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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Open Letter to the Right Honorable David
+Lloyd George, by Lajpat Rai
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: An Open Letter to the Right Honorable David Lloyd George
+ Prime Minister of Great Britain
+
+Author: Lajpat Rai
+
+Release Date: June 1, 2012 [EBook #39874]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN OPEN LETTER TO THE RIGHT ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by spend, Ernest Schaal, and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ _OTHER BOOKS BY LAJPAT RAI_
+
+ YOUNG INDIA
+
+ _An Interpretation and a History of the
+ Nationalist Movement from Within_
+
+ Price $1.50 net
+
+
+ ENGLAND'S DEBT TO INDIA
+
+ _A Historical Narrative of Britain's
+ Fiscal Policy in India_
+
+ Price $2.00 net
+
+
+ THE ARYA SAMAJ
+
+ _An Account of its Origins,
+ Doctrines and Activities_
+
+ Price $1.75 net
+
+
+ OBTAINABLE FROM ALL BOOKSELLERS
+
+
+
+
+ AN OPEN LETTER
+
+ TO
+
+ THE RIGHT HONORABLE
+ DAVID LLOYD GEORGE
+ PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN
+
+
+ BY
+ LAJPAT RAI
+
+ [Illustration]
+
+
+ NEW YORK
+ B. W. HUEBSCH
+ MCMXVII
+
+
+
+
+ Copyright, 1917, by Lajpat Rai
+ Printed in the United States of America
+
+
+
+
+ AN OPEN LETTER
+ TO
+ THE RIGHT HONORABLE
+ DAVID LLOYD GEORGE
+ _Prime Minister of Great Britain_
+
+
+
+
+ AN OPEN LETTER
+ TO
+ THE RIGHT HONORABLE
+ DAVID LLOYD GEORGE
+ _Prime Minister of Great Britain_
+
+
+Sir: I am an Indian who has, by the fear of your Government in India
+been forced to seek refuge in the United States, at least for the period
+of the war. In 1907, when Lord Minto's Government decided to put into
+operation an obsolete Regulation of the East India Company (III of 1818)
+against me, in order to put me out of the way, for a while, without even
+the form of a trial, Lord Morley, the then Secretary of State for India,
+defending his action, gave me the highest testimonial as far as my
+private character was concerned. You must have heard that speech though
+it would be presumptuous to imagine that you remember it.
+
+
+ MY CREDENTIALS
+
+Even my worst enemies have not been able to point out anything in my
+life which would give any one even the shadow of a reason to say that,
+in my private life, I have not been as good and honorable a person as
+any British politician or diplomat or proconsul, is or has been or can
+be. My record as a wage-earner is as clean and as honorable as that of
+the best of Britishers engaged in governing India.
+
+Mr. H. W. Nevinson, than whom a more truthful and honorable publicist is
+not known in British life, has said in his work, "The New Spirit in
+India," that once when he told a high Anglo-Indian official that I was a
+good man held in great esteem by my countrymen, the latter remarked,
+that because I had a high character in private life, I was the more
+dangerous as an agitator.
+
+I am reciting all this as evidence of my credentials to speak on
+behalf of my countrymen. Just now I am a mere exile. For the present,
+I cannot think of returning to India, unless in course of time I begin
+to feel that by running the risk of being hanged or imprisoned, I
+should be doing a greater service to my country, than by remaining
+outside. I am now in the fifty-third year of my life, out of which
+more than thirty-four were spent in the limelight of public gaze. I am a
+man of family with children and grandchildren and have had my share,
+however small, of the good things of the world. Political freedom for
+India has been a passion to me ever since I was a boy. However hard the
+life of an exile or a convict may be, I am prepared to risk everything
+in the cause of my country.
+
+In the language of that prince of political exiles, Joseph Mazzini, the
+word "exile," is perhaps the most cursed in the dictionary of man. It
+dries up the springs of affection; it deprives its victims of the sweet
+babblings and lispings of his little ones with whom every man of age
+loves to beguile the evening of his days; it closes the avenues of all
+comfort that are associated with that sweet word home; it shuts the
+doors of heaven and makes life a continued agony, hanging on the slender
+thread of such pity and hospitality as one may receive from the generous
+and kind-hearted foreigner.
+
+
+ INDIA COMPARED WITH GREAT BRITAIN
+
+How can I ask you who have perhaps never left your country except for
+some pleasant trips on the Continent, to put yourself in my position, if
+possible, for a moment only, and imagine how I long to kiss the soil,
+with which are mixed the bones of my mother and other forbears; how I
+miss the loving embrace of my beloved father, the sweet, expectant,
+imploring eyes of my widowed daughter, the devoted look of my wife and
+the kindly affectionate hand-shake of good and devoted friends. Nor can
+you realize how an Indian loves his country. How can you, of dark,
+sombre, fog ridden and misty climes, who are born of a chill atmosphere,
+of treacherously changing weather, who count hours of sunshine and
+months of darkness and fog and rain and snow and sleet, enter into the
+feelings of one whose country is a perpetual sunshine, and where
+universal light reigns--a country where weather is neither treacherous
+nor continually and rapidly changing, where beautiful dawns, starry
+nights, moonlit fields, resplendent waters, snow-clad hills and joyous
+rivers constantly and unremittingly fill one's mind with the sublimity,
+grandeur and beauty of nature; where one needs no stimulants to make him
+feel lighter and happier. An Indian needs no alcohol to forget his
+troubles. He has only to go to the Himalaya, or to the banks of Ganga,
+Brahmputra, Sindh or their numerous tributaries by which the land is
+blessed and fertilized. Oh, no! It is impossible for you to understand
+how passionately an Indian loves his country. He would rather starve in
+India than be a ruler of men in a foreign climate. For him, India is the
+land of Gods--the _Deva Bhúmí_ of his forefathers. It is the land of
+knowledge, of faith, of beatitude--the _Gnan Bhúmí_, the _Dharma Bhúmí_
+and the _Punni-Bhúmí_ of the ancient Aryas. It is the land of the Vedas
+and of the heroes--the _Veda Bhúmí_ and the _Vir Bhúmí_ of his
+ancestors. Yes, to him, it is the land of lands, the only place where he
+wishes to live, and more so, where he wishes to die. For a Hindu to die
+anywhere but in India, is as if he had been damned to hell. He shudders
+at the idea. To him, it is unthinkable. You may call it foolish,
+unpractical, sentimental and unprogressive; but there it is--a mighty
+fact of life into which no foreigner can penetrate.
+
+Every Englishman loves his country, its darkness, its fog, its sleet and
+rain nothwithstanding. Who does not love his country and who does not
+say:
+
+ Home, kindred, friends and country--these
+ Are ties with which we never part;
+ From clime to clime, o'er land and seas,
+ We bear them in our heart;
+ But, oh! 'tis hard to feel resigned,
+ When they must all be left behind!
+
+ --J. MONTGOMERY.
+
+If then, an Indian decides to be an exile, voluntarily and maybe for
+life, he only does so either under a grave sense of duty or of danger.
+The duty lies in speaking _the truth_ about political conditions in
+India and the danger in being effectively prevented from doing so if he
+remains there. No Indian can speak the _whole truth_ while in India. The
+criminal laws of your Government--your Penal and Criminal Codes,
+Seditious Meetings and Conspiracy Acts, and Press Laws, your tribunals
+presided over by your own people unaided by jurors--effectively gag his
+mouth.
+
+All honor to those who, though they cannot speak the whole truth, yet
+keep the fire burning in India and do as much as considerations of
+policy and expediency permit. If they do not speak the _whole truth_,
+they have at least the consolation of being at home, in the heart of
+their family and surrounded by their dear ones. For a political exile,
+however, there is nothing else to do, unless he has to carry on a fight
+for his living also, in which case he will divide his time between the
+two, that of earning bread and crying for justice for his country.
+Happily I have been comparatively free from much anxiety about the
+first. The only justification for my condition of exile, then, is that I
+continue to speak the truth about conditions in India and draw the
+attention of the world to them.
+
+But an additional reason has just been furnished to me by the morning
+papers of March 15, 1917. It is said that your agents in India have
+decided to raise a war loan of $500,000,000, equivalent to 1,500,000,000
+Rupees of Indian money, and also, to make the floating of the loan easy,
+your Government has agreed to increase the duty on cotton imports by 4%
+_ad valorem_. This war loan, it is added, would be a "_free gift_" of
+India to Great Britain! A free gift of $500,000,000 by starving,
+poverty-stricken India, to rich, wealthy, mighty Great Britain! Could
+anything be more astounding, more absurd and more tyrannical. The news
+has stunned me. I know that David Lloyd George, the British war-lord of
+1917, is not the same person who was the radical Chancellor of Exchequer
+in the Liberal Government from 1908 to 1914, and who did magnificent
+service to the British workingman by reducing his burdens and
+alleviating his condition. I have been told that the said David Lloyd
+George is dead and you, sir, are an entirely different person. The Lloyd
+George of 1914 could not possibly have done the thing which you, sir, in
+alliance with Curzons and Milners have just accomplished. The newspapers
+say you are the same person; only you have changed. If so, the change is
+not of opinion but of personality. Evidently the soul of the original
+David Lloyd George has left the body to make room for an altogether
+different soul. We Indians believe in the possibility of such a
+metamorphosis taking place even in the lifetime of the same body! The
+best part of the joke, however, in connection with the £100,000,000
+transaction lies in the fact that you call it _a gift by India_--_a gift
+indeed_. A gift like those given by Belgium to Germany. Is it not so,
+Mr. George? You are a shrewd person, very well educated, clever in
+diplomacy, well versed in tricks of speech and a master in statecraft;
+but even you ought to know that this trick will not deceive any one--not
+even the Indians who have been so often deceived by your predecessors in
+business. By way of adding insult to injury, you profess to do "_an act
+of justice_" to India by consenting to an increase of 4% on the duty
+leviable on imports of cotton goods. You say it is necessary for the
+success of the war loan of $500,000,000; but do you think that the
+Indians are so devoid of knowledge of the ordinary rules of arithmetic
+as not to understand what this "hitting below the belt" means to them?
+Your additional duty would but bring only $5,000,000 or $6,000,000 to
+the Indian exchequer, if the imports of cotton do not undergo a
+decrease. Your Government in India estimates it at £1,000,000 sterling.
+The interest at 5-1/2% amounts to $27,500,000. Your Government in India
+estimates an annual charge of £6,000,000 sterling. Where is the balance
+to come from except from the famished Indian _ryot_? Is that how you
+show your love for democracy, for the people at large, for the
+workingman? Your representatives in India and outside, are proclaiming
+to the world that India is the most lightly taxed country in the world,
+withholding the fact that the average income of an Indian is only £2 a
+year, of which he pays 7 shillings toward taxes. That was before the new
+taxes were imposed.
+
+Your publicists circulate another lie, viz., that India pays no tribute,
+while they know that from 20 to 40 millions sterling are remitted to
+England every year, out of which only a portion represents interest on
+loans made to India for the building of railways which your countrymen
+have used in developing their trade, and the remainder is the profit you
+make out of India. Then you cite the figures of trade in support of your
+theory that India is prosperous under British rule, but you forget that
+that trade benefits your country more than it benefits India, if at all.
+We send you food and raw materials at cheapest prices, making ourselves
+liable to "famines." You pay us in articles of luxury, of flimsy value,
+at the highest prices. The balance of trade is always in your favor. We
+toil and sweat, and your countrymen enjoy the profit. All the paying
+industries, railways, tea, jute, half of the cotton industry, etc., are
+in the hands of your countrymen. Theirs are the insurance companies,
+banks, railways and ships that profit by their trade. The railway rates
+discriminate against native industries and internal trade. Your
+countrymen get the plum-pudding, while our people cannot have even two
+meals of the coarsest food every day. When there is famine, millions
+die. Of late, your "scientific" methods of famine relief have succeeded
+in controlling mortality figures in famine days. The method by which you
+do this is genuinely scientific. Most of the deaths are charged to
+epidemics and disease; no one notices, however, that the havoc caused by
+disease is due to lack of nourishment and consequent low vitality.
+God-fearing Englishmen have cried themselves hoarse over the situation.
+The misery of the Indian masses has been pictured by their powerful pens
+in pathetic and soul-stirring words, but you and your colleagues still
+continue to ignore what they have said. New methods are every day being
+invented to exploit us. New departments with fat salaries for Englishmen
+are being multiplied. The public debt is being piled up. While hundreds
+of millions are spent on railways, nothing has been done to develop
+local industries. The country is suffering from lack of capital (cash
+and credit). (See Sir D. M. Hamilton's article in the _Calcutta Review_
+for July, 1916.) Every honest inquirer who makes inquiries on the spot
+and does not depend on the reports of your officials, finds and reports
+that the condition of the masses is the most pitiable (see the article
+by Mr. Manohar Lal in the _Allahabad Economic Journal_ for April, 1916,
+and also the paper by Mr. Patro, of Madras, read in a meeting presided
+over by the Governor of Madras). For the latest British testimony on the
+point, see an article on Indian Industrial Development by Mr. Moreland,
+C.S.I., C.I.E., in the _Quarterly Review_ for April, 1917, in the course
+of which he remarks: "It is a matter of common knowledge that the
+standard of life in India is undesirably low; that while the masses of
+the people are provided with the bare necessities of life of a bare
+existence [Are they?--L. R.] they are in far too many cases badly housed
+and badly clothed, badly doctored and badly taught, often overworked and
+often underfed; and that the present income, even if it were equitably
+distributed, would not suffice to provide the population with even the
+most indispensable elements of a reasonable life."
+
+A careful study of the Reports on Prices and Wages discloses that the
+real living wage in the case of the vast bulk of agricultural laborers
+has considerably diminished, and this in spite of the absurd conclusion
+of the Prices Commission appointed by your Government a few years ago.
+No one knows better than you, Mr. David Lloyd George, that big buildings
+in cities, mostly owned by foreign capitalists exploiting the country;
+big trade carried on by foreign exporters and importers; railway mileage
+and receipts of Government revenue do not mean prosperity. Even the
+importation of treasure secured by capitalists in payment for exports
+does not indicate better conditions of the masses. If the masses are so
+prosperous, as your officers say, why cannot you tax the people for
+purposes of education and sanitation? Why is the death rate so high
+(over 30 per thousand)? Why can't you force the local bodies to spend
+money on education and sanitation? Why do your finance ministers say
+that there is no room for further taxes? Most of your agents in India
+know the real condition of the people but they have to conceal it from
+the British public as well as the world, as that enables them and their
+kin to continue in the enjoyment of that power which means so much to
+them.
+
+In reply, you might well ask, why then is India loyal? Why do the people
+put up with all this? Why don't they rebel? Because they have been
+emasculated, and emasculated so completely, that they are absolutely
+helpless against your organized brigandage. They are weak, ignorant and
+incompetent. Sixty-four years ago they were not so helpless. But now
+they are completely demoralized and penniless. Your system has ground
+them into dust. They cannot even protect themselves from wild beasts.
+You have completely disarmed them. No Indian can possess a firearm
+except under a license from your magistrates, which is only rarely
+granted. You have completely hypnotized them by your professions of
+disinterested liberalism and altruism. The truth has, after all, dawned
+on them that you are the worst harpies they ever have had and if they
+could they would overthrow you without a scruple. You know that you are
+safe in their helplessness. When the war came they deluded themselves
+with the hope that in your hour of need you might accord them a better
+treatment, but by this time they have found their mistake and have
+concluded that, just as a lion may die of sheer exhaustion when attacked
+by an enemy rather than willingly loosen his grip on his prey so long as
+there is breath in his body, so a nation holding another in subjection
+might endanger her own existence without loosening her grip on her
+victim.
+
+When the war broke out in August, 1914, I, with other Indian publicists,
+thought that however badly you had treated us in the past we had nothing
+to gain by German victory and the best thing, under the circumstances,
+was for us to stand by you and establish our claim to better treatment.
+The Princes and people of India therefore stood by you. You and your
+colleagues have been singing their praises and extolling their loyalty,
+but nothing has been done so far to give them even the elementary
+political rights of a free people. Verily, we have had a deluge of fine
+words but not an iota of deeds. On the other hand, you have imposed
+fresh burdens on us. While doing an "act of justice" about the cotton
+duties you have committed a wrong which wipes away the little good that
+might otherwise have been expected to accrue therefrom. Your courts and
+officers in India have taken away what little freedom the people enjoyed
+before. In cases of alleged sedition the sentences inflicted have been
+quite on a par with the doings of the Romanoffs in Russia. This time
+even women have felt your steel.
+
+You knew as well as anyone else does, how the German government has been
+trying to win the good will of the Indians. It cannot be denied that the
+temptation was alluring. If, then, we have withstood it, it was not
+because we were in love with your Government in India, but on different
+grounds. Personally, I do not believe that any liberty is worth having
+which we cannot win ourselves, because liberty won by the aid of another
+places us at the mercy of that other. European diplomacy is so crooked
+that it is futile to place faith in the promises of any of them.
+
+I would esteem German friendship as much as British or American or that
+of the Japanese or the Chinese; I would gratefully accept any help
+anybody would render in educating and fitting our young men for the
+coming task, but I would not do anything that would cause useless
+bloodshed in India. I am not afraid of blood. Blood will have to be shed
+if we are to gain our freedom. I am not afraid of failures and defeats.
+Failures and defeats are sometimes the necessary steps to victory. I do
+not believe in peace at any price; nor pacificism at any cost. I do not
+believe that "they also serve who only stand and wait." I am for a manly
+assertion of our rights, even though blood may have to be spilled in
+asserting or defending them; yet I would consider it highly improper to
+encourage bloodshed where there is not a ghost of a chance of success.
+That, in my eyes, is sheer lunacy and I have never made a secret of it.
+So I protested against my people attempting to stir up revolt in India,
+under the instigation of a foreign government. It was due to my horror
+of useless bloodshed. I have no doubt that _agents provocateur_ played
+an important part in instigating those whom your courts have found
+guilty and sent to the gallows. I believe that the men who have been
+sacrificed should have lived and worked for the movement for which they
+have died. So that, in a nutshell, gives you my attitude towards foreign
+help. Remember, please, sir, that I do not presume to pronounce any
+judgment on those who think differently and have acted in the light of
+their consciences. I simply state my opinion and my attitude.
+
+This time the movement has failed. It was bound to fail. But the
+experience which the Indians engaged in the cause have gained is not
+lost. Next time, and who knows, the chance may come at no distant date,
+they will profit by the experience thus gained. The world is not in love
+with you, sir. There are a dozen peoples in the world who will be glad
+to see your downfall and help in bringing it about. They will not
+support the Indian Nationalist and the Indian Revolutionist openly, but
+they will encourage him in every way they can, without bringing about
+diplomatic complications. So the Indian will not be altogether
+friendless when the next opportunity to strike comes. By that time the
+country also will be better prepared to do something more definite and
+more spectacular.
+
+Under the circumstances, the question that I wish to put to you is:
+"Would you do nothing to avert it?" It is in your power to act if you
+will. The Indians are very easily satisfied. They abhor bloodshed. They
+do not like revolution. They will gladly remain in the Empire, if
+permitted to do so on terms of self-respect and honor. Their needs are
+few. Their life is simple. They care more for spiritual values than for
+worldly goods. They envy nobody's property. They have no ambition to
+start on a career of exploitation. All they want is to be let to live
+and think as they will. At present they are let _to exist_, but not to
+live. More than 100 million are insufficiently fed. At least 60 millions
+do not get two meals a day. More than 80% of the boys receive no
+schooling, and more than 90% of the girls. They work and toil and sweat
+primarily in the interests of the British capitalist and secondarily in
+the interests of his Indian colleague. The latter only gets the leavings
+of the former. The ships, the railways, the leading banking houses, the
+big insurance offices, the tea plantations, one-half of the cotton
+mills, about all the woollen mills, most of the paper mills, all jute
+mills are owned by the former; a few by the latter. The profits of
+agriculture are divided between your Government and the big landlords.
+The pressure on land has reduced the size of the ryots' holdings, while
+the number of mouths requiring food and the number of bodies requiring
+clothing has increased.
+
+Your Government encourages drinking, speculating and gambling in a way
+never before conceived. If you have any pity in your heart, sir; if you
+are a good father and a good husband, I would beseech you to devote but
+an hour's time to the wages tables printed by your Government in their
+Report on Prices and Wages (1915). I give a few samples below:
+
+In the district of Patna (Behar), the monthly wage of an able-bodied
+agricultural laborer in the year 1907 was only R5.62 (say R6) equal to
+8s. or $2. In 1873 it was from R3 to R4. Imagine the laborer having a
+family of four and then conceive how he manages to live on this wage. In
+Fyzabad (Oude) the monthly wage of an able-bodied agricultural laborer
+was only R4 (5s. 4d. or $1.33) in 1905, the same as it was in 1873. In
+1906 it is given as ranging from R1.87 to R4 a month. From 1873 to 1906
+it was never more than R4 a month.
+
+In Cawnpore (U. P.) it was R3.75 in 1873; R3 in 1892; less than 4 in
+1896; from 3.44 to R5 in 1898 and from R3.69 to 7 in 1903; at which
+figure it practically stayed up to 1906, the last year for which figures
+are given in the report.
+
+In Meerut (U. P.) it was R4.33 in 1906 as against R4.5 in 1873.
+
+In Belgaun (Madras) it was R6.25 in 1912.
+
+In Jubbulpore (C. P.) it was R5 in 1908.
+
+In Raipur (C. P.) it was R5 in 1908.
+
+In Bellary (Madras) it was R4.75 in 1907.
+
+In Salem (Madras) it has never exceeded R3.67 since 1873.
+
+The Government postal runners who carry mails at a trotting pace for
+several miles a day, often making two trips in 24 hours, are paid the
+following salaries in the different provinces of your Indian Empire:
+
+ Bengal 1913, R7.75 a month, $2.58
+ Behar and Orissa " 6.33 " 2.10
+ United Provinces " 6.25 " 2.08
+ Panjab and N.W.F " 7.75 " 2.58
+ Bombay " 7.5 " 2.35
+ Central Provinces " 7. " 2.33
+ Madras " 7.11 " 2.40
+ (The equivalents in dollars are approximate.)
+
+Postmen who are supposed to be literate, received from R10 to R16 a
+month (_i. e._, from $3.33 to $5.33 a month) in the different provinces
+in 1913.
+
+The scale of wages allowed to unskilled labor in the railway yards of
+Mirzapore and Cawnpore (U. P.) is given between R5 to R6 per month
+(_i. e._, less than $2.00). These are figures of 1914.
+
+In the canal foundry and workshop at Roorkee (U. P.) the daily wage in
+1916 was only 4 annas a day (_i. e._, 8 cents).
+
+In the Cawnpore saddlery establishment, the bullock drivers, the
+sweepers and the _Bhishties_ received only R5 and R6 a month (_i. e._,
+less than 8s. or $2.00); the lascars from R6 to R7 (_i. e._, $2.00 to
+$2.33).
+
+In the woolen mills in Northern India unskilled labor was paid at R8.12
+(_i. e._, less than $3.00) a month in 1914. These are the rates allowed
+in big cities. For other big cities the rates may, in some cases, be
+somewhat better, but in small rural towns and villages, they are
+considerably less.
+
+Does the Indian laborer, considering his standard of life, the size of
+his family and the requirements of decency, get a living wage? I am sure
+that a humane inquirer, not so much interested in the good name of the
+Government as in truth, will have no hesitation in answering the
+question in the negative. Any increase in wages has to be divided over
+the average strength of a family, which will show how disproportionate
+the increase in wages is to the increase in prices. In a family of five
+with one or two earning hands the increase in wages is two-fold at the
+most. While the increase in the cost of living by the increase in prices
+is five-fold. Your Official Report writers always ignore this important
+consideration. As for the housing conditions in which Indian workmen
+live, let me present to you the following testimony from a recent issue
+of the _Times of India_, Bombay (quoted in the London _Times_, June,
+1917):
+
+ "It is no unusual sight to find fifteen or twenty persons, of
+ both sexes, lying huddled on the floor of a single room in a
+ stifling atmosphere and a vile stench. A single small window or
+ an open door gives the only ventilation. Furniture there is
+ none, beyond a few brass pots and some pegs. The sanitary
+ arrangements are unspeakable. Every noise and smell that occurs
+ in the neighborhood penetrates the crazy walls and floor and
+ disturbs the sleepers. The chawls are often so rickety that it
+ is a miracle that they do not collapse under their own weight.
+ They seem to be kept up like a house of cards, by the support of
+ their scarcely less rickety neighbors."
+
+As for the Indian laborer getting any education or any leisure for art
+or for the pursuit of taste, that is out of the question. The condition
+of the small farmer or _ryot_ is even worse. Sir, if you are ever
+inclined to study the actual conditions of life in India, do not rely
+upon the "conclusions" of your officers as embodied in reports. Study
+the facts, given in the reports, but disregard the conclusions. If you
+seek the aid of an Indian Nationalist he may show you how the reports
+are drawn up, and how dates and figures have been selected to suit
+conclusions. Having been a lawyer most of your life you are well aware
+of the magical properties of special pleading. In the hands of a
+skillful apologist, the figures can be made to mean anything. Better
+still, if you want to have a glimpse of conditions of life in India,
+depute an honest man of the type of Mr. Nevinson to go to Indian
+villages unaccompanied by officials, and see the things for himself; or
+to the slums in towns. The slums of Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Lahore,
+Delhi, Cawnpore, Lucknow, Benares, will throw the slums of London and
+New York far back into the shade. The latter are verily a paradise as
+compared with the former. As to the villages, the less said the better.
+
+The point is in fact conceded by all fair-minded English publicists.
+
+The _Manchester Guardian_, only the other day, discussing the recent
+increase in the cotton duties, questioned "the wisdom and justice" of
+this £100,000,000 exaction from India and admitted that "the loss it
+represents to an extremely poor population like that of India is very
+much greater than the gain to England." Even the _Morning Post_, that
+representative of Jingo Imperialism, recognizes the extreme poverty of
+the masses of India. I will not quote the _Nation_ as you do not like
+that journal. The moneyed classes of India, the Rajas and Maharajas, the
+bankers and mill owners, the industrial corporations that will fill this
+loan could not find a more profitable investment. They get 100 per cent.
+stock for 95 and besides get from 5 to 5-1/2 per cent. interest, in some
+cases free of income tax for thirty years to come. Upon whom will the
+burden of interest fall? Neither on the lender nor on the borrower, but
+mainly on the ryot and the laborer. Do you know, sir, that the average
+price of salt (wholesale) in Lahore, Punjab, had risen from R1-9-7 a
+maund in 1912-13 to R2-7-3 in 1916-17? But that in retail sale "the
+average price of salt per maund (82 lbs.) had risen from R1-14-0 to
+R5-0-0" (_Tribune_, Lahore, March, 1917). The fresh taxation imposed
+since the war, which by this loan-cum-gift transaction of 100 million
+sterling threatens to become permanent, has raised the prices of the
+necessaries of life to an abnormal extent. The wages remain virtually
+the same. Your Government which employs large numbers of laboring men in
+railways, canals, and otherwise have not considered it necessary to
+raise the wages of the workingmen. Will the private employer do
+otherwise? I know from personal knowledge how frightfully the poor
+Indian clerk is sweated in the offices of your Government in India on a
+mere pittance. Can't you feel for the millions of those little ones
+whose already scanty, insufficient food is still further reduced by the
+fresh taxes imposed by your Government to find means to pay the war
+budget and this permanent addition of £6,000,000 a year to their burden?
+Don't you know, sir, that in India there are millions of widows (much
+more than in any other country) who have to support their little ones by
+their own toil and that every penny of additional taxation hits them
+hard. The hardships and privations imposed in Europe by the war are
+nothing as compared with what the Indian masses have been putting up
+with, for the last fifty years or so. The fiscal policy of your
+Government has ruined Indian industry. You know it as well as anyone
+else. Did you notice the letter of Mr. G. W. Forrest in the London
+_Times_ of March 14, 1917, wherein he admitted that "the tale of
+England's dealing with Indian industry was one of littleness and
+injustice," and that "by positive prohibition and heavy duties the
+Indian textile trade in England was destroyed and our own trade was
+fostered." You and your colleagues have used grandiloquent rhetoric in
+your defense of the increase in the cotton duties in India and over your
+concern for India and Indian industries, but you are mistaken if you
+think that anyone in India is likely to be taken in by your hypocritical
+professions. Pardon me, sir, I mean no insult when I say "hypocritical
+professions." The practice is a part of a modern statesman's job. He has
+to create a certain atmosphere before he can make his people believe
+that what he does is the only correct thing to do.
+
+Your cotton duties, sir, afford no relief to the Indian poor. It would
+not have hurt me much, if you had forced or induced the Rajas and the
+Maharajas, the bankers and the capitalists to contribute even more than
+100 million pounds to the war expenses, as it is they who have grown
+fat, if anyone in India has, under the British regime, but to force the
+Indian ryot and the Indian wage earner to do it and to continue to pay
+for it for years to come out of his scanty daily rations is the climax
+of cruelty. Then the unkindest cut of all is that it should come from
+you, whom we had associated with feelings of kindness, and pity, for the
+poor and the workmen.
+
+Your Government has called it a free and spontaneous gift of the people
+of India! If the members of your cabinet, if the Secretary of State for
+India, if the Governor General of India and his ministers of the
+Executive Council, are the people of India, then truly you are right and
+we wrong. If they are not the people of India, as they are not, then it
+is a gift by yourself to yourself, of other peoples' money. Again, the
+statement that the measure was unanimously approved of by the Indian
+members of the council is a _diplomatic lie_. You know that the matter
+was settled between your Cabinet as represented by the Secretary of
+State for India and the Viceroy's Executive Council (which includes only
+one Indian member nominated by you), before it was announced in the
+Legislative Council. You know also, sir, and if you don't, you ought to,
+that the Indian Legislative Council has no power under the law to make
+any changes in the budget. The budget is entirely beyond their purview.
+The members can only extol it or criticise it. They can propose
+resolutions disapproving of some of its provisions which can amount to
+nothing more than pious wishes even if passed. But the official majority
+in the Council guarantees the defeat of any hostile resolutions by
+non-official members. Re this loan-cum-gift transaction, the
+non-official members of the Legislative Council put a seal on their
+mouths because they thought it was useless to incur the risk of being
+called disloyal for a matter which was reported to them as a _fait
+accompli_ and which they could not in any way change or modify; yet two
+of them did raise a sort of feeble protest.
+
+
+ IT IS NOT A GIFT BY THE PEOPLE OF INDIA
+
+The press comments on it, however subdued and timid and halting, leave
+no doubt about the real mind of India in the matter. The truth has been
+pointed out by the _Manchester Guardian_ and the _Nation_. (Beg your
+pardon, sir, for mentioning the _Nation_ again). The former, in its
+issue of March 15, remarked: "It is we, who govern India and not the
+Indian people. The initiative in all financial proposals necessarily
+comes from the government we appoint in India, and these cannot reach
+the light of public discussion in the Legislative Council or elsewhere
+until they have received the sanction of the Secretary of State for
+India here. For Mr. Chamberlain to throw off upon Indian people the
+responsibility for originating and devising the 100 million contribution
+is as unconvincing a rhetorical exercise as the House of Commons has
+witnessed for many a long day. The responsibility from the first to the
+last is his and that of the Indian Government. We have said more than
+once, and we repeat it that in our opinion a wise statesmanship would
+both find better uses in India for India's millions and employ India
+more advantageously for the common cause by using more of her manhood
+and less of her money," I will not quote the _Nation_, sir, which is on
+this point as explicit, if not more, as the _Manchester Guardian_.
+
+Now, sir, you know that India has been very eager to fight for the
+Empire. She has supplied you with about 350,000 troops in this war,
+paying for their services and equipment herself. But 350,000 do not
+represent even a fraction of her man power, the whole of which she was
+prepared to throw in this struggle. While Australia and Canada and
+Ireland have either rejected conscription or are shirking, India has
+been clamoring for it. You can no longer say that you could not utilize
+India's manhood because of the prejudice of color. That shibboleth has
+been shattered by this war and, we hope, for good. The colored people of
+Asia and Africa are fighting in numbers alongside of the best European
+troops. Poor people! They believe they are fighting to make the world
+"safe for democracy!" You cannot say that Indians are lacking in
+fighting qualities, because the existence of them in a high degree they
+have proved conclusively in face of difficulties, by no means light and
+contemptible. That the Indian soldier can hold his own in Europe, even
+better than the European soldier in Southern Asia, has been established
+beyond the shadow of a doubt by the experiences of this war. Why, then,
+won't you use India's manhood and relieve her of this financial exaction
+which she can ill afford to meet, without suffering egregiously?
+
+
+ INDIA'S TEEMING MILLIONS WANT FOOD AND
+ KNOWLEDGE OF THREE R'S
+
+The question for India's teeming millions is not "how to live well" but
+how to live at all. There is no question of comforts for them. What they
+want, and do not get, is sufficient and nourishing food and a knowledge
+of the three R's. Your Government is unable to give them the first, and
+persists in refusing to give them the second; yet when an Indian
+publicist loses patience and says "slavery has deprived Indians of
+wealth, honors and freedom, and has reduced them to destitution and
+starvation," your Viceroy in India cites it as an instance of depraved
+journalism and a justification for the gagging of the press. He
+complains that "there are papers in India which magnify the ills from
+which she suffers" and "which harp upon plague, famine, malaria and
+poverty" and "ascribe them all to the curse of an alien government." May
+I ask, sir, if it is not a fact that millions in India die of famine,
+plague, and malaria? Is it not a fact that the curses and the appalling
+effects of them, are directly or indirectly traceable to poverty? Many
+countries on the face of the earth do not grow food sufficient for
+themselves while India does. Why then should India alone suffer from
+famines when her food supply, once in a while, falls short of the
+ordinary year of agricultural "prosperity?" If even during famine years
+India can supply food to other nations by exports of wheat and other
+grains, why can't she keep that food at home and feed her own hungry
+children? Why should plague have stayed in India so long? Why should
+malaria exact such a heavy annual toll there? The reason is obvious.
+Because of the ignorance and poverty of the people.
+
+Let us assume that India has not grown poorer under British rule, though
+there is abundant evidence to the contrary, that the masses have become
+poorer and are becoming poorer every day; let us also assume that in the
+matter of education India was worse off under native rule--_i. e._,
+before the introduction of the British rule--a period of history when no
+other part of the world was any the better. Is it not a matter of shame,
+that after 150 years of British rule, when most of the other national
+governments in other parts of the world have reduced their illiteracy
+almost to zero point, India should still have more than 90% of its
+population illiterate. Is it not a matter of shame, that of all the
+grain producing countries of the world India alone should be so
+miserably situated as to be unable to supply sufficient and nourishing
+food to her sons and daughters. Don't you think, sir, that the Indians
+have reason to feel sore when they see that the food grown by them is
+denied to them; that it is almost snatched from their mouths; that
+others should eat the food which is grown by them, that even in the best
+of years millions of them must be contented with only one meal a day,
+and that of the coarsest grain.
+
+Do you remember, Mr. Lloyd George, how bitter you felt against the
+capitalist, when you yourself in your boyhood, felt the pinch of want?
+Have you forgotten all that you said in the Lime-house speech? I repeat
+that the sufferings of the British laborer and workingmen, the trials of
+the British poor are nothing compared with those of the Indian ryot and
+the Indian workingmen and the Indian clerks in your employ in that
+country. Yet you have no feeling to spare for them, and those that have,
+you and your Government brand as malcontents and seditionists. Don't you
+think, sir, that the Indian ryot and the Indian poor are being crushed
+under the weight of two capitalisms superimposed upon each other--one
+foreign and the other indigenous? When we ask for freedom to manage our
+own affairs you say we are not fit to do so. But what can we do to
+ourselves which will be worse than what you have done us? If left free,
+we might bring to book the indigenous capitalists whom, in the interests
+of your own capitalists, you have been supporting and fattening. But
+even if we fail to do so, we shall at any rate have upon us the burden
+of only a single weight. Your colleagues say that in refusing
+self-government to India they are actuated by devotion to India; that
+they do not want to hand over the millions of India to the tender
+mercies of a small minority of educated and wealthy men in whose hands
+the government will inevitably drift. Supposing it does, it will be easy
+for the masses to keep the minority in check. They can revolt and rebel,
+but under your Government the bureaucracy is all powerful. The truth is,
+sir, that the condition of these very millions, in whose interests, you
+say, you are reluctant to give power to the educated and the wealthy
+few, is a standing condemnation of your government there. The educated
+minority and the wealthy few are fairly well off under your regime. It
+is the ignorant ryot and the millions of workingmen and women who
+suffer. In the words of one of your distinguished writers (W. Lily),
+they do not live but just exist.
+
+Recently the _Times_ said that the British were "the trustees of the
+welfare of India's millions." Who are these millions for whom you are
+trustees? Are they those homeless, educationless millions who get only
+one meal a day or are they those who have benefitted from your schools
+and are wealthy? If the former, you have failed in your trust. If the
+latter, they are quite fit to manage their own affairs. It was only the
+other day that Mr. Austen Chamberlain was reported to have said
+(_Times_, London, March 30) at a luncheon given to him and the India's
+so-called representatives at the Imperial conference (one of whom was a
+Lieutenant Governor interested in extending India's sphere of
+subjection) that "India will not remain and ought not to remain content
+to be a hewer of wood and a drawer of water for the rest of the Empire."
+Noble words these, full of hope and encouragement. But what a sad and a
+crushing acknowledgment of the present helpless condition of India. It
+is a truthful statement for which the Indians ought to be grateful to
+Mr. Chamberlain. At the present moment India is a mere "hewer of wood
+and a drawer of water" for the rest of the Empire. Against that her sons
+protest, and will continue to protest, as long as the wrongs of the
+country are not redressed, your press act, your sedition laws, jails and
+prisons notwithstanding.
+
+The position, Mr. Lloyd George, is pathetic. When we ask for more outlay
+on education, you say, no, the condition of the finances will not permit
+of that. When we point out the way to find finances, you say, "no,
+further taxes are impossible and retrenchment in public expenditure in
+other departments undesirable." When we say, "give us the management and
+we will do it," you say, "no you are unfit." The result is that you will
+neither educate the masses yourself nor will you let us educate them.
+Yet you hold their ignorance a valid ground for refusing us our right to
+manage our own affairs. When, however, you want money for Imperial
+purposes you raise loans, impose taxes, and reduce public expenditure on
+education and public works. You have done this not only now, for the
+purposes of this bloody war, but you have done so in the past in
+building railways for your merchants and to fight your wars in Africa,
+in China, in Afghanistan, in fact, all over the old world. It is true
+the present is a trying time for you and you may have a pretence of
+justification in this crisis in your Imperial life. But so long as you
+refuse the conscription of wealth in your home islands, what right have
+you to impose this conscription of India's money resources? You have not
+forced the dominions to make monetary contributions. In fact you have
+advanced them over £140,000,000 from your own funds. You have not so far
+called upon the British capitalists to pay even a fraction of their
+wealth. You have simply taxed their excessive profits. Why should you
+have made an exception in the case of India? India is the poorest part
+of the Empire. Yet it is she who has been selected for this exceptional
+treatment. She had already made lavish gifts of money and provisions and
+equipment. Her gifts were in entire disproportion to her means. Compared
+with your dominions' resources and their money sacrifices India's
+contribution stood higher than those of the former. Yet you selected
+India for this compulsory money contribution because India is the only
+part of the Empire which you could thus treat. India is the only part of
+the Empire which has been forced to give $500,000,000 as a _free gift_.
+Even the fabulously rich United States which have made huge war profits
+from you and your other allies have not thought of a national gift. Yet
+imperial sophistry represented by your imperial publicists and
+officials, represents that Great Britain exacts no tribute from India
+and makes no profit out of her connection with India and that she rules
+India simply out of philanthropic and humanitarian motives.
+
+
+ WASTE
+
+One would have thought that under the pressure of the war, your
+Government in India would make an honest and earnest effort to reduce
+expenditure on public services, at least under heads mainly ornamental
+or which only afford luxuries to your agents in India; but on the other
+hand, what is the actual situation? A perusal of the proceedings of the
+Imperial Legislative Council and also of the Provincial Councils shows
+that all efforts made by the non-official members to obtain additional
+money for education and sanitation by the reduction of expenditure on
+luxuries, were opposed by your Government, and were consequently
+defeated. All efforts to reduce expenditure on comforts were of course
+resisted by those who enjoyed them, and it is they whose votes count in
+the Indian Councils. For example, it was proposed that the huge
+expenditure incurred by the different Government Departments, Imperial
+and Provincial, in moving to the Hills for seven months of the year,
+should be reduced, at least partially. Many persons competent to express
+an opinion on the subject, among them Lord Carmichael, the retiring
+Governor of Bengal, have placed it on record that this "exodus to the
+hills" was not necessary, and was in fact prejudicial to the interests
+of good government; yet the Government opposed the motion of the
+non-official member and he was forced to withdraw it. A similar motion
+to curtail the expenditure on the ornamentation of the residence of the
+Lieutenant Governor of the United Provinces was also opposed and met a
+similar fate. The huge allowances made to the heads of the different
+governments in India for kitchen expenses, for dispensing hospitality,
+and for traveling in royal style have not been reduced by a penny. The
+Punjab Government has provided in its current budget a large amount of
+money for providing palatial residences for its officers in summer
+resorts, and has sanctioned large pensions, from father to son, for a
+few of their Indian supporters. These men are mostly wealthy men. They
+did nothing more than help you in your suppressive and exploiting
+policy. Your Government naturally rewards them. Is it not bribery. If an
+expert financier were to examine into these items, which can only pass
+unchallenged in a country wherein the people have no voice in the
+raising of the taxes and in spending them, it would be found that great
+savings could be effected and the money thus made available used for
+other urgent needs of the people. The fact is that the Indian ryot who
+pays for all these extravagances has no voice to check the vagaries of
+those who spend his money for their own comforts. I have not mentioned
+the lavish scale on which special traveling allowances are granted to
+high officials in India. It is a matter of common knowledge that these
+officials do not spend as much as they draw under this head. Yet it is
+actually proposed that the salaries and the allowances for the European
+members of the Indian services be substantially raised. _Verily,
+taxation without representation_ is a crime of the worst possible kind.
+
+
+ DEMOCRACY
+
+Mr. Lloyd George, you and your colleagues in the Government of Great
+Britain, say that in fighting the Germans you are fighting the battle of
+Democracy, to make the world safe from autocracy and militarism, that
+you are fighting for rights of small nations, and for the domination of
+right over might. The United States has joined the war for the same
+reason. I have seen numerous recruiting posters exhibited in New York
+City exhorting young Americans to enlist in the army "to make the world
+safe" for Democracy. I have not the slightest doubt of the sincerity of
+the American professions because their international record is so far
+clean. Vide their record in Cuba and the Philippines. Can we say the
+same for Great Britain? I am afraid not, so long at least, as you
+continue to deny self-government to India, the second of the two biggest
+democracies of the world. Here is a nation of 315 million human beings
+(or say several nations, if you wish, as your publicists are so fond of
+repeating _ad nauseam_ that India is not a nation) whom you are
+governing by the force of might, without their consent, and on
+absolutely despotic lines; whom you deny freedom of speech, freedom of
+association and freedom of education; whom you tax without their consent
+and then spend those taxes outside of their country, and in providing
+luxuries to your representatives in India or in bribing such Indians as
+uphold you in your possessions. I have no doubt that you are sincere in
+your denunciation of German militarism. For myself I have no use for
+Czars and Kaisers, Emperors and Sultans, and I dare say that you, too,
+have none. Thus I am in full sympathy with your efforts to exterminate
+the race of Kaisers. So far you are right. But an Indian cannot help
+smiling rather cynically when he hears you saying that you are waging
+the war to make the world safe for democracy. Your conduct in India and
+in Egypt, and in Persia belies your protestations.
+
+
+ AS TO SMALL NATIONS
+
+In defending your conduct you urge that India is not a nation. Very
+well, sir, divide India into small nations and give them self-government
+separately. You will admit that there are parts of India which are
+homogenous, entitled to be called small nations in the sense in which
+Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, and Holland are. The bulk of the
+population follow the same religion, speak the same language and belong
+to the same race. Remember, please, that I do not admit that India is
+not a nation or that the sameness of language, religion and race is
+necessary for a political national existence. Switzerland, Canada, the
+United States, South Africa, Russia, and Austria-Hungary have demolished
+that theory.
+
+The apologists of the present system of Government in India say that the
+Indian people are not sufficiently educated in the principles and
+practice of politics and that their ignorance and illiteracy make it
+necessary for the British to continue to rule them from without, until
+they are fit to establish and maintain a democratic form of government.
+I have already made some remarks about illiteracy and shown that the
+responsibility for it rests on your shoulders. If you, sir, are to be
+the sole judge of the educational requirements of the Indian people,
+their progress is bound to hang on your convenience. No one in
+possession is anxious to be dispossessed and if the time and method of
+his dispossession is to be determined by himself, then woe to the
+dispossessed! But, sir, you forget that literacy is not education. The
+Indian masses have a background of centuries of culture which places
+them in the matter of intelligence and character, in a better position
+than even the literate millions of European and American countries. And
+after all, it is intelligence and culture that count most in the fixing
+of final values.
+
+As for their training in political life, how are they to get it, if you
+make it a penal offence for their leaders to tell them that the present
+system of Government is unnatural, harmful, and a hindrance to progress?
+The masses cannot grasp principles unless one illustrates these
+principles by their application to the affairs of every day life. Your
+Government and your courts say that an agitation for home rule is legal
+and permissible, but any criticism that is likely to create
+dissatisfaction is illegal and deserves to be suppressed high-handedly.
+You know from experience, sir, that the masses require to be led. No
+government is willing to make changes unless compelled from below. That
+is as true of democratic America as of monarchical England. Much more
+must it be so in the case of countries under foreign yoke. To carry the
+people with them, the leaders must expose the existing evils and stress
+the necessity and urgency of sweeping changes in political conditions.
+The moment they proceed to do so with any degree of effectiveness, they
+are charged with an attempt to create disaffection and convicted of
+sedition. Do you honestly believe that any people on the face of the
+earth can make any progress in political education when they are ruled
+by a Press Act which stops criticism and discussion in the following
+terms:
+
+ SECTION OF THE INDIAN PRESS ACT OF 1910
+
+ Whenever it appears to the Local Government that any printing
+ press in respect of which any security has been deposited as
+ required by Section 3 is used for the purpose of printing or
+ publishing any newspaper, book, or other document containing any
+ words, signs or visible representations which are likely to have
+ a tendency directly, or indirectly, whether by inference,
+ suggestion, allusion, metaphor, implication or otherwise:
+
+ (a) To incite to murder or to any offense under the Explosives
+ Substances Act of 1908, or to any act of violence or
+
+ (b) To seduce any officer, soldier, or sailor in the Army or
+ Navy of His Majesty from his allegiance or his duty or
+
+ (c) To bring into hatred or contempt His Majesty or the
+ Government established by the law in British India, or the
+ Administration of Justice in British India or any native Prince
+ or Chief under the suzeranity of His Majesty or any class or
+ section of His Majesty's subjects in British India or to excite
+ disaffection towards His Majesty or the said Government or any
+ such Prince or Chief or
+
+ (d) To put any person in fear or to cause any annoyance to him
+ and thereby induce him to deliver to any person any property or
+ valuable security, or to do any act which he is not legally
+ bound to do or to omit any act which he is legally entitled to
+ do or
+
+ (e) To encourage or incite any person to interfere with the
+ administration of the law or with the maintenance of law and
+ order or
+
+ (f) To convey any threat of injury to a public servant, or to
+ any person in whom the public servant is believed to be
+ interested, with a view to inducing that person to do any act or
+ to forbear to do any act connected with the exercise of his
+ public functions the Local Government may, by notice in writing
+ to the keeper of such printing press, stating or describing the
+ words, signs or visible representations which in its opinion are
+ of the nature described above, declare the security deposited in
+ respect of such Press and all copies of such newspaper, book, or
+ other document wherever found to be forfeited to His Majesty.
+
+ EXPLANATION I: In clause c the expression disaffection includes
+ disloyalty and all feelings of enmity.
+
+ EXPLANATION II: Comments expressing the disapproval of the
+ measures of the Government of any such native Prince or Chief as
+ aforesaid with a view to obtain their alteration by lawful means
+ or of the administration or other action of the Government or
+ any such native Prince or Chief or of the administration of
+ Justice in British India without exciting or attempting to
+ excite hatred, contempt, or disaffection, do not come under the
+ scope of clause c.
+
+Can any people make headway in the art of self-government who are
+governed by a foreign bureaucracy aided by an army of Indian Czars
+regulating the very minutest details of their life? You know that this
+over government of India is a direct result of your rule. Before you
+came the Indian village was a self-governed unit. (See statements of
+Monroe, Elphinstone, Metcalfe, and Lawrence.) Even now the people in the
+Native States are in this respect better off than the people of British
+India. The Education Minister of your Cabinet, Mr. H. A. L. Fisher has,
+after a visit to India, placed it on record that "the inhabitants of a
+well governed Native State are, on the whole, happier and more contented
+than the inhabitants of British India. They are more lightly taxed; the
+pace of the administration is less urgent and exacting. They feel that
+they do things for themselves instead of having everything done by a
+cold and alien benevolence." Yet if an Indian leader were to point this
+out and ask the Indian masses to improve their lot by demanding and
+winning for themselves the right to manage their own affairs, and by
+driving out those influences that stand in their way, he would be
+persecuted and imprisoned or transported.
+
+The first axiom for political progress is that the people should
+throw away their attitude of submission to oppression, tyranny,
+high-handedness, and conditions of slavery whether imposed by a national
+or a foreign Government. They have a right to revolt if they have the
+means to do so successfully. But in any case, they have a right to
+discuss, agitate and organize for changes. This they cannot do unless
+they have a free press, a free platform, and the right of free
+association. In India the first is denied by the Press Act, the second
+by the comprehensive sections of the Penal Code, and the third by the
+so-called "Seditious Meetings Act." What little was left has been done
+away with under the extensive powers taken and exercised by the
+Executive under the plea of war exigency by the "Defense of India Act."
+While every other part of the Empire, including the "Mother Country" is
+discussing political and economic changes of an extremely radical
+character, such as the establishment of a more effective Imperial
+Parliament and Preferential Tariffs after the war, not to speak of
+constructive programmes for education, and industrial rejuvenation, the
+Indian leaders are "officially" advised to be mum, and any effort to
+rouse the country to a consciousness of its rights and duties is
+characterized as perverted, ill-timed, and inconsistent with loyalty.
+
+The advocates of "Home Rule" are being openly hampered in their
+propaganda. Papers advocating home rule have been persecuted, and
+leaders have been prohibited from entering provincial areas. But what is
+worse is that the Criminal Investigation Department have been instructed
+to take down the names of all those who have enlisted in the cause,
+either as active or passive workers. A deputation of representatives of
+the press that waited on the Viceroy to lay their grievances before him
+has been lectured on the impropriety of thus raising the question at
+this juncture and has otherwise been treated with shocking discourtesy.
+
+In conclusion, let me ask you, sir, to notice the coercive methods by
+which the War Loan is being raised in India. Poor underpaid subordinate
+officials are being forced to purchase Government stock. They will
+surely purchase the stock and win the good-will of their officers, but
+just as surely they will squeeze the cost out of the people. That will
+be strictly in accord with the standards of loyalty set up by your
+officials!
+
+Mr. David Lloyd George, I have addressed this letter to you, because at
+this moment you seem to be the only British statesman possessed of
+imagination. Exercise your imagination, sir, a little and save India for
+the Empire; win the gratitude and blessings of a fifth of the human
+race--of a people who were one of the first pioneers of civilization in
+the world, who laid the foundations of culture, which you profess to be
+so very anxious to save. Remember that the Indians were rich,
+prosperous, free, self-governing, civilized and great, both in peace and
+war, when not only Britain but even "Greece and Rome were nursing the
+tenants of the wilderness." The Indians have lost their freedom because
+they oppressed the people under them and as surely as night follows day,
+the British will lose all that makes them great to-day, if they continue
+to oppress and exploit the subject races within their Empire. The world
+cannot be safe for democracy unless India is self-governed. Nor can
+there be any lasting peace in the world, so long as India and China are
+not strong enough to protect themselves.
+
+Pardon me, sir, if I have disturbed you at such a critical moment;
+though it is folly to presume that you could be disturbed in the
+slightest degree by such a letter. I have written it out of a sense of
+duty as sacred as that which inspires you in your herculean task; and if
+you are inclined to think harshly of me for this letter, just try to put
+yourself in my position and decide what then would be your point of
+view.
+
+ LAJPAT RAI.
+New York City, June 13, 1917.
+
+
+
+
+ Transcriber Notes:
+
+Passages in italics were indicated by _underscores_.
+
+Small caps were replaced with ALL CAPS.
+
+Throughout the dialogues, there were words used to mimic accents of
+the speakers. Those words were retained as-is.
+
+Errors in punctuations and inconsistent hyphenation were not corrected
+unless otherwise noted.
+
+Page 11, "Deva Bhúmi" was replaced with "Deva Bhúmí".
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Open Letter to the Right Honorable
+David Lloyd George, by Lajpat Rai
+
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+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Open Letter to the Right Honorable David
+Lloyd George, by Lajpat Rai
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: An Open Letter to the Right Honorable David Lloyd George
+ Prime Minister of Great Britain
+
+Author: Lajpat Rai
+
+Release Date: June 1, 2012 [EBook #39874]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN OPEN LETTER TO THE RIGHT ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by spend, Ernest Schaal, and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 477px;">
+<img class="border" src="images/front_cover.jpg" width="477" height="700" alt="" title="" />
+</div>
+
+<hr class="hr2" />
+
+<p class="center"><i>OTHER BOOKS BY LAJPAT RAI</i></p>
+
+<p class="center">YOUNG INDIA</p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>An Interpretation and a History of the
+Nationalist Movement from Within</i></p>
+
+<p class="center">Price $1.50 net</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p class="center">ENGLAND&#39;S DEBT TO INDIA</p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>A Historical Narrative of Britain&#39;s
+Fiscal Policy in India</i></p>
+
+<p class="center">Price $2.00 net</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p class="center">THE ARYA SAMAJ</p>
+
+<p class="center"><i>An Account of its Origins,
+Doctrines and Activities</i></p>
+
+<p class="center">Price $1.75 net</p>
+
+<p class="center">OBTAINABLE FROM ALL BOOKSELLERS</p>
+
+<hr class="hr2" />
+
+<p class="center">AN OPEN LETTER</p>
+
+<p class="center">TO</p>
+
+<p class="cnobmargin">THE RIGHT HONORABLE</p>
+<p class="cnomargins">DAVID LLOYD GEORGE</p>
+<p class="cnotmargin">PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN</p>
+
+<p class="cnobmargin">BY</p>
+<p class="cnotmargin">LAJPAT RAI</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 251px;">
+<img src="images/i_002.jpg" width="251" height="300" alt="" title="" />
+</div>
+
+<p class="cnobmargin">NEW YORK</p>
+<p class="cnomargins">B. W. HUEBSCH</p>
+<p class="cnotmargin">MCMXVII</p>
+
+<hr class="hr2" />
+
+<p class="cnobmargin">Copyright, 1917, by Lajpat Rai</p>
+<p class="cnotmargin">Printed in the United States of America</p>
+
+<hr class="hr2" />
+
+<p class="center">AN OPEN LETTER</p>
+
+<p class="center">TO</p>
+
+<p class="cnobmargin">THE RIGHT HONORABLE</p>
+<p class="cnomargins">DAVID LLOYD GEORGE</p>
+<p class="cnotmargin">PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN</p>
+
+<hr class="hr2" />
+
+<p class="indent"><span class="pagenum"><a name="page7" id="page7"></a>[pg&nbsp;7]</span></p>
+
+<p class="cnobmargin">AN OPEN LETTER</p>
+<p class="cnomargins">TO</p>
+<p class="cnomargins">THE RIGHT HONORABLE</p>
+<p class="cnomargins">DAVID LLOYD GEORGE</p>
+<p class="cnotmargin"><i>Prime Minister of Great Britain</i></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p class="indent">Sir: I am an Indian who has, by the fear of
+your Government in India been forced to seek
+refuge in the United States, at least for the
+period of the war. In 1907, when Lord Minto&#39;s
+Government decided to put into operation an
+obsolete Regulation of the East India Company
+(III of 1818) against me, in order to put me
+out of the way, for a while, without even the
+form of a trial, Lord Morley, the then Secretary
+of State for India, defending his action, gave
+me the highest testimonial as far as my private
+character was concerned. You must have heard
+that speech though it would be presumptuous to
+imagine that you remember it.</p>
+
+<p class="center"><span class="pagenum"><a name="page8" id="page8"></a>[pg&nbsp;8]</span>
+MY CREDENTIALS</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Even my worst enemies have not been able to
+point out anything in my life which would give
+any one even the shadow of a reason to say that,
+in my private life, I have not been as good and
+honorable a person as any British politician or
+diplomat or proconsul, is or has been or can be.
+My record as a wage-earner is as clean and as
+honorable as that of the best of Britishers engaged
+in governing India.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Mr. H. W. Nevinson, than whom a more truthful
+and honorable publicist is not known in
+British life, has said in his work, &quot;The New
+Spirit in India,&quot; that once when he told a high
+Anglo-Indian official that I was a good man
+held in great esteem by my countrymen, the
+latter remarked, that because I had a high character
+in private life, I was the more dangerous
+as an agitator.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">I am reciting all this as evidence of my
+credentials to speak on behalf of my countrymen.
+Just now I am a mere exile. For the
+present, I cannot think of returning to India,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page9" id="page9"></a>[pg&nbsp;9]</span>
+unless in course of time I begin to feel that by
+running the risk of being hanged or imprisoned,
+I should be doing a greater service to my country,
+than by remaining outside. I am now in
+the fifty-third year of my life, out of which
+more than thirty-four were spent in the limelight
+of public gaze. I am a man of family
+with children and grandchildren and have had
+my share, however small, of the good things of
+the world. Political freedom for India has been
+a passion to me ever since I was a boy. However
+hard the life of an exile or a convict may be,
+I am prepared to risk everything in the cause
+of my country.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In the language of that prince of political
+exiles, Joseph Mazzini, the word &quot;exile,&quot; is perhaps
+the most cursed in the dictionary of man.
+It dries up the springs of affection; it deprives
+its victims of the sweet babblings and lispings
+of his little ones with whom every man of age
+loves to beguile the evening of his days; it
+closes the avenues of all comfort that are associated
+with that sweet word home; it shuts the
+doors of heaven and makes life a continued
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page10" id="page10"></a>[pg&nbsp;10]</span>
+agony, hanging on the slender thread of such
+pity and hospitality as one may receive from
+the generous and kind-hearted foreigner.</p>
+
+<p class="center">INDIA COMPARED WITH GREAT BRITAIN</p>
+
+<p class="indent">How can I ask you who have perhaps never
+left your country except for some pleasant trips
+on the Continent, to put yourself in my position,
+if possible, for a moment only, and imagine how
+I long to kiss the soil, with which are mixed the
+bones of my mother and other forbears; how I
+miss the loving embrace of my beloved father,
+the sweet, expectant, imploring eyes of my
+widowed daughter, the devoted look of my wife
+and the kindly affectionate hand-shake of good
+and devoted friends. Nor can you realize how
+an Indian loves his country. How can you, of
+dark, sombre, fog ridden and misty climes, who
+are born of a chill atmosphere, of treacherously
+changing weather, who count hours of sunshine
+and months of darkness and fog and rain and
+snow and sleet, enter into the feelings of one
+whose country is a perpetual sunshine, and where
+universal light reigns&mdash;a country where weather
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page11" id="page11"></a>[pg&nbsp;11]</span>
+is neither treacherous nor continually and rapidly
+changing, where beautiful dawns, starry nights,
+moonlit fields, resplendent waters, snow-clad hills
+and joyous rivers constantly and unremittingly
+fill one&#39;s mind with the sublimity, grandeur and
+beauty of nature; where one needs no stimulants
+to make him feel lighter and happier. An
+Indian needs no alcohol to forget his troubles.
+He has only to go to the Himalaya, or to the
+banks of Ganga, Brahmputra, Sindh or their
+numerous tributaries by which the land is blessed
+and fertilized. Oh, no! It is impossible for you
+to understand how passionately an Indian loves
+his country. He would rather starve in India
+than be a ruler of men in a foreign climate. For
+him, India is the land of Gods&mdash;the <i>Deva Bhúmí</i>
+of his forefathers. It is the land of knowledge,
+of faith, of beatitude&mdash;the <i>Gnan Bhúmí</i>, the
+<i>Dharma Bhúmí</i> and the <i>Punni-Bhúmí</i> of the
+ancient Aryas. It is the land of the Vedas and
+of the heroes&mdash;the <i>Veda Bhúmí</i> and the <i>Vir
+Bhúmí</i> of his ancestors. Yes, to him, it is the
+land of lands, the only place where he wishes to
+live, and more so, where he wishes to die. For
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page12" id="page12"></a>[pg&nbsp;12]</span>
+a Hindu to die anywhere but in India, is as if
+he had been damned to hell. He shudders at
+the idea. To him, it is unthinkable. You may
+call it foolish, unpractical, sentimental and unprogressive;
+but there it is&mdash;a mighty fact of
+life into which no foreigner can penetrate.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Every Englishman loves his country, its darkness,
+its fog, its sleet and rain nothwithstanding.
+Who does not love his country and who does not
+say:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Home, kindred, friends and country&mdash;these</span>
+<span class="i2">Are ties with which we never part;</span>
+<span class="i0">From clime to clime, o&#39;er land and seas,</span>
+<span class="i2">We bear them in our heart;</span>
+<span class="i0">But, oh! &#39;tis hard to feel resigned,</span>
+<span class="i0">When they must all be left behind!</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p class="center">&mdash;<span class="smcap">J. Montgomery</span>.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">If then, an Indian decides to be an exile, voluntarily
+and maybe for life, he only does so
+either under a grave sense of duty or of danger.
+The duty lies in speaking <i>the truth</i> about political
+conditions in India and the danger in being
+effectively prevented from doing so if he remains
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page13" id="page13"></a>[pg&nbsp;13]</span>
+there. No Indian can speak the <i>whole truth</i>
+while in India. The criminal laws of your Government&mdash;your
+Penal and Criminal Codes,
+Seditious Meetings and Conspiracy Acts, and
+Press Laws, your tribunals presided over by
+your own people unaided by jurors&mdash;effectively
+gag his mouth.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">All honor to those who, though they cannot
+speak the whole truth, yet keep the fire burning
+in India and do as much as considerations of
+policy and expediency permit. If they do not
+speak the <i>whole truth</i>, they have at least the
+consolation of being at home, in the heart of
+their family and surrounded by their dear ones.
+For a political exile, however, there is nothing
+else to do, unless he has to carry on a fight for
+his living also, in which case he will divide his
+time between the two, that of earning bread and
+crying for justice for his country. Happily I
+have been comparatively free from much anxiety
+about the first. The only justification for my
+condition of exile, then, is that I continue to
+speak the truth about conditions in India and
+draw the attention of the world to them.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><span class="pagenum"><a name="page14" id="page14"></a>[pg&nbsp;14]</span>
+But an additional reason has just been furnished
+to me by the morning papers of March 15,
+1917. It is said that your agents in India have
+decided to raise a war loan of $500,000,000,
+equivalent to 1,500,000,000 Rupees of Indian
+money, and also, to make the floating of the loan
+easy, your Government has agreed to increase the
+duty on cotton imports by 4% <i>ad valorem</i>. This
+war loan, it is added, would be a &quot;<i>free gift</i>&quot; of
+India to Great Britain! A free gift of $500,000,000
+by starving, poverty-stricken India, to
+rich, wealthy, mighty Great Britain! Could anything
+be more astounding, more absurd and more
+tyrannical. The news has stunned me. I know
+that David Lloyd George, the British war-lord
+of 1917, is not the same person who was the
+radical Chancellor of Exchequer in the Liberal
+Government from 1908 to 1914, and who did
+magnificent service to the British workingman
+by reducing his burdens and alleviating his condition.
+I have been told that the said David
+Lloyd George is dead and you, sir, are an entirely
+different person. The Lloyd George of 1914
+could not possibly have done the thing which you,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page15" id="page15"></a>[pg&nbsp;15]</span>
+sir, in alliance with Curzons and Milners have
+just accomplished. The newspapers say you are
+the same person; only you have changed. If so,
+the change is not of opinion but of personality.
+Evidently the soul of the original David Lloyd
+George has left the body to make room for an
+altogether different soul. We Indians believe
+in the possibility of such a metamorphosis taking
+place even in the lifetime of the same body!
+The best part of the joke, however, in connection
+with the £100,000,000 transaction lies in the fact
+that you call it <i>a gift by India</i>&mdash;<i>a gift indeed</i>.
+A gift like those given by Belgium to Germany.
+Is it not so, Mr. George? You are a shrewd
+person, very well educated, clever in diplomacy,
+well versed in tricks of speech and a master in
+statecraft; but even you ought to know that this
+trick will not deceive any one&mdash;not even the
+Indians who have been so often deceived by
+your predecessors in business. By way of adding
+insult to injury, you profess to do &quot;<i>an act of justice</i>&quot;
+to India by consenting to an increase of 4%
+on the duty leviable on imports of cotton goods.
+You say it is necessary for the success of the war
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page16" id="page16"></a>[pg&nbsp;16]</span>
+loan of $500,000,000; but do you think that the
+Indians are so devoid of knowledge of the ordinary
+rules of arithmetic as not to understand
+what this &quot;hitting below the belt&quot; means to them?
+Your additional duty would but bring only
+$5,000,000 or $6,000,000 to the Indian exchequer,
+if the imports of cotton do not undergo
+a decrease. Your Government in India estimates
+it at £1,000,000 sterling. The interest at
+5-1/2% amounts to $27,500,000. Your Government
+in India estimates an annual charge of £6,000,000
+sterling. Where is the balance to come
+from except from the famished Indian <i>ryot</i>? Is
+that how you show your love for democracy, for
+the people at large, for the workingman? Your
+representatives in India and outside, are proclaiming
+to the world that India is the most
+lightly taxed country in the world, withholding
+the fact that the average income of an Indian is
+only £2 a year, of which he pays 7 shillings
+toward taxes. That was before the new taxes
+were imposed.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Your publicists circulate another lie, viz., that
+India pays no tribute, while they know that from
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page17" id="page17"></a>[pg&nbsp;17]</span>
+20 to 40 millions sterling are remitted to England
+every year, out of which only a portion
+represents interest on loans made to India for
+the building of railways which your countrymen
+have used in developing their trade, and the remainder
+is the profit you make out of India.
+Then you cite the figures of trade in support of
+your theory that India is prosperous under
+British rule, but you forget that that trade benefits
+your country more than it benefits India, if
+at all. We send you food and raw materials at
+cheapest prices, making ourselves liable to
+&quot;famines.&quot; You pay us in articles of luxury,
+of flimsy value, at the highest prices. The
+balance of trade is always in your favor. We
+toil and sweat, and your countrymen enjoy the
+profit. All the paying industries, railways, tea,
+jute, half of the cotton industry, etc., are in the
+hands of your countrymen. Theirs are the insurance
+companies, banks, railways and ships
+that profit by their trade. The railway rates
+discriminate against native industries and internal
+trade. Your countrymen get the plum-pudding,
+while our people cannot have even two
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page18" id="page18"></a>[pg&nbsp;18]</span>
+meals of the coarsest food every day. When
+there is famine, millions die. Of late, your
+&quot;scientific&quot; methods of famine relief have succeeded
+in controlling mortality figures in famine
+days. The method by which you do this is
+genuinely scientific. Most of the deaths are
+charged to epidemics and disease; no one notices,
+however, that the havoc caused by disease is due
+to lack of nourishment and consequent low
+vitality. God-fearing Englishmen have cried
+themselves hoarse over the situation. The misery
+of the Indian masses has been pictured by their
+powerful pens in pathetic and soul-stirring words,
+but you and your colleagues still continue to
+ignore what they have said. New methods are
+every day being invented to exploit us. New
+departments with fat salaries for Englishmen are
+being multiplied. The public debt is being piled
+up. While hundreds of millions are spent on
+railways, nothing has been done to develop local
+industries. The country is suffering from lack
+of capital (cash and credit). (See Sir D. M.
+Hamilton&#39;s article in the <i>Calcutta Review</i> for
+July, 1916.) Every honest inquirer who makes
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page19" id="page19"></a>[pg&nbsp;19]</span>
+inquiries on the spot and does not depend on
+the reports of your officials, finds and reports
+that the condition of the masses is the most pitiable
+(see the article by Mr. Manohar Lal in the
+<i>Allahabad Economic Journal</i> for April, 1916,
+and also the paper by Mr. Patro, of Madras,
+read in a meeting presided over by the Governor
+of Madras). For the latest British testimony on
+the point, see an article on Indian Industrial
+Development by Mr. Moreland, C.S.I., C.I.E., in
+the <i>Quarterly Review</i> for April, 1917, in the
+course of which he remarks: &quot;It is a matter of
+common knowledge that the standard of life in
+India is undesirably low; that while the masses of
+the people are provided with the bare necessities
+of life of a bare existence [Are they?&mdash;L. R.]
+they are in far too many cases badly housed and
+badly clothed, badly doctored and badly taught,
+often overworked and often underfed; and that
+the present income, even if it were equitably distributed,
+would not suffice to provide the population
+with even the most indispensable elements
+of a reasonable life.&quot;</p>
+
+<p class="indent">A careful study of the Reports on Prices
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page20" id="page20"></a>[pg&nbsp;20]</span>
+and Wages discloses that the real living wage in
+the case of the vast bulk of agricultural laborers
+has considerably diminished, and this in spite of
+the absurd conclusion of the Prices Commission
+appointed by your Government a few years ago.
+No one knows better than you, Mr. David Lloyd
+George, that big buildings in cities, mostly owned
+by foreign capitalists exploiting the country; big
+trade carried on by foreign exporters and importers;
+railway mileage and receipts of Government
+revenue do not mean prosperity. Even the
+importation of treasure secured by capitalists in
+payment for exports does not indicate better conditions
+of the masses. If the masses are so
+prosperous, as your officers say, why cannot you
+tax the people for purposes of education and
+sanitation? Why is the death rate so high (over
+30 per thousand)? Why can&#39;t you force the
+local bodies to spend money on education and
+sanitation? Why do your finance ministers say
+that there is no room for further taxes? Most
+of your agents in India know the real condition
+of the people but they have to conceal it from
+the British public as well as the world, as that
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page21" id="page21"></a>[pg&nbsp;21]</span>
+enables them and their kin to continue in the
+enjoyment of that power which means so much
+to them.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In reply, you might well ask, why then is
+India loyal? Why do the people put up with
+all this? Why don&#39;t they rebel? Because they
+have been emasculated, and emasculated so completely,
+that they are absolutely helpless against
+your organized brigandage. They are weak,
+ignorant and incompetent. Sixty-four years ago
+they were not so helpless. But now they are
+completely demoralized and penniless. Your
+system has ground them into dust. They cannot
+even protect themselves from wild beasts. You
+have completely disarmed them. No Indian can
+possess a firearm except under a license from
+your magistrates, which is only rarely granted.
+You have completely hypnotized them by your
+professions of disinterested liberalism and altruism.
+The truth has, after all, dawned on them
+that you are the worst harpies they ever have
+had and if they could they would overthrow you
+without a scruple. You know that you are safe
+in their helplessness. When the war came they
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page22" id="page22"></a>[pg&nbsp;22]</span>
+deluded themselves with the hope that in your
+hour of need you might accord them a better
+treatment, but by this time they have found their
+mistake and have concluded that, just as a lion
+may die of sheer exhaustion when attacked by
+an enemy rather than willingly loosen his grip
+on his prey so long as there is breath in his body,
+so a nation holding another in subjection might
+endanger her own existence without loosening
+her grip on her victim.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">When the war broke out in August, 1914,
+I, with other Indian publicists, thought that however
+badly you had treated us in the past we had
+nothing to gain by German victory and the best
+thing, under the circumstances, was for us to
+stand by you and establish our claim to better
+treatment. The Princes and people of India
+therefore stood by you. You and your colleagues
+have been singing their praises and extolling their
+loyalty, but nothing has been done so far to give
+them even the elementary political rights of a
+free people. Verily, we have had a deluge of
+fine words but not an iota of deeds. On the
+other hand, you have imposed fresh burdens on
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page23" id="page23"></a>[pg&nbsp;23]</span>
+us. While doing an &quot;act of justice&quot; about the
+cotton duties you have committed a wrong which
+wipes away the little good that might otherwise
+have been expected to accrue therefrom. Your
+courts and officers in India have taken away
+what little freedom the people enjoyed before.
+In cases of alleged sedition the sentences inflicted
+have been quite on a par with the doings of the
+Romanoffs in Russia. This time even women
+have felt your steel.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">You knew as well as anyone else does, how the
+German government has been trying to win the
+good will of the Indians. It cannot be denied
+that the temptation was alluring. If, then, we
+have withstood it, it was not because we were in
+love with your Government in India, but on
+different grounds. Personally, I do not believe
+that any liberty is worth having which we cannot
+win ourselves, because liberty won by the
+aid of another places us at the mercy of that
+other. European diplomacy is so crooked that
+it is futile to place faith in the promises of any
+of them.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">I would esteem German friendship as much as
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page24" id="page24"></a>[pg&nbsp;24]</span>
+British or American or that of the Japanese or
+the Chinese; I would gratefully accept any help
+anybody would render in educating and fitting
+our young men for the coming task, but I would
+not do anything that would cause useless bloodshed
+in India. I am not afraid of blood. Blood
+will have to be shed if we are to gain our freedom.
+I am not afraid of failures and defeats.
+Failures and defeats are sometimes the necessary
+steps to victory. I do not believe in peace at any
+price; nor pacificism at any cost. I do not believe
+that &quot;they also serve who only stand and wait.&quot;
+I am for a manly assertion of our rights, even
+though blood may have to be spilled in asserting
+or defending them; yet I would consider it highly
+improper to encourage bloodshed where there is
+not a ghost of a chance of success. That, in my
+eyes, is sheer lunacy and I have never made a
+secret of it. So I protested against my people
+attempting to stir up revolt in India, under the
+instigation of a foreign government. It was due
+to my horror of useless bloodshed. I have no
+doubt that <i>agents provocateur</i> played an important
+part in instigating those whom your
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page25" id="page25"></a>[pg&nbsp;25]</span>
+courts have found guilty and sent to the gallows.
+I believe that the men who have been sacrificed
+should have lived and worked for the movement
+for which they have died. So that, in a nutshell,
+gives you my attitude towards foreign help.
+Remember, please, sir, that I do not presume to
+pronounce any judgment on those who think
+differently and have acted in the light of their
+consciences. I simply state my opinion and my
+attitude.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">This time the movement has failed. It was
+bound to fail. But the experience which the
+Indians engaged in the cause have gained is not
+lost. Next time, and who knows, the chance may
+come at no distant date, they will profit by the
+experience thus gained. The world is not in
+love with you, sir. There are a dozen peoples
+in the world who will be glad to see your downfall
+and help in bringing it about. They will
+not support the Indian Nationalist and the
+Indian Revolutionist openly, but they will encourage
+him in every way they can, without
+bringing about diplomatic complications. So the
+Indian will not be altogether friendless when
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page26" id="page26"></a>[pg&nbsp;26]</span>
+the next opportunity to strike comes. By that
+time the country also will be better prepared to
+do something more definite and more spectacular.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Under the circumstances, the question that I
+wish to put to you is: &quot;Would you do nothing
+to avert it?&quot; It is in your power to act if you
+will. The Indians are very easily satisfied. They
+abhor bloodshed. They do not like revolution.
+They will gladly remain in the Empire, if permitted
+to do so on terms of self-respect and honor.
+Their needs are few. Their life is simple. They
+care more for spiritual values than for worldly
+goods. They envy nobody&#39;s property. They have
+no ambition to start on a career of exploitation.
+All they want is to be let to live and think as
+they will. At present they are let <i>to exist</i>, but
+not to live. More than 100 million are insufficiently
+fed. At least 60 millions do not get
+two meals a day. More than 80% of the boys
+receive no schooling, and more than 90% of the
+girls. They work and toil and sweat primarily
+in the interests of the British capitalist and
+secondarily in the interests of his Indian colleague.
+The latter only gets the leavings of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page27" id="page27"></a>[pg&nbsp;27]</span>
+former. The ships, the railways, the leading
+banking houses, the big insurance offices, the tea
+plantations, one-half of the cotton mills, about
+all the woollen mills, most of the paper mills, all
+jute mills are owned by the former; a few by
+the latter. The profits of agriculture are divided
+between your Government and the big landlords.
+The pressure on land has reduced the size of the
+ryots&#39; holdings, while the number of mouths
+requiring food and the number of bodies requiring
+clothing has increased.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Your Government encourages drinking, speculating
+and gambling in a way never before
+conceived. If you have any pity in your heart,
+sir; if you are a good father and a good husband,
+I would beseech you to devote but an hour&#39;s
+time to the wages tables printed by your Government
+in their Report on Prices and Wages
+(1915). I give a few samples below:</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In the district of Patna (Behar), the monthly
+wage of an able-bodied agricultural laborer in
+the year 1907 was only R5.62 (say R6) equal to
+8s. or $2. In 1873 it was from R3 to R4. Imagine
+the laborer having a family of four and then
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page28" id="page28"></a>[pg&nbsp;28]</span>
+conceive how he manages to live on this wage.
+In Fyzabad (Oude) the monthly wage of an
+able-bodied agricultural laborer was only R4
+(5s. 4d. or $1.33) in 1905, the same as it was
+in 1873. In 1906 it is given as ranging from
+R1.87 to R4 a month. From 1873 to 1906 it
+was never more than R4 a month.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In Cawnpore (U. P.) it was R3.75 in 1873;
+R3 in 1892; less than 4 in 1896; from 3.44 to
+R5 in 1898 and from R3.69 to 7 in 1903; at
+which figure it practically stayed up to 1906,
+the last year for which figures are given in the
+report.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In Meerut (U. P.) it was R4.33 in 1906 as
+against R4.5 in 1873.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In Belgaun (Madras) it was R6.25 in 1912.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In Jubbulpore (C. P.) it was R5 in 1908.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In Raipur (C. P.) it was R5 in 1908.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In Bellary (Madras) it was R4.75 in 1907.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In Salem (Madras) it has never exceeded
+R3.67 since 1873.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">The Government postal runners who carry
+mails at a trotting pace for several miles a day,
+often making two trips in 24 hours, are paid the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page29" id="page29"></a>[pg&nbsp;29]</span>
+following salaries in the different provinces of
+your Indian Empire:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="0" width="100%" summary="wages">
+<tr>
+<td>Bengal</td>
+<td>1913,</td>
+<td>R7.75</td>
+<td>a month,</td>
+<td>$2.58</td>
+</tr>
+
+<tr>
+<td>Behar and Orissa</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>6.33</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>2.10</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td>United Provinces</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>6.25</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>2.08</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td>Panjab and N.W.F</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>7.75</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>2.58</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td>Bombay</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>7.5</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>2.35</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td>Central Provinces</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>7.</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>2.33</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td>Madras</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>7.11</td>
+<td>&quot;</td>
+<td>2.40</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="center">(The equivalents in dollars are approximate.)</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Postmen who are supposed to be literate, received
+from R10 to R16 a month (<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i>, from
+$3.33 to $5.33 a month) in the different provinces
+in 1913.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">The scale of wages allowed to unskilled labor
+in the railway yards of Mirzapore and Cawnpore
+(U. P.) is given between R5 to R6 per month
+(<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i>, less than $2.00). These are figures of
+1914.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In the canal foundry and workshop at Roorkee
+(U. P.) the daily wage in 1916 was only 4
+annas a day (<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i>, 8 cents).</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In the Cawnpore saddlery establishment, the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page30" id="page30"></a>[pg&nbsp;30]</span>
+bullock drivers, the sweepers and the <i>Bhishties</i>
+received only R5 and R6 a month (<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i>, less than
+8s. or $2.00); the lascars from R6 to R7 (<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i>,
+$2.00 to $2.33).</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In the woolen mills in Northern India unskilled
+labor was paid at R8.12 (<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i>, less than
+$3.00) a month in 1914. These are the rates
+allowed in big cities. For other big cities the
+rates may, in some cases, be somewhat better,
+but in small rural towns and villages, they are
+considerably less.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Does the Indian laborer, considering his standard
+of life, the size of his family and the requirements
+of decency, get a living wage? I am
+sure that a humane inquirer, not so much interested
+in the good name of the Government
+as in truth, will have no hesitation in answering
+the question in the negative. Any increase in
+wages has to be divided over the average strength
+of a family, which will show how disproportionate
+the increase in wages is to the increase in
+prices. In a family of five with one or two
+earning hands the increase in wages is two-fold
+at the most. While the increase in the cost of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page31" id="page31"></a>[pg&nbsp;31]</span>
+living by the increase in prices is five-fold. Your
+Official Report writers always ignore this important
+consideration. As for the housing conditions
+in which Indian workmen live, let me present to
+you the following testimony from a recent issue
+of the <i>Times of India</i>, Bombay (quoted in the
+London <i>Times</i>, June, 1917):</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="indent">&quot;It is no unusual sight to find fifteen or twenty
+persons, of both sexes, lying huddled on the floor
+of a single room in a stifling atmosphere and a
+vile stench. A single small window or an open
+door gives the only ventilation. Furniture there
+is none, beyond a few brass pots and some pegs.
+The sanitary arrangements are unspeakable.
+Every noise and smell that occurs in the neighborhood
+penetrates the crazy walls and floor and
+disturbs the sleepers. The chawls are often so
+rickety that it is a miracle that they do not collapse
+under their own weight. They seem to
+be kept up like a house of cards, by the support
+of their scarcely less rickety neighbors.&quot;</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="indent">As for the Indian laborer getting any education
+or any leisure for art or for the pursuit of
+taste, that is out of the question. The condition
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page32" id="page32"></a>[pg&nbsp;32]</span>
+of the small farmer or <i>ryot</i> is even worse. Sir,
+if you are ever inclined to study the actual conditions
+of life in India, do not rely upon the
+&quot;conclusions&quot; of your officers as embodied in
+reports. Study the facts, given in the reports,
+but disregard the conclusions. If you seek
+the aid of an Indian Nationalist he may show
+you how the reports are drawn up, and how
+dates and figures have been selected to suit
+conclusions. Having been a lawyer most of
+your life you are well aware of the magical
+properties of special pleading. In the hands of
+a skillful apologist, the figures can be made to
+mean anything. Better still, if you want to have
+a glimpse of conditions of life in India, depute
+an honest man of the type of Mr. Nevinson to
+go to Indian villages unaccompanied by officials,
+and see the things for himself; or to the slums
+in towns. The slums of Calcutta, Bombay,
+Madras, Lahore, Delhi, Cawnpore, Lucknow,
+Benares, will throw the slums of London and
+New York far back into the shade. The latter
+are verily a paradise as compared with the former.
+As to the villages, the less said the better.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><span class="pagenum"><a name="page33" id="page33"></a>[pg&nbsp;33]</span>
+The point is in fact conceded by all fair-minded
+English publicists.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">The <i>Manchester Guardian</i>, only the other day,
+discussing the recent increase in the cotton
+duties, questioned &quot;the wisdom and justice&quot; of
+this £100,000,000 exaction from India and admitted
+that &quot;the loss it represents to an extremely
+poor population like that of India is very much
+greater than the gain to England.&quot; Even the
+<i>Morning Post</i>, that representative of Jingo Imperialism,
+recognizes the extreme poverty of the
+masses of India. I will not quote the <i>Nation</i> as
+you do not like that journal. The moneyed
+classes of India, the Rajas and Maharajas, the
+bankers and mill owners, the industrial corporations
+that will fill this loan could not find a more
+profitable investment. They get 100 per cent.
+stock for 95 and besides get from 5 to 5-1/2 per
+cent. interest, in some cases free of income tax
+for thirty years to come. Upon whom will the
+burden of interest fall? Neither on the lender
+nor on the borrower, but mainly on the ryot and
+the laborer. Do you know, sir, that the average
+price of salt (wholesale) in Lahore, Punjab, had
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page34" id="page34"></a>[pg&nbsp;34]</span>
+risen from R1-9-7 a maund in 1912-13 to R2-7-3
+in 1916-17? But that in retail sale &quot;the average
+price of salt per maund (82 lbs.) had risen from
+R1-14-0 to R5-0-0&quot; (<i>Tribune</i>, Lahore, March,
+1917). The fresh taxation imposed since the
+war, which by this loan-cum-gift transaction of
+100 million sterling threatens to become permanent,
+has raised the prices of the necessaries
+of life to an abnormal extent. The wages remain
+virtually the same. Your Government which employs
+large numbers of laboring men in railways,
+canals, and otherwise have not considered it
+necessary to raise the wages of the workingmen.
+Will the private employer do otherwise? I know
+from personal knowledge how frightfully the
+poor Indian clerk is sweated in the offices of your
+Government in India on a mere pittance. Can&#39;t
+you feel for the millions of those little ones
+whose already scanty, insufficient food is still
+further reduced by the fresh taxes imposed by
+your Government to find means to pay the war
+budget and this permanent addition of £6,000,000
+a year to their burden? Don&#39;t you know, sir,
+that in India there are millions of widows (much
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page35" id="page35"></a>[pg&nbsp;35]</span>
+more than in any other country) who have to
+support their little ones by their own toil and
+that every penny of additional taxation hits them
+hard. The hardships and privations imposed in
+Europe by the war are nothing as compared with
+what the Indian masses have been putting up
+with, for the last fifty years or so. The fiscal
+policy of your Government has ruined Indian
+industry. You know it as well as anyone else.
+Did you notice the letter of Mr. G. W. Forrest
+in the London <i>Times</i> of March 14, 1917, wherein
+he admitted that &quot;the tale of England&#39;s dealing
+with Indian industry was one of littleness
+and injustice,&quot; and that &quot;by positive prohibition
+and heavy duties the Indian textile trade in
+England was destroyed and our own trade was
+fostered.&quot; You and your colleagues have used
+grandiloquent rhetoric in your defense of the
+increase in the cotton duties in India and over
+your concern for India and Indian industries,
+but you are mistaken if you think that anyone
+in India is likely to be taken in by your hypocritical
+professions. Pardon me, sir, I mean
+no insult when I say &quot;hypocritical professions.&quot;
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page36" id="page36"></a>[pg&nbsp;36]</span>
+The practice is a part of a modern statesman&#39;s
+job. He has to create a certain atmosphere before
+he can make his people believe that what he
+does is the only correct thing to do.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Your cotton duties, sir, afford no relief to the
+Indian poor. It would not have hurt me much,
+if you had forced or induced the Rajas and the
+Maharajas, the bankers and the capitalists to
+contribute even more than 100 million pounds to
+the war expenses, as it is they who have grown
+fat, if anyone in India has, under the British
+regime, but to force the Indian ryot and the
+Indian wage earner to do it and to continue to
+pay for it for years to come out of his scanty
+daily rations is the climax of cruelty. Then the
+unkindest cut of all is that it should come from
+you, whom we had associated with feelings of
+kindness, and pity, for the poor and the workmen.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Your Government has called it a free and
+spontaneous gift of the people of India! If the
+members of your cabinet, if the Secretary of
+State for India, if the Governor General of
+India and his ministers of the Executive Council,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page37" id="page37"></a>[pg&nbsp;37]</span>
+are the people of India, then truly you are right
+and we wrong. If they are not the people of
+India, as they are not, then it is a gift by yourself
+to yourself, of other peoples&#39; money. Again,
+the statement that the measure was unanimously
+approved of by the Indian members of the council
+is a <i>diplomatic lie</i>. You know that the matter
+was settled between your Cabinet as represented
+by the Secretary of State for India and the
+Viceroy&#39;s Executive Council (which includes
+only one Indian member nominated by you),
+before it was announced in the Legislative
+Council. You know also, sir, and if you don&#39;t,
+you ought to, that the Indian Legislative Council
+has no power under the law to make any changes
+in the budget. The budget is entirely beyond
+their purview. The members can only extol it
+or criticise it. They can propose resolutions disapproving
+of some of its provisions which can
+amount to nothing more than pious wishes even
+if passed. But the official majority in the Council
+guarantees the defeat of any hostile resolutions
+by non-official members. Re this loan-cum-gift
+transaction, the non-official members of the Legislative
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page38" id="page38"></a>[pg&nbsp;38]</span>
+Council put a seal on their mouths because
+they thought it was useless to incur the risk of
+being called disloyal for a matter which was reported
+to them as a <i>fait accompli</i> and which they
+could not in any way change or modify; yet two
+of them did raise a sort of feeble protest.</p>
+
+<p class="center">IT IS NOT A GIFT BY THE PEOPLE OF INDIA</p>
+
+<p class="indent">The press comments on it, however subdued
+and timid and halting, leave no doubt about the
+real mind of India in the matter. The truth has
+been pointed out by the <i>Manchester Guardian</i>
+and the <i>Nation</i>. (Beg your pardon, sir, for
+mentioning the <i>Nation</i> again). The former, in
+its issue of March 15, remarked: &quot;It is we, who
+govern India and not the Indian people. The
+initiative in all financial proposals necessarily
+comes from the government we appoint in India,
+and these cannot reach the light of public discussion
+in the Legislative Council or elsewhere
+until they have received the sanction of the
+Secretary of State for India here. For Mr.
+Chamberlain to throw off upon Indian people
+the responsibility for originating and devising
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page39" id="page39"></a>[pg&nbsp;39]</span>
+the 100 million contribution is as unconvincing
+a rhetorical exercise as the House of Commons
+has witnessed for many a long day. The responsibility
+from the first to the last is his and
+that of the Indian Government. We have said
+more than once, and we repeat it that in our
+opinion a wise statesmanship would both find
+better uses in India for India&#39;s millions and employ
+India more advantageously for the common
+cause by using more of her manhood and less of
+her money,&quot; I will not quote the <i>Nation</i>, sir,
+which is on this point as explicit, if not more,
+as the <i>Manchester Guardian</i>.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Now, sir, you know that India has been very
+eager to fight for the Empire. She has supplied
+you with about 350,000 troops in this war, paying
+for their services and equipment herself.
+But 350,000 do not represent even a fraction of
+her man power, the whole of which she was prepared
+to throw in this struggle. While Australia
+and Canada and Ireland have either rejected conscription
+or are shirking, India has been clamoring
+for it. You can no longer say that you
+could not utilize India&#39;s manhood because of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page40" id="page40"></a>[pg&nbsp;40]</span>
+prejudice of color. That shibboleth has been
+shattered by this war and, we hope, for good.
+The colored people of Asia and Africa are fighting
+in numbers alongside of the best European
+troops. Poor people! They believe they are
+fighting to make the world &quot;safe for democracy!&quot;
+You cannot say that Indians are lacking in fighting
+qualities, because the existence of them in a
+high degree they have proved conclusively in
+face of difficulties, by no means light and contemptible.
+That the Indian soldier can hold
+his own in Europe, even better than the European
+soldier in Southern Asia, has been established
+beyond the shadow of a doubt by the
+experiences of this war. Why, then, won&#39;t you
+use India&#39;s manhood and relieve her of this
+financial exaction which she can ill afford to
+meet, without suffering egregiously?</p>
+
+<p class="center">INDIA&#39;S TEEMING MILLIONS WANT FOOD AND<br />
+KNOWLEDGE OF THREE R&#39;S</p>
+
+<p class="indent">The question for India&#39;s teeming millions is
+not &quot;how to live well&quot; but how to live at all.
+There is no question of comforts for them. What
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page41" id="page41"></a>[pg&nbsp;41]</span>
+they want, and do not get, is sufficient and
+nourishing food and a knowledge of the three
+R&#39;s. Your Government is unable to give them
+the first, and persists in refusing to give them
+the second; yet when an Indian publicist loses
+patience and says &quot;slavery has deprived Indians
+of wealth, honors and freedom, and has reduced
+them to destitution and starvation,&quot; your Viceroy
+in India cites it as an instance of depraved
+journalism and a justification for the gagging
+of the press. He complains that &quot;there are papers
+in India which magnify the ills from which she
+suffers&quot; and &quot;which harp upon plague, famine,
+malaria and poverty&quot; and &quot;ascribe them all to the
+curse of an alien government.&quot; May I ask, sir,
+if it is not a fact that millions in India die of
+famine, plague, and malaria? Is it not a fact
+that the curses and the appalling effects of them,
+are directly or indirectly traceable to poverty?
+Many countries on the face of the earth do not
+grow food sufficient for themselves while India
+does. Why then should India alone suffer from
+famines when her food supply, once in a while,
+falls short of the ordinary year of agricultural
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page42" id="page42"></a>[pg&nbsp;42]</span>
+&quot;prosperity?&quot; If even during famine years
+India can supply food to other nations by exports
+of wheat and other grains, why can&#39;t she keep
+that food at home and feed her own hungry
+children? Why should plague have stayed in
+India so long? Why should malaria exact such
+a heavy annual toll there? The reason is obvious.
+Because of the ignorance and poverty of
+the people.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Let us assume that India has not grown poorer
+under British rule, though there is abundant
+evidence to the contrary, that the masses have
+become poorer and are becoming poorer every
+day; let us also assume that in the matter of
+education India was worse off under native rule&mdash;<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i>,
+before the introduction of the British rule&mdash;a
+period of history when no other part of the
+world was any the better. Is it not a matter of
+shame, that after 150 years of British rule, when
+most of the other national governments in other
+parts of the world have reduced their illiteracy
+almost to zero point, India should still have more
+than 90% of its population illiterate. Is it not a
+matter of shame, that of all the grain producing
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page43" id="page43"></a>[pg&nbsp;43]</span>
+countries of the world India alone should be so
+miserably situated as to be unable to supply sufficient
+and nourishing food to her sons and
+daughters. Don&#39;t you think, sir, that the Indians
+have reason to feel sore when they see that the
+food grown by them is denied to them; that it
+is almost snatched from their mouths; that others
+should eat the food which is grown by them, that
+even in the best of years millions of them must
+be contented with only one meal a day, and that
+of the coarsest grain.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Do you remember, Mr. Lloyd George, how
+bitter you felt against the capitalist, when you
+yourself in your boyhood, felt the pinch of want?
+Have you forgotten all that you said in the Lime-house
+speech? I repeat that the sufferings of
+the British laborer and workingmen, the trials
+of the British poor are nothing compared with
+those of the Indian ryot and the Indian workingmen
+and the Indian clerks in your employ in
+that country. Yet you have no feeling to spare
+for them, and those that have, you and your
+Government brand as malcontents and seditionists.
+Don&#39;t you think, sir, that the Indian ryot
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page44" id="page44"></a>[pg&nbsp;44]</span>
+and the Indian poor are being crushed under the
+weight of two capitalisms superimposed upon
+each other&mdash;one foreign and the other indigenous?
+When we ask for freedom to manage
+our own affairs you say we are not fit to do so.
+But what can we do to ourselves which will be
+worse than what you have done us? If left free,
+we might bring to book the indigenous capitalists
+whom, in the interests of your own capitalists,
+you have been supporting and fattening. But
+even if we fail to do so, we shall at any rate
+have upon us the burden of only a single weight.
+Your colleagues say that in refusing self-government
+to India they are actuated by devotion
+to India; that they do not want to hand over the
+millions of India to the tender mercies of a small
+minority of educated and wealthy men in whose
+hands the government will inevitably drift. Supposing
+it does, it will be easy for the masses to
+keep the minority in check. They can revolt and
+rebel, but under your Government the bureaucracy
+is all powerful. The truth is, sir, that the condition
+of these very millions, in whose interests,
+you say, you are reluctant to give power to the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page45" id="page45"></a>[pg&nbsp;45]</span>
+educated and the wealthy few, is a standing condemnation
+of your government there. The
+educated minority and the wealthy few are fairly
+well off under your regime. It is the ignorant
+ryot and the millions of workingmen and women
+who suffer. In the words of one of your distinguished
+writers (W. Lily), they do not live
+but just exist.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Recently the <i>Times</i> said that the British were
+&quot;the trustees of the welfare of India&#39;s millions.&quot;
+Who are these millions for whom you are trustees?
+Are they those homeless, educationless
+millions who get only one meal a day or are they
+those who have benefitted from your schools and
+are wealthy? If the former, you have failed in
+your trust. If the latter, they are quite fit to
+manage their own affairs. It was only the other
+day that Mr. Austen Chamberlain was reported
+to have said (<i>Times</i>, London, March 30) at a
+luncheon given to him and the India&#39;s so-called
+representatives at the Imperial conference (one
+of whom was a Lieutenant Governor interested
+in extending India&#39;s sphere of subjection) that
+&quot;India will not remain and ought not to remain
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page46" id="page46"></a>[pg&nbsp;46]</span>
+content to be a hewer of wood and a drawer of
+water for the rest of the Empire.&quot; Noble words
+these, full of hope and encouragement. But
+what a sad and a crushing acknowledgment of
+the present helpless condition of India. It is a
+truthful statement for which the Indians ought
+to be grateful to Mr. Chamberlain. At the
+present moment India is a mere &quot;hewer of wood
+and a drawer of water&quot; for the rest of the Empire.
+Against that her sons protest, and will
+continue to protest, as long as the wrongs of the
+country are not redressed, your press act, your
+sedition laws, jails and prisons notwithstanding.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">The position, Mr. Lloyd George, is pathetic.
+When we ask for more outlay on education, you
+say, no, the condition of the finances will not permit
+of that. When we point out the way to find
+finances, you say, &quot;no, further taxes are impossible
+and retrenchment in public expenditure in
+other departments undesirable.&quot; When we say,
+&quot;give us the management and we will do it,&quot; you
+say, &quot;no you are unfit.&quot; The result is that you
+will neither educate the masses yourself nor will
+you let us educate them. Yet you hold their
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page47" id="page47"></a>[pg&nbsp;47]</span>
+ignorance a valid ground for refusing us our right
+to manage our own affairs. When, however, you
+want money for Imperial purposes you raise loans,
+impose taxes, and reduce public expenditure on
+education and public works. You have done this
+not only now, for the purposes of this bloody
+war, but you have done so in the past in building
+railways for your merchants and to fight your
+wars in Africa, in China, in Afghanistan, in fact,
+all over the old world. It is true the present is
+a trying time for you and you may have a pretence
+of justification in this crisis in your Imperial
+life. But so long as you refuse the conscription
+of wealth in your home islands, what
+right have you to impose this conscription of
+India&#39;s money resources? You have not forced
+the dominions to make monetary contributions.
+In fact you have advanced them over £140,000,000
+from your own funds. You have not so far
+called upon the British capitalists to pay even a
+fraction of their wealth. You have simply taxed
+their excessive profits. Why should you have
+made an exception in the case of India? India
+is the poorest part of the Empire. Yet it is she
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page48" id="page48"></a>[pg&nbsp;48]</span>
+who has been selected for this exceptional treatment.
+She had already made lavish gifts of
+money and provisions and equipment. Her gifts
+were in entire disproportion to her means. Compared
+with your dominions&#39; resources and their
+money sacrifices India&#39;s contribution stood higher
+than those of the former. Yet you selected India
+for this compulsory money contribution because
+India is the only part of the Empire which you
+could thus treat. India is the only part of the
+Empire which has been forced to give $500,000,000
+as a <i>free gift</i>. Even the fabulously rich
+United States which have made huge war profits
+from you and your other allies have not thought
+of a national gift. Yet imperial sophistry represented
+by your imperial publicists and officials,
+represents that Great Britain exacts no tribute
+from India and makes no profit out of her connection
+with India and that she rules India simply
+out of philanthropic and humanitarian motives.</p>
+
+<p class="center">WASTE</p>
+
+<p class="indent">One would have thought that under the pressure
+of the war, your Government in India would
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page49" id="page49"></a>[pg&nbsp;49]</span>
+make an honest and earnest effort to reduce expenditure
+on public services, at least under heads
+mainly ornamental or which only afford luxuries
+to your agents in India; but on the other hand,
+what is the actual situation? A perusal of the
+proceedings of the Imperial Legislative Council
+and also of the Provincial Councils shows that
+all efforts made by the non-official members to
+obtain additional money for education and sanitation
+by the reduction of expenditure on luxuries,
+were opposed by your Government, and were
+consequently defeated. All efforts to reduce
+expenditure on comforts were of course resisted
+by those who enjoyed them, and it is they whose
+votes count in the Indian Councils. For example,
+it was proposed that the huge expenditure incurred
+by the different Government Departments,
+Imperial and Provincial, in moving to the Hills
+for seven months of the year, should be reduced,
+at least partially. Many persons competent to
+express an opinion on the subject, among them
+Lord Carmichael, the retiring Governor of Bengal,
+have placed it on record that this &quot;exodus to
+the hills&quot; was not necessary, and was in fact
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page50" id="page50"></a>[pg&nbsp;50]</span>
+prejudicial to the interests of good government;
+yet the Government opposed the motion of the
+non-official member and he was forced to withdraw
+it. A similar motion to curtail the expenditure
+on the ornamentation of the residence
+of the Lieutenant Governor of the United Provinces
+was also opposed and met a similar fate.
+The huge allowances made to the heads of the
+different governments in India for kitchen expenses,
+for dispensing hospitality, and for traveling
+in royal style have not been reduced by a
+penny. The Punjab Government has provided
+in its current budget a large amount of money
+for providing palatial residences for its officers
+in summer resorts, and has sanctioned large pensions,
+from father to son, for a few of their
+Indian supporters. These men are mostly
+wealthy men. They did nothing more than
+help you in your suppressive and exploiting
+policy. Your Government naturally rewards
+them. Is it not bribery. If an expert financier
+were to examine into these items, which can
+only pass unchallenged in a country wherein
+the people have no voice in the raising of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page51" id="page51"></a>[pg&nbsp;51]</span>
+taxes and in spending them, it would be found
+that great savings could be effected and the
+money thus made available used for other urgent
+needs of the people. The fact is that the Indian
+ryot who pays for all these extravagances has
+no voice to check the vagaries of those who
+spend his money for their own comforts. I have
+not mentioned the lavish scale on which special
+traveling allowances are granted to high officials
+in India. It is a matter of common knowledge
+that these officials do not spend as much as they
+draw under this head. Yet it is actually proposed
+that the salaries and the allowances for
+the European members of the Indian services be
+substantially raised. <i>Verily, taxation without
+representation</i> is a crime of the worst possible
+kind.</p>
+
+<p class="center">DEMOCRACY</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Mr. Lloyd George, you and your colleagues in
+the Government of Great Britain, say that in
+fighting the Germans you are fighting the battle
+of Democracy, to make the world safe from
+autocracy and militarism, that you are fighting
+for rights of small nations, and for the domination
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page52" id="page52"></a>[pg&nbsp;52]</span>
+of right over might. The United States
+has joined the war for the same reason. I have
+seen numerous recruiting posters exhibited in
+New York City exhorting young Americans to
+enlist in the army &quot;to make the world safe&quot; for
+Democracy. I have not the slightest doubt of
+the sincerity of the American professions because
+their international record is so far clean. Vide
+their record in Cuba and the Philippines. Can
+we say the same for Great Britain? I am afraid
+not, so long at least, as you continue to deny
+self-government to India, the second of the two
+biggest democracies of the world. Here is a
+nation of 315 million human beings (or say
+several nations, if you wish, as your publicists
+are so fond of repeating <i>ad nauseam</i> that India
+is not a nation) whom you are governing by the
+force of might, without their consent, and on
+absolutely despotic lines; whom you deny freedom
+of speech, freedom of association and freedom
+of education; whom you tax without their consent
+and then spend those taxes outside of their
+country, and in providing luxuries to your representatives
+in India or in bribing such Indians as
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page53" id="page53"></a>[pg&nbsp;53]</span>
+uphold you in your possessions. I have no doubt
+that you are sincere in your denunciation of
+German militarism. For myself I have no use
+for Czars and Kaisers, Emperors and Sultans,
+and I dare say that you, too, have none. Thus
+I am in full sympathy with your efforts to exterminate
+the race of Kaisers. So far you are
+right. But an Indian cannot help smiling rather
+cynically when he hears you saying that you are
+waging the war to make the world safe for
+democracy. Your conduct in India and in Egypt,
+and in Persia belies your protestations.</p>
+
+<p class="center">AS TO SMALL NATIONS</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In defending your conduct you urge that India
+is not a nation. Very well, sir, divide India into
+small nations and give them self-government
+separately. You will admit that there are parts
+of India which are homogenous, entitled to
+be called small nations in the sense in which
+Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, and Holland
+are. The bulk of the population follow the same
+religion, speak the same language and belong to
+the same race. Remember, please, that I do not
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page54" id="page54"></a>[pg&nbsp;54]</span>
+admit that India is not a nation or that the sameness
+of language, religion and race is necessary
+for a political national existence. Switzerland,
+Canada, the United States, South Africa, Russia,
+and Austria-Hungary have demolished that
+theory.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">The apologists of the present system of Government
+in India say that the Indian people are
+not sufficiently educated in the principles and
+practice of politics and that their ignorance and
+illiteracy make it necessary for the British to
+continue to rule them from without, until they
+are fit to establish and maintain a democratic
+form of government. I have already made some
+remarks about illiteracy and shown that the responsibility
+for it rests on your shoulders. If you,
+sir, are to be the sole judge of the educational
+requirements of the Indian people, their progress
+is bound to hang on your convenience. No one
+in possession is anxious to be dispossessed and
+if the time and method of his dispossession is to
+be determined by himself, then woe to the dispossessed!
+But, sir, you forget that literacy is
+not education. The Indian masses have a background
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page55" id="page55"></a>[pg&nbsp;55]</span>
+of centuries of culture which places them
+in the matter of intelligence and character, in a
+better position than even the literate millions of
+European and American countries. And after
+all, it is intelligence and culture that count most
+in the fixing of final values.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">As for their training in political life, how are
+they to get it, if you make it a penal offence for
+their leaders to tell them that the present system
+of Government is unnatural, harmful, and a
+hindrance to progress? The masses cannot
+grasp principles unless one illustrates these principles
+by their application to the affairs of every
+day life. Your Government and your courts say
+that an agitation for home rule is legal and permissible,
+but any criticism that is likely to create
+dissatisfaction is illegal and deserves to be suppressed
+high-handedly. You know from experience,
+sir, that the masses require to be led.
+No government is willing to make changes unless
+compelled from below. That is as true of
+democratic America as of monarchical England.
+Much more must it be so in the case of countries
+under foreign yoke. To carry the people with
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page56" id="page56"></a>[pg&nbsp;56]</span>
+them, the leaders must expose the existing evils
+and stress the necessity and urgency of sweeping
+changes in political conditions. The moment
+they proceed to do so with any degree of effectiveness,
+they are charged with an attempt to
+create disaffection and convicted of sedition. Do
+you honestly believe that any people on the face
+of the earth can make any progress in political
+education when they are ruled by a Press Act
+which stops criticism and discussion in the following
+terms:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center">
+SECTION OF THE INDIAN PRESS ACT OF 1910</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Whenever it appears to the Local Government that
+any printing press in respect of which any security
+has been deposited as required by Section 3 is used
+for the purpose of printing or publishing any newspaper,
+book, or other document containing any words,
+signs or visible representations which are likely to
+have a tendency directly, or indirectly, whether by
+inference, suggestion, allusion, metaphor, implication
+or otherwise:</p>
+
+<p class="indent">(a) To incite to murder or to any offense under the
+Explosives Substances Act of 1908, or to any act of
+violence or</p>
+
+<p class="indent">(b) To seduce any officer, soldier, or sailor in the
+Army or Navy of His Majesty from his allegiance or
+his duty or</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><span class="pagenum"><a name="page57" id="page57"></a>[pg&nbsp;57]</span></p>
+
+<p class="indent">
+(c) To bring into hatred or contempt His Majesty
+or the Government established by the law in British
+India, or the Administration of Justice in British India
+or any native Prince or Chief under the suzeranity of
+His Majesty or any class or section of His Majesty&#39;s
+subjects in British India or to excite disaffection
+towards His Majesty or the said Government or any
+such Prince or Chief or</p>
+
+<p class="indent">(d) To put any person in fear or to cause any annoyance
+to him and thereby induce him to deliver to
+any person any property or valuable security, or to
+do any act which he is not legally bound to do or to
+omit any act which he is legally entitled to do or</p>
+
+<p class="indent">(e) To encourage or incite any person to interfere
+with the administration of the law or with the maintenance
+of law and order or</p>
+
+<p class="indent">(f) To convey any threat of injury to a public
+servant, or to any person in whom the public servant
+is believed to be interested, with a view to inducing that
+person to do any act or to forbear to do any act connected
+with the exercise of his public functions the
+Local Government may, by notice in writing to the
+keeper of such printing press, stating or describing the
+words, signs or visible representations which in its
+opinion are of the nature described above, declare the
+security deposited in respect of such Press and all
+copies of such newspaper, book, or other document
+wherever found to be forfeited to His Majesty.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Explanation I</span>: In clause c the expression disaffection
+includes disloyalty and all feelings of enmity.</p>
+
+<p class="indent"><span class="smcap">Explanation II</span>: Comments expressing the disapproval
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page58" id="page58"></a>[pg&nbsp;58]</span>
+of the measures of the Government of any such
+native Prince or Chief as aforesaid with a view to
+obtain their alteration by lawful means or of the administration
+or other action of the Government or any
+such native Prince or Chief or of the administration
+of Justice in British India without exciting or attempting
+to excite hatred, contempt, or disaffection, do not
+come under the scope of clause c.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p class="indent">Can any people make headway in the art of
+self-government who are governed by a foreign
+bureaucracy aided by an army of Indian Czars
+regulating the very minutest details of their life?
+You know that this over government of India
+is a direct result of your rule. Before you came
+the Indian village was a self-governed unit.
+(See statements of Monroe, Elphinstone, Metcalfe,
+and Lawrence.) Even now the people in
+the Native States are in this respect better off
+than the people of British India. The Education
+Minister of your Cabinet, Mr. H. A. L. Fisher
+has, after a visit to India, placed it on record
+that &quot;the inhabitants of a well governed Native
+State are, on the whole, happier and more contented
+than the inhabitants of British India.
+They are more lightly taxed; the pace of the
+administration is less urgent and exacting. They
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page59" id="page59"></a>[pg&nbsp;59]</span>
+feel that they do things for themselves instead
+of having everything done by a cold and alien
+benevolence.&quot; Yet if an Indian leader were to
+point this out and ask the Indian masses to improve
+their lot by demanding and winning for
+themselves the right to manage their own affairs,
+and by driving out those influences that stand in
+their way, he would be persecuted and imprisoned
+or transported.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">The first axiom for political progress is that
+the people should throw away their attitude of
+submission to oppression, tyranny, high-handedness,
+and conditions of slavery whether imposed
+by a national or a foreign Government. They
+have a right to revolt if they have the means to
+do so successfully. But in any case, they have
+a right to discuss, agitate and organize for
+changes. This they cannot do unless they have a
+free press, a free platform, and the right of free
+association. In India the first is denied by the
+Press Act, the second by the comprehensive sections
+of the Penal Code, and the third by the so-called
+&quot;Seditious Meetings Act.&quot; What little was
+left has been done away with under the extensive
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page60" id="page60"></a>[pg&nbsp;60]</span>
+powers taken and exercised by the Executive
+under the plea of war exigency by the &quot;Defense
+of India Act.&quot; While every other part of the
+Empire, including the &quot;Mother Country&quot; is discussing
+political and economic changes of an
+extremely radical character, such as the establishment
+of a more effective Imperial Parliament
+and Preferential Tariffs after the war, not to
+speak of constructive programmes for education,
+and industrial rejuvenation, the Indian leaders are
+&quot;officially&quot; advised to be mum, and any effort to
+rouse the country to a consciousness of its rights
+and duties is characterized as perverted, ill-timed,
+and inconsistent with loyalty.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">The advocates of &quot;Home Rule&quot; are being
+openly hampered in their propaganda. Papers
+advocating home rule have been persecuted, and
+leaders have been prohibited from entering provincial
+areas. But what is worse is that the
+Criminal Investigation Department have been instructed
+to take down the names of all those who
+have enlisted in the cause, either as active or
+passive workers. A deputation of representatives
+of the press that waited on the Viceroy to lay
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page61" id="page61"></a>[pg&nbsp;61]</span>
+their grievances before him has been lectured on
+the impropriety of thus raising the question at
+this juncture and has otherwise been treated with
+shocking discourtesy.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">In conclusion, let me ask you, sir, to notice the
+coercive methods by which the War Loan is
+being raised in India. Poor underpaid subordinate
+officials are being forced to purchase Government
+stock. They will surely purchase the stock
+and win the good-will of their officers, but just
+as surely they will squeeze the cost out of the
+people. That will be strictly in accord with the
+standards of loyalty set up by your officials!</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Mr. David Lloyd George, I have addressed
+this letter to you, because at this moment you
+seem to be the only British statesman possessed
+of imagination. Exercise your imagination, sir,
+a little and save India for the Empire; win the
+gratitude and blessings of a fifth of the human
+race&mdash;of a people who were one of the first
+pioneers of civilization in the world, who laid
+the foundations of culture, which you profess to
+be so very anxious to save. Remember that the
+Indians were rich, prosperous, free, self-governing,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="page62" id="page62"></a>[pg&nbsp;62]</span>
+civilized and great, both in peace and war,
+when not only Britain but even &quot;Greece and
+Rome were nursing the tenants of the wilderness.&quot;
+The Indians have lost their freedom
+because they oppressed the people under them
+and as surely as night follows day, the British
+will lose all that makes them great to-day, if
+they continue to oppress and exploit the subject
+races within their Empire. The world cannot
+be safe for democracy unless India is self-governed.
+Nor can there be any lasting peace in the
+world, so long as India and China are not strong
+enough to protect themselves.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Pardon me, sir, if I have disturbed you at
+such a critical moment; though it is folly to presume
+that you could be disturbed in the slightest
+degree by such a letter. I have written it out
+of a sense of duty as sacred as that which inspires
+you in your herculean task; and if you
+are inclined to think harshly of me for this letter,
+just try to put yourself in my position and decide
+what then would be your point of view.</p>
+
+<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Lajpat Rai</span>.</p>
+
+<p>New York City, June 13, 1917.</p>
+
+<hr class="hr2" />
+
+<div class="tnote">
+<h2>Transcriber Notes:</h2>
+
+<p class="indent">Passages in italics were indicated by _underscores_.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Small caps were replaced with ALL CAPS.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Throughout the dialogues, there were words used to mimic accents of
+the speakers. Those words were retained as-is.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Errors in punctuations and inconsistent hyphenation were not corrected
+unless otherwise noted.</p>
+
+<p class="indent">Page 11, &quot;Deva Bhúmi&quot; was replaced with &quot;Deva Bhúmí&quot;.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Open Letter to the Right Honorable
+David Lloyd George, by Lajpat Rai
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Open Letter to the Right Honorable David
+Lloyd George, by Lajpat Rai
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: An Open Letter to the Right Honorable David Lloyd George
+ Prime Minister of Great Britain
+
+Author: Lajpat Rai
+
+Release Date: June 1, 2012 [EBook #39874]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN OPEN LETTER TO THE RIGHT ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by spend, Ernest Schaal, and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ _OTHER BOOKS BY LAJPAT RAI_
+
+ YOUNG INDIA
+
+ _An Interpretation and a History of the
+ Nationalist Movement from Within_
+
+ Price $1.50 net
+
+
+ ENGLAND'S DEBT TO INDIA
+
+ _A Historical Narrative of Britain's
+ Fiscal Policy in India_
+
+ Price $2.00 net
+
+
+ THE ARYA SAMAJ
+
+ _An Account of its Origins,
+ Doctrines and Activities_
+
+ Price $1.75 net
+
+
+ OBTAINABLE FROM ALL BOOKSELLERS
+
+
+
+
+ AN OPEN LETTER
+
+ TO
+
+ THE RIGHT HONORABLE
+ DAVID LLOYD GEORGE
+ PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN
+
+
+ BY
+ LAJPAT RAI
+
+ [Illustration]
+
+
+ NEW YORK
+ B. W. HUEBSCH
+ MCMXVII
+
+
+
+
+ Copyright, 1917, by Lajpat Rai
+ Printed in the United States of America
+
+
+
+
+ AN OPEN LETTER
+ TO
+ THE RIGHT HONORABLE
+ DAVID LLOYD GEORGE
+ _Prime Minister of Great Britain_
+
+
+
+
+ AN OPEN LETTER
+ TO
+ THE RIGHT HONORABLE
+ DAVID LLOYD GEORGE
+ _Prime Minister of Great Britain_
+
+
+Sir: I am an Indian who has, by the fear of your Government in India
+been forced to seek refuge in the United States, at least for the period
+of the war. In 1907, when Lord Minto's Government decided to put into
+operation an obsolete Regulation of the East India Company (III of 1818)
+against me, in order to put me out of the way, for a while, without even
+the form of a trial, Lord Morley, the then Secretary of State for India,
+defending his action, gave me the highest testimonial as far as my
+private character was concerned. You must have heard that speech though
+it would be presumptuous to imagine that you remember it.
+
+
+ MY CREDENTIALS
+
+Even my worst enemies have not been able to point out anything in my
+life which would give any one even the shadow of a reason to say that,
+in my private life, I have not been as good and honorable a person as
+any British politician or diplomat or proconsul, is or has been or can
+be. My record as a wage-earner is as clean and as honorable as that of
+the best of Britishers engaged in governing India.
+
+Mr. H. W. Nevinson, than whom a more truthful and honorable publicist is
+not known in British life, has said in his work, "The New Spirit in
+India," that once when he told a high Anglo-Indian official that I was a
+good man held in great esteem by my countrymen, the latter remarked,
+that because I had a high character in private life, I was the more
+dangerous as an agitator.
+
+I am reciting all this as evidence of my credentials to speak on
+behalf of my countrymen. Just now I am a mere exile. For the present,
+I cannot think of returning to India, unless in course of time I begin
+to feel that by running the risk of being hanged or imprisoned, I
+should be doing a greater service to my country, than by remaining
+outside. I am now in the fifty-third year of my life, out of which
+more than thirty-four were spent in the limelight of public gaze. I am a
+man of family with children and grandchildren and have had my share,
+however small, of the good things of the world. Political freedom for
+India has been a passion to me ever since I was a boy. However hard the
+life of an exile or a convict may be, I am prepared to risk everything
+in the cause of my country.
+
+In the language of that prince of political exiles, Joseph Mazzini, the
+word "exile," is perhaps the most cursed in the dictionary of man. It
+dries up the springs of affection; it deprives its victims of the sweet
+babblings and lispings of his little ones with whom every man of age
+loves to beguile the evening of his days; it closes the avenues of all
+comfort that are associated with that sweet word home; it shuts the
+doors of heaven and makes life a continued agony, hanging on the slender
+thread of such pity and hospitality as one may receive from the generous
+and kind-hearted foreigner.
+
+
+ INDIA COMPARED WITH GREAT BRITAIN
+
+How can I ask you who have perhaps never left your country except for
+some pleasant trips on the Continent, to put yourself in my position, if
+possible, for a moment only, and imagine how I long to kiss the soil,
+with which are mixed the bones of my mother and other forbears; how I
+miss the loving embrace of my beloved father, the sweet, expectant,
+imploring eyes of my widowed daughter, the devoted look of my wife and
+the kindly affectionate hand-shake of good and devoted friends. Nor can
+you realize how an Indian loves his country. How can you, of dark,
+sombre, fog ridden and misty climes, who are born of a chill atmosphere,
+of treacherously changing weather, who count hours of sunshine and
+months of darkness and fog and rain and snow and sleet, enter into the
+feelings of one whose country is a perpetual sunshine, and where
+universal light reigns--a country where weather is neither treacherous
+nor continually and rapidly changing, where beautiful dawns, starry
+nights, moonlit fields, resplendent waters, snow-clad hills and joyous
+rivers constantly and unremittingly fill one's mind with the sublimity,
+grandeur and beauty of nature; where one needs no stimulants to make him
+feel lighter and happier. An Indian needs no alcohol to forget his
+troubles. He has only to go to the Himalaya, or to the banks of Ganga,
+Brahmputra, Sindh or their numerous tributaries by which the land is
+blessed and fertilized. Oh, no! It is impossible for you to understand
+how passionately an Indian loves his country. He would rather starve in
+India than be a ruler of men in a foreign climate. For him, India is the
+land of Gods--the _Deva Bhumi_ of his forefathers. It is the land of
+knowledge, of faith, of beatitude--the _Gnan Bhumi_, the _Dharma Bhumi_
+and the _Punni-Bhumi_ of the ancient Aryas. It is the land of the Vedas
+and of the heroes--the _Veda Bhumi_ and the _Vir Bhumi_ of his
+ancestors. Yes, to him, it is the land of lands, the only place where he
+wishes to live, and more so, where he wishes to die. For a Hindu to die
+anywhere but in India, is as if he had been damned to hell. He shudders
+at the idea. To him, it is unthinkable. You may call it foolish,
+unpractical, sentimental and unprogressive; but there it is--a mighty
+fact of life into which no foreigner can penetrate.
+
+Every Englishman loves his country, its darkness, its fog, its sleet and
+rain nothwithstanding. Who does not love his country and who does not
+say:
+
+ Home, kindred, friends and country--these
+ Are ties with which we never part;
+ From clime to clime, o'er land and seas,
+ We bear them in our heart;
+ But, oh! 'tis hard to feel resigned,
+ When they must all be left behind!
+
+ --J. MONTGOMERY.
+
+If then, an Indian decides to be an exile, voluntarily and maybe for
+life, he only does so either under a grave sense of duty or of danger.
+The duty lies in speaking _the truth_ about political conditions in
+India and the danger in being effectively prevented from doing so if he
+remains there. No Indian can speak the _whole truth_ while in India. The
+criminal laws of your Government--your Penal and Criminal Codes,
+Seditious Meetings and Conspiracy Acts, and Press Laws, your tribunals
+presided over by your own people unaided by jurors--effectively gag his
+mouth.
+
+All honor to those who, though they cannot speak the whole truth, yet
+keep the fire burning in India and do as much as considerations of
+policy and expediency permit. If they do not speak the _whole truth_,
+they have at least the consolation of being at home, in the heart of
+their family and surrounded by their dear ones. For a political exile,
+however, there is nothing else to do, unless he has to carry on a fight
+for his living also, in which case he will divide his time between the
+two, that of earning bread and crying for justice for his country.
+Happily I have been comparatively free from much anxiety about the
+first. The only justification for my condition of exile, then, is that I
+continue to speak the truth about conditions in India and draw the
+attention of the world to them.
+
+But an additional reason has just been furnished to me by the morning
+papers of March 15, 1917. It is said that your agents in India have
+decided to raise a war loan of $500,000,000, equivalent to 1,500,000,000
+Rupees of Indian money, and also, to make the floating of the loan easy,
+your Government has agreed to increase the duty on cotton imports by 4%
+_ad valorem_. This war loan, it is added, would be a "_free gift_" of
+India to Great Britain! A free gift of $500,000,000 by starving,
+poverty-stricken India, to rich, wealthy, mighty Great Britain! Could
+anything be more astounding, more absurd and more tyrannical. The news
+has stunned me. I know that David Lloyd George, the British war-lord of
+1917, is not the same person who was the radical Chancellor of Exchequer
+in the Liberal Government from 1908 to 1914, and who did magnificent
+service to the British workingman by reducing his burdens and
+alleviating his condition. I have been told that the said David Lloyd
+George is dead and you, sir, are an entirely different person. The Lloyd
+George of 1914 could not possibly have done the thing which you, sir, in
+alliance with Curzons and Milners have just accomplished. The newspapers
+say you are the same person; only you have changed. If so, the change is
+not of opinion but of personality. Evidently the soul of the original
+David Lloyd George has left the body to make room for an altogether
+different soul. We Indians believe in the possibility of such a
+metamorphosis taking place even in the lifetime of the same body! The
+best part of the joke, however, in connection with the L100,000,000
+transaction lies in the fact that you call it _a gift by India_--_a gift
+indeed_. A gift like those given by Belgium to Germany. Is it not so,
+Mr. George? You are a shrewd person, very well educated, clever in
+diplomacy, well versed in tricks of speech and a master in statecraft;
+but even you ought to know that this trick will not deceive any one--not
+even the Indians who have been so often deceived by your predecessors in
+business. By way of adding insult to injury, you profess to do "_an act
+of justice_" to India by consenting to an increase of 4% on the duty
+leviable on imports of cotton goods. You say it is necessary for the
+success of the war loan of $500,000,000; but do you think that the
+Indians are so devoid of knowledge of the ordinary rules of arithmetic
+as not to understand what this "hitting below the belt" means to them?
+Your additional duty would but bring only $5,000,000 or $6,000,000 to
+the Indian exchequer, if the imports of cotton do not undergo a
+decrease. Your Government in India estimates it at L1,000,000 sterling.
+The interest at 5-1/2% amounts to $27,500,000. Your Government in India
+estimates an annual charge of L6,000,000 sterling. Where is the balance
+to come from except from the famished Indian _ryot_? Is that how you
+show your love for democracy, for the people at large, for the
+workingman? Your representatives in India and outside, are proclaiming
+to the world that India is the most lightly taxed country in the world,
+withholding the fact that the average income of an Indian is only L2 a
+year, of which he pays 7 shillings toward taxes. That was before the new
+taxes were imposed.
+
+Your publicists circulate another lie, viz., that India pays no tribute,
+while they know that from 20 to 40 millions sterling are remitted to
+England every year, out of which only a portion represents interest on
+loans made to India for the building of railways which your countrymen
+have used in developing their trade, and the remainder is the profit you
+make out of India. Then you cite the figures of trade in support of your
+theory that India is prosperous under British rule, but you forget that
+that trade benefits your country more than it benefits India, if at all.
+We send you food and raw materials at cheapest prices, making ourselves
+liable to "famines." You pay us in articles of luxury, of flimsy value,
+at the highest prices. The balance of trade is always in your favor. We
+toil and sweat, and your countrymen enjoy the profit. All the paying
+industries, railways, tea, jute, half of the cotton industry, etc., are
+in the hands of your countrymen. Theirs are the insurance companies,
+banks, railways and ships that profit by their trade. The railway rates
+discriminate against native industries and internal trade. Your
+countrymen get the plum-pudding, while our people cannot have even two
+meals of the coarsest food every day. When there is famine, millions
+die. Of late, your "scientific" methods of famine relief have succeeded
+in controlling mortality figures in famine days. The method by which you
+do this is genuinely scientific. Most of the deaths are charged to
+epidemics and disease; no one notices, however, that the havoc caused by
+disease is due to lack of nourishment and consequent low vitality.
+God-fearing Englishmen have cried themselves hoarse over the situation.
+The misery of the Indian masses has been pictured by their powerful pens
+in pathetic and soul-stirring words, but you and your colleagues still
+continue to ignore what they have said. New methods are every day being
+invented to exploit us. New departments with fat salaries for Englishmen
+are being multiplied. The public debt is being piled up. While hundreds
+of millions are spent on railways, nothing has been done to develop
+local industries. The country is suffering from lack of capital (cash
+and credit). (See Sir D. M. Hamilton's article in the _Calcutta Review_
+for July, 1916.) Every honest inquirer who makes inquiries on the spot
+and does not depend on the reports of your officials, finds and reports
+that the condition of the masses is the most pitiable (see the article
+by Mr. Manohar Lal in the _Allahabad Economic Journal_ for April, 1916,
+and also the paper by Mr. Patro, of Madras, read in a meeting presided
+over by the Governor of Madras). For the latest British testimony on the
+point, see an article on Indian Industrial Development by Mr. Moreland,
+C.S.I., C.I.E., in the _Quarterly Review_ for April, 1917, in the course
+of which he remarks: "It is a matter of common knowledge that the
+standard of life in India is undesirably low; that while the masses of
+the people are provided with the bare necessities of life of a bare
+existence [Are they?--L. R.] they are in far too many cases badly housed
+and badly clothed, badly doctored and badly taught, often overworked and
+often underfed; and that the present income, even if it were equitably
+distributed, would not suffice to provide the population with even the
+most indispensable elements of a reasonable life."
+
+A careful study of the Reports on Prices and Wages discloses that the
+real living wage in the case of the vast bulk of agricultural laborers
+has considerably diminished, and this in spite of the absurd conclusion
+of the Prices Commission appointed by your Government a few years ago.
+No one knows better than you, Mr. David Lloyd George, that big buildings
+in cities, mostly owned by foreign capitalists exploiting the country;
+big trade carried on by foreign exporters and importers; railway mileage
+and receipts of Government revenue do not mean prosperity. Even the
+importation of treasure secured by capitalists in payment for exports
+does not indicate better conditions of the masses. If the masses are so
+prosperous, as your officers say, why cannot you tax the people for
+purposes of education and sanitation? Why is the death rate so high
+(over 30 per thousand)? Why can't you force the local bodies to spend
+money on education and sanitation? Why do your finance ministers say
+that there is no room for further taxes? Most of your agents in India
+know the real condition of the people but they have to conceal it from
+the British public as well as the world, as that enables them and their
+kin to continue in the enjoyment of that power which means so much to
+them.
+
+In reply, you might well ask, why then is India loyal? Why do the people
+put up with all this? Why don't they rebel? Because they have been
+emasculated, and emasculated so completely, that they are absolutely
+helpless against your organized brigandage. They are weak, ignorant and
+incompetent. Sixty-four years ago they were not so helpless. But now
+they are completely demoralized and penniless. Your system has ground
+them into dust. They cannot even protect themselves from wild beasts.
+You have completely disarmed them. No Indian can possess a firearm
+except under a license from your magistrates, which is only rarely
+granted. You have completely hypnotized them by your professions of
+disinterested liberalism and altruism. The truth has, after all, dawned
+on them that you are the worst harpies they ever have had and if they
+could they would overthrow you without a scruple. You know that you are
+safe in their helplessness. When the war came they deluded themselves
+with the hope that in your hour of need you might accord them a better
+treatment, but by this time they have found their mistake and have
+concluded that, just as a lion may die of sheer exhaustion when attacked
+by an enemy rather than willingly loosen his grip on his prey so long as
+there is breath in his body, so a nation holding another in subjection
+might endanger her own existence without loosening her grip on her
+victim.
+
+When the war broke out in August, 1914, I, with other Indian publicists,
+thought that however badly you had treated us in the past we had nothing
+to gain by German victory and the best thing, under the circumstances,
+was for us to stand by you and establish our claim to better treatment.
+The Princes and people of India therefore stood by you. You and your
+colleagues have been singing their praises and extolling their loyalty,
+but nothing has been done so far to give them even the elementary
+political rights of a free people. Verily, we have had a deluge of fine
+words but not an iota of deeds. On the other hand, you have imposed
+fresh burdens on us. While doing an "act of justice" about the cotton
+duties you have committed a wrong which wipes away the little good that
+might otherwise have been expected to accrue therefrom. Your courts and
+officers in India have taken away what little freedom the people enjoyed
+before. In cases of alleged sedition the sentences inflicted have been
+quite on a par with the doings of the Romanoffs in Russia. This time
+even women have felt your steel.
+
+You knew as well as anyone else does, how the German government has been
+trying to win the good will of the Indians. It cannot be denied that the
+temptation was alluring. If, then, we have withstood it, it was not
+because we were in love with your Government in India, but on different
+grounds. Personally, I do not believe that any liberty is worth having
+which we cannot win ourselves, because liberty won by the aid of another
+places us at the mercy of that other. European diplomacy is so crooked
+that it is futile to place faith in the promises of any of them.
+
+I would esteem German friendship as much as British or American or that
+of the Japanese or the Chinese; I would gratefully accept any help
+anybody would render in educating and fitting our young men for the
+coming task, but I would not do anything that would cause useless
+bloodshed in India. I am not afraid of blood. Blood will have to be shed
+if we are to gain our freedom. I am not afraid of failures and defeats.
+Failures and defeats are sometimes the necessary steps to victory. I do
+not believe in peace at any price; nor pacificism at any cost. I do not
+believe that "they also serve who only stand and wait." I am for a manly
+assertion of our rights, even though blood may have to be spilled in
+asserting or defending them; yet I would consider it highly improper to
+encourage bloodshed where there is not a ghost of a chance of success.
+That, in my eyes, is sheer lunacy and I have never made a secret of it.
+So I protested against my people attempting to stir up revolt in India,
+under the instigation of a foreign government. It was due to my horror
+of useless bloodshed. I have no doubt that _agents provocateur_ played
+an important part in instigating those whom your courts have found
+guilty and sent to the gallows. I believe that the men who have been
+sacrificed should have lived and worked for the movement for which they
+have died. So that, in a nutshell, gives you my attitude towards foreign
+help. Remember, please, sir, that I do not presume to pronounce any
+judgment on those who think differently and have acted in the light of
+their consciences. I simply state my opinion and my attitude.
+
+This time the movement has failed. It was bound to fail. But the
+experience which the Indians engaged in the cause have gained is not
+lost. Next time, and who knows, the chance may come at no distant date,
+they will profit by the experience thus gained. The world is not in love
+with you, sir. There are a dozen peoples in the world who will be glad
+to see your downfall and help in bringing it about. They will not
+support the Indian Nationalist and the Indian Revolutionist openly, but
+they will encourage him in every way they can, without bringing about
+diplomatic complications. So the Indian will not be altogether
+friendless when the next opportunity to strike comes. By that time the
+country also will be better prepared to do something more definite and
+more spectacular.
+
+Under the circumstances, the question that I wish to put to you is:
+"Would you do nothing to avert it?" It is in your power to act if you
+will. The Indians are very easily satisfied. They abhor bloodshed. They
+do not like revolution. They will gladly remain in the Empire, if
+permitted to do so on terms of self-respect and honor. Their needs are
+few. Their life is simple. They care more for spiritual values than for
+worldly goods. They envy nobody's property. They have no ambition to
+start on a career of exploitation. All they want is to be let to live
+and think as they will. At present they are let _to exist_, but not to
+live. More than 100 million are insufficiently fed. At least 60 millions
+do not get two meals a day. More than 80% of the boys receive no
+schooling, and more than 90% of the girls. They work and toil and sweat
+primarily in the interests of the British capitalist and secondarily in
+the interests of his Indian colleague. The latter only gets the leavings
+of the former. The ships, the railways, the leading banking houses, the
+big insurance offices, the tea plantations, one-half of the cotton
+mills, about all the woollen mills, most of the paper mills, all jute
+mills are owned by the former; a few by the latter. The profits of
+agriculture are divided between your Government and the big landlords.
+The pressure on land has reduced the size of the ryots' holdings, while
+the number of mouths requiring food and the number of bodies requiring
+clothing has increased.
+
+Your Government encourages drinking, speculating and gambling in a way
+never before conceived. If you have any pity in your heart, sir; if you
+are a good father and a good husband, I would beseech you to devote but
+an hour's time to the wages tables printed by your Government in their
+Report on Prices and Wages (1915). I give a few samples below:
+
+In the district of Patna (Behar), the monthly wage of an able-bodied
+agricultural laborer in the year 1907 was only R5.62 (say R6) equal to
+8s. or $2. In 1873 it was from R3 to R4. Imagine the laborer having a
+family of four and then conceive how he manages to live on this wage. In
+Fyzabad (Oude) the monthly wage of an able-bodied agricultural laborer
+was only R4 (5s. 4d. or $1.33) in 1905, the same as it was in 1873. In
+1906 it is given as ranging from R1.87 to R4 a month. From 1873 to 1906
+it was never more than R4 a month.
+
+In Cawnpore (U. P.) it was R3.75 in 1873; R3 in 1892; less than 4 in
+1896; from 3.44 to R5 in 1898 and from R3.69 to 7 in 1903; at which
+figure it practically stayed up to 1906, the last year for which figures
+are given in the report.
+
+In Meerut (U. P.) it was R4.33 in 1906 as against R4.5 in 1873.
+
+In Belgaun (Madras) it was R6.25 in 1912.
+
+In Jubbulpore (C. P.) it was R5 in 1908.
+
+In Raipur (C. P.) it was R5 in 1908.
+
+In Bellary (Madras) it was R4.75 in 1907.
+
+In Salem (Madras) it has never exceeded R3.67 since 1873.
+
+The Government postal runners who carry mails at a trotting pace for
+several miles a day, often making two trips in 24 hours, are paid the
+following salaries in the different provinces of your Indian Empire:
+
+ Bengal 1913, R7.75 a month, $2.58
+ Behar and Orissa " 6.33 " 2.10
+ United Provinces " 6.25 " 2.08
+ Panjab and N.W.F " 7.75 " 2.58
+ Bombay " 7.5 " 2.35
+ Central Provinces " 7. " 2.33
+ Madras " 7.11 " 2.40
+ (The equivalents in dollars are approximate.)
+
+Postmen who are supposed to be literate, received from R10 to R16 a
+month (_i. e._, from $3.33 to $5.33 a month) in the different provinces
+in 1913.
+
+The scale of wages allowed to unskilled labor in the railway yards of
+Mirzapore and Cawnpore (U. P.) is given between R5 to R6 per month
+(_i. e._, less than $2.00). These are figures of 1914.
+
+In the canal foundry and workshop at Roorkee (U. P.) the daily wage in
+1916 was only 4 annas a day (_i. e._, 8 cents).
+
+In the Cawnpore saddlery establishment, the bullock drivers, the
+sweepers and the _Bhishties_ received only R5 and R6 a month (_i. e._,
+less than 8s. or $2.00); the lascars from R6 to R7 (_i. e._, $2.00 to
+$2.33).
+
+In the woolen mills in Northern India unskilled labor was paid at R8.12
+(_i. e._, less than $3.00) a month in 1914. These are the rates allowed
+in big cities. For other big cities the rates may, in some cases, be
+somewhat better, but in small rural towns and villages, they are
+considerably less.
+
+Does the Indian laborer, considering his standard of life, the size of
+his family and the requirements of decency, get a living wage? I am sure
+that a humane inquirer, not so much interested in the good name of the
+Government as in truth, will have no hesitation in answering the
+question in the negative. Any increase in wages has to be divided over
+the average strength of a family, which will show how disproportionate
+the increase in wages is to the increase in prices. In a family of five
+with one or two earning hands the increase in wages is two-fold at the
+most. While the increase in the cost of living by the increase in prices
+is five-fold. Your Official Report writers always ignore this important
+consideration. As for the housing conditions in which Indian workmen
+live, let me present to you the following testimony from a recent issue
+of the _Times of India_, Bombay (quoted in the London _Times_, June,
+1917):
+
+ "It is no unusual sight to find fifteen or twenty persons, of
+ both sexes, lying huddled on the floor of a single room in a
+ stifling atmosphere and a vile stench. A single small window or
+ an open door gives the only ventilation. Furniture there is
+ none, beyond a few brass pots and some pegs. The sanitary
+ arrangements are unspeakable. Every noise and smell that occurs
+ in the neighborhood penetrates the crazy walls and floor and
+ disturbs the sleepers. The chawls are often so rickety that it
+ is a miracle that they do not collapse under their own weight.
+ They seem to be kept up like a house of cards, by the support of
+ their scarcely less rickety neighbors."
+
+As for the Indian laborer getting any education or any leisure for art
+or for the pursuit of taste, that is out of the question. The condition
+of the small farmer or _ryot_ is even worse. Sir, if you are ever
+inclined to study the actual conditions of life in India, do not rely
+upon the "conclusions" of your officers as embodied in reports. Study
+the facts, given in the reports, but disregard the conclusions. If you
+seek the aid of an Indian Nationalist he may show you how the reports
+are drawn up, and how dates and figures have been selected to suit
+conclusions. Having been a lawyer most of your life you are well aware
+of the magical properties of special pleading. In the hands of a
+skillful apologist, the figures can be made to mean anything. Better
+still, if you want to have a glimpse of conditions of life in India,
+depute an honest man of the type of Mr. Nevinson to go to Indian
+villages unaccompanied by officials, and see the things for himself; or
+to the slums in towns. The slums of Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Lahore,
+Delhi, Cawnpore, Lucknow, Benares, will throw the slums of London and
+New York far back into the shade. The latter are verily a paradise as
+compared with the former. As to the villages, the less said the better.
+
+The point is in fact conceded by all fair-minded English publicists.
+
+The _Manchester Guardian_, only the other day, discussing the recent
+increase in the cotton duties, questioned "the wisdom and justice" of
+this L100,000,000 exaction from India and admitted that "the loss it
+represents to an extremely poor population like that of India is very
+much greater than the gain to England." Even the _Morning Post_, that
+representative of Jingo Imperialism, recognizes the extreme poverty of
+the masses of India. I will not quote the _Nation_ as you do not like
+that journal. The moneyed classes of India, the Rajas and Maharajas, the
+bankers and mill owners, the industrial corporations that will fill this
+loan could not find a more profitable investment. They get 100 per cent.
+stock for 95 and besides get from 5 to 5-1/2 per cent. interest, in some
+cases free of income tax for thirty years to come. Upon whom will the
+burden of interest fall? Neither on the lender nor on the borrower, but
+mainly on the ryot and the laborer. Do you know, sir, that the average
+price of salt (wholesale) in Lahore, Punjab, had risen from R1-9-7 a
+maund in 1912-13 to R2-7-3 in 1916-17? But that in retail sale "the
+average price of salt per maund (82 lbs.) had risen from R1-14-0 to
+R5-0-0" (_Tribune_, Lahore, March, 1917). The fresh taxation imposed
+since the war, which by this loan-cum-gift transaction of 100 million
+sterling threatens to become permanent, has raised the prices of the
+necessaries of life to an abnormal extent. The wages remain virtually
+the same. Your Government which employs large numbers of laboring men in
+railways, canals, and otherwise have not considered it necessary to
+raise the wages of the workingmen. Will the private employer do
+otherwise? I know from personal knowledge how frightfully the poor
+Indian clerk is sweated in the offices of your Government in India on a
+mere pittance. Can't you feel for the millions of those little ones
+whose already scanty, insufficient food is still further reduced by the
+fresh taxes imposed by your Government to find means to pay the war
+budget and this permanent addition of L6,000,000 a year to their burden?
+Don't you know, sir, that in India there are millions of widows (much
+more than in any other country) who have to support their little ones by
+their own toil and that every penny of additional taxation hits them
+hard. The hardships and privations imposed in Europe by the war are
+nothing as compared with what the Indian masses have been putting up
+with, for the last fifty years or so. The fiscal policy of your
+Government has ruined Indian industry. You know it as well as anyone
+else. Did you notice the letter of Mr. G. W. Forrest in the London
+_Times_ of March 14, 1917, wherein he admitted that "the tale of
+England's dealing with Indian industry was one of littleness and
+injustice," and that "by positive prohibition and heavy duties the
+Indian textile trade in England was destroyed and our own trade was
+fostered." You and your colleagues have used grandiloquent rhetoric in
+your defense of the increase in the cotton duties in India and over your
+concern for India and Indian industries, but you are mistaken if you
+think that anyone in India is likely to be taken in by your hypocritical
+professions. Pardon me, sir, I mean no insult when I say "hypocritical
+professions." The practice is a part of a modern statesman's job. He has
+to create a certain atmosphere before he can make his people believe
+that what he does is the only correct thing to do.
+
+Your cotton duties, sir, afford no relief to the Indian poor. It would
+not have hurt me much, if you had forced or induced the Rajas and the
+Maharajas, the bankers and the capitalists to contribute even more than
+100 million pounds to the war expenses, as it is they who have grown
+fat, if anyone in India has, under the British regime, but to force the
+Indian ryot and the Indian wage earner to do it and to continue to pay
+for it for years to come out of his scanty daily rations is the climax
+of cruelty. Then the unkindest cut of all is that it should come from
+you, whom we had associated with feelings of kindness, and pity, for the
+poor and the workmen.
+
+Your Government has called it a free and spontaneous gift of the people
+of India! If the members of your cabinet, if the Secretary of State for
+India, if the Governor General of India and his ministers of the
+Executive Council, are the people of India, then truly you are right and
+we wrong. If they are not the people of India, as they are not, then it
+is a gift by yourself to yourself, of other peoples' money. Again, the
+statement that the measure was unanimously approved of by the Indian
+members of the council is a _diplomatic lie_. You know that the matter
+was settled between your Cabinet as represented by the Secretary of
+State for India and the Viceroy's Executive Council (which includes only
+one Indian member nominated by you), before it was announced in the
+Legislative Council. You know also, sir, and if you don't, you ought to,
+that the Indian Legislative Council has no power under the law to make
+any changes in the budget. The budget is entirely beyond their purview.
+The members can only extol it or criticise it. They can propose
+resolutions disapproving of some of its provisions which can amount to
+nothing more than pious wishes even if passed. But the official majority
+in the Council guarantees the defeat of any hostile resolutions by
+non-official members. Re this loan-cum-gift transaction, the
+non-official members of the Legislative Council put a seal on their
+mouths because they thought it was useless to incur the risk of being
+called disloyal for a matter which was reported to them as a _fait
+accompli_ and which they could not in any way change or modify; yet two
+of them did raise a sort of feeble protest.
+
+
+ IT IS NOT A GIFT BY THE PEOPLE OF INDIA
+
+The press comments on it, however subdued and timid and halting, leave
+no doubt about the real mind of India in the matter. The truth has been
+pointed out by the _Manchester Guardian_ and the _Nation_. (Beg your
+pardon, sir, for mentioning the _Nation_ again). The former, in its
+issue of March 15, remarked: "It is we, who govern India and not the
+Indian people. The initiative in all financial proposals necessarily
+comes from the government we appoint in India, and these cannot reach
+the light of public discussion in the Legislative Council or elsewhere
+until they have received the sanction of the Secretary of State for
+India here. For Mr. Chamberlain to throw off upon Indian people the
+responsibility for originating and devising the 100 million contribution
+is as unconvincing a rhetorical exercise as the House of Commons has
+witnessed for many a long day. The responsibility from the first to the
+last is his and that of the Indian Government. We have said more than
+once, and we repeat it that in our opinion a wise statesmanship would
+both find better uses in India for India's millions and employ India
+more advantageously for the common cause by using more of her manhood
+and less of her money," I will not quote the _Nation_, sir, which is on
+this point as explicit, if not more, as the _Manchester Guardian_.
+
+Now, sir, you know that India has been very eager to fight for the
+Empire. She has supplied you with about 350,000 troops in this war,
+paying for their services and equipment herself. But 350,000 do not
+represent even a fraction of her man power, the whole of which she was
+prepared to throw in this struggle. While Australia and Canada and
+Ireland have either rejected conscription or are shirking, India has
+been clamoring for it. You can no longer say that you could not utilize
+India's manhood because of the prejudice of color. That shibboleth has
+been shattered by this war and, we hope, for good. The colored people of
+Asia and Africa are fighting in numbers alongside of the best European
+troops. Poor people! They believe they are fighting to make the world
+"safe for democracy!" You cannot say that Indians are lacking in
+fighting qualities, because the existence of them in a high degree they
+have proved conclusively in face of difficulties, by no means light and
+contemptible. That the Indian soldier can hold his own in Europe, even
+better than the European soldier in Southern Asia, has been established
+beyond the shadow of a doubt by the experiences of this war. Why, then,
+won't you use India's manhood and relieve her of this financial exaction
+which she can ill afford to meet, without suffering egregiously?
+
+
+ INDIA'S TEEMING MILLIONS WANT FOOD AND
+ KNOWLEDGE OF THREE R'S
+
+The question for India's teeming millions is not "how to live well" but
+how to live at all. There is no question of comforts for them. What they
+want, and do not get, is sufficient and nourishing food and a knowledge
+of the three R's. Your Government is unable to give them the first, and
+persists in refusing to give them the second; yet when an Indian
+publicist loses patience and says "slavery has deprived Indians of
+wealth, honors and freedom, and has reduced them to destitution and
+starvation," your Viceroy in India cites it as an instance of depraved
+journalism and a justification for the gagging of the press. He
+complains that "there are papers in India which magnify the ills from
+which she suffers" and "which harp upon plague, famine, malaria and
+poverty" and "ascribe them all to the curse of an alien government." May
+I ask, sir, if it is not a fact that millions in India die of famine,
+plague, and malaria? Is it not a fact that the curses and the appalling
+effects of them, are directly or indirectly traceable to poverty? Many
+countries on the face of the earth do not grow food sufficient for
+themselves while India does. Why then should India alone suffer from
+famines when her food supply, once in a while, falls short of the
+ordinary year of agricultural "prosperity?" If even during famine years
+India can supply food to other nations by exports of wheat and other
+grains, why can't she keep that food at home and feed her own hungry
+children? Why should plague have stayed in India so long? Why should
+malaria exact such a heavy annual toll there? The reason is obvious.
+Because of the ignorance and poverty of the people.
+
+Let us assume that India has not grown poorer under British rule, though
+there is abundant evidence to the contrary, that the masses have become
+poorer and are becoming poorer every day; let us also assume that in the
+matter of education India was worse off under native rule--_i. e._,
+before the introduction of the British rule--a period of history when no
+other part of the world was any the better. Is it not a matter of shame,
+that after 150 years of British rule, when most of the other national
+governments in other parts of the world have reduced their illiteracy
+almost to zero point, India should still have more than 90% of its
+population illiterate. Is it not a matter of shame, that of all the
+grain producing countries of the world India alone should be so
+miserably situated as to be unable to supply sufficient and nourishing
+food to her sons and daughters. Don't you think, sir, that the Indians
+have reason to feel sore when they see that the food grown by them is
+denied to them; that it is almost snatched from their mouths; that
+others should eat the food which is grown by them, that even in the best
+of years millions of them must be contented with only one meal a day,
+and that of the coarsest grain.
+
+Do you remember, Mr. Lloyd George, how bitter you felt against the
+capitalist, when you yourself in your boyhood, felt the pinch of want?
+Have you forgotten all that you said in the Lime-house speech? I repeat
+that the sufferings of the British laborer and workingmen, the trials of
+the British poor are nothing compared with those of the Indian ryot and
+the Indian workingmen and the Indian clerks in your employ in that
+country. Yet you have no feeling to spare for them, and those that have,
+you and your Government brand as malcontents and seditionists. Don't you
+think, sir, that the Indian ryot and the Indian poor are being crushed
+under the weight of two capitalisms superimposed upon each other--one
+foreign and the other indigenous? When we ask for freedom to manage our
+own affairs you say we are not fit to do so. But what can we do to
+ourselves which will be worse than what you have done us? If left free,
+we might bring to book the indigenous capitalists whom, in the interests
+of your own capitalists, you have been supporting and fattening. But
+even if we fail to do so, we shall at any rate have upon us the burden
+of only a single weight. Your colleagues say that in refusing
+self-government to India they are actuated by devotion to India; that
+they do not want to hand over the millions of India to the tender
+mercies of a small minority of educated and wealthy men in whose hands
+the government will inevitably drift. Supposing it does, it will be easy
+for the masses to keep the minority in check. They can revolt and rebel,
+but under your Government the bureaucracy is all powerful. The truth is,
+sir, that the condition of these very millions, in whose interests, you
+say, you are reluctant to give power to the educated and the wealthy
+few, is a standing condemnation of your government there. The educated
+minority and the wealthy few are fairly well off under your regime. It
+is the ignorant ryot and the millions of workingmen and women who
+suffer. In the words of one of your distinguished writers (W. Lily),
+they do not live but just exist.
+
+Recently the _Times_ said that the British were "the trustees of the
+welfare of India's millions." Who are these millions for whom you are
+trustees? Are they those homeless, educationless millions who get only
+one meal a day or are they those who have benefitted from your schools
+and are wealthy? If the former, you have failed in your trust. If the
+latter, they are quite fit to manage their own affairs. It was only the
+other day that Mr. Austen Chamberlain was reported to have said
+(_Times_, London, March 30) at a luncheon given to him and the India's
+so-called representatives at the Imperial conference (one of whom was a
+Lieutenant Governor interested in extending India's sphere of
+subjection) that "India will not remain and ought not to remain content
+to be a hewer of wood and a drawer of water for the rest of the Empire."
+Noble words these, full of hope and encouragement. But what a sad and a
+crushing acknowledgment of the present helpless condition of India. It
+is a truthful statement for which the Indians ought to be grateful to
+Mr. Chamberlain. At the present moment India is a mere "hewer of wood
+and a drawer of water" for the rest of the Empire. Against that her sons
+protest, and will continue to protest, as long as the wrongs of the
+country are not redressed, your press act, your sedition laws, jails and
+prisons notwithstanding.
+
+The position, Mr. Lloyd George, is pathetic. When we ask for more outlay
+on education, you say, no, the condition of the finances will not permit
+of that. When we point out the way to find finances, you say, "no,
+further taxes are impossible and retrenchment in public expenditure in
+other departments undesirable." When we say, "give us the management and
+we will do it," you say, "no you are unfit." The result is that you will
+neither educate the masses yourself nor will you let us educate them.
+Yet you hold their ignorance a valid ground for refusing us our right to
+manage our own affairs. When, however, you want money for Imperial
+purposes you raise loans, impose taxes, and reduce public expenditure on
+education and public works. You have done this not only now, for the
+purposes of this bloody war, but you have done so in the past in
+building railways for your merchants and to fight your wars in Africa,
+in China, in Afghanistan, in fact, all over the old world. It is true
+the present is a trying time for you and you may have a pretence of
+justification in this crisis in your Imperial life. But so long as you
+refuse the conscription of wealth in your home islands, what right have
+you to impose this conscription of India's money resources? You have not
+forced the dominions to make monetary contributions. In fact you have
+advanced them over L140,000,000 from your own funds. You have not so far
+called upon the British capitalists to pay even a fraction of their
+wealth. You have simply taxed their excessive profits. Why should you
+have made an exception in the case of India? India is the poorest part
+of the Empire. Yet it is she who has been selected for this exceptional
+treatment. She had already made lavish gifts of money and provisions and
+equipment. Her gifts were in entire disproportion to her means. Compared
+with your dominions' resources and their money sacrifices India's
+contribution stood higher than those of the former. Yet you selected
+India for this compulsory money contribution because India is the only
+part of the Empire which you could thus treat. India is the only part of
+the Empire which has been forced to give $500,000,000 as a _free gift_.
+Even the fabulously rich United States which have made huge war profits
+from you and your other allies have not thought of a national gift. Yet
+imperial sophistry represented by your imperial publicists and
+officials, represents that Great Britain exacts no tribute from India
+and makes no profit out of her connection with India and that she rules
+India simply out of philanthropic and humanitarian motives.
+
+
+ WASTE
+
+One would have thought that under the pressure of the war, your
+Government in India would make an honest and earnest effort to reduce
+expenditure on public services, at least under heads mainly ornamental
+or which only afford luxuries to your agents in India; but on the other
+hand, what is the actual situation? A perusal of the proceedings of the
+Imperial Legislative Council and also of the Provincial Councils shows
+that all efforts made by the non-official members to obtain additional
+money for education and sanitation by the reduction of expenditure on
+luxuries, were opposed by your Government, and were consequently
+defeated. All efforts to reduce expenditure on comforts were of course
+resisted by those who enjoyed them, and it is they whose votes count in
+the Indian Councils. For example, it was proposed that the huge
+expenditure incurred by the different Government Departments, Imperial
+and Provincial, in moving to the Hills for seven months of the year,
+should be reduced, at least partially. Many persons competent to express
+an opinion on the subject, among them Lord Carmichael, the retiring
+Governor of Bengal, have placed it on record that this "exodus to the
+hills" was not necessary, and was in fact prejudicial to the interests
+of good government; yet the Government opposed the motion of the
+non-official member and he was forced to withdraw it. A similar motion
+to curtail the expenditure on the ornamentation of the residence of the
+Lieutenant Governor of the United Provinces was also opposed and met a
+similar fate. The huge allowances made to the heads of the different
+governments in India for kitchen expenses, for dispensing hospitality,
+and for traveling in royal style have not been reduced by a penny. The
+Punjab Government has provided in its current budget a large amount of
+money for providing palatial residences for its officers in summer
+resorts, and has sanctioned large pensions, from father to son, for a
+few of their Indian supporters. These men are mostly wealthy men. They
+did nothing more than help you in your suppressive and exploiting
+policy. Your Government naturally rewards them. Is it not bribery. If an
+expert financier were to examine into these items, which can only pass
+unchallenged in a country wherein the people have no voice in the
+raising of the taxes and in spending them, it would be found that great
+savings could be effected and the money thus made available used for
+other urgent needs of the people. The fact is that the Indian ryot who
+pays for all these extravagances has no voice to check the vagaries of
+those who spend his money for their own comforts. I have not mentioned
+the lavish scale on which special traveling allowances are granted to
+high officials in India. It is a matter of common knowledge that these
+officials do not spend as much as they draw under this head. Yet it is
+actually proposed that the salaries and the allowances for the European
+members of the Indian services be substantially raised. _Verily,
+taxation without representation_ is a crime of the worst possible kind.
+
+
+ DEMOCRACY
+
+Mr. Lloyd George, you and your colleagues in the Government of Great
+Britain, say that in fighting the Germans you are fighting the battle of
+Democracy, to make the world safe from autocracy and militarism, that
+you are fighting for rights of small nations, and for the domination of
+right over might. The United States has joined the war for the same
+reason. I have seen numerous recruiting posters exhibited in New York
+City exhorting young Americans to enlist in the army "to make the world
+safe" for Democracy. I have not the slightest doubt of the sincerity of
+the American professions because their international record is so far
+clean. Vide their record in Cuba and the Philippines. Can we say the
+same for Great Britain? I am afraid not, so long at least, as you
+continue to deny self-government to India, the second of the two biggest
+democracies of the world. Here is a nation of 315 million human beings
+(or say several nations, if you wish, as your publicists are so fond of
+repeating _ad nauseam_ that India is not a nation) whom you are
+governing by the force of might, without their consent, and on
+absolutely despotic lines; whom you deny freedom of speech, freedom of
+association and freedom of education; whom you tax without their consent
+and then spend those taxes outside of their country, and in providing
+luxuries to your representatives in India or in bribing such Indians as
+uphold you in your possessions. I have no doubt that you are sincere in
+your denunciation of German militarism. For myself I have no use for
+Czars and Kaisers, Emperors and Sultans, and I dare say that you, too,
+have none. Thus I am in full sympathy with your efforts to exterminate
+the race of Kaisers. So far you are right. But an Indian cannot help
+smiling rather cynically when he hears you saying that you are waging
+the war to make the world safe for democracy. Your conduct in India and
+in Egypt, and in Persia belies your protestations.
+
+
+ AS TO SMALL NATIONS
+
+In defending your conduct you urge that India is not a nation. Very
+well, sir, divide India into small nations and give them self-government
+separately. You will admit that there are parts of India which are
+homogenous, entitled to be called small nations in the sense in which
+Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, and Holland are. The bulk of the
+population follow the same religion, speak the same language and belong
+to the same race. Remember, please, that I do not admit that India is
+not a nation or that the sameness of language, religion and race is
+necessary for a political national existence. Switzerland, Canada, the
+United States, South Africa, Russia, and Austria-Hungary have demolished
+that theory.
+
+The apologists of the present system of Government in India say that the
+Indian people are not sufficiently educated in the principles and
+practice of politics and that their ignorance and illiteracy make it
+necessary for the British to continue to rule them from without, until
+they are fit to establish and maintain a democratic form of government.
+I have already made some remarks about illiteracy and shown that the
+responsibility for it rests on your shoulders. If you, sir, are to be
+the sole judge of the educational requirements of the Indian people,
+their progress is bound to hang on your convenience. No one in
+possession is anxious to be dispossessed and if the time and method of
+his dispossession is to be determined by himself, then woe to the
+dispossessed! But, sir, you forget that literacy is not education. The
+Indian masses have a background of centuries of culture which places
+them in the matter of intelligence and character, in a better position
+than even the literate millions of European and American countries. And
+after all, it is intelligence and culture that count most in the fixing
+of final values.
+
+As for their training in political life, how are they to get it, if you
+make it a penal offence for their leaders to tell them that the present
+system of Government is unnatural, harmful, and a hindrance to progress?
+The masses cannot grasp principles unless one illustrates these
+principles by their application to the affairs of every day life. Your
+Government and your courts say that an agitation for home rule is legal
+and permissible, but any criticism that is likely to create
+dissatisfaction is illegal and deserves to be suppressed high-handedly.
+You know from experience, sir, that the masses require to be led. No
+government is willing to make changes unless compelled from below. That
+is as true of democratic America as of monarchical England. Much more
+must it be so in the case of countries under foreign yoke. To carry the
+people with them, the leaders must expose the existing evils and stress
+the necessity and urgency of sweeping changes in political conditions.
+The moment they proceed to do so with any degree of effectiveness, they
+are charged with an attempt to create disaffection and convicted of
+sedition. Do you honestly believe that any people on the face of the
+earth can make any progress in political education when they are ruled
+by a Press Act which stops criticism and discussion in the following
+terms:
+
+ SECTION OF THE INDIAN PRESS ACT OF 1910
+
+ Whenever it appears to the Local Government that any printing
+ press in respect of which any security has been deposited as
+ required by Section 3 is used for the purpose of printing or
+ publishing any newspaper, book, or other document containing any
+ words, signs or visible representations which are likely to have
+ a tendency directly, or indirectly, whether by inference,
+ suggestion, allusion, metaphor, implication or otherwise:
+
+ (a) To incite to murder or to any offense under the Explosives
+ Substances Act of 1908, or to any act of violence or
+
+ (b) To seduce any officer, soldier, or sailor in the Army or
+ Navy of His Majesty from his allegiance or his duty or
+
+ (c) To bring into hatred or contempt His Majesty or the
+ Government established by the law in British India, or the
+ Administration of Justice in British India or any native Prince
+ or Chief under the suzeranity of His Majesty or any class or
+ section of His Majesty's subjects in British India or to excite
+ disaffection towards His Majesty or the said Government or any
+ such Prince or Chief or
+
+ (d) To put any person in fear or to cause any annoyance to him
+ and thereby induce him to deliver to any person any property or
+ valuable security, or to do any act which he is not legally
+ bound to do or to omit any act which he is legally entitled to
+ do or
+
+ (e) To encourage or incite any person to interfere with the
+ administration of the law or with the maintenance of law and
+ order or
+
+ (f) To convey any threat of injury to a public servant, or to
+ any person in whom the public servant is believed to be
+ interested, with a view to inducing that person to do any act or
+ to forbear to do any act connected with the exercise of his
+ public functions the Local Government may, by notice in writing
+ to the keeper of such printing press, stating or describing the
+ words, signs or visible representations which in its opinion are
+ of the nature described above, declare the security deposited in
+ respect of such Press and all copies of such newspaper, book, or
+ other document wherever found to be forfeited to His Majesty.
+
+ EXPLANATION I: In clause c the expression disaffection includes
+ disloyalty and all feelings of enmity.
+
+ EXPLANATION II: Comments expressing the disapproval of the
+ measures of the Government of any such native Prince or Chief as
+ aforesaid with a view to obtain their alteration by lawful means
+ or of the administration or other action of the Government or
+ any such native Prince or Chief or of the administration of
+ Justice in British India without exciting or attempting to
+ excite hatred, contempt, or disaffection, do not come under the
+ scope of clause c.
+
+Can any people make headway in the art of self-government who are
+governed by a foreign bureaucracy aided by an army of Indian Czars
+regulating the very minutest details of their life? You know that this
+over government of India is a direct result of your rule. Before you
+came the Indian village was a self-governed unit. (See statements of
+Monroe, Elphinstone, Metcalfe, and Lawrence.) Even now the people in the
+Native States are in this respect better off than the people of British
+India. The Education Minister of your Cabinet, Mr. H. A. L. Fisher has,
+after a visit to India, placed it on record that "the inhabitants of a
+well governed Native State are, on the whole, happier and more contented
+than the inhabitants of British India. They are more lightly taxed; the
+pace of the administration is less urgent and exacting. They feel that
+they do things for themselves instead of having everything done by a
+cold and alien benevolence." Yet if an Indian leader were to point this
+out and ask the Indian masses to improve their lot by demanding and
+winning for themselves the right to manage their own affairs, and by
+driving out those influences that stand in their way, he would be
+persecuted and imprisoned or transported.
+
+The first axiom for political progress is that the people should
+throw away their attitude of submission to oppression, tyranny,
+high-handedness, and conditions of slavery whether imposed by a national
+or a foreign Government. They have a right to revolt if they have the
+means to do so successfully. But in any case, they have a right to
+discuss, agitate and organize for changes. This they cannot do unless
+they have a free press, a free platform, and the right of free
+association. In India the first is denied by the Press Act, the second
+by the comprehensive sections of the Penal Code, and the third by the
+so-called "Seditious Meetings Act." What little was left has been done
+away with under the extensive powers taken and exercised by the
+Executive under the plea of war exigency by the "Defense of India Act."
+While every other part of the Empire, including the "Mother Country" is
+discussing political and economic changes of an extremely radical
+character, such as the establishment of a more effective Imperial
+Parliament and Preferential Tariffs after the war, not to speak of
+constructive programmes for education, and industrial rejuvenation, the
+Indian leaders are "officially" advised to be mum, and any effort to
+rouse the country to a consciousness of its rights and duties is
+characterized as perverted, ill-timed, and inconsistent with loyalty.
+
+The advocates of "Home Rule" are being openly hampered in their
+propaganda. Papers advocating home rule have been persecuted, and
+leaders have been prohibited from entering provincial areas. But what is
+worse is that the Criminal Investigation Department have been instructed
+to take down the names of all those who have enlisted in the cause,
+either as active or passive workers. A deputation of representatives of
+the press that waited on the Viceroy to lay their grievances before him
+has been lectured on the impropriety of thus raising the question at
+this juncture and has otherwise been treated with shocking discourtesy.
+
+In conclusion, let me ask you, sir, to notice the coercive methods by
+which the War Loan is being raised in India. Poor underpaid subordinate
+officials are being forced to purchase Government stock. They will
+surely purchase the stock and win the good-will of their officers, but
+just as surely they will squeeze the cost out of the people. That will
+be strictly in accord with the standards of loyalty set up by your
+officials!
+
+Mr. David Lloyd George, I have addressed this letter to you, because at
+this moment you seem to be the only British statesman possessed of
+imagination. Exercise your imagination, sir, a little and save India for
+the Empire; win the gratitude and blessings of a fifth of the human
+race--of a people who were one of the first pioneers of civilization in
+the world, who laid the foundations of culture, which you profess to be
+so very anxious to save. Remember that the Indians were rich,
+prosperous, free, self-governing, civilized and great, both in peace and
+war, when not only Britain but even "Greece and Rome were nursing the
+tenants of the wilderness." The Indians have lost their freedom because
+they oppressed the people under them and as surely as night follows day,
+the British will lose all that makes them great to-day, if they continue
+to oppress and exploit the subject races within their Empire. The world
+cannot be safe for democracy unless India is self-governed. Nor can
+there be any lasting peace in the world, so long as India and China are
+not strong enough to protect themselves.
+
+Pardon me, sir, if I have disturbed you at such a critical moment;
+though it is folly to presume that you could be disturbed in the
+slightest degree by such a letter. I have written it out of a sense of
+duty as sacred as that which inspires you in your herculean task; and if
+you are inclined to think harshly of me for this letter, just try to put
+yourself in my position and decide what then would be your point of
+view.
+
+ LAJPAT RAI.
+New York City, June 13, 1917.
+
+
+
+
+ Transcriber Notes:
+
+Passages in italics were indicated by _underscores_.
+
+Small caps were replaced with ALL CAPS.
+
+Throughout the dialogues, there were words used to mimic accents of
+the speakers. Those words were retained as-is.
+
+Errors in punctuations and inconsistent hyphenation were not corrected
+unless otherwise noted.
+
+Page 11, "Deva Bhumi" was replaced with "Deva Bhumi".
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Open Letter to the Right Honorable
+David Lloyd George, by Lajpat Rai
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