig, in 1813, the Alsatians showed +exemplary devotion in their preparations for defence and sacrifices +for the army.</p> + +<p>In his <i>Mémoires</i>, Ségur says on this subject: "There were no better, +braver, more generous Frenchmen in all France." Never, during all +these trying days, did they remember that their forebears had been +subjects of the Holy Empire.</p> + +<p>At the beginning of the nineteenth century, after the fall of +Napoleon, the pan-Germans made a campaign for the annexation of +Alsace-Lorraine in launching the slogan: <i>Der Rhein, Deutschlands +Strom nicht Deutschlands Grenze</i> (The Rhine is a German river and not +Germany's boundary). This found no echo in Alsace, which forced from +the poet, Rückert, the heartfelt cry of indignation which fell from +the lips of the German soldiers, who were obliged to evacuate Alsace: +"And thou Alsace! Degermanized race, thou too dost jeer at us, oh, +deepest infamy!"</p> + +<p>The Alsatian poet, Ehrenfried Stoeber, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page24" name="page24"></a>(p. 24)</span> whom the Germans +readily invoked on account of his dialect, said that if his harp was +German his sword was French. Referring to the Revolution he said: "If +we speak of the wars of the Revolution in which we fought for our +independence and the protection of the indefeasible rights of man, it +is because we are proud of our fervent ardour and enthusiasm."</p> + +<p>Under the restored kingdom of the Bourbons, orderly citizens knew how +to command respect in their new country without sacrificing in the +least their democratic and republican ideals. A prefect of the Upper +Rhine registered in his report of 1818: "All are submissive, but none +are royalist." De Serre, an elector of the Department wrote: +"Ultra-royalism is not the spirit which actuates my constituents."</p> + +<p>The prefect, Puymaigre, candidly complains in 1821 of the advanced +ideas of the citizens: "They give faith," said he, "with a most +deplorable credulity, to all the most dangerous political systems."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page25" name="page25"></a>(p. 25)</span> The same year, after his tour in Alsace, General Foy expressed +himself as follows: "If all that is good and generous in the hearts of +the inhabitants of ancient France ever becomes enfeebled, they must +journey over the Vosges and come to Alsace to renew their patriotism +and energy."</p> + +<p>The monarchy of July marks a period of uninterrupted prosperity for +Alsace. The return of the tri-colour was hailed with joy. The +democratic idea grew and was represented chiefly by the <i>Courrier du +Bas-Rhin</i> which influenced public opinion. After 1815, the reactionary +persecutions abated against the Germans who were liberal minded and +they received an hospitable welcome to Alsace. With their innate +absence of tact, many of them tried to convince their hosts that +Alsace was still a German province, and in this way they forfeited all +sympathy.</p> + +<p>The Alsatians desire there should be no misunderstanding as to the +nature of the sympathy shown to unjustly persecuted refugees, and the +international courtesy <span class="pagenum"><a id="page26" name="page26"></a>(p. 26)</span> practised by them even towards the +Germans. In 1842, when the German delegates to the Scientific Congress +of France were received at Strasbourg, the mouthpiece of the Alsatians +spoke of the sympathies of his countrymen for Germany; but to avoid +any mistake he added: "But if we gaze toward her, it is not with the +eyes of a child torn from the paternal home, but rather, if you will +permit the comparison, with the affectionate look with which the young +wife greets once more her mother's house, happy under the new roof +which shelters her, and with the name of her husband which she bears +with pride."</p> + +<p>Alsace has never wavered from this fidelity to France. In 1848 the +second Republic was accepted with satisfaction. Under Louis Philippe +the country had enjoyed great material prosperity, but the middle +classes were restless because the government took no measures to +reform the electorate in the democratic sense. At this time great +fêtes were held to celebrate the two hundredth anniversary of the +union of Alsace and France. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page27" name="page27"></a>(p. 27)</span> The mayor of Strasbourg said on +this occasion: "It is without doubt no longer necessary to make a +solemn and public profession of undying devotion to France. She does +not doubt us, she has faith in Alsace; but if Germany still lulls +herself with futile illusions, if she still finds in the persistence +of the German language a sign of irresistible sympathy and attraction +toward her, she is mistaken. Alsace is just as much French as +Brittany, Flanders, and the country of the Basques, and she will so +remain."</p> + +<p>The affection of France kept pace always with the profession of +democratic and republican ideals. When the prince-president came to +Strasbourg in 1850, he was received in all the villages of Alsace with +shouts of <i>Vive la République!</i> The municipal council of Strasbourg +had refused to give any funds for his reception. At Strasbourg and at +Mulhouse the National Guard was dismissed by the government. The +Colonel of the Strasbourg Legion said in his farewell address: "It is +true that at times you express <span class="pagenum"><a id="page28" name="page28"></a>(p. 28)</span> with great vigour republican +sentiments, but this is with you an original sin, and I fear me that +the remedy applied will not be effectual in its correction."</p> + +<p>During the Second Empire, Alsace was a hotbed of republican +resistance, particularly in the Upper Rhine. However, at this time, +the country again enjoyed a great prosperity. The military career +continued to attract the Alsatians. The great advantages assured to +the reinlisted soldiers induced many of them to enter the army as +volunteers. The wars in Algeria under Louis Philippe had already +shown, among the combatants, a great number of Alsatians. The +intellectual culture of the provinces turned towards France and made +great progress. Erckmann and Chatrian expressed marvellously well the +aspirations and democratic ideals of the people in magnifying the +rôles of the Alsatians and the Lorrainers in the heroic period of the +Revolution and the First Empire.</p> + +<p>The peoples of Alsace and Lorraine were, like those of the rest of +France, divided into <span class="pagenum"><a id="page29" name="page29"></a>(p. 29)</span> political parties, and one often saw +disagreements, generally legal, with the ideas of the respective +governments. But no one ever evinced the slightest regret at no longer +belonging to the Holy Empire, or the least desire to re-enter the +bosom of Germany. When the War of 1870 broke out, Alsace and Lorraine +were very French, and during that war the people of both provinces +bravely and patriotically did their duty to France. The people were +thus badly prepared for a change of nationality, and far from looking +on their new Teuton compatriots as brothers, they cordially detested +the Germans who during the war had conducted themselves to the limit +of savagery. The forced community of life with the Germans soon showed +an irreconcilable opposition between the native and the immigrant +population.</p> + +<p>Alsace-Lorraine could live whole centuries with the Germans without +becoming germanized, whereas two centuries of life in common with +France, freely consented to, had proved sufficient to make them +Frenchmen. <span class="pagenum"><a id="page30" name="page30"></a>(p. 30)</span> This spontaneous fusion could never have been +possible if Alsace-Lorraine and France had not always had the same +ideals of civilization. The Alsatian and the Lorrainer leaned always +toward French culture, and from the moment they were politically +separated from the Holy Empire they had nothing more in common with +German <i>Kultur</i>.</p> + +<p>The Alsatian-Lorrainer, who from the point of view of character +greatly resembles the free citizen of America, is a very practical +man. He willingly makes use of all the opportunities in life to +improve his economic condition, but joined to these qualities is a +deeply rooted idealism which will make any sacrifice to secure his +independence, and to assure for him the dignity of freedom. He has +brilliant military qualities, but he will never be a militarist. He +will fight bravely for the defence of a just cause about which he is +enthusiastic, because it means the fulfilment of a sacred duty. But he +will never be willing to remain under the dominion of a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page31" name="page31"></a>(p. 31)</span> power +like that of Prussia and be forced to carry arms for causes that he +detests and disdains. The Alsatian-Lorrainer has no affection for +dynasty, he is absolutely wanting in respect for the hierarchy; he has +a feeling for order and equality before the law, he is loyal and +respectful to authority but exempt from all servitude. The German, on +the contrary, with his class feeling, abasing himself, as it were, in +platitudes before his superiors, hard and arrogant toward his +inferiors, in admiration before the <i>Angestammtes Herrscherhaus</i> +(traditional dynasty), accustomed to march under the lash, without any +idealism, finding in the distribution of the booty of war a +compensation for all humiliations,—such a man does not understand +that the Alsatian-Lorrainer does not rejoice to find himself belonging +to a nation of the elect, a nation that has the most formidable war +machine to crush, from time to time according to its whim, any growth +of material prosperity effected by free competition in the economic +struggle.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page32" name="page32"></a>(p. 32)</span> Alsace-Lorraine is impervious to those ideas. Against her +will, she was torn from France and she wishes to return. It is this +which makes clear her history from 1871 to this day.</p> + +<p class="lspaced2 center">...........</p> + + +<h3>THE PROTEST</h3> + +<p>As soon as it was a question of the necessity of giving up a part of +the territory, all the deputies of the threatened departments signed a +declaration, February 17, 1871, which, among other passages, contained +the following: "Alsace and Lorraine do not wish to be alienated. +Associated for more than two centuries with France, both in good and +bad fortune, these two provinces, exposed without intermission to the +blows of the enemy, have constantly sacrificed themselves for the +greatness of the nation; they have sealed with their blood the +insoluble compact which binds them to France. Made doubtful by the +claims of the enemy, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page33" name="page33"></a>(p. 33)</span> they assert, through all the obstacles +and all the dangers under the yoke even of the invader, their unshaken +fidelity. Unanimously the citizens in their homes, the soldiers who +rallied beneath the flag, those who voted and those who fought, all +signified to Germany and to the world the immutable will of Alsace and +of Lorraine to remain French."</p> + +<p>March 1, 1871, the same deputies signed a new protest which they +deposited at the bureau of the National Assembly in which we find the +following announcement: "We declare once more null and void a pact +which disposes of us without our consent. The claim to our rights +always remains open to each and to all in the form and the measure +that our conscience dictates to us."</p> + +<p>When the Alsatians were permitted by Germany to send deputies to the +Reichstag, the fifteen who were elected protested on their side +against annexation February 18, 1874. We find in their declaration the +following passage: "In choosing us all, just as we are, our electors +before everything else <span class="pagenum"><a id="page34" name="page34"></a>(p. 34)</span> wish to affirm their sympathy with +France and their right to govern themselves." These solemn +declarations have never been revoked by any equivalent or contrary +statement. Not even during the actual war and reign of terror +established in the annexed provinces has the German Government +succeeded in forcing from the representatives of Alsace-Lorraine a +statement expressing the desire to remain German. The attempt to make +such a manifestation by the votes of the council-generals, of whom the +suspected members had previously been deported to Germany, saying that +the economic interest of Alsace-Lorraine necessitated the maintenance +of the <i>status quo</i>, only served to demonstrate the insecurity of the +political situation of the German Empire in Alsace-Lorraine. What +lamentable drivel in comparison to the dignified and generous language +of the magnificent protests of Bordeaux. It accords well with the +philosophy of German diction which the Baron de Bulach, Secretary of +State, jeeringly dared recommend <span class="pagenum"><a id="page35" name="page35"></a>(p. 35)</span> to his compatriots as a line +of conduct: "<i>Wess Brod ich ess des Lied ich sing</i>" (Whose bread I +eat, his song I sing).</p> + +<p>Nothing, moreover, would be less exact than to think that the +Alsatians lived on the Germans or that their material well-being +depended in any way on the economic life of the German Empire, or that +the prosperity of the country was in all, or even in great part, to be +credited to the Germans.</p> + +<p>It is not within the scope of our essay to present a study of the +economic situation of the country, which, if she has been prosperous +in some directions, has often been hindered by the predominance given +to rival interests of other German countries. The project of +constructing a canal from Ludwigshafen to Strasbourg was abandoned +because contrary to the interests of the town of Mannheim. The +canalling of the Sarre and of the Moselle was basely sacrificed to the +interests of the Prussian industries of la Ruhr, which looked with an +enemy's eye on any progress in the industry of Lorraine.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page36" name="page36"></a>(p. 36)</span> The prohibition of American plants for the replacing of the +destroyed vines, in execution of the law concerning the fight against +the blight of the vine, was dictated by a sentiment of protection for +the German vine-culture against the vine-culture of Alsace-Lorraine. +Often also, the administration took arbitrary measure against certain +trades and industries to injure their interests for the profit of +their competitors, or for some determined political end. The illegal +prohibition made to the French Insurance companies of Assurances to +continue business in Alsace-Lorraine, by which a blow was given to a +number of agents in their enterprises, and the threat made to the +Alsatian Society of Mechanical Construction of Grafenstaden to +countermand the orders from Prussia if the Society refused to dismiss +a director suspected of French sympathy, are convincing proofs of the +antagonism of the government. We mention the flagrant injustice with +which the German interests were always advanced to the detriment of +Alsace-Lorraine <span class="pagenum"><a id="page37" name="page37"></a>(p. 37)</span> in the distribution of contracts for public +works. But, if Alsace-Lorraine in general could prosper economically, +notwithstanding a detestable policy, hated by its population, in what +way, we ask ourselves, could that prosperity be compromised by the +return of Alsace-Lorraine to France? Above all, as France is a +Republic, a form of government which was welcomed with joy by the +people September 4, 1870, and which answers in the best manner to +their time-honoured worldly aspirations. The loss of the market which +Alsace-Lorraine has made for herself in Germany will find a rapid +offset in the reopening of its business relations with France.</p> + +<p>Certain great industries, such as the iron mines of Lorraine and those +of potash in Alsace, would certainly increase. But that is not at all +the question. We have to do with a great moral issue for transcending +the material considerations which the German thinks so important and +which in his mind are all-conclusive. Evidence of this <span class="pagenum"><a id="page38" name="page38"></a>(p. 38)</span> is the +following quotation from the <i>Gazette de Voss</i> published July, 1917: +"The act of yielding Alsace would involve giving up valuable beds of +potash and this would be disastrous to German agriculture of which it +is an absolutely necessary ingredient." One sees by this kind of +reasoning the nature of the affection of Germany for Alsace-Lorraine.</p> + +<h3>ALSACE-LORRAINE UNDER GERMAN RULE<br> +1871</h3> + +<p>It would take volumes to describe in detail the martyrdom of +Alsace-Lorraine under the domination of Germany. I can enumerate only +a few of the acts and methods that have characterized German rule. The +impartial reader will easily conclude that Alsatians are not made to +live with Germans and that the return of their province to the mother +country of France is the only possible solution of the Alsatian +question with justice and equity.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page39" name="page39"></a>(p. 39)</span> Alsace-Lorraine was given to the German Empire +unconditionally. The new master could do with the country just as he +pleased. If he has not divided it between the members of the +Confederation it is because it was difficult to agree on the division +of the spoils, and because also Bismarck wished to make a "glacis" +which would cement the union of the Germans by continually showing +them the danger that threatened in the west. The only thing the +Germans did not think of in deciding the fate of Alsace-Lorraine was +the interest of the Alsatians themselves. Bismarck did not hesitate to +acknowledge this and stated in the Reichstag to the first deputies who +protested: "It is not for your interest that we have conquered you, +but for the interest of the Empire." And the official paper of +Strasbourg, the <i>Strassburger Post</i>, after forty years of German +domination, also summarizes the attitude of the German Empire towards +the Alsatians in this odious phrase: <i>Oderint dum metuant</i> (Let them +hate, so long as they fear). The German Empire, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page40" name="page40"></a>(p. 40)</span> which is +composed of twenty-five confederated States, made of the annexed +territory a "Reichsland," that is to say, an undivided joint property. +This new political entity received the name of Elsass-Lothringen +(Alsace-Lorraine). German scholars are still arguing today over the +legal aspect of this decision. It is certain, as against the German +states which possess equal rights, that Alsace-Lorraine is arbitrarily +ruled by the Empire without any inherent right. Alsace-Lorraine was +always treated as a State when it was a question of meeting certain +obligations (contributions, military service, assessments for the +expenses of the Empire). The honour was even paid of trusting them +with the receipt of custom-house dues for the account of the Empire on +their territory. This brought upon the province an unwarranted outlay +of more than a million marks a year, representing the excess of the +customs above the amount refunded to the Provinces. Alsace-Lorraine +possessed only those "rights" which the Empire grudgingly conceded. +Whereas <span class="pagenum"><a id="page41" name="page41"></a>(p. 41)</span> Louis XV. accorded to the provinces united to France +the enjoyment of their ancient privileges, the German Empire began by +treating the Alsatians less liberally than its German subjects. In +Germany each state has the constitution it wishes for itself, but +Alsace-Lorraine has a constitution imposed upon it by the Empire, and +this can be suspended or suppressed at the Imperial will.</p> + +<p>The different constitutions that have been granted in the course of +forty-two years (the latest went into effect in 1912) to the +Reichsland, which had been ruled by a dictatorship as a legal +constitution, were alike in this, that the legislative and the +executive powers were left completely in the hands of the Kaiser and +the King of Prussia. The Kaiser exercises the power of the state +(<i>Staatsgewalt</i>) for the account of the Empire. There is a Parliament +(<i>Landtag</i>) made up of two Chambers to which the second is given +universal suffrage, and the first (of which I had the honour of being +a member, elected by the town of Colmar) composed in a way to assure +a <span class="pagenum"><a id="page42" name="page42"></a>(p. 42)</span> majority to the Kaiser, who has the right to name as many +members as the number of those elected and those holding by right. As +there are members not named for life, and as among those who are so by +right and by choice there are always a large number who are not +independent, the Kaiser can never be in the minority in the Senate. +But if by any chance such a thing should happen, it could have no +importance because the Kaiser is himself the chief factor in +legislation. In order that a law for Alsace-Lorraine may come into +force, it must have the consent of the two Chambers and of the +Emperor. Under these conditions it is Prussia that rules, and I know +that no attempt to pass a law in Alsace-Lorraine can be made without +first obtaining a favourable opinion from the Ministry of Prussia. In +order never to be thwarted by the passive resistance of the Second +Chamber, our constitution, which the Germans characterize as +democratic, provides that if Parliament refuses to vote the budget, +the government has the right to incur expenditure <span class="pagenum"><a id="page43" name="page43"></a>(p. 43)</span> based on +the figures of the preceding budget. The Germans have wished to +emphasize as a great concession to the claims of Alsace-Lorraine the +fact that in the last constitution given to Reichsland they have been +given a voice in the <i>Bundesrat</i> (Federal Council). This <i>Bundesrat</i> +is composed of the representatives of the Chief of the States of the +Empire. It is this council that with the consent of the Reichstag, +which is the representative of the German people, gave universal +suffrage and that makes the laws for the Empire. Now, owing to the +importance of territory and number of inhabitants, Alsace-Lorraine +ought to hold sixth rank among the States of the Empire. She has been +given three votes in the Council. But, as it is the <i>Staatshalter</i> +(Vice-King) of Alsace-Lorraine who gives the instructions as to how +those three votes will be cast, and as the Vice-King is an +office-holder subject to recall by the Emperor who is the King of +Prussia, there is no danger that those votes will ever operate against +Prussia. This dependence on Prussia of the votes <span class="pagenum"><a id="page44" name="page44"></a>(p. 44)</span> of +Alsace-Lorraine has been disingenuously marked by a special provision +inserted on this occasion in the constitution of the Empire, in which +it is said that every time a favourable majority vote for Prussia +cannot be polled in the <i>Bundesrat</i> except with the help of the +Alsatian vote, those votes will not be counted. Up to this day +Alsace-Lorraine has never ceased to be governed by a legislation +outside of the common right. Today even, an act is pending in Berlin +which provides exceptional measures for the suppression of journals +printed in French.</p> + +<p>All the efforts of the Germans, the special legislation for +Alsace-Lorraine, the activities of the functionaries, chiefly Germans +brought from the four corners of the Empire, even the administration +of justice, have had the tendency to exterminate and replace by the +<i>Deutschtum</i> (German culture) the spirit and the sentiments of the +French people.</p> + +<p>All this effort and labour were doomed to failure. The Alsatians +remained faithful to their ideals and to the policy expressed in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page45" name="page45"></a>(p. 45)</span> their protest. Of course the form of this protest has changed +with the current of events. The simple negation which marked the +solemn protests of Bordeaux in 1871 and of Berlin in 1874 could not +after the lapse of time, and should not now, determine the conduct of +the people. The first necessity is to continue to exist, and there +were finally organized political parties which fought passionately, as +happens in every country in the world. But towards the Germans the +real Alsatians were as one man as soon as some particular occasion +presented itself, to show their aversion to the <i>Herrenvolk</i> (the +dominant people), as it pleased the Germans to call themselves. The +demand of self-government for Alsace-Lorraine within the limits of the +German Empire was only one way of showing the desire to be +distinguished as much as possible from the Germans. It was the maximum +that the Alsatians could legally require but the minimum of her real +claim which always demanded the absolute return to France, the mother +country.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page46" name="page46"></a>(p. 46)</span> A very suggestive fact on this subject is that, in the +electoral struggles between the natives, the different parties did not +hesitate to mutually reproach each other with the desire to lean on +the will or the influence of Germany.</p> + +<p>The first demonstration against the Germans was the exodus of a part +of the population. The annual emigration continued until the War of +1914. Another sign of protest was the considerable number of +<i>refractaires</i> (defaulting conscripts) who up to that day had annually +left the country by the hundreds to avoid German military service. +Their property was seized and they never could return to the country. +The greater number entered the Foreign Legion to fight for France.</p> + +<p>The French language continued to be spoken in the family, +notwithstanding all the governmental precautions to insure its disuse. +Families continued to send their children to France to learn French, +young girls particularly being placed in French boarding schools +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page47" name="page47"></a>(p. 47)</span> to complete their instruction and education. Up to that time +commercial books had been published in French; bookkeeping was done in +francs, even in those houses where the circumstances made it necessary +to use the German language simultaneously. The condemnation of +seditious utterances and the wearing of seditious emblems were no +longer noticed and never ceased. The public has specially marked the +case of conspicuous persons who have been implicated in prosecutions +(the Samain brothers, Hausi and Zislin, the caricaturists, the Abbé +Wétterlie), but alongside of these cases, thousands of obscure +soldiers of the Alsace-Lorraine cause, victims of their attachment to +France, have paid their tribute to their country. For shouting "<i>Vive +la France!</i>", for singing of the <i>Marseillaise</i>, for showing a +tri-colour ribbon, innumerable sentences, in some cases running into +years of imprisonment, have been pronounced. When, in 1887, the +situation in France, under the influence of the Boulanger movement, +disclosed the possibility of a conflict at arms <span class="pagenum"><a id="page48" name="page48"></a>(p. 48)</span> with Germany, +the election of the Reichstag for that year resulted in sending to +Berlin a protesting deputation, notwithstanding the tremendous +governmental pressure put upon the electors. That was the signal for +increased persecutions in Alsace-Lorraine. Student societies, singing +classes, athletic associations, people suspected of cultivating French +sympathies, newspapers showing French tendencies, all of these were +suppressed and the members of the League of Patriots were betrayed and +condemned for high treason. Bismarck introduced the régime of +passports to cut off all relations between Alsace-Lorraine and France. +The <i>Statthalter</i> of Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, at that moment +governor of Alsace-Lorraine, has said in his <i>Mémoires</i> that he had +the impression that Bismarck wished to drive the population to +insurrection. This plan fell through, thanks to the wisdom of the +people who knew how to resist such a provocation. The result was +simply to strengthen French patriotism. The rising generation which +had gone through <span class="pagenum"><a id="page49" name="page49"></a>(p. 49)</span> the German schools and German army fooled the +German statesmen who had counted on them for the assimilation of +German <i>Kultur</i>. On the contrary, these young people were most ardent +in manifesting their devotion to France. Better prepared for the +struggle than their elders, knowing the German language perfectly, +familiarized by their studies with the Teuton dialects, they became +most formidable adversaries. My comrade in combat, Jacques Preiss, +killed during this war, a victim of German persecutions, has very well +described the character and rôle of the youth in a discourse given in +the Reichstag in 1894. He said: "We young fellows, we are not of the +generation of 1870 whom choice and emigration have deprived of +elements which are the firmest and most unresisting. If you do not +introduce a more liberal régime, you will find by experience that this +new generation is much more energetically opposed to fusion than has +been the case since 1870."</p> + +<p>In fact, not only has Germanization made <span class="pagenum"><a id="page50" name="page50"></a>(p. 50)</span> no progress, but the +Alsatians become each day more impatient of the German yoke. The two +populations, the native and immigrant, have never had social +intercourse. The native societies or clubs have always been closed to +the immigrant. On the National Fête, July 14th, the Alsatians will +cross the frontier by tens of thousands to partake communion under the +religion of their own land and with their brothers of France. They +return with the tri-colour ribbon in their buttonholes, and this +creates each year a number of unpleasant incidents. In vain Germany +wished to change the appearance of things by trying to win the masses, +by means of a lower chamber elected by general suffrage. We have shown +the factitious value of this concession, which as a consequence only +increased opposition. The affair of Grafenstaden, and the trouble at +Saverne caused by the attempt to cover up the exactions of a young +lieutenant, brought indignation to a climax. The military authorities +arrested haphazard the civilian natives and even the German +immigrants, <span class="pagenum"><a id="page51" name="page51"></a>(p. 51)</span> instituting in the midst of peace, a military +dictatorship and aroused the irreconcilable antagonism between the +German mentality and that of Alsace-Lorraine. After some slight +attempts of independence on the part of the Alsace-Lorraine government +and the Reichstag <i>vis-à-vis</i> the military, the whole German world +fell upon the obstinate and hard-headed Alsatians who, according to +them, were the cause of all the trouble because they refused to admire +the beauty of the German <i>Kultur</i>. The Saverne affair resulted in the +dismissal of the government of Alsace-Lorraine which had among its +officials two won-over Alsatians, and the replacing this by a group of +Prussians of rank.</p> + +<p>The Minister of War, General von Falkenhayn, announced to the +Reichstag: "We want to uproot from the people's mind the feeling that +has been manifested up to this time and which has provoked the Saverne +incident." And this feeling is none other than the French democratic, +republican spirit of the Alsatians, incompatible with Prussian +militarism.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page52" name="page52"></a>(p. 52)</span> On the same occasion, Deputy von Calker, unfortunate candidate +from Strasbourg, but elected in a Prussian district, and an +exceptionally friendly immigrant, confessed in the following fashion +the defeat of Germanization in Alsace-Lorraine, shouting aloud in the +Reichstag: "I cry out in anguish. For sixteen years I have worked to +wipe out misunderstanding and to reconcile the natives and the +immigrants, and now we have arrived at the point where we can say, It +all again amounts to nothing (<i>Kaput</i>)." The conservatives very wisely +answered this undeceived elector that if it was merely the Saverne +incident that had caused this failure, it was evident that the desired +harmony had rested on a very slender foundation.</p> + +<p>Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg was conscious of the great mistake +that had been made in annexing Alsace-Lorraine and had a foreboding of +the coming loss of the Reichsland. He thus expresses himself in a +letter written June 21, 1903, to Professor Lamprecht at Leipzig: "We +are a young nation; <span class="pagenum"><a id="page53" name="page53"></a>(p. 53)</span> we have yet perhaps too much naïve faith +in force, we make too little importance of subtle measures, and we do +not understand that those who are conquered by force cannot be kept by +force alone."</p> + +<p>The prefect of police at Berlin, von Jagow, declared in January, 1914, +in relation to the Saverne affair: "The Germans in Alsace are in an +enemy country." And during this war more than one German general has +said to his troops at the time of marching into Alsace-Lorraine: "Now +we will march into the enemy country."</p> + +<p>It is easy to imagine what has been the fate of the country since the +opening of hostilities. It is the reign of terror. In the first place +persons inscribed on the black list, that is to say, those most +suspected, have been arrested and imprisoned. Those, who like the +author, have succeeded in escaping the talons of the Germans, have +been the objects of prosecution for so-called high treason, liable to +capital punishment. They have had their property seized and—supreme +misfortune—they <span class="pagenum"><a id="page54" name="page54"></a>(p. 54)</span> have been declared to have forfeited their +German nationality. The future only will tell us the fate of those who +were captured. The suspects not on the list and the families of the +imprisoned were by thousands deported into Germany. The Council of War +was in permanent operation. It gave sentences of thousands of years of +imprisonment with hard labour against Alsatians guilty of the +slightest anti-German manifestation or for the simplest token of +sympathy given the French prisoners or the wounded. All classes of +society fill the prisons. The penalties imposed on persons having +committed the crime of speaking French have been so numerous that a +facetious jailor said to a lady, who with tears in her eyes appeared +at the prison door: "Do not weep, Madam, you will be in good society +here, for this is the only spot where one still speaks French." The +summary executions can no longer be counted. Only the crimes committed +by the Germans in Belgium can surpass the horrors practised in +Alsace-Lorraine.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page55" name="page55"></a>(p. 55)</span> The French sentiment showed its greatest strength in the +wholesale desertion of the Alsatians to take service in the French +army; and also by the fact that the Alsace-Lorrainers, made prisoners +of war by the French, have asked to be enrolled in the French army. +Many of the Alsatians, who had the chance to go to the colonies so as +not to run the risk of being shot as "traitors" in case of being +captured by the Germans, have begged to be sent to the front to fight +the Germans, thus risking their lives twice in the service of France. +I think I am understating the truth in estimating at 30,000, the +number of Alsatians who were mobilized in the German forces and who +have gone over to the ranks of the French army. The latter has always +had a great attraction for the Alsatian, and whereas the number of +Alsatians serving as officers in the German army does not amount to a +dozen, of whom only one is a brigadier-general, the French army has +thousands of Alsatian officers among whom are hundreds of generals. +It is the same thing among the <span class="pagenum"><a id="page56" name="page56"></a>(p. 56)</span> civilians. Many office-holders +of all grades are of Alsatian origin, whereas the Alsatian who has +accepted an office or looked for any general position in Germany is +exceptional. Wherever the French troops have been able to penetrate +into Alsace-Lorraine, they have been received with enthusiasm, and +when they were obliged to retreat many people followed them into +France in order to escape the reprisals which were waiting for them.</p> + +<p>With the press muzzled and the severe censorship of letters, it will +be only after the war that we shall have exact knowledge of what +Alsace-Lorraine has passed through during this dreadful period. But +what we are certain of at present is that the attitude of the people +is the same now as in the past. The Alsatians, faithful in their +devotion to France, await with a patriotic impatience, but with an +unshaken faith in the victory of their holy cause, their deliverance +from the German yoke.</p> + +<p>Deputy Preiss, already quoted, was able to say to the Reichstag, June +30, 1896: "The <span class="pagenum"><a id="page57" name="page57"></a>(p. 57)</span> assimilation, the germanization has not taken a +single step forward.... It is terror that governs and poisons our +political life. The government does not understand the people and the +people do not understand the government.... History will say, The +German Empire was able to conquer Alsace-Lorraine materially, but was +not able to conquer her morally; she has not known how to win the +heart and the soul of the people."</p> + +<p>Is it not like a paraphrase of the celebrated verse so often sung all +through the country:</p> + +<p class="poem10"> +<span class="min33em">"</span>Vous n'aurez pas l'Alsace et la Lorraine<br> +<span class="add1em">Et malgré vous nous resterons Français!</span><br> + Vous avez pu germaniser la plaine,<br> +<span class="add1em">Mais notre cœur, vous ne l'aurez jamais!"</span></p> + +<p class="p2 poem10"> +<span class="min33em">"</span>Alsace-Lorraine ne'er will you own,<br> +<span class="add1em">In spite of you, Frenchmen are we,</span><br> + Others may serve with a curse and a groan,<br> +<span class="add1em">But ever our hearts shall be free!"?</span></p> + +<p>The situation has never changed. This is what one could read a short +time before <span class="pagenum"><a id="page58" name="page58"></a>(p. 58)</span> the war in a book of Professor Forster's of Munich +in a study on the failure of German policy in the frontier provinces: +"Alsace, a country of arch-German origin, forty years after her return +to Germany, has still to an astonishing degree French sympathies, or +at least it has no German sympathies. After more than forty years, we +have not been able to re-Germanize this population."</p> + +<p>Let us finish by another German testimony. This is how, from the +<i>Matin</i>, July 18, 1917, the <i>Kieler Zeitung</i> expresses itself on the +results of the germanization of Alsace-Lorraine: "The wise +conservatives thought that thanks to the reunion under the established +rule of the Empire, they could reconcile two provinces different from +each other, and having in common only an arrogant defiance of the +ambitions of the Empire."</p> + +<p>This confidence was an ignominious mistake. Lorraine bound itself +solidly and stubbornly to French congenial ideas, vigorously developed +in her in a large measure by the mother tongue; while, as to Alsace, +she <span class="pagenum"><a id="page59" name="page59"></a>(p. 59)</span> was like the twig of a German bough strayed away from its +ethnic tree and rotted to the core by French climate. They can be +reclaimed neither by benevolence nor by force.</p> + +<p>One understands why the German press and the German government are +interested in the dismemberment of Alsace-Lorraine and their division +between the Confederated States without thought of taking the opinion +of the people. Such opinion counts for nothing with the rulers of the +country, because the sentiments of the people are already well known. +They are French and for that reason Alsace-Lorraine will, without the +slightest difficulty, again become French. In an article of the <i>Revue +de Paris</i>, January, 1914 ("The Sentiments of Alsace-Lorraine"), at a +time when the question seemed to have only a theoretical interest, I +attempted to make this clear.</p> + +<p>That which the author of the article in the <i>Kieler Zeitung</i>, in his +ill-tempered German hatred, calls "rottenness" is, I contend, the +gentle radiance of the French spirit. It is <span class="pagenum"><a id="page60" name="page60"></a>(p. 60)</span> the bloom of a +civilization in which the savage adherent of <i>Kultur</i> recognizes a +lasting antagonist.</p> + +<p>Yes, Alsace-Lorraine has suffered under the Prussian rule of Germany. +This rule has weakened the strength of the country but could not kill +the spirit of its people. There is but one way in which the two +provinces can regain their health. They must again be united to +France, their mother country, their rightful home.</p> + +<p>We depend upon America, strong and generous, to help to bring about +this great result. It is America which will give the decisive aid +required for the Allies in their great struggle to preserve against +the barbarous assaults of German militarism, right, justice, and +civilization.</p> + +<p class="p2 center">THE END</p> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Alsace-Lorraine, by Daniel Blumenthal + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ALSACE-LORRAINE *** + +***** This file should be named 39883-h.htm or 39883-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/9/8/8/39883/ + +Produced by Laurent Vogel, Chuck Greif, Christine P. 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